THE Catholic Church COLONIAL DAYS. THE THIRTEEN COLONIES— THE OTTAWA AND ILLINOIS COUNTRY— LOUISIANA— FLORIDA— TEXAS— NEW MEXICO AND ARIZONA. 1521-1763. n^ITH PORTRAITS, VIEIVS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES. JOHN GILMARY SHEA. NEW YORK: JOHN G. SHEA. 1886. Copyright, 1886, by john gilmary shea. The illustrations in this work is copyrighted, and reproduction is forbidden^ IE MRRSMON COMPANY rRBSS, RAHWAY, N. J. ax 'AO(c ^ V TO THE PATRONS His Eminence, John Cardinal McCloskey ; His Eminence, James Cardinal Gibbons ; their Graces, the Most Rev. M. A. CORRIGAN, D.D. ; JoHN J. WiLLIAMS, D.D. ; PATRICK J. RyAN, D.D. ; William H. Elder, D.D. ; The Rt. Revs. John Lough- LIN, D.D. ; WiNAND M. WiGGER, D.D. ; B. J. McQUAID, D.D. ; John Conroy, D.D. ; John Ireland, D.D. ; John L. Spalding, D.D.; JA3IES Augustine Healy, D.D. ; P. T. O'Reilly, D.D. ; Richard Gilmour, D.D. ; Stephen V. Ryan, D.D. ; Henry CosGROVE, D.D. ; T, F. Hendricken, D.D. ; M. J. O'Farrell, D.D. ; John J. Keane, D.D. ; Denis M. Bradley, D.D. ; Boniface Wimmer, D.D. ; Rt. Rev, Mgrs. Wm. Quinn; T. S. Preston; John M. Farley; James A. Corcoran; Very Revs. I. T. Hecker; Michael D. Lilly, O.P. ; Robert Fulton, S.J.; T. Stefanini, C.P. ; Revs. A. J. Donnelly; E. and P. McSweeny, D.D. ; R. L. Burtsell, D.D. ; John Edwards; C. McCready; James H. McGean; J. J. Dougherty; W. Everett; Thomas S. Lee; J. B. Salter; J. F. Kearney; J. J. Hughes; Thomas Taaffe; Charles P. O'Connor, D.D. ; P. Corrigan; William McDonald; Patrick Hennessey; Laurence Morris; John McKenna; M. J. Brophy; St. Joseph's Seminary, Troy; St. John's College, Fordham; The Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, New York; St. Louis University; St. Xavier's College, Cincinnati; Messrs. Patrick Farrelly 3ryan Laurence ; David Ledwith ; Jose F. Navarro Anthony Kelly ; Henry L. Hoguet ; Eugene Kelly Edward C. Donnelly; John Johnson; William R. Grace Charles Donahoe; W. J. On ah an; Pustet & Co.; Benziger Bros. ; Lawrence Kehoe ; Burns, Gates & Co. ; Hardy & Mahony, :by whose request and aid this work has been undertaken, the present volume is respectfully dedicated. 9557S5 INTRODUCTION. Immediately after the close of the Third Plenary- Council of Baltimore, a movement was set on foot in this city to enable Dr. Gilmary Shea to fulfill his long-cherished desire of writing and publishing a History of the Catholic Church in the United States, worthy of the subject it was designed to com- memorate. Among those who originated this movement, or gave it their cordial approbation and support, were His Eminence Cardinal McCloskey, the Archbishops of Baltimore, Boston, Cincinnati, and Philadelphia, fifteen Bishops, and some fifty others. Rev. Rectors and distinguished members of the laity. A Committee of Ways and Means was also appointed at the time, con- sisting of the undersigned as Chairman, Mgr. Farley as Secretary, the Rev. Arthur J. Donnelly as Treasurer, and of the Rt. Rev. Monsignori Preston and Qiiinn, and the Rev. Drs. McSweeny and Burtsell. . Death has diminished the original number of patrons, as well as the members of the committee, but other generous friends were found to fill the vacancies so made, and the illustrious author had the consolation of seeing his great work practically com- pleted before he himself closed his eyes in death, (v> VI INTRODUCTION. The first volume of this history appeared in 1886, the second in 1888, the third in 1890, and the last chapter of the fourth volume was finished in February, 1892. This brings the History of the Catholic Church in the United States from the year 1521 down to 1866. Ample materials abound for the history of the last twenty-five years, and no doubt some future historian will use them to advantage. It was the intention of Dr. Shea to allow some years to pass before writing the fifth volume, so that, under the mellowing influence of time, events might be judged in a calmer mood and in Juster proportions. Like Venerable Bede, our historian labored faith- fully to the end. No one could have brought to the task a better preparation — unremitting study of a lifetime ; greater devotion to the cause, or more painstaking attention, to accuracy of detail. The Church in the United States owes to his memory a deep debt of gratitude. Future historians will find in his lifelong researches a mine of wealth, and generations to come will rise up and call him blessed. M. A. CORRIGAN, Ah]), of New YorJc. Feast of 8. Bonaventure, July 14, 1892. PREFACE. The History of the Catholic Church in the United States from the earliest period is a topic Avhich was planned and laid out by abler hands than his who, yielding to the wishes of friends throughout the country, presents this series of volumes. The earliest project, that of the Rt. Rev. Simon Brute, the great Bishop of Vincennes, "Catholic America," a work intended to consist of 400 pages octavo, was to give an outline of the history of the Church in South America, Mexico, Central America, and Canada, before taking up the annals of religion in the Thirteen Colonies, and under the Republic. The sketch would have been necessarily very brief, and from the heads of chapters, as given by him, would have been mainly contemporary. Unfortu- nately Bishop Brute seems never to have begun the work. The Rev. Dr. Charles I. White, author of the elegantly written '* Life of Mrs. Eliza A. Seton," had also proposed to write a history of the Church in this country, and with Colonel Bernard U. Campbell col- lected much relating to the early history of religion in Maryland, and drew a rich fund of material from the archives of the Society of Jesus and of the See of (vii) vm PREFACE. Baltimore. His library contained many volumes to aid liim in his work, especially for the French mis- sions at the North, but not for the Spanish territory at the South. It would seem, however, that he never actually wrote any part of his projected work, noth- ing having been found among his papers except a sketch of his x^lan. While the labors of the learned Bishop and priest never appeared for the instruction and encouragement of the Catholic body in this country, a contribution to the Ecclesiastical History of the United States was made by a French gentleman sojourning in our land, Henri de Courcy de la Roche Heron, one of the col- laborators under Louis Yeuillot in the Paris "Uni- vers," an excellent Catholic, noble, talented, and gifted with keen appreciation and judgment, became engaged in mercantile affairs in New York. He con- tinued his contributions to the " Univers," and find- ing that the ideas he had imbibed in France as to the history of the Church in this country were very in- correct, he set to work in his leisure moments to ob- tain, from the best sources accessible, a clearer and more accurate view. He was encouraged by many high in position in the Churcli. Bishop Brute's papers were opened to him ; he received important aid from Archbishop Kenrick and from Bishops and priests in all parts of the country. I placed at his disposal the books and collections I had made. In time he began a series of articles in the " Univers." They attracted attention, and I translated them for PREFACE. IX some of our Catholic papers. When his articles had treated of the history of the Church in Maryland, Pennsylvania, and New York in iDart, declining health compelled him to return to Europe, where he soon after died. His articles were never collected in book form in French, but the English translation was issued here, and has been for some thirty years the most comprehensive account accessible of the history of the Church in this country. He treated the sub- ject from his point of view as a French Legitimist, and, while I respected him, in many cases I could not share his ideas ; I simply translated his words. It is a stigma on us that the memory of this gallant Chris- tian gentleman has been more than once cruelly assailed. He had not assumed to instruct American Catholics in the history of their Church, and did not write for them, or seek to press his work on their notice. He wrote honestly, and in good faith, after greater research than any of our own writers had given to the subject. That his work, abruptly closed by death, has done service, is evident from the con- stant references to it by all wlio have since written on the history of the Church in this republic, although it treated only of a very limited part of the subject. In preparing the work I have used a collection of printed books and unpublished manuscripts, made patiently and laboriously by many years of search and inquiry ; and embracing much gathered by my deceased friends, Buckingham Smith, Esq., Colonel B. U. Campbell, Rev. Charles. I. White, D. D., Rev. J. A. Ferland, X PREFACE. and by Father Felix Martin, S. J. I have been aided in an especial manner by access to the archives of the diocese of Baltimore, afforded me by His Eminence Cardinal Gibbons ; to those of the diocese and Semi- nary of Quebec by His Eminence Cardinal Taschereau, ■who has enabled me also to profit by his own re- searches ; to those of the Maryland and New York Province of the Society of Jesns, afforded by the Very Rev. Robert Fulton, and for documents obtained from Rome by the kindness of the Most Rev. Michael A. Corrigan, D. D., Archbishop of New York. I return thanks for constant and valuable assistance to Most Rev. Archbishop Williams, D. D., of Boston, Most Rev. Archbishop CBrien, D. D., of Halifax, Very Rev. Mgr, Quigly, Very Rev. H. Van den Sanden, and also for documents from the Rt. Rev. Bishop of Havana through Bishop Moore of St. Augustine, and to Rev. W. P. Tracy, Mr. William C. Preston, Major Edmond Mallet, and Oscar W. Coclet, Esq. Great assistance was afforded by the early registers of St. Augustine, Mobile, Pensacola, Detroit, Kaskaskia, Vincennes, San Antonio, and other Texan missions, for which I am indebted to Rt. Rev. Bishops Moore, O' Sullivan, Borgess, Chatard, Neraz, Maes, and the Rev. Administrator of Alton. Besides the material thus obtained, the colonial newspapers down to 1763 were examined as far as possible, with very scanty result indeed, to obtain what scattered notices of Catholic life might be found in the columns of those early journals. T am also indebted to the Royal PREFACE. xi Academy of History, Madrid, for important papers, and to Mr. Sainsbury, and Rev. J. H. Pollen, S. J., for documents from the British archives. To Senor Bachiller y Morales, the Lenox Library, New York, Maryland and Wisconsin Historical Societies, I owe much. At the solicitation of a venerated friend, I have given the authorities in my notes, although scholars generally have been compelled to abandon the plan by the dishonesty of those who copy the references and pretend to have consulted books and documents they never saw, and frequently could not read. The worthies of the early American Church and its monuments are, as a rule, overlooked in the general and local histories of the country. For this reason no expense has been spared to obtain and present fittingly portraits of the most distinguished person- ages, views of the oldest chapels, institutions, and sites connected with the Church, relics of the last cen- turies, facsimiles of registers, and of the signatures of Bishops, priests, and religious 'whose labors are recorded in these pages. For aid in obtaining illustrations, I am indebted to Rev. Father Macias of Zacatecas, the venerable Father Felix Martin, the Jesuit Fathers in Maryland, George Alfred Townsend, Esq., Professor Butler, Jus- tin Winsor, Esq., of Harvard College, Professor Ed- wards of Notre Dame, Miss E. C. Brent of Washing- ton, the Weld family of Lulworth Castle, as well as the Carmelite Nuns, S. M. Sener, Esq., and others, to mi PREFACE. all of whom 1 express iiij^ sincere thanks, as I do to General John S. Clark for his invaluable topographical guidance and the clear and accurate mission map of New York. The first volume of the series treats of the Colonial Days, the Thirteen Colonies, the Ottawa and Illinois country, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona. The second volume embraces the history of the Church in the original diocese of Baltimore and in that of Louisiana and the Floridas, carrying the narrative from 1763 to 1815. In the growth of Catholicity dur- ing that period the Most Reverend John Carroll, Pre- fect Apostolic of the United States, Bishop of Balti- more, and first Archbishop of that See, stands as a noble and central figure for nearly thirty years in the affairs of the Church. Only during the last decade of Colonial days was he absent from his native land : then his priestly labors began ; he witnessed the struggle for national existence, full of j)Jitriotic sym- pathy, and giving his country's cause all the support compatible with his sacred calling. The efforts of Bishop Challoner at an early date to be relieved of his responsibility for the transatlantic portion of his flock, and to obtain the appointment of a Vicar Apostolic ; the difficulties that arose, and the subsequent i)roject of extending the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Quebec to Pennsylvania and Maryland, when the conquest of Canada had brought all North- ern America under the British sway, have never yet been known. PREFACE. xili For the history of the Church in this country at that period I have drawn mainly on the archives of the Society of Jesus, and on a series of letters by Father Joseph Mosley, which I owe to the kindness of Mr. Alex. T. Knight. The part taken by Catholics during the Revolution had been so strangely misrepresented that it was necessary to present the truth distinctly, and to give some notes of the action of the Chaplain of the French embassy, as well as of what little can be ascertained of the clergymen who accompanied the French army and fleets. The part taken by the Catholics north- west of the Ohio could not be overlooked. Docu- ments obtained fron the late Father Frietag, C.SS.R., the Quebec archives, the registers of Detroit, Vin- cennes. Fort Chatres, and Kaskaskia have been used carefully. After the Revolution the organization of the clergy, the steps taken to obtain an ecclesiastical superior, the strange intrigue to place this country under a Bishop to reside in France, and the final appointment of Dr. Carroll as Prefect Apostolic are presented at length by the aid of the Maryland records and extracts from the archives of France and Spain, for which I am indebted to Mr. Robert de Crevecoeur, the Hon. J. S. M. Curry, U. S. Minister to the Court of Spain, and to Seiior Santa Maria, Custodian of the Archives. The correspondence and papers of Archbishop Car- roll from 1785 have been the guide in tracing his Epis- XIV PREFACE. copal career, with the archives of the Maryland prov- ince, the writings of Messrs. Dilhet and Tessier of Saint Sulpice, and documents x^laced at my disposal by Very Rev. A. L. Magnien, Superior of St. Mary's, Baltimore, as well as local information and notes from many sources. I am indebted for important aid to the Fathers of the University College, Dublin, and to the Provincial of the English Province, as well as to the Dominican Fathers and the late Ambrose A. White. The third volume treats of the history of the Church for a period of nearly thirty years, and carries the narrative of the diocese of Baltimore from the death of Archbishop Carroll in 1815 to the Fifth Provincial Council of Baltimore in 1843 ; with the history to that time of the suffragan dioceses of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Bardstown from their erection in 1808, of Charleston and Richmond from their erec- tion in 1820, Cincinnati in 1821, Detroit, 1833, Vin- cennes in 1834, Nashville in 1838, and Natchez in 1841. The history of the diocese of Louisiana, and the Sees which grew out of it, New Orleans, St. Louis, Mobile, and Dubuque are then brought down to the same epoch. As the Vicariate of Texas was also repre- sented in the Fifth Provincial Council, its history is here sketched, so that the condition of all the dioceses and vicariates represented in that august assembly are thus given. The fourth volume embraces the history from the PREFACE. XV Fifth Provincial Council of Baltimore, 1843, to the Second Plenary Council, 1866. My historical, linguistic, and other studies have through life been pursued after daily attention to my usual avocations. Not long after the production of the "Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll," an acci- dent rendered me helpless for months, a prisoner on my couch, able to continue literary work only with great disadvantage and difficulty. While in this condition an intrigue, impelled apparently by hostility to my faith, deprived me of what had long been my means of support. The continuance of this history seemed to become a task possible only at intervals, amid new and unfa- miliar labors. It was not easy to see that Providence designed my work to be completed as it had been pro- jected, but the reverse was soon apparent. The centenary of Georgetown University was held before I was even able to sit up ; and that ancient seat of learning conferred upon me, amid the inspiring exercises of the occasion, an honor unparalleled and unexpected, — the striking and presentation of a gold medal to me, "as the historian of the Catholic Church in America," for my work, the "Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll." It increased the honor by conferring upon me the degree of Doctor of Laws and enrolling me among the Alumni who had been graduated from its venerable halls. To the President, the Rev. J. Havens Richards, XVI PREFACE. and Faculty of the University I here express my deepest gratitude. The Rev. P. A. Treacy of Burlington, N. J., to M'hom I was already indebted for more than one mark of appreciation and kindness, unknown to me began a movement to present a testimonial to me. He was at once encouraged by his Eminence Cardinal Gibbons. The responses to the letters of Rev. P. A. Treacy were numerous and cordial ; and the testi- monial which was the result was as flattering as it was beneficial. As some token of my grateful regard, I dedicate the third volume to him and to them. The Rev. Patrick Corrigan of Hoboken, at the time of the Catholic Congress, which, though crippled, I succeeded in reaching, undertook a movement to re- lieve me from all other work until I completed my series ; and I give a dedication of the fourth volume to him and to his generous co-operators, as an expres- sion of my earnest and heartfelt sense of gratitude. ; The work, which I have endeavored to do carefully and conscientiously, has cost me more labor and anx- iety than any book I ever wrote ; it has caused me not seldom to regret that I had undertaken a task of such magnitude. To my fellow-students of American history, from whom I have for so many long years received encouragement, sympathy, and aid, I submit my work with some confidence, trusting to their past courtesy and kindness. New light is to some extent thrown on the voyages of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Captain Weymouth, on Ay lion's voyage, and the PREFACE. xvu general histor}^ of Virginia, Georgia, and Florida, on the Capuchins in Main, the New Mexico missions, and the development of the Catholic Church in the Mississippi Valley and Texas. From those of my own faith I ask forbearance, hoping that the volumes may prove of some service till a writer with a clearer head for research, more patience in acquiring the necessary books and docu- ments, and greater knowledge and skill in presenting the results affords the Catholics of the United States a book adequate to the subject ; and I trust that the Catholic public will accept this History of the Church with some of the kindness which has prompted such a self-sacrificing spirit to enable me to complete it. John Gilmary Shea. CONTENTS. Introdtjction. PAOB V BOOK I. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE ENGLISH COLONIES. • CHAPTER I. . EARLY PBOJECTS OF SETTLEMENT. Position of Catholics in England— Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerard plan a Catholic Settlement in Norumbega under Sir Humphrey Gilbert — Queen Elizabeth sanctions it — Winslade's Project — Lord Arundell of Wardour — Opposed by Father Persons — Sir George Calvert proposes a Settlement in Newfoundland — Visits Virginia — Repulsed— Obtains a Charter for Maryland 17 CHAPTER II. - CATHOLICITY PLANTED IN MARYLAND, 1634-1646. The Ark and Dove — The Society of Jesus undertakes the Mission — Fathers Andrevr White and Altham— First Mass on St. Cle- ment's Isle — City of St. Mary's founded — A Chapel — Indian Missions begun — Lands taken up by Father Copley — Catholic Preponderance — Questions raised by Missionaries — Conversion of Indian Chief Chilomacon — Labors of Missionaries — Death of Father Brock — Lord Baltimore solicits Secular Priests from Rome — Is reconciled to the Jesuits — Puritans take possession — Missionaries arrested and sent to England — Father Andrew "White — Fathers Rigbie and Cooper die in Virginia 37 (xix) XX CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. THE MARYLAND MISSION RESTORED, 1648-1668. The Act of Toleration — The Puritans overthrow the Government — Missionaries escape to Virginia — Lord Baltimore's Authority restored — Father Fitzherbert's Case — Bretton's Chapel 6? CHAPTER IV. THE JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS IN MARYLAND, 1669-1690. Mgr. Agretti's Report to the Propaganda— A Franciscan Mission- Father Massaeus Massey — Catholic Classical School — First Protestant Ministers — Sir Edmund Plowden and New Albion — Catholics in New Jersey — Dongan, Catholic Governor of New York — Jesuit Mission and School — Catholics in othei Colonies — The Vicars-Apostolic in England— Fall of James II. —State of Catholicity in 1690 7^ BOOK II. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE SPANISH COLONIES. CHAPTER I. THE CHUBCH IN FLORIDA, 1513-1561. Ponce de Leon discovers Florida — Attempted Settlement in 1521 with Priests and Religious — Ayllou's discovery — Settlement at San Miguel de Guandape on James River, Virginia — The Dominican Father Anthony de Montesinos at San Miguel — Death of Ayllon — Expedition of Narvaez — The Franciscan Father Jnlm Xuarcz and other Priests — Soto's Exi)edition ac- companied by secular and regular Priests — The Franciscan Father Mark of Nice penetrates to New Mexico — Coronado's Expedition — In the Valley of the Mississippi — Death of the Franciscan Father Padilla — Heroic attempt of the Dominican Father Cancer — Tristan de Luna attempts a Settlement — Do- minicans with him — Peter Meneudez undertakes to settle Florida — St. Augustine founded — Place of the first Mass — The Parish founded — Jesuit Missions — Father Segura and his Com- panions put to Death in Virginia — Franciscan Missions — In- dian Revolt — Fathers put to Death — Books in the Timuquan Language — Florida visited by Bishoji Cabezas — Religious con- dition-Bishop Calderon — Synod held by Bishop Palacios — Ex- tent of Missions — First attack from Carolina ■ lOO CONTENTS. xxi CHAPTER II. THE CHTRCH IN NEW MEXICO, 1580-1680. Brother Augustine Rodriguez — Mission at Puaray — Missionaries put to Death — Espejo's Expedition — Onate conquers New Mex- ico — Missions established — Their success — V. Mother Mary de Agreda — Father Benavides — Indian Revolt — Missionaries put to Death — Spaniards expelled 183 BOOK III. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN FRENCH TEREITORT. CHAPTER I. FIRST WORK OF THE CHURCH IN MAINE, MICHIGAN, AND NEW YORK, 1611-1652. First Church on De Monts or Neutral Island, Maine — Jesuit Mission at Mount Desert — Its destruction by the Virginians— Canada founded — Father Jogues plants the Cross at Sault St. Marie.^ Taken Prisoner by the Mohawks — His escape— Father Bressani a Captive — Father Jogues undertakes a Mohawk Mission — His Death — His Canonization solicited — French Capuchins in Maine — The Jesuit Father Druillettes founds an Abnaki Mission on the Kennebec — Visits New England — Father Poncet's captiv- ity 216 CHAPTER II. THE ARCHBISHOPS OF ROUEN — ONONDAGA MISSION FOUNDED. Our Lady of Ganentaa — Its close — Mgr. Francis de Laval, Bishop of Petraea and Vicar- Apostolic of New France — Father Menard founds a Mission on Lake Superior— His Death 246 CHAPTER III. THE OTTAWA MISSION, 1662-1675. Father Claude Allouez — Bishop Laval makes him Vicar-General — Psistoral against attending Idolatrous Rites — Sault St. Marie — Green Bay 267 xxii CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. THE CnTTnCH AMONG THE IROQUOIS, 1660-1680. ^ Garaconthie effects Peace — Missions restored — Father Fremin on the Mohawk — Bruyas at Oneida — Carheil at Cayuga — Lamber- ville at Onondaga— The Great Mohawk and other Converts — Catharine Tegakouita — Veneration for her — The Mission Vil- lage at La Prairie — Sault St. Louis 280 CHAPTER V. THE CHURCH FROM THE PENOBSCOT TO THE RnSSISSIPPI, 1680-1690. Chapel at Pentagoet — Sulpitian Mission to the West — Father Mar- quette with Joliet descends the Mississippi — Mission at Sault St. Marie destroyed — Illinois Mission — Death of Marquette— La Salle establishes house at Niagara— Recollect Chapel — Chapel on the St. Joseph's — On the Illinois— Father Hennepin on the Upper Mississippi — Recollect Missions in the West cease — Death of Father de la Ribourde — Milet at Niagara — Father Lambervillij at Onondaga — Father Milet a Prisoner at Oneida— Priests with La Salle in Texas — Resignation of Bishop Laval 310 BOOK lY. THE CATHOLIC CHDRCH IN THE ENGLISH COLONIES. CHAPTER I. CATHOLICITY IN MARYLAND, 1690-1708. ^ Calumnies against Catholics — A Royal Governor of Marj'land — Catholics excluded from the Assembly — Anglican Church es- tablished by Law — Tax for Ministers — Catholics disfranchised — Zeal of Catholic Priests — Fathers Hunter and Brooke arraigned — Governor Seymour's outrageous conduct — Chapel at St. Mary's taken from Catholics — Penal Laws in New York and Massachusetts — In Maryland — Queen Anne saves the Cath- olics — Mass permitted in private Houses — How Religion was maintained 344 CONTENTS. xxiii CHAPTER II. CATHOLICITY IN PENNSTLVANIA AND MARYLAND, 1708-1741. -^^ Catholicity in Philadelphia and Pennsylvania — Converts — Jesuits at Bohemia Manor, Md. — Apostasy of Lord Baltimore — Ad- ditional Penal Laws — Catholics appeal to the King of England —Chapel near Nicetown, Pa. — Sir John James — First Penn- sylvania Priest — St. Joseph's, Philadelphia— Fathers Wapeler and Schneider — Mission Work in New Jersey — A Protestant Clergyman in New York hanged on suspicion of being a Priest — Public Service of Father Molyneux 365 CHAPTER III. THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES, 1745-1755. Rev. Hugh Jones' Protest against Popery — Gov. Bladen's Procla- mation — Gov. Gooch's Proclamation — Virginia Penal Laws — Attempts in Maryland to pass still more cruel Laws — St. Joseph's Chapel, Deer Creek — Petition of Roman Catholics to the King — Fathers Greaton and Harding iu Philadelphia 403 CHAPTER IV. THE ACADIAN CATHOLICS IN THE COLONIES, 1755-1763. The Acadian Catholics — Deprived of Priest and Sacrament— Seven thousand seized as Popish Recusants — A pretended Law — jt^reatment in Massachusetts — In New York — In Pennsylvania — In Maryland — First Chapel in Baltimore — In South Carolina and Georgia— Many reach Louisiana —A few in Madawaska, Maine 431 CHAPTER V. CATHOLICITY IN THE BRITISH COLONIES, 1755-1763. Constant att^npts in Maryland against Catholics— Arrest of Father Beadnall — Of another Jesuit — Tke Missions in Pennsylvania and New Jersey 440 U^' xxiv CONTENTS. BOOK V. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE SPANISH COLONIES. CHAPTER I. THE CHUECH IN FLORFDA, 1690-1763. St. Augustine — The learned Florida Jesuit Father Florencia — Pen- sacola and Father Siguenza — New Missions under Father Lopez — Missions as portrayed by Dickenson — Catholic Mis- sions ravaged from Carolina— St. Augustine burnt by Gov. Moore — Ayubale destroyed and Missionaries slain by Gov. Moore — Bishop Compostela — Auxiliary Bishops for Florida — Bishop Rezino— Shrine of Nuestra Senora de la Leche pro- faned — St. Mark — Pensacola taken, retaken, and destroyed — Church on Santa Rosa Island — Bishop Tejada — His labors in Florida — Missions in Southern Florida— Siege of St. Augus- tine — Bishop Morell de Santa Cruz sent to Florida by the English 454 CHAPTER II. THE CHURCH IN TEXAS, 1690-1763. Missions founded by Father Damian Mazanet — Missions near the Rio Grande— The Ven. Father Anthony Margil and his Mis- sions—Friar Joseph Pita killed — City of San Fernando (San Antonio) founded — Holidays of Obligation— Fathers Ganzabal and Terreros and others killed — Visitation by Bishop Tejada — Apache Missions —Father Garcia and his work 479 CHAPTER III. THE CHURCH IN NEW MEXICO, 1692-1763. Catholicity restored — Revolt at Santa Fe — Remains of Father John of Jesus — Vargas doubts the Indian plot — Missionaries massacred— Zuiii — Alburcjuerque — Bishops Crespo and Eliza- cochea 510 CHAPTER IV. THE CHURCH IN ARIZONA, 1690-1763. Missions founded by Father Ktthn — San Xavier del Bac — Missions revived by Bishop C'respo — Fathers Keler and Sedelmayr— Jesuits carried off by order of the King of Spain 526 CONTENTS. XXV BOOK YL THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TEEEITORY. CHAPTER I. THE CHUECH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY, 1690-1763. Bishop St. Vallier — Synods — Founds Mission of the Seminary of Quebec in the Mississippi Valley — Jesuits at the Mouth of the River — Questions raised — Rev. M. Foucault killed — Mobile, a Parish — Rev. H. Roulleaux de la Vente — The Register — Rev. Mr. Gervaise's Project — Indian Missions — Death of Rev. Mr. de Saint Cosme — The Seminary Priests at Tamarois — Apala- ches — Very Rev. Dominic M. Varlet, V.G. — Father Charle- voix's visit — Fort Chartres — Bishop St. Vallier's Pastoral — The Company of the West — The Capuchins in Louisiana — New Orleans founded — A Carmelite— The Jesuits — The Ursulines — Indian Mission — Priests massacred by Natchez and Yazoos — Cahokia^Rev. Mr. Gaston killed — Ouiatenon — Vincennes— The Register — Bishop's right to appoint a Vicar-General con- tested — Irreligious spirit — The Jesuits suppressed in France — Unchristian conduct of Superior Council of Louisiana — Jesuits from Vincennes to New Orleans seized — Churches profaned and destroyed — The Seminary Mission closed 535 CHAPTER II. THE CHURCH IN MAINE, 1690-1763. False Position of Missionaries — Jesuits and Quebec Seminary Priests— Father Rale — Churches destroyed by New England- ers — Father Rale's Dictionary— His Death — The Penobscots. . . 592 CHAPTER III. THE FRENCH CLERGY IN NEW YORK, 1690-1763. Father Milet at Oneida— Iroquois Martyrs — Missions restored — Their close— Chaplains at French Forts — Rev. Francis Piquet and the Mission of the Presentation — Visitation by Bishop de Pontbriand — St. Regis 606 XXVI CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. THE CHTTKCH IN MICHIGAN, INDIANA, WISCONSIN, AND MINNESOffA, 1690-1763. Detroit — A Church erected — Recollect Father Delhalle — Michili- mackiimc — Green Bay — St. Joseph's River — Ouiatenon — Fa- ther Delhalle killed — A Priest on Lake Pepin — Father Mesaiger nears the Rocky Mountains — The Huron s at Detroit and San- dusky — Bishop de Poutbriaud at Detroit — Relics at Michili- mackinac 619 Conclusion 638 Index 643 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAQE Map of the United States show- ing Episcopal Jurisdiction, 1521-1763 16 Ancient Pewter Chalice and Altar Stone 36 View of St. Clement's Island . . 42 Site of St. Mary's, Md 44 Map of Maryland 45 Baptism of King Chilomacon. . 53 Signatures of Fathers Rigbie and Cooper 66 Bretton's House, Newtown Manor, Md . . 77 Signature of Father Penning- ton 96 Fort at New York where Mass was said 99 Portrait of Father Juan Xua- rez 109 Seal of Father Mark of Nice. . 116 Signature of Father Mark of Nice 116 Signatures of Fathers Louis Cancer and Gregory de Be- teta 123 Signatures of Fathers Diego de Tolosa and Juan Garcia 124 Signature of Father Pedro de Feria 128 Signature of Rev. Francisco de Mendoza, first Parish Priest of St. Augustine 136 PAGE St. Augustine and its Environs. 137 Death of Father Peter Marti- nez, facing 141 Signature of Father John Ro- gel 142 Death of Father Segura, fac- ing 145 Signatures of Fathers Segura and Quiros 148 Signature of Father Francis Pareja 156 Signature of Father Alonzo de Penaranda 159 Signature of Bishop Calderon . 168 Fort and Church at St. Augus- tine 169 Signatures of Catholic Chiefs of Apalache and Timuqua. . 180 Portrait of Vcn. Maria de Jesus de Agreda 196 Signature of Ven. Maria de Agreda 197 Island of the Holy Cross, Me.. 217 Signatures of Fathers Isaac Jogues and Charles Raym- baut 228 Signature of Father Bressani. . 233 Portrait of Father Isaac Jogues, to face 233 Chapel near Auriesville, N. Y.. to commemorate Death of Father Jogues 235 (xxvii) ijtxviu ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE Copperplate from Chapel of Our Lady of Holy Hope, Pentagoet 237 Signature of Father Druillettes. 239 Signature of Father Joseph Poucet 244 Signatures of Fathers Le Moyue, Ragueneau, le Mercier, and Garreau 245 Father Chaumonot's "Wampum Belt 250 Ancient Missionary Belt 250 The Jesuit Well, Ganentaa . . . 254 Portrait of Bishop Laval, fac- ing 257 Signature of Father Rene Me- nard 262 Signature of Father Claude Al- louez 269 Signature of Father Marquette. 271 Signature of Father Claude Dablon 273 Signature of Father Ant. Silvy 279 Map of the Sites of the Jesuit and Sulpitian Missions among the Iroquois, facing. 281 Signature of Father Fremin. . . 284 Signature of Father Julian Gamier 292 Signature of Father Raffeix. . . 294 Signature of Father John de Lamberville 297 Portrait of Catharine Tega- kouita 301 Signature of Father Chaumo- not 302 Site of Father Marquette's Chapel and Grave 319 Signature of Father John En- jalran 326 Signatures of Fathers Albanel, Bailloquet, Gravier, and Ma- rest 828 PAGE Perrot's Monstrance and Base showing Inscription 339 Inscription on Father Milet's Cross at Niagara 334 Signature of Father James Bigot 337 Signature of Bishop Laval. . . . 343 Signatures of Fathers Peter Attwood and George Thor- old 370 Portrait of Bishop Bonaventura Giffard, facing 375 Signature of Father James Had- dock 377 Title of Father Schneider's Register 393 Geiger's House, Salem Co., N.J 395 First entry in Father Schnei- der's Register 402 St. Joseph's Chapel House, Deer Creek, Md 414 Fotteral's House, Baltimore, where Mass was first said . . . 435 Signature of Father John Ash- ton 435 Signatures of Fathers George Hunter and James Beadnall. 444 Signatures of Fathers Schnei- der and Ferdinand Farmer, . 446 Church at Goshenhopen 447 Map of Spanish Florida, facing. 455 Portrait of Bishop Tejada, to face 465 View of Pensacola on Santa Rosa Island in 1743. From the Drawing by Dom. Serres. 467 Ancient Silver Crucifix in the Church at Pcn.sacola 468 Map of St Augustine in 1763.. 478 Signature of Father Francis Hidalgo 481 Signature of Father Olivares. . 483 ILL USTRA TIONS. XXIX PAGE Signature of the Van. Anthony Margil 484 Portrait of Ven. Anthony Mar- gil, to face 489 Signature of Rev. Joseph de la Garza 498 Signature of Father Ganzabal . 501 Signature of Father Terreros . 503 Signature of Bishop Tejada . . 505 Signature of Father Diego Ximenez 508 Signature of Father Garcia. . . . 509 Record of Bishop Elizacochea's Visitation on Inscription Rock 525 Signature of Bishop St. Val- lier : 533 Portrait of Bishop St. Vallier, to face 537 Signature of Rev. Henry Roul- leaux de la Vente 546 Fac-simile of the first entry in the Parish Register of Mobile 547 Signature of Rev. F. Le Maire. 549 Signature of Rev. Alexander Huve 552 Portrait and Signature of Very Rev. Dominic Mary Varlet, Vicar - General, afterwards Bishop of Babylon 555 Title of the Kaskaskia Register. 558 Portrait of Father P. F. X. Charlevoix . . 561 Signature of Father John Mat- thew 564 Signature of Father Matthew as Vicar-Apostolic. 564 Signature of the Carmelite Fa- ther Charles 566 Signature of F. de Beaubois . . 568 Signature of Mother de Tran- chepain 569 PAGE Ursuline Convent, New Or- leans, begun in 1727, now residence of the Archbishop . 571 Signatures of the Jesuit Father Mathurin Le Petit, and the Recollect Father Victorin . . . 573 Signature of Rev. Mr. Forget Duverger 577 First entry in the Parish Regis- ter of Vincennes 579 Signature of Father Vivier .... 579 Signature of Father John Fran- cis 580 Signatures of Fathers Bau- douin and Vitry 583 Signatures of Fathers le Boul- lenger, Guymonneau, and Tartarin 584 Signature of Father Vincent Bigot 596 Facsimile of opening words of Father Rale's Dictionary and of his Signature 602 Portrait and Signature of Rev. Francis Piquet 615 Fort Presentation, Ogdensburg, with Abbe Piquet's Chapel. . 616 Corner-Stone of Abbe Piquet's Chapel 618 First entry in the Detroit Reg- ister. . 624 Signatures of Priests 626, 637 Signature of Father Simplicius Bocquet 632 Portrait of Rt. Rev. Henry Mary Du Breuil de Pont- briand, 6th Bishop of Que- bec 633 Signature of Father Julian De- vernai 635 Bread-Iron preserved at Mich- ilimackinac 636 Signature of Fatlier du Jaunay 637 PRELIMINARY REMARKS. The Catholic Church is the oldest organization in the United States, and the only one that has retained the same life and polity and forms through each succeeding age. Her history is interwoven in the whole fabric of the country's annals. Guiding the explorers, she left her stamp in the names given to the natural features of the land. She an- nounced Christ to almost every native tribe from one ocean- washed shore to the other, and first to raise altars to worship the living God,*her ministry edified in a remarkable degree by blameless lives and often by heroic deaths, alike the early settlers, the converted Indians, and those who refused to enter her fold. At this day she is the moral guide, the spirit- ual mother of ten millions of the inhabitants of the republic, people of all races and kindreds, all tongues and all countries, blended in one vast brotherhood of faith. In this she has no parallel. I^o other institution in the land can trace back an origin in all the nationalities that once controlled the portions of North America now subject to the laws of the repubhc. AU others are recent, local, and variable. She alone can everywhere claim to rank as the oldest. The Church is a great fact and a great factor in the life of the country. Every man of thought will concede that the study of the history of that Church in its past gro'^'th and vicissitudes, and of her present position, is absolutely neces- sary in order to solve the problems of the present and the (9) 10 PRELIMINARY REMARKS. future in the republic, for the influence of an organization fixed and unwavering iu doctrine, polity, and worship, must be a potent element, and cannot be ignored or slighted. But while from the student and the statesman the history of the Church claims serious consideration, to the Catholic that history is a record full of the deepest interest and con- solation, a volume to which he can appeal with pride. The pages teem with examples of the noblest and most heroic devotedness in the priesthood, of the beneficent action of the Church where she was free to do her work, of self-sacrifice in the laity, in generous adherence to the faith by the flock amid active persecution, insidious attacks, open violence, and constant prejudice, where CathoUcs were few amid a popu- lation trained in unreasoning animosity. The Catholic Church in this country does not begin her history after colonies were formed, and men had looked to their temporal well being. Her priests trere among the explorers of the coast, were the pioneers of the vast interior ; W'ith Catholic settlers came the minister of God, and mass was said to hallow the land and draw down the blessing of heaven before the first step was taken to rear a human habir tation. The altar was older than the hearth. The entrance of the Catholic Church was not the erratic work of a few. It was part of her work l)egun at the fiery Pentecost, carried on from age to age with unswerving course, while all human institutions were changing and mod- ifj-ing around her. The command of our Lord to His apos- tles to go and teach all nations, rested as an injunction oH the bishops of the Church in whom the missionary s])irit became inherent. The Church was constanth' pushing for- ward into new lands, priests commissioned by bishops bearing the faith, ministering to those who accompanied them, re- maining to convert those whom they found. PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 11 Priests sent out from Ireland, and subsequently from Scandin avia reached Iceland, and in time a clmrcti grew up in tha t northern island with bishops, churches, convents. Ad- vancing still onward in the unknown seas the Northmen landed in Greenland, and Catholicity was planted on the American continent by priests from Iceland, and in 1112 the See of Gardar was erected by Pope Paschal II., and Eric was a ppointe d the first bishop. Full of missionary zeal, this prel- ate accompanied the ships of his seafaring flock, and reached the land known in the Sagas of the North by the name of Yinland, as an Irish bishop, John of Skalholt in Iceland, had already done. How far southward the navigators of the north and their spiritual teachers carried the cross and the worship of the CathoHc Church, it is not our province to decide. When Columbus revealed to Europe the existence of rich and fertile islands accessible from Spain, the ministers of the Church came. Priests accompanied the vessels with faculties from the bishop in whose diocese the port of departure lay, and where they remained in the new land the bishop's juris- diction continued till a local ecclesiastical government was formed. Thus the See of Seville acquired a jurisdiction in the New World where the standard of Spain was planted, and she became the mother of the earliest churches in America. Not inaptly, the Cathedral of Seville preserves in her treasury the chalice made of the first gold taken to Europe by Co- lumbus, for the first-fruits of the precious metals of the New World were dedicated to the service of Almighty God in the Catholic Church. The See of Santo Domingo was erected by the Sovereign Pontiff in 1512, that of Santiago de Cuba in 1522, that of Carolensis in Yucatan in 1519, and of Mexico in 1530. These followed up the work of Seville, the bishops of the new Sees sending priests commissioned by them to 12 PRELIMINARY REMARKS. bear the faith northward till the territory over which our flag now floats was reached and the cross planted. The Church of Spain with her array of doctors and saint& from an Isidore and a Leander, a Hosius, a Thomas of Yilla- nova, was thus extended to our soil, and her priests offered the first worship of Almighty God on the shores of Florida, of the Chesapeake, in the valleys of the Mississippi and the Rio Grande. The work was followed up, and though the soil was reddelied with the blood of many a priest who won the martyr's crown, there was no faltering, the work went on till in time bishops came and every sacrament of the Church was duly administered in that portion of our territory.' Our alliance with the Catholic Church in Spain is not a mere episode. The first bishops of Louisiana and Mobile were suffragans of Santo Domingo and of Santiago de Cuba ; the first bishop of California a suffragan of Mexico, while Texas, Kew Mexico, and Arizona were in our time detached from dioceses which trace their origin to the glorious Church in Spain. Soon after the vessels of Columbus bore back the startling news of great discovery, a ship from Bristol, under Cabot, in 1497, bore to the northern shores of our continent the first band of English-speaking Catholics, and within five years, a priest, we know, crossed the Atlantic to administer the rite& of religion to his countr^anen in America, offer the holy sacrifice and announce the gospel in our tongue." Thus Catholicity came from the land of a St. Anselm, a St. Thomas of Canterbury, a St. John of Beverly, whose Church in the next century, while crushed like the primitive church by the State power of unbelieving rulers, extended her limits ' Gams, Series Episcoporum, Ratisbonne, 1873, pp. 334, 336 ; Torfaeus^ Historia Vinlandise, p. 71. " Harrisse, " Jeanet Sebastian Cabot," Paris, 1882, p. 270. PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 13 to the shores of the Chesapeake, the Church of Catholic England reviving the work of the earlier Spanish pioneers of the faith. Close on Cabot came .French explorers. Cartier sailed with the blessing of the Bishop of St. Malo, and with priests to whom he gave faculties, and in after years Champlain founded Quebec, where altars were raised, and priests began their ministry, acknowledging as their ecclesiastical Superior the Archbishop of Rouen, who for years governed Canada as part of his diocese, through Ticars-General ap- pointed by him, and even towards the close of the century gave powers to priests under which they offered the sacrifice of the mass and ministered to colonists in Texas. The Church knew no limits to her conquests. Her juris- diction was extended as by a natural instinct over the whole land. J[t was never bounded by the mere limits of white ^settlements. Father Padilla, dying alone near the banks of the Missouri, to which he had penetrated, was still in the diocese of Mexico ; Hennepin at the Falls of St. Anthony, Marquette at the Arkansas, Douay at the mouth of the Mis- sissippi, were in the diocese of Quebec. The first Catholic settlers in Oregon were from Canada, and the priest sent to minister to them went as Yicar-General of Quebec, to become in time Bishop and Archbishop of the distant flock he crossed the continent to serve. The Church has thus a continuous existence in this coun- try, continuous in episcopal jurisdiction, in priestly work, in the faithful who clung to her altars. In the earlier period, where three great European nations laidclaim to different portions of our territory, the history of the Church is to be traced in three different channels, descending from England, France, and Spain. No greater contrast could be found than that of the colonial spirit of 14 PRELIMINARY REMARKS. tlie three nations. Spain, by her government under the vast system inaugurated by Philip II,, planned, directed, controlled: every department of colonial administration, Every__new _colonization was settled in detail in Spain. The bulls of the Sovereign Pontiffs made the King of Spain their Yicar in America, the tithes were assigned to him, the nomination of bishops was in his hands, the support of the ministry and the missions was devolved upon him. Portions of the royal revenue were then assigned by him to great religious works, and churches, convents, universities and schools arose with- out direct contribution by the people, France was Catholic, but the Church and the missions in the territory she controlled in America were not supported by any governmental plan. The zeal and piety of individu- als contributed far more than the monarch to maintain and carry on the work, and the colonists shared the feeling of the mother country and willingly paid their tithes, and aided to support the religious bodies which had been active agents in bringing in settlers and clearing the land for cultivation. In the English colonies, except for two brief seasons, Cath-^ olics were oppressed by laws copied from the appalling-^ penal code of England. The Church was proscribed, her worship forbidden, her adherents visited with every form of degradation, insult, and extortion. Thus strangely different were the circumstances under which the Church grew in Florida, in Michigan, in Mary^ land. Yet in the designs of God it was that which seem- ed least favored that was to develop most wonderfully, till the episcopate starting from a threefold source and blending into the hierarchy of the United States with the faith- ful sprung from those lands, and from Ireland, Germany, Switzerland, Poland, Italy, Portugal, and from the native tribes, presents at the close of the nineteenth century a PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 15 spectacle full of consolation and hope, exercising the highest moral influence, stimulating education, upholding the sanctity of marriages, inculcating charity to the rich, and courageous endurance to the poor, detachment to all. This is tlie liistory which it is the purpose of this work to trace. In the volume here presented the narrative is brought down to that eventful year, 1763, when England became un- disputed mistress of all the territory east of the Mississippi, and when to mere human eyes the cause of the Catholic Church throughout the land seemed hopeless. BOOK I. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE ENGLISH COLONIES. CHAPTEK I. EARLY PROJECTS OF SETTLEMENT. The revolt of Henry VIII, against the authority of the Holy ^ee and his suppression of the religious houses had greatly im- paired the spirit of faith in the people of England, but still the new ideas, set up by Luther and Calvin on the Conti- , nent, found few prosel}i;e8, even after his death ; the establish- ment of a Cah^nistic church bv those who assumed the regency for Edward YL failed to win the mass of the English people from the faith of their forefathers. It was restored for a brief term by Mary, but Elizabeth, on her accession, revived the acts of the reigns of Henry and Edward. The mass was abolished, an act of supremacy passed, the images of our Xord and His Saints were ordered to be broken or burned. The churches were filled with a new set of clergy who were to perform a new religious ser%nce. The Catholics could not join in this. The mass was and ..is the only divine worship to be offered by a duly ordained priest. With the churches built by their ancestors diverted to unhallowed rites, they had no alternative but to hear mass in secret said by some lawful priest. Protestantism is essen- t^y intolerant. Nowhere, on obtaining power, did it permit the Catholic portion of a nation to enjoy the exercise of religion, even in private. Elizabeth began a series of laws 2 (17) 18 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. to crush the Catholics, to deprive them of all opportunity of enjoying the services of religion and forcing them to enter the Church her Parliament had set up. The penal laws of this woman, one of the most savagely bloody in the annals of history, though enforced during her long reign, failed to secure even half the population of England to the Church of which she was the head. (l\P^^ To defend the jurisdiction of the Pope was punished by a V <^ ^ heavy fine ; the universities, the professions, the public offices were closed to all who would not take an oath of supremacy ; r , a second offence or a refusal of the oath was punishable with y^ ^ ^^l^" death.' Priests who adhered faithfully to God were kept hid- a( den, for the consolation of the faithful, but as their ranks \ thinned by death, some means was needed to maintain a succes- sion of clergymen. A seminary was estabhshedat Douay for the education of priests. To prevent the success of this plan Elizabeth, by a new series of laws, made it high treasoh to declare her a heretic, to bring from Rome any instrument whatever emanating from the Pope, to use any such docu- ment, to give or receive absolution. Perpetual imprisonment was the penalty for possessing an Agnus Dei, a rosary, cross or picture blessed by the Poj^e or any of his missionaries. Any Catholic who fled from England to evade the laws was required to return within six months, under penalty of con- fiscation of all property belonging to him." These laws were soon enforced. In 1577 Poland Jenks, an Oxford bookseller, for having Catholic books, was sentenced to be nailed to the pillory, his sentence being attended by the sud- den death of many of the officials. Then the Pev. Cuthbert Maine, the protomartyr of Douay College, was convicted of high treason, in having a bull of the Pope granting a jubilee ' 5Eliz., c. 1. ' 13 Eliz., c. 1, 2, 3. PROPOSED SETTLEMENT IN MAINE. 19 and in having brought an Agnus Dei into the kingdom. For this he was hanged on the 29th of November, 15Y7. Then the gallows was kept busy with its bloody work. Two other priests were hanged the next year, four in 1581, eleven in 1582. While the government thus thought to keep priests from ministering to the Enghsh Catholics by fear of death, the laity were oppressed -with fines and imprisomnent for not attending Protestant worship, for hearing mass, for keeping Catholic books or objects of devotion. Flight to the Continent had been made a crime, and was always a pretext for a charge of treason. Under these cir- cumstances it occurred to leading men among the Catholic ^body, who had still friends at court, to seek a refuge for their oppressed countrymen out of England, but yet within her Majesty's dominions. The foremost in this project was Sir George Peckham, of Dinand, in Buckinghamshire ; but, of course, care and pru- dence were required. The application made by Sir Humphrey Gilbert to Queen Elizabeth for a patent to authorize him to explore and colonize the northern parts of America would seem to have been inspired by Sir George. As early as March 22, 1574, we find them both with Mr. Carlile, Sir Richard Greenville and others petitioning her to allow of an enterprise for discovery of sundry rich and unknown lands, " fatefully reserved for England and for the honor of your Majestic." ' Although Sir George's name does not appear in the patent actually issued June 11, 1578, it seems framed to meet the case of the Catholics, and an interest under it 3vas very soon transferred to Sir George Peckham and a fellow ^Catholic, Sir Thomas Gerard. By its terms Sir Humphrey ' Domest. Corresp. Elizabeth, vol. 95, No. 65, Col. p. 475. 20 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Gilbert and his assigns are authorized from time to time to go and remain, to do so freely, " the statutes or aetes of par- liament made against fugitives, or against such as shall depart, remaine or continue out of om* realm of England without hcense, or any other acte, statute, lawe or matter whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding." He was authorized to take any of the Queen's subjects "as shall willingly accompany him," " so that none of the same ^ persons, nor any of them be such as hereafter shall be spec- ially restrained by us, our heires and successors." The only restriction on his power to make laws was that they should not " be against the true Christian faith, or religion now professed in the Church of England," or such as would withdraw men from their allegiance to the crown.' This would authorize Catholics to go and remain there under the protection of the laws that might be established, so long as no law was passed against the Church of England. Haies, one of the historians of Gilbert's undertaking, men- tions the discouragement that befel him, and says : *' In furtherance of his determination, amongst others Sir George Peckham, knight, showed himseK very zealous to the action, greatly aided him, both by his advice and in the charge. Other gentlemen to their ability joined unto him, resoh-ing to adventure their substance and lives in the same cause." Two years were spent in gathering artisans and supplies for the projected settlement, but the Catholic projectors felt the necessity of some definite sanction of their undertaking. They applied openly and without disguise as the following petition shows : " Articles of peticion to the righte Honnorable Sr Fraun- cis Wallsinghame Knighte Principall Secretairie unto the ' Hakluyt, i., p. 677 ; iii., 174. Hazard's Collection, i., pp. 34-28. PROPOSED SETTLEMENT IN MAINE. 21 Quens Mat'* by S' Thomas Gerrarde and S' George Pecke- ham Knightes as f olloweth viz " That where Sr Humferie Gylberte Knighte hath granted and assigned to the saide S' Thomas and S"" George authori- tie by virtue of the Quens Mat'" Ires Patents to discover and pocesse &c certain heathen Lands &c " Their humble peticion is — " Firste that it wolde please her Mat'" that all souche par- sons whose names shall be sett downe in a booke Indented made for that purpose th'one pte remayninge with some one of her Mat'' pryvie Councell th'other w"" the said S' Thomas and S' George maye have lycens to travell into those coun- teris at the nexte viaige for conqueste w"' all manne"" of necessarie provission for themselves and their families their to remaine or retorne backe to Englande at their will and pleasure when and as often as nede shall require, " Item the recusautes of abillitie that will travell as afore- saide male have libertie uppon discharge of the penalities dewe to her Mat" in that behaUffe to prepare themselves for the said voiage. " Item that other recusantes not havinge to satisfie the saide penaltie male not w"'standinge have lyke libertie to provide as aforesaide and to stand charged for the paiement of the saide penalities uutill suche tyme as God shall make them able to paie the same. " Item that none under color of the saide Lycence shall departe owte of this realme unto any other foren Christian Realme. " Item that they nor anye of them shall doo anye acte tend- ing to the breache of the leage betwene her Mat'* and anye other Prince in amytie w"" her highnes neither to the pre- judice of her Mat'* or this Pealme. " Item that the xth pson wch they shall carrie wth them 22 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. shalbe souclie as have not any certainetie whereuppon to lyve or maintaine themselves in Englande." ' That Queen Elizabeth consented may be inferred from the fact of Peckhani's continued interest ; but her policy required silence, and a government detective or spy discovered the real nature of the voyage, and in a report made known the connection of Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerard with the intended expedition. " I have heard it said among the Papists," writes this spy, " that they hope it will prove the best journey for England that was made this forty years." " I do not hear of any further cause of the departure of Sir George Peckham and Sir Thomas Gerard than that every Papist doth hke very well thereof, and do most earnestly pray their good sue- cess. The place of the intended settlement was l^orumbega, a district described in the then recently published Cosmog- raphie of Thevet, a Franciscan priest who claims to have visited it. This province is generally regarded as being the present State of Maine.' The fleet that finally sailed from England,' June 11, 1583,^, consisted of the Delight or George, of 120 tons; the bark Raleigh, of 200 tons ; the Golden Hind and Swallow, each of 40 tons, and the Squirrel, of 10 tons, carrying in all 260 persons. Sighting land on the 30th of July, they entered the harbor of St. John, Newfoundland, where Sir Hum- ' Public Record Office Copy. State Papers. Domestic. Eliz. 1580, (1583.) Vol. 146. No. 40. " Letter from P. H. W. (There is reason to believe his real name "was Tichbourne alias Benjamin Beard) dated April 19, 1582. Vol. 153, No. 14. I am indebted for the reference to J. H. Pollen, S. J. ^ Prof. Horsford in a recent tract claims Massachusetts as Norum- bega. PROPOSED SETTLEMENT IN MAINE. 23 phrey took possession in the name of the queen. He then ifisued some laws. "■ The first for religion, which in publique jexe rcise should be according to the Church of England." ' This while ostensibly setting up the Established Church so as to avoid all cavil, reallj allowed the Catholic^ service in private. Gilbert wrote from this port to Sir George Peck- ham,* from which it is evident that the Catholic knight did not accompany the expedition, and we are left entirely in the dark as to the Catholics who really came out. failing thence to select a place for settlement in JN^orum- ,bega, Gilbert passed Cape Race. Soon after, his best vessel, loaded with all the sup^jlies for his colonists, was lost, only a few who clung to the wreck surviving, when it was driven by the tides on the coast of ]S^ewf oundland. Thoroughly discouraged, Gilbert abandoned the projected settlement, and attempted to reach Europe, saihng himself in the frailest of his fleet. In a storm that would have tried stauncher ships, his voice was heard, from time to time, calling to the vessel near him : " We are as neere heaven by sea as by land." Then the voice was silent ; the wail of the waves alone was heard. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, with his hopes and his projects, had disappeared, meeting his iate with a courage the world has never ceased to admire.' The other vessels reached England, and the survivors of \ the Delight, taken to Spain and saved by the kindly captain ' w^ho rescued them, also regained their native land.* ' Haies, "A Report of the Voyage," etc. Hakluyt, iii., p. 151. "First, that Religion, publiquely exercised should be such and none other, then is vsed in the Church of England." "A True Report," etc., Tb.. p. 166. "^ See letter in Purchas, iii., p. 808 ; Hazard's Collection, i., p. 33. ^ Haies in Hakluyt, i., pp. 677-9 ; iii., p. 159. * A Relation of Richard Clarke. Hakluyt, iii., p. 163. 24 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Sir George Peckham was not dismayed by this unfor- tunate result of the attempt. He is the first English Catho-^ lie whose writings call for our notice, so far as they regard^ the exploration, colonization, and Christianizing of this con- tinent. His little work, " A true Report of the late Dis- coveries and possession taken in the right of the CroA\aie of England of the Newfound Lands by that valiant and worthy gentleman. Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knight," is preserved to us in Hakluyt, and breathes a truly Christian spirit. That he hoped to organize a new expedition is evident. " iN'ow where I doe understand that Sir Humfrey Gilbert, his adherents, associates and friends, doe meane with a conue- nient supply (with as much speed as may be) to maintaine, pursue and follow this intended voyage, already in part per- formed, and (by the assistance of Almighty God) to plant themselves and their people in the continent of the hither / part of America, between the degrees of 30 and 60 of sep- K*' tentrionall latitude," he writes ; then he proceeds to expatiate c , on the benefit England would derive from colonies, and the :=! ^, necessity of endeavoring to rescue the Indians from their Q-^ ignorance and idolatry, Q^* ^ But if Sir George Peckham was sanguine, the Catholics in England were apparently in general opposed to any scheme of colonization. Speaking of a later project the faraoiis Jesuit Father Persoiis wrote : " The Hereticks also would laughe and exprobrate the same unto them, as they did when Sr. George Peckhame and Sr. Thomas Gerrarde about xx years gone should have made the same viage to Nerembrager^ by the Queen and Councells consente, with some evacuations of Papists, as then they called them, which attempte became presently then most odious to the Catholicke party." ' ' Persons, " My iudgement about transfering Englishe Catholiques to the northern partes of America." 1605. PROPOSED SETTLEMENT IN MAINE. 25 For some years no further steps were taken in regard to a C atholic colony, but in 1605 one AVinslade, who had served in the Spanish Armada, formed a project for gathering the scattered English Catholic exiles on the continent, and with them establishing a settlement in America. The scheme e^d- dently found men to approve and men to condemn it. The expedition sent out in the Archangel, Capt. TVey- mouth, March 5, 1605, by the gallant Sir Thomas Lord Arundell of Wardour, and Henry AVriothesley_second Earl of Southampton, his relative, who had conformed to the State Church, was probably connected with this project. An air of mystery was preserved with regard to this expedi- tion, and the only published account of it leaves everything vague, yet the religious tone of the writer, James Rosier, indicates a higher motive than trade or discovery. " We," he says, "supposing not a little 2)resent private profit, but a pul)li(|ue good and true zcale of promulgating God's holy church, by planting Christianity to be the sole intent of the Honourable setters forth of this discovery." ' ' "A True Relation of most prosperous voyage made this present j'^eere, 1605, By Captaine George Weymouth in the discovery of the land of Vir- ginia : Where he discouered 60 miles vp, a most excellent Riuer, to- gether with a most fertile land. Written by lames Rosier, a Gentleman employed on the voyage." Londini, Impensis Geo. Bishop, 1605, p. 34. The pious tone of Rosier's narrative would lead one to suppose him a clergyman : policy would require adapting the tone of his remarks to Protestant ears. If he were the Protestant minister sent by Southampton, he would have no motive for concealing his character and not speaking openly, and he would not ignore the Earl of Southampton and refer only to Lord Arundell, as Rosier does : while if he were the priest sent by the Catholic nobleman, it would be natural. ITe begins his Preface : "Being employed in this voyage by the Right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, to take due notice and make true report of the discovery therein performed." He collected an Indian vocabulary of 400 or 500 words, of which a part is given in Purchas' Pilgrims, iv, pp. 1659-1667. He concludes the Preface : "So with my prayers ?o God for / 26 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. He notes that they sailed on Easter day, reached the coast on Whitsunday, from which circumstance they named the place Pentecost Harbour ; he tells us too that they set up crosses at various points.' The Archangel made the coast near Cape Cod in May, and running northward reached Monhegan, to which Weymouth gave the name of St. George's, planting a cross which remained there for years. He erected another at Booth Bay, which he named Pentecost Harbour, and ascended the Kennebec River. Mgr. Urban Cerri, in a report of the Propaganda to Pope Innocent XI., seems to refer to this expedition where he writes : " Soon after Vir- ginia was discovered, the King of England sent thither a Catholic Earl,"^ and another nobleman who was a Heretick. Those two Lords were attended by Protestants and Catholicks, and two priests ; so that the Catholicks and Hereticks per- formed for a long time the exercise of religion under the same roof." ' the conversion of so ingenious and well disposed people, I rest your friend J. R." ' pp. 13, 31, etc. Ballard, in his " George Weymouth and the Kenne- bec," maintains the Kennebec to be the river. Prince, in his reprint of Rosier (Bath, 1860) the George's. ' Lord Arundell was a Count or Earl of the Holy Roman Empire and of course was spoken of at Rome by that title. ' " Instructions for our Holy Father Innocent XI. concerning the Pres- ent State of Religion in the Several Parts of the World, By Monsignor Urbano Cerri, Secretary to the Congregation de Propaganda Fide," in Steele, "An Account of the State of the Roman Catholick Religion throughout the World " London, 1715. See page 168. Lord Arundell of Wardour kindly informs me that owing to the destruction of papers during the siege of Wardour Castle in 1643 noth- ing remains in the archives of that ancient Catholic house to give full light on this early Catholic expedition to our shores. The Earl of South- ampton engaged with Lord Thomas Arundell was, he thinks, the second Earl, brother-in-law to Lord Arundell and son of the patron of Shake- speare. PROPOSED SETTLEMENT IX MAIXE. 27 During Weymouth's absence the plan of Winslade had been submitted to the famous Jesuit Father Eobert Persons, one of the ablest men of his time. His decision, entitled " Mv iudgement about transferring EngHshe Catholiques to the northern parts of America for inhabiting those partes and converdng those barbarous people to Christianitie," was so adverse that it apparently led Lord Arundell to abandon the project. The reasons alleged by Father Persons were that the king and his council would never favor the plan, as it made them out persecutors, and without the consent of government men could not sell estates, and leave the kingdom. The wealthy Catholics would sooner risk losing part of their _ property by lines in England than venture it all on such an enterprise, and the poor could not go without the rich. In the next place " it would be verie ill taken by the Catholicks generally, as a matter sounding to their discredite and con- tempte, to have as it were theire exportatione to Bar- barouse people treated with Princes in theire name without theire knowledge or consente." He also feared that the dimin- ishing of the number of Catholics in England might lead to laws to prevent Catholics from leaving the country. In the next place, the plan proposed assembling 1,000 in some ;^aTt of the continent from which they were to sail. Persons .objected that they could not be maintained while waiting the assemblage of the whole, and no foreign state would permit it. Spain, always jealous of European colonization, would surely obstruct their project not only in Spain, but in Flan- ders and elsewhere. "Finally what theire successe would be amongst those wilde people, wilde beastes, unexperienced ajre, unprovided lande God only knoweth, yet as I sayd, the intentione of con- vertinge those people liketh me so well and in so high a de- 28 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. gree as for that onely I would desire myself to goe in the iorney shutting my eyes to all other difficulties if it were pos- sible to obtayne it." The plan embraced, therefore, not only a settlement as a. refuge for the oppressed Catholics of England, but a system of missions for converting the Indians. How strange it is, that a mission settlement for converting the Indians on that very coast of Norumbega, founded by one of his fellow-mem- bers of the Society of Jesus, should be broken uj) by Per- sons' fellow-countrymen less than ten years after he wrote.' Such was the second project of Catholic colonization in our present territory. It failed, but strangely enough, the plan proposed by Wiuslade was carried out by the English Sepa- ratists, who gathered in Holland, and with scanty resources, and apparently a want of all prudence sailed in winter to land on the bleak New England coast, not to fail in their projected settlement, but to open the way for others who filled the land, and established enduring institutions. The next to take up the project of Catholic colonization was a convert, one who had held high and important offices in the English government, was thoroughly conversant with its spirit and ways, and who, as a member of the Virginia Company, must have been fully conversant with all that had been done to create colonies in America. : Sir George Calvert, descended from a noble Flemish fam- ily, was born at Kipling, in Yorkshire, in 1582. He took his degrees at Oxford as bachelor and master of arts, and showed ability as a poet. After making a tour of Europe, he obtained an appointment in Ireland, and was promoted to other offices, being often emj)loyed on public affairs at home ' Father Biard's mission settlement of St. Sauveur on Mont Deeert Island. ; CALVERT IN NEWFOUNDLAND. 29 and abroad, where a clear head, prompt action, and honest purpose were required. SirRobert Cecil, the trusted minister of Elizabeth, made the young man his chief clerk, and when Jbe himself became lord high treasurer named Calvert clerk of the Privj Council. Knighted in 1617, he became one of the secretaries, of state the next year. Favors flowed upon him, among others a large grant of land in Ireland. At a very early period he became interested in American colonization. In _.i609 he was one of the Virginia Company of Planters, and ^fteen years later one of the provincial council in England for the government of that province. In 1620, too, he pur- chased the southeast peninsula of Kewfcundland, and sent , out Captain Edward "Wynne vdib. a small colony, who formed 3 settlement at Ferryland. Meanwhile, this public man, brought up amid the wily and unprincipled statesmen of the courts of Ehzabeth and James, able but faithless, grasping and insincere, to whom religion ^as but a tool for controlling the people, began to study re- ligious affairs seriously. The Puritans and Separatists and Presby terians were working among the lower and more ig- norant classes, building up a large body of dissenters ; the _Church of England was inert, many of the abler and purer jnen seeking to recover what they had lost at the reforma- tion, rather than reject more. Calvert had not been indifferent to the salvation of his own soul, amid all the engrossing cares of office, and the allure- ments of the court. He felt the importance of religion and gave it his serious thought and inquiry. In the Puritan school he saw only a menace to all government civil and ecclesiastical. In the Anglican Church only a feeble effort to retrieve a wrong step. To his decisive mind the only course for any man was to return to the ancient Church. This be- ^came clearer and clearer to his mind, and he prepared to ar- 30 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. .yjr j,„ge hisafiai. to „,eet the consequences attendant on a pro- y L^ fession of a faith proscribed bj the laws of the state. In 1624r ^aV ^^ relinquished his seat in Parliament, and was received into .- — the Church. He then announced his change to the king, and tendered his resignation as secretary of state. King 1 James retained him as a member of the Privy Council ; he I also regranted to him the estates in Ireland, exempting him from obligations which he now as a Catholic could not fulfil, and to reward his long and faithful service, created Jiim Baron of Baltimore in the kingdom of Ireland. Eyidentlj in anticipation of the return to the Church of his ancestors Calvert had on the 7th of April, 1623, obtained - a charter for the province of Avalon in Newfoundland, mak- ing him a lord proprietor where he was as yet only a land- holder. His view was to lead out a colony and make it his resi- dence. That it was his design to make it a refuge for op^ pressed Catholics cannot be doubted. He was already in in- timate relations with Sir Thomas Arundell, who had been connected with a previous scheme of the kind, and the union^ of the two families was soon cemented by ajnarriage. The charter of Avalon made him " true and absolute Lord and proprietary of the region " granted, which was erected into a province, with full power to make necessary laws, ap_ point officers, enjoy the patronage and advowson of all churches. Full authority was given to all the king's subjects to proceed to the province and settle there, notwithstanding any law to the contrary. The settlers were to be exempt from all taxation imposed by the king or his successors. It was provided that the laws should not be repugnantj)r contrary to those of England, and a special clause " Provided allways that no interpretation bee admitted thereof (of the charter) whereby God's holy and truly Christian religion or CALVERT IN NEWFOUNDLAND. 31 allegiance due unto us, our heires and successors may in any tiling suffer anj prejudice or diminution." ' To give a charter directly favoring or protecting the Catholic religion jw2is. what the king could not do. But the Avalon charter en- abled Catholics to emigrate to that province without hindrance, and enabled Calvert to make such laws as he pleased, and re- served no power to recj^uire him to enforce the English penal Jaws against CathoHcs. Thus under the charter Catholics could hold lands, have their own churches and priests. It was unnecessary for Lord Baltimore to pass any special law permitting them to do so. Embarking in an armed vessel of three hundred tons, in 1627, he read ied Ferryland about the 23d of July, with eolmiists and auppHes. Witk him went two seminary priests, the R ev. Messrs. Longvill and Anthony Smith. After a _short stay in his province he returned, the Rev. Mr, Long- vill accompanying him. A chapel had been set up, and mass w as regularly offered, the Rev. Mr. Smith being joined next year by a priest named Hacket, when Lord Baltimore came over ^atli most of his family to make his home in Newfoundland. The colonists were not all CathoHcs, how- ler; and Lord Baltimore showed his sense of the equal Religious rights of all by giving the Protestant colonists a _^lace for worship and a clergyman. This minister, a Rev. Mr, Stourton, was not content with full hberty ; he returned to England, and filed an information against Lord Baltimore for permitting mass to be said. His intolerance was that of his time and country. Lord Baltimore, in practically placing both religions on an equal footing, making both tacitly sanc- Jianed, giving religious freedom to all, rose pre-eminently ' The Charter is given at length in Scharf, " History of Maryland," i., pp. 33-40. 32 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. above his time. He nobly endeavored in Avalon to enable each class of settlers to worship God according to the dic- tates of their conscience, and it was brought up against him as a crime. Taught by this rude experience, we shall see that in his next experiment, he left each class to provide ministers of religion for themselves, or neglect to do so, as they preferred. Lord Baltimore found the climate very severe, and was soon discouraged by the depredations of the French, with whom he had some sharp fighting, gaining, however, the victory. Lady Baltimore, sailing down to Virginia to obtain sup plies, was charmed with the beauty of Chesapeake Bay, and apparently urged her husband to cast his fortunes there rather than on the bleak shore of ^Newfoundland. Lord Baltimore, who was a member of the Council of Virginia, visited that province in October, 1629, with a view of removing his settlement thither. The acting governor, John Pott, and other officials, including Clayborne, at once demanded that he should take the oath of supremacy.' In this they assumed powers not given to the officials in Virginia, such j30wers having been limited to the treasurer and council in England." This manifestation of hostility and bigotry was unexpected ' Sainsbury, " Calendar of State Papers," i., p. 104. In justifying their course, Potts and his associates boasted "that no Papists have been suffered to settle their abode amongst us." Neill, " Founders of Mary- land," p. 45. In fact, Virginia broke up a French Catholic settlement in Maine, and at a later day had prevented Irish Catholics from landing. - No such power is given in the first charter, 4 James, i. The second, 7 James, i., empowers the treasurer, and any three of the council, to tender the oath to those going to Virginia ; and the third gives a similar power, but there is not a word empowering subordinate officials in the colony to tender the oath to a member of the council. LORD BALTIMORE IN VIRGINIA. 33 bjJiOrd Baltimore. Befor e jea ying Kewfoundland, he had written on the 19th of August, 1629, to King Charles I., soliciting the grant of a precinct of land in Virginia to which he wished to reniove with forty persons, and there enjoy the same privileges that had been granted to him at Avalon.' He evidently aimed at employing his means and ability to build up Virginia in which he had so long been interested. The conduct of the Virginia officials showed Lord Balti- more clearly, however, that Catholics could not live in peace in that colony ; and that to secure them a refuge he must obtain a charter for a new province. Leaving his family in Virginia, he sailed to England to employ his influence in obtaining a new grant. Iii February, 1630, Lord Baltimore, with Sir Thomas Arundell of Wardour, applied for a grant 'of land, south of the James Eiver, "to be peopled and planted by them,*' '' the bravest Englishman of his time again renewing his attempt at colonization within our limits. Clayborne, who had been one of those who prevented Lord Baltimore from settling in Virginia, prompted, as their aqtion shows, by hostility to his religion, was now secretary of^that province. "Wh en t he_.king, at the petition of Lords Baltimore and Arundell, signed a charter for territory south ofJV irginia, i - n -^ebruary, 1631, Clayborne and other repre- sentatives- of_-that-colony who were then in England, were appalled at the result. To their prejudiced minds it was dangerous for Virginia to have Catholic subjects, but that Hanger was little compared to having a colony controlled by CathoHcs at their very border. The charter just granted jras, on their vehement remonstrance, revoked. Baron Arun- ' Colonial Papers, v. 27. Kirke," Conquest of Canada," i., p. 158. Scharf, "Maryland," i., p. 44. ' Sainsbury, " Calendar of State Papers." Johnson, "Foundation of Maryland," p. 18. 3 34 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. ^ dell died, but Lord Baltimore, persisting in his design, solic- ited, in lieu of the territory south of Virginia, a district to the northward. Virginia had gained nothing, and further opposition on her part was treated as vexatious.' Charles I. ordered a patent to be issued to Lord Baltimore, granting to him the territory north of the Potomac to the fortieth degree, with the portion of the eastern shore of the Chesapeake, lying opposite, and extending to the ocean. This province the king named Terra Mariae, or Maryland, in honor of his queen, Hem'iette Marie, daughter of Henri IV., and doubtless, too, in memory of the old Spanish name of the Chesapeake, retained on many charts, " Baia de Santa Maria." The charter for Maryland, in which the long experience and political wisdom of Lord Baltimore are manifest^ has- generally been regarded as one of his best titles to the respect of posterity. Sir George Calvert " was a man of sagacity and an observing statesman. He had beheld the arbitrary admin- istration of the colonies, and against any danger of future oppression, he provided the strongest defence which thg^ promise of a monarch could afford." " The charter secured to the emigrants themselves an independent share in the legislation of the province, of which the statutes were to be established with the advice and approbation of the majority of the freemen or their deputies. Representative goverp- ment was indissolubly connected with the fundamental charter." The king even renounced for himself and his successors the right to lay any tax or impost on the people of Maryland. " Calvert deserves," says Bancroft, " to be ranked among ' Ayscough MSS. in British Museum, cited by Scharf, Hist. Mary- land, i., p. 50. THE MARYLAND CHARTER. 35 the most "vdse and benevolent lawgivers of all ages. He was the first in the history of the Christian world to seek for religious security and peace by the practice of justice and not by the exercise of power ; to plan the establishment of popular institutions with the enjoyment of Hberty of con- science ; to advance the career of civiHzation by recognizing the rightful equality of all Christian sects. The asylum of ^Catholics was the spot where, in a remote corner of the world, on the banks of rivers, which, as yet, had hardly beeii explored, the mild forbearance of a proprietary, adoptee^ /migious freedom as the basis of the stated*' Before the charter passed the Great Seal of England, Lord Baltimore died ; but his son obtained the promised grant under the same liberal conditions and proceeded at once to carry out his father's plans, chief among which was "^ to convert, not extirpate the natives, and to send the sober, not the lewd, as settlers, looking not to present profit, but future expectation." ' ' Some recent writers, notably S. F. Streeter and E. D. Neill, have endeavored to detract from the first Lord Baltimore's claim to our respect as an exponent of religious liberty. The older writers uniformly recog- nized it. Gen. B. T. Johnson, reviewing the whole question, says : " .Calvert adopted the principle of religious liberty as covered by, and included in, the guarantees of the Great Charter, not that there could be liberty_of conscience without security of personal property, _ but that .Jhere couli be no security of personal property without liberty of con- science." " Foundation of Maryland," p. 12. Scharf, " History of Mary- land," i., p. 53, says : " Calumny has not shrunk from attacking his honored name. Detraction has been busy, and as the facts could not be denied, Calvert's motives have been assailed, but empty assertion, con- jecture, surmises, however ingeniously malevolent, have happily exer- cised very little influence over the minds of intelligent and candid men." See the question of the credit to be given to the charter and to Lord Baltimore discussed in "American Catholic Quarterly," x., p. 658. Cal- vert's giving equality to Catholic and Protestant worship in Avalon is the practical proof of his motive. That no charters but his allowed t^ration or colonial legislation, shows that the ideas did not emanate from the crown. K ^^0- / 36 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. A Catholic nobleman, at a time when his faith was pro- scribed in England, and its ministers constantly butchered by law,' was thus made proprietary of a colony in America, where the colonists were to make their own laws ; where no religion was established, where the laws required no royal assent. It was a colony where Catholicity might be planted and flourish. ' Within twenty years ten Catholic priests and several laymen had been hanged, drawn, and quartered in England for their religion, one of them as recently as 1628. - ■. V ■ >' ^-«^ ANCIENT PEWTER CHALICE AND PATEN, OP THE EARLY DAYS OP MARYLAND, WITH ALTAR STONE PRESERVED AT WOODSTOCK COLLEGE. CHAPTEK n. CATHOLICITT PLANTED IN MARYLAND. 1634-1646. The project of a home beyond the Atlantic for the perse- cuted Cathohcs of England was at laet on the point of being successfully carried out. The attempts of Peckham and Gerard, of "Winslade, of Lord Baltimore at Avalon, all show the same object, and leave no room for doubt that Calvert's design in founding Maryland was to give his fellow-believers a place of refuge. The object was, of course, not distinctly avowed. The temper of the times required great care and caution in all official documents, as well as in the manage- ment of the new province. Cecilj Lord Baltimore, after receiving his charter for Mary- land, in June, 1632, prepared to carry out his father's plans. Terms of settlement were issued to attract colonists, and a body of emigrants was soon collected to begin the foundation of the new province. The^ leading gentlemen who were induced to take part in the project were Cathohcs ; those whom they took out to till the soil, or ply various trades, were not all or, indeed, mainly Catholics, but they could not have been very strongly Protestant to embark in a venture so abso- lutely under Catholic control. At Avalon Sir George Cal- vert, anxious for the religious life of his colonists, had taken over both Catholic and Protestant clergjTuen, and was ill- repaid for his liberal conduct. To avoid a similar ground of reproach, Baron Cecil left each part of his colonists free to take their own clergymen. It is a significant fact that the "~ (37) 38 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Protestant portion were so indifferent that they neither t ook over any minister of religion, nor for several years after Maryland settlements began, made any attempt to procure one. On behalf of the Catholic settlers, Lord Baltimore apphed to Father Richard Blount, at that time provincial of the Jesuits in England, and wrote to the General of the Society, at Rome, to excite their zeal in behalf of the Englieh" Catholics who were about to proceed to Maryland. He could offer the clergy no support. " The Baron himself is unable to find support for the Fathers, nor can they expect sustenance from heretics hostile to the faith, nor from Catholics for the most part poor, nor from the savages who live after the man- ner of wild beasts," r The prospect was not encouraging, and the proximity of the colonies of Yirginia and New England, both hostile in feeling to Catholicity, made the position of a Catholic mis- sionary one of no little danger. The Jesuits did not shrink from a mission field where they were to look for no support from the proprietary or their flock, and were to live amid dangers. It was decided that two Fathers were to go as gen- tlemen adventurers, taking artisans with them, and acquiring lands like others, from which they were to draw their sup- port. This required means, and we are not told by whom they were furnished, but circumstances strongly indicate that Father Thomas Copley, of an old English family, but bom in Spain, supplied the means by which the first missionaries, were sent out and maintained,' The Maryland pilgrims under Leonard Calvert, brother of the lord proprietary, ' Memorial of Father Henry More, Vice-Provincial. Foley, " Records of the English Province," iii., pp. 363-4. Thomas Copley, known on the mission as Father Philip Fisher, took up lands, claiming that Fathers White, Altham, and their companions had been sent over by him. Kilty, Landholder's Assistant, pp. 66-8. MARYLAND SETTLED. 39 consisted of his brother George, some twenty other gentle- men, and two hundred laboring men. well provided. To eon- \ej these to the land of Mary, Lord Baltimore had his own pin- nace, the Dove, of fifty tons, commanded by Robert Winter, and tlie Ark, a chartered vessel of 350 tons burthen, Richard _Lowe being captain. Leonard Calvert was appointed gover- nor, Jerome Ilawley and Thomas Comwaleys being joined in the commission. Among the gentlemen who came forward to take jDarFlnthe good work was Richard Gerard, son of the baronet Sir Thomas, one of the first, as we have seen, to pro- pose Catholic colonization in America, and active with Peck- ham in Sir Humphrey Gilbert's expedition. Lord Baltimore met withjnanj_ ygxations and delays. He ob- iained from the Lords of the Admiralty a warrant exempting his men from impressment ; but as by his very charter the object of his colony was religious, the proprietary being praised for his pious zeal and desire to propagate the Christian faith, every engine was employed to defeat the expedition. On hostile representations, the attorney-general at last made an iuforrnation in the Star Chamber that Lord Baltimore's ships had departed without proj^er papers from the custom-house, ^nd in contempt of all authority. It was, moreover, alleged that the^emigrants had abused the kmg's officers and refused to take the oath of allegiance. On these malicious charges ghips weresent in pursuit of the Maryland vessels, and the Ark and Dove were brought back to London. The charges jyere soon disproved, but Lord Baltimore had been put to great expense, and his ex^^edition jeoparded. His enemies, how- everj could not force him to abandon his undertaking.' The Ark and Dove, when released, bore away again, and putting in at Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, took aboard other ' Lord Baltimore to tlie Earl of Strafford. Strafford's Letters. .- >P ^ 40 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. members of the expedition. From this period we have as our guide the narrative of_the voyage, written, in all proba- bility, by Father Andrew Whiter, This learned man, who after serving on the English mission as a seminary prieet, had fallen into the hands of the enemies of the true faith and spent years in prison, had been banished from England in 1606. On the Continent he entered the Society of Jesus and filled professors' chairs in several colleges.' He had_ been selected by the provincial as chief missioner to Mary- land, and was accompanied by Father John Altham, or^rave- nor, and by Thomas Gervase, a lay brother.'' They sailed from Cowes on the 22d of November, 1633, the feast of Saint Cecilia. In the stormy weather which they soon encountered, the Dove was driven from her consort, and the two priests in the Ark expecting for their party the fate which seemed to have overtaken her, united all the Catholics in prayers and devotions to our Lord, to the Blessed Virgin, Saint Ignatius, and the Angel Guardians of Maryland, con- secrating that province as a new votive offering to Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception. Sweeping around by Barba- does, by Montserrat, whence the fugitive Irish Cathohcs had ' Challoner, " Missionary Priests " (Phil, edn.), ii., p. 14. Foley, " Rec- ords of the English Province," iii., pp. 334-9. The earliest printed ac- counts of Father White's Life are in More, " Ilistoria Anglo Bavarica," and in Tanner, " Societas Jesu," p. 803. Prague, 1694. - The " Relatio Itiaeris " mentions no other priest except F. Altham, and "White would, of course, not mention himself hy name. Grants of lands were taken up only for White and Altham. Kilty's Land-Holder's Assist- ant, p. 68. We must regard the mention of other priests at the time as erroneous. To some it may require explanation why Altham and other early missionaries had more than one name. This was a result of the penal laws in England, to save their relatives and those who harbored them from annoyance and danger. Mr. Henry Foley has, at infinite trouble, collected the names which Fathers of the Society were compelled to a.ssume. After his patient research I make no mere conjecture in any case. i i THE JESUITS IJSr MARYLAND. 41 not yet been driven by English hate, by Nevis and other West India Islands, the two vessels, which had again joined company, gHded peacefully at last between the capes into the bay which Spanish navigators named in honor of the Mother of God, but which was to bear its Indian name of Chesapeake. The avowed hostility of Yirginia made Leonard Calvert ^anxious to learn what reception awaited him. He anchored for a time at Point Comfort and forwarded to the governor Jetters he bore from the king and the authorities in England. Encouraged by a courteous welcome, Calvert then proceeded up the bay to the territory embraced within the charter of Maryland. The Catholic character of the colony is at once apparent. For each natural landmark a title is drawn from the calendar of the Church. The Potomac is consecrated to St. Gregory ; Smith's Point and Point Lookout become Cape St. Gregory and Cape St. Michael. When the Pilgrims of Maryland reached the Heron Islands they named them after St. Clement, St. Catharine, and St. Cecilia, whose festivals re- called the early days of their voyage. Near the island named St. Clement they came to anchor. " On the day of the An- nunciation of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the year 1634," writes the author of the " Relatio Itineris," " we celebrated ^he first mass on that island ; never before had it been offered ^in that region. After the holy sacrifice, bearing on our shoulders a huge cross, which we had hewn from a tree, we moved in procession to a spot selected, the governor, com- .missioners and other Catholics," putting their hands first unto it, " and erected it as a trophy to Christ our Saviour ; then humbly kneeling, we recited with deep emotion, the Litany of the Holy Cross." " ' "Relatio Itineris ad Marylandiam," Baltimore, 1874, p. 33. The manuscript of the Relatio with an Indian catechism was found in 1833 in the Archives of the Professed House at Rome, by an American Jesuit, 42 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. ST. clbment's island, eastern end, where the first mass was SAID IN MARYLAND, MARCH 25, 1634. FROM A DRAWING BY F. B. MAYER. Catholicity thus planted her cross and her altar in j;he heart of the English colonies in America, March 25, TGSi. The land was consecrated, and then preparations were made to select a spot for the settlement. Leaving Father White at 'St. Clement's, the governor, with Father Altliam, ran up the river in a pinnace, and at Potomac on the southern shore met Archihau, regent of the powerful tribe that held sway over that part of the land. The priest, through an interpre- ter, made known his desire to instruct the chief in the true faith. Archihau gave every mark of friendly assent. The emperor of Piscataway, who controlled a considerable extent of territory on the Maryland side of the river, was also won over by the Catholic pilgrims, although on their first ap- proach the Piscataways came flocking to the shore to oppose them in arms. Haying thus prepossessed the most powerful native rulers of the neighboring Indians to regard the new Father William McSherry. A translation by N. C. Brooks, LL.D., ap- peared soon after and was reprinted in Force's Tracts, Vol. IV. The Mary- land Historical Society printed the Latin with a translation edited by Rev. E. A. Dalrymple in 1874. A corrected version is given in the Woodstock Letters, I., pp. 12-24 ; 71-80 ; 145-155 ; II., pp. 1-13. It is evidently by Father White. See also, " A Relation of the Successful Beginnings of the Lord Baltimore's Plantation in Mary-land." London, 1634 ; New York, 1865, p. 9. In this which follows the Relatio closely but prudently " cel- ebrated the first mass" becomes " recited certain prayers." FIRST CHAPEL AT ST. MARY'S. 43 settlers favorably, Leonard Calvert sailed back to Saint ^iementV. Then tbe pilgrims entered the Saint Mary's, a bold broad stream, emptying into the Potomac about twelve miles from its mouth. For the first settlement of the new- province, Leonard Calvert, who had landed, selected a spot a short distance above, about a mile from the eastern shore of the ^ciier^— Here stood an Indian town, whose inhabitants, harassed b^the SusquehannaSj had already begun to emigrate to the westward. To observe strict justice with the Indian tribes Calvert purchased from the werowance or king, Yaocomoco thirty miles of territory. The Indians gradually gave up some of their houses to the colonists, agreeing to leave the rest also after they had gathered in their harvest. The colonists, who had according to tradition tarried for a time on the ground now known as St. Inigoes,' came up and the Governor took the colors ashore, the gentlemen and the servants under arms, receiving them with a salute of musketry, to which the can- non of the vessels replied. He took possession of the Indian town and named it St. Mary's. One of the oblong oval In- dian bark houses or witchotts was assigned to the priests. With the help of their good lay brother, the two Jesuit Fathers soon transformed it into a chapel, the first shrine of Catholicity in Maryland. The native tribes were conciliated ; Sir Joh^ Harvey, Gov- ernor of Virginia, came as a welcome guest ; the new settle- ment began with Catholic and Protestant dwelling together in hannony, neither attempting to interfere with the religious rights of the other, " and religious liberty obtained a home, its only home in the wide world, at the humble village which bore the name of St. Mary's." " ' Foley, "Records of the English Province," iii., p. 322. "Relatio Itineris," p. 36. "A Relation of Maryland, 1635," p. 12. * Bancroft, " History of the United States," i., p. 247. 44 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Thus began the city of St. Mary's, March 27, 1634. " St. Mary's was the home, the chosen home of the disciples of the Roman Church. The fact has been generally received. It is sustained by the traditions of two hundred years, and by volumes of written testimony ; by the records of the courts ; by the proceedings of the privy council ; by the trial of law cases ; by the wills and inventories ; by the land records and rent-rolls ; and by the very names originally given to the towns and hundreds to the creeks and rivulets, to the tracts and manors of the county." ' SITE OF THE CITY OF ST. MART'S, MD., WHERE THE FIRST CATHOLIC CHAPEL WAS ERECTED. FROM A SKETCH BY GEORGE ALFRED TOWNSEND. The settlers were soon at work. Houses for their use were erected, crops were planted, activity and industry prevailed. St. Mary's chapel was dedicated to the worship of Almighty God, and near it a fort stood, ready to protect the settlers. It was required by the fact that Clayborne, the fanatical enemy of Lord Baltimore and his Catholic projects, who had already settled on Kent Island, was exciting the Indians against the colonists of Maryland. The little community gave the priests a field too limited for their zeal. The daily mass, the instructions from the ^A^1) Thomas Copley, known on the records of the Society of Jesus as Father Philip Fisher, with Father John Knolles. Father Copley (Fisher) became superior of the mission, and at once took steps to place the affairs of the community on a self-sup- porting basis. Under the Conditions of Plantation issued by Lord Baltimore, August 8, 1636, every one of the gentlemen adventurers of 1633 was entitled to two thousand acres for every five men brought over, and the same quantity of land for every ten men brought over in the two succeeding years. ' The "Relatio Itineris," as printed, purports to be addressed to the General of the Society, but this address seems to have been added to Father McSherry's transcript by a later hand. See Latin notes, Mary- land Hist. Society's edition, p. 101. ' Notes for 1635-1636; lb., p. 54. There are allusions to a Father Hayes, who may have come over in 1635, and returned soon after. I THE JESUITS IN MABYLAXD. 47 Under these provisions Father Fisher, using his real name of Thomas Copley, entered a claim for Mr. Andrew AVhite, Mr. John Altham, and others to the number of thirty brought over by him in the year 1633 ; as well as for him- self and Mr. John Knolles, and others to the number of nine- teen brought over in 1637.' The position taken by Lord Baltimore that the Catholic priests who* went to Maryland were not to look to him or to the settlers for support, left them no alternative but to maintain themselves, as there was no hope of any one establishing a fund for their use. The lands then taken up were cleared and put under cultivation by the missionaries and for two centuries may be said to have met all the cost of maintaining Catholic worship and its min- isters in those portions of Maryland.' Sickness prevailed in the colony, and the missionaries did not escape. Within two months after his arrival Fatlier Knolles, a talented young priest of much hope, sank a vic- ' Kilty, " The Land-Holder's Assistant," Baltimore, 1808, pp. 30, 66, 67, 68. Other lands were claimed by Copley, as assignee of settlers who had returned to England. Mr. Henry Foley, Records of the English Province, vii., 1146, etc.; and Woodstock Letters, xi., pp. 18-34, xv., pp. 44-7, discussing the sub- ject ably, consider the identity of Thomas Copley and Father Philip Fisher established, and this was the result of my own studies. Both are repre- sented as born at Madrid at the close of the 16th century ; each came to Maryland in 1637 (August 8) with Father Knolles ; each was carried off, and each died in 1652. Neither recognizes the existence of the other. Copley took up lands for all the .Jesuit Fathers, but no lands for Fisher, and Fisher as superior alludes in his account of the mission to no Father Copley. A very interesting sketch of Father Copley by Mrs. K. C. Dor- sey is in Woodstock Letters, xiii. p. 250, cf . xiv. p. 345 ; xv. p. 44. ■^ It has been charged that the Catholic missionaries in adopting the course they did, became farmers and merchants ; but the taunt comes with a very ill grace from ministers, whether Episcopalian or Calviuist, whose predecessors in this country lived on money wrung by process of law from many who did not belong to their flock and who rejected their teaching. 48 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. tim to the climate, and Brother Gervase, one of the original band of settlers, also died/ / The hostility excited by Claybome prevented the establish- ment of any mission among the Indian tribes, as the gov- ernor deemed it rash for any missionary to take up his resi- dence in an Indian village ; but among the settlers they found employment, for their zeal, several Protestants being instructed and received into the Church. One of the Fath- ers visited a neighboring province, Virginia as we may infer, and found two Frenchmen long strangers to the sacraments and their duties, who, struck down by sickness, availed them- selves of this pro\H[dential presence of a priest to make their peace with God. The Fatliers found several Catholics in Virginia held for service whose terms they purchased to enable them to go to Maryland and live where they could practice ' their religion. "We can picture to ourselves the little colony, the only , place under the flag of England where Catholicity enjoyed even comparative freedom. A public chapel where mass was regularly said, where sermons were preached on Sun- days and holidays, where the children each Sunday learned their catechism, and adults were grounded in the faith by ' instructions suited to their capacity — undoubtedly the first Sunday-school in the country — where retreats were given to those who wished to perform the spiritual exercises. After a time Father Wliite took up his residence with Maquacomen, chief or king of Patuxent, a man of great power and influence, who showed every inclination to em- brace the faith. His example led several of the tribe to lis- ten to the missionary and they were baptized after being carefully instructed and their perseverance tested ; but Ma- ' Annual Letter of 1638. " Relatio Itineris," pp. 54-5. EQUALITY OF RELIGIOUS EIGHTS. 49 quacomen, though he followed the instructions aud seemed ^[convinced, hesitated and procrastinated. He had shown his good-will by bestowing on the mission a tract known as Meta- pawnien, a spot so fertile that its produce was the main reli ance of the Maryland missionaries. Yet with the unstable ness so frequent among Indians he soon changed, all desigc of embracing the faith vanished, and his hostility to the mis sionaries and to the Maryland settlers became so marked that Leonard Calvert recalled Father AVhite to St. Mary's. The first permanent Indian mission was thus defeated, great' ae "the hopes were that had been based on the influence which the_Patuxent chief exercised over the surrounding tribes.' The prevailing influence in Maryland was Catholic ; the leading gentlemen who had given their means and personal services to the project, like Captam Thomas Cornwaleys, Cuthbert Fenwick, Thomas Green, were Catholics, but several of those whom they brought over under the conditions of plantation were. Protestants. For many years these had no clergymen, but a chapel was soon reared for their use. They were protected in its exclusive use, and interference with their religious views by taunts or opprobrious words was pun- ished." Care was taken by the lord proj^rietary to maintain this equality of religious rights. The oath of oflice taken by the governors from the outset evinces this. " And I do further swear that I will not by myself or any other person, directly or indirectly, trouble, molest, or discountenance any person ' " Relatio Itincris," p. 63. ' Lt. William Lewis was fined in 1638 for abusing Protestants who were reading aloud a book that offended him. See proceedings analyzed in Scharf, i. pp. 166-7. Dr. Thomas Gerrard was fined in 1642 for taking away the keys and books of the Protestant chapel. Maryland Archives^ i,p. 119 ; Johnson, " Old Maryland Manors," p. 29 ; Bozman, "History of Maryland," ii. pp. 199-200 ; Davis, " Day Star," p. 33. 4 50 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. whatsoever, professing to believe in Jesus Christ, and in par- ticular no Roman Catholic, for or in respect of religion, nor his or her free exercise thereof within the said province, . . . nor will I make any difference of persons in conferring of- fices, rewards or favors, for or in respect to their said religion, but meerly as I shall find them, faithful and well deser^ang of his said Lordship and to the best of my understanding endowed with morall vertues and abilities . . . and if any other oflScer or persons whatsoever shall . . . molest or dis- turb any person . . . professing to believe in Jesus Christy meerly for or in respect of his or her religion or the free exercise hereof upon notice or complaint thereof made to him, I will apply my power and authority to relieve any per- on so molested or troubled, whereby he may have right done him." ' Lord Baltimore's scheme embraced not only religious but legislative freedom, and his charter provided for a colonial assembly. Maryland begins her history in March, 1634, and in less than three years an assembly of the freemen of the little colony was convened and opened its sessions on the 25-26th of January, 1637. All who had taken up lands were ■ summoned to attend in person. The Catholic priests, sum- moned like the rest, had no wish to take part as legislators. Through Robert Clerke they asked to be excused from serv- ing.' When the Assembly met, John Lewgar, secretary | - Chalmers, p. 235 ; McMahon, " Hist. Maryland," 226. Langford, " Refutation of Babylon's Fall "; "Virginia and Maryland," pp. 22, 23, 26. The terms of the oath are taken from the Parliament Navy Committee \ 31st Dec. , 1652, where they are given in a general way, and not as those | of an oath introduced recently. Streeter, ' ' Maryland Two Hundred Years Ago," p. 26, and some subsequent writers endeavored to show that this I oath did not date back to 1636 ; tlie whole question can be studied in j Scharf, i., p. 171. | " "Maryland Archives," i., p. 5. ' NEW QUESTIONS. 51 to Lord Baltimore, was the leading spirit. A recently eon- verted Protestant minister, lie was little versed in the canons and ru les of the Catholic Church, Some of the laws intro- duced by him excited grave doubts in the minds of Cathohc gentlemen in the Assembly, who submitted the matter to the missionaries. To their minds the proposed acts so conflicted w ith the laws of the_Church that no Catholic^ coul d conscientiously vote for them. Their opinion gave great umbrage to Leonard Calvert, the governor, and still greater to Lord Baltimore when the affair was reported to him.' The varian ce of opinion was most unfortunate in its results to the colony, as impairing the haruionj which had hitherta prevailed, and threatened to prevent the growth of the ^urchin its usefulness and the spreading of missions among- the Indians. A chapel had by this time been erected at St. Mary's, and a cemetery was duly blessed to receive the remidns of those who died in the faith." Secretary Lewgar, though sincerely a Catholic, and subse- quently a priest,' was at this time too unacquainted with the canons of the Church to act dispassionately. His letteri^ to Lord Baltimore seem to have excited that nobleman so much that he resolved to force the Jesuit Fathers to aban- don the mission. He declared the grant of land by the Patuxent king null and void, and objected to a further ' Laws were introduced regarding marriage and proving wills, then regarded as within the province of ecclesiastical courts, establishing courts, and one curious enactment deprived a woman of lands descending to her unless she married before an age fixed by law. " Maryland Archives," i., p. 15. ' " Y* ordinarj^ burying place in St. Mary's Chapel yard " is alluded to in John Lloyd's will, 1658. Davis, p. 33. ' He died at London in 1655, while attending the plague-stricken. As to his writings, see Dodd, iii., p. 264. m THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. acquisition of land bj the missionaries. At the same time he took measures to request the Congregation de Propa- ganda Fide at Rome to estabhsh a mission in his province of Maryland. In carrying out his plan he acted disingenuously, evidently withholding all information as to the actual exist- ence of a mission in his colony, founded by the English province of the Society of Jesus. A more direct and straightforward course would have been to submit the case to the authorities in Rome and solicit such a modification of ordinary rules as the exceptional state of afiairs in Maryland seemed to require. It was apparently to support his application to Rome that the Maryland Assembly, on the 19th of March, 1638 (O. S.), passed an act entitled " An Act for Church Liberties," the first section of which provided that " Holy Church within this province shall have all her rights, liberties and immu- nities, safe, whole and inviolable in all things." ' ' "Maryland Archives," i., pp. 35, 40, 82. It was to be in force till the next Assembly and then be made perpetual. That a law of general relig- ious freedom was then passed has been asserted, but no such act can now be found. ' ' After the Charter was thus granted to Lord Baltimore, who was then a Roman Catholic, his Lordship emitted his proclamation to encourage the settlement of his province, promising therein among other things, liberty of conscience and an equal exercise of religion to every denom- ination of Christians who would transport themselves and reside in his province, and that he would procure a law to be passed for that purpose afterwards. The first or second Assembly that met after the colonists arrived here, some time in the year 1638, a perpetual law was passed in pursuance of his Lordship's promise, and indeed such a law was easily obtained from those who were the first settlers. This act was confirmed in 1649 and again in 1650." Reply of Upper to Lower House of Assem- bly in 1758, cited by Scharf, i., p. 154. " The people who first settled in this province were for the most part Roman Catholics, and that although every other sect was tolerated, a majority of the inhabitants continued Papists till the Revolution." Gov. •Sharpe's letter of Dec. 15, 1758, in Maryland State Library. \ ALa.Am.Cjci.uaf ^uvincisL/Aooftoh.OLS' labor ihivs cicirws. Ohytin Aaigiisi propasicto^emcLrluciP , yfj^i^^, BAPTISM OP KING CHILOMACON, BY FATHER ANDREW WHITE. FROM TANNER. " SOCIETAS JESIJ," 1694 MARYLAND MISSIONS. 55 Meanwhile the missionaries were continuing their labors, Father John Brock, who had become Superior of the Mis- sion, residing with a lay brother at the plantation, apparently that known as St. Inigoes ; Father Altham, who had become well acquainted with the country, being stationed at Kent Island on the eastern shore, then a great centre of the Indian trade, and Father Philip Fisher at the chapel in St. Mary's, the capital of the colony. Father White had penetrated to a new field, a hundred and twenty miles from St. Mary's, having, in June, 1639, planted his mission cross at Kittamaquindi, capital of Pisca- taway, the realm of the Tayac or Chief, Chitomachen or Chilomacon. This was probably at or near the present town of that name, fifteen miles south of the city of Washington. The chief, predisposed by dreams, on which Indians depend so much, received the missionary warmly. He listened to the instructions and, touched by grace, resolved not only to encourage the missionary's labors among his people, but, with his wife and children, to embrace the faith preached to them. He put away his concubines, learned how to pray, and observed the fasts and abstinences of the Church. He openly avowed his renunciation of all his former supersti- tions and idolatry, and declared that religion was far more to him than any other advantage he could derive from the whites. Yisiting St. Mary's, this catechumen was received with every mark of friendship, and when he was sufficiently instructed, and his dispositions deemed certain, he was solemnly baptized at Kittamaquindi, his capital, on the 5th of July, 1640, receiving at the sacred font the name of Charles. His wife, the devoted friend of the mission, re- ceived in baptism the name of Mary, and her infant child that of Anne. The king's chief councillor, Mesorcoques, with his son, enjoyed the same blessing. This interesting 54 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. ceremony, the administration of the holy sacrament of regen- eration to a chief of such influence and his family, took place in a new bark chapel, erected for the occasion. Leonard Calvert, the governor, came with Lewgar, the sec- retary of the colony, and Father Altham, to show by their presence the importance of the event. In the afternoon the king and queen were united in matri- mony according to Christian usage ; then a large holy cross was erected, the Indian chief, the English governor and secretary, with natives and settlers lending their shoulders and hands to bear it to its destined place, the two Jesuit Fathers chanting, as they went, the Litany of our Lady of Loretto, the murmur of the river as it flowed down past the site of the future capital of the country, and the voices of the hoary forests echoing the response.' The two missionaries were soon after prostrated by fever, and they were conveyed to St. Mary's. Father Altham did not rally from its effects ; he sank under the disease and died on the 5 th of November, 1640. Father White began to mend, and in February, having regained some strength, joined Father Brock, at Piscataway, in order to make the mission a solid one ; but he again fell sick, exciting the alarm of Father Brock, who feared that listening only to his zeal he would sink under his age and increasing infirmities, the result doubtless of the years spent in English prisons. Much of the success of the society's labors in Maryland depended upon Father White, inasmuch as he possessed the greatest influence over the minds of the Indians, and spoke their languages with greater fluency and accuracy than any of the 'Annual Letter, 1639, in "Relatio Itineris," p. 65, etc. ; Foley, "Rec- ords," iii., p. 372. Tanner, " Societas Jesu Apostolorum Imitatrix," Prague, 1694, pp. 803-4. The curious picture of tbe baptism of Chito- machen is reproduced exactly from the now rare work of Tanner. J MARYLAND MISSIONS. 55 other missionaries. It was Father Brock, however, who was to be the next victim to the chmate. After announcinir the faith to the tribe of Anacostans or Snakes, and converting their king, he died before the close of the year. Father Brock, whose real name was Ferdinand Poulton, belonged to a family which had given many members to the Society of Jesus. He was born in Buckinghamshire about the beginning of the century, and entering the Society in 1622, was sent out as Superior of the mission in 1638 or 1639, being then a professed Father. He was accidentally shot while crossing Saint Mary's River. • A letter written shortly before his death gives interesting details of the labors of the Fathers on the Maryland mission, which we have used in our account. Its closing sentences show how completely he was absorbed in the work.' " The mere idea of our Superiors recalling us or not sending others to help us in this glorious work of the conversion of souls, in some sort impugns the Providence of God and his care of his servants, as though he would now less than formerly pro\nde for the nourishment of his laborers. On which account our courage is not diminished, but rather increased and strength- ened ; since now God will take us into his protection, and will certainly provide for us himself, especially since it has pleased the divine goodness already to receive some fruit of our labors however small. In whatever manner it may seem good to his divine Majesty to dispose of us, may his holy will be done ! But as much as in me lies, I would rather, labor- ing in the conversion of the Indians, expire on the bare ground deprived of all human succor and perishing with hun- ger, than once think of abandoning this holy work of God ' Letter of Father .John Brock, Stonyhurst MSS., iv., p. 109; U. S. Catholic Magazine, 1848, p. 534. Foley, "Records," iii., pp. 368, 382; "Relatio Itineris," p. 73. 56 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. from the fear of want. May God grant me grace to render liim some service and all tlie rest I leave to divine Provi- dence. The King of Piscataway lately died most piously ; but God will for his sake raise up seed for us in his neigh- bor, the King of Anacostan, who has invited us to come to him, and has decided to become a Christian. Many likewise in other localities desire the same. Hopes of a rich harvest shine forth, unless frustrated by the want of laborers who can speak the language and are in sound health." This energetic Superior was cut off amid plans approved by the Provincial for establishing new stations, and he had proposed a scheme for commencing a seat of learning for the province of Maryland.' In 1642 Father Philip Fisher, again Superior, contin- ued his labors at Saint Mary's, among the settlers and neighboring Indians. Here the young empress of Piscata- way was solemnly baptized, and remained to be educated in Christian and civilized life. Father Andrew White attended Piscataway and the scattered missions. He suffered greatly from a Puritan captain on whose vessel he embarked to shorten his voyages, and he even feared that he might be carried off to ISTew England ; but the vessel was frozen in the ice of the Potomac opposite the Indian town of that name to which Father White proceeded over the ice on foot, the inhospitable craft soon after sinking crushed by the ice of the river. The missionary was weather-bound at this point nearly two months, but they were a season of grace to the Indians. " The ruler of the little village with the principal men among the inhabitants was during that time added to the Church, ' " The hope of establishing a College which you hold forth, I embrace with pleasure ; and shall not delay my sanction to the plan, when it shall have reached maturity." Letter to Father Brock, U. S. Cath. Mag., vii., p. 580. MARYLAND MISSIONS. 57 and received the faith of Christ through baptism. Besides these persons, one was converted along with many of his friends ; a third brought his wife, his son, and a friend ; and a fourth in hke manner came, together -^-ith another of no ignoble standing among his people. Strengthened bv their example, the people are jjrepared to receive the faith when- ever we shall have leisure to instruct them." ' About this time the Fathers seem to have converted also some Virginia settlers so as to arouse animosity, for the acts of the colony show that the Catholics were deemed nu- merous and active enough to crush. In 1641 it was enacted that no popish recusant should attempt to hold any office in that colony under the penalty of a thousand pounds of to- bacco.' Father Roger Rigby was soon after stricken down with illness amid his apostolic labors at Patuxent. The efforts of the missionary at Port Tobacco resulted in the conversion of almost all the tribe, so that Father White resolved to make their town his residence, Piscataway hav- ing become exposed to the ravages of the Susquehannas, who had already attacked a mission station and killed all the whites who were there cultivating the soil. The report that the missionary himself had been slain spread far and \vide, and reached the ears of the holy Jesuit Father Isaac Jogues, 1 "Annual Letter," 1642. Foley, " Records," iii., p. 381. ^ An unscrupulous enemy of the missionaries at this time attests the constant conversions of Protestants as distinctly as the Jesuits and their friends. " His country," writes the author of " Virginia and Maryland," " till he employed Captain Stone, never had but papist governors, and counsellors, dedicated to St. Ignatius, as they call him, and his Chappel and Holy day kept solemnly. The Protestants, for the most part, miserably disturbed in the exercise of their Religion, by many wayes plainly enforced, or by subtil practises, or hope of preferment to turn Papists, of which a very sad account may from time to time be given, even from their first arrivall to this very day." P. 13. 58 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. who, rescued by the Dutch from the inhuman cruelties of the Mohawks, was then at Manhattan." The danger of the inroads of this fierce tribe compelled the missionaries to confine themselves to visits to the Indian towns instead of taking up their residence in them. " Where- fore," says Father Fisher, "we have to content ourselves with excursions, many of which we have made this year (1640), ascending the river called the Patuxen. Hence this fruit has arisen, the conversion of young Queen of Pa- tuxen and her mother, also of the young Queen of Por- tobacco, of the wife and two sons of Tayac the great, so- called, that is the emperor, who died last year, and of one hundred and thirty others. The following is our manner of making an excursion : We are carried in a pinnace or gal- ley (the father, the interpreter, and a servant), two rowing when the wind fails or is contrary, the other steering. We take with us a little chest of bread, butter, cheese, corn cut and dried before ripening, beans and a little flour ; another chest with a bottle of wine for mass, a bottle of holy water for baptism, an altar stone, chalice, vestments ; while a third box contained trifles for presents to the Indians, bells, combs, ' In this raid the Susquehannas sent a spear at an Anacostan In- dian, piercing him through the body below the arm-pits. He was car- ried in a dying state to Piscataway, where Father White prepared him for death, and touched his wounds with a reliquary containing a particle of the True Cross. As he was summoned to attend an aged dying Indian at some distance, he directed the Anacostan's friends to take his body when he died to the chapel for burial. The next day as the missionary was returning in his canoe, he was met by this very man, perfectly re- stored to health, a red spot on each side showing where the wound had been. He declared " that from the hour at which the Father had left him he bad not ceased to invoke the most holy name of Jesus, to whom he ascribed his recovery. The missionary urged him in view of so great a favor to thank God and persevere, treating with love and reverence that holy name and the most holy cross." " Relatio Itineris," pp. 87-8. MARYLAND MISSIONS. 59 ^fishhooks, needles, thread, --, MiLNOK HOUSE AT NEWTOWN OR CRETTON'S NECK. 78 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. of 1649, that gentleman, with the hearty good hking of his dearly beloved wife. Temperance Bretton, " to the greater honor and glory of Almighty God, the ever Immaculate Virgin Mary and all saints," granted to the said Roman Catholic inhabitants, and their posterity, an acre and a half of ground for a chapel and cemetery, and here rose the modest chapel of Saint Ignatius, the first Catholic church of Newtown.' • With the restoration of the Stuarts and the fall of the Puritan rule. Lord Baltimore regained his authority, and Catholic settlers began to arrive. Before 1668, John and Joseph Hebron, Catholics, from Scotland, settled on the eastern shore, in Kent County, and their descendants retained the faith for some generations." ' The deed for the land for the church and graveyard bears date Nov. 10, 1661. Davis, "Day Star," p 227. It was a triangular piece at the head of St. Nicholas' Creek, near Bowling's Cove. A few old bricks, with mortar still adhering, are the last relics of St. Ignatius Chapel, and near it is the graveyard used for more than two centuries. The church on Sundays in the old time was reached in sailboats from miles around. The manor at Newtown, or Bretton's Neck, passed from Bretton, and was purchased by the Jesuit missionaries. In their hands the house and chapel have been a centre of Catholicity, surrounded by lands and streams that bear the name of St. Francis, St. Margaret, St. Lawrence, St. Peter, St. John, St. Winifred, St. Michael, St. Gabriel, St. Anne. The house erected by Bretton, of old English brick, is still standing, its original one story having had another added, making it a stately mansion, beautifully situated on the Neck. It contains relics of Fathers who labored in Mary- laud in the last two centuries. "Historical points connected with New- town manor and church, St. Mary's Co., Md." Woodstock Letters, xiii., pp. 69, 116, and xiv., p. 61, etc. - Hanson, " History of Old Kent," pp. 197-8. Virginia about this time (1661) showed the old intolerance by passing an act imposing a fine of £20 on any one who neglected to attend the service of the Protestant church. CHAPTEK TV. THE JESUITS AND FRANCISCANS IN MARYLAND, 1669-1690. From the diflBcultj in wliicli the Society was involved in England, and a great loss of means for maintaining the mission, few of the Jesuit Fathers sent to Maryland during the admin- istration of Charles Calvert, who was governor of the prov- ince from 1661 to 1675, remained for any considerable period. When the Abbate Claudius Agretti, a canon of Bruges, was sent by the Holy See on a special mission to England in 1669, he visited Cecil, Lord Baltimore, at his villa, and that aged nobleman complained that there were only two priests in Maryland to minister to the two thousand Catholics in that provnnce, and that the Holy See, although solicited for twenty-four years to send missionaries there, had taken no action in the matter.' Of the three priests of the Society on the mission in Mary- land in 1669, one. Father Peter Pelcon or Manners, a young ' Brady, "Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy in England and Scotland," Rome, 1877, p. 116. So far as can be traced the Jesuit Fathers employed on the Maryland mission from 1660 to 1674, were Fathers Henrj^ Pel- ham, Edward Tidder, John Fitzwilliam, Francis Fitzherbert, Peter Pel- con, Peter Riddell, George Pole, William Warren, Michael Forster (Gu- lick) ; but the only two actually there at the close of 1669 were William Pelham and Michael Forster (Gulicki. Father Treacy (Woodstock Let- ters, XV., p. 91), omits Fitzwilliam and Riddell, and places Forster later. Foley, " Records," vii., gives the number on the Maryland mission in 1660 as 1 ; 1661, 2 ; 1663-7, 3 : 1672-4, 2, vol. vii., xc-xcvi. The Annual Let- ters, 1671-4 (" Rel. Itin.," pp. 98-99), gives two as the number for those years. (79) 80 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. and zealous missioner full of the apostolic spirit, met death in the discharge of his duty. He had bound himself by a special vow to consecrate his whole life and labors to the Maryland mission, if his superiors permitted it. A saintly man who had vowed to love no creature except in God and for God, his influence was extraordinary. Catholics were brought by him to a loving and exact discharge of all Chris- tian duties, and to firmness of faith amid trials and seductions ; even Protestants, won by his pure and devoted character, sought guidance and instruction from him, so that nearly a hundred conversions were ascribed to his influence, although he did not live to receive them all into the Church. On Wednesday, in Easter week, April 24, 1669, he was sum- moned to a distant call, and at once set out. The spring rains had swollen the streams into torrents, and in attempting to cross one, the missionary and his horse were swept down the current and engulfed in the waters.' The report of the Abbate Agretti was considered in a Par- ticular Congregation of the Propaganda, held September 9, 1670, and the last decree then passed directed "that letters should be written to the Internuncio regarding the mission to the island of Maryland in America, in order that at the in- stance of tlie temporal lord of the aforesaid island, lie should depute missionaries of approved mei'it, and send in their names to the Cardinal Protector for the issue of the necessary faculties." ' He had been twelve years in the Society and died at the age of 38. Notice of him by Very Rev. F. Simeon, provincial of England, Foley, iii., p. 390 ; Annual Letter, in " Relatio Itineris," p. 93 ; his real name was apparently Pelcon, Foley, vii., p. 679. The Annual Letters report 54 conversions in 1671 ; 70 in 1672 ; 28 in 1673. The baptisms for three years were 100, 70, 75. '^ Brady, "Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy," pp. 118-9. The Inter- mmcio was the Abbate Airoldi at Brussels. THE FRANCISCANS IN MARYLAND. 81 A mission founded about tliis time in Maryland by the Franciscan Fathers of the English province was evidently a result of this decree of the Propaganda. The Jesuits had an illustrious founder of their mission in the person of Father Andrew White ; the Franciscan mission claims as its founder a truly apostolic man, Father Massseus Massey a Sancta Bar- bara. In a congregation of the province held October 12, 1672, in Somerset House, one of the royal palaces in London, then apparently the residence of the Portuguese ambassador, the establishment of a mission of the order in Maryland was decided upon, and Father Massey was appointed to found it, with another Father to be selected l)y the provincial.' Father Massey with his associate reached Maryland apparently in 1673, and entered into a portion of the labors and harvest of the missionaries already there ; pei'fect harmony being maintained between them for the common prosperity of the Catholic cause.'' In 1674, the French Jesuit Father John Pierron, who had been employed on the Mohawk mission, and had tluis become familiar with the English colonial ways, was transferred for a time to the Acadian mission. While attached to this station, he made a torn* through the EngUsh colonies as far as Yirginia. On the way he was shocked to see baptism so generally neg- lected, and endeavored to do what good he could, but he found few to benefit by his ministry. He had interviews with some of the ministers at Boston, and the Labbadists a few years after found his visit there still a topic of conversa- tion. He was at last cited before the General Court, but he proceeded on his journey. " He found," says the Relation of 1674, "in Maryland two of our English Fathers and one ' " Ex-Registro, FF.M., Prov. Angliae," p. 85— Oliver, 'Collections," p. 541. * Annual Letter of 1673, in " Relatio Itineris," pp. 98-9. 6 82 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. brother ; the Fathers dressed like gentlemen, and the brother like a farmer ; in fact, he has charge of the farm which gives the two missionaries their support. They labor with success in. converting the Protestants of the country, where there are in. fact many Catholics, among others, the governor. As these two Fathers are not enough alone, Father Pierron offers vol- untarily to go and help them, and at the same time found a mission among the neighboring Indians, whose language he understands. But this scheme presents many difficulties and seems to me impossible." ' The want of all records of this period makes it impossible to tell in what field each of the Jesuit and Franciscan mis- sionaries labored at this time. New York, in which IS^ew Jersey was then included, was open to Catholics and some may have settled there, to whom these Fathers occasionally made visits. There seems to have been a wider field than that of the two thousand Catholics in Maryland, who were nearly all in the same district, for in 1674 the Franciscans in a congrega- tion held in May, appointed Fathers Polycarp Wicksted and Basil Hobart to the Maryland mission, and the next year the Jesuit Father Nicholas Gulick came to America with Father Francis Pennington and two lay brothers.'' In the following year the Franciscan Father Henry a Sancto Fran- cisco appears in Maryland, and in October, Father Edward Golding was sent out ; Father Massey remaining superior till 1677, when Father Henry Carew replaced him, his predecessor becoming guardian of the convent in London. The same year the Jesuit Superior Thomas Gawen arrived.' ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1674, in "Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 8, 10; Dankers and Sluyter, "Journal," p. 388. '' Ex Registro, FF.M., Pro v. Anglise, p. 88. Jesuit Annual Letter, 1675, in "Rel. Itineris," p. 99. 3 Ex Registro, pp. 97, 104, 108 ; Annual Letter, 1677. "Rel. Itin.,"p. lOQ CATHOLIC EDUCATION. 83 Two Labbadists who visited Maryland about this time (1679-80) write : " Those persons who profess the Roman Catholic religion have great, indeed all freedom in Maryland, because the governor makes profession of that faith, and con- sequently there are priests and other ecclesiastics who travel and disperse themselves everywhere, and neglect nothing- which serves for their profit and purpose." ' One result of this increase of the clergy was the opening in 1677 of a Catholic school in Maryland, with a course of study which included the humanities. It was dii'ected by Father Forster and Mr. Thomas Hothersall, an approved scholastic of the Society, prevented by constant headaches from being ordained. The sons of the planters won applause by their application and progress. In 1681 two scholars who had passed through the course at this academy crossed the Atlantic to complete their university studies at St. Omer's^ and with true American energy, at once made a bold effort to be the leaders in the various classes. This system was kept up by the Jesuit Fathers in Maryland till the American Kevolution, their school being occasionally suspended by the hostility of the provincial government. Trained in preparatory scIkxjIs, the sons and even the daughters of the more wealthy Maryland Catholics were sent abroad ; some returned to America to mix in the world ; not a few young Marylanders became religious laboring in the vineyard in England or America, or leading holy lives in convent cloisters.' ' Bankers and Sluyter, " Journal of a Voyage to New York," Brooklyn, 1867, p. 221. Of the Protestant ministers of Marjiand and Virginia, they say, p. 218 : " You hear often tliat these ministers are worse than anybodj' else, yea, are an abomination." * Foley, "Records of the English Province," vii., p. 275 ; Woodstock- Letters, xiii., p. 269. 84 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Among the early pupils of this academy, we should prob- ably find on the roll the name of Robert Brooke, a member of a pious Catholic family, who was born in Maryland in 1663, and entering the Society of Jesus at Watten in 1684, was ap- parently the first priest of the order ordained from Lord Baltimore's province, and he is the first of five priests his family gave to the Society of Jesus.' The Protestants in Maryland, whether of the Established Cluirch or the Puritan bodies, had been free to estabhsh their own churches, but they were to all appearance profoundly iu- dilferent. This was perhaps but the general rule, the French Calvinists in Florida, the Dutch in New York, the Swedish Lutherans on the Delaware, the Pilgrims of Plymouth, all comino; over and remaining; for some time without a minister of religion. It was not till 1650 that a Protestant clergyman, Pev. Mr. Wilkinson, appeared in the province, and he re- flected no credit on his profession. The historians of the Ej)iscopal Church in Maryland admit and deplore the un- worthy character of the early ministers of their faith. In- stead of building up Protestant congregations they induced many to seek the guidance of the Catholic priests, whose zeal and edifying life spoke louder than words. There could, under such circumstances, be little life in the Protestant body, and in 1676 we find the Pev. Mr. Yeo, one of the three Episco- pal clergymen in Maryland, appealing to the Archbishop of Canterbury, drawing a sad picture of Protestantism in the col- ony, and urging him to solicit from Lord Baltimore some sup- ' Foley, " Records," vii., p. 91. Matthew Brooke, born in Maryland in 1672, is the first secular priest of the province. He subsequently entered the Society. lb., p. 90. There is at Woodstock College, a very touch- ing account by Father Peter Pelcom (Manners), of the death of Robert Brooke, Esq., "Narratio Mortis Admodum Piae Doni Roberti Brooke in Marylandia, Anno Doni 1667, Octobris 3." I MARYLAND MISSIONS. S^ port for a Protestant ministry. The lord proprietary replied that he supported no clergy, that all denominations were free in Maryland, and that each had maintained its owti ministers and ehm-ehes voluntarily.' During the period of Catholic influence in Maryland, the Indian converts in many cases lived side by side with the white settlers. The chiefs adopted the usjiges of civilized hfe ; their daughters were educated and frequently married into famihes of the colonists. Descendants of the aborigi- nal rulers of the soil exist in the neighborhood of the Pisca- taway and on the eastern shore. It is constantly asserted by Maryland writers that the blood of the native chiefs is now represented by the Brents, Fen wicks, Goldsboroughs, and other distinguished families of the State. The original chapel at St. Mary's, although the first city of Maryland remained a kind of scattered village, had by this time grown too small or otherwise unsuited to the wants of the Catholics of white and Indian orio;in who attended it. In 1683 steps were taken in the council of the colony to lay out a site for a new church, and cemetery. Unfortunately no plan of St. Mary's exists and apparently no data by w^iich to form one now to show the site of the original chapel and the ground where the early settlers and Governor Leonard Calvert were laid.' ' Chalmers, "Annals," p. 375; Scharf, i., p. 282-3. Yet the Privy Council thought some provision should be made, and in a few years thi& was most iniquitously carried out. '^ Kilty, " Land-Holders' Assistant," p. 123. Lord Baltimore in council ordered land to be laid out there for " the chappel. state house, and bury- ing place." The Annual Letter, 1696, says of St. Mary's, that " with the residence of the illustrious Lord Baltimore surrounded by six other houses, it bore some semblance to a village." Foley," Records," vii., p. clix. " But it can hardly be called a town, it being in length by the water about five miles, and in breadth upwards, toward the land, not above a 86 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. The grant by Charles II. of territory in America under which his brother James, Duke of York, put an end to the Dutch rule in New Netherland, brought the whole coast from the borders of Connecticut to the Potomac, under the control of Catholic proprietors, who would naturally favor the immigration and freedom of their fellow-believers. The district acquired by James was one, however, in which Catho- lics had always been few and rarely jjermanent residents. Two Portuguese soldiers at Fort Orange in 1626 ; a Portu- guese woman, and a transient Irishman met by Father Isaac Jogues, in 1643, are the earliest on record.' Yet soon after Lord Baltimore applied for his Maryland charter, another Catholic gentleman. Sir Edmund Plowden, a descendant of the famous lawyer of that name, solicited for himself and some associates a patent for lands on the Hudson and Delaware, including what is now known as New Jersey and Long Island. A charter was granted by writ of Privy Seal, witnessed by the Deputy General of Ireland, at Dublin, June 21, 1634, by which a county palatine was erected under the name of New Albion. Captain Thomas Yong, a corre- spondent of the famous priest Sir Toby Mathews, under this erected a fort or trading house at Eriwomeck on the Jersey side of the Delaware about 1631 and resided there some years. Plowden himself cam^e over in 1642 and nearly lost his life by a mutiny of his crew, who set him ashore on a desert island two years afterwards. Some of the English settlers recog- nized his authority, but the Swedes stubbornly refused to al- mile, in all which space, excepting only my own home and buildings wherein the said courts and public offices are kept, there are not above thirty liouses, and those at considerable distance from each other, and the buildings .... very mean and little." Lord Baltimore, in Scharf, i., p. 294. ' Brodhead, 'History of New York," i., p. 169; Martin, "Life of Father Isaac Jogues," p. 154. FIRST SERVICE IN NEW YORK. 87 low him even to trade on the Delaware. His plans of settlement proposed a recognition of Christianity and beyond that the most complete toleration for all. That his object may have been to secure a refuge for oppressed Catholics is very probable, but nothing that can be deemed a Catholic settle- ment was founded by him, nor is there any tracfe of any visit to New Albion by any Catholic priest, or the erection of a chapel.' The grant to James, Duke of York, was followed by the establishment of English authority and the opening of the country to English colonization. James subsequently ceded part of his territory under the name of Xew Jersey to a num- ber of persons, prominent among whom was James, the Cath- olic Earl of Perth. There was no attempt to form any largely Cathohc settlement at any point, though Catholics obtained positions under the new colonial governments and some came over to better their fortunes, and make homes for themselves in the Kew World. In 1674, James sent out as second in authority to Governor Andros, and his successor in case of death, Lieutenant An- thony Brockholls. This gentleman was of a Catholic family in Lancashire, England, and would have been excluded from holding oflice in England by the Test Act recently passed in that country. " But as that statute did not extend to the British American Plantations, the Duke of York himself," says a I^ew York historian, " a %nctim of Protestant intoler- ance, was able to illustrate his own idea of ' Freedom to worship God,' by appointing a member of the Church of Rome to be his second colonial officer in New York." ' In regard to New Albion and Plowden, see Rev. Dr. R. L. Burtsell, "A Missing Page of Catholic History," Catholic World, xxxii., p. 204 ; •Gregory B. Keen, "Note on Xew Albion" in Winsor's "Narrative and •Critical History of America," iii., p. 457. 88 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Brockholls took an active part in the affairs of tlie colony, as cornmander-in-cliief (1677-8, 1680-3) and member of the council till the power of William III. was established. He married in the colony and many of his descendants exist to this day. Lieutenant 'Jervis Baxter, another Catholic, was a promi- nent, active, and able officer of the colony, in administrative posts and in the council chamber. There is some ground for believing that there were several Catholics from the l^etherlands at Albany in 1677, for whose spiritual consolation the Franciscan Father Hennepin was invited to settle at that place.' There were Catholics also in other parts, and there are indications that priests reached I^ew York, either secular priests from England or Franciscans from Maryland." Two Labbadists who visited New York and the neighboring provinces in 1679 with the view of selecting a spot for a colony of their sect, state that the Catholics believed them to be really priests, and were so persistent that they could not get rid of them or disabuse them. The poor Catholics, long deprived of mass and the sacraments, and evi- dently looking for promised priests, took these French sec- taries to be really ministers of their faith, and wished them to say mass, hear their confessions, and baptize their children. Dankers and Sluyter mention expressly a family of French ' Hennepin, " Nouvelle Decouverte," Utrecht, 1697, p. 29 ; Brodhead, " History of New York," ii., p. 307. ^ Rev. Peter Smith, a Catholic priest, who is said to have been chaplain to Dongan, stated in an affidavit made in London in 1675, that he was in New York in 1665. Letter of Edward Antill to James Alexander, April 18, 1752. A baptism apparently by him is noted in 1685. Brodhead supposes one of the Jesuit Fathers to have been known as John Smith, but this is mere conjecture. "Father Smith," Dongan's chaplain, is al luded to in N. Y. Col. Doc, iii., pp. 613, 747; iv., p. 398; the name John Smith appears, ii., p. 17. CATHOLICS IN NEW JERSEY. 89 Catholics who kept a tavern at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, and wlio treated them with every courtesy, convinced to the last that their guests were priests, afraid to avow their real character.' There was one Catholic of note in New Jersey at this time who was active in all public affairs. This was William Douglas, who in 1680 was elected member of Assembly from Bergen. When that body convened in Elizabethtown in June, they promptly expelled Douglas, " tlie aforesaid mem- ber upon examination owning himself to be a Koman Cath- olick," and a warrant was issued to the town of Bergen for a new choice.^ Richard Towneley was apparently of the staunch Catholic family which endured such memorable sufferings for the faith, but there is no evidence of his fidelity. In 1682, the Duke of York appointed as Governor of New York, Colonel Thomas Dongan, the younger son of an Irish Catholic baronet of great wealth and influence, who subse- quently became Earl of Limerick. Colonel Dongan was a Catholic, a man of enlarged views and great energy ; he had seen service in the French armies, and had been English Gov- ernor of Tangier. One great object of James was to detach the Five Nations from the French, and keep that rival nation north of the great lakes. Tlie influence of the French over the Indians had been acquired and retained in no small degree by the zealous labors of the missionaries, who at this time were drawing many converts from the Five Nations in New York to La Prairie in Canada, where a Catholic Indian village had ' Bankers and Sluyter, ' ' .Tournal of a Voyage to New York, " Brook- lyn, 1867, p. 147. '' " Documents Relating to the Colonial History of New Jersey," New- ark, 1880, p. 312. 90 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. been formed. To counteract this it was evidently arranged at this time to establish a Jesuit mission in New York, the Fathers to form a Catholic village of Iroquois Indians under English influence. This plan was subsequently avowed and Saratoga mentioned as the site.' One of the English Fathers selected for the New York mission, Father Thomas Harvey, embarked with Gov- ernor Dongan in the Constant Warwick, an old Parlia- mentarian frigate, and arriving at ISTantasket in August, 1683, proceeded overland with the governor, and reached New York before the close of that month." There is very good ground for believing that Father Forster (Gulick), Superior of the Maryland Jesuits, was already in or near New York to receive the new member of his mission and arrange for future action. A baptism at Woodbridge, New Jersey, in June, 1683, seems evidently to have been performed by him, and his presence near New York would, under the circumstances, be perfectly natural." Father Warner, the English provincial, writing to the general of the society, February 26, 1683, says : " Father Thomas Hervey, the missioner, passes to New York by con- sent of the governor of the colony. In that colony is a respectable city, fit for the foundation of a college, if faculties are given, to which college those who are now scattered throughout Maryland may betake themselves and make ex- cursions from thence into Maryland. The Duke of York, > See Dongan's Report, N. Y. Colonial Doc, iii., p. 394. " Brodhead, "History of New York," New York, 1871, pp. 374-5. ^ DoUier de Casson, historian of Montreal, records, Aug. 30, 1700, the baptism in June, 1683, of Robert du Poitiers, born on Staten Island, "at Hotbridge, 3 leagues from Menate, by a Jesuit come from Mary-Land and named Master Juillet. " The only name at all among the Fathers at the time approaching this is Gulick, also written Guilick. Foley, vii., p. 275. i RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN NEW YORK. 91 the lord of that colony, greatly encourages the undertaking of a new mission. He did not consent to Father Thoma;3 Her- vey's sailing until he had advised with the provincial, the consultors and other grave fathers." ' Father Henry Harrison and Father Charles Gage, with two lay brothers, soon joined Father Harvey in JS'ew York. Though of English family, Father Henry Harrison was born in the Netherlands, and was probably selected on that account, as being more likely to effect good among the Dutch.' The Catholics had a small chapel in Fort James, which stood south of the Bowling Green, and this spot may be deemed the first where mass was regularly said in Xew York. Sixty pounds a year was paid, we are told, to " two Romish priests that attended on Governor Dongan." The establishment of a Latin school was one of the early good works of the Jesuit Fathers. It was held apparently on the king's farm, subse- quently leased by Governor Fletcher to Trinity Church,' and was attended by the sons of Judges Palmer and Graham, Captain Tudor, and others,* the bell of the Dutch church in the fort being rung to summon the pupik.' One of the first acts of the administrarion of the Catholic governor, Dongan, was the convening of the first legislative assembly in l^ew York, which met on the ITtli of October, 1683. In the Bill of Rights, passed on the 30th, the broad principle of religious freedom is recognized, as it was wher- ever Catholics had any influence. It declared that " no per- son or persons which profess faith in God by Jesus Christ ' Foley, "Records of the English Province," vii., p. 343. ' Harrison seems to come in 1685 and Gage in 1686. lb., pp. 335, 342. 3 N. Y. Col. Doc. iv., p. 490. * Leisler's correspondence in "Doc. History of IS". Y.," ii., pp. 14, 147. * Brodhead, ii., p. 487. 92 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. shall at any time be anyways molested, punished, disquieted^ or called in question for any difference of opinion or matter of religious concernment, who do not actually disturb the civil peace of the province ; but that all and every such per- son or persons may, from time to time and at all times, freely have and fully enjoy his or their judgments or con- sciences in matters of religion throughout all the province ; they behaving themselves peaceably and quietly, and not using this liberty to licentiousness nor to the civil injury or outward disturbance of others." The Christian churches in the province, and the Catholic was actually one, were to be " held and reputed as privileged churches, and enjoy all their former freedoms of their religion in divine worship and church discipline." The New York Legislature thus carried out the liberal spirit of James' instructions to Andros in 1674, and subsequently to Dongan, who were to " permit all persons, of what religion soever, quietly to inhabit within their government, without giving them any disturbance or disquiet whatsoever for or by reason of their differing opinions in matters of religion, pro- vided they give noe disturbance to the public peace, nor doe molest or disquiet others in the free exercise of their relig- ion." ' It was doubtless the freedom thus guaranteed that led the Jesuit Fathers to build hopes of founding a permanent mis- sion in New York, with an increasing flock of Catholics. The arrival of Fathers Harrison and Gage enabled them to visit scattered Catholics and prepare for the promising future. While Catholicity was thus endeavoring to gain a foothold on the banks of the Hudson, a new field was opened to it. Charles II., to cancel a debt of the Crown to Admiral Penn, ' Brodhead, " History of New York." ii., p. 454 : 3 lb., p. 487. RELIGIOUS LIBERTY IN PENNSYLVANIA. 93 granted to the Admiral's son, on the -tth of March, 1681, a territory in America, extending five degrees westward from the Delaware Kiver, with a breadth of three degrees. This became the Province of Pennsylvania. Penn, from a fop- pish young com*tier had become a zealous member of the Society of Friends, and though he had written a most impas- sioned book against the Catholic religion, enjoyed the friend- ship of the Duke of York, and was fully in accord with the principles of religious liberty which James had so much at heart. These views Penn carried out in the province granted to him. Dutch Calvinists and Swedish Lutherans were al- ready there, and Catholics had made an attempt at coloniza- tion, Now it was to receive a large body of emigrants, chiefly followers, like Penn, of George Fox. In the thirty- fifth clause of tlie laws agreed upon in England by AVilliam Penn, it was provided : " That all persons living in the province who confess and acknowledge the one Almighty and Eternal God to be the Creator, Upholder and Ruler of the World, and that hold tlieniselves obliged in conscience to live peaceably and justly in civil society, shall in no way be molested or prejudiced for their religious persuasion or prac- tise in matters of faith and worship, nor shall they be com- pelled at any time to frequent or maintain any rehgious worship, place or ministry whatever." ' Penn exerted himself to obtain emigrants from Germany, and among the settlers who came out there may have been Catholics who sought homes in this and other colonies now thrown open to them. As there was constant intercourse between New York and Maryland, official and personal, the Maryland missionaries might easily visit the rising city of Philadelphia. The northern visit of Father Gulick was not, ' " The Frame of Government," 1682. 94 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. apparently, the only one ; and there are indications that Pennsylvania was visited at an early day by some of the Franciscan Fathers. After sending out Markham as his deputy, who bore let- ters from King Charles and from Penn to Lord Baltimore, the proprietor of Pennsylvania himself landed at Newcastle in th§ latter part of October, 1682. That some Jesuit Father or other priest called upon him soon after is not un- likely, as such a visit would explain the report of his death, which was soon carried to England, with the assertion that he had died a Jesuit.' In Virginia and the New England colonies there were at this time few, if any, resident Catholics, occasional transient cases comprising nearly all," Dr. Le Baron, a shipwrecked physician, being, perhaps, one of the few who professed the true faith amid that spiritual darkness. Such was the position of the Catholic Church in the Eng- lish colonies when the weak Charles 11, died, reconciled to ' "I find some persons have had so little wisdom and so much malice as to report my death, and to mend the matter, dead a Jesuit too I am still alive and no Jesuit." — Letter, Philadelphia, August 1683, p. 3- Ford, " A Vindication of William Penn, Proprietary of Pennsilvania," 1683, Penn. Mag. of Hist., vi., pp. 176-7, denies his being a Papist and keeping a Jesuit to write his books. A visit of a reputed priest to Penn when ill would easily give rise to such stories. Penn also justified him- self against the charge of ill-treating a monk. Proud, " History of Penn- sylvania," i., p. 317. Watson cited the allusion of Penn to an old priest, as showing the presence of a Catholic priest in the colony ; but Westcott, in his "History of Philadelphia," showed that the reference was to the Swedish Lutheran minister. Catholic writers in Pennsylvania have failed to throw any new light on this early period. They copy Westcott now as they formerly copied Watson. I called the attention of Rev. A. A. Lambing's publishers to Mr. Westcott's work, and enabled him to avoid repeating Watson. * See "Report of a French Protestant Refugee in Boston," 1687; Brooklyn, 1868, pp. 16, 30. \ VICARS-APOSTOLIC IN ENGLAND. 95 the Church, and his brother James, an avowed Catholic, as- cended the throne in 1685. One of the first beneficial results was the appointment of a Yicar-Apostolic for England. Dr. John Leyburn, a divine of great zeal and learning, President of Douay College and Vicar-General of Bishop Smith, was appointed by Pope In- nocent XI. Bishop of Adrumetum and Yicar-Apostolic of all England. He was consecrated in Rome on September 9, 1685, and on reaching England was provided with apartments in Saint James' Palace. Three years subsequently his jurisdic- tion was restricted to the London district, three other bishops being appointed as Yicars-Apostolic of the Western, Mid- land, and Northern districts.' From the date of his appoint- ment to the close of the American Revolution, the Catholics in the British colonies in America and their clergy were subject to Doctor Leyburn and his successors, Bishops Gif- fard, Petre, and the ilkistrious Doctor Challoner, with his co- adjutor, Talbot. It was nearly sixty years since a Catholic bishop had appeared in England, and Bishop Leyburn was the first who for a hundred and thirty years had traveled un- molested through the island in the discharge of his episcopal functions. The Holy See in the time of Innocent XII. made the secular clergy, and all regulars, even Jesuits and Benedictines, sul)ject to the Yicar-Apostolic in whose dis- trict they were, for approbation with regard to hearing con- fessions, for the cure of souls, and for all parochial offices. During the closing years of the reign of Charles II., Father Michael Foster, the Jesuit Superior in Maryland, continued the old mission work. Yet he had only two, or at most three, Fathers with him, one being Father Francis Pennington, who ' Brady, " Annals of the Catholic Hierarchy in England and Scotland,* RoHie, 1877, p. 140, etc. 96 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. became superior on the death of Father Forster, and con- tinued so for a considerable period, being for nearly five years the only priest of his or- ^0 f^'^lm^ der in Maryland.' ^ Father Henry Carew was ap- FAC-SIMILE OP SIGNATURE OF PA- • . i t^ . i , r .^ t-. THEK PRAKCI8 PENNINGTON. P^^^^d President of the Fran- ciscan Mission in 1677, and served in Maryland for six years, dying at sea on the voyage back to England. From 1680 to 1684 Father Massey was again superior, and then disappears from Maryland, filling the position of Guard- ian at Gronow, and Douay, then of Yicar, Minister, and Commissary-General of the Province. As Father Hobart died subsequently in Maryland, he ap- parently remained in the colony during this period, but some of the others may have returned. There were not more than six Franciscans at any time on the mission, and apparently generally only three or four priests of that order.* It is not easy to comprehend why the Church did not at this time show more vitality in the old Catholic province ; but the clergy were few in number, and the Society of Jesus thought of making New York the centre. That religion was not more prosperous under a Catholic king and with a CathoHc lord proprietor, residing for a time in the province of Maryland, seems strange indeed. Among the interesting points connected with the history of Catholicity in this country during the reign of James, was ' Father Francis Pennington expired at the house of Mr. Hill, New. town, Md., February 22, 1699. F. Treacy's List, Woodstock Letters, xv., p. 92. ' "Ex-Registro FF.M., Prov. Angliae," pp. 85, 88, 97, 108, 115, 134; Oliver, "Collections," p. 541. Father Hobart's death was reported at the Chapter held July 10, 1698. i CLOSE OF THE NEW YORK MISSION. 97 the attempt of Captain George Brent to establish a Catholic settlement in Virginia. With Richard Foote, Robert Bar- stow, and Xieholas Hayward, of London, he purchased of Thomas Lord Culpeper thirty thousand acres of land between the Potomac and Rappahannock, and prepared to bring over settlers. They applied to the king for a guarantee of relig- ious freedom, and James, by patent, dated February 10, 1687, granted '* unto the petitioners, and all and every the inhabitants which now are or hereafter shall be settled in the said towne and the tract of land belonging to them, the free exercise of their religion, without being prosecuted or molested upon any penall laws or other account of the same." The reign of James II. was too brief to produce any other permanent result for the Church in whose cause he had labored and suffered. The scheme of a grand union of all the xVmerican colonies into one government, with the broad charter of equal religious rights for all, which emanated from the able mind of James, was not to be carried out for a cen- tury, when the united colonies shook off the yoke of the Prot- estant sovereigns of England. Plots were formed to overthrow James and call over the Prince of Orange. All was ready in the colonies to forward the movement. No sooner did tidiness arrive of the landinof of William than a rising took place in New England. In New York, the fanatical Leisler, full of declamation against Popery, seized the government. In Maryland, Coode, a min- ister, associated men as infamous as himself for the defence of the Protestant religion, and overthrew the proprietary government. In New York, Colonel Thomas Dongan had recently ceased to be governor, but a Catholic priest still resided in the fort, under Nicholson, and probably fled with that officer. Dongan was hunted like a wolf. The Jesuits Harvey 7 98 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. and Harrison narrowly escaped Leisler's hands. The latter managed to secure a passage to Europe, was captured and robbed by Dutch pirates, but finally reached Ireland by way of France. Father Harvey, though forced to abandon his New York mission for a season, did not renounce all hope of continuing his labors there. He made his way on foot to Maryland, but succeeded in reaching New York again the next year in company with another Father, who did not, however, remain long to share his labors and perils. Father Harvey continued on the New York mission for some years, till health and strength gave way, when he sought Maryland, to die among his brethren.' The fall of James, planned long before in a scheme for the establishment of the Church of England on a firmer basis than ever, was effected by inflaming the fanaticism of the old dissenting element which had overthrown Charles I., as it was now exerted to expel James. It was by no fortuitous acci- dent that men like Leisler in New York, and Coode in Maryland, were allowed to rave like maniacs against Popery and seize the government of those provinces. Seeing nothing but visions of Papists around him, Leisler stimulated the In- dians against the French, and congratulated them openly on the fearful scenes of massacre they perpetrated at Lachine. Coode urged William III. to redeem the people of Maryland " from the arbitrary will and pleasure of a tyrannical Popish government, under which they had so long groaned." Will- iam made both royal provinces, profiting by disorders that were doubtless planned in England. Lord Baltimore was deprived of all his rights as proprietary without any form of law, or even a formal accusation that he had forfeited his charter. ' Annual Letters, Foley, iii., pp. 394-5 ; vii., p. clix, p. 355, p. 343. CLOSE OF THE NEW YORK MISSION. m In botli colonies steps were taken to establish the Church of England formally. In Xew York the bill of rights was abolished, all toleration or religious freedom was scouted, and Catholics were exckided from office and franchise and the career of penal laws began. Penn, shrewd and cautious, avoided any outward show of his kindly feelings in the affairs of his province, although he boldly, in a tract published in England, urged the repeal of all penal laws against Catholics. The year 1690 was an era when all hopes of the true faith on this coast seemed blasted, and the prospects of the Church in the English colonies gloomy beyond description. FORT AT NEW YORK WHERE A CATHOLIC CHAPEL EXISTED UNDER JAMES II. FROM THE VIEW BY ALLARD, 1673. BOOK II. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE SPANISH COLONIES. CHAPTEE L THE CHUECH IN FLORIDA, 1513-1690. Although Columbus himself in his first landfall had nearly reached the coast of the northern continent, he turned south- ward, and it was not till some years after his death that any European landed on our shores. Cabot, accompanied by a priest from Bristol, probably reached Newfoundland and Labrador, but it was not till 1513 that John Ponce de Leon, one of the early companions of Columbus, led by the Indian reports of a greater island of Bimini, sought of the Spanish monarch a patent authorizing him to discover and settle it. The document bore date February 23, 1512, but though countersigned by the Bishop of Paleneia, no clause in the state paper required the establishment of churches for the settlers, or missions for the conversion of the Indians. Ke- turning to Porto Rico, where he had been employed in the royal service, Ponce de Leon obtained a vessel to make the discoveries authorized by his patent within the year prescribed by its tenor. The authorities in Porto Rico, however, seized his vessel under the pretext that it was needed in the royal service, and it was not till March, 1513, that he bore away from the port of San German with three caravels, the expe- rienced Anton de Alaminos, of Palos, being his pilot. After (100) DISCOVERY OF FLORIDA. 101 threading the Bahamas he steered northwest, and on Easter Sunday, called in Spanish Pascua Florida, came in sight of the continent. Then running north till the 2d of April he landed, and prompted alike by its beauty, and by the re- membrance of the day of its discoyery, bestowed on the coun- try the name Florida, which it retains to this day. Hay- ing taken possession in the name of the King of Spain, he followed the coast southerly till he reached the Martyrs and Tortugas, and, doubling the cape, entered a fine bay that long bore his name. Satisfied with his discoyery he returned to Porto Rico, leaying to one of his yesscls the search for Bimini. For the land which he had thus discovered for Spain, he solicited a new patent, which was issued on the 27th of Sep- tember, 1514. The former asiento for an island, whose existence was not ascertained, had authorized the usual en- slavement of Indians. This unjust and cruel system had been introduced by Christopher Columbus, and was followed by all. In a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella the discoverer of the new world proposed sending slaves and Brazilwood to Spain. He actually dispatched five shiploads of unfortunate Indians to be sold there, but Isabella, shocked and indig- nant, caused the natives of America to be set free.' Las Casas declares that between 1494 and 1496 one third of the population of Hispaniola was swept off by this system. The Benedictine, Buil, delegate of the Holy See, the Fran- ciscan, Francis Puiz, afterward Bishop of Avila, and his companions, in vain endeavored to arrest the iniquity. But in the month of September, 1510, three Dominican ' Letter of Columbus to the sovereigns in Duro, " Colony la Historia Postuma," pp. 49-.51. Columbus even ordered the ears and noses of In- dian* slaves to be cut off for slight faults. Navarrete, ii., p. 110; Las Casas, " Historia de Indias," Lib. 1, eap xciii., cvi. 102 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Fathers, from the convent of San Estevan, in Salamanca, landed in Hispaniola. With the superior. Father Peter de Cordoba^ came Father Anthony de Montesinos, a great lover of strict observance, a great religious and great preacher. When they had taken time to study the condition of affairs, Father Montesinos, in 1511, ascended the pulpit of the Cathedral of Santo Domingo, and in a sermon fuU of elo- quence, denounced the enslavement and cruel treatment of the Indians as sinful and wicked, sure to draw down God's anger on them all. The bold denunciation of the great Dominican fell like a thunder-clap on the Admiral, Diego Columbus, on the officials and the Spaniards at large. They called upon his superior to censure him, but Father Peter de Cordoba replied that Father Anthony's sermon was sound, and was sustained by his brethren. Then the Dominicans were denounced to the king and his council for condemning what the Spanish monarchs had approved. Censured on the facts as presented, Father Montesinos and his superior were cited to Spain in 1512, but there they pleaded the cause of the Indian so eloquently and so ably that they returned the next year, having won a great triumph in inducing the king to take some steps to save the natives.' The influence of the action of Father Montesinos, the fl^rst to denounce human slavery in America, can be seen in the second patent to John Ponce de Leon. This requires that the natives must be summoned to submit to the Catholic faith and the authority of the King of Spain, and they were not to be attacked or captured if they submitted.' Years ' Juan Melendez, " Tesoros Verdaderos de las Yndias," Rome, 1681, pp. 10-14, citing Las Casas, " Historia Apologetica," Lib. 1, cap. ccxlv. Her- rera, Dec. 1, Lib. viii., cxi., xii. See Helps, " Spanish Conquest in Amer- ica," Bk. iv., ch. ii., which is devoted entirely to this affair ; also book viii., ch. i., Cardinal Hefele, "Life of Cardinal Ximenes," pp. 503-4. '^ " Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos," xxii , pp. 33-8. THE CHURCH IN FLORIDA. 103 rolled by, however, before Ponce de Leon, employed by the king in the wars with the Caribs, could sail to settle in Florida. At last, in 1521, he completed his preparations, and his pro- ject shows the influence of the religious thought that was to control the settlement of Florida. Writing on the 10th of February to Charles Y., Ponce says : " I return to that island, if it please God's will to settle it, being enabled to carry a number of people with whom I shall be able to do so, that the name of Christ may be praised there, and your Majesty served with the fruit that land produces." And a letter to the Cardinal of Tortosa, afterwards Pope Adrian \i., breathes the same spirit. Ponce de Leon sailed with two vessels carrying settlers with live stock and all requisites for a permanent establishment, and bore with him priests to minister to his people, and friars, in all probability, of the order of St. Dominic, to convert the Indians. He reached land, and began to erect dwellings for his people, though, unfortunately, we cannot fix the time or place, but facts lead to the inference that it was on the bay which he discovered on his first voyage. If this conjecture can be received, the altar reared by the priests and friars of this exjjedition must have been on the western shore of Florida, near Char- lotte Harbor. The Spanish settlers while rearing house and chapel were, however, constantly attacked by the Indians, and at last Ponce de Leon, while bravely leading a charge to repulse them, received a severe and dangerous wound, the stone head of the arrow defying all the skill of a surgeon to extract it. Then the projected settlement was abandoned ; priests and people re-embarked ; the temporary homes and chapel were abandoned. One vessel, with the stricken com- mander, reached the neighboring island of Cuba ; the other was driven to the coast of Mexico, where Cortes, in his need. 104 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. appropriated the stores.' The first offering of the Holy Sacrifice in this country, the initial point in the history of the Church, is thus unfortunately very vague, for we know not yet the time or place and have no clue to the name of any of the secular or regular priests. Before this disastrous effort at colonization by John Ponce, another point on the coast north of the limits of his explora- tion had been reached by two vessels from Santo Domingo. Lucas Yasquez de Ayllon, one of the judges of that island, though in the enjoyment of an honorable office, great wealth, and a happy home, aspired to the glory of discovering and colonizing some land hitherto unknown. Having solicited the necessary permission, he despatched a caravel com- manded by Francisco Gordillo, in 1520, to explore north of the limits of Ponce de Leon. While this vessel was run- ning amid the Bahamas it came in sight of another caravel, which proved to have been sent out by Matienzo, also a judge in Santo Domingo. Its object was not exploration, but to carry back a cargo of Indian slaves. The captains of the two vessels agreed to sail in company, and holding on their course, in eight or nine days reached the coast near the mouth of a great river, on the 25tli of June, 1521, and, adopting a custom constantly followed by the Catholic navi- gators of those days, named river and land St. John the Baptist, the day being the feast of the precursor of our Lord. Ayllon had instructed the captain of his caravel to culti- vate a friendly intercourse with the natives, and to avoid all hostilities ; but Gordillo, influenced by Quexos, commander of Matienzo's vessel, joined him in seizing a number of In- dians, and sailed off with them. Ayllon, on the arrival of ' Oviedo, "Historia General y Natural de las Indias," iii., p. 622. Her- rera, "Decade," iii.; Lib. ii., f. 43. Valadares, "Historia de Puerto Rico," Madrid, p. 97. Torquemada, " Monarquia Indiana," i., p. 561. SAN MIGUEL DE GU AND APE. 105 the vessels, condemned Gordillo ; he brought the matter before the Admiral Diego Columbus ; the Indians were de- clared free ; but, though Ajllon released those brought on his vessel, Matienzo evaded the decision of the council and subsequent orders of the king. It is a strange fact that the history of this country, as written hitherto, represents the upright Ayllon, whose whole Indian policy was Christian and humane, as a man guilty of the greatest cruelty to the natives, while Matienzo, the real culprit, is ignored. Taking one of these Indians from om- shores, whom he had placed under instruction, and who received in baptism the name of Francisco, Ayllon sailed to Spain to present to the king a report of the discovered territory, and obtain a cedula or patent for its occupation and settlement. Fran- cisco gave wonderful accounts of the land, and Ayllon, on the 12th of June, 1523, received a patent, requiring him to explore the coast for eight hundred leagues, and form a settlement within three years. The patent shows the Christian obligation imposed on the adelantado. He was "to attract the natives to receive preachers who would inform and instruct them in the affairs of our holy Catholic faitli, that they might become Chris- tians." The document also says : " And whereas our prin- cipal intent in the discovery of new lands is that the inhabit- ants and natives thereof, who are witliout the hght or knowledge of faith, may be brought to understand the truths of our holy CathoHc faith, that they may come to a knowl- edge thereof and become Christians and be saved, and this is the chief motive that you are to bear and hold in this affair, and to this end it is proper that religious persons should accompany you, by these presents I empower you to carry to the said land the religious whom you may judge necessary, and the vestments and other things needful for 106 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the observance of divine worship ; and I command that whatever you shall thus expend in transporting the said religious, as well as in maintaining them and giving them what is needful, and in their support, and for the vestments and other articles required for the divine worship, shall be paid entirely from the rents and profits which in any manner shall belong to us in the said land." ' Thus, in 1523, did the King of Spain assume the charge of maintaining divine worship on our coast. Various circumstances, and especially a vexatious lawsuit instituted by Matienzo, prevented Ayllon from attempting the colonization of the land of Saint John the Baptist, but in 1525 he sent Pedro de Quexos with two caravels to explore. That navigator ran along the coast for seven hun- dred miles, setting up stone crosses with the name of Charles Y. and the date of taking possession. Early in June of the following year Ayllon completed the preparations for colonizing his grant, and sailed from Puerto de la Plata with three large vessels, carrying six hundred persons of l)Oth sexes, with abundant supplies and horses. The Dominican Fathers Anthony de Montesinos and Anthony de Cervantes, with Brother Peter de Estrada, accomj)anied the colonists. The vessels reached the coast north of the river Saint John, probably near the mouth of the Wateree, but one vessel was soon lost. Ayllon at once set to work to replace it, and finding the coast unsuited for settlement, sailed northward till he reached the Chesapeake. Entering the capes he ascended a river, and began the estab- lishment of his colony at Guandape, giving it the name of St. Michael, the spot being, by the testimony of Ecija, the ' "Real Cedula que contiene el aslento capitulado con Lucas Vasquea de Ayllon" in Navarrete, " Coleccion de Viages y Descubrimientos," Madrid, 1829, ii., pp. 153, 156. SAN MIGUEL DE GU AND APE, 107 pilot-in-chief of Florida, that where the English subse- quently founded Jamestown. Houses were erected, and the holy sacritice was offered in a temporary chapel by the zeal- ous priests. Sickness soon showed itself, and Ayllon, sinking under a pestilential fever, died in the arms of the Dominican priests on St. Luke's day, October 18, 1526. Winter set in early, and the cold was intense. Francis Gomez, who suc- ceeded to the command, could not control the people. His authority was usurped by mutineers, who provoked the negro slaves to revolt and the Indians to hostility. It was at last resolved to abandon the country, and in the spring Gomez, taking the body of Ayllon, set sail for Santo Domingo, but the vessel containing the remains foundered, and only one hundred and fifty of the whole party reached Hispaniola.' 1 For Ayllon tbe authentic documents are the Cedula of 1523 and the proceedings in the lawsuit brought by Matienzo, where the testimony of Quexos, Aldana, and others who were on the first voyage, is given, and the Act of taking possession. Father Cervantes survived Father Mon- tesinos, and in 1561 gave testimonj' in regard to the settlement on tlie James. Many facts relating to Father IMontesinos are given in Fer- nandez, " Historia Eclesiastica de Nucstros Tiempos," Toledo, 1611, p. 24; Melendez, " Tesoros Verdaderos de las Yndias en la Historia de la gran provincia de San Ivan Bavtista del Perv." Rome, 1081, pp. 10- 15; Charlevoix, " Histoire de Saint Domingue," i., p. 233 ; Touron, "Histoire de I'Amerique," i., pp. _213, 240-8, 253-5, 321; Valladares, "Historia de Puerto Rico," Madrid, 1788, p. 102. According to Helps, "Spanish Conquest of America," he went subsequently to Venezuela, and opposite his name on the list preserved in his convent at Salamanca are the words "Obiit martyr." Navarrete, iii., pp. 72-3, correctly states that Ayllon sailed north ; and the Relacion of Ecija, Piloto mayor of Florida, who was sent, in 1609, to discover what the English were doing, gives places and distances along the coast with great accuracy, and states that the English had settled at Guandape, the distance to which he gives. Writing only eighty-three years after Ayllon's voyage, and hy his office being in possession of Spanish charts and derroteros of the coast, his statement is conclusive. The Father General of the Order of St. Dom- inic, Very Rev. F. Larroca, had search made for documents as to the great priest Montesinos, but none were traced. The stone foimd at Pom- pey, N. Y., may be a relic of Ayllon. See H. A. Homes' paper on it. 108 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. The second altar of Catholic worship on our soil was thus abandoned like the first ; but its memory is linked with that . of the illustrious missionary Montesinos, whose evangelical labors in Puerto Eico had won him the title of apostle of that island. Meanwhile the gulf shore had been visited and explored by expeditions sent out from Jamaica by Francis de Garay, governor of that island. By one of these the Mississippi was discovered, and received the name of Espiritu Santo ; but the only settlements attempted by Garay were south of the Rio Grande. In 1527, Panfilo de Karvaez, wishing to rival Cortes, obtained a patent for the territory explored by Garay, and projected a settlement at Eio de Palmas. He sailed from Spain on the 17th of June with five vessels, carrying six hundred persons, to settle and reduce the country. Sev- eral secular priests' accompanied the expedition, and five Franciscan friars, the superior or commissary being Father John Xuarez, who, with one of his companions. Brother John de Palos, belonged to the original band of twelve who founded the mission of their order in Mexico. While en- deavoring to enter the harbor of Havana, Karvaez's fleet wa& driven on the coast of Florida, near Apalache Bay. Sup- posing that he was near his destination, Pio de Palmas, he landed most of his people, directing the ships to keep along the coast ; but so unwise were all his arrangements that his ships and his people never were able to find each other again. After undergoing many sufferings and finding the country sterile and destitute of wealth or resources, IS'arvaez returned to the gulf, and built five large boats, in which he hoped to coast along till he found some Spanish settlement. Each boat carried nearly fifty men, and in one of them the com- ' El Asturiano is the only one named. [F[E1A¥ JOIAKl ^dlAI^ES. #^;7Z ^ OnpmLFiJifniit in h dmeiit rflMtcldco . 110 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. missary, Father Xuarez, and his companions embarked in Sep tember, 1528, The whole party followed the shore, in great suffering for food and water, rarely able to obtain either from the Indians, About the first of November they reached a point where the lVIississij)pi sent out its strong current, fresh- ening the sea-water so that they could di'ink it ; but their clumsy boats, managed by unskilful men, could not cross the mouth of the great river safely. The boat with Narvaez perished ; that in which the missionaries were was found afterwards on the shore, bottom upward. No trace of the Fathers was ever discovered. Some of the boats were driven on the land, and a number of Spaniards reached land safely, among them the priest Asturiano. But he must have died before these wretched survivors endeavored, by rafts and otherwise, to work their way along the coast. Of the whole array of Panfilo de Narvaez, only four persons, Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo, and Stephen, a negro, after years of suffering and wandering, reached Petatlan, in Sinaloa, April 1, 1536.' This expedition aimed at a point beyond the limits of our Republic, and was only by accident on om* shores. In the vague narrative of Cabeza de Vaca, there is no mention of the celebration of the holy sacrifice by the priests after they landed, nor of any labors such as we may infer they undertook to solace their comrades in life and death. It is rather from their sufferings that this little band of clergymen find a place in the history of the Church in this country, while the merit of Father Xuarez and his humble companion, Brother John de Palos, have entitled them to an honorable place in the annals of their order. ' For this expedition the leading authority is "La relacion que dio Aluar nufiez cabeca de vaca," Zamora, 1543 ; reprinted, 1550 ; translated by Buckingham Smith, Washington, 1851 ; New York, 1871. FATHER JUAN XUAREZ. HI Father Jolin Xuarez was the fourth of the band of twelve Franciscans sent to Mexico. He belonged to tlie province of St. Gabriel, and came to America, in 1523, with Father Martin de Valencia, and was immediately made guardian of the convent established at Huexotzinco, where he was long remembered bj the Indians as a holj religious. Brother John de Palos came from the convent of St. Francis, in Seville, and sliowed great zeal in acquiring the Mexican lan- guage, so that he was able to instruct the Indians in their own tongue.' The expedition of Panfilo de Karvaez would scarcely have found a place in the civil or ecclesiastical history of America had it not inspired expeditions from the Atlantic and from the Pacific coast, which reached the very heart of tlie conti- nent, and one of which led to subsequent settlement and to mission work. Impelled by the accounts which Cabeza de Yaca spread through Spain, and apparently by the air of mystery assumed by that officer as to realms of which he heard, Hernando de Soto, a gentleman of Xerez, who, even in days of cruelty, was esteemed cruel in his career at Nicaragua, Darien, and Peru, obtained a grant of the lands previously embraced in ' Torquemada, " Monarquia Indiana," iii., pp. 437, 447. Their por- traits were engraved by Mr. Smith from the originals preserved in the convent of Tlatelalco, and we give that of Father Xuarez. "Relacion of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de vaca," Xew York, 1871, pp. 99, 100. Barcia, in his " Ensayo Cronologico," speaks of Father Xuarez as Bishop, but neither Cabeza de Vaca nor Torquemada evidently knew anything of his elevation to the episcopate, and the portrait is absolutely without anything indicative of his being a bishop. There is no trace of the erection of any see or diocese of Rio de Palmas ; his name occurs in no work giving the list of bishops in Spanish America, when even his nomination by the king would have entitled him to wear outward marks of the episcopal character. Aleman, " Hist, de Mexico," i., p. 37. We must therefore regard this statement of Bsircia as utterly unfounded. 112 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the concessions to l^arvaez and Ayllon. His project created the greatest enthusiasm in Spain ; men sold their estates and offices to join the expedition of Soto, elated at being ad- mitted to share its dangers. The king made it one of the conditions of his grant to Soto that he should carry and have with him " the religious and priests who shall be appointed by us, for the instruction of the natives of that province in our holy Catholic faith, to whom you are to give and pay the passage, stores, and the other necessary subsistence for them according to their con- dition, all at your cost, receiving nothing from them during the said entire voyage, with which matter we gravely charge you that you do and comply, as a thing for the service of God and our own, and anything otherwise we shall deem contrary to our service." The expedition set sail from Spain April 6, 1538, exceed- ing in immbei's and equipment anything yet seen for the conquest of the Indies. It was made up of men of high rank and blood, full of ambition, and attired in all the gay trappings of fashion, as though it were a party of pleasure rather than a dangerous expedition into an unknown land. The religious influence manifested throughout seems to have been very slight. Twelve priests, eight ecclesiastics and four religious, are said to have accompanied the expedition, consisting of nearly a thousand men ; but the names of none of them are given in the narratives of Soto's wanderings, ex- cept that of Father John de Gallegos. No mention is made of the celebration of any Sunday or holiday by any special service, but the holy sacrifice was ap- parently offered when they encamped, until in the terrible battle of Manila, vestments, church plate, wheat, flour, and bread irons were consumed in the general conflagration, Oc- tober, 1540. After that, according to Garcilaso de la Yega, PRIESTS WITH SOTO. 113 mass prayers were said before a temporary altar by a priest in vestments of dressed skins. Most of the priests and religions perished in the long and straggling march of the force from Tampa Bay to Peusacola, then to the Savannah and the land of the Cherokees, thence to Mobile, whence Soto struck to the northwest, crossing th« Mississippi at the lower Chickasaw Bluffs, and penetrating to the bison range south of the Missouri ; then pushing down the western valley of the IVIississippi, till death ended all his projects and disappointments. May 21, 1512. When his suc- cessor, Muscoso, reached the settled parts of Mexico with the few survivors of the brilliant array that had left Spain so full of delusive hopes, three friars and one French priest alone survived of the clergymen. Once oaly in the narratives do the clergy appear in any scene of interest. This was in the town of Casqui, on the western bank of the Mississippi, soon after Soto crossed it. The Indians came to the Spaniards as superior beings, worshipping a more powerful God, and be- sought their mediation to avert the lonoj drought and cure their bHnd. The Spanish commander said they were but sinful men, yet they would pray to the Almighty for them, and he ordered a huge pine tree to be felled and a cross made and reared. Then the whole force, except a small band left as a guard, formed a procession, and, led by the priests and religious, moved on toward the cross, chanting litanies, to which the soldiers responded. On reaching the cross all knelt, prayers were recited, and each kissed the symbol of man's redemption. Many of the Indians joined in the pro- cession, and imitated the actions of the Spaniards. When the devotions at the cross were concluded, the procession re- turned to the camp in the same order, chanting the Te Deum.' ' No religious chronicle gives details as to any of the priests or friars who accompanied Soto, and the pages of the "Gentleman of Elvas," 114 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Less brilliant in its inception, more fortunate in its close, was another expedition, also inspired by the accounts of Cabeza de Yaca. Its course was not marked by wanton cru- elty or by retributive suffering. It was judiciously managed ; the troops were well handled ; it laid oj^en provinces where set- tlements in time were formed. Above all, it claims our notice in tills work because there was a religious influence through- out. Zeal for the salvation of the native tribes was manifest, and it resulted in a noble effort of Franciscan Fathers to plant a mission in the very heart of the American continent, a thousand miles from either ocean, the Mexican Gulf or Hudson Bay. This was the expedition directed by the wise and upright viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. Purchasing the negro slave Stephen from Dorantes, a companion of Cabeza de Yaca, and setting free all Indians who had followed the four sur\'ivors, he sent Yasquez de Coronado as governor to Sinaloa, directing Father Mark, an illustrious Franciscan from !Nice, in Italy, to penetrate into the interior, with Stephen as his guide, assuring all the native tribes he encountered that the viceroy had put an effectual stop to the enslavement of the Indians and sought only their good. " If God our Lord is pleased,'' says the viceroy in his instructions to Father Mark, " that you find any large town where it seems to you that there is a good opportunity for establishing a convent and sending rehgious to be employed in the conversion, you are to advise me by Indians or return in person to Culuacan. With all secrecy, you are to give notice, that provision be made without delay, because the ser\'ice of our Lord and the Biedma, and Garcilaso de la Vega are barren of information as to any- thing ecclesiastical. The two former may be followed in Smith's "Narratives of the Career of Hernando de Soto in the Conquest of Florida," New York, 1866, the latter in Trving's "Conquest of Florida by Hernando de Soto," New York, 1851. FATHER MARK OF NICE. 115 good of the people of the Land is the aim of the pacification of whatever is discovered." The instructions were handed to the Franciscan Father in Kovember, 153S, bj Governor Coronado, and after an inef- fectual attempt bj way of the province of Topiza, as directed by the viceroy, he set out, March 7, 1539, from San Miguel de Culuacan with Father Honoratus,' Stephen and liberated Indians ; but on reaching Petatlau his religious companion fell sick and was left to recruit. Then Father Mark jour- neyed on, keeping near the coast, meeting friendly tribes^ who hailed him as a '* Sayota,'* man from heaven. He heard of California and its people on the west, and of tribes at the north, dwelling in many large towns, who were clothed in cotton dresses and had vessels of gold. He spent Holy AV eek at Yacapa * and sent Stephen northward, with instructions that if he found any important place he was to send back a cross by the Indians, its size to be in proportion to the great- ness of the town he might discover. In a few days messen- gers came from Stephen, announcing that thirty days' march beyond the point he had reached was a province, called Ci- bola, in which were seven great cities under one lord. The houses were of stone, three and four stories in height ; that the people were well clothed and rich in turquoises. After waiting for the return of his Indian messengers and receiving confirmation of the story of the seven cities, he left Yacapa on Easter Tuesday, urged by fresh messengers from Stephen to come on with all speed. On the way he met Indians who had visited Cibola, the first of the seven cities, and had ob- ' Castaneda de Xajera, whoever he was, writing twenty years after Coronado's expedition, gives Father Mark two other friars, in direct con- tradiction of F. Mark's contemporaneous account. Ternaux Compans' edition, p. 10. ° Now San Luis de Bacapa, in Sonora. 116 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. tained bufialo hides and turquoises there. These turquoises were greatly prized in Mexico, where the Aztecs, who called them chalchihuitl, used them both as jewelry and as money. As Father Mark proceeded, he re- ceived confirmation of the intelligence from the Indians, who assured him that in Totonteac, a province near Cibola, the men wore woollen goods like his habit. He told them that they must mean cotton, but they as- sured him that they knew the differ- ence ; that it was woven from the wool of an animal. They explained to him, also, how the people in the towns reached the top of their houses by means of ladders. Passing another desert, he traversed a delightful val- ley,' still encouraged by tidings from Stephen, and came to a desert which was fifteen days' march from Cibola. Accompanied by many Indians, he SEAL OF FATHER MARK OF NICE. FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF FATHER MARK OP NICE. began to cross this desert on the 9th of May and travelled on till the 21st, when a messenger came, in terror and spent ' Whipple regards it as the valley of the Gila. 1 i A PRIEST EXPLORER. 117 with fatigue, bearing a tale of disaster. Stephen, when within a daj's march of Cibola, had sent the chief some tokens of his coming, but the Indians refused to receive them, and threatened to kill him if he came, Stephen per- sisted and reached Cibola. He was not allowed to enter, but was placed in a house without the town and stripped of all the goods he carried. The next day he and his companions were attacked by the natives, and the messenger alone escaped to carry back the sad tidings. Though his life was in peril from his Indian attendants, who held him responsible for the death of their countrymen in Stephen's party, Father Mark resolved to push on, at least to see the town, hoping to rescue any survivors. He declaimed that he came in sight of Cibola and planted a cross, to take possession of the country. He then returned and made a report of the expedition to the viceroy, who transmitted it to the king.' ' We follow Father Mark's "Relation." Castaneda de Najera is not an eye-witness, and wrote more than twenty years afterwards. He must have written from vague recollections of what he had heard ; and in re- gard to whathe saw on Coronado's expedition, he shows great hostility to the commander, throwing doubts on his impartiality. Father Mark was a native of Xice, then a city of Savoy, now of France. He arrived in St. Domingo in lo31, and after visiting Peru went to ]\Ie.xico, where he became the third Provincial of his order. He set out with Coronado after his return from his first expedition, but returned, having contracted a disease from which he never recovered. He died in the convent of his order in the City of Mexico. Torquemada, iii., pp. 358, 373, 499, 610. It has been usual to assail this Franciscan in terms of coarse vituperation, but the early translations of his narrative contained exaggerations and in- terpolations not found in his Spanish text. This is admitted. Haynes, in " Winsor's Narrative and Critical History," ii., p. 499 ; Coronado, Let- ter to Emperor, Aug. 3, 1540 ; Ramuzio, iii., p. 360 ; Oct. 30, 1541, Ter- naux, "Castaneda," p. 362. Castaneda, " Relation," p. 48, originated the charges against him. Haynes follows his real narrative and does not note a single statement as false or bring any evidence to show any assertion untrue. That the Navajoes wove woollen goods and other tribes cotton ; that turquoises were mined in New Mexico ; that the Pueblo Indians en- 118 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Father Mark thus stands in history as the earHest of the priestly explorers who, unarmed and afoot, penetrated into the heart of the country', in advance of all Europeans — a barefooted friar effecting more, as Yiceroy Mendoza wrote, than well-armed parties of Spaniards had been able to ac- complish. The point reached by Father Mark was certainly one of the towns of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and Arizona, whose remarkable dwellings and progress in civil- ization he was the first to make known. Encouraged by the report of the Franciscan explorer, the viceroy ordered Francis Vasquez de Coronado to advance into the country with a considerable force. The army of oc- cupation formed at Culiacan, and Coronado, on the 22d of April, 1540, took the advance with a detachment, accom- panied by the missionaries, Fathers Mark of ]S^ice, John de Padilla, Daniel and Louis, mth the lay brothers Luis de Es- caloiia and John of the Cross.' Father Anthony Victoria, another missionary, broke his leg a few days afterwards, and was sent back to the main army. Taking the route by w^ay of Chichilticale, known later as the Casas Grandes, in Arizona, Coronado, crossing a desert and the Gila, reached Cibola, twenty miles from its banks. It was a town, with houses three or four stories high, built on a rock, and contained two hundred warriors, some of whom salhed forth to check the invaders. Coronado sent forward Garci Lopez, with Fathers Daniel and Louis, to explain his friendly intent, but the In- dians replied with a shower of arrows, one piercing the habit of Father Daniel. Though they fled from a charge, the In- dians defended the town bravely, but it was taken by storm, and the rest of the seven towns submitted. tered their houses by a door in the roof, reached by ladders, might appear at the time false statements, but are all now admitted to be true. ' Some make these the secular and religious names of one brother FATHER PADILLA AT QUIVIRA. 119 Coronado dispatched an officer to Mexico to give an ac- count of his operations, and Father Mark returned with him, Coronado and many of his followers holding him responsible for the exaggerations of the Indian accounts. While one detachment, attended by the fearless Father Padilla, visited Tusayan,' a district of seven towns like Cibola, and another subsequently reached the wonderful cailon of the Colorado, the main body of the expedition came np from Sonora and the whole force united at Cibola. Co- ronado then, in person or by his officers, reduced Acuco or Acoma, Tiguex, Cicuye or Old Pecos, the central town of the district. Yuquayim(|ue and Jemez. Xone of these towns gave indication of any rich mines, and the country did not encourage the Spaniards to attempt a permanent settlement. The troops were scattered and lived on the natives, whom their oppression forced into hostilities. Xo record remains of the services of the Franciscan Fathers during this period, but when, in April, 1541, Coronado set out for the Province of Quivira, of whose wealth a treacherous Indian guide told the greatest marvels, we find Father John de Padilla in the detachment. The missionary thus crossed the bison plains, meeting only Quereclio Indians, who lived in tents of bison skins and moved from place to place, with their trains of dogs. Marching to the northeast, Coronado, sending back part of his force, at the end of sixty-seven days arrived on the banks of a great river, to which he gave the name of St. Peter and St. Paul, as they reached it on the feast of the Holy Apostles. Quivira, as he found it, yielded nothing to repay his long march. Xo gold was to be seen, and the people were less advanced than those of !N^ew Mexico, though they cultivated Indian corn. He could not have been far from ' Bandelier regards this as the district of the Moqui towns. 120 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the Missouri River, for an Indian woman, lield as a slave, escaping from Coronado's party, fell into the hands of tho survivors of DeSoto's expedition and was taken to Mexico.' After erecting a cross bearing the inscription, " Francis Vas- quez de Coronado, general of an expedition, reached this spot," the Spanish commander returned to Tiguex. Another winter spent in ^ew Mexico without any further discoveries brought him to the resolution to abandon the country. Spaniards had thus occupied New Mexico for two years, but there is not the slightest hint that they anywhere erected the most perishable form of chapel ; yet we can scarcely con- ceive it possible that Coronado's camp was planted so long without some action to erect a place for divine worship. The expedition was judiciously conducted, their live stock was abundant, and the men did not suffer from want or hardship. A settlement might easily have been formed, but no steps were taken to establish one, and when Coronado evacuated New Mexico, the little missionary party who so bravely remained were the only representatives of civiliza- tion and Christianity. The temporary chapel at Tiguex, probably not far from the modern Bernalillo, was the first chapel of New Mexico, where during the two years' occupation mass was regularly offered, and the gospel preached with zeal and fervor by the sons of St. Francis, Father Padilla effecting great good among the soldiers by his ministry, as Torquemada declares.* Father Padilla and the lay brother, Luis de Escalona, re- solved to remain, for the purpose of estabhshing a mission, the former having been impressed especially with the disposi- tions manifested by the people of Quivira. Coronado, when ' Castaneda, "Relation du Voyage de Cibola," p. 135. "^ " Monarquia Indiana," iii., p. 610. Bandolier, " Historical Introduc- tion," p. 182. DEATH OF PADILLA. 121 about to leave New Mexico in April, 1542, gave the mission- ary as guides the Quivira Indians, who had accompanied him from their country ; Andrew del Campo, a Portuguese, a negro, and two Zapoteca India^ns of Michoacan, Luke and Sebastian, also joined him. The little missionary party, for the negro and the last named Indians had received the habit of the order,' had a horse, some mules, and a little flock of sheep. The missionary took his vestments and chapel outfit and some trifles to give the Indians.* He set forth his design in a Lenten sermon preached to the Spanish force at Tiguex, and departed soon after for the scene of his projected mission. Brother Luis, who is represented by writers on the expedition as a very holy man, determined to take up his residence at Cicuye, hoping to set up the cross in all the neighboring villages, instruct the people in the faith, and baptize dying children. Father Padilla seems to have reached Quivira, but wishing to visit a neighboring tril)e he set out for them, and was attacked by the wild savages of the plains. Seeing that escape was all but impossible, he thought only of his com- panions. He bid del Campo, who was mounted, gallop for life, and the young Indians to fly, as escape was possible for them. Then he knelt down, and in prayer awaited the will of the Indians, commending his soul to God. A shower of arrows pierced him through, and the first martyr that the Church can claim on our soil fell in the very heart of the northern continent. Campo did not wait to see what fate ' Apparently as members of the Third Order, for Torquemada states ex- pressly that they were not lay brothers, but men who devoted themselves to the mission. (Donados ; in French, donnes.) " Monarquia Ind.," iii., p. 611. ' Jaramillo, "Relacion," in Smith's Coleccion, p. 154; in Ternaux Compans, pp. 380-1, 214, 194. 122 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. befel the missionary ; urging Lis horse to its utmost he dis- tanced his pursuers, and in time was safe among the Spanish residents of Panuco. ISTot so Luke and Sebastian ; lurking amid the tall grass they waited till the murderous Indians had departed ; then they retraced their steps, and raising the mangled remains committed them to the earth, amid their tears and prayers. Only then did they in earnest endeavor to reach the Spanish settlements. Traversing New Mexico they bore to Culuacan the tidings of the glorious death of Father John de Padilla. Nothing definite was ever learned of the fate of Brother John of the Cross (Luis de Escalona). "When Coronado was setting out he sent the pious Brother a little flock of sheep. The messengers found him near Cicuye, starting for some villages fifteen or twenty leagues distant. He was full of hope, but avowed that the old Indians regarded him with no favor, and would ultimately kill him. Father Padilla is properly the protomartyr of the mis- sions in this country. Other priests had died by disease, hardship, or savage cruelty, but they were attached to Spanish expeditions, and had not begun any special labors for the conversion of the native tribes, as this worthy Father and his companions had done.' The ministers of the Catholic faith had thus, before the ' Castaneda de Xajera (Ternaux), pp. 214-5; "Relaciondel Suceso" (Smith's Coleccion, p. 154); Jaramillo, "Relaciou" (lb., p. 162) ; Tor- quemada, "Monarquia Indiana,"!., p. 609 ; iii., pp. 610-1 ; Rapine, " His- toire Generale de I'Origine et Progrez des Recolets," Paris, 1631, pp. 331-4. Father John de Padilla was a native of Andalusia, and, after serving in the army, entered the Franciscan order in the Province of the Holy Gospel in Mexico. He was the first guardian of the convent of Tulantzinco, but yearning to devote himself to the Indian missions was sent as guardian to Tzopatlan, in Michoacan. He had accompanied Father Mark of Nice on some of his earlier explorations. FATHER CANCERS FLORIDA MISSION. 123 '^^^(\ylniJ(^cc^ middle of the sixteenth century, carried the cross and an- nounced Christianity from the banks of the Chesapeake to the canons of the Colorado. Had the priests with Soto been al^le to say mass, the march of the Blessed Sacrament and of the Precious Blood across the continent would have been complete. Soon afterwards a memorable and heroic attempt was made to plant Christianity among the natives of Florida. The Dominican Father, Louis Cancer, full of the spirit of JVIontesinos and Las Casas, had alone and unsupported concil- iated the fierce ^ tribes of a pro- ^ A vince of Central Cl^^^ I America, before (y^'^J ''^ whose conquest ^ ^> by force of arms Span- ish prowess had re- coiled. Armed only with his cross, Father Cancer so completely won the district that it bears to this day the name of Vera Paz, or True Peace, in token of his victory. In 1546 this courageous missionary conceived the project of endeavoring a similar peaceful and Christian conquest of the natives of Florida. His plans were ably seconded by Father Gregory de Beteta, and other prominent men of his order, and were in time laid before the Spanish king, who gave them his hearty approval. On this remarkable man the emperor Charles V. now cast his eyes. Four tyrants, he said, had entered Florida, effect- AUTOGKAPHS OF FATHERS LOITIS CANCER AND GREGOKY DE BETETA. 124 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. ing no good, but causing mucli mischief, and now he would try religious. Father Cancer was formally appointed by the king and council to begin this pious conquest of Florida. Without deluding himseK as to the dangers that awaited him, the devoted son of Saint Dominic accepted the perilous commission. By a royal decree, which proved, however, in- effectual, all natives of Florida, especially those brought away by Muscoso, were to be set free and sent back to their native country with Father Cancer. So many difficulties arose that most persons would have abandoned the project, but the earnest Dominican regarded the royal instructions as per- \l<^y^^e. cs-\p ^^^L^ tOKoP " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1653, ch. 4 (Quebec ed., pp. 9-17). I FATHER PONCE T. 245 startling suddenness, but in sucli a form that the way for the gospel was opened into the very heart of the Confederacy which had hitherto been the great obstacle. The blood of the martyred missionaries had pleaded, and not in vain, for the conversion of the Iroquois. FAC-SIMILES OF THE SIGNATURES OF FATHERS LE MOTNE, RAGUENEAU LE MERCIER, AND GARREAU. CHAPTER II. THE JUEI8DICTI0N OF THE ARCHBISHOPS OF KOIJEN THE FIRST ONONDAGA MISSION — MGR. LAVAL, VICAR-APOSTOLIC ^THE MISSION ON THE UPPER LAKES. 1653-1661. The extension of tlie Catholic Church of Canada to our present territory in a permanent manner, is coeval with the establishment and recognition of the jurisdiction of the Archbishops of Rouen over the portion of North America which the adventurous sons of France were exploring and claiming for their monarch. The earlier missionaries came in most cases with faculties from the diocese of Rouen. As settlements grew up, they were vaguely regarded as part of that bishopric, but no jurisdictional act recognized the trans- atlantic authority of the French prelate. As religious com- munities of women arose, however, the question of episcopal authority required a distinct settlement. Accordingly the Jesuit missionaries in Canada sent Father Vimont to France, and application was made to the Most Rev. Francis de Harlay, Archbishop of Rouen, who, in 164Y, appointed Father Jerome Lalemant, the Superior of the Missions in Canada, his Vicar-General. These powers were renewed by his successor, Francis de Harlay Champallon, in 1653, and in that year a Bull of Jubilee from the Pope was publicly proclaimed in Canada by the authority of the Arch- l)ishop of Rouen, and accompanied by his pastoral. As the Church spread in Maine, New York, Michigan, Wisconsin, to use the names now borne by these districts, the authority (346) LE MOYNE AT ONONDAGA. 247 of the See of Rouen was recognized till the Holy See formed the French colony into a vicariate.' There was a general movement among the Iroquois can- tons in favor of peace with the French. Though war parties were in the field, the Onondagas proposed negotiations, and when their advances were favorably received, they induced the Oneidas and Cayugas to adopt the same course : the Mohawks, who had suffered heavily by war, sent back Father Poncet, so that all but the Senecas on the extreme west were in accord.* Human policy, the wish to gain time to crush other enemies, discontent with their Dutch neighbors, may have had their influence, but they do not altogether explain the general desire of the Iroquois for peace. The treaty was actually concluded, and it became necessary to send some person to ratify it in the Iroquois cantons. The envoy was to undertake the task which cost Father Isaac Jogues his life. Yet there was no troul)le in finding a Jesuit to assume a peril-fraught position. Father Simon le Moyne had succeeded to the Indian name of Isaac Jogues, and was ready to follow his footsteps as envoy of peace to an Iroquois canton. Putting his life into the hands of the Almighty, he set out in July, 1654, ^vith his Onondaga guides, ascending the Saint Lawrence by paddling and portage to the great lake, Ontario. Skirting its southern shore, he arrived at a fishing village, where he found some of his old Huron ^ Faillon, " Histoire de la Colonie Frangaise," i., p. 280, says that the Jesuit Fathers who came over in 1633 applied to the Archbishop of Eouen. ^ "Journal des Jesuites," August, 1653, pp. 185-7. The first attempt to have a bishop's see established in Canada, emanated from the Rec- ollects. Faillon, i., p. 282 ; Le Clercq, " Establishment of the Faith," i., p. 339 ; Margry, "Documents," i., p. 15; the next was that of the Yen. Mr. Olier, in 1656. Faillon, " Vie de M. Olier," Paris, 1853, ii., p. 504. 248 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. Christiaus, and heard the confession of his old Tiontate host. Confessing, baptizing, the missionary envoy came at last in sight of the Onondaga castle, to be greeted with an unusual welcome. In the solemn council he opened with a prayer in Huron, easily followed by the Iroquois, in which he anathe- matized the evil spirits who should venture to disturb the peace, then he prayed the angel guardians of the land to speak to the hearts of the Five Nations, to the clans, the families, the individuals he named ; then he delivered the nineteen presents symbolizing as many words or propositions. In reply the Onondaga sachems urged him to select a spot on the banks of the lake for a French settlement, and confirmed the peace. Everything encouraged the envoy priest. The Onondagas seemed full of good-will ; their Christian captives full of fervor. Father le Moyne returned with two precious relics, a New Testament that had belonged to Father Brebeuf, and a prayer-book of Father Charles Garnier, both put to death by the Iroquois. His favorable report filled the French colony with exultation,' To plant Christianity and civilization at Onondaga, was the next step. Fathers Joseph Chaumonot and Claude Dablon were selected, and leaving Quebec in September, were received in pomp by the sachems, about a mile from the Onondaga castles, on the 5th of November. A banquet was spread for the priests, who were welcomed by an orator in an eloquent address, to wliich Father Chaumonot replied in their own language and style. Then they were conducted, between a welcoming line on either side, to the great cabin prepared for them. As it was Friday, they had to dechne the juicy bear-meat cooked for their repast, but it was at once replaced by beaver and fish. That very night a council was held, and ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1654, ch. vi., (Quebec edition, p. 11.) FATHER CHAUMONOT. 249 the essential presents were exchanged. The erection of a chapel for Catholic worship was to be one of the first steps. The sachems told Chaumonot that as they had ascertained that the most gratifying intelligence they could send that fall to Onontio, that is, the Governor of Canada, would be that Onondaga had a chapel for the behevers, they would, to please him, provide for it as soon as possible. The missionary replied that they had discovered the secret of winning the governor's heart, and gaining him over completely. For some days there were interviews, discussions, and in- terchange of presents, the missionaries availing themselves of the opportunity to visit the sick. They visited the Salt Spring near Lake Ganentaa, which had been selected as the site of the proposed French settlement. On the same hill was another spring of pure water. The site was a delightful one, easy of access from all directions. On Sunday, November 14th, they consecrated their work by offering the holy sacrifice of the mass at a temporary altar in the cabin of Teotouharason, an influential woman who had visited Quebec and now openly declared herself in favor of Christianity. The next day the Sachems convened the nation in a public place that all might see and hear. Then Father Chaumonot prepared to deliver the wampum belts of which he was the bearer. Father Chaumonot, who had adapted his natural eloquence to the Indian mind, gave belt after belt, each with a symboli- cal meaning wliicli he explained. " The applause was general and erery mind was on the alert to see and hear what came next. This was the finest wampum belt of all which Father Chamnonot displayed. He declared all that he had thus far said was but to assuage and soothe their evils ; that he could not prevent their falling sick and dying ; yet he had a 250 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. -■M i sovereign remedy for all kinds of evils ; and that it was tbis properly which brought him to their coun- try; and that they had displayed their intelligence in coming to Quebec to seek him ; that this great remedy was the Eaith, which he came to announce to them, which they would undoubtedly re- ceive as favorably as they had done wisely in soliciting it." Then walk- ing up and down he eloquently portrayed the truth and beauty of Christianity, and called upon them to accept it. His address, the first eloquent presentation of the Chris- tian faith to the Five Nations at their great council fire, was heard with deep attention, interrupted only by the apjjlauding cries of the sachems and chiefs.' How deeply the words of the missionary impressed the sachems, may be seen by the fact that the very wampum belt held up that day by Father Chaumonot, is still preserved among the treasures of the Iroquois League, at Onondaga, ' "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1656 (Quebec edition, p. 16). v. chaumonot's bei-t. MISSIONARY BELT.i HIS WAMPUM BELT. 251 showing in its work of wampum beads, man, the onkwe onwe led to the Cross of Christ.' The Mohawks meanwhile had made proposals of peace, and Father le Mojne had been promised to them. Wearied by his past labors, a stout missionary might have pleaded for rest, but he shrank from no work of duty. He accepted the new charge with alacrity.- Leaving Montreal on the 17th of August, 1656, with twelve Mohawks and two Frenchmen, they journeyed on foot a month before the missionary entered the Mohawks' castles, where he was cordially welcomed. He delivered the presents of the French governor, and in Mo- hawk invoked God to punish any one who \'iolated the solemn pledges of the treaty. His presents were repaid by those of the canton, and peace was thus firmly established. Then, as missionary, he conferred baptism on the children of some captive Christians ; he visited the Dutch settlements, where he was courteously received, though the minister listened with doubt to the accounts of salt springs and other peculiarities of the country the missionary had visited." ' This belt is perfect, although evidently ancient. It is seven beads wide and three hundred and fifty long. The figures are white on a dark ground. We give an accurate drawing of it from a photograph kindly furnished by Gen. John S. Clark, of Auburn, who is convinced that it is that used by Chaumonot. In Dr. Uawley's " Early Chapters of Cayuga History," p. 19, he says : "The legend of this belt as explained at this day, is as follows : A great many years ago, a company from Canada presented this belt, desiring that missionaries from the Roman Catholic Church might be settled among the Five Nations, and erect a chapel at Onondaga, and that the road (represented by the white stripe) should be continually kept open and free between them." We show also another belt evidently of missionary origin, preserved by the Onondagas, ancient, but inferior in workmanship. See Powell, " Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology," Washington, 1883, p. 252. - "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1656, ch. i. (Quebec edition, pp. 2-4) ; O'Callaghan, " History of New Netherland," ii., p. 303 ; Marie de rincamation, "Lettres Historiques," Lettre, October 12, 1655. 252 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. Meanwhile the missionaries went about freely among the people, meeting many old Huron converts, now slaves or adopted into the Onondaga nation. There was abundant work for their zeal in reviving or encouraging the faith in these poor exiles. When the Catholic world was celebrating- the dedication of the grandest temple to the Most High, St. Peter's church at Rome, a bark chapel was reared at Onon- daga. " It is true," writes Father Dablon, " that for all mar- ble and all precious metals we employed only bark. As soon as it was erected it was sanctified by the baptism of three children, to whom the way to heaven was opened as wide beneath those vaults of bark, as to those held over font be- neath vaults fretted with gold and silver." St. John the Baptist had been adopted as the patron of the mission, and it was doubtless under his invocation that this first chapel on the soil of ]^ew York was dedicated. But the chapel was soon too small for those who gathered to listen to the doctrines of Christianity proclaimed in their own tongue by the eloquent Chaumonot.' But the sachems of Onondaga wished a French settlement, and expressed dissatisfaction because no colonists arrived. To obtain them and so dispel all doubts, Father Dablon re- turned to Canada. There a serious consultation was held. It was generally believed that the Onondagas were endeavoring to draw the French into their country only to massacre them : but un- less some went, the cantons would declare war. Accordingly fifty Frenchmen under Mr. Dupuis, commandant of the fort at Quebec, left that city with all necessaries for a settlement, accompanied by Father Dablon, the Superior of the mission, ' "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1656, ch. vii. xiii., (Quebec ed. pp. 20, 35). OUR LADY OF GANENTAA. 253 F. Francis le Mercier, two other priests of the Society, Rene Menard and James Fremin, with two lay brothers/ They set out amid the anxious fears of their countrymen, their white banner with the name of Jesus betokening the ob- ject of their emigration. After a tedious journey, during which they suffered from hunger, the colonists on the 11th of July reached the spot on Lake Onondaga which Fathers Chaumonot and Dablon had selected, and where the sachems of the tribe awaited them. The French canoes moved over the waters of the lake amid a salvo from theii* five cannon. A grand reception and banquet followed. The next day a solemn Te Deum was chanted for their safe arrival, and possession was taken of the country in the name of Jesus Christ, dedicating it to Him by the holy sacrifice of the mass. On Sunday all received holy communion, to fulfil a vow made amid the dan- gers of their route. After the usual round of receptions and banquets to conform to the Indian custom, the French set to work in earnest to erect the blockhouse of Saint Mary of Ga- nentaa, as the headquarters of the settlers and of the mission- aries. It stood on a hill from which flowed a stream of salt water, and one limpid, fresh, and pure. Before the close of August the house was weU advanced, and the missionaries had reared in the Indian village of Onondaga a regular chapel, apparently a larger and more solid structure than that raised the year before.'' Fields were prepared and planted by the French with wheat, Indian com, and vegetables, and places arranged for the swine and poultry which they had brought.' '"Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1657, ch. 4, (Quebec ed., pp. 7-9). Marie de I'lncarnation, " Lettres Historiques," p. 531, Lettre Oct. 4, 1658. - "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1657, ch. 5 (Quebec ed., p. 18). ^Radisson, " Voyages," p. 118. St. Mary's of Ganentaa was just north ^..** '^:. %l V'' THE JESUIT WELL, GANENTAA. FBOM A DBA WING BY A. L. RAWSON. CAYUGA AND SENECA MISSION 255 As soon as the commencement of the mission had been laid at Onondaga, the missionaries prepared to extend their sphere of action. Father Chaumonot towards the close of August, 1656, set out for Cajuga, and leaving Father Rene Menard there, pushed on to the Seneca country. The mis- sionary of the Cayugas was not warmly received at Goio- goiien, Huron apostates having created prejudice against the messengers of the faith, but four days after his arrival a bark chapel was erected, draped with finely wrought mats and pictures of our Lord and His Blessed Mother.' Then his work began ; instructions were given daily, the sick and dy- ing visited, calumnies refuted, difficulties explained. Some listened ; one a warrior, who had given wampum belts to rescue Fathers Brebeuf and Lalemant, but which the war chiefs subsequently returned. Father Chaumonot at Gandagan, a Seneca town, disposed the sachems to favor the cause of Christianity and to main- tain the peace ; another town. Saint Michael's, made up al- most entirely of Hurons, welcomed the priest, many of the exiles having adhered to the faith though long deprived of a pastor." The two missionaries also visited Oneida, although warned of the railroad bridge on lot 106, on the north side of Lake Onondaga, about midway between the two extremities. "The Jesuit's Well," of which an illustration is given from a drawing by A. L. Rawson, with its accompanying salt spring, marks the spot. The Onondaga village where the chapel was erected, was twelve miles distant, two miles south of the present village of Manlius. Gen. John S. Clark in Hawley's "Early Chapters," p. 33. ' Gen. John S. Clark, who has so carefully studied the sites of Indian towns, places Goiogoilen three and a half miles south of Union Springs, near Great Gully Brook. Rev. Dr. Hawley's " Early Chapters of Ca- yuga History," p. 21. - " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1657, eh. 15-16 (Quebec ed., pp. 42-6). 256 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. that a plot was forming against their lives ; but they went on and boldly announced the gospel. Onondaga was, however, the central mission and that which afforded most consoling hope. Here they found more per- sons ready to listen to their teaching, more who in sickness placed all their hope in Our Lord when He was made known to them. The old Christians and converts were so numerous that three Sodalities of the Blessed Virgin were established, one Onondaga, one Huron, and one of the Neuter Nation. They all assembled in the chapel on Palm Sunday, 1657, be fore daybreak, and prepared for mass by reciting the rosary.' Yet the lives of the missionaries hung by a thread. While Father Ragueneau was on his way from Canada to Onon- daga with a party from that canton accompanied by some Hurons, who had agreed to settle there, an Onondaga chief tomahawked a Huron woman, and his companions massacred the men of the tribe, treating the women and children as slaves, stripping them of all their goods." The missionary and a lay brother reached Onondaga alive, but felt that they were prisoners. If this nation had ever really been sin- cere in their advances to the French, tlie jealousy of the Mo- hawks and Oneidas, who wished all trade to pass through their country, soon by specious reasoning incited the Onon- dagas to join them in renewing hostilities against the French. "While Father le Moyne was on the Mohawk, and the mis- sionaries and French at Onondaga, the Oneidas slew and scalped three colonists near Montreal. Governor d' Ailleboust acted with a decision that saved the lives of the missionaries. He seized all the Iroquois to be found in the colony and put them in irons. They saw that they were to deal with a man ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," ch. 19, p. 47. *Ib., ch. 22, pp. 54-6. Radisson, "Voyages," p. 119. FRANCIS DE LAVAL FIRST BISHOP OF QUEBEC i',-,T^.,iU l,v lotoL&.ShealSai CLOSE OF THE MISSION. 257 with whom they could not trifle. One was allowed to re- turn and assure the Mohawks and Oneidas that the lives of their tribesmen depended on the safe return of Father le Moyne. The position of the party at Onondaga was more serious, but the arrival of some Indians from tliat tribe gave the gov- ernor the hostages he desired ; but he could not send an ex- pedition to save the French. The winter wore away, the mis- sionaries faitlifully discharging their duties, the French settlers looking forward to the opening of navigation for an effort to escape. Flat-boats and canoes were secretly con- structed, and at last one of the French gave a grand banquet which gathered all the men of the Onondaga tribe. It was one that required the guests to eat everything set before them, and the French lavished their provisions to glut the guests, while music was kept up to drown all noise. At last far in the night the Onondagas returned to their village, and soon sleep held the whole tribe. Then the French embarked in haste, breaking a way through the ice, down the Oswego to the lake, and coasting along they finally reached Quebec' So ended the first French settlement and the first Catholic mission in New York, which had lasted from November 5, 1655, to March 20, 1658, and which had erected chapels in the Onondaga towns, and among the Cayugas. No sooner had peace with the Iroquois allowed the Catho- lic Church to extend its influence into the territory of the fierce Indians who had slaughtered priest and neophyte and catechumen, than it sought also to penetrate to the utmost limit then known to the French, the country of the Ottawas on Lake Superior, of the very existence of which few Euro- ' "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1658. Letter of F. Ragueneau, pp. 2-6; Radisson, "Voyages," pp. 123-134. 17 258 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. peans, few even of the English settlers on the Atlantic coast, had the remotest idea. At the first gleam of peace with the Iroquois, flotillas of canoes from Lake Superior made their way by the devious route of Lake Huron and the Ottawa to Montreal and Que- bec. The Jesuit missionaries heard from these Lidians of other tribes, the Winnebagoes, Illinois, Sioux, Crees. They resolved to plant the cross among them. The Ottawas asked for missionaries, and when their flotilla was ready, Father Leonard Garreau and Father Gabriel Druillettes were ap- pointed to accompany them on their long and difiicult voyage, with Brother Louis le Boesme, destined to become the earli- est metal-worker in the West. As the flotilla was passing the upper end of the island of Montreal it was attacked by a Mohawk war-party. At the first volley Father Garreau fell, his spine traversed by a ball. In this state he fell into the hands of the Mohawks, who dragged him into a little stock- ade they had made, there to be stripped and left for three days weltering in his blood. The Ottawas abandoned the other missionary and hastened onward. The intended apostle of the AYest was at last carried to Montreal, to expire the same day, praying for his murderers, fortified with the sacra' ments, and edifying all by his patient heroism.' The Church acting through the heroic regular clergy of France, had made its almost superhuman efforts to gain a foot- hold in Maine, in New York, in Michigan, but in the summer of 1658 the first signs of hope seemed blasted ; no permanent advantage had been gained ; nowhere south of the St. Law- rence and the great lakes was the holy sacrifice offered, not a single French priest resided at any point. But the Church in Canada was at this time to receive new '"Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1656, ch. xv.-xvi., pp. 38-43 (Quebec edition). A BISHOP APPOINTED. 269 life and vigor by the formation of the colony into a Yicariate- Apostolic confided to a bishop of eminent personal quaKties and of illustrious name. The Holy See requested by the King of France to erect a bishopric in Canada, deemed best after some consideration to establish a Vicariate- Apostolic. Francis de Laval de Montigny, recommended by the king for the Canadian bishopric, was preconised bishop inpartihtis iiv- fidelium in May, 1658, and on the 3d of June a bull was is- sued creating him bishop of Petraea in the ecclesiastical province of Heliopolis. There was at once an opposition in France. The Archbishop of Rouen protested ; the parlement at that city went so far as to defy the authority of the Holy See, and forbid Mgr. Laval to exercise the functions of Vicar- Apostohc in New France ; the bishop who was to consecrate him decUned to proceed. This conduct excited astonishment at Rome, and after examining the question, the Pope decided against the pretensions of the Archbishop of Rouen, A bull was issued declaring Bishop Laval Vicar-Apostolic, but indi- rectly confirming all acts done in Canada under the authority of the Archbishop of Rouen. Mgr. Laval was then conse- crated by the Pope's nuncio at Paris on the 8th of December, 1658, in the chapel of the Benedictine Abbey of St. Germain des Pres, which was then not within the diocese of any bishop. But the letters patent of the king showed a desire to incorporate the future diocese in Canada with the French hierarchy, and make Bishop Laval merely a vicar-general of the Archbishop of Rouen, while the Holy See desired to make him free from all control, and dependent directly on Rome. Gathering a few priests to aid in the work before him in Canada, Bishop Laval disregarding the orders of the French parlement, sailed from Rochelle, and reached Quebec on the 16th of June, 1659. Although his coming had not 260 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. been announced, he was received with all possible pomp,' *' as a comforting angel sent from heaven." The Jesuit Fathers, who were still acting as parochial ■clergy in all the settlements except Montreal, at once re- signed that portion of their work into the hands of the bishop, devoting themselves henceforward to their college, sodalities, and chapels in the colony, and to the Indian missions." Bishop Laval's authority was universally recognized by the clergy except one priest, who receiving a new appointment as Vicar- General from the Archbishop of Rouen, attempted to ques- tion the jurisdiction of the Vicar- Apostolic. At a later date Bishop Laval, in his endeavors to prevent the sale of liquor to the Indians, drew on himself the hostility of the governors ; but lie always had the hearty support of the great mass of the people settled in the country and of his clergy. "Monseigneur de Laval," says the judicious Ferland, " exercised a great influence over the destiny of Canada, both directly by himself, and indirectly by the institutions which he founded, as well as by the spirit he was able to infuse into the clergy of his immense diocese. All who have spoken of him agree in acknowledging that he possessed an elevated piety and the finest qualities of mind and heart. Based on profound conviction, and often required to crush evil at its outset, to prompt and develop some noble project, his firm- ness yielded neither to the suggestions of friendship nor the threats of hati'ed. Some reproach him with a firmness car- ried to stubbornness. On this earth no virtue is perfect ; he may have been mistaken at times ; but it is better for the ' Faillon, " Histoire de la Colonie Canadienne," ii, pp. 313-339 ; " Re- lation de la Nouvelle France," 1659, p. 1 ; Langevin, "Notice Biogra- phique," Montreal, 1874, p. 9. ^ At a later period Frontenac complained of the Jesuits because they would not do parochial duty among the French. BISHOP LAVAL AND HIS WORK. 261 founder of society to err through excessive firmness than from weakness. A vigorous hand was needed to guide in the straight way the little nation just born on the banks of the Saint Lawrence. If at the outset it had befallen him to take a wrong direction, he would have swerved more and more from the path of honor and duty as he advanced in his career ; he could have been recalled to the true path only by one of those severe chastisements which Providence employs to purify nations." ' He entered at once on the exercise of his episcopal functions, Confirmation and Holy Orders were soon conferred for the first time in Canada, and the settlers and their dusky allies bowed in reverence before the repre- sentative of the Episcopate, with whose blessing to animate them they went forth fearlessly to face all dangers. When a Catholic bishop thus reached Canada, he found the colony on the brink of ruin, ravaged by armies of Iro- quois against whom the most heroic bravery of the French settlers seemed ineffectual ; but while he joined with the civil authorities in appealing to the home government for troops to protect the colony, he courageously undertook to visit his vicariate from Gaspe to La Prairie. With the Su- perior of the Jesuit Fathers he projected new missions in the distant West. In the summer of 1660 a great flotilla reached Montreal from the upper lakes, composed of Ottawas guided by two Frenchmen, Groseilher and Radisson,^ and bearing several years' accumulation of furs. Undismayed by the fate of Father Garreau, the missionaries were ready to accompany the Ottawas on their return. Bishop Laval, who saw the ' " Cours d'Histoire du Canada," i., p. 449. "^ "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1660, ch. 6, Quebec ed., p. 29 ; "Journal des Jesuites," p. 387 ; See Radisson, "Voyages," pp. 134-172, for his explorations and voyage down. 262 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. flotilla at Montreal, would gladly have gone in person. Father Rene Menard, to whom the Cayugas had just sent belts to urge him to revisit them, was selected for the Otta- was with Father Charles Albanel, John Guerin, a devoted servant of the mission, and six other Frenchmen ; but the canoe assigned to Father Albanel would not receive him, and he was compelled to return.' Father Menard, fully conscious of the hardships before him, writing a parting letter to a fel- low religious, said : " In three or four mouths you may put nie in the Memento of the Dead, considering the life these 23eople lead, my age and feeble health. Yet I felt so power- fully impelled, and I saw in this affair so little of nature's prompting that I could not doubt that I should feel an eternal remorse if I allowed the opportunity to pass." * Be- tween Three Rivers and Montreal, Father Menard, who had set out in such Pie^ncM^ ^c;^a^ Jot>C^Asul^ To^ ^^'*^ ^^'^^ ^^® could not obtain FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF RENE MENARD. a proper supply of clothing and other necessaries, met Bishop Laval, whose en- couraging words filled him with consolation. " Father," he said, " every consideration seems to bid you remain here, but God, who is stronger than all, wishes you in those parts." The missionary was an old traveller, and had made many a jour- ney with Huron and Iroquois ; but the treatment he then experienced was nothing compared to what he had to suffer from the brutal Ottawas. They snatched his breviary from his hand and flung it into the rapid stream. On another oc- casion they set him ashore, leaxang him to clamber over ' The " Relation " states that Groseillier and Radissou baptized many In- dian children in danger of death. " Relation," 1660, p. 13, and Radisson's account, p. 160, seem to confirm it. ' Letter of Aug. 27, 1660. " Rel.," 1660, p. 30. MISSION OF ST. TERESA. 263 frightful rocks to overtake tliem. HaK his day was spent wadiug, his niglits stretched on a rock without slielter or cov- ering, hunger at last was reheved only by " tripe de roche," or bits of deer-skin. After they entered Lake Superior, their canoe was crushed by a falling tree, and the missionary and three Indians were left to starve. At last some less brutal Ottawas took them up, and- on Saint Teresa's day, October loth. Father Menard reached a large bay on the south shore of Lake Superior ; and " here," he says, " I had the consola- tion of sa}4ug mass, which repaid me with usury for all my past hardships. Here also I opened a mission." The spot of this first mass and first mission on Lake Superior was at Old Yillage Point, or Bikwakwenan on Keweenaw Bay, about seven miles north of the present village of L'Anse.' The nearest altar of the living God to that reared by this aged and intrepid priest was that of the Sulpitians at Mon- treal, yet the altars at Santa Fe and St. Inigoes were but Kt- tle more remote. The aged priest stood alone in the heart of the continent, with no fellow-priest and scarcely a fellow-man of European race within a thousand miles of him. He began his instructions, but few besides the aged and infirm seemed inclined to listen. A good, industrious widow, laboring to maintain her five children ; a noble young brave, whose natural purity revolted against the debaucheries of his nation, were the first fruits of those in the prime of life. Testing his neophytes long and strictly. Father Menard ad- mitted few to baptism. " I would not," he wrote, " admit a greater number, being contented with those -svhom I deemed certain to persevere firmly in the faith during my absence ; ' This is the result of V. Rev. Edward Jacker's careful study of the life of Father Menard. The tribe, though classed under the general name Ottawas by the French, were Chippewas. 264 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. for I do not know yet what will become of me, or whither I shall betake myself." His care was attested by the fact that Fathers Marquette, Allouez, and Nouvel subsequently found converts of Father Menard adhering to the Christian faith and life. Keinouche, the chief to whose care the missionary had been especially confided, proved to be a brutal, sensual man, who finally drove Father Menard from his cabin, so that he was compelled to rear a rude shelter for himself, and to seek food as he might from the Indians or the rocks. Yet there was no thought of abandoning his mission. " I should do myself great violence were I to wish to descend from the cross which God has prepared for me in my old days, in this remote part of the world. There is not any desire in my heart to revisit Three Kivers. I do not know what sort of nails these are that fasten me to the adorable wood, but the mere thought of any one approaching to take me down from it makes me shudder." . ..." I can sincerely say that, in spite of hunger, cold, and other discomforts, — almost unbe- coming detail, — I feel more content here in one day than I experienced all my lifetime in whatever part of the world I sojourned." Amid all the hardships of a winter in a hovel of branches on Lake Superior, Father Menard was acquiring all possible information of the country and the tribes inhabiting it. He heard of distant nations and proposed setting out to an- nounce the gospel to them. " It is my hope to die on the way." But a call came from a tribe to whom the Jesuits had already preached. A band of Tionontate-Hurons, fly- ing from the Iroquois, had reached the land of the Dakotas, but acted so insolently as to provoke that warlike race. The Tionontates, thoroughly worsted, retreated up a branch of the Mississippi, called the Black River, to its headwaters, where DEATH OF F. MENARD. 265 tliey were at this time in an almost starving condition. Hearing that a Jesuit Father was on the shore of Lake Su- perior, they sent imploring him to visit them, the pagan por- tion promising to listen to his instructions. Father Menard sent three Frenchmen to ascertain the real state of affairs. They found the road so difficult and dangerous, the condition of the Hurons so wretched, that on returning they begged tlie missionary not to attempt to go, but his answer was a decided one : '' God calls me thither ; I must go, should it cost me my life." " This is the finest opportunity of show- ing to angels and men that I love my Creator more than the life I hold from him, and you wish me to let it slip ? " Some Hurons came to trade, and with these as guides, and taking a little stock of smoked fish and meat, he set out with one Frenchman July 13, 1661. He said to his converts and countrymen : " Farewell, my dear children ; 1 bid you the long farewell for this world ; for you shall never see me again. But I pray that the divine mercy may unite us all in heaven." ' The party reached, as Rev. Edward Jacker thinks. Lake Yieux Desert, the source of the Wisconsin. Here the Huron guides left him, promising to push on to the village and bring relief. After waiting two weeks. Father Menard and his companion, finding an old canoe, attempted to descend the river, broken by a succession of rapids. It was a terrible undertaking for an aged man whose frame was shattered by years of exposure and toil. At one dangerous rapid Father Menard, to lighten the canoe, landed, and witli some of the packages made his way over the rocks. When the Frencli- man had guided his canoe safely down the dangerous pass, he looked for the venerable priest. In vain he called him ; ' ' Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1663, Quebec ed., pp. 20-1. 266 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. lie fired his gun that the sound might guide the missionary if he had lost his way. A diligent search proved inefiEectual. Then he set out in haste for the Hurons, meeting one of the Sac tribe able to guide him. There he endeavored to induce the Hurons to send out a party to search for him, but a scout who went out discovered a hostile trail. The fate of Father Hene Menard is uncertain. That he died by the hand of prowl- ing Indians seems most probable ; his altar furniture, his cas- sock, and breviary were subsequently, at different times, found in the hands of Dakotas and other western tribes. " Pater IVugifer " he was called by his fellow-laborers, who had seen the result of his mission work in Upper Canada and New York. Father Menard perished about August 10th, and Y. Rev. Mr. Jacker, after a very careful local study, decides that he was lost near the rapid on the Wisconsin, known as Grand- father Bull, or BeauHeu rapids.' ' It is so set down on an ancient unpublished map in Mr. S. L. M. Barlow's collection, as may be seen in Winsor, "Narrative and Critical History," iv., p. 206. For the last missions of this great priest, see " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1663, Quebec ed., 17-25 ; 1664, pp. 2-6 ; 1665, p. 9. Perrot, " Moeurs et Coutumes des Sauvages," edited by F. Tailhan, p. 92. CHAPTER III. THE OTTAWA MISSION, 1662-16Y5. The tidings of Menard's death were slow in reaching his brethren on the St. Lawrence ; but when they came, no idea of abandoning the mission was entertained. Danger from hostile Iroquois, the hardships of the long journey, the bru- tality of the Indians whose conversion they were to seek, did not appall them. Father Claude AUouez was selected to con- tinue the work of Menard. He reached Montreal in 1664 only to find that the Ottawa flotilla had departed. The next year he embarked in one of their canoes, and on the Ist of September, 1665, reached Sault St. Mar}''s, and after a brief stay at St. Teresa's Bay landed, on the 1st of October, at Chegoimegon. Here he erected his bark chapel, dedicating it to the Holy Ghost, the spot taking the name of " La Pointe du Saint Esprit." The Church to this day exerts her influence there, and the present church, identified with the venerable Bishop Baraga, claims to be the oldest one in the State of Wisconsin. The population at Chegoimegon was a motley gathering of Indians belonging to eight different tribes. Father Allouez found them all preparing to take the field against the Sioux, and his first triumph was to cause them to abandon the pro- ject. His chape], adorned with striking pictures, such as hell and the last judgment, attracted Indians from all parts ; some asked to be instructed, others came to mock and jeer ; some (267) 268 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. brought cliildi'en to be baptized ; a few Huroiis sought to re vive the faith, now ahiiost extinct, in their hearts. The Lord's Prayer and the Angelical Salutation in the Chippewa language were chanted after every instruction, and were soon generally known. The niedicine-nien were the great enemies of the missionary, and early in 1666 they incited profligate, ill-disposed men at a larger Indian tow^n, where the mission- ary had erected a second chapel, to break in the walls and ta try and rob him of everything. He was forced to return to Chegoimegon, where the Hurons gave him more consolation. They had been deprived of a missionary since the death of Father Garnier, and Allouez baptized some whose instruc- tion had been begun by that holy missionary. The Potta- watomies, of whom a large band visited La Pointe, showed better dispositions for the faith than the Ottawas ; but the priest could not say the same of the haughty and cruel Sacs and Foxes. The Illinois coming from their great river, which he believed to empty somewhere near Virginia, danced the calumet and listened to his instructions, carrying to their distant home the first tidings of the gospel. Bishop Laval, in the act by which he created Father Al- louez his Yicar-General in the West, bears testimony to the work of the missionaries of the Society of Jesus. " We can- not sufficiently praise God on beholding the zeal and charity with which all the Fathers of your Society continue to em- ploy their lives in this new church to advance the glory of God and the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and to secure the sal- vation of the souls whom He has confided to our care, but especially at the happy success which He gives to the labors which you have undergone for several years past, with equal fortitude and courage, to establish the faith in all the countries that lie on the North and West. We cannot but testify to you and all your companions the most signal joy and conso- F. ALLOUEZ CREATED VICAR-GENERAL. 269 lation that we derive from them, and iu order to contribute with all our power by marks of our regard in the progress and advancement of these glorious designs, and confiding in your piety, purity of life, and ability, it is our will to appoint you our Vicar-General in all the said countries, as we do by these presents," etc/ By this appointment Father Claude Allouez, or the Su- perior of the Mission in the West for the time being, was created Vicar-General, and all missionaries to whom the Bishop had given, or might subsequently give, faculties for that district were made subject to him. This act, dated July 21, 1663, is therefore the first ecclesiastical organization of the Church in the West. The Bishop of Quebec soon after announced that the holidays of obligation in his diocese, and of course in the district assigned to the Vicar-General, were those which were established by Pope Urban VIII. in 16-12, to which he added the feasts of Saint Francis Xavier, and of the Invention of the Holy Cross." Father Allouez went to the western extremity of Lake Superior, where he met a band of Sioux, and endeavored through an interpreter to tell them of the y^ ^ <\ /^v5V> faith. He learned (^^ CUltt. C^^O^^^ tnat • beyona tneir FAc-snriLE of signature of father country lay the Kar- claude allouez. ezi, after which the land was cut off. He met too Kilistinons, whose language resembled that of the Montagnais, of the lower Saint Law- rence. In 1667, he penetrated to Lake Alimibegong, where he revived the faith in the hearts of the Nipissings, who ' "Archives of Archbishopric of Quebec," A., p. 166. ^ " Ordonn since au sujet du retranchement et institution de quelques festes," 3 Dec, 1667 ; "Archives of Quebec," A., p. 58. 270 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. had formerly been under the care of the Fathers of the Huron mission. He celebrated Pentecost among them in a chapel made of branches, but with a devout and attentive flock, whose piety was the great consolation of his laborious ministry. The Catholic Church had begun her work on Lake Superior with energy; and Father Allouez, who, by this time, had acquired a thorough knowledge of the whole field open to missionary labor, descended with the trading flotilla in the summer of 1667, to lay his plans before his superiors. Two days only did he spend in Quebec, returning to the Ottawas, with Father Louis Nicolas, to pass through the hard- ships of the long and dangerous route.' He bore with him a pastoral of the Venerable Bishop Laval, whose authority he had invoked to aid him in checking the unchristian lives of some of the early French pioneers. The labors of the missionaries in the West found other obstacles than the pagan ideas and practices of the Indian tribes. The bad example of some fur traders, who, throwing off the restraints of civilization, plunged into every vice, pro- duced a most unfavorable impression on the Indians, who contrasted it with the high morality preached by the mission- aries. To remove the scandal as far as possible. Father Al- louez appealed to Bishop Laval. The following is probably the first ofiicial ecclesiastical act, applying directly and ex- clusively to the Church in the West : " Francis, by the Grace of God and of the Holy See, Bishop of Petraea, Vicar- Apostolic in New France, and nominated by the King first Bishop of said country : To our well-beloved Father Claude Allouez, Superior of ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1667, ch. ii.-xvi. Quebec edition, pp. 4-26. Lettre du pSre Marquette, Aug. 4, 1667. DISORDERS OF FRENCH TRADERS. 271 the Mission of the Society of Jesus among the Ottawafi, Health. " On the report which we have received of the disorder prevailing in vour missions in regard to the French who go thither to trade, and who do not liesitate to take part in all the profane feasts held there by the pagans, sometimes with great scandal to their souls, and to the edification which they ought to give to the Christian converts, we enjoin you to take in hand that they shall never be present when these feasts are manifestly idolatrous, and in case they do the con- trary of what you decide ought to be done or not done on this point, to threaten them with censures if they do not re- turn to their duty, and in case of contumacy, to proceed according to your prudence and discretion, as also towards those who are given in an extraordinary degree to scandalous impurity, to act in the same manner. Given at Quebec this 6th of August, one thousand six hundred and sixty-seven. " Fkancis, Bishop of PetroiaP ' The next year these two priests were reinforced by the arrival of Father James Mar- quette and Brother Louis le JcLceru^jL Trut^y^^f^^f^t^^ Boesme. FAC-SIMILE OF TUE SIGNATURE OF The mission stations were father marquette. Sault Sainte Marie, and La Pointe du Saint Esprit, at Chagoimegon, each provided with a chapel. At the last mission, about this time, bands of a very great number of tribes had gathered, flying from the war parties of the Iroquois, which had carried desolation around the shores of Lake Michigan, as of old, amid the nations seated on Lake Huron. This gave Father Allouez ' "Archives of Quebec," A., pp. 53-4. 272 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. an opportunity to announce the faith to many tribes, to obtain a knowledge of their language, and the routes leading to their country. The Iroquois were the gi'eat obstacle, and peace with them was essential. The Ottawas (Queues Coupees) at La Pointe, among whom he had labored two or three years, showed little sign of conversion. They had been obdurate in the Huron country, and when Fatlier Menard instructed them. Father Allouez at last announced his determination to leave them and go to the Sault, where the people showed docility. Finding him in earnest, the chiefs called a council, In the autumn of 1665. There they decided to put an end to polygamy, to abolish all offering to Mauitous, and not to take part in the heathen rites of the tribes that had gathered around them. The change was sudden but sincere. They came during the winter regularly to the chapel with their wives and children to receive instruction, and to pray in com- iBon in the morning and at night. The whole tribe became Christians, and by its numbers and love of peace, gave great hopes. Father Marquette, at the Sauit, found many correspond to his teaching, but was prudently waiting to test the strength of their good resolutions, before admitting them to baptism.' Hoping to obtain more missionaries, and means to establish stations at Green Bay and other points, Father Allouez, in 1669, went down to Quebec, taking several Iroquois whom he had rescued, and through whom he hoped to effect a peace between the Five Nations and the Western tribes. This happy result followed. The Ottawa mission was organized, and Father Dablon went up as Superior. "* Father James Marquette then went to Chagoimegon in September, 1669, to take charge of the motley gathering ' " Relation de la Nouvelle Frauce," 1668, p. 21. * Ibid., 1669, pp. 19-20. MISSION AT GREEN BAY. 273 there, the iiewlj cou verted Kiskakons : the Tionontate Hurons who had finally settled there, most of whom had been baptized, but in their wandering life, had lost nearly all traces of Christianity ; the Ottawa Sinagos and Keinouches, who. with few exceptions, derided the Christian teachers. He found the Kiskakons docile and attentive to all the in- structions and exercises in the chapel, and could see in the modest behavior of the young women, that they were making real progress in virtue, and avoiding the old vices. He was, however, already selected by Father Dablon to found a FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF FATHER CLAUDE DABLON. mission among the Illinois, and in 1670, wrote, that during the winter, he had acquired some elementary knowledge of their language from a young man of the Illinois nation, who had come to Chagoimegou. He found it to differ widely from other Algonquin dialects, but he adds, " I hope never- theless, by the help of God's grace, to understand and be understood, if God in his goodness leads me to that land." " If it pleases God to send some Father, he will take my place, while I, to fulfil Father Superior's orders, will proceed to found the mission of the Illinois." ' Father Allouez had paved the way for this mission, by announcing the Gospel to some who came to La Pointe.'^ In Xovember, that pioneer of the Faith on the Upper Lakes, set out in the caiioes of the Pottawatomies, aceom- ' "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, pp. 89-90. - A book is still preserved in Canada, containing prayers in Illinois and French, which contains an ancient note stating that it was prepared by Father Allouez for the use of Father Marquette. 18 274 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. panied by two other Frenchmen, and, amid storms and snow, toiled on till they reached Lake Michigan, and skirted its shores till they entered Green Bay, on the feast of Saint Francis Xavier. The next day. Father Allouez celebrated the first mass in that part, which was attended by eight Frenchmen. A motley village of six hundred Indians, Sacs and Foxes, Pottawatomies and Winnebagoes, had gathered here to winter, and similar groups were scattered at intervals around the Bay. The missionary spent the winter announc- ing the Gospel, first to the Sacs, instructing them and teaching them to pray, having soon adapted the Algonquin Our Father and Hail Mary to their dialect. In February, he visited the Pottawatomies, convening the chiefs, and then visiting each cabin. In both villages, all sick children were baptized, and adults in danger were instructed and prepared. The winter wore away before he had made a thorough visita- tion of all these villages, and to his regret, he saw them begin to scatter. Living on Indian corn and acorns, he had toiled and suffered, but could feel that something had been ac- complished. In April, he ascended Fox River, passing a Sac village with its fish weir, passing Kakalin Rapids, threading Winnebago Lake, and keeping on till he reached the crowded town of the Foxes, where he was greeted as a Manitou. The chiefs came to the council he convened, and there he explained the fundamental doctrines of Christianity, the Commandments of God, the rewards and punishments of eternity. He consoled them for their recent losses at the hands of the merciless Iroquois. They responded at a later council, and urged him to remain to instruct them. Thus began the Mission of Saint Mark, so named from the day of its first work. Then he took his canoe again, and returning to Lake "Winnebago, ascended Wolf River to the Maecoutin fort» SAULT ST. MARY'S. 275 Here he found a tribe ready to welcome a missionary. Re- turning from this excursion, in which he found that, by a short portage, he could easily reach the great river Messi-sipi, he visited the Menomonees, with their corrupt Algonquin, and the Winnebagoes, whose language of the Dakota stock was utterly unlike any language he had yet heard. He set to work to study it, and to translate the Lord's Prayer and the Angelical Salutation, with a brief Catechism into it. Such was the first announcement of Christianity in the heart of Wisconsin, The teaching of the Church had begun. There were a few converts, but instructions and prayers were maintained regularly by the missionary in his chapel. Late in May he returned to Sault St. Mary's. The new field thus opened with the missions of the Illinois and Dakotas in prospect called for more evangelical laborers. Fathers Gabriel Draillettes and Louis Andre w^ent up in the autumn of 1670.' In May, 1671, the Cross was formally planted at Sault St. Mary's amid a vast gathering of tribes. Here the chapel was a constant attraction. Indians came and listened ; children were baptized, and a class gathered for daily instruction. Amid great hopes their little chapel took fire on the 27th of January, 1671, and the missionaries were able to save little except the Blessed Sacrament. Meanwhile Father Andre visited the Missisagas, Manitou- line, Mackinac, and Lake Nipissing, encouraged by the docility of the Indians, but always constantly on the verge of starvation, living on pieces of deerskin, tripe de roche, or acorns. In the spring of 1671, Father Marquette, who had been at La Pointe, saw his flock of Hurons and Ottawas tremble before the wrath of the Sioux, whom they had pro- voked. They fled, the Ottawas to Manitouline, the Hurons ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, ch. xii. 276 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. to Michilimakinac, where Father Marquette took up liis abode to continue the mission of Saint Ignatius, Father Allouez contiuued his labors around Green Bay, greatly encouraged by his reception among bands of Mianiis and of Illinois, near the Maskouten fort. Here he was re- ceived with respect by the great chief of the Illinois, whom his people regarded with the deepest reverence. The gentle and sweet disposition of this chief won the heart of the mis- sionary, who built great hopes on the favor of one who could unite these traits with great valor in war. So deeply was the chief moved by our Lord's passion when the mis- sionary described it, that all wondered ; grace seemed to be working in his heart. He escorted the missionary to his canoe when he left, urged him to visit them in their own country, and gave every hope that, in time, this most inter- esting nation yet discovered by the missionaries would afford a field for consoling and fruitful labors." Father Henry IS^ouvel was sent up in the autumn of 1671 as Superior of all the Ottawa missions, as those on the Upper Lakes were called. He took for his share the laborious mis- sions on Lakes Huron and Nipissing. Father Gabriel Druil- lettes continued his labors at Sault St. Mary's, encouraged by cures that seemed so miraculous that the Indians redoubled their faith and zeal. He rebuilt his chapel, which greatly surpassed* the first one.' At Michilimakinac Father Mar- quette was assiduous in his work, endeavoring to revive in the minds and hearts of the Hurons the knowledge and love of God which had l)ecome nearly effaced in their long wan- derings and struggles. ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, part iii., ch. 1-5. - " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, p. 31. Le Clercq, " Establish- ment of the Faith" (Shea's translation), ii., p. 105, implies that it was a magnificent church, with the richest vestments, but this is a mere exag- geration. THE OTTAWA MISSION. 277 Father Allouez and Father Andre planted their little house and chapel at the Rapide des Peres, from which the latter attended the tribes on Green Bay, the former those on the rivers beyond their mission station.' Meanwhile the Church at Sault Ste. Marie had been re- built, and fine vestments sent by charitable friends in more civilized parts filled the Indians with wonder, as they camped around the chapel — a safer place, in their ejes, than their own fort against any attack of hostile braves, old Iskouakite, a Chippewa chief, seamed with wounds from Dakota or Iroquois, being the catechist. This new church stimulated a kind of jealousy. At Green Bay the Indians murmured, and to satisfy them a suitable site was selected on Fox River, which had taken the name of Saint Francis Xavier. Here, before the close of 1673, a large church was erected, to which the neighboring tribes might repair when not away on their distant hunting- grounds. From the Sault Father Druillettes directed the Chippewas and Kiskakons, and \'isited the Missisagas. There was much faith to encourage the missionaries, but the medicine-men labored to prevent the progress of Christianity and to seduce those who had eml)raced it. As in other parts, they endeav- ored to persuade the people that the missionaries caused the death of the children of unbelievers. Father Henry Nouvel was three times attacked with uplifted hatchet by one of these medicine-men. In the summer of 1672 the Ottawa Sinagos and the Tio- nontate Hurons began to arrive at Michilimakinac, Father Andre having produced some fruit among the former on Lake Superior. A Huron stockade fort rose near the church. Some ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1672, paxt ii., ch. 2-5. 278 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. Hurons from near Quebec, who came up to trade, aided the missionary by their exhortations and the influence of their example. But Fatlier Marquette was preparing to resign his mission to other hands and set out on a dangerous expe- dition.' Father Louis Andre, sent to Green Bay, began his labors at Saint Francis Xavier among the Sacs at Chouskouabika, endeavoring to dispel their superstitions, and, above all, their belief in Missipissi — a deity on whom they relied for success in fishing. He found polygamy a great obstacle, and would not admit to his instructions any one who did not renounce it. Yisiting every cabin, he instructed the inmates amid the nets and drying fish. Just three days before Christmas, 1672, his little cabin was burned down, and he lost his desk and papers, with many valuable articles. A new house and chapel was reared for him by piling up a wall of straw to the height of a man and roofing it with mats. Such was the winter home of a Western priest two centuries ago. Among the Pottawatomies at Oussouamigoung his experience was more cheering, the chapel being constantly visited by the women to receive instructions or to offer their devotions. Attached to this mission were, too, the Winnebagoes and Menomonees." In the fields near the Maskouten village, Father Allouez had reared a chapel of reed mats, which he opened on the feast of the Assumption. Miamis came and camped around, so that he was compelled to go out and instruct them in the •open air, using his chapel for mass, which he said behind a rood-screen of mats, leaving only a small space for the cate- ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673 ; Manate, 1861, pp. 146-157 ; " Relations Inedites," Paris, 1861, pp. 69-102. 2 " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, pp. 157-186 ; " Relations Inedites," pp. 103-122, 229-233. i THE MASKOUTENS. 279 chumens ; and for them he established two rules — that there was to be no smoking or talking in the chapel. Then a cross was planted in the Maskouten village, and its meaning ex- plained, with the veneration in which Christians held it. Besides this charge he also labored among the Foxes at t/^n^ *jt^^ 38-9). THE MOHAWK MISSION. 285 them in an isolated cabin to instruct them, prepare them for the sacraments, and baptize their children. A Mohawk woman too came forward, and following his instructions, sought baptism. The missionaries then visited the other two towns of the Mohawk nation, and three smaller hamlets, so that they soon had an organized Christian flock. On the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, they addressed the sachems, and delivered the wampum belts which they bore from the FreTich governor. A site was selected at Tionnontoguen for their chapel ; it was erected by the Mohawks, and similar chapels were reared in the other towns. Such was the beginning of the Mission of St. ]\[ary of the Mohawks. Here the missionaries labored, mak- ing at first little impression on the Iroquois, and exposed to insult and even danger from the braves when infuriated by tlie liquor which traders freely sold them. After visiting Albany, Father Pierron returned to Quebec, but was soon again on the Mohawk, Fremin leaving the field of his year's Jabor to found a mission among the Senecas.' Reaching the Oneida castle in September, 1667, Father James Bruyas soon had his chapel dedicated to St, Francis Xavier, in which he said mass for the first time on St. Michael's day. He too found Christians to form a congrega- tion, needing instruction, encouragement, and consolation. They were the nucleus around which some well-disposed Oneidas soon gathered.' During the year, he was joined by Father Julian Gamier, who soon after proceeded to Onon- daga. Garaconthie welcomed him cordially, and erected a chapel for his use, which was dedicated to St. John the Baptist. To place the Church on a solid basis, this chief pro- ' "Relation de la Xouvelle France," 1668, ch. i.-ii., Quebec edition, 3, pp. 2-13. Hawley, " Early Chapters of Mohawk History." - " Relation," 1668, ch. 3, Quebec edition, 3, p. 14. 286 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. posed to the heads of the great famiHes, an embassy ta Quebec, with which he set out. Then Father Stephen Carheil and Father Peter Milet began at Cayuga to revive the work begun by Father Menard,' in this mission of St. Joseph. One thing was evident to the missionaries in all the can- tons, that unless some check was given to the traders who sold liquor to the Indians, there was no hope for their civihz- ation and conversion. Father Pierron, with the Mohawk sachems, appealed to Governor Lovelace, of Kew York, that his influence might arrest the traffic. His reply acknowl- edged the devoted labors of the Jesuit missionaries, and sympathy with their work. Father Fremin reached the first Seneca village November 1, 1668, and was received with all the honors paid to am- bassadors. A chapel was then reared for him, and captive Christians incorporated into the nation, came eagerly to obtain the benefits of rehgion.* Catholicity had thus her chapels 4n each of the five Iroquois cantons, with zealous priests labor- ing earnestly to convert the Iroquois. The worship of Tharonhiawagon, the superstitious observance of dreams, the open debaucheries, formed a great obstacle, and the thirst for spirituous liquors inflamed all their bad passions. Besides this, prejudice against the Catholic priests was im- parted to the Iroquois by the Dutch and English of Albany,^ and by Hurons, who, in their own country, had resisted all the teachings of the missionaries. Father Carheil tried to> instruct and baptize a dying girl, but her Huron father pre- vented him, and told him that he was like Father Brebeuf,, ' "Relation," 1668, ch. 4, 5, Quebec edition, 3, pp. 16-20. '^ " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1669, ch. 1-5, Quebec edition, pp. 1-17. 3 See "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, p. 32. DANIEL GARACONTEIE. 287 and wished only to kill her. The missionary, driven from the cabin, could only weep and pray for the poor girl, who expired amid the wild rites of the medicine-men. The Huron then roused the people to slay the missionary, whom he accused of killing his child. The prisoners brought in and burned at the stake, were al- ways attended by the missionaries, who sought to instruct them and prepare them for death by baptism, and there is no page more thrilling than that in which a missionary records his presence near the sufferer, amid the horrible tortures in- flicted on him. The faith seemed to make but little progress in the hearts of the Iroquois themselves, yet many of the better and abler leaders had been careful observers, and in their own hearts recognized the superiority of the gospel law, though their immovable faces betrayed nothing of the inward conviction. The open avowal of Garaconthie, the able Onondaga chief, at a council convoked at Quebec, in consequence of a re- newal of hostilities between the Senecas and Ottawas, was a startling surprise, as consoling as it was unexpected. " As to the faith which Onnontio (the French Governor) wishes to see everywhere diffused, I publicly profess it among my countrymen ; I no longer adhere to any superstition, I re- nounce polygamy, the vanity of dreams, and every kind of sin." For sixteen years he had been a constant friend of the French, he had attended instructions, had even solicited bap- tism, yet the Fathers had hesitated, though his pure life seemed to attest his sincerity. His avowal on this occasion, won Bishop Laval, who, finding him sufficiently instructed, resolved to baptize and confirm him. The ceremony took place in the Cathedral of Quebec, the Governor being his godfather, and Mile. Bouteroue, daughter of the Intendant, hie godmother. In the church, crowde'd with Indians of 288 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. almost every tribe in the valley of the St. Lawrence, he received at the font the name of Daniel, that of Governor de Courcelles, and was then entertained with honor at the Castle of Quebec' The effect of this conversion was incal- culable, not only at Onondaga, but in all the other cantons. Reaching the Mohawk towns at a critical moment, when Father Pierron, in attempting to expose the absurdity of the Indian traditional tales, had been commanded to be silent, but by treating their conduct as an insult, had made it an affair of state, 10 be discussed by the great council of the tribe, Gara- conthie threw his whole influence adroitly on .the side of the missionary, and the result was a public renunciation of Agreskoue or Tharonhiawagon as their divinity, the act being ratified by an exchange of belts between the mission- ary and the nation.^ At Oneida, Garaconthie spoke in favor of the faith, and gave a wampum belt to attest the sincerity of his words.' At Onondaga, he urged Father Milet not to confine his instructions to the children, but to explain the Christian law to adults. The missionary gave a feast, and erected a pulpit covered with red, with a Bible and crucifix above, and all the symbols of the superstitions and vices of the country below. A wampum belt hung up conspicuously betokened the unity of God. His discourse, carefully pre- pared, produced an immense influence, and thenceforward he had among his auditors the best men of the nation. The triumph of Father Pierron on the Mohawk was not a mere transitory one. The old gods of the Hotinonsionni fell and forever, not only in that canton, but in the others. Dieu, the God preached by the missionaries which soon on Iroquois lip became as it now is, "Niio," has since been ' "Relation de la Nouvellc France," 1670, ch. S, Quebec edition, pp. 5-6. 2Ibid.,c. 5. 3 Ibid., c. 6. AGRESKOUE RENOUNCED. 289 worshipped by the Five Nations, whether they profess Christianity or not. By a providential law, the Iroquois term to express the Lord, or rather He is the Lord, is Hawenniio, which seems to embody the term for God. The open honor to their old gods was gone, but to eradicate superstitions, especially the idea that dreams must be carried out, no matter how absurd or wicked, was not easy ; and to build up in these hearts, ignorant of all control, the self-denying system of the law of grace, was a task of no ordinary magnitude. The missionaries resorted to all devices suited to the ignorant, to whom a book was a mystery. The symbolical paintings devised by Rev. Mr. Le Xobletz, in France, were of great ser- vice, and Father Pierron invented a game which the Mohawks took up very readily, and in which some dull minds learned truths of faith as to which instructions seemed never clear enough to reach their comprehension. When they saw, in this way, that mortal sin led to hell, unless one could, by the path of penance, return to grace, the whole came vividly be- fore their minds while the missionary instructed them.' Yet the profession of Christianity was not regarded with- out aversion. A woman of rank, an Oyander, having be- come a Christian, was in a council of the tribe, convoked for the purpose, degraded from her rank, although she held it by descent. Another was installed in her place, and, stripped of her property, she went to Canada to enjoy in peace the exer- cise of her religion.'* It was not easy again for the missionaries to inculcate self- control, temperance, and chastity, when the English and French governments alike, permitted unlimited sale of liquor to the Indians, by which the doctrines of the missionaries were contradicted and vice encouraged. ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, p. 38. ' Ibid., p. 6. 19 I 290 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. Father Bruyas, at Oneida, saw liis efforts thwarted by the prevalent drunkenness of the men, who were deaf to all ex- hortations, their hearts being like the rock from which the tribe derives its name, and they so influenced the women that it was only when the braves were absent on the war- path or the hunts that they ventured to attend the instruc- tions in the chapel.' We see an example of this in the Huron, Francis Tonsa- hoten, who, though a Christian, did not avow or practice his religion openly, but when going off to a hunt, told his Erie wife to attend the instructions of the missionary during his absence. She became the earnest and pious Catholic, Catharine Ganneaktena, the foundress of the mission of La Prairie, after having been the tutor of Father Bruyas in the Oneida dialect." At a later period, the missionary, at these seasons, assembled the old men, and expounded the mysteries of faith to them, refuting their superstitious fables. These conferences showed by their fruit that they had touched many a heart.' Unable to celebrate the holidays of the Church at Oneida, Father Bruyas frequently went on those occasions to Onon- daga, where the children sang the truths of Christianity through the town ; and -where Father Milet, addressing the sachems, attacked the Dream superstition, the last stronghold of Iroquois paganism. They yielded to his arguments and formally renounced it, reminding him that Agreskoue was no longer named at their feasts, which indeed, on all great occasions, were opened by the blessing asked by the priest." The failure of some dream prophecies of the medicine-men ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, p. 53. "^ Chauchetiere, " Vie de la B. Catherine Tegakouita." ^ " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1672, p. 19. * lb., 1670, p. 53 ; Chauchetiere, " Vie de la B. Catherine Tegakouita,'* cb. 13. Catharine emicrrated to Montreal in 1667. THE IROQUOIS MISSION. 291 about this time, aided the missionary cause by discrediting those impostors. Still the Catholic Church at Onondaga was made up mainly of old Huron and other Christian Indians, whom the misfor- tunes of war had consigned to that place, with a few converts made during the existence of Saint Mary's, at Ganentaa.' Father Carheil, at Cayuga, struggled with the same difficul- ties, converting a few, chiefly in sickness, which ravaged many of the cantons, but with his auxiliary Rene he built a neat chapel of wood, resembling Indian cabins in nothing but the bark roof. Father Fremin, at the Seneca town of Saint Michael, erected his chapel for the large and distinct body of Huron Christians, many of whom were eminent for piety and fervor. Among these, James Atondo is recorded as one given to prayer, and constant in exhorting others to observe the commandments of God, and lead a pious life. Francis Tehoronhiongo, baptized by Father Brebeuf, the host of Father le Moyne, wlio, after edifying his own land, and that of his exile, died at the Mountain of Montreal, knew all the leading events of Scripture history as well as the Catechism, and not only trained his own family to a Christian life, but was so constantly instructing all around him, that Father Garnier says : " If the Gospel had never been pub- lished in this country by missionaries, this man alone would have announced it sufficiently to justify at the Day of Judg- ment the conduct of God for the salvation of all men." * That missionary had come to Onondaga to aid Fremin, and had reared a chapel at Gandachioragou, as Fremin did in September, 1669, at St. Michael's.' ' "Relation," 1670, p. 61. ^Ib., p. 71; "History of the Catholic Missions among the Indian Tribes," p. 328. * St. Michael's (Gandougarae) was probably about five miles southeast FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF FATHER JULIAN GARNIER. 292 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. The 26tb of August, 1670, saw a little synod of the clergy of New York, held at Onondaga. Fathers Fremin from Sen- eca, and Carheil from Cayuga, had joined Father Milet, and on that day Fathers Bruyas from Oneida, and Pierron from the Mohawk, arrived. They spent six days in concerting the steps to be taken to ensure success in their missions, and the means of overcoming the obstacles which impeded the establishment of the faith.' Yet their lives were in peril when tidings came that several of the tribe had been murdered by the French. The influence of this untoward tidings was soon perceived. Returning to his Seneca mission. Father Julian Garnier reach- ed Gandachioragou safely, but while passing through Gandagarae, was assaulted by an Indian maddened with drink, who twice endeavored to plunge a knife into his body ; but as Father Fremin wonderingly attests, the brave Jesuit never paled in the hour of danger, such was his firmness and resolution. He took up his abode at Gandachioragou, where there were only three or four avowed Christians. Then he founded the Mission of the Immaculate Conception, and began to study the Seneca language, drawing up the outlines of a Grammar and a Dictionary which is still extant.* Father Fremin, though still retaining charge of Saint Michael, St. James, and the other Seneca towns, was pre- vented by. illness from resuming his labors there.' But the of the present town of Victor ; Gandachioragou was probably at the site of Lima ; Gandagaro (St. .James) south of the village of Victor, and Son- nontuan, or The Conception, a mile and a half N.N.W. of Iloneoye Fails. This is the result of the careful and patient study of Gen. John S. Clark. Ilawley, " Early Chapters of Seneca History," Auburn, 1884, pp. 25-6. ' "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1670, p. 77. * It is preserved at the mission of Sault St. Louis. * " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, p. 21. SAONCHIOGWA'S BAPTISM. 293 next spring, the town of St. Michael's with his cliapel, was utterly destroyed by fire, and it was regarded as a judgment for its resistance to the faith. The tribe promised to erect a new and finer chapel within the palisades that enclosed the new town. Saonchiogwa, the great Cayuga chief, undertook an embassy to Quebec in the year 1671, to make terras on behalf of the Senecas who had violated the peace ; after terminating that affair satisfactorily, he sought Father Chaumonot, whose words in the great address at Onondaga years before, had never left his mind. He had made his cabin the home of Fathers Menard and de Carlieil, had carefully followed their instructions and studied their lives. Yet he was such a type of the wily, diplomatic Indian, that the missionaries were not con\"inced of his sincerity. Now, however, his conduct, his language, all convinced the missionary. He was baptized by Bishop Laval, Talon, the Intendant, acting as his godfather, and Huron, Algonquin, and Iroquois, sat down together at the bounteous feast spread after the ceremony.' The acces- sion to the Christian cause of a man of the ability of Saon- chiogwa, who now took his stand beside Daniel Garaconthie^ was incalculable. Both were men of unblemished reputation,, who had acquired the highest rank in the councils of the Five Nations, by their wisdom, ability, and eloquence. Garaconthic, after his conversion, gave a banquet, and an- nounced that his actions were now to be guided by the Chris- tian law, that his life should be pure, and what duties he had hitherto discharged, would now be still more exactly fulfilled from a higher motive. In regard to dreams, he announced that he would in no case do a single act to fulfil one, or take part in any of the superstitious customs of their forefathers. ' "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, pp. 3-4. 294 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. These follies were the ruin, not the mainstay of their coun- try. Many who had hesitated before, took courage and now came forward to embrace and to practice a faith professed by such superior men. At Albany, Garaconthie reproached the authorities for having sought the furs of his countrymen, corrupting them with liquor, but never seeking to deliver them from their spiritual blindness, or teach them the way to God. " You ask me why I wear this crucifix and these beads around my neck ? you ridicule me, you tell me that it is good for nothing ; you blame me, and show contempt for the true and saving doctrine taught us by the black-gowns. What blessing after that can you expect from God, in your treaties of peace, when you blaspheme against His most ador- able mysteries and constantly offend Him ? " ' Almost at once by a single eloquent address, he prevented the annual saturnalia known as Onnonhouaroia. After four or five years' toil at Oneida, Father Bruyas was assigned to the Mohawk and became Superior of the Iroquois missions. Father Milet succeeding him. At Cayuga, Father Carheil was so affected by a nervous disorder that he was ^ forced to resign his mission for a time ^o^/felx. J ' to Father Raffeix. Returning to Canada and finding medical skill unequal to the FAC-SIMTLE OF THE n t i i i • t^ 8iGN\TURE OP *^^^^ ^^ ^^® malady, he turned to a mgh- FATHER RAFFEix. cr pliysiciau and sought his cure from God in prayer, before the shrines of Om* Lady of Foye and St. Anne at Beaupre. He recovered and returned to his mission. Medals of Saint Anne, dug up to this day in the old land of the Cayugas, are doubtless due to the pious gratitude of this missionary, who diffused devo- tion to the Mother of Our Lady. On his return, Father ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1671, p. 17. THE IROQUOIS MISSIONS. 295 Raffeix hastened to the Seneca towns to aid Father Gamier, and Father de Lamberville was in charge at Onondaga. Among tlie Senecas there was great instabiUty ; now the sachems of a town would hold a council and decide that all must pray to God, in other words, place themselves under in- struction for baptism ; then on the prompting of some apos- tate Huron, or some iire-brand from another Iroquois tribe, they would decide that the missionary was a spy and a sor- cerer, and propose his death.' Meanwhile the faith was gaining, especially among the Mohawks ; but the converts were assailed by temptations from within and without. The heathen party used every e£fort to lead the Christians into drunkenness, debauchery, and superstitious observances ; many after the first fervor had sub- sided, pelded to these insidious advances, and the mission- aries groaned to see that it was almost impossible for any one to persevere where all around breathed vice and corruption, and where there was no strong body of Christians to give moral support by a pious example. The war waged by the Mohegans on the Mohawks had kept the latter constantly on the alert, and prevented easy access to Albany. With peace in 1673 came such a universal debauchery that a fatal epidemic ensued. Father Bruyas and his associate, Father Boniface, labored incessantly, attending the sick and preparing for a Christian death all who showed any disposition to embrace the faith, and recalling those who, having once professed Christianity, had yielded to tempta- tion. Father Boniface at Gandaouague and Gannagaro, forming St. Peter's mission, had what were regarded as the first and principal Iroquois churches, the faith being more constantly embraced and more bravely professed. The towns ' "Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1672, p. 35. 296 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. were small, but they contained more practical Catholics than all the rest of the Iroquois castles. The result was attributed to the intercession of Father Jogues and Rene Goupil. The services of the Church were performed openly and with no little pomp, even the Blessed Bread being given as in French churches. The Catiiolic women wore their beads and medals openly, even when visiting the English settlements.' One of these faithful women was the wife of Kryn, the principal chief, and called by the French, " The Great Mohawk." So incensed was this haughty Indian that he abandoned her and went away from the village and the cabin. Moodily hunting he came at last to La Prairie. The order and regularity pre- vailing in that little Catholic settlement so impressed his nat- urally upright mind that he remained there. In a short time the bravest warrior and leader of the Mohawks was kneeling in all humility to receive instruction in the doctrine of Christ. When his rallying-cry resounded again through the valley of the Mohawk, Kryn entered the castle as a fervent disciple, to the astonishment of the heathens and to the joy of his for- saken wife. With her and many others he soon set out for the banks of the Saint Lawrence, accompanied, among the rest, by a young warrior, who, as Martin Skandegonrhaksen, became the model of the mission." The Mohawks of Tiounotoguen did not show this inclina- tion for the true faith, and they reproached Father Bruyas with trying to depopulate the country ; and he gave a wam- pum belt to attest that neither he nor his associate had insti- gated the Great Mohaw;k.* ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, pp. 33 ; " Relations Ine- dites," i., pp. 1-19 ; "^ " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, p. 45, etc. ; " Relations Ine- dites," pp. 18-20; ii , pp. 50-4; Chaucbetiere, "Vie de Catherine Te- gakouita." ' " Relation," 1673, p. 54 ; " Relations Inedites," i., pp. 20-21. SACHEM ASSENDASE. 297 Among the Onondagas Father John de Lamberville was consoled and supported by the zeal and fervor of Garaconthie. His open profession of Christianity drew on ^eo^C^nAru,..^ that remarkable man the ^ , - „ „ , FAC-StMILE OF THE SIGI^ATURE OF FA- hatred of some of the ^^^^ ^^^ ^^ lamberville. sachems, who endeavor- ed to break down his influence, declaring that he was no longer a man, that the black-robes had disordered his mind. They said that as he had given up the customs of the Onondaga nation, he evidently cared nothing for it ; but when any em- bassy was to be sent or an eloquent speaker was desired for any occasion, all turned to Garaconthie. When he was once prostrated by disease, the whole canton was in alarm. To the Christians he was an example and a constant monitor. Father Carheil continued his labors among the Cayugas, Fa- ther Julian Garnier at the Seneca mission of St. Michael, and Father Raffeix at that of the Conception, gaining a few adults in health, baptizing more who turned to them when the hand of sickness prostrated them.' The next year Father Bruyas won the aged but able sachem, Assendase, one of the pillars of the old Mohawk faith, who, crafty and astute, upheld his influence by his re- nown as a medicine-man. He had listened to the instructions of the missionary, but had for two years resisted God's grace, when the earnest words of Count Frontenac at Montreal gave him courage to avow his con\nction, renounce his errors, and seek baptism.' Assendase's family followed his example, although sickness and misfortune came to test their con- stancy. His conversion roused the heathen party, and one ' " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673, pp. 55-114 ; " Relations In^ dites," i., pp. 57-68. Ubid., pp. 235-278. 298 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. of his own kindred, maddened by drink, tore the rosary and cruciiix from the neck of the aged chief and threatened to kill him. " Kill me," said Assendase ; " I shall be happy to die in so good a cause ; I shall not regret my life if I give it in testimony of my faith." His example exerted a great influ- ence. The fervor of those already Christians was revived by the reception of a statue of the Blessed Virgin, received from the shrine of Notre Dame de Foye, which was exposed to the faithful on the feast of the Immaculate Conception with all possible pomp. Catholicity had an open and authorized ex- istence, and scarcely a Sunday passed without the baptism of some child or adult. Father Boniface, prostrated by illness, was compelled to leave the mission, and was succeeded at Gandaouague by Fa- ther James de Lamberville.' But the Mohawk mission sus- tained a terrible loss by the death in August, 1675, of Peter Assendase, the Christian chief, who expired after a long and painful illness, which he bore with piety and patience, refus- ing all the superstitious remedies proposed, and declaring : " I wish to die a Christian and keep the word I have pledged to God at my baptism. I do not ascribe my illness to it, as my kindred falsely imagine. We must all die ; the heathens will die as well as I. There is one God who sets a limit to my life ; He will do with me as He will ; I accept willingly all that comes from His hand, be it life or death." " This was a severe blow to Father Bruyas at Agnie, but ' "Relations Inedites," ii., pp. 35-45; "Relation," 1673-9, p. 178. Father Boniface wasted away in a delirious state. His religious brethren began devotions to invoke the intercession of Father Brebeuf, and re- garded as a miracle Father Boniface's recovery of his senses, soon after which he expired in great piety December 17, 1674. MS. Attestation of the Miracle. ^ " Relations Inedites," ii., p. 102 ; " Relation de la Nouvelle France," 1673-9, pp. 147-151 ; " Relation," 1676-7, pp. 7, etc. CATHABINE TEGAKOUITA. 299 Father James de Lamberville had his consolations at Ganda- oiiague. Going one day through the town when most of the people were absent in the fields, he was impelled to enter the cabin of a great enemy of the faith. There he found the niece of that chief, Tegakouita, daughter of a Christian Algonquin mother, prevented by an injury to her foot from being at work with the rest. She was a lily of purity whom God had preserved unscathed amid all the dangers surround- ing her. It had been the great longing of her heart to be a Christian, but her shy modesty prevented her addressing the missionary. Father Lamberville saw at once that she was a soul endowed with higher gifts, and he in\dted her to the in- structions given at the chapel. These she attended with the strictest fidelity, learning the prayers and the abridgment of Christian doctrine readily in her desire to be united by bap- tism to our Lord. She edified all by her fervor, and was solemnly baptized in the chapel on Easter Sunday, 1675, recei\'ing the name of Catharine. Her uncle had at first done nothing to prevent her attend- ing the chapel or performing her devotions in the cabin ; but persecution soon came when she declared that she would not go to the field to work on Sunday. They endeavored in vain to starve her into subjection by taking all food away with them, leaving her to fast all day unless she came to them, when they intended to compel ]ier to work. She cheerfully bore the mortification rather than offend God by neglecting to sanctify the Lord's day. Father Lamberville soon found that the usual regulations adopted for the women converts did not apply to Catharine. What they were urged to avoid she had always shunned. Higher and more spiritual was the life she was to lead. ■" The Holy Ghost," says her biographer, Father Chauche- tiere, " who wrought more in her than man, directed her in- 300 THE CHURCH IN FRENCH TERRITORY. teriorlj in all, so that she pleased God and men, for the most wicked admired her, and the good found matter for imitation in her." Though her example and services were of the utmost ben- efit to him, and the crosses she underwent increased her merit, the missionary was in constant fear, and urged her to go to La Prairie, and meanwhile to be incessant in prayer. Her uncle, who, in the system of Iroquois relationship, stands, in the stead of a father, would, she knew, never consent ta her departure. She feared that the attempt might lead ta trouble, and perhaps result in the death of some one at the hands of her furious guardian, who once sent a brave inta the cabin to kill the " Christian woman," as she had grown to be commonly called. She did not quail, and feared not her own death, but that of any one who attempted to aid her. At last, however, the resolute chief. Hot Cinders, came to Gaudaouague. Catharine felt that in him she had a tower of strength, and told Father Lamberville that she was ready to start for La Prairie with her brother-in-law, who had come with Hot Cinders. During her uncle's absence, she and her companions started by a circuitous route, and though pursued by her uncle with bloodthirsty design, reached La Prairie, which she was to edify in life and make glorious by her death and the favors ascribed to her intercession after the close of her virginal life.' The year of Catharine's baptism Father de Lamberville had in vain endeavored to reach a Mohawk who had for eight months been lingering on a pallet of pain, but the doors of the cabin were closed against him. " In this ex- tremity," he writes, " I had recourse to the venerable Father Jogues, to whom I commended this man, and at once the ' Chiauchetiere, " Vie de Catherine Tegakouita," New York, 1886. CaiAcrznCy' t^^o-^oitUZL J'?^oquat^e^ divSauc S.Zoui Laws, p. 4a The Act of 1T04 was formally repealed in 1717. Ibid., p. 201. ^ Rev. George Hunter, S.J. " A short Account of j" State and Con- dition of y Roman Catholicksin j" Province of Maryland, collected from authentick copys of y* Provincial Records and other undoubted testi- monys." ^ Thomas, "History of Printing," Second Edition, ad ann. 1707. PRIEST CHAPEL-HOUSES. 363 little flock the vanguard of the phalanx of the faith in the English-speaking part of America, were guided by the great Father WiUiam Hunter, still Superior ; Father Robert Brooke, of the family from which Charles Carroll of Carrollton was a «cion ; George Thorold, who was in time Superior ; Thomas Mansell, and William Wood, who came to the mission in 1700, Father Mansell in 1704, founding the mission at Bohe- mia, in Cecil County, near the more Christian and less intol- -erant pro^^nce of Pennsylvania.' The exemption granted temporarily, and confirmed per- petually by Queen Anne's directions, allowed the oflSces of the Church to be performed only in a private family. Henceforward to the end of British rule, no separate Cath- olic church or chapel was allowed. The step taken by the early missionaries in securing lands was now to show its prov- idential character. The houses of the missionaries were adapted or new ones erected in such a form that while to all intents and purposes each was a dwelling-house, a large room within was a chapel for the Catholics of the district. The house of some Catholic planter at a convenient distance would, by the zeal and piety of the owner, have under the general roof a chapel-room where his family and neighbors could gather to join in the awful sacrifice so pleasing in the eyes of God, so terrible to hell. The ancient Carroll mansion at Doughoregan manor is a type of one of these private chapels which alone for generations enabled the Catholics in that dis- ' Rev. W. P. Treacy, "Catalogue of our Missionary Fathers," 1634- 1805. " Woodstock Letters," x., p. 15 ; xv., pp. 90-1. Scharf, " History of Maryland," i., p. 370, and authority cited. Father Robert Brooke, of a pious Maryland family, one of the earliest American members of the Society, was sent back to his native province about 1696, and was Superior of the Mission from 1710 to his death at Newtown, .July 18, 1714. Foley, " Records," vii., p. 91 ; "Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 93. 364 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. trict to enjoy the privilege of worshipping God. Of the priest chapel-houses the most perfect example now remaining is the Rock Creek or Hickory Mission in Harford County, of which a sketch will be given in this work, as well as the ground-plan and elevation of a similar structure reared in the last century on the eastern shore.' " When divine service was performed at a distance from their residence, private and inconvenient houses were used for churches." " Catholics contributed nothing to the sup- port of religion or its ministers ; the whole charge of their maintenance, of furnishing the altars, of all travelling ex- penses, fell on the priests themselves, and no compensation was ever offered for any services performed by them, nor did they require any so long as the produce of their lands was sufficient to answer their demand." * ' See "Woodstock Letters," vi., p. 13. * "Bishop Carroll's Account." CHAPTER 11. CATHOLICITT EN PENNSYLVANIA AND MARYLAND, 1708-1Y41. "While religion was thus oppressed in Maryland, Peim, who had recovered his Province of Pennsylvania, practiced, as far as he dared, the principles of religious hberty which he shared with the Cal verts and James II.' But with the prudent caution which marked his career, he avoided coming to any issue with the home government, fully aware that any collision on that point would imperil his power to do good and endanger tlie religious freedom of his own community. In the first clause of the Charter of Liberties and Privi- leges, October 28, 1701, which reafiSrmed the toleration al- ready established, it was provided : " And that all persons who also profess to believe in Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, shall be capable (notwithstanding their other per- suasions and practices in point of conscience and rehgion) to serve the government in any capacity, both legislatively and executively, he or they solemnly promising when lawfully ' In Xew Jersey the Liberty of Conscience proclaimed in 1702 ex- cepted Papists and Quakers. In Carolina, members of Assembly had to receive communion in the Anglican church by Act of 1704. " Through- out the Colonies at the beginning of the eighteenth century the man who did not conform to the established religion of the colony .... if he were a Roman Catholic was everywhere wholly disfranchised. For him there was not even the legal right of public worship." C. J. Stille, " Penn. Mag. of Hist.," ix., p. 375. All colonial officers were, by a declaration of Queen Anne in 1702, required to take the test oath, and thus all Catholics were excluded. Ibid., p. 390. See " Woodstock Let- ters," vi., p. 13. (365) 366 THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA. required, allegiance to the king as sovereign, and fidelity to the Proprietor and Governor." Encouraged by the hberality of Penn's government, many Catholics, unable to settle in Maryland, began to make their homes in Pennsylvania. Who the pioneer Catholics were, and who was the first priest, is a point now involved in ob- scurity. Evidence from several sources shows that mass was openly offered in Philadelphia at the close of 170Y, or early in the ensuing year, and Lionel Brittain, a man of means and position, became a convert to the Catholic faith. The Pev. John Talbot, an Anglican clergyman at Burhngton, ^ew Jersey, and a nonjuring bishop, learned these facts in New York, and reported them January 10, 1708, to the Secretary of the Society for Propagating the Gospel, and the next month, in a letter to Keith, mentions the conversion of sev- eral persons.' During those days of general persecution, Catholics in most parts of the British Empire acted with great caution so as not to excite hostility, but in Philadelphia they showed less prudence. The fact that mass was openly said, became known in England, and was made the basis of accusation against Penn, who wrote to Logan : " Here is a complaint against your government that you suffer publick mass in a scandalous manner." There is, however, no Catholic record or tradition as to the ' " Since Mr. Brooke, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Evans went away there's an Indepenclancy set up again at Elizabeth Town, Anabaptism at Bur- lington, and the Popish Mass at Philadelphia." — Letter of Rev. John Talbot to the Secretary of the Soc. Prop. Gosp., New York, January 10, 1707-8. Hill's "Hist. Burlington," p. 78. "I saw Mr. Bradford at New York ; he tells me mass is set up and read publicly in Philadelphia, and several people are turned to it, amongst which Lionel Brittain, the church warden, is one, and his son another." — Letter of Rev. John Tal- bot to Rev. Mr. Keith, 14th February, 1707-8. "Doc. Hist. P. E, Church, Connecticut," ii., p. 37, New York, 1802. FIRST MASS IN PHILADELPHIA. 367 Catholic clergyman whose zeal attracted this general notice, nor do we know anything of his flock. The place where the first mass was offered is not clearly settled. Watson, the annalist of Philadelphia, on the author- ity of Samuel Coates, stated that it was the house at the northwest corner of Front and Walnut Streets. A later and careful historian, Thompson Westcott, raised a doubt by showing that this property belonged to Griffith Jones, a member of the Society of Friends, and one of the early Mayors of Philadelphia. But Jones or his grantee was the neighbor of the Catholics, Meade and Brown, near Nicetown, where a Catholic chapel is traditionally reported to have ex- isted on ground once possessed by him. It is certainly a curious fact that his name is thus connected with two spots where Catholics are reported to have gathered to worship God.' Moreover, as early as 1698, Jones was suspected of disaffection, and was arrested as the writer of a petition fa- voring the Anglican Church.' We are up to this time equally in the dark as to the priest who officiated for the Catholics of Philadelphia in 1708 ; no evidence has yet been found. None of those who have written on the Jesuit missions in Maryland mention any Father of the Society as laboring in Pennsylvania prior to Father Greaton, whose name does not appear on the Mary- land mission before 1721.' It may have been Father Man- sell from Bohemia, or the English Franciscan Father, James ' " Pennsylvania Magazine of History," ii., p. 447 ; iv., p. 423. • ^ Perry, "Papers relating to the History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Pennsylvania," p. 10. A stepdaughter of Jones seems to have married into the Catholic family of Willcox. '^ Penn. Mag. of Hist.," X., p. 124. * F. Treacy, "Catalogue of our Missionary Fathers," 1634-1805; " Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 93. 368 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. Haddock, or one of the Scotch Fathers of that order, Peter Gordon, or Clement Hyslop, or indeed some secnlar priest.' Induced probably by the hostility of the Maryland au- thorities, the Catholics in the province seem to have moved towards the friendly borders of the territories of William Penn, taking up grounds and settling in the northern parts of both shores. The clergy took steps to extend their minis- try to this new flock. As already stated. Father Thomas Mansell, a_ native of Oxfordshire, who had entered the Soci- ety of Jesus in 1686, and after his ordination had been sent to Maryland in lYOO,' is said to have taken up his residence about 1Y04 in Cecil County, near the manor of Augustine Herman. Two sisters of the name of O'Daniel had obtained a warrant for lands, which they bequeathed to Father Man- sell and William Douglass. On the 10th July, 1Y06, Father Mansell obtained a patent for 458 acres, under the name of Saint Xaverius. It lay a few miles southeast of the junction of the Great and Little Bohemia Kivers. The estate was sub- sequently enlarged by the purchase of the St. Inigo tract from a neighboring Catholic proprietor, James Heath.' Here the manor-house became at once a residence for the ' Oliver, " Collections illustrating the History of the Catholic Relig- ion," etc., London, 1857, p. 541. " Cong. Int.," Lond., January 30, 1699- 1700, p. 167. Watson's traditional account was accepted by Catholics generally, and no one seems to have questioned it. Col. Bernard U. Campbell, Bishop O'Connor, Archbishop Kenrick, all adopted it, and Henry de Courcy de La Roche Heron, finding it accepted by men of such standing in the Church, gave it on their authority in his Sketch of the Church which I translated. Dishonest writers attack this last gentleman as though he had invented the story. They even cite Mr. de Courcy's words as mine ; I had written nothing on the history of the Church in Penn sylvania except in private letters, having called Mr. "Westcott's attention to Brittain's conversion and the presence of Recollect Fathers. ' Foley, " Records of the English Province," vii., p. 487. ' Geo. Johnston, " History of Cecil County, Maryland," pp. 195-199. THE BOHEMIA MISSION. 369 missionaries and a chapel for the Catholics in the vicinity, while those residing at other points on the peninsula were visited at stated periods by the priests stationed at Bohemia, which was known as " St. Xavier's Hesideuce on the Eastern Shore." ' The stations attended from Bohemia were not as numerous as those in the older Catholic parts and the duty more laborious. The priests of St. Xavier's mission laid the foundation of Catholicity in Delaware by establishing a mis- sion at Apoquinimink, where mass was said at stated times, and also at the residence of the Holohan family, who had settled on Mount Cuba.^ We get an idea of the labors of the priests at Bohemia from a description by Father Mosley several years later, when things must have improved somewhat. " Ye congr . . . . ns are fewer but y^ rides much longer. On y'' 1" Sunday 50 mile where I pass y* whole week in that Neighbourhood in close Business ■^\^th y^ Ignorant. On y'' 2"*^ I go down y" Chesapike Bay 40 mile farther, which makes me 90 mile from Home ; y" other 2 Sundays are easier." When Father Mansell began his establishment at Bohemia, " it is highly probable that he brought with him the ancient cross, which has been at Bohemia ever since.' This cross is about five feet high, and is said to have been brought to St. ' Father Mosley speaks of Bohemia as a fine plautation " nigh Phila- delphia, which is a vast advantage." The lands at Bohemia were be- queathed bj' Father Mansell to Thomas Hodgson, February 20, 1723. The founder of the Bohemia mission died March 18, 1724, aged 55, having been Superior of the Mission in 1714 and for several years thereafter. Foley, " Records," vii., p. 487 ; " Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 93. ^ Perry, "Papers relating to the Church in Pennsylvania," p. 813; " Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 223. ^ Geo. Johnston, " History of Cecil County," p. 199. 24 370 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. Mary's by the first settlers who came there from England^ It is made of wrought-iron and certainly looks ancient enough to have been brought over by the Pilgrims who came over in the ' Ark ' and ' Dove.' " ' There seems to have been some ground for hope of better times for the Church in 1711, 7 JL-^^^€y^ y^^7A^ " U. S. Cath. Hist. Mag," il., p. 86. ' Smyth, " Present State of the Catholic Mission," gives an absurd ac- count of the origin of the fund, which he did not know to have been created in England and held by the Vicar- Apostolic. ^ Foley, " Records of the English Province," vli., p. 674. 386 THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA. the Society of Jesus in Maryland in time extended their missions into the Province of Pennsylvania. Unfoi'tunately no contemporaneous documents are known which record the name of the first missionary or the time and place where his services began. When the Rev. John Carroll was appointed Prefect-Apos- toHc, he was directed by the Propaganda to send an account of the Church in the United States. He drew up a paper, as he himself states, " from very imperfect memoirs," and it, of course, contained many inaccuracies, for as most of his life had been spent in Europe, he had not enjoyed the opportu- nity of conversing with the older missionaries who had passed away during the quarter of a century of his absence. His statement, diifidently put forward by the illustrious author, is, however, the basis of nearly all that has since been written in regard to the Church in Philadelphia : " About the year 1730 or rather later, F'. Greaton, a Jesuit, (for none but Jesuits had yet ventured into the English colo- nies) went from Maryland to Philadelphia, and laid the foun- dations of that congregation, now so flourishing : he lived there till about the year 1T50, long before which he had suc- ceeded in building the old chapel, which is still contiguous to the presbytery of that town, & in assembling a numerous congregation, which at his first going thither, did not consist of more than ten or twelve persons. I remember to have seen this venerable man at the head of his flock in the year 1Y48. He was succeeded by the Rev. E'. Harding, whose memory remains in great veneration ; under whose patronage and through his exertions the present church of St. Mary's was built. " In the year 1Y41 two German Jesuits were sent to Penn- sylvania for the instruction and conversion of German Emi- grants who from many parts of Germany had come into that FATHER THEODORE SCHNEIDER. 387 province. Under great hardships and poverty they began their laborious undertaking, which has since been followed by great benedictions. Their names were F'. Schneider from Bavaria and P Wapeler, from the lower Rhine. They were both men of much learning & unbounded zeal. Mr. Schnei- der, moreover, was a person of great dexterity in business, consummate prudence and undaunted magnanimity. Mr, "Wapeler having remained about eight years in America & converted or reclaimed many to the faith of Christ, was forced by bad health to return to Europe. He was the per- son who made the first settlement at the place now called Conewago. Mr. Schneider formed many congregations in Pennsylvania, built by his activity and exertions a noble church at Coshenhopen & spread the faith of Christ far and near. He was used to visit Philadelphia once a month for the sake of the Germans residing there, till it was at length found proper to establish there permanently a German priest as the companion of F'. Harding. The person appointed was the venerable F'. Farmer who had come from Germany some years before & had lived an apostolical life at Lancas- ter, in the same province of Pennsylvania. This event took place, I believe, about the year 1760 or rather later." ' No register, record, or report of Father Greaton exists to throw Hght on his ministry or fix the period when it began. Some papers are said to have existed down to recent times, but their character, antiquity, and contents are known only by recollection too vague to serve the historian. That some priest acquired property near Walnut Street about 1734 is attested by a public act. When the Provincial Council met on the 25th of July, 1734, Patrick Gordon, the Lieutenant-Governor, who pre- ' Account in the handwriting of Archbishop Carroll still preserved. 388 THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA. sided, informed the Board that " he was under no small con- cern to hear that a house, lately built on Walnut Street, in this city, had been set apart for the exercise of the Roman Catholic religion, and is commonly called the Romish Chap- pel, where several persons, he understands, resort on Sundays to hear mass openly celebrated by a Popish priest ; that he conceives the tolerating of the publick exercise of that relig- ion to be contrary to the laws of England, some of which (particularly the eleventh and twelfth of King William the Third) are extended to all his Majesty's dominions. But those of that persuasion here, imagining they have a right to it from some general expressions in the charter of privileges, granted to the inhabitants of thii, Grovernment by our late honorable Proprietor, he was desirous to know the sentiments of the Board on the subject." It was observed, hereupon, that if any part of the said charter was inconsistent with the laws of England, it could be of no force, it being contrary to the express terms of the royal charter to the Proprietary. But the council having sat long, the consideration thereof was adjourned to the next meeting, and the said laws and charters were then ordered to be laid before the Board. At the next meeting on the 31st of July, " it was ques- tioned whether the said statute (11 & 12 William III., ch. 4), notwithstanding the general words in it, ' all others his Maj- esty's dominions,' did extend to the plantations in America, and admitting it did, whether any prosecution could be car- ried on here by virtue thereof, while the aforesaid law of this province, passed so long since as the fourth year of her late Majesty Queen Anne, which is five years posterior to the said statute, stands unrepealed. And under this difficulty of concluding upon anything certain in the present case, it is left to the Governor, if he thinks fit, to represent the matter ST. JOSEPH'S CHURCH. 38^ to our superiors at home, for their advice and directions in it." The Catholics, however, do not seem to have been mo- lested, as no law or proclamation issued against them. Apparently on the statement of Archbishop Carroll, it is generally assumed that this house was erected by Father Joseph Greaton, and is said to have been on land purchased by him of John Dixon, south of TValnut Street and east of Fourth, May 15, 1733, but no deed is known to be in exist- ence. It is certain that prior to 1740 the Jesuit missionaries in. Maryland had learned the condition, numbers, and residence of scattered Catholics in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Finding that many were Germans, application was evidently made through the Provincial in England to the Provincials of the Order in Germany for some zealous priests able to minister to their countrymen in the colony founded by Will- iam Penn. Several zealous and worthy priests responded to the call, and came over evidently with faculties from the Yicar- Apostolic of London. The first of these pioneers of the German priests in the United States was Father Theodore Schneider, who arrived in 1741. He was followed the next year by Father William Wapeler. In 1740-1 Pennsylvania appears in the records of the Society of Jesus as a distinct mission, under the title of Saint Francis Borgia, the saint who sent the first members of the Society of Jesus to Florida and Virginia. Father Joseph Greaton appears as the Supe- rior of the new mission. The plan adopted in Maryland was pursued also in Pennsylvania. Lands were acquired by the missionaries with their own means, and held almost always in the name of Father Greaton, as his associates, generally Germans, being aliens, could not take title to land, and as 390 THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA. Catholics were excluded from naturalization as British sub- jects.' Father Joseph Greaton, according to the most probable accounts, was born in London, February 12, 1679, and en- tered the Society of Jesus on the 5th of July, 1Y08. After making his solemn profession eleven years later, he was as- signed to the Maryland mission'^ in 1721/ He was certainly for many years pastor of Saint Joseph's Church, Philadel- phia, and Supei'ior of the Pennsylvania missions. It is to be lamented that we have so little that is authentic in regard to the long labors of this one of the founders of the Penn- sylvania mission. Of the two German Jesuits who were his first auxiliaries, Father William Wapeler was a native of Neuen Sigmariu- gen, Westphalia, and was born January 22, lYll. He en- ' Deeds to Father Greaton, therefore, do not show his presence. I have met a receipt dated May 4, 1753, acknowledging payment in full by Father Greaton on lands at Colebrookdale, Goshenhopen, and Hanover. If the letters appealing to the German provinces can be found they will undoubtedly contain a statement of the condition of the Catholics in Pennsylvania. An Act of Parliament passed in 1740 (13th George II.), for naturaliz- ing foreign Protestants and others therein mentioned, as are settled or shall settle in any of his Majesty's colonies in America, excluded from naturalization all, except Quakers and Jews, who did not receive com- munion in some Protestant or Reformed Church within three months before taking the oath and making the declaration. - Foley, " Records of the English Province," vii., p. 313. ' Treacy, " Woodstock Letters," xv., pp. 93-4. In Mr. Foley's Tables, vii., p. cxxiii., there is no mention of Pennsylvania till "1740-1. Mission of Saint Francis Borgia, F. Joseph Greaton, Superior FF. 4," and iii., p. 396, he says : " We had opened a mis.sion here about this year (1741), called Missio S. Fran. Borgise, Pennsylvanise." As a sign of Catholic progress we may note that complaint was made in 1741 that " a native Irish bigotted Papist was set up as schoolmaster at Chester" by the Quakers. Perry, pp. 216, 220. CONEWAGO AND LANCASTER. 391 tered the Society of Jesus at the age of seventeen.' Arriv- ing in Pennsylvania in 1Y41, he founded the mission of the Sacred Heart at Conewago, by erecting a log-house. Early in IT'lS he purchased some lots in Lancaster,^ and began to erect a chapel there, for this building seems to have been rec- ognized as a church from the very outset, and was dedica- ted to Saint John Kepomucene." Of Father Wapeler's labors we have scanty notices. After a few years the severe work of the mission, the constant journeys, extending appar- ently beyond the Maryland frontier told on his health. His church at Lancaster j^erished by sacrilegious hands, Dec. 15, 1760, but the Catholics at once began to rebuild.' The au- thorities to their credit offered a reward for the incendiaries." As to Conewago we have less precise information. Ac- cording to a statement in the history of a neighboring Prot- estant church, a party of German emigrants in 1734—5 passed a log mass-house near Conewago, but the statement seems vague. This district was settled under a Maryland grant of ten thousand acres by John Digges, in 1727, and ^ Foley, "Records," vii., p. 813. ' The beginning of the Church in Lancaster is fixed by a letter of the Anglican minister. Rev. Richard Backhouse, June 14, 1742. "In Lan- caster Town there is a Priest settled where they have bought some Lotts and are building a Mass-House, and another Itinerant Priest that goes back in y*' country. This is a just and faithful account, which I re- ceived last February in Lancaster Town from y" Prothonotary and some of the principal Justices of the Peace for that county." ^ The church is said to have been completed in 1762. "Popery has gained considerable ground in Pennsylvania of late years. The profes- sors of that religion here are chiefly Germans, who are constantly sup- plied with missionarys from the Society of Jesus as they are pleased to style themselves. One of that order resides in this place, and had influ- ence enough last summer to get a very elegant chapel of hewn stone erected in this Town." Thomas Barton to the Secretary, Lancaster, Nov. 8, 1762. Perry, p. 343. * S. M. Sener, "An Ancient Parish," in "New Era." 392 THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA. some Catholics may have come in with the earhest colonists. The first mass is said to have been oifered in the house of Robert Owings, on a slight elevation, about a quarter of a mile north of the present church of the Sacred Heart which occupies the site of Father Wapeler's humble chapel. Here by his zeal he converted and reclaimed many from sin and error.' Father AVapeler returned to Europe in 1748, and was apparently succeeded by Father Neale, who did not sur- vive long, and by Father Sittensperger (Manners). Many of the English and Irish settlers above Pipe Creek, and most of the Germans, were Catholics at this time." Of the third of the early missioners in Pennsylvania, who is referred to (in an ancient obituary list of the Province, and in a manuscript of Father Farmer) as the founder of the missions in that colony, Father Theodore Schneider, we have more satisfactory knowledge. He was a native of the Uni- versity city, Heidelberg, Germany, where he was born, April 7, 1703. He is said to have been Rector of the University, and professor of philosophy and polemics at Liege. His labors in Pennsylvania began in 1741, so that he renounced a brilliant future in the learned circles of his native land to devote the best years of his life to toilsome work among obscure emigrants in America.' His precious Register pre- served at Goshenhopen is entitled, " Book of those Baptized, Married, and Buried, at Philadelphia, in Cushenhopen, Max- etani, Magunschi, Tulpehaken, etc. Begun Anno Domini 1741." He was pastor of the German Cathohcs in Philadelphia ' Reily, " Conewago, A Collection of Catholic Local History," Mar- tinsburg, 1885, pp. 44, 45. The oldest Register iu Conewago begins half a century after the foundation of the mission. ' " Affidavit of Henry Cassells of Frederic County," May 30, 1751. ^ Foley, " Records," vii., p. 691. FATHER SCHNEIDER'S REGISTER. 393 for many years, and his flock formed the majority of the faithful in that city ; but besides this he visited the scattered Catholics through many parts of Pennsylvania and New Jer- sey, extending apparently into Delaware. The first entry records a baptism at the house of John TJtzman in Falkner's /If/- FAC-SEMILE OP THE TITLE OP FATHER SCHNEIDER'S REGISTER. Swamp, now called Pottsgrove, near the famous Ringing Hill, in Berks County.' Then follows a marriage at Phila- delphia " in sacello nostro," being undoubtedly the oldest official record of any ecclesiastical act in Saint Joseph's 'See Schoepfs "Travels through Berks County, 1783." Penn. Mag. of Hist., V. p. 81. \ 394 THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA. Church. Then we trace him to the Swedish settlements, to Bethlehem County, German town, and in the spring of 1742 to Cedar Creek, and a cheerless district, where some Catholics had settled, so utterly unproductive as to obtain the title of " Allemangel " or " Laekall." ' Toward the close of the year he returned by way of Lebanon and North Wales to Philadelphia and Germantown. He soon, however, was in the Oley Hills, at Cedar Creek, New Furnace, and Maxetani, and in February, 1743, notes his coming to Cush- enhopen, where he in time reared an humble house, rather a chapel for the Catholics of that district than a home for him- self, though he never gives it the name of church or chapel. The land he purchased of Beidler, a Mennonist, who had fallen out with the Brotherhood, and to mortify them sold his property to a Catholic priest. At the last moment he demanded security, but Father Schneider at once handed over the full amount and took the deed/" Here he soon had a school. In May he founded the mission at Haycock, cele- brating the feast of the Holy Trinity in the house of Thomas Garden. Then we find him at Frankfort and his regular stations. Possessing medical skill, he travelled about as a physician, being thus enabled to avoid suspicion and danger. Laboring constantly to extend the benefit of his ministry to the poor miners and iron-workers, he crossed into New Jersey, and was at the house of Maurice Lorentz in August, 1743, and in October, at the Glass House ' near Salem. The next year ' Rupp, " History of the Counties of Berks and Lebanon," Lancas- ter, 1844, p. 123. ' Tradition recorded in a letter of Father Leken, February 11, 1824. Deeds of Ulrick Beidler to Francis Neale, 1747, for 122 acres ; Thomas and Richard Penn to Joseph Greaton, 1752, for 373 acres 100 perches. * Carkesse to Hill, July 31, 1740. "New Jersey Archives," vi., p. 98. Acton, " A short History of the Glass Manufacture in Salem GEIGER'S HOUSE, NEW JERSEY. 395 he repeated bis visits to that colony, was at Branson's Iron Works, at the Glass House, and in June records a baptism in the house of Matthew Geiger, which in his time and his son Adam's, was periodically visited by Father Schneider, and later by Father Farmer.' Before the close of the sum- mer Father Schneider besjan a mission at Bound Brook. HOUSE OF MATTHEW AND ADAM GEIGER, SALEM CO., N. J., WHERE MASS WAS CELEBRATED FROM 1744. The Church was, however, under the ban in New Jersey, for in the Instructions to Lewis Morris, Governor of that Co., N. J." Penn. Mag. of Hist., ix., p. 343. It was about a mile from AUoway. Shourds, " History of Fenwick's Colony," p. 360. ' This house, one of the earliest associated with Catholicity in New Jersey, is still standing, and I give an engraving from a photograph made for me. The old Registers of Father Schneider and Father Far- mer enabled me to determine its proximity to Salem and Wister's Glass House. Investigation led to the house itself, still known in the neigh- borhood as one where Catholics held service in the olden time. A Mr. Adam Kijar, a descendant of the early Geigers, still resides in Salem. Father Farmer's first visit to it noted in his register is June 27, 1759. 396 THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. colony in 1738, we read : " You are to permit a Liberty of Conscience to all Persons (except Papists)." ' In the next colony, Kew York, Catholicity was virtually extinct. The little body gathered there while James was in authority as Duke of York and King, had been scattered, and no indications are found of any Catholic residents. No priest visited the colony except some one brought in as a prisoner on a prize captured by a privateer. In the earliest New York newspapers, an examination of the files for several years gave only the following : " Ran away the 18th August, 1733, from Jacobus Yan Cortlandt of the city of New York, a negro man slave, named Andrew Saxton — the shirts he had with him and on his back are marked with a cross on the left breast. He pro- fesseth himself to be a Roman Catholic, speaks very good English." ' Some years after Backhouse, an Episcopal clergyman, speaking of the colony, wrote : " There is not in New York the least face of Popery." ' Somewhat later Leary, who kept a livery stable in Court- land Street and imported fine horses for officers and others, was one of the few avowed Catholics. In the Carolinas and Georgia Catholicity was practically unknown, for though a statement is printed of a Catholic settlement in North Carolina, it seems evidently fictitious, nothing being found to support it." New England was, of course, closed to the Church. In ' " New Jersey Archives," i., pp. vi, 38. Papists and Quakers had already been excluded from Liberty of Conscience in 1702. Stille, " Re- ligious Tests," Penn. Mag. of Hist., ix., pp. 374-7. "^ "New York Gazette," 1733. 3 " Letter from Chester." June 26, 1748. * In Bricknell, " Historj' of North Carolina." THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 397 1631 Sir Christopher Gardner on suspicion of being a Papist was seized and sent out of Massachusetts ; and when a minister in that year expressed the opinion that the Church of Rome was a true Church of Christ, the General Court denounced the opinion in a formal act. In 16-17 a positive law enacted that all Jesuits should be forbidden to enter their jurisdiction. Thej were to be banished if they did, and put to death if they returned.' Even in the days of James II., when the city of Boston gave the Catholic governor of Xew York and a Jesuit Fa- ther an escort of honor, few Catholics entered Xew England. A French Protestant Refugee, who was in Boston in 1687, wrote : " As for Papists, I have discovered since being here eight or ten, three of whom are French, and came to our church, and the others are Irish ; with the exception of the Surgeon who has a family, the others are here only in Passage." * During the border wars with Canada, New England pris- oners taken to Canada in some cases became Catholics, and not unfrequently remained there. Those who returned to Kew England, however, almost always relapsed. Such was the case of Christine Otis, who was brought up as a Cathohc in Canada by her convert mother and married tliere. Left a widow she was won by Captain Thomas Baker, of Massachusetts, a commissioner sent to obtain a release of prisoners in that colony. Returning with hi:n she be- came his wife, leaving her mother and a daughter in Canada. The Rev. Francis Seguenot, one of the Sulpitian priests at ' "General Laws and Liberties of Massachusetts Colony," p. 67. It expressly, however, exempted from imprisonment any Jesuit shipwecked on the coast. - Fisher, " Report of a French Protestant Refugee," Brooklyn, 1868, p. 30. The Surgeon was apparently Dr. Le Baron. 398 THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. Montreal, liearing that she liad renounced the faith, addressed a long letter to her in June, 1727, urging her to repent and return. This letter seems to have attracted no little atten- tion, as a translation was printed at Boston in 1729, with a reply w^hich is ascribed to Governor Burnett. Seguenot's letter was undoubtedly the first argument on the Catholic side which had ever issued from the press of New England.' The Church in the English colonies was then confined mainly to Maryland and Pennsylvania, with a few Catholics in Virginia and New Jersey. While Catholicity was then struggling to secure a perma- nent foothold in Pennsylvania, the foreign relations and in- ternal troubles of England had their effect on the position of Catholics in all the colonies. War broke out with Spain in 1739, and Spanish privateers menaced all the exposed places on the coast, and levies were made for ex]3editions against the colonies of the Catholic King in America. At the South, Oglethorpe aided by Carolina was actively engaged with the Spaniards in Florida. A revival of anti-Catholic feeling was soon apparent. In 1740 or thereabouts the upper House in Maryland took ground against the Catholics, but in this instance the lower House showed a friendly disposition, and returned for an- swer, " that they were well assured that the few of those people here amongst us had it neither in their power or in- clination to disturb the peace or safety of the Province." Yet the Cathohcs had done nothing to give offence either to the Government or their Protestant neighbors. In an. ^ "Letter from a Romish Priest in Canada, to one who was taken cap- tive in her infancy, and instructed in the Romish faith, but some time ago returned to this her native country ; with an answer thereto. By a person to whom it was communicated," Boston, 1729. See American Catholic Quarterly Review, vi., pp. 216-228. THE NEW YORK NEGRO PLOT. 399 address some years later they said : " From the year 1717 or 1718, to the year 1751, we were undistm-bed, and though deprived of our rights and privileges, we enjoyed peace and quiet." In Kew York the mad feeling against Catholics in 1741 caused the death of an unfortrinate nonjuror Protestant cler- gyman. The misconduct of a few slaves had filled the minds of the people with the idea that a fire which destroyed in part the chapel in the fort of that city, was the result of a negro plot for the massacre of the whites and the destruc- tion of the city. In the height of this excitement a letter arrived from General Oglethorpe, then hotly engaged with the Spaniards. He wrote warning the northern governments against Spanish spies, chiefly priests, who were to burn the principal towns and magazines. Although a white man named Hughson, with his wife, and one Peggy Carey, with many negroes, had already been convicted and executed for a supposed plot of which Hughson had been sworn to be the originator, Oglethorpe's letter set the authorities to find a priest. The unfortunate nonjuring Episcopal clergyman, Pev. John Ury, a m.ild, inoffensive man, who lived by teaching, was arrested and brought to trial as the chief conspirator, and also for being a Poman Catholic priest remaining in the province in violation of Pellomont's law. The second charge was, of course, only to increase odium against him. The witnesses who on the previous trials had made Hughson the arch conspirator and never alluded to Ury at all, now con- cocted an entirely new tale. ITry, like the rest of the ac- cused, was not permitted to have any counsel. In spite of the glaring inconsistency of the witnesses and the weakness of the evidence against him, the jury, after hearing the in- vectives of the prosecutor and the violent charge of Judge Horsmanden, deliberated only fifteen minutes, and then 400 THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. brought in a verdict of guilty. Ury was hanged on the 15th of August, 1Y41. Among those executed were several Spanish negroes, taken prisoners of war, who claimed to be free, but were sold as slaves. While the negroes brought up in the colony died w^ithout any sign of Christianity, the his- torian of the Negro Plot, Horsmandeu himself, tells us that Juan, the Spanish negro, was " neatly dressed," " behaved decently, prayed in Spanish, kissed a crucifix, and died in- sisting on his innocence to the last." Of his Catholicity there is no doubt : but Ury was evi- dently what he claimed to be, a nonjuror.' Pennsylvania had receded somewhat from the broad ground of religious freedom assumed by WilKam Penn. From 1693 to 1775 no one could hold even the most petty office in the province without taking an oath denying the Real Presence and declaring mass idolatrous. None but Protestants were allowed by the Act of 1730 to hold land for the erection of churches, schools, or hospitals, and as we have seen, none but Protestants could be naturalized. The efforts of the Penn- sylvania governors and assemblies to enlarge the religious freedom were constantly thwarted by the home government. The Pennsylvania authorities, though they submitted, seem to have made the laws virtually inoperative in many cases. German Catholics certainly held lands and had churches, without any attempt to dispossess them. In 1746 Daniel Horsmanden complained that many of Zinzendorf's German " countrymen have for several years successively been im- ported into and settled in Pennsilvania, Roman Catholics as ' Horsmanden, " The New York Conspiracy, or a History of the Ne- gro Plot," New York, 1744; "The New York Negro Plot of 1741," N. Y. Common Council Manual, 1870, p. 764; Chandler, "American Criminal Trials," Boston, 1844, i., p. 222. Ury's language is unmistak" ably Protestant in tone. FATHER MOLYNEUX. 401 well as Protestants, without Distinction, where it seems by the Indulgence of the Crown, their Constitution granted by Charter, all Perswasious, Horn an Catholicks as well as others, are tollerated the free Exercise of their Religion." The Pennsylvania authorities went further. On their western frontier were Indians, more or less under French influence, who menaced the exposed settlements. They knew that the French influence was acquired at first by the zealous labors of Catholic priests, and they prudently resolved to avail themselves of the Jesuit Fathers in the province to win the favor of the native tribes. The Senecas and other Western Indians were always well received at Philadelphia and encouraged to visit the Catholic missionaries. " When any of them come to Philadelphia," wrote Count Zinzendorf in 1743, "they go to the Popish chapel to Mass." The famous Madame Montour, wife of an Oneida chief, and on many occasions interpreter for the English, came to Philadelphia in her own carriage, and on one of the visits had her granddaughter baptized at Saint Joseph's.' Jesuit Fathers, evidently by the wish and in the interest of the Pennsylvania government, attended conferences with the Indians. The Superior of the Maryland mission, Father Richard Molyneux, was with the Indians at Lancaster, just before the treaty made there in June and July, 1Y44. As the Pennsylvanians did not venture to avow their policy, this visit subjected Father Molyneux to suspicion in Maryland.' ' Reichel, " Memorials of the Moravian Churcli," i., pp. 120, 99. ^ "It is certain that about a fortnight before our treaty with y"" Six Nations of Indians at Lancaster, Father Molyneux y*" principal of our Jesuits was with them and there is good reason to suspect that he went as an agent for y« French, and that his business was no other than to dissuade y" Indians from making peace w"" us." " Maryland Memorial to the Earl of Halifax." 26 402 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. In that province, notwithstanding the general hostility of the legislature and the dominant church, Catholicity held its own, and succeeded in establishing a seat of learning, the fame of which is still preserved. Apparently, in conse- quence of the alarm excited by Oglethorpe, a committee was appointed by the Town Meeting, Boston, Sept. 22, 1746, " to take care and prevent any Danger the Town may be in from Roman Catholicks residing here." Father Richard Molyneux was born in London March 36, 1696, and after mission services in England was sent to Maryland in 1733. Having been Superior of the Mission in 1736 and again in 1743, he returned to England in 1749. He enjoys the honor of having been arraigned for his faith before a civil tribunal. He died at Bonhani, England, May 18, 1766. "Woodstock Letters," xv., 94-97 ; Foley, "Records," vii., p. 514. Ba^fC^cS 7 FAC-SIMILE OF FIKST ENTRY IN FATHER SCHNEIDER'S REGISTER. CHAPTEK III. THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES, 1745-1755. The war between England and France, which began in 1744, however, greatly inflamed the minds of the Protestant colonists against the Catholics. The Erench in Canada men- aced the English colonies, and Indians in their interest laj on their frontiers from Lake Ontario to the Tombigbee. Catholics were believed by the prejudiced colonists to be ready to join the French against their countrymen, although, there were no facts or examples to sustain the prevalent opinion. When Charles Edward in 1745 raised his standard in Scotland and endeavored to regain for his father the throne of England, every Catholic in the colonies was believed to be a Jacobite and ready to commit any atrocity on his neighbors. The Catholics could only show by their conduct that the sus- picions of their merciless persecutors were groundless. The mission at Bohemia prospered, and offered such ad- vantages of seclusion, and such a ready means of removing- beyond the reach of Maryland's persecuting laws, should any necessity arise, that it was decided to remove to it the acad- emy which the Jesuit Fathers had maintained whenever it was possible.' ' Young people were sent from Maryland to Catholic schools in Eng- land, as well as to those on the continent. " Present State of Popery in England," London, 1733, p. 19. (403) 404 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. The classical school at Bohemia was opened in 1Y45 or the following year, under the supervision of Father Thomas Poulton, who joined the Maryland mission in 1Y38, and from 1742 to the commencement of 1Y49 was in charge at Eohemia. The terms for education at this early academy were £40 per annum for those who studied the classics and £30 for those who did not. Peter Lopez, Daniel Carroll, Edward Neale, and others sent their sons to this Catholic seat of learning. Among the earliest known pupils were Benedict and Edward Neale, James Heath, Kobert Brent, Archibald Kichard, and " Jacky Carroll," a future arch- bishop of Baltimore. The highest number of pupils did not apparently exceed forty. " Bohemia seems to have been for a long period in the early history of the American Church the Tusculum of the Society of Jesus." Father John Kingdon and Father Joseph Greaton were subsequently at Bohemia, and we can see from hostile sources that the academy w^as accomplishing a good work. It would be consoling to state that this early seat of learning had sur- vived to our day ; but every vestige of it has disappeared, although it is well known that it stood on the lawn, a few feet south of the manse, and that the bricks that composed its walls were used in 1825 in erecting the dwelling-house.' In 1760 a Protestant clergyman in Delaware wrote that " there was a very considei^able Popish Seminary in the neighboring Province of Maryland," and that " this Semi- nary is under the direction of the Jesuits." ' The Protestant rector of St. Stephen's parish, near the Jesuit Academy, was a Rev. Hugh Jones, who regarded his neighbors with no favorable eye. In 1739 he wrote to the ' "Bohemia" in " Woodstock Letters," vi., pp. 4-5, xiv., p. 354; B. U. Campbell in " U. S. Cath. Mag.," 1844, p. 34. ' Perry, p. 313. REV. HUGH JONES. 405 Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel for books : " Since the Jesuits in my parish with them they favored and settled in Philadelphia seem to combine our ruin by propagation of schism, popery and apostacy in this neigh- borhood, to prevent the danger of which impending tempest, 'tis hoped you will be so good as to contribute your extensive charitable benevolence, by a set of such books of practical and polemical divinity and church history as you shall judge most suitable for the purpose." ' The apparent prosperity of the Jesuits at Bohemia did not render him more charitable. In 1745 he preached a sermon, which he published in the " Maryland Gazette " at Annapolis, as '' A Protest against Popery." The Jesuit Fathers really had circulating libraries at their missions and encouraged the reading of good books. Mem- oranda exist as to loans of volumes, and Father Attwood, in a letter to England, ordered a list of standard books for one of his flock.' Yet bravely as the clergy were struggling to meet the wants of their flock. Catholics were liable at any moment to arrest. Thus in the "Annapolis Gazette " of March 25, 1746, we read : "Last week some persons of the Pomish Communion, were apprehended, and upon examination, were obhged to give security for their appearance at the Provincial Court." The temper of the times may be seen in the following proclamation of the Governor of Maryland : ' Letter July 30, 1739. ' "Woodstock Letters," xiii., p. 72. The order of Father Attwood included the " Rheims Testament," Parson's "Three Conversions," "Catholic Scripturist," "Touchstone of the Reformed Gospell," the Whole "Manual," with Mass in Latin and English. 406 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. "a proclamation. " Whereas I have received certain information, that sev- eral Jesuits and other Popish priests and their emissaries have presumed of late, especially since the unnatural rebel- lion broke out in Scotland, to seduce and pervert several of his Majesty's Protestant subjects from their religion, and to alienate theii* affections from his Majesty's royal person and government, altho' such practises are high treason, not only in the priests or their emissaries who shall seduce and pervert, but also in those who shall be seduced or perverted. I have therefore thought fit, with the ad%Tlce of his Lord- ship's Council of State to issue this my Proclamation, to charge all Jesuits and other Popish priests and their emis- saries to forbear such traitorous practises, and to assure such of them as shall dare hereafter to offend,* that they shall be prosecuted according to law. And all magistrates within this province are hereby strictly required and charged, when and as often as they shall be informed, or have reason to sus- pect, of any Jesuit or other Popish priests, or any of their emissaries, offending in the premises, to issue a warrant or warrants against such offender or offenders to take his or their examinations, and the examinations or depositions of the witnesses against them ; and if need be, commit such offender or offenders to prison, until he or they shall be de- livered by due course of law. And I do hereby strictly charge and require the several Sheriffs of this province to make this my Proclamation public in their respective coun- ties, in the usual manner, and as they shall answer the con- trary at their peril. " Given at the City of Annapolis, this 3d day of July, Annoque Domini, 1716. T. Bladen." ' 1 "Maryland Gazette," July 23, 1746. REV. HUGH JONES. 407 It is interesting to know who were the terrible Jesuits against whom Maryland Protestantism and Maryland brains were so ineffectual. They were Fathers Richard Molyneux, Thomas Poulton in his Bohemia school, Vincent Phillips, Robert Harding, James Farrar, Arnold Livers, Thomas Digges, Benedict Xeale, James Ashbey, and James Le Motte. Jones' " Protest against Popery," and Bladen's Proclamation do not seem to have alarmed these good Fathers. Some one of them prepared an answer to Jones' " Protest against Popery " ; of course no printer would have dared to issue it from his press, and accordingly it was circulated in manu- script. It leaked out that there was such a paper, and Jones was unhappy. He relieved his mind by inserting the fol- lowing advertisement in a newspaper : " To the Jesuits established in Maryland and Pennsylvania. " Leaexed Sirs : " Imagining myself principally concernecf in the applauded answer to my Protest against Popery, that has been handed about by some of you in these parts, I have used all means in my power to procure one ; in order for which I applied to the gentleman on whom it is fathered, but he having in a very handsome manner disowned it, I presume I may be ex- cused from making this my public request, that some one of jou would vouchsafe to transmit me one of the books, that I may rejoin to any sophistical fallacies or sarcastical false- hoods (those usual tropes of St. Omer) that I hear this smart performance (as your friends call it) abounds with ; assuring you that any assertions of mine that it truly demonstrates to be erroneous, shall readily be recanted. Your compliance with my request will confer a great favor on, " Learned Gentlemen, Your humble servant, "Bohemia, Sept. 15, 1746." ' " H. JoNES. ' " Maryland Gazette," Dec. 2, 1746. 408 CATHOLICITY IN VIRGINIA. Among those arrested about this time, was the Superior of the Maryland mission, Father Richard Molyneux, a native of London, who had been in America from 1733, and been twice placed at the head of the Fathers laboring in this coun- try. He had shown his zeal for the public good by using his influence with the Indians at Lancaster. The proceed- ings against him cannot be found in the Maryland archives, and there is no Catholic record known. In a document of the time strongly opposing the Catholics the affair is referred to in these terms : " In y*" time of y' Kebellion this same F' Molyneux was taken up for treasonable practises, being carried before y" Provincial Court. He was so conscious of his guilt that he begged for liberty to leave the Province : the Judge, however, resolving to make an example of him, in order to get the fittest and clearest evidence of y" facts, postponed the affair for a few days, but Mr. Carroll, a Popish Gent", hav- ing bailed him out, the Council called Mr. Moljmeux before themselves, and having examined him privately, discharged him without any public mark of resentment." * The panic spread to Virginia, which trembled^ as its colo- nists read on walls and fences such proclamations as this : " YiEGINIA, 8S. : " By the Hon. William Gooch, Esqr.., His Majesty's Lieu- tenant Governor.) a/nd Commander-in-Chief of tliia Do- TTiinion. " A PROCLAMATION. " Whereas it has been represented to me in Council, that several Roman Cathohc priests are lately come from Mary- ' " Memorial to the Earl of Halifax." He undoubtedly convinced the Maryland Council that he was really carrying out the wishes of the Penn flylvania authorities. PENAL LAWS. 409 land to Fairfax county in this Colony, and are endeavouring by crafty Insinuations, to seduce liis Majesty's good subjects from their Fidelity and Loyalty to his Majesty, King George, and his Royal House ; I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of His Majesty's Council, to issue this Proclamation, requiring all Magistrates, Sheriffs, Constables, and other His Majesty's Liege People, within this colony, to be dihgent in apprehending and bringing to Justice the said Romish Priests, or any of them, so that they may be prosecuted ac- cording to law. " Given under my hand in the Council Chamber in Will- iamsburg, this 24th day of April in the Nineteenth Tear of his Majesty's Reign. " William Gooch. " God Save the King." Some Catholic families had settled on the southern shore of the Potomac at Aquia Creek and above it, and priests ministering to this remote portion of their flock entered Yir- ginia from time to time. Virginia seemed loth to be outdone by her sister colony, and had also placed on her statute-books a series of penal laws against the Catholics which are unparalleled in history. They began in January, 1641, when a Popish recusant was forbidden to hold oflSce under a penalty of a thousand pounds of tobacco. The next year an act required every priest to leave Virginia on five days notice. Another statute of 1661 required all persons to attend the service of the Established Church under a penalty of £20. In 1699 Popish recusants were deprived of the right to vote, and when the act was subsequently re-enacted, the fine for voting in defiance of law was five hundred pounds of tobacco. An act of 1705 made Catholics incompetent as witnesses, and when this fear- 410 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. ful act was renewed in 1Y53, it was extended to all cases what- ever.' Not even England herself sought to crush, humble, and degrade the Catholic as Yirginia did ; he was degraded below the negro slave, for though the negro, mulatto, or Indian, could not be a witness against a white person, a Catholic could not be put on the stand as a witness against white man or black, the most atrocious crime could with im- punity be committed in the presence of a Catholic on his wife or child, whom he was made powerless to defend, and his testimony could not be taken against the murderer." In the year 1750 a quarrel between two private gentlemen set all Maryland aflame, and enkindled the most bitter anti- Catholic movement known in the annals of the country. Charles Carroll, barrister and father of the future signer, and Dr. Charles Carroll, who had abandoned the Catholic faith, were co-trustees of an estate, the legatees of which were priests. The Catholic trustee wished to close up the estate, and was ready to account. He called upon his co-trus- tee to hand in his accounts and pay the amount in his hands. Dr. Carroll offered a small sum to compromise the matter, but the Catholic said that it was a matter of accounting, not of compromise. On this the dishonest trustee intimated that he would resort to the penal laws, and he actually endeavored to have the Act of 11-12 William III. enforced in Maryland, so as to prevent the legatees from compelling him to account. How honorable Protestants could have lent their aid to so disgraceful a plot is inexplicable, but they took the matter 1 Hening's "Statutes at Large," i., p. 268 ; ii., p. 48 ; iii., p. 172, 238, 299 ; vi., p. 338. In 1652 the Commissaries of the Commonwealth ordered "Irish women to he sold to merchants and shipped to Virginia," but I can find no traces of them in that colony. - "Acts of Assembly now in Force in the Colony of Virginia," Will- iamsburg, 1769, pp. 300-333. ATTEMPTED LEGISLATION. 411 up warmly, and an act passed the lower House. By its provisions every priest convicted of exercising his functions was to suffer perpetual imprisonment ; and all persons edu- cated in or professing the Popish religion, who did not within six months after attaining the age of eighteen take the oath of supremacy and make the declaration prescribed, were dis- abled from taking any property by inheritance.' Though this bill failed to pass the upper House and reach the governor for his sanction, the House of Delegates, ad- dressing Governor Ogle, said : " We see Popery too assidu- ously nm'tured and propagated vrithin this Province as well by the professors thereof as their teachers,* preventing and withdrawing many of his Majesty's Protestant subjects both from our holy religion and their faith and allegiance to his Majesty's royal person, crown and family. " That y'' number of Jesuits or popish priests now within this province and yearly coming in together with the estab- lished settlements they have here and several youths sent from hence to St. Omers and other popish foreign seminaries out of his Majesty's obedience to be trained uj) in ways de- structive to the Establishment of Church and State in his Majesty's dominions, some of whom return here as Popish priests or Jesuits together with others of like kind who live in societies where they have Publick Mass Houses and with great industry propagate their Doctrines, will if not timely prevented endanger y" Fundamental Constitution of our Church as well as the peace of this government." The fanatics, who wished to keep Catholics in ignorance, accordingly introduced a bill, which, in the legal verbiage of ' Father George Hunter, "A Short Account of y* State and Condition of y*" Rom. Cath, in y^ Prov^ of Maryland " That Dr. Charles was brought up a Catholic and became a Protestant is stated in the " Mary- land Gazette, " October 2, 1755. 412 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. the day, was entitled, " An Explanatory Act to y'' act enti- tled an Act to repeal a certain Act of Assembly entitled an Act to prevent the Growth of Popery." It passed the lower House, but was laid on the table in the upper House. The lower House remonstrated, but the upper House declined to act upon the bill on account of the " great penalties and in- capacities " it contained. The Catholics then addressed the upper House to thank them, and in their petition they say : " That several malicious Lies and Groundless Clamours continuing still to be spread against us, among others, that persons of the Roman Catli- olick persuasion had misbehaved in such a manner in some counties as to give his Majesty's loyal subjects just cause to fear an insurrection, and further it was intimated that some Roman Catholick priests of this Province had been lately absent from their usual Place of Residence a considerable time," and they proceed to state that " orders had been sent out to bind over such turbulent Catholicks and to arrest any such priests, but that not a single definite charge had been made against any Catholic priest or layman." Most of the Catholics in Maryland at that time resided in St. Mary's and Charles Counties, and the magistrates of the former, replying to the governor a few years later, not only declared the charges against the Catholics unfounded, but added : " We are not yet informed who have been the Au- thors of those reports mentioned in your Excellency's letter which have been in some places so industriously spread, if we should discover them, we would take proper measures for their being brought to justice, as enemies to their country's peace and friends to a faction who labour to foment animosi- ties among us to the endangering our common security." ' ' Petition of sundry Roman Catholics. DEER CREEK MISSION. 413 And the governor expressly said : " The Magistrates assure me that after a careful inquiry and scrutiny into the conduct of the people of the Romish faith, who reside among us, they have not found that any of them have misbehaved or given just cause of offence." The attack on the Catholic body was all the more ungen- erous because they responded generously when the legislature failed to provide for the protection of the frontiers against the French, and a subscription for that purpose was set on foot. The petition says boldly : " The Roman Catholics were not the men who opposed this subscription, on the contrary they countenanced it, they promoted it, they subscribed gen- erously and paid their subscriptions." It was apparently while the future of Catholicity looked so dark that Thomas Shea left to the missioners in Maryland in 1764 a tract of 115 acres on Deer Creek, near a spot still called Priest's Ford, in Harford County. Here they estab- lished the mission of Saint Joseph, and erected a house such as the laws then permitted, embracing a chapel under the roof of the priest's house. The first missionary stationed here of whom we have any note was the Rev. Benedict Xeale in 1717, and he was probably the one who erected the building which is still standing, and which was referred to about the time we mention as " Priest ISTeale's Mass House." ' The building has passed out of Catholic hands, but remains unaltered, and the graveyard where the faithful were interred has been respected by the present owners. The building stands on an eminence and is a long one of stone, giving room for a chapel, which is now the kitchen. The walls are of great strength and solidity, nearly three feet thick, and the roof and woodwork seem to have been made ' Examination of William Johnson, 1756. " Woodstock Letters," XV., p. 55. 414 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. of most durable and well-seasoned wood. A room below at one end was the reception-room, above it the priest slept, most of the interior being devoted to the chapel.' But the enemies of the Maryland Catholics had not aban- doned their hostile measures. They passed through the lower House an act laying a double tax on the unfortunate class. So alarmed were the Catholics at the passage by the lower .-"3^^^"^ 7H ST. Joseph's chapel house, deer creek, harford co., md. FROM A sketch BY GEO. A. TOWNSEND. House of this act, that they resolved to appeal to the king himself, and the following petition was drawn up : " To the King's most excellent Majesty : " The humble petition of the merchants trading in Mary- land, in the name and behalf of their correspondents who are Roman Catholics. " Humbly sheweth : " That the province of Maryland was granted to Csecilius Calvert, Lord Baltimore, a Roman Catholick : " That the propagation of the Christian religion was one ' To aid in building Georgetown College the place was sold, and St. Ignatius' Church at Hickory erected for the benefit of the Catholics in those parts. PROPOSED EMIGRATION. 415 of the motives for granting the said province to the said Lord Baltimore. " That all persons professing to beheve in Jesus Christ were invited into the said province. " That in order to encourage all persons believing in Jesus Christ to settle in the said Province an Act of Assembly was passed in the said Province in the year 1640, entitled an Act concerning Religion, by which Act amongst other things it was enacted that no person in the said province should be disturbed for or on account of religion. " That an Act of Assembly hath lately passed in the said Province entitled an Act for granting a supply of £40,000 to your Majesty, etc., by which the lands of all Roman Cath- oHcks are double taxed. "We therefore humbly beg leave to represent to your Majesty our fears that this and other hardships laid on the Roman Catholicks in the said Province may obHge them to remove into the dominions of the French or Spaniards in America, where they will cultivate Tobacco and rival our Tobacco Colonys in that valuable branch of Trade to the great detriment of the Trade of your Majesty's Kingdoms. " Wherefore your Petitioners humbly pray that taking the Premisses into consideration, your Majesty will be graciously pleased to afford such ReHef as to your Majesty shall seem fit." What a strange fact ! that a quarter of a century before the Revolution, the Catholics of Maryland were compelled to appeal to the English throne for protection against the in- tolerance and tyranny of their Protestant fellow-subjects in that Pro\ance. The war on the CathoHcs in Maryland had become by this time so unrelenting, that a general desire prevailed to aban- don the province which they had planted. Many of those 416 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. who owned property, seeing it daily wrung from them by double taxes, by the money extorted for the support of the state clergy and under other pretexts, determined to emigrate. Charles Carroll, the father of the future signer of the Dec- laration of Independence, actually proceeded to Europe in 1752, as the representative of the oppressed Catholics of Maryland to lay their sad case before the King of France. It was not a time when a sense of faith or chivalry prevailed in that court. Carroll asked the French minister of state to assign to the Maryland Catholics a large tract of land on the Arkansas River, as unwise a selection as he could well have made. But when he pointed it out upon the map, the min- ister, startled at the extent of the proposed cession, threw difficulties in the way, and Mr. Carroll left France without being able to effect anything in his project for securing a new home for the victims of Protestant intolerance and op- pression.^ The excitement against the followers of the true faith and their devoted clergy did not die out in Maryland. The House of Delegates in 1Y54 addressed Governor Sharpe, asking him in view of " the impending dangers from the growth of Popery, and the valuable and extensive possessions of Popish priests and Jesuits," to " put into all places of trust and profit none but tried Protestant subjects." To thjs the governor replied, " that his concurrence should not be wanting to any measures looking to the safety of his Maj- esty's good Protestant subjects." ' It was even discussed in the papers whether all the prop- erty in the hands of the Jesuits ought not to be seized and apphed to the establishment of a college, and laws enacted to prevent Catholics from sending their children abroad to ' B. U. Campbell, " U. S. Cath. Magazine," 1844, p. 40. " " Maryland Gazette," March 14, 1754. ANTI-CATHOLIC EXCITEMENT. 417 obtain an education.' A bill introduced by the Committee on Grievances passed the lower House. Its object was to create a commission to inquire into the affairs of the Jesuits in the Colony, and also to ascertain by what tenure they held their land. They were also enjoined to tender the oaths of allegiance, abhorrence, and abjuration to members of the Society. The bill was, however, rejected by the upper House. Catholics were next charged with obstructing the raising of his Majesty's levies, and Governor Sharpe issued a proclama- tion on the 30th of May, offering a reward for the arrest of two persons named. The Legislature in the same spirit passed a law to check the too great immigration of Irish ser- vants, being Papists,* With all the offices, all the legislative, executive, and judic- ial power in their hands, with a State church supported by taxes levied on Catholics and plate bought with money aris- ing from the sale of mulatto infants and their mothers,'' with a virulent newspaper press, and vehement pulpit orators, the Protestants in Maryland could not hold their own. One newspaper writer asks : " Does Popery increase in this Province ? The great num- ber of popish chapels, and the crowds that resort to them, as well as the great number of their youth sent this year to foreign popish seminaries for education, prove to a demon- stration that it does. Moreover, many popish priests and Jesuits hold sundry large tracts of land, manors, and other ' Richard Brooke in " Maryland Gazette." May 16, 1754. 2 "Maryland Gazette," May 30, Aug. 5, 1754; "New York Gazette," June 24, 1754. ^ Gambrall, " Church Life in Colonial Maryland," Baltimore, 1885, pp. 72, 125. 27 418 THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. tenements, and in several of them have dwelhng-houses where they live in a collegiate manner, having public Mass- Houses, where they exercise their religious functions, etc., with the greatest industry, and without controul." ' One of the last efforts against the Catholic body was the in- troduction of an act in the lower House at the session of 1Y55, intended to prevent the " importation of Germans and French papists and Popish priests and Jesuits, and Irish papists via Pennsylvania, or the Government of Newcastle, Kent, and Sussex on the Delaware." But it failed to find a place among the statutes of Maryland. Of the feeling toward Catholics on the Potomac at this time, and especially toward their clergy, we have an instance in a paper by the famous Daniel Dulany, written at Annap- olis, December 9, 1755. " One of our (Maryland) priests had like to have fallen into the hands of the army, when the troops were at Alexandria, and if he had, I believe he would have been hanged as a spy. The man had been sauntering about in the camp, and some one from Maryland whispered that he was a priest. This was soon noised about, and the priest thinking himself not very safe on the south side of the Potomack, made all the haste he could to a boat which was waiting for him, and had but just put off when he discovered a party of soldiers running to the place where the boat had waited for him. The oificer who commanded the party called to the boatsmen to return, but the priest prevailed upon them to make all the expedition they could to the opposite shore. Something ought to be done in regard to these priests, but the present heat and ferment of the times are such that nothing short of a total extermination of them, and an absolute confiscation of all their estates will be heard ' " Maryland Gazette," Oct. 17, 1754. CATHOLICITY IN PHILADELPHIA. 419 of with temper, and that the Romish laity might be laid mider some restraints in the education of their children is greatly to be wished, but all moderate and reasonable propo- sitions for this end would now be at once rejected." ' In Pennsylvania the decade from 1745 to 1755 was marked by progress. Beside the lot on "Walnut Street on which St. Josej)h's church had been erected, a lot adjoining it, and facing on Willing's alley, was obtained by Father Robert Harding by deed of June 5, 1752, being forty-eight on the alley by forty feet in depth. Kalra, in his Travels, mentions that the Cathohcs had a great house, well adorned with an organ, so that the original structm'e had evidently been enlarged. Father Greaton had closed his laborious pastorship at Saint Joseph's, with which his name had been so long identified. His associate, Father Henry !Neale, who had been at Cone- wago and Philadelphia for several years, died in the latter city in 1748, and he himself retired two years afterward to Bohemia, where he died piously August 19, 1753, Father John Lewis officiating at his requiem. Rev. Robert Harding, S.J., was born in ^Nottinghamshire, England, October 6, 1701, and entering the Society of Jesus at the age of 21, was sent to Maryland in 1732. Selected about 1750 to succeed Father Greaton in Philadelphia, he was for more than twenty years rector of St. Joseph's. He identified himself with the people, devoted himself to his own flock, and in his large heart found sympathy for every good work. He was one of the earliest to encourage the American painter, Benjamin West ; by his love of the poor acquired the highest reputation as a philanthropist ; seconded ' Dulany, " Military and Political Affairs in the Middle Colonies in 1755," Penn. Mag. of Hist., iii., p. 27. 420 THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA. the claims of the colonists for their rights under Magna Charta, and gave Philadelphia a second Catholic Church. Father Schneider from Goshenhopen attended the German Catholics in Philadelphia, and continued his apostolical jour- neys, visited the scattered Catholics, saying mass, hearing confessions, baptizing, instructing, and encouraging. His Register shows such constant activity as to excite wonder. Father Manners was in charge of Conewago from about 1753, and Father Steynmeyer, known on the mission as Father Ferdinand Farmer, soon began his six years' pastor- ship at Lancaster.^ 'Foley, "Records," vii., pp. 333, 701; "Woodstock Letters," xv., pp. 95-6; v., pp. 202-213; "Register of Goshenhopen"; Molyneux, "Funeral Sermon on the Death of the Rev. Ferdinand Farmer," Phila- delphia, 1786, p. 4 ; Kalm, " Travels into North America," Warrington, 1770. CHAPTER IV. THE ACADIAN CATHOLICS IN THE COLONIES, 1755-1763. While tlie dominant party in Maryland was thus paving tlie way for modern communists by advocating a seizure of property in disregard of vested rights, and was seeking to prevent the entrance of Catholics, and expel those already in the province, a large body of persons of that faith, ruthlessly torn from their happy homes, deprived of all their property, of liberty, and home, without any warrant of law, or form of trial, were flung as paupers upon the shores of Maryland^ and the other colonies from 'Rew Hampshire to Georgia. Acadia, our modern Nova Scotia, was ceded to England by France at the treaty of Utrecht, May 22, 1713, and its population, industrious, thrifty, and peaceable, passed under a foreign flag ; a Catholic population passed to the rule of a government actuated by the most envenomed hatred of their religion. By the terms of the treaty the settlers were per- mitted to remove from the province within a year, or if they chose to remain and submit to British rule, England guaran- teed them their property, and the free exercise of their relig- ion according to the usage of the Church of Rome, " as far as the laws of England do allow the same." If this clause referred to Great Britain it was a fraud and a treachery, as there the laws did not permit it at all. If England acted in good faith, it must mean as far as England permitted it in the plantations and in Catholic districts falling into her power by force of arms. The capitulation of Port Royal (421) 422 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. confirmed by Queen Anne was even more general in its character. During the year granted France sent no vessels, and Eng- land refused to permit the Acadians to leave the province on English vessels. By no fault of their own they were forced to stay. Nor could they sell their lands or stock, for as they were the sole inhabitants there were none to purchase from them,' In vain did they ask to be removed ; the English authorities, loth to leave so fine a province a desert before they could plant other settlers there, deemed it bad policy to let them depart, and to the very end, as their advocates do now, made it a crime in French oflicers and priests who urged them to leave all they possessed so as to preserve their nationality and religion.^ Indeed, Queen Anne by a letter in which she referred as a motive for her action to the release of Protestants by the French king, allowed the Acadians to retain their lands, without fixing any limit as to time, or to sell them if they chose to remove." Lulled thus into a fatal security the Acadians made no further effort to depart, but lived contentedly till about 1720, when they were called upon to take an absolute oath of allegiance to the British crown. As is evident from the sequel it was one of those embodying the oath of supremacy and abjuration which no Catholic could take. The Aca- dians, simple peasants as they were, saw the difiiculty, and upon their remonstrance the oath was modified by Governor Mascarene and taken by the people. ' Akins, " Nova Scotia Archives," p. 15 ; Murdoch, "History of Nova Scotia," ii., p. 341. 'Akins, "Nova Scotia Archives," pp. 4, 265; 6-13; 33-41. Mur- ESf BALTIMORE. FROM MOALE'S DRAWING. Some were lodged in private houses, and a number were sheltered in a large unfinished structure, the first brick house in Baltimore, begun by Mr. Edward Fotteral, FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATTTRE OF FATHER JOHN ASHTON. an Irish gentleman, who subsequently returned to his native country. The Acadiaus occupied all that was habitable, and hearing that there was a priest at Doughoregan, the seat of 436 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Charles Carroll, the Barrister, they sent imploring the priest to extend his care to them.' The Jesuit Father Ashton responded to their appeal, and mass was said for the first time, and was maintained for a considerable period in Baltimore in this house, where a room was prepared for use as a chapel, and a rude altar reared each time the priest arrived, bringing his vestments and sacred vessels. The first congregation in the city which be- fore the lapse of two score years was to be the see of a bishop, and in little more than a century to be presided over by a Cardinal of Holy Roman Church, was a little body not more than forty in all, chiefly Acadians, with a few Irish Cathohcs, among the latter Messrs. Patrick Bennet, Robert Walsh, and William Stenson." The Acadians who reached Maryland, finding that they could practice their religion, and obtain the services of priests, remained, and being accustomed to the sea, found employ- ment as coasters, fishermen, etc. ; but their faith which stood the persecutions of Protestantism was much weakened by the horde of freethinking Frenchmen who came during and after our war of Independence. Many then were corrupted ' Scharf, "History of Maryland," i., pp. 474-9. ^ A rough pen and ink sketch of Baltimore in 1753, by Moale, preserv- ed by the Maryland Historical Society, shows this house. Our sketch is made carefully from it, without alteration. The house where mass was said for the Acadians by Father Ashton, is the large house at the left. It was near the northwest corner of Fayette and Calvert streets. See Campbell, " Desultory Sketches of the Catholic Church in Maryland," in Religious Cabinet, 1842, p. 310. Robin, "Nouveau Voyage dans TAmerique Septentrionale," Phila- delphia, 1782, p. 99, speaks of the Acadians' attachment to their faith, and the loving remembrance of their former priests, mentioning especially a Rev. Mr. le Clerc ( ? Le Maire), who when they came away gave them a chalice and vestments. This seems doubtful, as no priest of that uam« was in Acadia at the time. ACADIANS IN VIRGINIA, ETC. 437 and lost the faith they had so nobly witnessed unto.' Yet there was some emigration. Captain Ford, of Leonardtown, Maryland, sailed with a number for Louisiana, and was driven on the coast of Texas, where they were seized by the Spaniards and carried to Xew Mexico, suffering greatly till a priest learned their history and obtained their release.^ Many, however, remained at Baltimore, where their de- scendants are to be found to this day. Virginia, considering that the Governor of Xova Scotia had no right to throw the great mass of the inhabitants of his colony on other colonies to be supported as paupers, and knowing that it would be useless to look to England or Xova Scotia for compensation, refused to receive the deported Aca- dians. She remonstrated so firmly with the English Gov- ernment, that 336 were transported to Liverpool, where they were detained for seven years as prisoners of war, and sub- jected to many temptations to abandon their faith. At the peace they were claimed by France, and obtained lands in Poitou and Berry, still occupied by their descendants.' The 1,500 sent to South Carolina were at first scattered through the parishes, but the compassion for their misfor- tune was such that vessels were obtained at the public charge in which many went to France. A few remained in the colony ; others sought to reach Louisiana, or endeavored to return to their former homes.* Georgia by its charter positively excluded Catholics, not ' Letter of Archbishop Carroll. * Smyth, "Tour in the United States," ii., p. 377. ^Brymner, "Report on Canadian Archives, 1883," p. 145 ; "Memoire sur les Acadiens," Niort, 1867. ^Cooper, "Statutes," iv., p. 31. Two parties attempted to escape early in 1756, but were retaken. " N. Y. Mercury," Mar. 1, 1756. Yet in 1760, 300 Acadians are reported as having had the small-pox, 115 dying of it in South Carolina. " Maryland Gazette," April 17. 438 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. one of wliom was allowed to settle within its limits. When Governor Reynolds, who was attending an Indian Council, heard that the Governor of Nova Scotia had thus thrown four hundred CatlioHcs upon his colony he decided that they could not remain. As winter had set in he gave them shel- ter till spring. Then they were permitted to build rude boats, and numbers set out to coast along to N^ova Scotia, encouraged by the help and approval of the Christian men of the South.^ Toiling patiently along, a party of seventy- eight reached Long Island in August, 1756, but though they bore passports from the Governors of South Carolina and Georgia, they were seized by the brutal Sir Charles Hardy, who distributed them in the most remote parts of the colony, putting adults to labor, and binding out children, so that they should be brought up Protestants.'' IN^inety who reached the southern part of Massachusetts in July, were similarly treated by Lieut.-Gov. Phips. Though the fear was expressed that, exasperated at the cruel and inhuman treatment to which they had been sub- jected, these people might take some terrible revenge, no case of crime is charged to these noble confessors of the faith in any of the colonies. They suffered, but not as e\dl-doers.' Gradually during the war, and after its close in 1763, Acadians made their way from Pennsylvania, Carolina, and Georgia, as well as from Halifax to the French West Indies, where many sank under the cHmate. Most of the survivors removed thence about 1765 to the colony of Louisiana, where they settled in Attakapas, and Opelousas. Here land was allotted to them ; six hundred and fifty-six being thus pro- * Stevens, "History of Georgia," i., pp. 413^17. ' "New York Colonial Documents," vii., p 125. ' "Nova Scotia Archives," pp. 301-304. FEW ACADIANS REMAINED. 439 vided in the early months of 1765. This body with others who joined them from time to time constitute the source of the great Acadian body in Louisiana, which retains to this day the peculiarities of speech and manners that character- ized their ancestors.' Of those who in time reached Xova Scotia or its neighbor- hood, or who escaped from the hands of Lawrence, some fearing fresh cruelties struck into the woods on the upper Saint John, and formed the Madawaska settlement. Strangely enough, in 1842 England claimed this part of the State of Maine, on the ground that it had been settled by the Neutral French, who were British subjects.' The largest body of Catholics that in one year reached our shores did not materially alter the position of the adherents of the true faith in the existing British colonies. A small body remaining at Baltimore, a few in Philadelphia, the Acadian settlement in Louisiana, which did not come into the United States for some years after the recognition of in- dependence, and tlie little Madawaska colony, overlooked by the authorities for years, and ministered to as their fathers had been by priests from Canada, alone were permanent. The fact that such an act could have been perpetrated by Governor Lawrence under the pretence that it was in accord- ance with the penal laws against the Catholics, shows how bitter the feeling of the time was. > "Nova Scotia Archives," pp. 347-350; Gayarre, "Histoire de la Louisiane,"ii., pp. 127-128. ' See " The Acadian Confessors of the Faith, 1755," by me in "Am. Cath. Quarterlj'," ix. , p. 592. " Acadia, a Lost Chapter in American His- tory," by Philip H. Smith, Pawling, 1884 ; and a paper by the same author, " N. E. Hist. Gen. Register," 1886. H. R. Casgrain, "Un Pelerinage au Pays d'Evangeline." CHAPTER Y. CATHOLICITY IN THi: BRITISH COLONIES, 1755-1Y63. The war against the Frencli was one against Catholicity, and as after a few years hostilities also began against Spain, England was arrayed against the two Catholic powers in America, and every hostile movement tended to inflame the minds of the people of the colonies against all who professed the faith. The conquest of Canada was especially sought in order to extirpate Catholicity utterly. The position of the faithful in the English colonies was one of constant peril and annoyance. The newspapers teemed with diatribes against the Cath- olics, and ministers like the Rev. Mr. Brogden preached series of sermons against Popery, and any reply or protest only made their tirades more virulent.' Stimulated in this way a strong public feeling grew up against the Catholic body, and it would seem that the Prot- estants of Sassafrax, Middle Neck, and Bohemia Manor, to whom the proximity of the Jesuits was very galling, peti- tioned the legislature at the session of 1756, praying that stringent measures might be taken against the Jesuits. At all events the lower House at this session was about to pass a very stringent bill prohibiting the importation of Irish Papists via Delaware under a penalty of £20 each, and denouncing any Jesuit or Popish priest as a traitor who tampered with 1 " Maryland Gazette," Annapolis, Feb. 26, 1755, May 16, 1754, March 14, 1754. (440) MARYLAND HOSTILE. 441 any of his Majesty's subjects in the colony ; but the bill did not pass, the governor having prorogued the legislature shortly after it was introduced.' Yet for all this hostile legislation there was no pretext whatever. A writer of that period in England could say boldly : "In Maryland they have always shown a fidelity and remarkable submission to the English Government, and have particularly avoided a correspondence with the enemies of Great Britain." * The Catholics in Maryland were accused of sympathizing with the French, but in proof of their innocence, and as a testimony of their zeal for the welfare of the country, they appealed to their conduct in behalf of the people of the fron- tier, who had been driven from their homes after that disaster. Addressing the upper House of Assembly in 1756 the Cath- ohcs said : " The Roman Catholics were not the men who opposed the subscription : on the contrary they countenanced it, they promoted it, they subscribed generously, and paid their subscriptions honourably : and if our numbers are compared with the numbers of our Protestant fellow-subjects, and the sum paid on this occasion by the Homan Catholicks be com- pared with the sum total collected, it may be said the Roman Catholicks contributed prodigiously beyond their proportion to an aid so seasonable and necessary." Yet the lower House in 1755 had presented Governor Sharpe a furious address against the Roman Catholics, and passed a resolution that all the Penal laws mentioned in the Toleration Act were in force in Maryland, although some had actually been repealed. The Governor writing to Charles ' Johnston, "History of Cecil County, Md.," p. 202. "^ ' ' Considerations on the Penal Laws against Roman Catholics in Eng- land, and the new acquired Colonies in America." London, 1764, p. 51. 442 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Calvert bore testimony to the good conduct of the CathoHcs. " For my part I have not heard but the Papists behave them- selves peaceably and as good subjects. They are, I imagine, about one-twelfth of the people, and many of them are men of pretty considerable fortunes. I conceive their numbers do not increase, though I have reason to think the greater part of the Germans which are imported profess that re- ligion." ' In the session ending May 22, 1Y56, a law was passed for raising an amount to defend the frontiers, which the Assem- bly had long neglected to do. They seized the opportunity to insert a clause imposing a double tax on all Catholic property owners in Maryland. The Governor and upper House made no effort to save the Catholics, and this iniqui- tous system once inaugurated was continued during the colo- nial period.* A law was even introduced to make it high treason in any priest who converted a Protestant to the true faith, and to deprive of all right of inheriting any Catholic educated at a foreign popish seminary ; but these violent measures failed to pass, the upper House in 1758 even attempting, though in vain, to relieve Catholics from the double tax as " not to be defended upon a principle of justice or policy." The lower House stimulated by the Protestant clergy, whom Catholics were heavily taxed to support, adhered to the spirit of per- secution,^ and Governor Sharpe, himself a Protestant, writ- ing to the Lord Proprietor indignantly details the oppres- sions suffered by the Maryland Catholics from their enemies, ' Scharf, "History of Maryland," i., p. 461. * The Catholics in vain appealed to the Governor to withhold his sanc- tion to this bill. ^ "Votes and Proceedings of the lower House of Assembly, Apl.. May, 1758." FATHER BEADNALVS ARREST. 443 *' and states that many were made sucli by envy or the hope of reaping some advantage from a persecution of the Papists," and he bore his testimony that since he had administered the colony the conduct of the Catholics had been most unexcep- tionable.' Besides these cruel laws a new method of persecution had been undertaken. Complaint was made before a magistrate against Father James Beadnall, and two writs were issued on which he was arrested by the Sheriff of Queen Anne's County, on the 22d of September, 1^56. He was obliged to give bail in £1,500 for his appearance before the Provincial Court to be held at Annapolis on the 19th of October. Two indict- ments were laid before the Grand Jury against him, the first for celebrating mass in a private family, and the second for endeavoring to bring over a dissenter, Quaker, or nonjuror to " the Romish persuasion." The Grand Jury did not act on the matter, and he was brought before the Grand Jury of Talbot County, but that body on the 16th of April, 1Y57, refused to indict him ; they held that as to the first charge he was justified by the order issued by Queen Anne, at Whitehall, January 3, 1Y0|- ; and as to the second charge they found the evidence insufficient.* This good priest who enjoys the privilege of having been arrested for discharging his duty was a native of Northum- berland, born April 8, 1718, and entered the Society of Jesus at Watten, September 7. 1739. His name appears first at ' Gov. Sharpe's Letter, Dec. 16. 1758, in "Ridgeley's Annals of An- napolis," p. 95. ^ Father George Hunter, " A Short Account of y"^ State and Condi- tion." "A Short Account of y*" Proceedings of y*^ Assembly of Mary- land." The Maryland Archives have no record of this prosecution o* F, Beadnall. J^^vt: [P^^n^.^ jr^^c 444 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. St. Thomas' Manor in 1Y49, and after many years' service on the mission, he died at Newtown, September 1, 1^72.' There were at this f^/ /^ ^v time fourteen Fa- ^ land and Pennsylva- FAC-SIMILE OP THE SIGNATUKE OF FATHER . . . tti r, GEORGE HUNTER, S.J. °^^ mission, I' athcr George Hunter be- ing the Superior, and returning to England for a time this year. Father Beadnall was not the only one of the Jesuit Fa- thers molested at this time. A man was arrested at Fort Cumberland as a spy, and admitted that he ^ - *^ had been in the French service at fac-simile op the signature op father rn , T. /^ 1 JAMES BEADNALl,. i* ort JJu (c^uesne, hav- ing been carried off by a party of Indians. The man swore that a certain priest had maintained correspondence by let- ter with the French ; that he had been up in the country among them, and that several Catholic laymen whom he named had with the priest notified the French that they would give them all aid in tbeir attempts against the prov- ince. The accused priest was taken into custody to be tried at the Annapolis Assizes in February, 175Y. The case broke down, however. When the man was put on the stand, he was asked whether he knew a Catholic layman pointed out to him. He replied that he did, that he was the priest, and that he had seen him say mass in Baltimore County, and had often carried letters from him to the French. He made 'Foley, "Records of the English Province," vii., p. 42. Treacy, " Catalogue," p. 98, thinks he died in 1775. PENNSYLVANIA FEARS. 445 similar answers in regard to other laymen introduced into the room. When the priest actually came, he swore that he did not know him, and had never seen him in his Ufe. The Governor and Council before whom the examination took place knew the priest personally, and saw the knavery of the wit- ness. The priest and the Catholic laymen were acquitted, and the informer was sent to Lord Loudon as a deserter.' The alarm caused by the French operations on the Ohio had already excited suspicion and odium against the Cath- olics of Pennsylvania. The Justices of Berks County, Con- rad Weiser being one of them, unfolded their foolish fears in an address to Governor Morris, July 23, 1755. " We know," say these sapient magistrates, " that the people of the Roman Catholic Church are bound by their principles to be the worst subjects and worst of neighbours, and we have reason to fear, just at this time, that the Roman Catholics in Cussahopen — where they have a very magnificent chapel, and lately have had long processions — have bad designs." — " The priest at Reading as well as at Cussahopen last Sunday gave notice to the people that they could not come to them again in less than nine weeks, whereas they constantly preach once in four weeks to their congregations : whereupon some im- agine they have gone to consult with our enemies at Du Quesne." * And a publication of the time says : " There are near one-fourth of the Germans supposed to be Roman Cath- olics who cannot be supposed Friends to any Design for de- fending the Country against the French." ' ' F. George Hunter, "A Short Account of the State and Condition." The name of the Father is not given ; and the State Archives have no papers in the case. It was probably Father Hunter himself. "^ " Provincial Records, 1755," p. 125 ; Rupp, " History of the Counties of Berks and Lebanon," Lancaster, 1844, p. 151. ' " Brief State of the Province of Pennsylvania," London, 1755, p. 35 446 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. An inquiry instituted by Lord Loudon gives us the Cath- olic population of Pennsylvania in 1757. In and near Philadelphia there were 72 men, 78 women, Irish or Eng- lish ; and in Chester County 18 men, 22 women under the care of Father Robert Harding. His associate Father Theo- dore Schneider residing at Goshenhopen, had under his care 107 men and 121 women, all Germans, in and about Phila- deljihia, and 198 men and 166 FAc-siMiLE OF THE SIGNATURE womeu iu Philadelphia, Berks, OF FATHER THEODOBEscHNEi- Northampton, Bucks, and Ches- ter Counties ; while Father Fer- dinand Farmer, then at Lancaster, had 208 Irish and Ger- man men and 186 women in Lancaster, Berks, Chester, and Cumberland Counties, and Father Matthias Manners, the missionary at Conewago, had 99 men and 100 women, in- cluding both Irish and Germans, in York County.' When precisely the church was built at Goshenhopen is not determined. The house mentioned by Fa- >£ J^ ^ Jl^ ^^.Un^^ ther Schneider in his —^ . T - FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF FA- register, had evidently theb ferdinand farmer. been replaced by a church, which must have been of some size " and beauty to be styled even in prejudiced exaggeration, " a very magnificent chapel." With a respect for antiquity worthy of praise, the walls of the old chapel of the last century were retained as part of the present church. The congregation at St. Joseph's Church, Philadelphia, ' F. Harding to Peters, "National Gazette," Philadelphia, June 14, 1820. "Woodstock Letters," xv., p. 58. ^ Father Enoch Fenwick, in his notes on Goshenhopen, says it was 55 by 32. GOSHENHOPEN. 447 had increased so that the original chapel is said to have been enlarged or rebuilt m 1757.' Moreover as ground was re- quired for a cemetery, and also to make provision in time for the erection of a second church, a lot extending from Fourth to Fifth Street, sixty-three feet in front, and three hundred and ninety-six feet deep, was conveyed May 10, OHXTRCH OF THE MOST BLESSED SACRAMENT, GOSHENHOPEN, NOW BALLY, PA., BEING IN PART ST. PAUL'S CHURCH, ERECTED BY FATHER THEODORE SCHNEIDER, S.J. 1759, to two Eoman Catholics, James Reynolds and Bryan O^Hara, evidently in trust for the desired object. It was re- conveyed the next year to Daniel Swan and others, and a declaration of trust was made by the direction and appoint- 1 This seems very doubtful. The enlargement more probably preced- ed Kalm's visit. 448 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. nient of the members or congregation professing the Roman Catholic reKgion, and belonging to the Roman Catholic chapel on the south side of Walnut Street, in the city of Philadelphia, designated as St. Joseph's. The purchase money, £328. 16. 6, was contributed by Rev. Robert Harding and eighty-one other subscribers ; and the ground was stated to be for the benefit of the chapel, especial reference being made to its use as a burial place, as by law Catholics could hold land for that object. A second subscription was begun in 1762, and was so successful that in the following year the erection of a church was begun on this property, the future St. Mary's.* Father Ferdinand Farmer after six years' service at Lan- caster and its dependent missions, doing his part in complet- ing the church in that town, was transferred to Philadelphia. The first entry in his register there is on the ITth of Septem- ber, 1758, and he seems to have entered at once on part of the labors previously borne by Father Schneider, as the next year we find him at Concord, and at Geiger's in Salem County, New Jersey. His labors at Philadelphia as assistant to Father Harding were eWdently onerous, but down to the close of the period we are considering, his visits to Geiger's and the Glass House in Salem County were constant.^ Small as this scattered body was, the militia act of 1757 required that in enrolling the people, their religion should be ' So stated in "A Letter to the Roman Catholics of Philadelphia,'' Philadelphia, 1832, pp. 24-6, a Hoganite pamphlet aiming to show that the Society of Jesus had not contributed largely to the erection of St. Mary's. ^ Father Farmer's Register. He visited Geiger's June 27, Aug. 22, Oct. 3, 1759 ; Jan. 1-2, Mar. 12, June 11, Oct. 1, 1760 ; Mar. 11 ; Gei- ger's and Glass House, May 14 ; Geiger's, June 17, Aug. 12, Oct. 14, 1761 ; June 24, New Jersey, Aug. 24, Geiger's Nov. 23, 1762. His other visits were to Concord and Chester Co. CATHOLIC POPULATION. 449 taken down to ascertain the Papists, who were to be excluded from the mihtia ; by a special clause every Catholic was re- quired within a month to surrender all arms, accoutrements, gunpowder, or anmiunition, under the penalty of three months' imprisonment ; and every Cathohc who would have been liable to military duty was compelled to pay a militia tax of twenty shilHngs — a heavy amount for the times — to the captain of the company in which, no matter how willing, he was not allowed to serve.' About this same time Father George Hunter, the Supe- rior of the Maryland mission, estimated the total adult Cath- olic population of Maryland and Pennsylvania at 10,000. ""We count about 10,000 adult customers sive comm'% & near as many under age or non comm" . Each master of a residence keeps about 2 Sundays in y* month a home, y" rest abroad at y^ distance of more or fewer miles, as far some- times as 20 or 30 & y* otlier Gentlemen all abroad every such day." ' " Pennsilvany has about 3,000 adult customers sive comm" neai* as many under age or no" comm" . The extent of their excursions is about 130 miles long by 35 broad." " Our journeys are very long, our rides constant and ex- tensive. We have many to attend and few to attend 'em. I often ride about 300 miles a week, and ne'er a week but I ride 150 or 200, and in our way of living we ride almost as much by night as by day in all weathers, in heats, colds, rain, frost, and snow," Avrites Father Joseph Mosley from Kew- town, September 1, 1759. " I find here business enough upon my hands in my way of trade," wrote this same Jesuit priest from N^ewtown, ' Westcott, "History of Philadelphia," ch. 193. * F. George Huuter, " Report," July 23, 1765. " Customers " meant communicants. 29 460 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. September 8, 1758. "I've care of above fifteen hundred souls." .... "I am daily on horseback, visiting y" sick, comforting the infirm, strengthening y^ pusillanimous, etc." This same Father attending Sakia and J^ewport in 1Y63, re- ported 873 Easter communions. The mission-stations from which the priests attended the faithful in their districts were, the Assumption at St. Inigoes, where one missionary resided ; St. Xavier's at ]^ewtown, three missionaries ; St. Ignatius at Port Tobacco, three; St. Francis Borgia at Whitemarsh, two ; St. Joseph's at Deer Creek, one; St. Stanislaus at Fredericktown, one; St. Mary's at Queenstown, or Tuckaho, one ; St. Xavier's at Bohemia, one ; St. Joseph's, Philadelphia, two ; St. Paul at Cushenho- pen, one ; St. John Nepomucene at Lancaster, one ; St. Francis Regis at Conewago, one. Of most of these missions we have spoken at some length. The mission of St. Francis Borgia at Whitemarsh is said to have been founded, but was probably revived, in 1760. Whitemarsh mission was fourteen miles from Annapolis, on the top of a hill about one hundred feet high, nearly half a mile from the Patuxent River, a cultivated field extending from the foot of the hill to the stream which was crossed by " The Priest's Bridge." The circular plateau on top of the hill was nearly five hundred feet in diameter and well shaded. Here rose the mission of Saint Francis Borgia, with extensive plantations in the plain below. In 1751 five or six Catholic families in Dover, Delaware, were attended once a month by a Maryland priest.' Soon after 1750 Charles Carroll, Esq., purchased 12,000 acres watered by the Potomac and Monocacy, and let it out in small farms. Many of those who became tenants came ' Perry, "Historical Collections," v. (Delaware), p. 97. A CHURCH AT FREDERICK. 451 from St. Mary's, Charles, and Prince George Counties, as tlie names of Darnall, Boone, Abell, Payne, Brooks, Jameson, and Jarboe, show. These Cathohcs were at first attended from St. Thomas' Manor, near Port Tobacco, but in 1763 Father John Wilhams, a native of Flintshire, in Wales, purchased a lot and in the following year erected a house, still standing, and forming part of the novitiate. This was the mission of St. Stanislaus. " It was a two-story building ; it included on the first floor three rooms and a passage, thus giving a front of about fifty feet." "The second floor was used as a chapel." This small chapel was for nearly forty years the only place of worship for Catholics in Frederick County.* The Jesuit estates not only supported the missionaries, and paid all the expense of maintaining divine worship in the chapels at their residence and the stations, but also ena- bled them to send over to England £200 to repay previous advances, and the j)assage of Fathers coming to or returning from Maryland.* The project of seizing the property held by the mission- aries which was constantly urged at this time, aimed there- fore at suppressing at a single blow all Catholic worship in Maryland, depriving the faithful of their principal chapels and the clergy of their only sure source of income. Some advised that this property when confiscated should be applied to found a college. Such was the condition of the Cathohcs in the colonies as the Seven Years' War drew to a close. The faithful op- pressed, ground down with taxes and disabilities, liable at ' St. John's Church and Residences, Frederick, Md. " Woodstock Letters," vol. v., pp. 29-36. The deed to Rev. George Hunter was not executed till Oct. 2, 1765. ' V. Rev. Henry Corbie, " Ordinations and Regulations for M — y — d." 452 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. any moment to have all their property wrested .from them, had lost all energy and hope. A writer of the time says : " The yearly repeated Bills of late for putting Penal Laws in execution, have already pro- duced this Effect in some measure, one Gentleman of an af- :fluent Fortune ha\'ing already sold part of his lands with intention to quit the country, and many others judging they shall be necessitated to follow his Example unless assured of enjoying their possessions in greater peace and quiet than for these eight years past." ' There is no trace of any mission work about this time in Yirginia and New Yorlv." The Catholics in Pennsylvania were comparatively free. They had churches openly at Philadelphia, Conewago, Lancaster, and Goshenhopen, and proposed to erect one in Easton. They were, however, com- paratively poor, few of their conmiunion being possessed of any large means, but they contributed money to erect and maintain churches and support the priests who attended them. New Jersey was a mission field without a church, and the perquisites of the priests who penetrated into it must have been scanty indeed. In Maryland the Catholic population was more rural, com- prising the owners of plantations with their slaves, and the ' " The Case of the Roman Catholics in Maryland, 1759." 2 Accounts of visits of priests to New York at this period, are, so far as I can discover, absolutely unfounded. The Virginia penal act of 1756 was very comprehensive. The usual oaths were to be rendered to all Papists ; no Catholic could have arms under penalty of three months' imprisonment, forfeiture of the arras, and a fine of three times their value. Any Protestant who did not report a Catholic neighbor for keep- ing arms was subject to the same penalties. A Catholic owning a horse worth more than £5 was liable to three months' imprisonment and a fine of three times the value of the horse. Henings' " Statutes at Large," vli., p. 37. The few Virginia Catholics of that day were, it is said, visited at times by the holy Father George Hunter. GENERAL CONDITION. 453 tradesfolk near them. The wealthy Mr. Carroll had a house in Annapolis with a private chapel, but in no town except Frederick was there even a priest's house for a congregation. Private chapels on plantations of Catholic proprietors or owned by the missionaries, were the stations attended from each central point. Beyond the few cases of private chapels, the Catholics did nothing to erect or maintain churches or support the clergy, and under the pressure of persecution were becoming inert, and losing the energy of faith that shows itseK in self-sacrifice. In both provinces the services of the Church were con- ducted apparently in the plainest manner, without pomp^ and in most cases without music. Sermons were read from manuscript in the English style. Cemeteries existed on the priests' farms, but many interments were made in private burial plots in the grounds of Catholics. A funeral sermon was generally delivered. It was not possible for all to hear mass every Sunday and holiday, and the list of holidays then far exceeded those now kept. It included the Circumcision, Epiphany, Purification, the Finding of the Holy Cross, the Assumption, Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, All Saints and Christmas, St. Mathias, St. Joseph, St. Philip and St. James, St. John the Baptist, St. Peter and St. Paul, St. James, St. Anne, St. Lawrence, St. Bartholomew, St. Matthew, St. Michael, St. Simon and St. Jude, St. Andrew, St. Thomas, St. Stephen, St. John the Evangelist, Holy Innocents, St. Sylvester, and St. George. The missionaries M'ere certainly zealous and devoted, and so far as we can glean, communions were frequent, many who had strayed away from their duties were reclaimed, conversions were constantly made ; but when the struggle of England and her colonies against France closed, the little band of missionaries in Maryland and Pennsylvania and their flocks, saw not a ray of cheering hope in the future. BOOK IV. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE SPANISH COLONIES. CHAPTER I. THE CHIJKCH IN FLORIDA, 1690-1Y63. Floeida, after a struggle for existence of a century and a quarter, was menaced with ruin. The English colony of Carolina was already an enemy at its very door ; the little settlement at St. Augustine was menaced by the sea, which threatened to wash away its fortifications, and by the Span- ish government, which seeing its slow progress, proposed to abandon it, and transfer the inhabitants to Pensacola, so as to prevent any encroachments by the French on the west.' In its parish church the Rev. Alonzo de Leturiondo, who liad been in temporary charge for some years, was made par- ish priest and proprietary rector in July, 1694, and he dis- charged the duties in person or by deputy till early in 1T07.* A famous native of Florida, baptized in all probability in the parish church of Saint Augustine, died in Mexico about 1695. This was the Jesuit Father Francis de Florencia, born in Florida in 1620, who took the habit of the Society of Je- sus at the age of twenty-three, and who, after being professor of philosophy and theology in the College of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and having rendered great services to the Bishops ' Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 299, 301. * " Noticias relativas ^ la Iglesia Parroquial de San Agustin." (454) CHURCH AT PENSACOLA. 455 whose confidence he enjoyed, was sent as procurator of the Mexican province to Madrid and then to Rome. He was subsequently appointed procurator at Seville of all the prov- inces of his order in the Indies, but finally returned to Mexi- co, where he died at the age of 75. He acquired a high reputation as an author, having pub- lished a Menology of the illustrious members of the Society in Xew Spain, a work on the Shrine of Our Lady de los Remedios, a still more important work on the Apparition and Shrine of Our Lady of Guadalupe, a History of the So- ciety of Jesus in New Spain, and other works.' In 1693 Don Andres de Pes proceeded to Pensacola in a frigate, accompanied by a famous priest, Don Carlos de Si- guenza y Gongora, professor of mathematics in the University of Mexico, The frigate and a smaller vessel entered the bay on the 8th of April, and the Spanish commander retaining its ancient title, given in honor of Our Lady, named the har- bor Santa Maria de Galve, after the chaplain had chanted a Te Deum before a statue of Our Lady. Father Siguenza made a careful survey of the bay, and a site having been de- termined upon for a settlement, he said the first mass on St. Mark's day, April 25th, and the Spaniards marched in pro- cession, chanting the Litany of Loretto, to the spot selected, where a cross was set up. This was the beginning of Pensa- cola, the second Spanish town in Florida. The settlement was actually made in 1696 by Don Andres de Arriola, who erected Fort San Carlos on the Barrancas of Santo Tome. Quarters for the men and a frame church were immediately erected.* At the instance of the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, Don ' " Diccionario Universal de Historia y Geografia." Mexico, 1853, vol. iii. 2 Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 308-311, 316. 456 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Diego Evelino de Compostela, a band of twenty Franciscan missionaries, under Father Felician Lopez, were sent over to found new Christian communities in tribes which professed a desire of embracing the Christian faith. Eight were sent to the new conversions of Mayaca, Tororo, Ailacapi, San An- tonio, and St. Joseph ; six were selected for the province of Carlos, a son of the Cacique having visited Saint Augustine to solicit missionaries for his people : the rest were sent to other parts. The Fathers entered on their work with zeal, and at first success seemed to encourage them, but in October, 1696, the heathen Indians of Tororo and the four other towns of that district rose against the Spaniards, killed one of the religious, with a soldier and five Indian converts, burned the churches and mission settlements, and retired to the woods. The sur- viving missionaries, left without shelter or a flock, returned to Saint Augustine. The field was not abandoned, however. Five religious, with an experienced Superior versed in the language, were sent to reclaim the Indians, and apparently succeeded.^ The conversion of the Carlos Indians was undertaken by* Father Felician Lopez himself. He sailed from Havana on the 11th of September, 1697, with five other religious and supplies of all kinds for the projected missions, and after touching at Key West, proceeded to the town of Cayucos. The old Cacique, who was very ill, earnestly solicited bap- tism, and after instruction the sacrament of regeneration was conferred upon him, as death seemed imminent. Meanwhile a house was erected for the residence and chapel of the Fran- ciscan Fathers. But no attention was paid to their instruc- ' Letter of F. Martin de Alcano, Provincial, and others to the king, July 18, 1697. Report, August 15, 1698. FLORIDA IN EARLY SPANISH DAYS FLORIDA MISSIONS, 457 tions ; a hut used for idolatrous ceremonies was thronged, and the Indians even called upon the missionaries to give food and clothing for their gods. When the Franciscans refused, and urged the Indians to abandon their idolatry, the young Cacique told them that his gods were offended at them, and required them to leave the country. The missionaries en- deavored to hold their ground, but they w^ere seized and robbed of their provisions^ vestments, and chapel service, and taken from Key to Key, till at last they were left naked at Matacumbe. There the vessel which had brought these en- voys of Christianity over, found them on a return voyage, and rescued them. Processions of the religious at night are said to have alarmed the Indians at first, and were then made a pretext for their expulsion. The missionaries who left Havana in September, 1697, reached that port again on the 21st of February.^ "We get some glimpses of the Church and her missions in Florida in 1699, from an unexpected source. The barken- tine " Reformation " was wrecked on the coast of Florida in September, 1696, and Jonathan Dickenson drew up a jour- nal of their adventures till they were rescued on the coast by a Spanish party, conveyed to Saint Augustine, and then sent northward along the coast, from one Indian mission to an- other. I^ear where they were wrecked a zealous Franciscan Father had converted a chief, but his tribe demanded that he should renounce it and put the Friars to death. On his refusal they ' A despondent letter of F. Felician from Florida, Sept. 21, 1697. Let- ters of F. Francis de Contreras, Oct. 16, 1697; Mar. 5, 1698. Report, August 15, 1698. "Extractos de Varias Relaciones." The companions of F. Felician were FF. Ferdinand Samos, Michael Carrillo, Francis of Jesus, and Francis of San Diego, lay brother. 458 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. killed him and one of the Franciscans, two others who were there escaping. The shipwrecked men received very kind treatment at Saint Augustine, and in September set out with an escort. At Santa Cruz mission, two or three leagues from Saint Augustine, they found a large chapel with three bells, and a Franciscan in charge. The Indians went as constantly to their devotions at all times and seasons as any of the Span- iards. The party were lodged in a large house, kept as a warehouse and general place of meeting. Sttn Juan, on an island thirteen leagues further, had its chapel and priests. St. Mary's was next reached, where they found a Franciscan with his church, and his school of Indian boys. Kear it was another mission, St. Philip's, which was soon reached, and so they made their way to St. Catharine's Island — " a place called St. Catalina, where hath been a great settlement of Indians, for the land hath been cleared for planting for some miles distant." It was in fact the old mission station where church and convent had been destroyed by the Carolina In- dians.' Yet Dickenson's narrative shows that these mission stations along the coast not only civilized the Indians and reformed their savage character, but were a life-saviug organ- ization on the coast where the shipwrecked found Christian welcome and aid ; yet the neighboring English colonies destroyed them. The Apalache Indians had been forced to come and labor on the fortifications and sea wall at Saint Augustine, and a letter signed by Patricio, chief of Ybitacucho, implores Don Juan de Ayala to represent their case to the king. But the fortifications saved Florida, for though the English from ' Dickenson, "God's Protecting Providence, Man's Surest Help and Defence," Philadelphia, 1699. It ran through many editions in England and America. FLORIDA MISSIONS DESTROYED. 459 Carolina in 1Y02 took and fired the city, the fort resisted their efforts.' The war of the Spanish succession gave South Carohna a pretext for hostility against its Catholic neighbor, Florida, and Governor Moore was eager for the plunder of a Spanish town, and for Indian converts to enslave. He instigated the Apalachicolas to invade the Apalache country, where, after professing friendship, they attacked Santa Fe, one of the chief towns of the province of Timuqua, on the 20th of May, 1702, just before dawn. The Apalachicolas burned the church, but the Indian Catholics succeeded in saving the vest- ments and pictures. A Spanish force pursuing the enemy was defeated and the commander slain. Governor Moore then induced his colony to fit out an expedition. A land force of militia and Indians under Colonel Daniel attacked St. Augustine in the rear by way of Pilatka, while Governor Moore operated against it with vessels. Daniel occupied the town, the inhabitants retiring to the fort. Governor Moore coming in his vessels by sea, spread devastation along the coast. The Christian Indians on the islands, from Saint Catharine's to Amelia, had in consequence of previous hos- tilities, withdrawn to St. Mark's Island, where they formed three towns. These were now committed to the flames with their churches and convents, three devoted Franciscan Fa- thers falKng as prisoners into the hands of the enemy, while the Indian converts fled from their savage foe to St. Augus- tine.* Moore having reached the Spanish city ^vith fourteen or fifteen vessels, and effected a junction with Colonel Daniel, endeavored on the 22d of October, 1702, to capture the fort. But the brave Governor, Joseph de Zuniga, who had 'Barcia, "Ensayo Cronologico," p. 320. 'Letter of Governor Zuniga, Sept. 30, 1702. 460 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. received a few soldiers to reinforce his little garrison, held out bravely, the fort resisting all the efforts of the English. Moore sent to the "West Indies for heavier artillery ; but be- fore it arrived Spanish ships appeared in the harbor with re- inforcements under Captain Stephen de Berroa. Moore raised the siege, which had lasted more than fifty days, and finding escape by sea impossible, set fire to his vessels and re- treated overland.' " Before withdrawing," says a modern writer, " he committed the barbarity of burning the town." The parish church, the church and convent of the Franciscan Fathers, and other shrines perished in the general conflagra- tion ; "^ but the plate to the value of a thousand dollars was carried off. A Protestant clergyman writing at the time records one act of vandalism which we cannot omit to state. " To show what friends some of them are to learning and books, when they were at Saint Augustine, they burned a library of books worth about £600, wherein were a collection of the Greek and Latin Fathers, and the Holy Bible itself did not escape, because it was in Latin. This outrage was done as soon as they arrived, by the order of Colonel Daniel." ' This was evidently the fine library in the Franciscan con- vent at Saint Augustine, and it is most creditable that a little place like the capital of Florida, then possessed a library of ecclesiastical works that could win for its extent and value such encomium from an enemy ; Father Martin de Aleano, guardian of the convent, proceeded to Spain to portray to the king the ruin of the ancient place.* ' Letter of Don Joseph de Zuniga, San Marcos, Jan. 6, 1703. 2 Fairbanks, "History of Florida," p. 174. ' Rev. Edward Marston to Rev. Dr. Bray, Charlestown, Feb. 2, 170f. " Documentarj'^ History P. E. Church, i., pp. 11, 12. * Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico,'' p. 324. Royal Decrees of April 31, 1714, and Nov. 7, 1720. APALACHE MISSIONS DESTROYED. 461 That the wanton destruction of a defenceless town was re- garded by the Spanish monarch as a mark of English pro- vincial hatred against the Church of God is evidenced by a public act. The antipathy to the true faith mth which unprincipled rulers in England had imbued the ignorant settlers of CaroHna prompted them to the work of devasta- tion. The Spanish monarch at once ordered the income of vacant bishoprics, the revenues that the episcopate of Spain would have enjoyed had every see been filled, to be applied to rebuild the church and convent, the hallowed shrine and the domestic hearth that Carolinian bigotry had laid in ashes. The greed of Governor Moore prompted another expedi- tion. If he could not take a Spanish fort he could carry off the Indian converts of Spanish priests to sell as slaves. He raised a force of English and Indians, and made a sudden inroad into the territory of the Apalaches. Lieutenant John Ruiz Mexia, who commanded the little Spanish garrison, pre- pared with the Apalaches to meet the enemy. Father John de Parga, the missionary at Patali, addressed the Indians, urging them to tight bravely, for,God's holy law, as no death could be more glorious than to perish for the faith and truth. "When he had given all absolution, Mexia advanced on the enemy with thirty Spanish soldiers and four hundred Apa- laches. They wished Father Parga to remain behind, but he would not desert his flock. Mexia twice repulsed the as- sailants near Ajn^ibale, January 25, 1704, but his ammunition failing, most of his force were killed or taken. He himself was wounded and taken with Father John de Parga and Fa- ther Angel Miranda. Many of the prisoners were at once tied to stakes, tortured and burned to death. Father Miranda appealed in vain to Governor Moore to prevent such horri- ble cruelties on prisoners before his very eyes ; but to no purpose. Father Parga was burned at the stake, beheaded. 462 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. and his leg backed off. Another religious, Marcos Delgado^ endeavoring to save Father Parga, was slain. A party of the enemy then approached Patali, and an apostate Indian called to Father Manuel de Mendoza, who opened a window in the palisade, but was at once shot through the head. The town was then fired. Consternation prevailed throughout the Apalache towns ; those which had not been taken, to escape the cruelties they saw perpetrated on their countrymen, submitted to the Eng- lish and their allies, and of the eleven to\vns, Ybitacucho alone escaped. Moore sent to Perez, who still held the block-house at San Luis,' offering to give up Mexia, Father Miranda, and four soldiers ; but as the Spanish officer could not furnish the ransom demanded, they were all burned at the stake. Several of the Indians while undergoing the tor- ture showed in prayer and exhortation the heroism of Chris- tian martyrs, especially Anthony Enixa, of the town of San Luis, and Amador Cuipa Feliciano, of the same town. Moore retired at last, carrying off nearly a thousand Apa- laches to sell as slaves, besides the numbers he had put to death in and after the l^attle near Ayubale. "When he had retired, Father John de Villalba went with others to the ruined towns. A scene of unparalleled horror met them on every side, bodies half burned hanging from the stakes or pierced by them, men and women scalped, mutila- ted, and burned. Father Parga's mangled body was found and carried to Ybitacucho ; that of Father Mendoza was found amid the ruins of Patali, half burned away, his beads and partly-melted crucifix sunk into the very flesh. Of Father Miranda and Marcos Delgado no trace seems to have been found.* ' Two miles west of the Tallahassee (Fairbanks). ''Letter of Governor Zuiiiga, March 30, 1704. " Extractos de una A VISITATION. 463 The martyrdom of Ayubale has no parallel in our annals except in the deaths of Fathers Brebeuf, Lalemant, Daniel, and Garnier, in the Huron country, which has been so often and so pathetically described ; but the butcheries perpetrated there were not enacted before the eyes and by the order of the Governor of a Christian colony. The mission of Ybitacucho was maintained for a while, but the Indians feeling that Spain could not protect them, fled westward, and sought refuge under the cannon of the new French fort at Mobile. The missions on the Atlantic coast, from St. John's to the Savannah, had been already broken up, the Apalache country was a desert, and others nearer to Saint Augustine had been already invaded.' In the Apalache country alone there had been thirteen considerable towns, each with a very good church and a con- vent for the missionary ; but all were now destroyed,* and it is asserted, and is probable, that the churches were plundered by the invaders of all their plate and vestments, of every- thing indeed that could tempt cupidity.' In January, 1704,^ Bishop Compostela sent the Licentiate Antonio Ponce de Leon to make a visitation of the afflicted Florida portion of his diocese, and the report of that dele- gate seems to have led to what had long been desired, the informacion fecha en San Augustin de la Florida en 9 dias de Junio del ano 1705, por orden de fr. Lucas Alvarez de Toledo," including testi- mony of several eye-witnesses. ' San Joseph de Ocuia, Pilitiriba, and San Francisco. " Don Juan de la Valle, 1729. ^Fairbanks, "History of Florida," says, that "the remains of these mission stations may be traced at several localities in Florida," and the outlines of the earthworks around them can be distinctly seen at Lake City and elsewhere. * Auto de 14 de Enero de 1704. 464 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. appointment of a bishop to reside in Florida. The first one selected for this position was Don Dionisio Rezino, a native of Havana, who was preeonized Bishop of Adramitum, and auxiliar to the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba. He was conse- crated at Merida in Yucatan, in 1709.' Bishop Eezino pro- ceeded at once to Florida, and conferred confirmation in the parish church at Saint Augustine, on the 26th of June, 1709, to a multitude of persons of every rank. On the 10th of the following month he made his formal visitation of that church, of which Rev. Peter Lawrence de Acevedo was the proprietary parish priest.^ Of the length of the Bishop's stay in Florida at this time documents have not yet been found to give any definite account. In 1720, Bishop Yaldez, of Santiago de Cuba, sent one of his priests, John Stephen Bomero y Montafiez, to make a visitation, which he did strictly, ISTov. 7, 1720, censuring somewhat severely the manner in which the Registers had been kept by the Proprietary parish priest, Acevedo. The chaplain of the fort had occasionally acted for the pastor, and now by the visitor's permission the Sacristan Mayor, Francisco Gabriel del Pueyo, who was also notary of the vis- itor, acted temporarily, and at a later period Rev. John de Pared es, and John Joseph Solana. The long pastorship of Rev. Mr. Acevedo ended August 13, 1735. The venerable shrine of ISTuestra Sefiora de la Leche erected in the Indian town at Nombre de Dios, where the first mass was celebrated on the 8th of September, 1565, was now to feel the results of the proximity of a nation of hostile faith. 1 D. Rosain, "Necropolis de la Habana," 1875, p. 133. Bp. Rezino died in Havana, Sept. 12, 1711, and was interred under the sanctuary of the Ck-arch of St. Catharine. ^ Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 363, places the visitation of Bishop Rezino in 1721, but the entry of visitation and confirmations in the Reg- ister of Saint Augustine show that it was in 1709. FRANCIS DE SAN BUENAVENTURA TEJADA, O.S.F. BISHOP OFTRICALI, YUCATAN, GUADALAJARA. NUESTRA SEXOBA DE LA LECHE. 465 Accordins to a statement of a modern historian, Colonel Palmer witli a party of Georgians made a raid into Florida, and approached St. Augustine. His men plundered the chapel, carrying off the church plate, votive offerings, and everything of value. One of the soldiers took the figm-e of the Infant Saviour from the arms of the statue of Our Lady, and carried it to Colonel Palmer, then at Fort Mosa, who re- buked his men for their sacrilegious act, telling them that they would in time atone it, but he took the figure and threw it from him on the ground. The next year as the city was again menaced, the Governor of Florida, to prevent Nombre de Dios from being again oc- cupied by the Georgians, commanded the town and chapel to be demolished on the 20th of March, 1728, and a new chapel was erected in a safer spot. The account proceeds to state that in 1735 Colonel Palmer was slain on the very spot where he threw the Holy Child.' In the war with Carolina the Christian Indians were nearly exterminated, only three hundred survivors gathered under tlie guns of the fort at Saint Augustine, remaining to repre- sent the once numerous happy towns of native converts. The missionaries turned then- attention to tribes which had hitherto shown little disposition for the faith.- In 1726 they had made such progress that there were three Yamassee mis- sions, two dedicated to St. Anthony, and one to St. Diego, each with a convent and church of palmetto ; three towns of ' This account is given by Williams, "Territory of Florida," New York, 1837, pp. 182-4, citing " Spanish Historians," but to whom he refers I do not know. He gives the date of the profanation of the shrine as 1725, but see Stevens' "History of Georgia," New York, 1847, pp. 145, 173, where it is given as 1727 ; the site of the first chapel, place of the first mass, and of the second chapel of Our Lady of the Milk are given on page 137 of this work. ' Letter of F. Anthony Florencia to the King, 1724. 30 466 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the Yguasa nation, Santa Catalina, Our Lady of Guadalupe^ and St. Joseph, chiefly of old converts, Guadalupe having a church of boards. Nombre de Dios, a Chiluca town of old Christians, had its church of stone ; Santa Fe, a Timuquan town ; San Luis, an Apalache town ; and San Antonio, a Casapulla town ; another San Antonio among the Costas, and a third in the Apalache country. Besides, there were a mission among the Macapiras, and one in the Praya nation, and San Juan mission in the province of Apalache, estab- lished for all who joined it from the Apalache nation, and the Yamassees. The church in Florida could still report more than a thousand Christians.' These Indians had no arms to defend themselves, and the heathen Indians all sided with the English. Each of six new towns had its missionary'. A complaint was made at this time that natives of Florida, who were ordained under the title of missions, went to other places to receive holy orders, and did not return to the penin- sula.'' St. Mark was fortified in March, lYlS, to protect the In- dian converts in that district, and steps taken to restore Pen- sacola, where church, houses, and fort were all insecure. The Confraternity of Our Lady of Soledad maintained the services of the church and funeral expenses.* Steps wefe taken to found a new Apalache mission of La Soledad, near St. Mark, and two Franciscan Fathers were placed in charge of it. On Santa Kosa Island a fortification was thrown up, and a chapel erected, which Father Manuel de Hoaliso attended. When in 1719 Pensacola was invested by the French under Bienville, and captured, Father Joseph ' Visita, Dec, 1726. 2 Letter, May 15, 1729, of Don Juan de la Balle. ' Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," pp. 336-7, 840. '/i<{ri-;iirK( /p.J///f/ffc/7^KV//m*w^J 468 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. TJsaclie, and Father Joseph del Castillo, of the order of St. Francis, the chaplains, were taken to Havana/ The Span- iards recovered the place soon after, only to lose it a second time, Sept. 18, 1719, when Pensacola was taken by the Count de Charapmeslin with a jjowerful squadron. Finding, how- ever, that he could not easily hold the place, he set fire to the fort and town, laying Pensacola completely in ashes, not even sparing the church, and carrying olf the sacred vest- ments and plate. When the site was restored to Spain, Pensacola was re- built in a new position near the western extremity of Santa Rosa Island. A sub- stantial fort with palisades stood near, and the church and government house were suitable buildings. A view of the city taken by Dom. Serres in 1743, shows that the second Pen- sacola church was a pecul- iarly shaped, octagon struc- ture.* Some years later the city was transferred to its present position, and Santa Rosa Island Was abandoned, no trace now remaining of the town or church. ' Barcia, " Ensayo Cronologico," p. 361 ; Morfl, " Memorias para la Historia de Texas," p. 84. -Barcia, "Ensayo Cronologico," p. 361 ; Roberts, "An Account of the first Discovery and Natural History of Florida," London, 1768, pp. 11, 91. ANCIENT Sn.TER CRTTCrFIX IN CHURCH AT PENSACOLA. BISHOP TEJADA. 469 Of the earlier cliurehes of Pensacola, dedicated it would seem to Saint Michael, a relic was preserved to our times. It was an elegant silver crucifix of ancient work, probably the gift of some benefactor of the Church in the last century. A most important event for Florida was the appointment as Bishop of Tricali, and auxiliar to the Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, of Father Francis of Saint Bonaventure Martinez de Texada Diez de Yelasco, a native of Seville, a member of the Recollect reform of the Franciscan order. He had been professor of philosophy and theology, and guardian of the convent at Seville. After his consecration he crossed over to Florida in 1T35, making a visitation of the whole prov- ince, as there are evidences of his having done in 1 742 and 1745. He resided for ten years at Saint Augustine, in a house occupjdng the site which the United States Govern- ment, in disregard of its being property of the Catholic Church, bestowed on the Protestant Episcopal body. On his arrival he found the population of Saint Augus- tine to be 1,509 souls, attended by the parish priest, Peter Lawrence de Acevedo, then more than eighty years of age — too old to ofiiciate ; the Sacristan Mayor, Francis Gabriel del Pueyo ; John Joseph Solana as assistant, and a chap- lain in the fort. Before the close of April, 1736, the Bishop had confirmed 630 Spaniards and 143 slaves and free negroes. From the time of the Carolinian invasion the Hermitage — the Shrine of La Soledad, which had too been used as an hos- pital — had served as a parish church. This seemed unbecom- ing to the good bishop, and knowing that the English colonists mocked at the Spaniards on account of the poverty to which Governor Moore had reduced them, he restored this chapel, strengthening the walls, and adding a stone sacristy so as to 470 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. serve more worthily till the real parish church was erected. He also obtained suitable vestments. The classical school Avhich he opened soon gave him young clerics whom he trained to assist in the sanctuary, and to whom he gave the habit.' The occupation of Georgia by Oglethorpe completed the ruin of the Indian missions, the natives abandoning their vil- lages from fear or interest. The bishop in his letters makes no allusion to the Indian missions of which the Governor, Manuel Joseph de Justiz, draws a deplorable picture. The scanty remnant of the once flourishing missions was in the hands of young, inexperi- enced, and indifferent religious, so that the Indians showed little piety or knowledge of their faith. The governor bears testimony to the zeal and exertions of Bishop Tejada, who had aroused piety among the Spanish settlers, having proces- sions of the Rosary on holidays, reviving the frequentation of the sacraments, and omitting no means to draw all to the fear of God. His school was the only one in Florida, all the rest having been closed since the English invasion,^ Although the king had appropriated forty thousand dol- lars to rebuild the parish church, there was nothing to show for it but four bare walls,' and though Bishop Tejada and others exerted themselves to have the church completed, it was never done, and remained in an unfinished condition till Florida passed out of the hands of the Catholic king. 1 Letters of Bishop Tejada to the king, April 29, Aug. 31, 1736. The salary of the parish priest was $389 ; the sacristan mayor, $300 ; the chaplain of the troops, who was vicar of the parish priest, $320 ; an or- ganist, $275. Letter of Gov. Monteano. The little chapel was about fifty feet by thirty -six. Most of the congregation remained in the street. •^Letter of Gov. Justiz, Nov. 14, 1737. 3 Letter of Gov. Monteano, Nov. 31, 1738. THE RIGHT OF SANCTUARY. 471 A question of the riglit of sanctuary occurred at Saint Augustine soon after the coming of the Bishop. Francis del Moral had been superseded as governor by Manuel Joseph de Justiz in 1T3T, yet he not only refused to recognize his successor, but even to aUow him to land. As not unfrequently happens, Moral contrived to form a party who regarded him as an injured man, the victim of a conspiracy, and he gath- ered his adherents in the fort. The temperate course of the new governor, however, caused the band of malcontents to decrease rapidly, and Moral finding himself deserted, fled to the convent of the Franciscan Fathers, where he claimed the right of sanctuary. Xot to violate the prerogatives of holy Motlier Church, Governor Justiz appealed to the Bishop to suspend the right of sanctuary so as to enable him to arrest the offender and send him to Spain for such trial as the king might appoint. Having obtained it he proceeded to the con- vent, when Moral surrendered himself a prisoner.* As we have seen, money had been sent from Spain to re- build the Franciscan convent; but official dishonesty pre- vailed, the money was misapplied. Indeed, up to this time nothing had been done except to run up a wretched chapel with four stone walls and a palmetto roof, while near by stood huts hke those of the Indians, to serve for a convent. The eight Indian towns near the city* were as badly off, each mis- sionary li^dng in a hut like his flock, with a chapel but little better. At St. Mark's on the Apalache River, there was a small garrison in charge of a Franciscan Father, who attended also '■Letter of Governor Justiz, Mar. 22, 1737. ^ Nombre de Dios at Macariz, 43 souls ; San Antonio de la Costa, 23 ; N'.S". de Guadalupe at Tolomato, 29 ; N'.S". de la Asuncion at Palicia, 48 ; N''.S*. de la Concepciou at Pocotalaca, 44; N\S'' del Eosario at la Punta, 51 ; Santo Domingo de Chiquito, 55 ; San Nicolas de CasapuUas, 71. Letter of Gov. Monteano, Mar. 3, 1738. 472 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. eight Indian families at Tamasle. The Fathers here had a well-built convent.' St. Joseph's, near Point Escondido, had also a handsome church. The province of the Franciscans, known as " Santa Elena de la Florida," was disturbed from about this time by na- tional rivalries, the religious born in Spain and those born in America forming two parties. The elections held at the chapters brought out these rivalries. That held in 1745 was declared by the higher authorities to be null, and a Provincial was named by the Commissary General of the Indies.' In 1743 the Jesuit Fathers, Joseph Mary Monaco and Joseph Xavier de Alana, sailed from Havana to attempt a mission in Southern Florida, and landed at the mouth of the Rio de Ratones, near Cape Florida, on the 13th of July. The Indians there, at the Keys and of Carlos, and Santa Lucia and Mayaca at the north were to be the field for their zeal. With the help of the sailors the mission priests reared a hut for a dwelling aud chapel, and began their ministry. A fish painted on a board was worshipped in a hut by these Indians, the chief medicine-man calling himself bishop. Sac- rifices of children on important occasions were common, and the Indians were cruel, lewd, and rapacious. They showed no inclination to listen to the missionaries, whom they toler- ated only from fear of the Governor of Havana. His favor they wished to conciliate in order to be able to sell fish at that port. Discouraging as the first attempts were, the Jesuit ' The statement that there was a Jesuit house here, made by Capt. Robinson (Roberts' "Florida," p. 97), is certainly wrong. But where sober historians can talk of an adventurer like Priber as being a Jesuit (Stevens' "Georgia"), we may expect any absurdity. There may have been at St. Mark's, the house of a secular parish priest. ^ Fogueras, " Satisfaccion que se da sobre el derecho fundado a la devolucion que declare de las elecciones del capitulo," etc. Mexico, 174"'' OGLETHORPE'S SIEGE. 473 missionaries persevered, and a community of Catholic Indians was formed there in time, and retained the faith till the period of the Seminole War, when thej were transported to Indian Territory, although these Spanish Indians had taken no part in the hostihties against the whites.^ Fugitive slaves from Georgia and Carolina reached Florida, and Bishop Tejada extended his care to them at Fort Mose, where they were placed, assigning a young ecclesiastic to in- struct and prepare them for baptism. In ITiO General Oglethorpe with 2,000 regulars, provin- cials, and Indians, and a fleet of five ships and two sloops, laid siege to Saint Augustine, but the stout Governor Mon- teano, who refused to surrender, held out bravely till pro- visions came to save the garrison and citizens from starvation, when the founder of Georgia raised the siege.* During these days of trial Bishop Tejada roused the zeal and piety of the people, and offered constant prayers for the deliverance of the city. "When the enemy retired, and the citizens could replace their j)rayers for Divine aid by a joyous " Te Deum," he wrote a Relation of the Siege which was printed at Seville. It opens with the words, " Ave Maria ! " ' After his visitation in 1745, Bishop Tejada, who had done so much for religion in Florida, was presented for the see of Yucatan, and departed from the scene of his first episcopal labors.* ' Letter of FF. Joseph Mary Monaco, S.J., etc., to Governor-Gen. of Cuba. '^ Stevens, " History of Georgia," New York, 1847, i., pp. 170-179. ' " Ave Maria ! Relacion que hace el Ilus. Senor D. Fray Francisco de San Buenaventura, Recollecto de la orden de N. P. S. Francisco, Obispo, etc." Seville, 1740. M. de Civezza, p. 534. *He took possession of the see of Yucatan, June 15, 1746, and made two visitations of the diocese, not omitting the smallest ranches. He erected a diocesan seminary, rebuilt several parish churches from his 474 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Saint Augustine was saved, but the country had been rav- aged on all sides ; the little Indian missions had been again and again decimated, till in 1753 there were only four, Tolo- mato, Pocatalapa, Palica, and La Punta, the whole contain- ing only 136 souls.' The parochial charge of the ancient church had devolved in February, 1743, on Rev. Francis Xavier Arturo, a parish priest who administered for eight years assisted by the Rev. John Joseph Solana, and the Deputy John C. Paredes, after whose services in December, 1752, Fathers belonging to the Franciscan mission, Uriza, Ortiz, and the Commissary Visitor Francis Rabelo and Father John Anthony Hernandez, alone ministered to the Catholic body till June, 1754, when Rev. Mr. Solana resumed his duties and discharged them with oc- casional aid for the next nine years. Reduced as Saint Augustine was, and almost stripped of the great circle of Indian missions, which had been the dia- dem of the Florida church, it had not been deprived of epis- own income ; adorned others. His charity extended to Spain, where he erected and endowed a refuge for female penitents. In 1752 he was translated to the see of Guadalajara, and on taking possession hung his jeweled cross on the statue of the Blessed Virgin, wearing a wooden one instead. There, as in Florida and Yucatan, he was diligent in visitations, zealous for the worship of God, building and adorning churches, and to facilitate pilgrimages to the Shrine of Our Lady of Tzapopan, erected three fine bridges on roads leading to it. He also spent large sums to enlarge and beautify the church. Always deeply pious, mortified, content with the poorest food and raiment, this most apostolic bishop died Dec. 20, 1760, after the second visitation of his diocese, from disease contracted in riding on horseback to all the missions of Texas, then em- braced in the diocese of Guadalajara. He is to this day regarded as one of the holiest men who have adorned the Mexican hierarchy. He began and closed his episcopal career in parts now in the United States. I owe the portrait here engraved to the extreme kindness of Father Macias, who had the photograph taken from the original painting still preserved. ' ' Con- cilios Provinciales de Mexico," II., pp. 348-9, 364. ' From Manuel de San Antonio, 1753. I BISHOP MORELL IN FLORIDA. 475 copal care and vigilance. As successor to the venerated Bishop Tejada of Tricali, came the Rt. Rev. Peter Ponce j Car- rasco, Bishop of Adramitum, and anxiliar of Cuba, who re- sided in the province from 1751 to 1755, and with his Secre- tary Justo Lorenzo Lopez Barroso began a formal visita- tion of that part of the diocese, June 8, 1754. But the grasp of Catholic Spain on her ancient province became daily more precarious, and seemed paralyzed when the city of Havana fell into the hands of England in 1762. That event led indirectly to an episcopal visitation of Florida, the last it was to enjoy for many years. When Havana was captured by the English, the Bt. Kev. Peter Augustine Morell de Santa Cruz, a learned and zealous prelate, occupied the see of Santiago de Cuba, and as he resided at the time in Havana, he fell into the hands of the enemy. The dignitary of the Catholic Church was treated with the usual insolence by the Earl of Albemarle, the British commander. When he declined to aid that nobleman in extorting forced levies from the clergy of his diocese, Bishop Morell was accused of conspiracy, and summoned to appear before the representa- tive of the British crown. Declining to acknowledge such arbitrary measures, he was seized by a file of soldiers, Nov. 4, 1762, and carried in his chair amid the tears of his flock to a man-of-war which sailed off with him as a prisoner to Charleston, South Carolina. He was thus the first Catholic bishop to enter the limits of the British colonies.' After being kept on the vessel in that port for two weeks. Bishop Morell was sent to Saint Augustine, which was ' The arrest of Bishop Morell was the subject of an oil painting in the Cathedral at Havana: he was represented as seated in his chair in his epis- copal robes and carried by four British soldiers. This painting with the portraits of the previous bishops of Santiago de Cuba was destroyed by order of Bishop Espada. The arrest is the subject of a very curious 476 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. still under the flag of Spain.' Feeling that this stay might be but a brief one, the zealous prelate made the term of his unexpected residence in Florida a season of revived devotion and discipline in that part of his diocese. He be- gan a formal visitation at Saint Augustine, January 30, 1763, recording his approval of the regularity of the parochial service and records. Between the 29th of December, 1762, and the 11th of April, of the following year, he conferred the sacrament of confirmation on 639 persons.^ In fact, his zeal and eloquence rendered his sojourn a mission for the faithful. In order to recover the city of Havana, Spain ceded Flor- ida to England, on the 10th of February, 1763. After a time the clergy in Cuba obtained a vessel which was sent to convey the Bishop back to his see.' poem by Don Diego de Campos, printed at the press of the Computo Eclesiastico, Havana, 8vo, 23 pp., with an illustration by Baez. This poem in the dialect of the Cuban peasantry has been reprinted in the " Parnaso Cubano," by the elegant scholar Don Antonio Lopez Prieto. I am indebted for a copy and information to Seiior Bachiller y Morales, and Senor Guiteras of Philadelphia. As an illustration of an event con- nected with the church in this country the poem is extremely curious. ' He arrived in Florida the 7th or 8th of December. ^ ' ' Noticias relativas a la Iglesia Parroquial de San Agustin de la Florida." 2 Rt. Rev. Peter Morell de Santa Cruz was born in 1694 in Santiago de los Caballeros, in the island of Santo Domingo, of which his ancestors were early colonists. He was ordained April 24, 1718, was Canon of the Cathedral of Santo Domingo, Dean of the Chapter of Santiago de Cuba, was nominated in 1745 to the See of Nicaragua, and became Bishop of Santiago de Cuba in 1753, receiving episcopal consecration, Sept. 8, 1755. He founded an hospital at Guanabacoa, and began a similar institution at Guines. He distributed $800 a month to the poor, and $60 every Saturday. For the negroes he showed great charity, taking measures to secure their religious instruction. He died at Havana, Dec. 30, 1768, his last hours being disturbed by a fearful hurricane in which he thought only of his poor. Rosain, " Necropolis de la Habana," Habana, 1875, pp. 153-7. ENGLISH IN FLORIDA. 477 At the time of the cession most of the Spanish inhabitants remained, but the arbitrary and rapacious conduct of the first Enghsh commander led to a general emigration. The un- finished walls of the parish church, the church at Tolemato, sole remnant of the Indian towns near the city, the Francis- can convent and the temporary parish chm'ch, both in a ruinous state, and a steeple of a church west of the town alone remained to betoken the long Catholic occupation. It was at this time probably that the ornamentation around the entrance to the chapel in the fort, as too Catholic to suit the temper of the new occupants, was defaced and mutilated ; reduced to the condition in which it has long been,' The accompanying plan of the city of St, Augustine in 1763, will enable the reader to see the position of the spots connected with the ecclesiastical history of that ancient place,* ' Romans, "Florida," p. 263. - Qui. ) The unfinished Parish Cliurch, 6 varas high, 35 x 40, to replace that destroyed by Gov. Moore. (G.) Temporary stone Parish Church fitted up and enlarged by Bishop Tejada ; 47 x 66 varas. (3.) Church of Tolemato, Indian town. (C.) Franciscan Convent and Chapel, wrested from the Catholic Church by the United States Government, and still re- tained. (H.) Hospital, 44x51 varas. (Q.) Gate leading to chapel of Nuestra Senora de la Leche. (I.) House of the Auxiliary Bishop, 35 x51 varas, wrested from the Catholic Church by the United States Govern- ment and given to the Episcopalians. House of the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament, 37 x 31 varas, third block from hospital on op- posite side of street. CHAPTEK n. THE CHURCH IN TEXAS, 1690-1763. Though the first religious ministrations in Texas, of which we have any definite historical information, were those of the French secular and regular priests, who accompanied the wild and unfortunate expedition of La Salle to conquer the Spanish mining country, the church which grew up in that province, and has left the names drawn from the calendar to town, and headland, and river, was connected with that of Mexico. The pioneer Spanish priest was the Franciscan Father Damian Mazanet, who accompanied the expedition of Alonso de Leon in 1689. So promising a field for the Gospel labor- ers opened there before this son of Saint Francis, that he bent all his energies to effect the establishment of permanent missions beyond the Rio Grande.' He depicted the success of missions among the Asinais in such sanguine colors, that he obtained the needed civil and ecclesiastical authority for his undertaking. The Apostolic College of Queretaro, founded by Father Anthony Linaz, had at this time formed a new corps of missionaries replete with energy, and inspired by all the fervor of the earliest period of the Franciscan order. It was from these exem- plary rehgious that the little body was selected to evangelize ' Arricivita, " Cronica Seraficay Apostolica del Colegio de Santa Cruz de Queretaro," p. 213. (479) 480 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the province of Texas. Father Damian Mazanet's auxilia- ries were Fathers Michael Fontcubierta, Francis Casauas of Jesus Mary, regarded in life and death as eminent in sanc- tity, Anthony Bordoy and Anthony Perera. The mission- aries left Monclova on the 27tli of March, 1690, and crossing the Rio Grande, proceeded to the country of the Asinais, which they reached about the middle of May. The friendly Indians received them with joy, and the mission of San Francisco de los Texas was established. A temporary chapel was reared on the S-ith, and the next day, the feast of Cor- pus Christi was celebrated with great solemnity. A site was selected for a church and convent, which were erected within a month. Father Damian then returned to Mexico, leaving Father Fontcubierta as Superior of the Texas mission. The docility of the Indians in receiving instruction in the truths of Christianity encouraged the missionaries so much, that Father Casanas founded a second station under the invoca- tion of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph, building his house and chapel with his own hands, and studying the language with such zeal that he was soon able to preach to his flock in their native tongue. Affliction soon came. Small-pox broke out and ravaged the villages. The sick became the especial care of the Franciscans, who were unremitting in their devotion to the afflicted, most of whom received baptism before death. Father Fontcubierta, the Superior, sparing himself in noth- ing, was stricken down by the disease, and expired in the arms of his weeping companions, February 5, 1691.' Meanwhile Domingo Teran de los Rios was appointed Governor of Coahuila and Texas, and as preparations were ' Life of Father Fontcubierta in Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," p. 258 ; Life of Father Casaiias, p. 278 ; Life of Father Perera, p. 309; Morfi, "Memorias para la Historia de la provincia de Texas," pp. 54-83. THE TEXAN MISSIONS. 481 made to found eight new missions, Father Mazanet set out with Father Hidalgo, two other Fathers from the college at Queretaro, two Observantine, and two Discalced Franciscans. These Fathers reached the mission of San Francisco on the 2d of August, and chanted a Te Deum in thanksgiving.' The next Superior, Father Francis Hidalgo, set to work to establish new missions, but Teran acted with little judgment. He took no proper steps to maintain communication with Spanish posts, so as to secure supplies for the missionaries. Worse still he left a party of dissolute ^ . „ „ „ ^„ _ „ ^ •^ "^ FAC-SIMILE OP THE SIGNATURE OF soldiers, who, instead of be- father francis hidalgo. ing a protection to the mis- sionaries, excited the Indians against them. Several of the Fathers retired, but the more zealous remained, and encour- aged by their success, deputed Father Casanas to proceed to Mexico, in order to obtain a regular establishment of the mission by royal order, which was in fact done, though too late, Dec. 30, 1692.' The second winter proved especially severe, and in the spring of 1693 the soldiers abandoned their posts. Father Francis Hidalgo and his associates had visited the Caddoda- chos and the Chomas, the tribe called Jumanas in New Mex- ico. But as winter approached, the Franciscans finding themselves isolated, exposed to attack from the French and their allies, and hearing no tidings of Father Casanas, re- ' Letter of Father Damian Mazanet, Mision de S. Fco. de los Tejas, Aug. 30, 1691 in " Documentos para la Historia Eclesiastica y Civil dela Provincia de Tejas," vol. I. " Parecer del P'^Comisario, F. Damian MaQa- net," ibid., p. 173 ; " Diario del Viaje," p. 177. * Altamiro, " Testimonio " in Yoakum, " History of Texas," i., p. 390. 31 482 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. solved to retire to the missions south of the Rio Grande till the authorities in church and state placed the Texas mission on a solid basis. To this the Indians made every opposition, asking whether they had not done all that the Fathers re- quired, and shown docility to their instructions. The Fran- ciscans consoled them by promises that they should not be forsaken, and burying the bells and heavier objects of their chapels and houses, the Fathers set out in October, 1693, for the nearest post or mission amid their own tears and those of their neophytes.' Father Hidalgo did not abandon the project of converting the Texas Indians. He drew up a statement of the import- ance of the work, and forwarded it to the King of Spain. War delayed a reply, but a royal decree, August 18, 1708, authorized him to proceed in its establishment." Meanwhile the Franciscans of the Apostolic College of Zacatecas were at work. They founded a mission of San Juan Bautista on c/4 M I y -^ J tsam. ^^® Sabiuas, and Jj 7l^^ {::i^ '/o^^'^'^'^ pushing on open- / ^ / .— ed a new mission Y. U yi'UCAJi «— ' gJJ Qjj ^Q flpgi; (Jay of January, 1700, on the banks of the FAC-StMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF FATHER -p. ^ •, , OLIVARES. ' which that on the Sabinas was transferred, retaining its name. The Franciscan Father who effected this was anxious to carry the mission ' Espinosa, "Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," pp. 255-59, 279, 309, 407; Arricivita, " Cronica Seraflca y Apostolica," pp. 214, 219. The Fathers who went to Texas in 1691 with Father Hidalgo were Nico- las Revo, Michael Estrelles, Peter Fortuni, Peter Garcia, Ildephonsus Monge, Joseph Saldana, Anthony Miranda, and John de Garayooechea. * Arricivita, p. 221. THE RIO GRANDE MISSIONS. 483 work still further, and leaving his two companions at San Juan Bautista, Father Anthony de San Buenaventura j Olivares, with Father Isidro Felis de Espinosa, crossed the Rio Grande, and with a small escort, advanced to the Rio Frio, where he found the Indians docile and ready to listen to instructions. He remained some time among them, teach- ing them the prayers which they recited with him. Re- turning to the Rio Grande he informed his associates of the favorable aspect of the country, and proceeded to Coahuila, where Philip Charles Galindo, Bishop of Guadalajara, was then on a visitation, to propose a mission beyond the Rio Grande. The Bishop extended the visitation of his diocese at this time to the mission of Dolores, where he held a meeting of the missionaries and civil officers. By general consent steps were taken to establish four missions on the Rio Grande. These were maintained till 1718, when the chief mission was transferred to the San Antonio.' The royal officers and soldiers, however, in the time of the former mission had not only under one pretext and another misappropriated the funds and stores intended for the work of Christianizing the Indians, but had continued to make so many claims against the Fathers, that the missionaries, who had suffered every privation, were reluctant to expose them- selves to a similar experience. For some years Father Hi- dalgo found his efforts to re-establish the mission fruitless. Still with Father Salazar in 1698 he was instrinnental in establishing churches for converting the Indians at La Punta and on the Sabinas, which bore the names of Dolores and San Juan Bautista. These missions, though south of the Rio Grande, were finally transferred to San Antonio, in Texas,' ' Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," i., pp. 416, 461-6. 2 Arricivita, pp. 215, 216. 484 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. In 1Y15 it was at last determined to revive the mission among the Texas or Asinais Indians. The Yenerable An- thony Margil had founded the ApostoUc College of Our Lady of Guadalupe atZacatecas, and that institution with the college at Queretaro undertook the spiritual conquest.' The missionaries from Our Lady of Guadalupe had as Superior the Venerable and holy Father Anthony Margil, " President of the Conversions of Zacatecas," while those FAC-SIMTLE OF THE SIGNATURE OP THE V. FATHER ANTHONY MARGrL. from the College of the Holy Cross were directed by Father Isidro Felis de Espinosa, his future biographer. The two bodies met at the Mission of San Juan Bautista which had been already transferred to the banks of the Rio Grande,' and after mass on the 25th of April all assembled to give the viaticum to the Venerable Anthony Margil, who lay at the point of death with fever. His fellow missiona- ries deeming it impossible for him to recover or take part in the new effort to win the Texas Indians to the faith, sorrow- fully bade him farewell and proceeded on their way. It was not till the 28th of June that they reached the Texas Indians, who chanted the calumet of welcome to them. The mission of San Francisco was restored, and a wooden church erected ' The latter institution sent five religious, Fathers Francis Hidalgo, Ga- briel de Vergara, Benedict Sanchez, Manuel Castellanos, Peter Perez de Mesquia ; the new college at Zacatecas, Fathers Mathias Sanz de San Antonio, Peter de Mendoza, and Augustine Patron. Morfi, "Memorias para la Historia de Texas," p. 101. 'Margil, "Informe," Presidio Real, Feb. 26, 1716. "Documentos para la Historia Eclesiastica y Civil," i., pp. 278, 333. THE ASINAIS. 485 with a thatched roof. Then Father Espinosa selected a site some twenty miles distant among the friendly Ainai, where he planted the mission cross of " La Purisima Concepeion." Each mission had its banner with its name emblazoned on it, and each had all requisites for divine service in the chapel. The next step was to erect a temporary structure for that purpose. The missionary and a single companion at once set to work to erect a temporary structure of puncheons, with a thatched roof for church and house. The rainy season compelled the Fathers ere long to select more suitable sites and put up more solid structures. The Asinais worshipped Caddi or Ayi, the great Captain, and had a kind of temple in which a sacred fire was kept. The medicine-men exercised great influence, and were soon arrayed against the missionaries, accusing them of killing children by baptism. The Franciscan Fathers, though aban- doned by most of the soldiers, sent especially to sucdor them in danger, and deprived of most of the provisions intended for their maintenance, began their labors zealously. They made lists of the inmates of every ranch and house, and gave instructions not only in the chapel, but at each dwelling. The women showed more docility than the men, who were more influenced by the chenesi or medicine-men. Disease was frequent, and after mass the missionary would ascertain the name of the sick in order to visit them. The first year the great chief of the Texas Indians fell sick, and listened to the instructions of Father Espinosa, from whom he finally solicited baptism. " I gave it," says the missionary, " in- creasing with my tears, the water in the vessel I used." The converted chief Francis survived several days, exhort- ing his kindred and tribe to listen to the missionaries. Fa- ther Yergara converted Sata Yaexa, a great medicine-man, the keeper of the sacred fire, who becoming a Christian I 486 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. made open acknowledgment of the impostures he had prac- tised. Here, as elsewhere, the dying infants constituted the greater part of those baptized, and then the mothers, won by the interest the missionaries showed in their little ones, hs- tened to the words of the Gospel.' Father Margil had been left by his dejected companions apparently in his agony on the banks of the Rio Grande, hut it was not in the designs of God that Texas was to be deprived of the labors, the example, and the merits of that illustrious and holy disciple of the seraphic Saint Francis of Assisium. The illustrious servant of God, the Venerable Father Anthony Margil of Jesus, is one of the most remarkable men in the history of the Church in America, whether we regard his personal sanctity, the gifts with which he was endowed, or the extent and importance of his labors for the salvation of souls. His life in all its details has been subjected to the rigid scrutiny and discussion of a process of canonization at Rome, so that no national or local exaggeration can be sus- pected. He was born at Valencia, August 18, 1655, of pious pa- rents, John Margil and Esperanza Ros, receiving in baptism the name Agapitus Louis Paulinus Anthony. His home was a school of virtue, where he learned piety, devotion, mortification, and a love for the poor. As a child he de- prived himself of food to give to the needy : his recreations evinced his piety. From the age of reason he placed him- self in the arms of his Crucified Lord, and shoAved such a comprehension of religious truths, that at the age of nine he was allowed to make his first communion. From that mo- ' Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolicay Seraphica," Mexico, 1746, pp. 410- 413, 440-2. VEN. ANTHONY MARGIL. 487 ment the Church became a home. He served all the masses he could, and the hours not spent in school or study, or in services required by his parents were passed before the altar. At the age of sixteen, with the approval of his parents, he sought admission into the strict Franciscan convent, known as the " Crown of Christ." As a novice he wished to do the humblest and most laborious duties in the house, was obe- dient, mortified, full of prayer, strict in fulfilling all points of the rule, but always cheerful and affable. When sent to Denia to study, he pursued the same course, giving his lei- sure to the service of others, his nights to prayer. Though he appeared to give to study only occasional moments, when he might be seen reading by the sanctuary lamp, he never showed any want of knowledge of the studies pursued in his class. While pursuing his theological course his life was the same, his gentle piety winning him the nickname of the " Xun " among his fellow-students. When the time for his ordination approached, he prepared for it with extreme rec- ollection and the deepest reverence. So high was the esti- mate of his learning, piety, and prudence, that at the next provincial chapter, the young priest was empowered to preach and hear confessions. On receiving his faculties he began his missionary career at Onda and Denia, where his eloquence in the pulpit, and liis wisdom in the confessional produced great fruit. When Father Anthony Linaz appealed for twenty-four Fathers for the American mission. Father Anthony Margil offered his services, and with the consent of his superiors, prepared to embark. His mother felt his going deeply, but he comforted her, promising to assist her at death. He joined Father Linaz in Cadiz, and after a long voyage, which he made a constant mission, he reached Yera Cruz, to find it a mass of smoking ruins, the city having been fired by 488 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. French pirates. He proceeded on foot, trusting to charity, and reached the Convent of the Holy Cross in Queretaro, in August, 1683. Though young he was at once associated with older and experienced Fathers in giving missions at Queretaro and Mexico, edifying all by his zeal and mortifi- cation. Having been selected to labor in Yucatan, he jour- neyed on foot to Vera Cruz, where he embarked, and reach- ing his destination, began with Father Melchior of Jesus, his mission life among the Indians, till the two apostles sank un- der their labors and mortifications near Chiapa, and received extreme unction. Recovering by what seemed a miracle, they traversed Central America, giving constant missions in what are now the Republics of that part of the Continent. He converted the Talamancas, Terrabas, and other tribes, and was preparing to confirm his labors by establishing solid missions, when he and his associate were summoned back to the college. The two Franciscans, full of obedience at once set out, resigning the Indian missions into the hands of the Bishop of Nicaragua. Their superior, learning the import- ant work on which they were engaged, revoked his order, and the Bishop of Nicaragua assigned to them the district of Vera Paz, where they labored among the Choles and Lacan- dones, though their lives were in constant danger. Such was the ability of Father Margil in acquiring languages, in comprehending the pagan ideas and refuting them, in giving solid instruction, and in guiding neophytes in the path of Christian life, that bishops placed bodies of mission- aries even of other orders under his direction, though the humble religious in vain endeavored to avoid such a position. He crowned his labors by establishing a Missionary College de Propaganda Fide in the city of Guatemala, of which he was elected Guardian. His labors and his knowledge seemed supernatural : in many cases he appeared to be laboring in / KM VEN. ANTHONY MARGIL OF JESUS, 0. 5. F, FOUNDER OF THE TEXAS MISSIONS. VEN. ANTHONY MARGIL. 489 two places at once, and the secret idolatries of tlie Indians which escaped the knowledge of others he exposed and suppressed. From Guatemala he was summoned to Zacatecas to organ- ize an Apostohc College in that city, and in this new field of labor he seemed again to multiply himself, directing the in- stitution under his care, preaching, giving missions, visiting and reclaiming neglected hamlets, as well as discharging many special duties assigned to him by the Commissary Gen- eral of the Indies, for with all his prodigious actidty in the ministry, Father Margil's accuracy in aU theological points was as great as though his days were spent in constant study. He next by order of the king established missions in Naya- rit, which had long defied all efforts to convert the tribe. Such had been the labors of this great man when he went A\nth his httle band of Fathers to found missions in Texas.' Though left in a d>nng state he recovered, and following the other missionaries, founded the mission of Our Lady of Guadalupe among the Nacogdoches, eight leagues from Con- cepciou, from which he wrote, July 20, 1716. Here a wretched hut was the convent of the four Zacatecas Fathers, but as happy as in a palace, they recited the ofiice in com- mon, had their hours of meditation, hours for the study of the Indian language, and time for cultivating the ground for their own support, and time for working on their church and convent."" ' Espinosa, "El Peregrine Septentrional Atlante," Mexico, 1737 ; Va- lencia, 1742; "Nuevas Empressas," Mexico, 1747; Villaplana, " Vida Portentosa del Americano Septentrional Apostol, El. V. P. F. Anto. Mar- gil," Madrid, 1775 ; Velasco, " TiernoRecuerdo," Mexico, 1726 ; Guerra, " Segunda Xube." Mexico, 1726; Aguado, "Voces que hicicron Eco," Mexico, 1726 ; Guzman, " Notizie della Vita del Ven. Servo di Dio Fr. Antonio Margil de Jesus," Rome, 1836 ; Arricivita, " Cronica Sera- tica y Apostolica," Mexico, 1792, ii., pp. 1-98. ^ Carta del Mui Rev. y Ven. Padre Antonio Margil, Mision de N. S. de Guadalupe de los Texas, " Documentos," i., p. 337. 490 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Soon after the mission of San Jose, seven leagues northeast of Concepcion, was founded among the Nassonis.' In January, 1717, the Venerable Father Anthony Margil^ suffering from cold and hardship, founded the Mission of JSTuestra Seiiora de los Dolores — Our Lady of Dolors — among the Ays Indians west of the Sabine ; but the floods of spring prevented his reaching the Yatasees, where he had projected another mission. In March, however, he reached the Adayes Indians on the Arroyo Honda, fifty leagues from Dolores. Here within the hmits of the present State of Louisiana, and near the sheet of water stiU called Spanish Lake, this vener- able servant of God founded the mission of San Miguel de Linares, stationing as missionary at that most advanced post of his Christian conquest Father Augustine Patron de Guz- man with a lay brother. Returning to Dolores he was deprived by death of the services of his humble com- panion, Brother Francis of San Diego. A mission among the Caddodachos was concerted by him and Father Fran- cis Hidalgo, but the guides on whom they depended failed them." Laboring among his Indians at Adayes, good Father Margil heard that the French at Natchitoches had never had a priest there. His charitable zeal impelled him to journey fifty miles on foot in order to say mass for the French, preach to them, and hear their confessions so as to enable them to receive holy communion. So fruitful were the labors of the Spanish priest at the neglected post, that the Yicar-General at Mobile wrote to thank him ' "Representacion," July 22, 1716, in Documentos, i., p. 278. '^ Representacion hecha por el muy Rev. Padre Antonio Margil, Dolores, Feb. 13, 1718. " Documentos," p. 360. Carta del Padre Hi- dalgo, lb., Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," p. 413. MISSIONS ON THE SAN ANTONIO. 491 warmly for his Christian charity to the French at Natchi- toches.' The missionaries endured great privations. As the corn crop in Texas had failed, they hved on herbs and nuts which they gathered, eked out by an occasional largess of a bit of meat from their Indians. Supplies had indeed been sent by the Yiceroy of Mexico, and the caravan set out accompanied by a new band of missionaries ; but when the slow moving expedition reached Trinity River in December, 1717, they found it so swollen that they were unable to cross it. The carriers of the supplies made a cache at Rio de las Cargas, and the missionaries before returning dispatched letters by Indian hunters to inform the Fathers among the Asinais of what had befallen them, with information as to the place of the cache. It was not, however, till the following July that tidings of the proximity of the needed provisions reached the famishing missionaries." Soon after the Yiceroy of New Spain ordered the forma- tion of two Spanish settlements in Texas. One of these was to be on the Rio San Antonio : but as usually happened, there were interminable delays. The missionaries at last took the initiative. Father Anthony de San Buenaventura y Olivares transferred his Xarame Indian Mission of San Francisco Solano from the banks of the Rio Grande to the San Antonio on the 1st of May, 1718, by order of the Marquis of Valero, then Yiceroy. He at once attracted the Payayas, who spoke the same language as the Xarames. Here this mis- sionary remained for a year laboring to gain the neighboring Indians, and preparing tlie foundation of the future town. Unfortunately, while one day crossing a rude bridge, his horse 'Arricivita, "Cronica Serafica y Apostolica," p. 98; La Harpe, p. 139. The Vicar-General must have been the Abbe de la Vente. 'Morfi, "Memorias," p. 108. 492 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. broke through and threw the missiouarj, causing a fracture of his leg. Father Peter Mufioz hearing of his mishap, has- tened from the Rio Grande to support his place and give him the necessary attention. When Father Olivares recovered he transferred his mission from its original site to one on the op- posite side of the river which it maintained for years.' The multiplicity of small tribes in Texas almost surpasses belief, and to this day ethnologists have made no attempt to classify them. At the San Antonio mission alone there were Indians of nearly thirty tribes. One of these tribes, the Hy- erbipiamos, was so numerous that the mission of San Fran- cisco Xavier was undertaken for them about 1720. Though no formal settlement was begun, Spaniards began to gather around the presidios. Nacogdoches, even at this early day began its existence. Father Margil had been elected Guardian of the College of Zacatecas in 1T16, but when he was notified of the appointment two years afterwards, he re- nounced the office,^ and spent four years in his Indian work. To this day the people of Nacogdoches of Spanish origin point to a spring of pure water which their ancestors named the " Fountain of Fatlier Margil," asserting that it was due to the prayers of that holy man in a season when all springs had failed.' ' Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," pp. 449-450, 466. The mission of San Francisco Sohiuo was founded in 1703 ; was transferred to San Ildephonso, tlien back to the Rio Grande at San Joseph, then to the San Antonio, taking that name, with the addition de Valero. The Register still preserved, begins Oct. 6, 1703, with a baptism by Father Estevez ; the first baptism at San Antonio being by Father Michael Nunez. On the 4th of Feb., 1720, there is a baptismal entry signed by the Ven. F. Anthony Margil. 'Arricivita, p. 99. ^ Letters of Bishop of San Antonio, formerly parish priest of Nacog- doches, and of the present rector. MISSION AT AD AYES BROKEN UP. 493 When a Governor was appointed for Texas, he did not ad- vance beyond San Antonio, so that the waj was not opened to the remote missions. The six Fathers seeing this, assembled and deputed Fathers Espinosa and Sanz to lay the whole matter before the Viceroy. They set out, but Espinosa meet- ing at San Antonio Don Martin de Alarcon on his way to Espiritu Santo Bay, let Father Sanz proceed, and returned to his mission with Alarcon ; but that officer's visit gave lit- tle relief to the missionaries. Then again in 1Y18 Father Mathias was sent to Mexico to urge the necessity of active steps by the government, as the Indians were constantly ob- taining arms from the French, who would soon be masters of the whole territory. Nothing was done, and war having been declared between France and Spain, the mission at Adayes was invaded by St. Denis from Natchitoches, who captured a soldier and a lay brother there, the Venerable Father Anthony Margil being absent at the time. The French officer plundered the mission, carrying off even the vestments and altar service. The lay brother managed to escape, and, reaching Father Margil, announced that the French intended to break up all the other missions. Father Margil accordingly with his re- ligious retired from the stations they conducted, carrying all they could and bur^nng what was too heavy to transport. The missionaries of the College of Queretaro, on learning from Father Margil the dangerous condition of the frontier, adopted the same course. A statement of their reasons for abandon- ing their stations was drawn up and transmitted to the Vice- roy. The Indians were very reluctant to allow the Franciscans to depart from the mission of San Francisco, and to meet their wishes Fathers Margil and Espinosa returned to the mission of the Conception, allowing the rest of the party to proceed. After a time they followed, and with Fathers Jo- 494 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. seph Rodriguez, Joseph Albadesa, and Joseph Pita took up their abode in temporary huts near San Antonio. It was not till March, 1721, that in consequence of further representations to the Court, the Marquis San Miguel de Adajo arrived to settle the country and restore the missions. Fathers Margil and Espinosa set out with him to renew their apostolic work. The mission of San Francisco was re-estab- lished on the 5th of August, with great solemnity, and Fa- ther Joseph Guerra was placed in charge. Three days after, that of La Purisima Conception was restored. The Yen. Father Margil proceeded in person to rebuild the church of Guadalupe which had been destroyed. He erected the new shrine of Our Lady in a beautiful plain surrounded by tree-clad mountains, near the point where the Baiiita flows into the Nana. Placing Father Joseph Rodri- guez here as missionary, and Father Benedict Sanchez at San Jose de los Nazonis, he went on the 19th to rebuild the mission of Nuestra Seiiora de los Dolores. As no vestige of the former structure remained, he erected a new chapel on an eminence by the bank of a stream, and after dedicating it confided the mission to Father Joseph Abadejo. On the 26th the expedition crossed the Sabine, and cut- ting their way with axes through the woods reached San Miguel de los Adayes. The Indians who had retired to a dense forest to escape the French and their Indian allies were recalled, and a fort or presidio was laid out. About a mile from it the mission of San Miguel de Cuellar was restored. The church in the fort at Adayes was dedicated to Our Lady del Pilar, the patroness of the expedition, on September 12th by the Rev. Dr. Joseph Cadallos, the cha}> lain, who offered the holy sacrifice, the Yen. Father Anthony Margil preaching. To enable the Indians to revive the mis- sion, they were supplied with provisions till they could gather DEATH OF FRIAR JOSEPH PITA. 495 in the next year's crop, and many cattle and sheep were left with them. This was not done at the other missions, and no effectual means were adopted to keep open communication between the old Spanish settlements and the missions, so as to ensure them supplies from time to time, or necessary aid in case of invasion. The missionaries, however, began their labors hopefully, many soon to sink under the hardships of their life, victims to the climate or to the savage Indians of the plains, espe- cially the Apaches, who made constant raids. Brother Joseph Pita thinking that the presence of troops in the country had made travel safe, in the ardor of his zeal overlooked the dan- ger, and undertook without an escort to reach the missions for which he had volunteered. At a place which has since borne the name of Carniceria, about sixty miles from San Xavier River, and on a site where a mission was subsequently erected, he fell into an ambuscade of Lipan Apaches. He might have escaped, but to deliver a soldier, he begged the Indians to turn on him, as they did, killing him and all his companions. He was the first Spanish religious who died by the hands of Indians in that province.' As the Indians of Texas lived in scattered ranches or ham- lets, often changing their place of abode, their agriculture, being without irrigation, was precarious. The great object of the missionaries was to form reductions where large bodies of Indians could be drawn together, and formed to persistent ' Morfi, " Memorias para la Historia de la provincia de Texas," iii., pp. 132-7. Espinosa, "Chronica Apostolica j Seraphlca," pp 414- 478. Among the earliest to die were Brother Dominic de Urioste, the lay brother Francis de San Diego, and in 1718, Fathers Peter de Men- doza, Manuel Castellanos, .John Suarez, Lorenzo Garcia Botello, Father Joseph Gonzales, of San Antonio, and Brother Louis de Montesdoca, who perished in a prairie fire. 496 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. agriculture and mechanical arts as well as be educated in Christian doctrine, morals, and life. This required a cer- tain degree of restraint, for which a military force was essen- tial in order to keep them on the reservation, a system now maintained by our government. The Spanish authorities in Mexico gave each mission a few soldiers, to protect the Fathers from sudden raids of hostile Indians, but would not establish the reduction or reservation system. To this the missionaries ascribed the comparatively slow progress of Christianity among the Indians. The mis- sionaries of the College of Holy Cross at Queretaro finding their efforts not only not sustained but actually hampered by the military authorities, at last asked that three missions which they had for fourteen years maintained among the Asinais or Texas Indians should be transferred to the neigh- borhood of the San Antonio River, where there were num- bers of unconverted Indians who could easily be reached, especially the Pacaos, Paalat, and Pitalaque. The Yiceroy, Marquis of Casa Fuerte, approved the plan, and sites of the three missions were selected by Father Gabriel de Yergara on the banks of the San Antonio.' When the College of Our Lady of Guadalupe at Queretaro removed its missions to the San Antonio, those which had been founded by the Yenerable Father Anthony Margil were maintained. These were the mission of Our Lady of Guadalupe near the present city of !N^acogdoches, the mis- sion among the Ays, not far from the present town of San Augustin, and the mission of San Miguel de los Adayes. ]N^ear this was the Spanish frontier presidio or military post, which the missionaries attended as chaplains,* as they did also Nacogdoches when it was made a parish. 1 Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," pp. 458-9. * Ibid., pp. 459-460. I NEW MISSIONS. 497 The venerable founder was not content with these mis- sions ; he selected Father Michael Kunez to found another in honor of St. Joseph, and that priest proceeding to the San Antonio selected a populous rancheria, and estab- lished the mission of San Jose with great care and judgment. He erected a church and house, and began to instruct the Indians, inducing them to dig acequias or trenches to irri- gate their fields. The site was subsequently transferred to the other side of the river, but the mission prospered so that it became the finest one belonging to the Zacatecas College. When the Marquis of Valero in 1722 established a post at Bahia del Espiritu Santo, on the site of La Salle's fort, this same missionary college, by direction of the Venerable Father Margil, who had become Prefect of the missions de Propa- ganda Fide, sent Father Augustine Patron to rear a chapel and convent there for the service of the Spaniards and In- dians. This mission of Guadalupe remained there till 1727, when it was transferred to the Rio Guadalupe,' but not be- fore two Fathers, Diego Zapata and Ignatius Bahena, had died in their apostolical labors victims to the malarious dis- trict. ' Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica y Seraphica," p. 467; Arricivita, " Cronica Serafica y Apostolica," ii., p. 102; Morfi, "Memorias." The Venerable Father Margil re-elected Guardian of the College of Guadalupe at Zacatecas completed his term, and then resumed his missions in the Spanish cities and towns of Mexico. There he continued till he was stricken down by illness. He was conveyed to Mexico, and reaching the great Convent, insisted on entering the church to adore our Lord in the Sacrament of his Love. Then he entered his cell, and making a general confession of his innocent life with great compunction, he re- ceived Holy Communion and Extreme Unction, and expired, August 6, 1726. The fame of his virtues and miracles led the City of Mexico to petition for his canonization. The cause was introduced, and in 1778 his remains were enshrined by the Archbishop of Mexico (Arricivita, ii., p. 157). His virtues were declared heroic by Pope Gregory XVL, in 1836 ; and on proof of two miracles he may be solemnly beatified. 32 498 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Baliia became second only to San Antonio in importance, having a secular parish priest ; Nacogdoches, though a parish, remaining under the care of the Franciscan Fathers.' While the Franciscans were endeavoring to convert the Indian tribes of Texas, thwarted too often by the Spanish ofiicials, who were a greater obstacle than the heathenism and inconstancy of the Indians or the raids of enemies like the Apaches, little was done to colonize the territory, important as it was to the Spanish frontier. On the 14th of February, 1Y29, tlie King of Spain ordered four hundred families to be transferred from the Canary Islands to San Antonio. Four- teen families arrived the next year, and the city of San Fer- nando was founded.'' Near it was the presidio or garrison of San Antonio, which in time gave its name to the city also. Its ecclesiastical records date almost to its origin, though un- fortunately some pages are lacking in the venerable parish register. A chapel was at once raised as a place of worship till a proper parish church could be built. The records of the church now date back to August 31, 1Y31, when Bach- FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OP REV. JOSEPH DE LA GARZA. elor Joseph de la Garza was parish priest, and by his leave Father Ignatius Augustine Cyprian baptized a child of Span- ish parentage. The next year the church itself must have been opened, for for the first time a baptism is recorded as performed within its walls on the 17th of July, 1732. ' Arispe, "Memoria," Cadiz, 1812, pp. 12-3. 2 Altamiro, "Parecer" in Yoakum, app. Morfi, "Memoria," p. 178. PARISH CHURCH OF SAX FERNANDO. 499 But the life of the city of San Fernando was feeble. The population fell away instead of gaining. There were twenty- two baptisms in 1733 ; fifteen the next year ; then twelve ; and for 1736 only eleven are recorded. Evidently some of the original settlers moved away, harassed, it is said, by the Apaches, and none came to replace them. The last entry of the first known parish priest of the first city of Texas is dated June 7, 1736 ; and then there is a gap of more than seven years. The few Spaniards who remained were proba- bly attended from the neighboring missions. The new town was strengthened in 1731 by the removal to its vicinity by order of the Viceroy of the Asinais mis- sions of San Francisco, Purisima Coneepcion, and San Jose, the last often called San Juan Capistrano. Yet so little care had been taken for the subsistence of the Indians that the missionaries maintained the transferred Indians only by pro- visions they solicited in Coahuila. The mission of San Antonio was founded on the San Pe- dro, but was subsequently transferred to the Alamo, and its. name has prevailed over that of the city subsequently founded. Under the violent and oppressive rule of Governor Fran- qui the missions suffered. Yet in 1734: the three missions on the Rio Grande and four on the San Antonio reported 2,170 baptisms. They took new life again about 1740, when many of the Tacanes were gained to the missions at San An- tonio." In 1744 another effort was made to revive the city of the holy king Saint Ferdinand. By this time fifty families of Islanders, as the emigrants from the Canaries were called, ' Espinosa, " Chronica Apostolica," p. 466. The king allowed the par- ish priest $400 a year ; the tithes were applied to the church. The mission of La Purisima Coneepcion was founded March 5, 1731. Father Vergara's first marriage entry is July 9, 1733. 500 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. and some Tlascalan Indians had arrived, and we find Bachelor John Francis de Espronzeda beginning the year as parish priest (cura vicario) and ecclesiastical judge of the city of San Fernando and the garrison of San Antonio. His baptisms in that year were twenty-two. On the 3d of December, 1746, Bachelor Francis Manuel Polanco makes an entry that he began on that day "to ad- minister the holy sacraments in this Royal Garrison," and with occasional aid from neighboring Franciscan friars, Bar- tholomew and Diego Martin Garcia, he continued till August 5, 1753, Then Rev. Ignatius Martinez seems to have come in as acting parish priest. On the 13th of November, 1754, Bachelor John Ignatius de Cardenas, Pinilla y Ramos, became parish priest " in com- mendam," and replaced for a time by the Licentiate Manuel de Caro y Seixas, continued till the visitation of Bishop Te- jada. An Edict of Rt. Rev. John Gomez de Parada, Bishop of Guadalajara, issued on the 24th of March, 1746, fixed the holidays of obligation as follows : All the Sundays of the year, Easter Sunday and Monday, Whitsunday, Ascension, Corpus Christi ; Circumcision, Epiphany, Purification, An- nunciation, Nativity of St. John the Baptist, St. Peter and St. Paul, St. James, Assumption, Nativity of the Blessed Virgin, All Saints, Conception, Christmas, and St. Stephen.' Meanwhile Father Maria Ano Francis de los Dolores had penetrated to a valley between the San Xavier and Animas, where he found a large town made up of Bidays and other tribes, to whom he announced the Gospel. They heard it willingly, and sent subsequently to San Antonio to solicit missionaries. The authorities spent a year in discussing the ' Register of the Church of St. Fernando, San Antonio. DEATH OF FATHER GANZABAL. 501 question of the new foundation ; but meanwhile Father Maria Ano began his labors. At last, on the 1st of February, 1747, the Viceroy Revillagigedo ordered the establishment of the missions of San Francisco Xavier de Orcasitas, Nuestra Senora de Candelaria, and San Ildefonso. Wlien the legal authorization came, the President of the Mission, Father Ben- edict Fernandez de Santa Ana, went up and founded the mission of San Ildefonso, and laid plans for that of Cande- laria, which was soon begun. These missions prospered for a PAC-8IMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OP FATHER GANZABAL. time and gave great hopes ; but the arbitrary and cruel con- duct of the officer stationed at the neighboring presidio or military post drove the Indians from the missions. That of San Ildefonso was completely deserted by the Cocos in 1749. Father Benedict Fernandez de Santa Ana followed the tribe and induced them to settle at Candelaria. Father Mariano Anda and Joseph Pinella continued their labors at San Xavier amid constant oppression, but they with Father Manuel Mariano were at last compelled to leave, Father Parrilla re- maining alone at that mission. In 1752 Father Joseph 502 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Francis Ganzabal, missionary of San Ildefonso, went on As- cension Day, May 11, to pass the festival with his fellow re- ligious at Candelaria. At nightfall three Fathers were in the little room at the mission and a Spaniard standing at the door, when some Cocos fired and killed the Spaniard, who fell at the feet of one of the Fathers. The missionary has- tened to aid him, but when Father Ganzaljal called out to learn who they were, he received an arrow through his heart. The third religious being unseen, escaped. From that time the missions in the valley of the San Xav- ier declined, the Indians scattered, and finally the government ordered the military post and the missions to be transferred to San Saba.' The Franciscans, besides gaining some of the coast Indians among whom the Rosario mission was established, had made strenuous efforts to gain Apaches. Among the earnest la- borers in this field was Father Cajetan Aponte y Lis.^ At last some prospect of the conversion of the tribe appeared. The Yiceroy agreed to maintain a mission at San Saba for three years. It was to be established by Father Alonso Gi- raldo de Terreros of the College of Queretaro with missiona- ries from that college and that of San Fernando of Mexico. In December, 1756, Father Terreros with Fathers Joseph Santiesteban and Michael Molina were joined by Fathers Joachim Baiios and Diego Ximenez from Queretaro and reached San Antonio. The mission of San Saba was founded in March, and on tlie 17th of April, 1757, that of San Luis de Amarillas was established ; but the Apaches would not settle at the mission, ^ Arricivita, " Cronica Seraflca," ii., p. 334 ; Morfi, " Memorias." ^Arricivita, "Cronica Serafica," p. 368; Morfi, "Memorias." Fa- ther Cajetan Aponte y Lis, a native of Pontevedra, came to America in 1730, was ten years in the Texan mission, and died May 25, 1791. DEATH OF FATHER TERREROS. 503 imd in July Father Terreros wrote very despondingly, Fa- ther Benedict Yarela, sent to the Apaches, having failed in liis mission, and subsequent negotiations proving ineffectual. The friendly intercourse with the Apaches seems to have aroused hostile feelings in the Texan tribes, who regarded them as their natural enemies. Father Silva was killed near the Rio Grande by a party of Indians who were recognized as belonging to tribes under the care of missionaries.' On the 16th of March, 1758, Father Alonso Terreros had of- fered the holy sacrifice at daybreak, and Father Santiesteban had just put on his vestments, when their ears were saluted by the yells of a large Indian force, with occasional gunshots. FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF FATHER TERREROS. "When the Indians reached the mission many were recognized as Texas and Bidais. They professed friendship, and asked ' In 1759 there was received in Texas and promulgated through the parishes and missions the edict of Rt. Rev. Friar Francis De San Buena- ventura Martinez de Tejada Diez dc Velasco, Bishop of Guadalajara, the new Kingdom of Galicia, and Leon, the Provinces of Nayarit, Cali- fornia, Coahuila, and Texas, making a holiday of obligation of De- cember 12th, the feast of Our Lady of Guadalupe. Pojjc Benedict XIV. at the petition of the Archbishop of Mexico and Bishop of Michoacan had made the Blessed Virgin under that title Patroness of all the prov- inces of Mexico. Register of Church of San Fernando, San Antonio, Dec. 12, 1759. 504 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. a letter to the commandant of the garrison a few miles off. This Father Terreros gave, but they insisted on his accom- panying them. He mounted a horse, but had ridden only a few feet from the gate when he was shot, and with a groan fell dead from his horse. Then the Indians made a general attack, killing the soldiers stationed at the mission. The other Fathers at once sought refuge. Father Santiesteban fled to the store-room, but that was the first place the assail- ants visited. He perished, undoubtedly, under the blows of their weapons, as they carried off his habit, and his dying cries were heard. Father Michael Mohna with the mission attendants took refuge in the room which Father Terreros had occupied, and here the Spaniards held out, escaping with their lives, although Father Molina and some others were se- verely wounded. At night with the room on fire they escaped through the blazing church, and each for himself made their way to the presidio.^ This was a great blow to the projected Apache mission, but it did not defeat it. The Commissary-General, lest the Indians at San Saba should disperse, sent Father Francis Aparicio and Father Peter Parras, with Fathers Juniper Ser- ra and Francis Palou to continue the work. But as the tribe objected to San Saba, a new site was selected in the valley of San Jose, and there on the 9tli of January, 1Y61, Father Jo- achim Baiios and Diego Ximenes founded the mission of San Lorenzo, and soon after that of Candelaria ; but they were planned and arranged by the civil authorities with little regard to the views or system of the missionaries. The mis- 'Arricivita, " Cronica Serafica," ii., pp. 375-8 ; Morfi, " Memorias. " Father Morfi says that F. Santiesteban's headless body was found by F. Molina in the church, and that the bodies of the two missionaries were interred together in the cemetery. Father Arricivita writing a few years later says the body of Santiesteban was never found, so that some thought he was carried off alive. VISITATION BY BISHOP TEJADA. 505 sions were maintained, however, for eight years till the in- vasion of the Comanches broke them up.' In these Texan missions the Franciscans and the Spanish authorities had always entertained different views. The Franciscans wished the Indians placed on reservations, and kept by military force from wandering off. The officials wished the missionaries to instruct the Indians when and where they could. The latter plan kept the missionaries completely in the hands of the officials for their maintenance and the supplies needed by the mission, and from official corruption missionaries often suffered greatly. All these missions enjoyed in 1759 the presence of a Bishop, the Kt. Kev. Francis de San Buenaventura Tejada ^^^Jo^ ^>^e>^^^^'^<^-^^'^ryKy^^ FAC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OF BISHOP TEJADA. of Guadalajara in his visitation of his diocese, having trav- ersed the whole of Texas. The report of his official examin- ation would give a most authentic picture of the state of religion at that time, but unfortunately it is not accessible. On the 19th of November, 1759, Bishop Francis de San Buenaventura Tejada tnade his visitation of the Church of San Fernando in the city now known as San Antonio. He was ' " Informe of F. Ximenez," x\rricivita, p. 386. " Relacion que hizo el R. P. Predicador Fr. Manuel Molina sobre las muertes de los PP. Fray Alonso Giraldo de Terreros y Fr. Jose de Santiesteban en San Saba. Mexico, Abril de 1758." 506 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. duly received according to the prescribed forms by the parish priest, Bachelor Cardenas, All was done in due form. His secretary, Dr. Mathias Joseph de Arteaga, while he sat in the sanctuary, read the edict for the general visitation of the diocese, and against public sins. Then the good bishop, in a sermon explained the object of the visitation, and the nature and graces of the sacrament of confirmation, and the neces- sity of proper preparation for it. The visitation of the church showed a condition of great neglect. There was no tabernacle for the preservation of the Blessed Sacrament ; the baptistery lacked door and window, as well a proper vessel for pouring the holy water, and he ordered one to be obtained of silver ; it also lacked an ambry with lock and key for the holy oils. He directed also that a painting of Saint John Baptizing our Lord in the Jordan to be placed there. Then the Bishop in a black cope made a commemoration of the faithful departed. The church had but one altar, with a picture of Saint Ferdinand, but no other adornment. The sacristy showed a lack of vestments, of proper church plate, procession cross, candlesticks, missal, censer and boat, in fact of every- thing. There was not even a ritual or a repository for Holy Thursday. This destitution in a church vsdth five hundred and eighty- two parishioners pained the good Bishop deeply. The faculties of the incumbent were regular, but the Bishop continued them merely till the next conference of the clergy, when he was to appear personally, evidently regarding him as one ignorant or careless of his duties. The Rev. Mr. Car- denas thereupon resigned the parish, and the Bishop ap- pointed Bachelor Casimir Lopez de Lara, who produced liis faculties, including power to preach in Spanish and Mexican. STATE OF THE CHURCH. 507 Don Toribio de Urrutia then solicited and obtained the privilege of erecting an altar of the Immaculate Conception in one of the transepts with the privilege of making it a bur- ial-place for his family on payment of four dollars at each in- terment, and making an offering of wax, bread, and wine on All Souls' Day. The Bishop also forbade the people of the city to receive the sacraments at the churches of the Indian missions, gave orders for the maintenance of a proper school and school- master, and of catechetical instructions to the young on Sun- days and holidays by the parish priest. Such was the visitation of a Catholic Bishop in Texas in 1759. He then examined the candidates for confirmation, and conferred that sacrament on 644, devoting the 19th of N^ovember and the ensuing days to the 25th to this duty. The long list of names preserved includes several Indians, some of them Apaches.* The Bishop made the visitation of the missions of San An- tonio de Yalero and La Purisima Concepcion on the 21st of November, and entered on the Register of each his approval of the management by the Franciscan Fathers in charge, Joseph Lopez and Francis Aparicio.' The Spanish population of Texas at this time consisted of about 3,000 souls, at San Antonio, the presidios and ranches. Besides the parish at San Antonio with its priest, there were secular priests also at Sacramento and IS^acogdoches, and gen- erally a chaplain for the troops. There was also a priest at ' " Auto General de Visita," signed by Bp. Tejada in the Register. On March 13, 1763, the Rev. Mr. Casimir Lopez de Lara transferred the Registers, etc., to Bach. Joseph Ildephonsus de la Pena. ^ The Indian missions were visited not only by the Bishop, but by Vis- itors of the Franciscan order. There were such in Texas in .Tune, 1745, June, 1756, April, 1759. Registers of the missions of San Antonio Va- lero and La Purisima Concepcion. 508 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Baliia. Adayes was a place of some importance with forty- houses, and a church attended by the Franciscan Father at- tached to the Indian mission. It was maintained as a frontier post and town, but dechned after Spain acquired Louisiana^ and was suppressed in 1772.^ In January, 1761, Fathers Diego Ximenez and Joachim Banos renewed the almost hopeless attempt to convert the Apaches. On the banks of the Rio San Jose they founded the mission of San Lorenzo, which they maintained for eight years, baptizing in danger of death eighty persons as the result of all their toil. It was found almost impossible to induce these Lipan Apaches to remain at the mission, and settle down to cultivate the soil or learn trades. The missionaries indeed gained their good-will, so that San Lo- renzo was regarded as their reserve by about three thousand, four hundred re- C^^r^t'epo pcrJviu2ni2--z-^^ "^'^^^^"g'^^*^^^%^* y'^^ * . 2^ S^Jo^ the mission with ^^'—'^ ^ - i>V-p some degree of FAC-siMiLE OP THE SIGNATURE OF FATHEK r)ermanence Bufc DIEGO XIMENEZ. from time to time they would insist on going to the bison plains, or forming war parties against the Comanches. In 1763 Father Diego Ximenez, President of the Texas missions, writing from San Lorenzo, reported that they were beginning to listen to the instructions, brought their children to be baptized, notified ' Morfi, "Memoria para la Historia de Texas" : Onys, "Memoria so- brelas Negociaciones," Mexico, 1826, p. 53. The presidio of Orquisaco' near Dolores was also suppressed. As some guide to the work of the Texas missions, the numbers of baptisms to 1761 are given. San An- tonio, 1,772; Purisima Concepcion, 792; San Jose, 1,054 ; San Juan Capi- strano, 847 ; San Francisco de la Espada, 815 ; Rosario, 200 ; Espiritu Santo, 623. FATHER GARCIA AND HIS WORK. 509 the missionary when any adults were sick, and on setting off to hunt, brought their wives and children to the mis- sionaries for protection.' AyH^^^^^^^ /""^ ^ Father Bar- <^T^Q i/ / V ^ tholomewGar- ^ ^^f/zo/^me /^^XCU cia and Joseph Guad alupe xraao ^ere fac-simile of the signatttre of father garcia. veteran mis- -sionaries in Texas about this time. The former published a manual to aid his fellow-missionaries of the college of Queretaro in administering the sacraments to the Indians on the San Antonio and Rio Grande. It gives some idea of the number of tribes which even then were attended by the missionaries.' The mission of San Jose was the centre of the Texas mis- sions and residence of the President or Superior, and in time a fine church was erected here, and nearly as elegant struc- tures at San Francisco de la Espada and La Purisima Con- cepcion. Soon after the year 1Y63 the college of Queretaro with- drew from Texas, leaving that field to the colleges of Zaca- tecas and Guadalajara.' ' Letter of F. Ximenez, San Lorenzo, January 24, 1763, in Arricivita, " Cronica Serafica y Apostolica," pp. 386-9 ; also 390-3. The mission and presidio were suppressed in 1767. - He names the Pajalates, Orejones, Pacaos, Pacoas, Telijayas, Alasa- pas, Pausanes, Pacuaches, Pampopas, Tacames, ChaA'opines, Venados, Pamaques, Pihuiques, Borrados, Sanipoas, and Manos de Perro. Gar- cia, "Manual para admiuistrar los Santos Sacramentos," etc., 1760. There is a copy in Harvard College. See Pilling, p. 281. 2 Arricivita, p. 437. CHAPTER III. THE CHURCH IN NEW MEXICO, 1G92-1763. FoK a period in the latter part of the seventeenth century all evidence of Catholicity had been swept from the soil of New Mexico, and the expeditions undertaken by Spain to recover that province, had been merely incursions. To such an extent, however, had the revolted tribes by civil war, and the hostility of the Apaches, been reduced in numbers and spirit that every one of the j)ueblo nations submitted at last without striking a blow to Yargas and a handful of Spaniards. Diego de Yargas Zapata Luxan Ponce de Leon was ap- pointed Governor of New Mexico in 1692, and prepared to take possession of the province. The whole force he had been able to gather amounted to iifty-f our Spaniards and one hundred friendly Indians. On the 16th of August the van left El Paso, and Yargas after awaiting in vain for a de- tachment of fifty men promised from Parral joined his van and entered New Mexico, his little force being attended as chaplains by Father Francis Corvera, President of the Mis- sion, Fathers Michael Muniz and Christopher Alphonsus Barroso. Establishing a camp for his supplies, at a ruined estate, where he left fourteen Spaniards and fifty Indians, he pushed on through an utterly deserted country by way of the ruined towns of Cochiti and Santo Domingo to Santa Fe. Camping at night by a ruined chapel, the little force the next morning (Sept. 13th) heard mass, and received abso- lution before moving upon the city. There the Tanos of (510) NEW MEXICO MISSIONS RESTORED. 511 Galisteo had planted a new town. Yargas cut off the water supply, and prepared to besiege Santa Fe. Troops of In- dians appeared on the hills to relieve the town, but Yargas drove these off, and before night the city sm-rendered. On the 14th, the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross, Yargas with Father Corvera and six soldiers entered. The Indians, who had been told that the mam object of the expe- dition was to restore them to the Cathohc faith, had already erected a large cross in the plaza. There Yargas announced that King Charles II. had sent him to pardon the New Mexico Indians for their apostasy, the sacrilegious murder of the missionaries, the profanation of the churches and sa- cred things, and the massacre of the Spaniards, if they would return to the bosom of holy Mother Church, which like a fond mother implored them to return, and then renew their allegiance to the Spanish crown. To this the Tanos agreed, the standard of Spain was flung to the breeze, amid the vivas of the assembly, and while all knelt around the cross Father Corvera intoned the Te Deum. The next day mass was solemnly offered in the plaza, the President of the mission made the Indians a touch- ing exhortation, and absolved them from their apostasy. Then the children bom during the revolt were brought to the missionaries and baptized, to the number of 969. Soon after this the detachment from Parral arrived, and Luis Tupatu, who upon the death of Pope and Catiti had been recognized as chief by one portion of the insurgents, came in and submitted. He was ready to aid in reducing to the Spanish authority the Pecos, Queres, Taos, and Jemes, who had refused to acknowledge him. Before setting out to the other towns Yargas forwarded to Mexico an account of his success. The tidings, utterly unexpected, filled that capital with the utmost joy. The Count of Galve, Yiceroy of New 512 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Spain, proceeded with all the high officials to the Cathedral to return thanks to God and to the Blessed Yirgin for this peaceful recovery of the province. Meanwhile Yargas with Fathers Corvera and Barroso ad- vanced to Pecos, where some reluctance was shown by that tribe, but they finally submitted. They were then absolved, and 248 children baptized. In the tribes which acknowl- edged Tupatu the reception of Vargas was more cordial. Near the Canada of Cochiti were the peo23le of San Marco, Cochiti, and San Felipe gathered in one town ; here 103 children were baptized ; the remnant of the people of the pueblos of Cia and Santa Ana also lived together in one town ; there and at Santo Domingo, the people after l>eing received again into the Church brought 123 children to be baptized. On a high mesa a band of Queres, Jemes, and Apaches at first defied the Spaniards, but they too finally pelded, were absolved, and brought to the sacred font IIY children. In this tour through the province, cora23leted by the close of October, Yargas without firing a shot had restored the Spanish authority and Christianity. Forty-three Spaniards, chiefly (;^omen and their children born in captivity, were res- cued, with some half-breeds. Early in November he reached Acoma, a town never friendly to the Spaniards. In spite of a defiant attitude, it soon yielded, when the Governor with two Friars and only fifteen men fearlessly clambered to the pueblo. The new Zuiii pueblo on the Galisteo cliff was next gained, the peo- ple absolved and 291 children christened as 87 had been at Acoma. At Zuni the first and only sign of respect for re- ligion was found. Here Yargas was taken to a room with a very dimimitive door. Within on a table two tallow can- dles were burning on a kind of altar covered with pieces of THE NEW MISSIONARIES. 518 vestments. Beneath them were two crucifixes, an oil paint- ing of the Crucifixion, and one of Saint John the Baptist, a monstrance with its luna, four silver chalices, and three patens, a missal and other books with two bells. Some of the Zunis who had clung to the faith amid the general apos- tasy had secured these hallowed objects, and kept them with all due honor in absohite secrecy, waiting till religion reas- serted her authority. With deep emotion the missionaries received these relics of their martyred brethren. Yargas then proceeded to the Moqui towns, which all submitted ex- cept Oraybi, a town he was induced not to visit on account of its pretended distance. The baptisms were 273. Before the close of December, Yargas re-entered El Paso, having restored the Spanish influence in the province, by a singular display of prudence, judgment, and courage.' With all this apparent success the Governor of New Mexico felt that the moral influence acquired would soon be lost unless the province was actually reoccupied. The Yice- roy professed great earnestness in the matter, but the year 1693 was rapidly passing, and no effectual steps were taken. Yargas then collected all the old inhabitants of I^ew Mexico, and other settlers whom he could influence, and set out from El Paso on the 13th of October, with seventy families, and many single persons, in all 800 souls. They were accom- panied by Father Salvador of San Antonio as Custos, who went to restore the missions with Fathers John de Zavaleta, Francis Casaiias de Jesus Maria, John de Alpuente, John Munoz de Castro, John Daza, Joseph Diez, Anthony Car- ' Letters of Vargas to the Viceroy, Oct. 16, 1692. Narrative of Ex- pedition, " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, "III., i., pp. 129-137 ; Siguenza y Gongora, " Mercuric Volante con las Noticias de la Kecu- peracion de las provincias del Nuevo Mexico," 1693-4. Letter of F. Sil- ^estre Velez de Escalante to F. Morfi, Santa Fe, Apl. 2, 1778. 33 514 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. bonel, Francis Corvera, Jerome Prieto, John Anthony del Corral, Anthony Yahomonde, Anthony de Obregon, Dom- inic of Jesus Mary, Bonaventure de Contreras, Joseph Nar- vaez Balverde, and Diego Zeinos. Escorted by soldiers from EI Paso and other posts, Vargas advanced to the vicinity of Socorro, where leaving his heavier baggage and slower-mov- ing settlers he pushed on. The Queres at San Felipe, Santa Ana, and Cia, renewed their submission to him, but other tribes at once began to plot against the Spaniards, though they professed submission and a desire for missionaries. On the 16th of December, Yargas entered Santa Fe, and bear- ing the banner which Oiiate bore when he made the lirst conquest, he followed the rehgious, who in procession moved to the cross chanting psalms. There the Te Deum and the Litany of Loreto were sung with the thrice repeated '^ Praised forever be the most Holy Sacrament of the Altar." Yargas then officially reinstated the Gustos in possession oi the mis- sions of l^ew Mexico. As the city and government buildings were still occupied by the Tanos, Yargas encamped on the side of Mount Te- zuque. He had been warned of a conspiracy of tribes to attack him on the way, or in Santa Fe. His movements hitherto had disconcerted their plans. Tlie parish church in Santa Fe had disappeared, tlie walls of that of San Miguel de los Tlascaltecas were still standing, and the church was capa- ble of restoration. After examining it with Anthony Bolsas, chief of the Tanos in Santa Fe, Yargas ordered the Indians to proceed to repair and restore it, to serve as the church for white and Indian till spring, promising that his people should join in the work. Bolsas evaded the order under the pretext that the snows were too heavy in the mountains to cut tim- bers for roofing the church, but he offered for use as a chapel one of the Indian estufas erected and used for their idola- DANGERS DISREGARDED. 515 trous rites. This the missionaries declined, believing, and not without some ground, that the Indians made the offer only in hope of secretly carrying on their heathen worship in the estufa while pretending to take part in the Catholic serxnce.' Several of the pueblos began to ask for resident mis- sionaries, and Yargas seeing that the towns readily fur- nished Indian corn for his use, was inclined to accede to their request, and Fathers were actually named for Santa Ye, Tezuque, Nambe, San Ildefonso, San Juan, San Lazaro, Picuries, Taos, Jemes, Cia, Pecos, and Cochiti. The mis- sionaries, however, who had all been mingling with the In- dians, and endeavoring to win their confidence, had learned that the object of the Indians was to get the missionaries into their power so as to massacre them when they rose on the Spaniards. Ye, governor of Pecos, whose timely warning had saved many in 1680, had now given them distinct infor- mation of the plot. Yargas had promised Bishop Montene- gro not to expose the lives of the missionaries rashly, and on the 18th of December, the Franciscan Fathers in a formal act laid the matter before him representing the danger of attempt- ing missions at once.* Yargas replied, accusing them of "feigned obedience and envy," and tauntingly offered to ' This secret idolatry, called by Spanish writers Nagualism, was con- ducted with the utmost cunning. The idols or fetishes of the medicine- men were concealed under the altars, in the altar-lamps, behind pictures and in ornamental work of the churches, and the Indians were really worshipping these, while apparently hearing mass. The adherents of the old idolatry formed a secret society, and some by great professions of piety managed to gain the confidence of missionaries, and so aid in main- taining the old heathen ideas. The Ven. Anthony Margil apparently by supernatural light often detected the presence of these idols, and un- masked the hypocrites. * Representation of the missionaries. 516 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. escort them in safety to the central mission stations assigned to each.* Meanwhile the Tanos showed no disposition to return to their old pueblo at Galisteo, and the settlers in the Spanish camp were suffering severely, many children dying. On the 28th the Tanos openly declared war, closed the gate of the town, defying the Spaniards from the walls, shouting out that the Devil was more powerful than God and Mary. " All our friends are coming, and we will kill all the Spaniards and not let one escape. The Fathers shall be our servants for a time. "We will make them carry wood, and bring it down from the mountain ; and when they have served us we will kill them all, as we did when we drove the Spaniards out before." Yargas saw that his confidence had been overweening and that prompt action was required. He prepared to storm the town. Father Zeinos said mass and exhorted the troops. Then bearing aloft the banner of Our Lady of Kefuge, and chanting the Praise of the Blessed Sacrament, the Spanish soldiers rushed to the assault. Under a shower of stones and arrows they carried a tower by scaling it, and set fire to the great door of tlie town. An entrance to some houses was gained, loopholes were made in the walls, and a fire kept up on the Indians. Auxiliaries of the besieged approaching the town were twice driven off. By this time the Tanos were completely hemmed in, so that at daybreak they gave up the struggle, and began to excuse their conduct ; but they had shown their hatred of religion when they demolished the cross and beat to a shapeless mass a statue of Our Lady. Var- gas felt at last that he must strike terror into the Indians or prepare for constant outbreaks. Bolsa and the men taken in ' " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 142-3. FATHER JOHN OF JESUS. 517 arms were condemned to be shot, and after Father Alpuente had prepared them for death, the sentence was executed. The rest of the Tanos were distributed as slaves among the settlers, each captive being allowed to select his own master. Regulations required that none should be sold or taken out of the city, or be ill-treated, and all were to be sent daily to the missionaries for instruction. Santa Fe was once more in full possession of the Spaniards, and then apparently the Church of San Miguel was restored, to be rebuilt in the last century and remain to our day. The severity of Vargas did not crush the spirit of insur- rection. The early part of 1694 was taken up in operations against the Indians, in which he was not always successful. But he was cheered by the intelligence that Father Francis Farfan was at El Paso with seventy-six famiHes of settlers. As he durst not detach any portion of his force, he was un- able to fiu-nish them an escort, but he sent them provisions and they reached Santa Fe in June. The military operations continued during the summer, but amid them he captured two Jemes, who were pardoned on their offer to show where Father John of Jesus was buried and the church plate hid- den. With the banner of Our Lady of Refuge, and his principal officers, Yargas proceeded to the spot to which, they guided him. Then, after chanting the Salva Regina, he ordered the ground to be opened. The bones of a person of small stature were found, an arrow fixed in the spine, the skull recognized by some present as resembling the mission- ary. Deeming them sufficiently identified, Fathers Alpu- ente, Obregou, and Carbonel collected the precious remains of their mortified and apostolical predecessor, and carried them reverently to Santa Fe, where they were placed in a box of cedar, covered with damask and fine linen, and on the 11th of August, after a solemn service in presence of all 518 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the people, they were deposited on the gospel side of the chapel which served temporarily as the parish church/ The Jemes at this time asked peace, and Yargas agreed on condition that they returned to their old pueblo, where they were to erect a chapel and house for the missionary as- signed to them, Father Francis Casaiias. That holy mission- ary, whom we have seen already laboring in the unfruitful soil of Texas, appealed to Yargas for the release of the Jemes held by him as prisoners, and these, after the tribe had shown its good-will by co-operation in the field, were re- leased by the Governor. Then the Tehuas and Tanos who had restored their old 3)ueblos, solicited missionaries. On the 5tli of October, 1694, Father John Munoz de Castro, the vice-custos, set out to in- stal the missionaries in their towns. Father Francis Cor- vera remained at San Ildefonso, from which he was to attend Jacona, Father Jerome Prieto in charge of Santa Clara, Fa- ther Anthony Obregon to reside in San Cristobal and take charge of San Lorenzo. No chapel or house had been as yet erected in any of the towns, and the missionaries took up their abode in hastily constructed huts. In each pueblo Yar- gas explained to the people the veneration and obedience due the missionaries, and urged the Indians to erect churches and houses for them at once. He undoubtedly believed the presence of the Franciscan Fathers the best means of making the submission of the Indians sincere and lasting. The mis- sionaries were less sanguine ; yet they remained cheerfully to exercise the ministry, though conscious that the Indians had not laid aside their hostile feelings, and regarded them with no friendly eye. Shortly after Father Diego Zeinos was installed in the ' " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 143-161. PROGRESS OF MISSIONS. 519 mission of Our Lady of Portiuncula at Pecos, where the peo- ple had already built him a house, and were roofing a tem- porary chapel. Father Anthony Carbonel was placed at San FeHpe and Father John Alpuente at Cia. The Queres of Santo Domingo submitted, and were absolved by their mis- sionary, Father Francis of Jesus, for whom they had pre- pared a convenient residence. Having thus restored the missionaries to the most import- ant points in the territory. Father Salvador proceeded to El Paso, where he resigned his office and was succeeded as cus- tos of the mission by Father Francis Yargas, who had arrived with four other priests. The work of re-establishing the missions went on, the Indians returning with apparent readi- ness to the old CathoKc practices. Fathers John Munoz de Castro and Anthony Moreno remained in Santa Fe ; Father Joseph Diaz, who had completely gained the good-will of the people of Tezuque by his devoted affection, remained with the Indians of that pueblo ; Father Joseph Garcia Marin be- gan his labors at Santa Clara ; Father Carbonel, at the voice of his superior, left San Felipe for Cochiti, where the Indians had reared a chapel and house, more fortunate than Father Michael Tirso, who found at Santo Domingo no chapel or house, and a miserable hut as his only refuge. In 1695 a new city styled Yilla Xueva de Santa Cruz was founded at La Canada with sixty families from Mexico, and Father Anthony Moreno became the first rector. During the same year Father Anthony Azevedo was stationed at I^ambe, and missionaries at last restored Catholic service at Picuries and Taos. All seemed so quiet that Spaniards scattered unsuspect- ingly through the country : but the missionaries being in the very heart of the pueblos, discerned and reported that a new revolt was brewing. Yargas charged them with pusil- 520 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. lanimity, and the Franciscans silently submitted. Yet in March, 1696, Father Vargas, the custos, represented to the Governor the evident danger of the missionaries, who were alone and unprotected, and who would certainly be the first victims, as the Governor could not in case of outbreak send a force to rescue them all. He asked a small body of soldiers at each mission, but the Governor professed his inability to send them. When further representations of danger were made to him, Yargas said that any missionary who felt he was in danger might come to Santa Fe, if he chose. A few did so, but as Yargas in writing to the Governor and Bishop accused them of cowardice, and said that their withdrawal and removal of vestments and church plate would excite sus- picion and cause the very danger they feared, the missionaries returned to their posts, offering their lives a sacrifice to God. The result was not long delayed. On the 4th of June^ 1696, the Picuries, Taos, Tehuas, Tanos, Queres, and Jemes rose in rebellion. Their first act was to profane the churches and sacred vessels and objects, their next to butcher the mis- sionaries. At San Cristobal the Tanos killed Father Joseph de Arbizu and Father Anthony Carbonel, missionaries of Taos. Father Francis Corvera and Father Anthony Moreno, missionaries at Nambe, were shut up in a cell in San Ilde- fonso by the Tehuas, who closed every window and openings then set fire to the convent and church, leaving the religious to die, suffocated by the lieat and smoke. The holy Father Casanas was lured out of Jemes, under the pretext that a dying man wished a priest to hear his confession. Then the war-chief of the pueblo and the interpreter killed him with their macanas or clubs, the holy missionary repeating the names of Jesus and Mary till he expired. Besides the missionaries, isolated Spaniards were every- where cut down. MISSIONARIES PUT TO DEATH. 521 Vargas at last saw that the conspiracy had long been formed, and embraced all but four or five pueblos. Once more he took the field, and a long war was maintained bj him and his successor Cubero. During this period all the peaceful efforts of the missionaries were paralyzed.' After the reduction of the revolted pueblos, the missions were restored, and for some years the Franciscans continued their labors undisturbed, the iucreasing number of Spanish settlers gi^TUg them an overpowering strength which held the Indians in check. In 1700 Father John de Garaicoechea won the Zunis, and induced them to leave the rocky fortress and return to their old pueblo in the fertile plain, and the same year Fa- ther Anthony Miranda, a religious of singular virtue and zeal, obtained similar success at Acoma, and established a chapel at Laguna, which he visited regularly. To protect these apostolic men the Governor sent a small detachment of soldiers, but as frequently happened these men were more a detriment than a benefit to the missions, creating ill-will and setting an example of \'ice. Father John in vain solic- ited their removal, but on Sunday, March 4, 1703, while he was chanting the versicle in praise of the Blessed Sacrament after mass, the Indians killed one Spaniard in the choir, and two more at the door of the church in Zuni. The interpre- ter and some others saved the missionary, and an Indian woman hurried him to her house, where she concealed him for three days in a chest. "When all had become quiet in the pueblo he reappeared, and was received vnth. joy by his flock, the great part of Avhich were ignorant of the plot which was the work of seven men. Governor Cubero sent troops to Zuni, who conveyed Father Garaicoechea most unwillingly ^ " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 161-177. 522 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. to Santa Fe, for he deemed bis presence more essential than ever at Zuni to maintain the faithful in their religion. He was not able to return till 1705, when he was well received, and resumed his missionary duties ; but Zufii was soon added to the already onerous duties of Father Miranda.' In 1706 tlie city of San Francisco de Alburquerque was founded, the name being subsequently changed to San Felipe. It began with thirty-five Spanish families, and steps were taken at the outset to meet their religious wants, a church being erected, which the king supplied with the requisite vestments, plate, and other articles required in the services of the altar. The temporary chapel erected by Governor Yargas on re- capturing Santa Fe, liad served as a parish church till this time, but was in a wretched condition, and far too small for the increasing number of the people and the garrison. The Marquis de la Penuela y Almirante, who was Governor of JN'ew Mexico in 1708, proposed to the Viceroy of I^ew Spain to erect a suitable parish church at his own expense, if he was permitted to employ the Indians of the neighboring towns. This was permitted, but the Yiceroy made it a con- dition that the workmen were to be paid, and that they should not be required to work on the church at the time their services were required to gather in their crops. The Marquis then began the new church. In 1709 the pueblo of Jemes was sacked by the ^N'avajos, who carried off all the vestments and church plate. The same year the energetic Gustos, Father John de la Pena, col- ' " Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 177-186, 190, 194. Letter of Father Garaicoechea, Zuni, March 7, 1703 ; of Father Miranda, Laguna, March 12, 1703. In 1707 Father Francis de Irazabal appears as missionary at Alona or Zuiii ; and in 1713 Father Carlos Del- gado, a young and zealous missionary, at Acoma and Laguna EPISCOPAL VISITATIONS. 523 lected the Tehuas, who were scattered in different pueblos, and even among the Apaches, and revived their old mission at Isleta, obtaining all needed vestments and plate for the chapel. He also made a careful visitation of all the missions, accompanied by a secular priest. He suppressed many abuses, superstitions, and heathen observances among the converted Indians, especially scalp-dances and the estufas.' The civil authorities took up the matter, and rigorous means were taken to suppress the estufas, which were origin- ally vapor baths, but became the secret scene of heathen rites, and plots against the Christian religion and the whites, fomented by the medicine-men. From time to time active governors aided by the missionaries would make the attempt to eradicate this secret idolatrv, but after a while vigilance would relax, and the old heathenism would revive. Xew Mexico upon its settlement was for a brief term in- cluded in the diocese of Guadalajara, but when the see of Durango, or Guadiana, was erected by Pope Paul Y., on the 11th of October. 1620, it was included in the limits of the new diocese. The Rt. Rev. Benedict Crespo took posses- sion of the see on the 22d of March, 1723. A bishop of energy and devotion to duty, he made three visitations of his extensive diocese during the eleven years that he filled the see, and during the second visitation he penetrated to New Mexico, and was the first bishop who had strength and courage to overcome all the difiiculties in his way. His presence encouraged the missionaries and strengthened the faith of all. His successor, Et. Rev. Martin de Ehzacochea, who be- came Bishop of Durango in 1Y36, followed the example of Bishop Crespo. He made a visitation of iN'ew Mexico, and ' "Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 192, 19&-7. 524 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. a record of his visit is graven on Inscription Rock near the Rio Zuni. " On the 28th day of September, 1Y3T, the most Illustrious Dr. Don Martin de Elizacochea, Bishop of Du- rango, arrived here, and the 29th he proceeded to Zufii." ' In 1T33 missions were begun among the Jicarilla Apaches near Taos, by the Father Gustos John Ortes de Yelasco, but the Governor broke them up, as the mission diminished the fur trade. In 1Y42 Father John Menchero attempted to re- store religion among the Moquis and N^avajos. The next year Fathers Delgado and Pino settled four hundred and forty-one souls from Moqui, in tlie mission of San Agus- tin de la Isleta, although the Governor refused to encourage the Franciscans. Attempts were also made to win the ^avajos." Then the notices of the state of religion in New Mexico became few and vague. In 1748 the churches are reported as in good condition, and comparing favorably with those of Europe. Missionaries officiated in suitable churches at Santa Cruz, Pecos, Galisteo, El Paso, San Lorenzo, Socorro, Zia, Can- deleras, Taos, Santa Ana, San Agustin de Isleta, Tezuque, IS^ambe, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, San Juan de los Cabal- leros, Picuries, Cochiti, Jemes, Laguna, Acoma, and Guada- lupe.' ' " Concilios Provinciales Primero y Segundo celebrados en la . . . ciudad de Mexico," Mexico, 1769, pp. 373^. Gams, "Series Episcopo- rum," p. 149. Rt. Rev. Peter Taraarou, Bishop of Durango, 1757-1768, who addressed to the king a full description of his diocese, and who died in Sinaloa, during a visitation, also apparently reached New Mexico, but the acts of these visitations are not in the archives of the Diocese, which were examined for me by the present Rt. Rev. Bishop ; and Bishop Tamaron's report, though recently seen, could not now be found for me in Spain. ^ Morfi, "Descripcion Geografica del Nuevo Mexico," 1782. 3 Villasenor, " Teatro Americano," pp. 411-432. NEW MEXICO TOWNS. 525 The Spanish settlements were Santa Fe, San Miguel del Bado, Alameda, Alburquerque, Tome, Belen, Sabinal, So- corro, Abiquiu, with several smaller places. Santa Fe had its secular parish priest, as El Paso also had ; all other churches whether of Spanish or Indians were attended by the Franciscan Fathers, numbering about twenty-two. ■.KKB-^^V^_j,_^. !.•,■? !<^!-,> "V ' ^^ ~7 ^ i ■■'-- ^- RECORD OF BISHOP ELIZACOCHEA's VTSFTATION ON INSCRIPTION ROCK. CHAPTEE ly. THE CHURCH IN ARIZONA, 1690-1Y63. The Franciscan missions in I^ew Mexico had never ex- tended successfully to tlie tribes beyond the limits of that province, although efforts were made at times from Texas and New Mexico to win the fierce Apaches. The Society of Je- sus, after relinquishing Florida, founded a province in Mexi- co which has a glorious history. At an early day the Church began to evangelize Sinaloa,' then pushed northward and es- tablished her great Sonora mission in 1590, winning many tribes to the Church. The remarkable missionary, Father Eusebius Francis Kiihn, called in Spanish Kino, was the apostle of Pimeria Alta, the Upper Puna country, embracing much of our present territory of Arizona. He was a native of Trent, and entered the Society of Jesus in Bavaria. After being Su- perior of the Fathers who served as chaplains in the fleet of Admiral Obando, he was appointed to found the Pima mis- sions. He entered Upper Pimeria March 13, 1687, and established his first mission at IS^uestra Seiiora de los Dolores, having gained a chief named Coxi as his first convert. From tliis point he extended his influence in all directions, evincing wonderful ability in gaining the Indians, and in presenting the truths of Christianity in a way to meet their comprehen- sion and reach their hearts. ' It was founded in 1590 by Saint Francis Borgia, a saint identified also ■with the introduction of Christianity into Florida. (526) FATHER KUHN'S LABORS. 527 No life has been written of this Father, who stands with the Venerable Anthony Margil as the greatest missionaries who labored in this country, extraordinary as were the ser- vices of Fathers White, Fremin, Bniyas, Allouez, and Druil- lettes. Of Father Klihn, the historian of California says : " He labored with apostolic zeal in converting and civiliz- ing the heathen Indians. He made constant excursions into their territory with intrepid valor and unattended. He as- sembled many in towns, forming them to agricultm'e and the keeping of herds ; because this was a step towards maintain- ing missionaries for their conversion and spiritual good, and for their civilization. Overcoming the tedious difficulties, he learned their different languages, translated the catechism and prayers, which he then taught them orally, undeterred by their boorishness and indocility. He formed vocabularies and instructions for his fellow-laborers and successors ; at- tracted the Indians by his wonderful gentleness and affability, till they all confided in him, as though he were the father of each one individually. He built houses and chapels ; formed missions and towns ; conciliated hostile nations ; and if he could have obtained the auxiliary missioners whom he repeated- ly solicited, and not been hampered by constant impediments, calumnies, and false reports," " he would then easily have con- verted all the tribes lying between Sonora and the rivers Gila and Colorado." ^ Clavigero affirms all this, and states, more- over, that he travelled more than twenty thousand miles, and baptized more than 48,000 infants and adults. " On his long and toilsome journeys he carried no provision but some parched corn ; he never omitted to say mass, and nevei slept in a bed. He journeyed on, communing with God in prayer, or chanting psalms and hymns." * ' Venegas, " Noticia de la California," Madrid, 1757, ii., p. 88. ' Clavigero, "Storia della California," Venice, 1789, i., pp. 263-4. 528 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. He was a man of constant prayer, visiting our Lord in the Blessed Sacrament a hundred times in the day, gifted with tears, and spending his nights in contemplation or austere exercises, yet finding time for mission work, such as few would have attempted and no other man could have sustained. An Indian outbreak, in which Father Saeta was cruelly put to death, convulsed all Sonora, and for a time checked the progress of the missions in Upper Pimeria, but when quiet was restored at the close of 1696, Father Kiihn obtained fellow-laborers, founding missions at Guevavi, Cocospera, San Cayetano, and San Xavier del Bac. The last was the largest rancheria in Upper Pimeria, with 176 houses and 803 souls. Hearing of the Casas Grandes near the Gila, Father Kiihn visited those remarkable ruins, and in 1698 descended the Gila to the mouth of the Colorado, announcing the Gospel to Pima, Papago, Cocomaricopa, and Yuma. Yet the livec of missionaries were in constant peril, for in January of tha' year Cocospera, where Father Peter Ruiz de Contreras wa£ stationed, was sacked and burned by the Apaches and Yu mas. His appeals for aid were traversed ; the converts he col lected were driven away to the mines by Spanish ofiicials^ till by his complaints to the king a check was put to the un- christian course. Four Fathers are said to have come in lYOl, two of whom were sent to Guevavi and San Xavier del Bac, but it was probably only an intention never carried out. His only permanent fellow-laborer was Father Augustine de Campos, who joined him in 1693. Though something was done in 1Y04, and some churches were rebuilt in Sonora, the movement does not appear to have reached Arizona. Undeterred by his reverses, Father Kiihn founded the mission of Santa Maria Soamca, or St. Mary Immaculate, and restored those at Guevavi and San Xavier del Bac, He DEATH OF FATHER KUHN. 529 induced the Indians to settle around missions and stations where he erected adobe churches and houses. He encouraged them to build regular houses, dig irrigating trenches, and cultivate the soil.* Early in 1711 his devoted fellow-laborer, Father Campos, who had completed the church of Saint Francis Xavier at Magdalena, invited Father Kiihn to its dedication. Praying before the altar over which hung the picture of his patron and mode], the Apostle of the Ir^dies, Father Kiihn felt that his lifework was ended, and prepared for a death which was the holy crown of his devoted life. After his death in 1711 his work was maintained by Father de Campos, but when he, too, was called away, none came to continue their labors till 1720. Kine missionaries sent in that year found much to be done. Churches had fallen to decay ; little trace of former teaching could be discerned in tlie Indians, who had relapsed into their old pagan ways. In 1727 tlie Rt. Rev. Benedict Crespo, Bishop of Durango, visited this portion of his diocese. He was pained to see that the missions had not been sustained, and that so many In- dians were left without instruction. He resolved to make an appeal to the King of Spain. Philip Y. ordered three cen- tral missions to be established at the royal expense. In 1731, to the joy of the Bishop, three Jesuit Fathers were sent — Fa- ther Ignatius Xavier Keler, Father John Baptist Grashoffer, who took up his residence at Guevavi, and Father Philip Segesser, who revived the mission at San Xavier del Bac. Of the last two, one soon died, and another was prostrated by sickness, but Father Ignatius Keler became the leader of the new missions in that district, taking possession of Santa Maria Soamca April 20, 1732. The pious Marquis of Yillapuente, ' Letter of FF. Bernal, Kiuo, etc., Dec. 4, 1697. "Documentos para la Historia de Mexico," III., i., pp. 804-7. 34 530 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. who died in February, 1739, left funds to found two other missions. ' San Xavier del Bac was the largest mission, surrounded by Sobaipuris, Papagos, and Pimas, with the presidio of Tucson not far ofi, which the Jesuits also attended, no secular priest accepting the dangerous ministry, Guevavi had as stations Sonoitac, Calabazas, Tumacacori, and Aribaca, with a presidio or military station at Tubac. These central missions and many of the stations visited from them had neat adobe churches, supplied with becoming vestments and altar ser\ace of silver; several of them had organs, obtained by the missionaries to gratify the Indian love of music. At each of these churches and chapels the children recited an abridgment of the Christian Doctrine every day in their own language and also in Spanish, while old and young did so on Sundays and hohdays after mass, at which an instruction had been given. During Lent there were regular courses of sermons. Yet so dull were the minds of these Indians, that an old Sonora missionary once declared that there were no Christians in the world who recited the Christian Doctrine more con- stantly, or who really knew it less than these Indians. On Saturday the Rosary and Litany of the Blessed Yirgin were recited. In 1744 Father Iveler reported that he had baptized more than two thousand, and had a Christian flock of one thousand brave, industrious Pimas, who had well-tilled fields with herds and flocks. Father Keler extended his mission labors at the peril of his life to the Gila and beyond it. In 1742 the moving camp of San Felij)e de Jesus, estab- ' " Apostolicos Afanes," pp. 340-3. Pfefferkorn, " Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonora," p. 327. DEATH OF FF. TELLO AND RUHEN. 531 lished to protect tlie missions, was fixed permanently at Te- renate, to be a bulwark against the Apaches, and that presidio or garrison fell under the care of the Jesuit missionaries y but of so little avail was it, that on the 16th of February, 1746, the Apaches attacked Cocospera, one of the dependent mis- sions, and burned the church. Father Keler was succeeded in time by Father Diego Joseph Barrera. In 1750 Father Keler was still at Soamca, Father Joseph Garrucho at Guevavi, and Father Francisco Paver at San Xavier del Bac. The next year the Pimas rose and destroyed several missions, killing two missionaries, Fathers Tello and Ruhen, in Sonora. They also destroyed Aribaca, killing many of the Catholic Indians there. Father Keler opposing the injustice of an official was mis- represented, and for a time was compelled to leave his mis- sion, but his ser\nces were too much needed, and he was soon permitted to return. Soon after this tragedy we find Father Barrera at Santa Maria Soamca, Father Ildefonso Espinosa at San Xavier, and Father Ignatius Pfefferkorn at Guevavi.' But they be- held the Indians of their missions decreasing, many, from fear of the Apaches or other enemies, leaving their towns to seek refuge in the woods. About this time Father Sedelmayr, at the instance of the Spanish Government, was evangelizing the tribes on the Gila, erecting seven or eight churches in the villages of the Papagos, among whom the German Father Bernard Midden- dorf also labored, and Father Keler was endeavoring to reach, the Moquis, who were willing to receive missionaries of any kind but Franciscans.^ ' "Rudo Ensayo," pp. 148-152. *"Doc. para la Hist, de Mexico," III., i., pp. 686-7. ' " Noticias de la Pimeria del ano de 1740." Letter of Sedelmayr. 532 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. While the Fathers were thus employed, the terrible order came from the Ejng of Spain, under which every member of the Society of Jesus was seized at his mission as a criminal, and hurried off to a prison-ship. Father Barrera was the last at Santa Maria Soamca; Custodius Ximeno, an Arra- gonese, at Guevavi ; Father Anthony Castro, an Andalusian, at San Xavier del Bac. Father Pfefferkorn, a native of Manheim in Germany, who has left us a most interesting account of the Sonora mission, had been transferred to Cu- curpe in 1757.' Up to 1763 no considerable Spanish town had grown up in Arizona, and though the fertility of the soil and the rich mineral wealth attracted settlers, the fierce and constant in- roads of the Apaches made life insecure, and caused many places to be abandoned. By the summary act of the Spanish monarch every church in Arizona was closed, and the Christian Indians were de- prived of priests to direct them. In the vast portion of our territory which had been subject to the Catholic kings, the state of religion about 1763 was not one to inspire any sanguine hopes. Florida had been ceded to Protestant England, and religion was menaced there with utter extinction — the Indian missions had been almost annihilated ; in Texas progress was slow, the Indian missions grouped around a few Spanish settlements ; ]^ew Mexico seemed to need a local bishop to reanimate the faith of the people ; Arizona was deprived of its clergy. 1 Pfefferkorn, i., p. 335. BOOK VI. THE CHUECH IN FEENCH TEEKITORY. CHAPTEE I. THE CHURCH IN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY, 1690-1763. Bishop St. Yalliek, of Quebec, was of a family that had seen several members honored with the mitre in France, and was full of the spirit of the episcopate of that country. With none of that charm of personal sanctity which enabled Bishop Laval to accomplish so much good, Bishop St. Yallier sought to bring everything in his vast diocese into strict regularity by precise rules and regulations, and suffered no infringement r AC-SIMILE OF THE SIGNATURE OP BISHOP SAINT VALLIER. on what he regarded as the rights of his see. His administra- tion was a succession of personal trials and troubles, arising from the protests made by him or against him. The difficul- ties became such that the king insisted on his resignation of the See of Quebec, and the Bishop's attempted return to Canada was prevented by his capture at sea and a long cap- tivity in England, where he was detained as a hostage for the surrender of the Provost of Liege. Many of his general and particular acts affected the Church (533) ,^34 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. iu the Mississippi Valley and elsewhere within the present limits of the Republic. He prepared and published a catechism and ritual for his diocese, and in 1690 he held a diocesan synod, in which seven statutes were adopted, the most important prohibiting the celebration of mass or the conferring of baptism in private houses in any place where there was a church, and in places where there was yet no church mass was not to be said in any house but one selected for the purpose and approved by the Bishop. The attendance of the faithful at mass on Sun- days and holidays was to be rigorously maintained. In a second synod held at Montreal, March 3, 1694, seven other statutes were adopted, chiefly instructions to confessors. The statutes adopted in the third synod held at Quebec, Feb- ruary 23, 1698, were twenty-nine in number.^ Among other points they directed exclusion from communion of those who refused to pay tithes ; insisted on regular catechetical instruc- tions, the proper registration of baptisms, marriages, and in- terments, and the suitable adornment of churches. They also regulated " Blessed Bread," censured the abuse of many in leaving the church during sermon, urged the establishment of the Sisters of the Congregation in all j3arishes to direct the schools, and exhorted the faithful to liberality in almsgiving." We have seen that he protested against the dismember- ment of his diocese by the erection of Vicariates- Apostolic in the Mississippi Valley, and this was apparently prior to his ' " Statuts publies dans le premier Synode tenu le 9^ Novembre, 1690." Archives de Quebec, A., p. 285. ' " Statuts II. Synod." lb., A., p. 522 ; " III. Synod," A., p. 683. He issued pastorals in 1692, 1694, and 1695, announcing Jubilees proclaimed by the Sovereign Pontiff. Bishop St. Vallier's Statutes remained in force in all parts of our territory east of the Mississippi, embraced in the diocese of Quebec down to the erection of the .see of Baltimore, and the recognition of the authority of the Bishop of Santiago in the West. FATHER GRAVIER, VICAR-GENERAL. 535 consecration as Bishop in 1688. Over the missions in the remote parts of the diocese he seems to have watched with great care. In the Illinois Father James Gravier succeeded the veteran Allouez about 1689, and in December of the following year Bishop St. Yallier appointed him his Yicar-General. The preamble of this document says : " Having recognized since we took possession of this see, that the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, who are engaged in the conversion of the Indians of this country, devote themselves thereto with all care, and take all pains that we can desire, without sparing their labors or even their life, and in particular as we know that for the last twenty years they have labored on the mission of the IlHnois whom they first discovered, to whom Father Mar- quette of the same Society published the faith in the year 1672, and subsequently died in this glorious task which had l)een confided to him by our predecessor, and that after the death of Father Marquette, we committed it to Father Al- louez, also a Jesuit, who after laboring there for several years ended his life, exhausted by the great hardsliips which he underwent in the instruction and conversion of the Islinois, Miamis, and other nations, and finally as we have given the care of this mission of the Islinois and other surrounding nations to Father Gravier of the same Society, who has em- ployed himself therein with great benediction bestowed by God on his labors, for this cause we confirm and ratify what we have done, and anew confide the missions of the Islinois and surrounding nations, as well as those of the Miamis, Sious,' and others in the Ottawa country, and towards the West to the Fathers of the Society of Jesus, and give the Superiors of the said missions all the authority of our Yicars- General," etc' ' " Archives de I'Archevgche de Quebec." Registre, A,, p. 502. 536 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. The Miami mission on St. Joseph's River, also prospered. Governor Denonville had granted to the missionaries of the Society of Jesus a concession of twenty arpents along the river, by twenty arpents in depth, at such spot as they should deem most suitable to erect a chapel and house.' Father de Carheil was at the church at Michilimackinac, and the aged Father Henry IS^ouvel at Green Bay. Around these posts French were gathering slowly, and in Illinois several had set- tled down, taking wives among the converted Indians. During Gravier's absence an old convert summoned the Catholic Indians morning and evening to prayers. Toward the end of April the missionary blessed a new chapel which he had erected outside of the French fort ^ for the greater convenience of the Indians, and erected a tall cross. The Peoria tribe, which he also visited, were less fervent, for the chief, Assapita, who was a medicine-man, used all his influ- ence to thwart the missionary. Gravier planned missions to the Cahokia and Tamarois bands of Illinois, which he subse- quently carried out,' as well as to the Osages and Missouris, tribes who kept up a friendly intercourse with the Illinois, and sent ambassadors, whom Father Gravier welcomed. The French at the post, whose lives drew down the reproof of the missionary, prejudiced the Indians against him ; Michael Ako, the old comrade of Father Hennepin, who sought to marry Aramipinchicwe, the daughter of the Kaskaskia chief, Rouensac, her parents compelling her most unwillingly to become his wife, especially labored to diminish the influence ' Gravier, " Lettre en forme de Journal de la Mission de I'lmmaculee Conception de N. D. aux Illinois, 15 Fevrier, 1694 "; Margry, " Etablisse- ments et Decouvertes," v., p. 35. ' This was evidently Fort Peoria ; see St. Cosme in "Relation de la Mission du Mississippi," p. 26. ' '* Relation de la Mission du Mississippi," p. 35. JOHN BAPTIST de la CROIX de St.VAUER. SECOND BISHOP OF QUEBEC. Copyri^t bj Johtt S.Slica.lSSe. ILLINOIS MISSIONS. 537 of Father Gravier, till, touched by conscience, he recanted all, and urged the chief to become a Christian, promising to amend his own life.' Rouensac and his family embraced the faith, and the Quebec missionaries a few years afterward attested his progress in civilization and Christianity. Fathei; Gravier adapting himself to Indian usage went regularly through the town, giving his cry to invite the converts and the well-disposed heathen to prayer ; he also gave banquets, that he might without offense censure anything which he found amiss. Besides the Kaskaskia town, there was a Peoria town near, and several smaller villages, all of which Father Gravier visit- ed regularly. Sickness prevailed, and he was ever on the watch to instruct adults and baptize dying children. His baptisms between March 30, 1693, and IS^ovember 29, num- bered two hundred and six. In 1696 he was joined by Father Julian Binneteau, who apparently remained at Kaskaskia, while Father Gravier descended to Montreal, and subsequently devoted himself to the more distant missions, and Father Peter Pinet founded the Miami mission of the Angel Guardian at Chicago, where there were two villages containing in all some 300 cabins, and where he converted the Peoria chief who had resisted Father Gravier's exhortations. Yet the Count de Frontenac, Governor of Canada, compelled Father Pinet to abandon his mission, until the influence of Bishop Laval en- abled him to resume his Gospel labors. The next year Fa- ther Gravier was confirmed in his powers as Yicar-General by Bishop St. Yallier, and was soon after joined by Father ' The records of the baptisms, etc., in his family, beginning Mar. 20, 1695, are the first extracts in the ancient Register of Father Gravier's mission preserved at Alton. They show that the descendants of the young convert of Father Gravier were long prominent in Illinois. 638 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Gabriel Marest, who learned the Illinois language, and adapted himself to his new duties with remarkable facility. The venerable Bishop Laval was so interested in this mission that he gave the last pieces of silver which he had retained for his table, in order to make a chalice for it, and he pre- sented a ciborium to the Church of the Immaculate Concep- tion at Kaskaskia.' Prior to 1700 the famous Father Rale arrived in the Illinois missions, where he spent two years.* The priests of the Seminary of Quebec, which was an out- growth of that of the Foreign Missions at Paris, felt it incum- bent on them to do something for the conversion of those tribes in the West, among whom no permanent establish- ment had yet been made. Bishop St. Yallier entered into their plans, and on the 1st of May, 1698, officially authorized them to establish missions in the West, investing the Supe- rior sent out by the Seminary with the powers of Yicar- General. The field they solicited was that inhabited by na- tions on both banks of the Mississippi and its tributaries." They purposed to plant their first mission among the Tamarois, but when tliis was known the Fathers of the Society of Jesus claimed that tribe as one already under their care. The Seminary regarded the Tamarois territory as " the key and necessary passage to reach the more distant nations," and therefore highly important to them. Bishop St. YaUier accordingly by letters of July 14, 1698, confirmed ' " Lettre du p. .Tacques Gravier a Mgr. de Laval, Sept. 17, 1697." " Lettre du p. Julien Binneteau, 1699." " Relation des Aifairesdu Can- ada," pp. 24, 34, 57. " Extrait des Registres de Baptesme de la Mission des Illinois," show Gravier officiating in 1695, 1712 ; Binneteau, 1697 ; Ga- briel Marest, 1699, 1703, 1709 ; Mermet, 1707, 1712. Letter of F. Ga- briel Marest (Kip, pp. 206-7). ^ Letter of Oct. 12, 1723, in "Lettres Edifiantes" (Kip, p. 42). ' " Mandement de Mgr. de St. Vallier " in "Relation de la Mission du Mississippi," New York, 1861, pp. 9-12. THE SEMINARY OF QUEBEC. 539 those previously granted, and specially empowered the Seminary to send missionaries to the Tamarois and establish a residence there.' To found the new missions on the Mississippi, the Semi- nary selected Y. Rev, Francis Jolliet de Montigny, Rev. Anthony Davion, and Rev. John Francis Buisson de Saint Cosme. The outfit for this Christian enterprise amounted to more than ten thousand livres, nearly one-half being furnished by Messrs. Montigny and Davion, The party set out, and reaching Mackinac in September, passed by Father Pinet's Chicago mission, and by Father Marest's near Fort Peoria, where they obtained an Illinois catechism and prayer-book. On the 5th of December they entered the Mississippi River, and guided by Tonty, they visited the Tamarois, on the feast of the Immaculate Conception, and then sailed down the great river to the villages of the Arkansas, Tonicas, and Taensas, planting crosses at several points. The Very Rev, Mr, Montigny took up his residence among the Taensas, a tribe allied to the ]S[atchez, These Indians had a temple in which they worshipped nine gods. In March, 1700, Iberville, who had sailed from France to the mouth of the Mississippi, while ascending it found the mis- sionary erecting a chapel, encouraged by his having been able to baptize eighty-five children in his first year. He sub- sequently went to the Natchez, retaining his care of the Taensas, The Rev, Mr, Da\aon established his residence and chapel on a hill near the Tonica village, at the foot of a cross planted on a rock which for a long time bore his ' " Lettres Patentes de Mgr. de St. Vallier "; Archives de Quebec. Fron- tenac, by his Letters Patent, .July 17, 1698, authorized Rev. Messrs. Montigny, Davion, and St. Cosme, to go to the Mississippi. Archives of the Propaganda. America Septentrionale, i., 1669-1791. 540 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. name.' He extended his labors also to the Ounspik and Yazoo Indians, who numbered together about a hundred cabins; and nearly lost his life by destroying the idols in the Yazoo temple.' The Rev. Mr. Saint Cosme went up the river again to begin a mission at Tamarois. All these priests were at first prostrated by fevers, but none thought of abandoning the work which they had un- dertaken. Hearing of the arrival of a French expedition at the mouth of the river, the Very Rev. Mr. Montigny and Rev. Mr. Davion embarked in bark canoes, and reached Biloxi on the 1st of July, but finding the little post ill-pro- visioned, they returned to their missions.^ While acquiring a knowledge of the Taensa language, the Yery Rev. Mr. Montigny visited the Natchez, and was there when the Great Sun or head chief of the nation died. When the good priest saw these savages prepare to put several per- sons to death, that they might attend tlie Sun in the next world, he made the tribe presents to induce them to abandon so cruel and foolish a custom. The Natchez promised to consult his wishes, but Ouachil Tamail, the Female Sun, persuaded the priest to leave the village for a time, pretend- ing that the noise would be very annoying to him. When he had departed the cruel ceremony was carried out in the usual manner.* The next year the Seminary, to give the Mississippi mis- ' Roche k Davion, afterward called Loftus Heights, and now Fort Adams. Claiborne, " Mississippi," Jackson, 1880, p. 21. '^ Penicaut in Margry, v. , p. 438. ■^ Benard de la Harpe, "Journal Historique," p. 16. Cardinal Tas- chereau, "Mission du Seminaire de Quebec chez les Tamarois ou Illi- nois sur le bord du Mississippi," written in 1849. De la Potherie, " His- toire de I'Amerique Septentrionale," Paris, 1722, i., p. 238. Margry, " Decouvertes et Etablissements," v., pp. 401-8. * Gravier, " Relation on Journal du Voyage," New York, 1859, p. 39. A QUESTION RAISED. 541 sion an effective force, sent out the Rev. Messrs. Bergier Bouteville and Saint Cosme, the last named a youuger broth- er of the missionary ah-eady at Tamarois, but not yet in priest's orders. These clergymen were accompanied by three pious men who had devoted themselves to the work, and went to attend to the menial work. On their arrival the elder St. Cosme descended to Natchez.' The Fathers of the Society of Jesus received the Quebec missionaries with personal cordiality, but notwithstanding the official action of Bishop Saint Yallier, they showed much feeling in regard to what they regarded as an intrusion into a district occupied by tribes among which their religious had already begun to labor. The proximity to the Jesuit mis- sions in the other bands of the Illinois nation, certainly made the choice injudicious. Ere long the Yery Rev. Mr. Mon- tigny found his position so embarrassing and unpleasant that he began to foresee only loss and failure in the mission on which he had embarked so zealously and given his means so freely. In the hope of being able to adjust all matters in re- gard to it satisfactorily in France, he embarked with Iber- ville, in May, 1700, and returned to France by way of N^ew York.^ On his departure, the Rev. Mr. Bergier became Superior of the secular missionaries in the Mississippi Yalley, and made Tamarois his residence. Rev. Mr. St. Cosme remaining at Natchez. After reaching the mouth of the Mississippi in 1699, d'Iberville built a little fort at Biloxi, and left Mr. ' Benard de la Harpe, " .Journal Historique," p. 28. Margry, v., p. 404. ' Penicaut, "Relation Veritable," in Margry, v., p. 444. He was in Paris in September, 1700, when Rev. Mr. St. Cosme wrote complaining that Fathers Gravier and Binneteau wished to prevent his officiating in the chapel at the fort, and Gravier wrote complaining of the Quebec priests. 542 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Sauvolle in command. At this little post, the first French settlement in Louisiana, the Kev. Mr. Bordenave was chap- lain, and he begins the line of zealous priests in that terri- tory. Sauvolle bears testimony to his exemplary life, and records that he said mass daily for the French, and gathered them morning and evening to prayers, as on board ship. Thus began the regular services of the church in Louisiana, in May, 1699.' D'Iberville, on his second voyage in lYOO, was accom- panied by the Jesuit Father Du Ru, who on the 14th of Feb- ruary, erected a cross, offered the holy sacrifice, and blessed a cemetery at Fort Mississippi, seventeen leagues from the mouth of the great river. When a post at Biloxi was decided upon. Father Du Ru took up his residence there, and began to visit the neighboring tribes of Indians, but he removed to Mobile when that post arose. Hearing of the arrival. Father Gravier set out from Chicago on the 8th of Septem- ber, 1700, and visiting the various posts and missions on the way, reached Fort Mississippi on the lYth of December. At the Tonica village he found the Rev. Mr. Davion danger- ously ill, and remained with him till Rev. Mr. Saint Cosme arrived from ISTatchez to minister to his associate. The Jesuit Father de Limoges, appointed to found a mis- sion among the Oumas, was descending the Mississippi when his canoe drifted at night from the shore to which it had been made fast, and borne along by the current struck a floating tree. He saved nothing but his chalice, and clinging to a floating branch was finally driven ashore near a village of the Arkansas Indians. Having obtained relief he pursued his journey, and planting a cross at the Oumas village, be- ' Sauvolle in Margry, iv., p. 447 ; French's " Historical Collections,'^ iii., p. 237. ITS SETTLEMENT. 543 gan in March, 1700, to erect a chapel forty feet long, an- nouncing the Gospel to that tribe and the Bayagoulas.' With missions among the Illinois, and at the mouth of the Mississippi the Jesuit Fathers solicited from Bishop Saint Yallier the exclusive direction of the French posts in Louisiana, and asked that the Superior of the mission should always be appointed Yicar-General of the Bishop of Quebec' At the same time they complained to the king of France of the intrusion into their mission district of missionaries who belonged to another body. Bishop Saint Yallier consulted several members of the French hierarchy on the point, among others the Bishop of Chartres, and by their advice declined to give any religious order the complete and exclusive direction of Louisiana, deeming it better to assign districts to religious or collegiate bodies, or secular priests, all to be subject to a Yicar-General, named from time to time by the Bishop of Quebec, till such time as the state of the church would warrant the establish- ment of a see at N^ew Orleans/ He also withdrew the pow- ers of Yicar-General from Father Gravier, and conferred them on Rev. Messrs. Colombiere, Montigny, and Bergier, requiring all priests, regular and secular, to apply to them. Meanwhile the appeal of the Jesuits with a memoir of Bishop Saint Yallier had been referred by the king to the Archbishop of Auch, but as he declined to decide the ques- tion alone, the Bishops of Marseilles and Chartres, with the king's confesssor, were associated with him. On the 4th of ' Gravier, " Relation on Journal du Voyage," New York, 1859 ; Mar- gry, iv., pp. 418, 422. ^ "Ministre de la Marine a Mr, I'Ev^que de Quebec," 17 Juin, 1703. Margry, iv., pp. 634-5. ''^ " Memoire de Mgr. I'Evgque de Quebec sur les missions de Missis- sippi." Archives de I'Arclieveehe de Quebec. Margry, iv., p. 431. 544 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. June, 1701, this commission decided that the Seminary of Quebec was entitled to the Tamarois mission, and their de- cision was accepted and signed by all parties interested. The Y. Rev. Mr. Montigny had, however, become com- pletely discouraged, his management of the mission not being fully approved. He never returned to America, but went to the East, where he rendered signal services to religion. The Mississippi qnestion having been satisfactorily ad- justed, the Bishop of Quebec reappointed the Superior of the Jesuits in Illinois Yicar-General in his district. In 1700 Rev. Mcholas Foucault, sent by the Seminary, took up his residence among the Arkansas Indians, and be- gan fo announce the faith to them. The news that the French had settled at the mouth of the Mississippi produced a commotion among the tribes in Illi- nois. The Kaskaskias resolved to go and settle near them. The Peorias remained around the church, but Father Marest accompanied the Kaskaskias, who finally on the advice of Father Gravier, who assembled them in council, abandoned their project, and took up their abode at the place which now bears their name.' Some of the Tamarois also left their old village ground, and Father Pinet became their missionary, succeeded ere long by Father Binneteau, who attended them and others on their long buffalo hunts beyond the Mississippi. The Rev. Mr. Bergier remained at the Tamarois post, with Thaumur de la Source devoting himself more especially to the French, who had by this time become numerous. The expenses of the missions had been so great that Y. Rev. Mr. Bergier, the new Superior, was urged to exercise judgment and economy. The Rev. Mr. Saint Cosme had projected ' In the Extracts from old Registers prefixed to the Kaskaskia register is the entry, " 1703 Apr. 25. Ad ripam Metchigamea dictam venimus," apparently giving the date of the removal of the Kaskaskias. REV. N. FOUCAULT KILLED. 545 a mission to the Pawnees or Missouris, but he was instructed to prevent him, as it would be almost impossible to send sup- plies to so remote a station,' The Rev. jS^icholas Foucault was an aged priest, in poor health, but he devoted himself to the Mississippi mission in place of Rev. Mr. de la Colombiere, whom the people of Quebec would not allow to go. He had already accomplished much good among the Arkansas, when, in 1702, he set out for Mobile with his servant and two Frenchmen who had just established peace between the Chickasaws and Illinois. Thej took as guides two Indians of the Coroa tribe, akin to the Arkansas. They killed all the Frenchmen to rob them, and, as they pretended, to punish the priest for leaving the Arkansas. Rev. Mr. Davion at the time was ascending the Mississippi and discovered on the banks of the river the bodies of these victims of Indian ferocity. He interred them wdth the rites of the Church, but the memoirs of the time do not fix the last resting-place of this first martyr of the Sem- inary of Quebec in the valley of the Mississippi.* The first attempt by the French to establish any industrial work on the Mississippi was that of the Sieur Juchereau, who undertook to conduct a tannery at the mouth of the Ohio. Here Father John Mermet erected his altar for the little Catholic settlement, but it did not prosper, and by 1704 ' The king of France gave 3,000 livres toward the Seminary missions, l)ut Bishop St. Vallier now ceased to give the annual donation of 2,000 livres, on the ground that so few missionaries were maintained there. Cardinal Taschereau, "Memoire." * Cardinal Taschereau, "Memoire"; Benard de la Harpe, "Journal Historique," pp. 38, 73, 87. Nicholas Foucault was born in the diocese of Paris, ordained at Quebec Dec. 3, 1689, and was Cure of Batiscan in 1690. Tainguay, "Repertoire," p. 65. Penicaut (Margry, v., p. 458) puts his death in 1705, evidently erroneously. It was announced by Davion in October, 1703. Benard de la Harpe, p. 73. 35 546 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the founder was dead, and the project abandoned. While Juehereau's establishment lasted Father Mermet ministered to the French, and made earnest efforts to convert the Mas- coutin Indians, who had planted their cabins around the post ; but his mission work, though carried out at the risk of his life, resulted only in the conversion of a few dying adults and the baptism of some infants.' Bishop Saint Yallier in 1703 proposed to the Seminary at Quebec to erect Mobile into a parish, and to annex it in per- petuity to that institution. The Seminary agreed to supply clergy for the new parish, which the Bishop formally erected on the 20th of July, 1T03, uniting it to the Seminary of the Foreign Missions at Paris and Quebec. The Rev. Henry RouUeaux de la Yente, a priest of the diocese of Bayeux, '^IPU/^CMIX "^t^^-. SIGNATURE OF REV, HENRY ROULLEAUX DE LA VENTE. was then appointed parish priest, and Rev. Alexander Huve, curate. While awaiting their appearance, the Rev. Mr. Davion discharged the parochial functions till they arrived with other priests on the " Pelican," July 24, 1Y04. In the same vessel came two Gray Nuns (Sieurs Grises), but not to remain in the colony ; a number of marriageable girls had been placed in their care, and after seeing them properly placed, the Sisters returned.' '"Relation des Affaires du Canada, 1696," p. 31. Margry, "Etab- lissements ct Decouvertes," v., p. 215. F. Gabriel Marest, Letter from Cascaskia (Kip's "Jesuit Missions," p. 202). 'Benard de la Harpe, pp 84-5. Penicaut, "Relation" in Margry, v., pp. 456, 470. Rev. Mr. La Vente's first entry in the Register is Sept. 18, 1704. and Huve's. the 19th. MOBILE. A PARISH. 547 The first entry in the ancient Register of Mobile, a volume of great historical interest and value, records the baptism of an Apalache girl by Rev. Mr. Davion, on the 6th of Septem- ber. ;^z<^^/^/ ^yyZ" SU^:^ . -^ ^ ^^ FAC-8IMILE OF THE FIRST ENTKT IN THE PARISH REGISTER OP MOBILE. The maintenance of the clergy was expected from the king, who was to pay the parish priest one thousand livres a year, and the curate six hundred livres a year. They found that Rev. Mr. Davion had already taken steps to erect a church and parochial residence at Mobile. The parish priest on his arrival found Rev. Mr. Davion and the Jesuit Father Peter Donge lodged in a new house, built on credit, and still with- out door or window. They borrowed seven hundred livres of Father Donge to enable them to complete it.^ On the 28th of September the Rev. Mr. de la Vente was formally inducted into his parish, as appears by the follow- ing entry in the ancient parochial register of the Church of the Immaculate Conception at Mobile : " I, undersigned, Priest and Missionary Apostolic, attest to all whom it may concern that in the year of our salvation 1704, on the 28th of the month of September, by virtue of letters of provision and collation granted and sealed on the 20th of July of last year, by which Monseigneur the most Illus- trious and most Reverend Bishop of Quebec erects a par- ' Fathers Donge and Limoge embarked for France in the " Pelican," in 1704. Penicaut, " Relation " in Margry, v., p. 456 ; but Father Donge died at Havana in September. Benard de la Harpe, p. 85. ^M8 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. ish church in the place called Fort Louis de la Louisi- ane, and the cure and care of which he gives to Mr. Henry Roulleaux de la Yente, Missionary Apostolic of the diocese of Bayeux, I have placed the said priest in actual and cor- poral possession of the said parish church and of all the rights thereto belonging, after observing the accustomed and requisite ceremonies, namely, the entry into the church, the sprinkling of holy water, the kissing of the high altar, the touching of the missal, the visit to the Blessed Sacrament of the altar, the ringing of the bells, which taking of possession I attest that no one opposed. "Given in the parish church of Fort Louis, the day of the month and year aforesaid, in presence of John Baptiste de Bieville, Lieutenant of the King, and Com- mander of the said fort; of Peter du Quay de Boisbriant, major ; I^icolas de la Salle, scribe and acting commissary of the Marine. " Davion, Bienville, Boisbkiant, de la Salle." Late in the year 1705 Father Gravier was attacked by the Illinois, among whom he had labored so long and so devot- edly. Instigated by the medicine-men, whose knavery the priest had denounced, they discharged a shower of arrows at liim. One flint-headed weapon pierced his ear, but another struck him in the elbow, and the stone head was so embedded in the muscle that it could not be extracted. He also received a hatchet wound in the arm. The arm swelled fearfully, and the suffering of the missionary was intense : but his misery did not touch the hearts of the obdurate Illinois. They came at night to the number of two hundred to complete their fell design. Tearing down the palisades around the house they hoped to find him alone and kill him. Provi- dentially two Frenchmen were there, who after preparing REV. MR. GERVAISE'S PROJECT. 549 for death, resolved to let one remain, while the other hastened to the neighboring camp of the Pottawatomies. A chief of that tribe hastened up and overawed the murderers. For three months his brother missioners, Mermet, and John Marj de Yille, endeavored to extract the arrow-head, but finding their efforts vain, he was sent to Mobile, whence he proceeded to Paris, and even there the surgeon gave him no hope of its extraction, though the treatment diminished the pain.' He then returned to Louisiana in the " Renommee," which reached the roadstead at Isle Massacre, February 12, 1708.^ At this time the Rev. Mr. Gervaise, a wealthy young priest in France, wished to devote some of his patrimony ta found a mission in Louisiana in concert with the Seminary SIGNATURE OF REV. F. LE MAIRE. of the Foreign Missions. He drew into his project the Rev. Mr. Le Maire, a virtuous priest, who resigned a good position at Paris, that of Yicar of St. Jacques de la Boucherie, in or- der to come to America and announce the gospel to the In- dians. The Rev. Mr. Gervaise sent out pro^nsions for three years, and three workmen to erect a house and chapel, and set apart sufficient of his estate to form a fund for the sup- 1 Letter of F. Mermet ; Letter of F. Gravier, Paris, March 6, 1707, for ■which I am indebted to the venerable Father Felix Martin; Benard de la Harpe, "Journal Historique," p. 95. * " Lettre du Pere Jacques Gravier, le 23 Fevrier, 1708." New York,. 1865. 550 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. port of the mission. At the last moment when Rev. Mr. Le Maire and all the rest were on board the vessel bound to Louisiana, an uncle of the E,ev. Mr. Gervaise obtained an order to prevent his departure. He was compelled to remain in France, but Rev. Mr. Le Maire came over, and was for several years on the mission in Louisiana. The zealous young priest was never able to follow out his original intention or take part in the good work he founded. Meanwhile the priests of the Seminary were thinned by death. The Rev. J. B. de St. Cosrae started late in 1706 from his Natchez mission for Mobile, but while asleej) at night on the banks of the river, his party was attacked and murdered by the Sitimachas about fifty miles from the mouth of the Mississippi. He was a native of Canada, born at Quebec, February 6, 1667, and was the first American priest who fell by the hands of savages in this country. He en- tered the preparatory seminary at Quebec, July 22, 1675, and was ordained on the feast of the Purification. After being missionary at Minas in Nova Scotia, he was sent with the Rev. Mr. Montigny to the Mississippi. Rev. Mr. St. Cosme, accustomed to Indian corn and other native fare, stood the hardships of the mission better than priests from France, but his health at last gave way, and he was suffering from a cruel infirmity when he set out for Mobile.' On New- Year's day, 1707, the Very Rev. Mr. Bergier, Y.G., who had set out from his Tamarois mission, reached Mobile with tidings of the death of the Canadian priest of Natchez ; " but on his return to his mission he fell ill. Father 'Cardinal Taschereau, "Memoire"; Bienville to the Minister, 1707. Le Page du Pratz. "Histoire de la Louisiane," i., p. 106. Penicaut, " Relation " in Margry, V. , p. 433. Claiborne, " Mississippi," Jackson, 1880, p. 23, thinks he was killed near the present Donaldsonville. ''Benard de la Harpe, p. 101. THE ABBE DE LA VENTE. 551 Gabriel Marest hearing of his condition, hastened from Kas- kaskia, and remained a week, till seeing his brother priest ap- parently regaining his health and out of danger, he set out for his own mission, but was almost at once summoned back to celebrate the requiem mass for Rev. Mr. Bergier, who sud- denly grew worse and expired. This zealous and austere priest died, according to a memorandum in an ancient breviary in the Seminary of Quebec, on the 9th of Xovember, ITOT. The medicine-men exulted over his death as a triumph, each one ascribing it to his own incantations, and they broke down his cross to make the people believe that the mission was closed forever.' Louisiana was increasing in population, but the settlers were not of the sturdy, industrious character found in those who built up Canada. Times had changed, too ; less respect was paid to religion, and officials instead of upholding the Church and its ministers, or setting an example of respect for morality and religion, frequently afforded a pretext for those viciously inclined to plunge into every kind of excess. In the documents of the time instances constantly occur where the ministers of religion were openly treated with contempt. The Rev. Mr. de la Yente was a man of eloquence, and entered on his duties earnestly ; but his censure of the open profligacy in the colony made him many enemies, not the least being Governor Bienville, who withheld the salaries due the clergy. Those who sold liquor mthout limit to the In- dians, encouraging them in drunkenness and violence, and all the loose livers, were arrayed against the first pastor of Mobile. In 1707, however, something was done for religion at that post. A larger residence was erected for the priests at the ' Cardinal Taschereau, " Histoire des Missions du Seminaire de Que- bec"; F. Gabriel Marest, Letter (Kip, pp. 211-4). 552 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. left of the fort on an eminence overlooking all the surround- ing country.' It is said that after the arrival of Father Gravier from France in 1708, Bienville wished to instal him in the parish church, and maintained him there till orders came from France to restore the church to the priests of the Seminary of the Foreign Missions to which it was canonically united ; but the Register of Mobile has no entry by Father Gravier. The Rev. Mr. de la Vente was suffering from a painful disease and soon after returned to France, where he arrived in Oc- tober, 1710, in a dy- // /^ /:> /^ J ing condition.* (JjjLe^XXin cere /ucltO The Rev. Mr. SIGNATUBE OF KEV. ALEXANDER HUVE. HuVC, who CamC OUt as Yicar, besides as- sisting in the parish church, had taken charge of a band of fugitive Apalaches. These flying from English persecution, had settled about ten miles from Mobile.^ They were Catholics, and had erected a chapel and house for a missionary, but Rev. Mr. Huve having no ability for acquiring Indian languages, was never able to instruct them in their own tongue. In 1709, La Yigne Yoisin began a fort on Isle Dauphine^ ' Penicaut (Margry, v. , p. 471). ^ Not only Bienville and Father Gravier, but also de Boisbriant censure the course pursued by Rev. Mr. de la Vente ; but that clergyman in a memoir to Pontchartrain (Gayarre, i., pp. 116-121), draws a terrible pic- ture of the prevalent profligacy, neglect of religious observances, and contempt for the ministers of religion. He solicited permission to marry settlers to converted Indian women so as to prevent illicit connections, but this was refused. (lb., p. 148.) •'' Penicaut (Margry, v. , p. 460) says they arrived near Mobile toward the end of 1705. After Rev. Mr. Huve, the Carmelite Father Charles, and the Recollect F. Victorin Dupui were missionaries of the Apalaches, and the latter also of the Mobiliaus. Register of Mobile. THE APALACHES. 553 and more attentive to religion than most colonizers of Louisi- ana, lie erected a fine church near the redoubt. It faced the port where the vessels anchored, so that all on board could in a moment land to hear mass. This church drew many set- tlers to the island.' Here the Eev. Mr. Huve became chap- lain, but was nearly killed in November, 1710, by the Eng- lish who made a descent on the island, and lost all his effects. He then retired to the Mississippi with the French, but wearying of their little respect for religion, solicited permis- sion to undertake an Indian mission.'* The Rev. Mr. Davion maintained his Tonica mission till 1Y08, when parties of English Indians menaced it, and he withdrew to Mobile, preparing to return to France ; but the destitute condition of the colony induced him to remain for several years. ^ Rev. Mr. Le Maire acted also as chaplain in the fort. The little village of the Apalaches showed that the mis- sions of the Spanish Fathers had not been fruitless. Their old enemies, the AHbamons, pursued them and destroyed their new village, but Mr. de Bienville assigned them another re- serve and grain to plant their fields. When the French left their first Mobile fort * these Indians followed, and Bienville ' Penicaut, " Relation " (Margry, v., p. 482). * He struggled on for some years, till having become almost blind, he returned to France in 1727. 3 He left Louisiana in 1725, and died of gout among his kindred in France, April 8, 1726. Le Page du Pratz asked Mr. Davion whether his zeal for the salvation of the Indians was rewarded by progress. " He re- plied almost in tears, that notwithstanding the profound respect which these people bore him, he could with great difficulty succeed in baptizing some children at the point of death ; that those who had attained the age of reason excused themselves from embracing our holy religion by say- ing that they were too old to subject themselves to rules so difficult to ob- serve." " Histoire de la Louisiane," i., p. 123. * The original fort at Mobile was above the present city, with store- 554 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. assigned them ground on Saint Martin's River, a league above the post. Penicaut, a worthy chronicler of the early French days of Louisiana, says they were the only Christian nation who came to them from the Spanish territory. He gives inter- esting details : " The Apalaches have public service like Catholics in France. Their greafr feast is Saint Louis's day. On the eve they come to invite the officers of the fort to the festivities in their village, and they offer good cheer that day to all who come, especially the French. " The priests of our fort go there to say the high mass, which they hear with much devotion, chanting the psalms in Latin as they do in France, and after dinner Vespers and Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament. The men and women are very properly dressed that day. The men wear a kind of cloth coat and the women mantles, petticoats of silk in French style, except that they wear no head-dresses, going bareheaded. Their long, jet-black hair is plaited, and hangs down the back in one or two plaits, such as Spanish girls wear. Those whose hair is too long, turn it up to the mid- dle of the back, and tie it with ribbon. " They have a church where one of our French priests goes on Sundays and holidays to say mass. They have a baptismal font to baptize their children, and a cemetery be- side their church, with a cross erected, and there they bury their dead." ' The efforts of the Seminary of the Foreign Missions in the Mississippi had produced little result ; the station at Tama- rois, or Cahokia, as it was generally called, alone showing any indication of permanent good, a French population having gathered there, numbering forty-seven families in 1Y15. houses and docks below it. The removal was made of both to the present site. ' Penicaut, " Relation " in Margry, v., pp. 486-7. V. REV. DOMINIC M. VAELET, V.G. 555 The Directors of the Seminary at Paris, in hope of giving new life to a mission which had cost life, and toil, and out- lay, selected as Superior of their priests in the Yalley of the Mississippi, the Rev. Dominic Mary Yarlet, a man of energy and ability, who had been ordained for six years, and was in VERY REV. DOMIKIC MARY VARLET, VICAR-GENERAL, AFTERWARDS BISHOP OF BABYLON. liigh repute as a priest of virtue and piety. He went to the Tamarois mission by way of Canada. On the 6th of Octo- ber, 171Y, Bishop Saint A'^allier, reciting his learning, energy, probity, and other ^^rtues, appointed him Yicar-General, especially for Fort La Mobile or Fort Louis, and the places 556 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. and missions near and along the river Mississippi, with juris- diction over all priests secular or regular, except priests of the Society of Jesus, who were subject to their own Superior. He gave liim power to make a visitation, to grant and with- draw faculties, to absolve in reserved cases, and generally exercise in full all powers of Yicar-General.' As the V. Eev. Mr. Varlet represented to the Bishop that a considerable time might elapse before he could reach the Tamarois mis- sion, and that meantime the Seminary might be unable to send a successor to the Kev. Mr. Bergier at that place, he therefore solicited* a confirmation of the original Letters Patent granted to the Seminary for the Mississippi missions, and especially for that of the Tamarois, for fear that the original might be treated as obsolete, and possession of the mission disputed by clergymen of some other organization. The bishop accordingly renewed his Letters of May 10 and July 14, 1698.^ The Very Rev. Mr. Varlet proceeded to his mission, but of his labors in the Mississippi Valley we find no details, though his name appears in a few entries in the Register of Mobile,' showing that he visited the country from Cahokia to the gulf. He is said to have spent six years on the mis- sion, and returning to Europe, was appointed in lYlS Bishop of Ascalon, and Coadjutor to the Bishop of Babylon, and after receiving episcopal consecration, set out for the East. Meanwhile evidence had reached Rome, that Mgr. Varlet was an active adherent of the doctrines of Jansenius. The Sovereign Pontiff recalled Mgr. Varlet, now by succession ' " Archives of the Archbishopric of Quebec," Registre C, p. 112. 'Ibid., Registre C, p. 113. ^ The entries extend from March 2, 1713, to Jan. 13, 1715, his signa- tures in 1715 being as Vicar-General, which supposes an appointment prior to that of 1717. ILLINOIS MISSIONS. 557 Bishop of Babylon, but he withdrew to Utrecht in Holland, where he took an active part in establishing the schismatical Jansenist Church, consecrating four successive pretended archbishops, and died near that city in 1742, at the age of sixty-four, after having been excommunicated by several Popes. "\TTien the Company of the West established Fort Char- tres in 1718, a little French settlement soon grew up around it, and near the Indian villages. The missionary of the Kas- kaskias was Father John Le Boullenger, who, studying pro- foundly the language of the Illinois Indians, drew up a Gram- mar and Dictionary, with a very full Catechism and prayers. The manuscript of what I believe to be his work is still ex- tant in a large folio volume, formerly in the possession of Hon. Henry C. Murphy, now in the Carter Brown Library at Providence. This eminent missionary opens the Register TITLE OP THE PARISH REGISTER OF KASKASKIA. of " the Church of the Mission and Parish of the Concep- tion of Our Lady," on the 17th of June, 1719, styling him- self " chaplain of the troops," of which Pierre de Boisbriant, the king's lieutenant, was commander. The next year Fa- ther Nicholas Ignatius de Beaubois, S.J., signs as parish priest, as though the parish had been then canonically erected and he installed. Thenceforward the banns of marriage 558 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. were regularly published, and all the regulations of Canadian parishes observed.' In 1Y21 Father P. Francis X. de Charlevoix, S. J., the His- torian of JS^ew France, made a tour to the Lakes and down the Mississippi. At Cahokia and Tamarois he found Rev. Dominic Anthony Thaumur de la Source and Kev. Mr. Mercier. There were two Kaskaskia missions, one-half a league above Fort Chartres, under the care of Father John Le Boullenger and Father Joseph Francis de Kereben ; the other two leagues distant under Father John Charles Guymonneau, who was about this time Superior of the mission. There was a priest at the Yazoo, in 1723, the Abbe Juif, but at N^atchez mass had not been said for five years, and people were joined together merely by a civil marriage. Father Charlevoix heard the confessions of all who chose to avail themselves of his presence.^ In fact children born at New Orleans and l^atchez were baptized at Kaskaskia.' But the Jesuit Father de Yille seems to have been sent soon after to Natchez.* The French in the Illinois country were so profligate at this time, and made so light of the reproofs of the mission- aries, that Father Gabriel Marest appealed in 1711 to Gov. ' " Registre des Bapt^mes faits dans I'Eglise de la Mission et dans la Paroisse de la Conception de N. Dame." I was about to publish Le Boullenger's Dictionary in my Library of American Linguistics, and had begun the printing when the volume was recalled. Another Dictionary, supposed to be the work of Father Gravier, is in the possession of Hon. J. Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, Conn. ^ Charlevoix, " Histoire de la Xouvelle France," iii., pp. 393^. 3 " Registre de la Conception de N. Dame," Mar. 15, Nov. 19, 1730, May 18, 1721. * Le Page du Pratz, " Histoire de la Louisiane," i., p. 130. I ILLINOIS MISSIONS. 559 ernor Bienville, who sent up a sergeant and twelve men to maintain order. Those who wished to marrj Indian wives were encouraged, and many did so, as several had done be- fore at the old town. The Kaskaskias were industrious ; the Jesuit Fathers had taught them to use the plough in their fields near Lake Pimiteouj, and when they began to obtain horses from the Caddoes, they raised large fields of grain, which they ground at the three mills in their district. The women made a cloth of bison wool, and wore a waist and petticoat^ with a long robe above, the work of their own hands. The majority of the Illinois were at this time Christians. They had a very large church in their village, with a high altar and two lateral ones, a baptismal font and a bell. They attended mass and vespers regularly, singing the psalms and hymns in their own language ; the French when they at- tended, singing alternate verses in Latin.' The influence of religion can be seen in some pious children brought up in the Illinois country. Mary Turpin, daughter of a Canadian father and an Illinois mother, re- markable for her modesty, piety, and industry, became a nun in the Ursuline Convent, New Orleans, where she died in 1761, at the age of fifty-two. She was certainly the first American-born nun in this country. '^ Fort Chartres, a log structure near the river, begun by de Boisbriant in 1Y18 was long the chief French post on the northern Mississippi, though not rebuilt in stone till 1Y57. It became, too, the centre and seat of government of the Illinois country. The chapel was dedicated to Saint Anne, and as , ' Penica\it, " Relation" in Margry, v., pp. 490-1. ' " Lettre Circulaire de sa mort." 560 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. settlers selected grounds near the fort, the little village that grew up formed in time the parish of St. Anne.' Another \'illage was formed at Prairie du Rocher five miles from the fort on land granted to Boisbriant. Here a church was dedicated to Saint Joseph, and village and church remain to this day with the old title, although the church and village of Saint Anne de Fort Chartres were in time so invaded by the Mississippi in its floods that they were aban- doned, and the inhabitants removed chiefly, it would seem, to Prairie du Rocher. Two of the chaplains of the Fort, the Abbe Joseph Ga- gnon, parish priest of Cahokia, and Father Luke Collet, a Rec- ollect, died there, and were buried in the church of Saint Anne, but when that edifice threatened to fall with the crumbling earth into the river, their bodies were piously transferred to the church of Saint Joseph.- The spiritual condition of the Mississippi Valley called forth this year the following pastoral from Bishop Saint Val- lier : " We, John, by the grace of God and of the Holy Apos- tolic See, Bishop of Quebec, to our most beloved brethren in Jesus Christ, the missionaries of the Society of Jesus, scat- tered throughout the extent of Micicipi, and to the faithful who are under their guidance, Plealth and Benediction in Our Lord. " The reports which reach us from all sides, from France ' The Register beginning Sept. 13, 1721, is still preserved at Prairie du Roclier. i'Tlie Abbe Gagnon, ordained April 23, 1730, died in July, 1759. Leonard Philibert Collet, who took in religion the name of Luke, was chaplain at the French posts in Pennsylvania, Presquile, and Riviere aux Boeufs. He was born Nov. 3, 1715, and ordained in 1753. Tanguay, "Re- pertoire General." Their bodies were removed by Father S. L. Meurin, S.J., in 1768. p -^ PETER FRANCIS XAV I ER DE C H AR L E V I X. S. J. CopynglU Jjy Jolm G Slieil81.3 BP. SAINT VALLIER 'S PASTORAL. 561 as well as from the upper country, of the disregard of religion and purity, in which the French recently come from France, of every kind of condition, live in the vast country which they have come to inhabit along that great river, making us fear that they will draw down upon us the maledictions of God, fulminated against those who will not live Christian lives, and according to their state, instead of the blessings promised in many places of the sacred books to men of good who seek to serve God well. We have resolved to withstand with all our strength the public vices and disorders, which might be calculated to draw down misfortunes upon us. Wherefore to apply most efficacious remedies, we order those, who under our authority have the conduct of souls, to declare to them, that it is our intention to regard as giving public scandal all who in contempt of divine and human laws go so far as to commit scandalous impiety by their words, or by their actions, or by public concubinage, persons who in disre- gard of all prohibitions intimated to them, persist in fre- quenting and even dwelling together. We do not desire that these classes of persons be admitted to the church or to the sacraments, but that they should be subjected to public pen- ance, which shall be imposed upon them by our Yicar-Gen- eral, conformably to the desire of the Holy Council of Trent, which wished public penance imposed on public sinners. Given at Quebec under our hand and that of our Secretary, sealed with the seal of our arms this 19th day of July one thousand seven hundred and twenty-one. "John, Bishop or Quebec." ' This was apparently the last oflScial act of Bishop Saint Yallier referring directly to the church in the Mississippi - " Archives de I'Archeveche de Quebec." Registre C, p. 119. 36 562 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Valley in which he had taken such interest in his long and eventful administration,' The country of the Illinois having been attached by the French government to Louisiana, negro and Indian slavery was introduced, not without detriment to the moral tone of the community. This connection involved that part of the country in the Indian wars, and the Register of Kaskaskia chronicles requiem masses offered for families and individuals who fell victims to savage fury while descending the Missis- sipjii.'' In August, 1717, the Regent Duke of Orleans in the name of Louis XV,, issued Letters Patent establishing a joint stock company called the " Company of the West," to which Louisiana was transferred. The fifty -third clause reads as follows : " As in the settlement of the countries granted to the said Company by these Presents, We regard especially the glory of God by procuring the salvation of the inhabit- ants, Indians, savages and negroes, whom we desire to be in- structed in the true religion, the said Company shall be obliged to build at its expense churches at the places where it forms settlements ; as also to maintain there the necessary number of approved ecclesiastics ; either with the rank of parish priests or such others as shall be suitable, in order to preach the Holy Gospel there, perform Divine service, and ' As we shall see, Bishop Saint Vallier relinquished the care of Louisiana to the coadjutor assigned to him a few years after this date. He died on the 26th of December, 1727, at the age of 64, at the General Hospital of Quebec, which he had founded. Bishop Saint Vallier's charity and love of the poor were extreme, and he is said to have expended on his diocese 200,000 crowns. " Monseigneur de Saint Vallier et I'Hopital General de Quebec," Quebec, 1882, pp. 1-291. The name is frequently written Saint Valier, but Saint Vallier is evidently the proper form. lb. . p. 709. 2 Register of Kaskaskia, April 29, 1723, Dec. 18, 1719, June 22, 1722, etc. THE COMPANY OF THE WEST. 563 administer the sacraments; all under the authority of the Bishop of Quebec, the said colony remaining in his diocese, as heretofore ; and the parish priests and otiier ecclesiastics which the said Company shall maintain there, shall be at his nomination and patronage." * Meanwhile the Report of Father de Charlevoix as to the spiritual destitution of the colony had induced efforts to re- lieve it. The Commissaries of the Council of the Western Company by an ordinance of May 16, 1722, professed to have been issued by the consent of the Bishop of Quebec, divided Louisiana into three ecclesiastical sections. The part north of the Ohio and corresponding to it on the west of the Mississippi was left in the care of the Society of Jesus and the Seminaries of the Foreign Missions of Quebec and Paris, who had already permanent estaljlishments there. For the new French settlements on and near the mouth of the Mississippi a different arrangement was made. A coad- jutor had been appointed to Bishop Saint Yallier in the per- son of a Capuchin Father of Meudou, Louis Francis Duples- sis de Mornay, who was consecrated Bishop of Eumenia in Phrygia and coadjutor of Quebec, in the church of the Ca- puchins at Paris on the 22d of April, 1714. This prelate never came to America, although he in time succeeded to the see of Quebec. He remained in France, and as Bishop Saint Yal- lier appointed him Yicar-General for Louisiana, he assumed the direction of the Church in that province. When the Company of the West applied to him for priests ' Le Page du Pratz, " Histoire de la Louisiane," i., pp. 77-8. By the " Black Code " (1724), all worship but the Catholic was forbidden. Slaves were to receive religious instruction, but they were not to be married by any clergyman without the permission of the masters ; marriage be- tween whites and blacks was severely prohibited, and clergymen sec ular or regular forbidden to officiate at such unions. I 564 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. to minister to the settlers in tlie province, and continue the work among the French and Indians begun by the Jesuit Fathers and the Priests of the Foreign Missions, Bishop de Mornay offered the more populous field to the order of which he was a member, and in 171T the Capuchin Fathers of the province of Champagne undertook the charge, Royal SIGNATURE OP FATHER JOHN MATTHEW. letters having been obtained in A]3ril of that year to authorize their acceptance of the mission. J^To immediate steps were taken, however ; years passed, and it was not till the commencement of 1721 that any Fa- thers of the Capuchin order appeared in Louisiana. The last entry of the secular clergy at Mobile was that of Hev. Alexander Huvu, on the 13th of January, 1Y21, and /^^-Tt^/^*^ - — — ^^^ SIGNATURE OF FATHER MATTHEW AS VICAR-APOSTOLIC. with him ceased the work of the priests of the Seminary. On the 18th the Capuchin Father, John Matthew, signs as Parish Priest of Mobile.^ As these Fathers came directly from France, and had no personal relations with the Bishop of Quebec, they found applications to him long and tedious. ' Register of Mobile, Jan. 18, 1721. COMMENCEMENT OF NEW ORLEANS. 565 Father John Matthew was evidently the Xorman Capuchin who apphed to Kome for special powers for fifteen missions under his charge, representing that the great distance at which he was from the Bishop of Quebec made it impracti- cable to apply when necessary.' A brief was really issued, and Father John Matthew construed the powers it conferred so liberally as to assume that it exempted him from episcopal jurisdiction, and made him a Vicar- Apostolic, for he signs himself from January 9, 1722, to March 14, 1723, F. Mat- thew, Yicar-Apostolic and Parish Priest of Mobile. Xew Orleans was commenced by Bien%nlle in 1718, and a plan for the new city was laid out by La Tour, the engineer. It was a rectangle, eleven squares along the river, and five in depth. In the centre on the river a square was reserved as the " Place d'Armes," and the square behind it on the Rue de Chartres was reserved for the parish church. But when Father Charlevoix arrived there in January, 1722, the city consisted of about a hundred temporary sheds ; there were only two or three fairly built houses. No chapel had yet been erected ; half of a wretched warehouse had at first been assigned for the chapel, but he says though " they had kindly consented to lend it to the Lord, he had scarcely taken pos- session, when lie was requested to withdraw, and seek shelter under a tent." Yet some rude structure was soon put up, for the hurricane of September 12, 1722, which prostrated thirty log-huts or houses, demolished also the church.' This first church is said to have been dedicated to Saint Ignatius, and to have l)een attended by a Capuchin Father Anthony. 'Michael a Tugio, "BuUarium Ord. FF. Minor. S.P. Francisci Ca- pucinorum." Fol. 1740-52 ; vii., pp. 322-3. ' Charlevoix, " Histoire de la Nouvelle France," ii., pp. 434, 458 ; iii., p. 430. Shea's Translation, vi., pp. 40, 69. me THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. In 1724 or '5 a brick church was at last erected, which stood for about sixty years.' The Company by its ordinance of 1722 assigned the dis- trict between the Mississippi and the Eio Perdido, with the country northward to the Ohio, to the Discalced Carmelite Fathers, who were to have their chief station at Mobile This order never seems to liave entered on the field heartily, although one member, Father Charles, acted for a time as missionary to the Apalaches.^ It is asserted that the Bishop of Quebec, dissatisfied with their inaction, assigned their dis- ^fi- ^^ <^..^-^^^^^ SIGNATURE OF THE CARMELITE FATHER CHARLES. trict also to the Capuchins by an ordinance of December 19, 1722. The Capuchin Father Bruno de Langres set out from France as Superior with several religious in 1722 ; but the next year Father Raphael de Luxembourg, Superior of the Mission, who arrived in the spring, could obtain only a single room for a chapel and another for the four Capuchins who were in Louisiana. So indifferent were the people that only thirty or forty attended the parochial mass on Sunday.' A memoir favorable to the Capuchins says : '' The Com- pany accordingly seeing that they did not furnish as many priests as were necessary," " resolved to place Capuchins in all the French posts, and to entrust the spiritual direction of ' Loewenstein, "History of the St. Louis Cathedral of New Orleans," p. 16. ''Register of Mobile, Apl. 18-2o, 1721. • " U. S. Cath. Hist. Mag.," ii., pp. 295-300. THE CAPUCHINS. 567 the Indians to tlie Jesuits, during the pleasure of the Bishop of Quebec, who in his letters highly approved this arrange- ment." ^ Meanwhile the exclusive district of the Jesuits and Semi- nary priests had been extended down to Xatchez. The Fa- thers of the Society of Jesus were thus left to estabhsh Indian missions in all parts of Louisiana, with a residence at ^ew Orleans, but were not to exercise any ecclesiastical func- tions there without the consent of the Capuchins, and to min- ister to the French in their Illinois district with the Priests of the Foreign Missions, where the Superior of each body was Yicar-General, as the Capuchin Superior was at New Orleans. The Company on the 2Ttli of June, 1725, issued a formal diploma to the Caj^uchins, which was approved by the king at Chantilly, July 1 5, in the same year.' As the colony increased, churches were erected at Mobile, 'New Orleans, and other settlements. A few years later the Capuchins in Louisiana had charge of New Orleans, which had now become the most important place, and con- tained a flock of six hundred Catholic families ; Mobile liad declined to merely sixty families ; the Apalache Indians numbering thirty families ; six at Balize, two hundred at Les AUemands, one hundred at Pointe Coupee, six at Natchez, ' " Memoire concernant I'Eglise de la Louisiane (1722-1728) du 21 Novembre, 1728," in Gravier, "Relation du Voyage des Dames Relig- ieuses Ursulines," Paris, 1872, p. 113. This " Memoire " is unsigned, and contains evident errors, so that its authority cannot be considered great. No ordinance of Bp. Saint Vallier on the matter exists at Quebec, and the whole affair seems to have been managed by Bp. de Mornay. The first Capuchins certainly took possession at Mobile in 1721, one as Cur6 or parish priest, and no Carmelite appears as parish priest. ^Michael a Tugio, "Bullarium Ord. FF. Minor. S.P. Francisci Ca- pucinorum," 1740-52, vii., pp. 328-9. 568 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. and fifty at Natchitoclies, besides three other missions which are not named, comprised tlie whole.' The founder of the Jesuit mission in Louisiana was Father Nicholas Ignatius de Beaubois, born at Orleans, October 15, 1689, who entered the Society just after completing his sev- enteenth year. He was, as we have seen, on the Illinois mis- sion in 1Y20, when he was selected to establish the new and difficult work assigned to his order,^ and was appointed Yicar-General. After visiting Louisiana he returned to France to obtain Fathers of the Society for the missions to be established, and also to obtain Sisters of some order who SIGNATURE OF FATHER DE BEAUBOIS. would be brave enough to cross the ocean to assume the charge of an hospital and open an academy. He applied with the consent of Bishop Saint Yallier to the Ursulines of .Rouen. Those devout ladies accepted the call to the distant field of labor, but at the end of a year little progress was made, so many difficulties were raised by one and another. In one case it was even necessary to obtain the authority of Cardinal Fleury. The Royal Patent authorizing the Ursu- lines to found a convent in Louisiana was issued September 18, 1726.* The Company of the West agreed to maintain six nuns, to pay their passage and that of four servants. Two sisters ' " Bullarium Capuciuorum," vii., p. 330. Two Capuchin Fathers arrived on the " Venus ' in 1722. Dumont, " Memoires," ii., p. 82. - F. Felix Martin, Liste in Carayon, " Bannissement," pp. 120, 126. 3 " Brevet en faveur des Religieuses Ursulines de la Louisiane "; Tran- chepain, " Relation du Voyage," p. 61. MOTHER MARY TRANCHEPAIN. 569 were to have the care of the sick, one to be ready to replace either of them in case of necessity ; a fourth was to manage the domestic affairs of the hospital, and one was to conduct a free school for the poor. At last on the 12th of January, 1727, Mother Mary Tran- chepain of Saint Augustine, with seven professed nuns from Rouen, Havres, Van- with a novice and signattjke of mother de tranchepain. two seculars, met at the infirmary of the Ursulines at Hennebon, ready to embark for Louisiana. They set sail on the 22d of the ensuing month, accompanied by Fathers Tartarin and Doutreleau. After a long and tedious vo^'age, stopping at Madeira for provisions, they reached Louisiana, and in boats slowly made their way to Xew Orleans, and on the 6th of August, Mother Tranchepain reached that city to begin the first convent of religious women within the present limits of the Republic. Father de Beaubois received the Sisters, and escorted them to their temporary home, where the Ursuline Convent of IS'ew Orleans was founded August 7, 1727, to begin the work of education and charity, which has been continued under five different national fla^s in its existence of more than a cen- tury and a half. The building hired for them was to be occupied till their convent and hospital were completed. It was small and in- convenient, and stood in the square now bounded by Ursu- line, Hospital, Decatur, and Chartres Streets, in the south- west of the city. The six months in which the new build- ings were promised, and as many years, passed before the convent was ready to receive them, one of the professed nuns 570 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. dying before the wished-for day.' It is even stated that the nuns occupied for a time a second convent on a short street opening on the levee, and still called " Xun Street," as a neighboring one is "Religious Street." ^ At last on the 17th of July, 1Y34, a procession issued from the temporary convent, twenty young girls, attired as angels, one to represent Saint Ursula, eleven to portray her host of martyred disciples. The scholars and orphans followed, then came the Jesuit Fathers, de Beaubois and Petit, and the Capuchin Father Philip bearing the Blessed Sacrament under a canopy. Behind it came the nineteen Ursuline nuns in their choir-mantles, veiled, each carrying a lighted taper. Governor Bienville, with the Intendant and officers, followed, and then the citizens, the procession being flanked on either side by the military force of the colony, the drums and in- struments blending their sounds with the religious chants as they moved along. At the parish church Father Petit de- livered a sermon on the importance of Christian education. Then after receiving the benediction of the Blessed Sacra- ment the procession moved to the convent, the bells of which rang out a welcome as it approached. The cloister was then estabHshed, and the Ursuline Com- munity began its labors. The buildings, in spite of the time taken to erect them, and the money ostensibly expended, were by no means adequate to the wants of the community, ' Tranchepain, " Relation du Voyage des premieres Ursulines," New York, 1859. Gravner, " Relation du Voyage des Dames Religieuses Ur- sulines de Rouen h la Nouvelle Orleans." This work gives letters of Marie Hacherd, a novice, to her father, and embodies the account of Mother Tranchepain. ^ "Ursulines of New Orleans." New Orleans, 1886. One of the nuns, Marianne BouUenger de Ste. Angelique, was a sister of the Jesuit Father of the same name in Illinois. THE URSULINE CONVENT. 571 who were compelled at ouce to begin another structure for their dav-sehool. Bj prudence and patience the Ursulines at last had hospital and schools on a solid basis, but they were grieved to see the people so indifferent to the educa- tional advantages their academy afforded. The hospital un- der their management gave such general satisfaction that it was resorted to by all. The daughters of the better class were educated in their academy, many in time marrying French UKStn.rNT: cokvent, new Orleans, begun in 1727, now resi- dence OF THE ARCHBISHOP. and Spanish officials of rank, and doing honor in other lands to their training by the exhil)ition of Christian graces. The Ursuline Convent thus erected still stands, and is the oldest building in the city of Kew Orleans, as it is the oldest conventual structure in the United States. Occupied for some years past as the residence of the Archbishop, it has not lost its religious character. It stands on Chartres Street, near Oonde. 572 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. As we have seen by tlie arrangement of the trading Com- pany, the highly educated Jesuits were confined to the In- dian field, and were not allowed to exercise the ministry among the settlers of Louisiana, who were assigned to a less cultured body. The first Father who arrived to take part in the Louisiana missions was the Canadian Michael Baudouin, followed in 1Y26 by Fathers Mathurin le Petit, Paul du Poissou, John Souel, Alexis de Guyenne, and John Dumas. The next year, as we have seen, Fathers Tartarin and Doutreleau arrived on the " Gironde " with the Ursulines. Father Dumas went up to the Illinois missions ; Father du Poisson was sent to the Arkansas, who had received no instruction since Rev. Nicholas Foucault's death ; Father de Guyenne undertook to plant a mission among the Aliba- mons, and Father le Petit among the Choctaws. A chaplain had been sent out by Law to attend the set- tlers whom he planted on his grant upon the Arkansas, but this clergyman died just as the vessel reached the mouth of the Mississippi, and Father du Poisson found not only In- dians but French settlers wlio required his services. He be- gan to study the language of the Arkansas Indians in order to instruct them, and Father Souel, though often prostrated by disease, was equally diligent among the Yazoos,' the neigh- boring French post having been in 1Y23 attended by the Abbe Juif, who had served as chaplain in the French army, and who in a terrible drought induced his people at the Yazoo to make a general fast and attend the Forty Hours Devotion to obtain rain from heaven.^ In 1728 the Capuchins were thus distributed : Y. Rev, 1 Letter of Father Du Poisson, " Lettres Edifiantes " (Kip, pp. 231-357). ^ Dumont, " Memoires Historiques sur la Louisiane," i., pp. 164, 174. THE NATCHEZ MASSACRE. 573 Father Eaphael, Vicar-General of the Bishop of Quebec, and parish priest of Xew Orleans, with Father Hyacinth vicar, and Father Cecihus, schoolmaster, were at the caj)ital ; Father Theodore at Chapitoulas ; Father Philip at Les Alle- mands ; Father Gaspar at Balize ; Father Mathias at Mobile ; with Father Yictorin Dupui, a Recollect, as parish priest of the Apalaches ; Father Maximin at ISTatchitoches, and Father PhiHbert at Natchez, described by Father le Petit as a worthy, zealous priest. While the Jesuits, whose Superior, Father de Beaubois, had been recalled, awaited the arrival at New Orleans of the Superior, Father (2^ jt^C^'^^^ ^^kcry^uyEy Mathurin le Pe- tit, from his mis- Z i;ict(jyn'n /J^cc^< sion amonff the ° SIGNATURES OF THE JESTJIT FATHER MATHURIN LE Choctaws, ra- petit, and the recollect father victorin. ther dn Poisson was among the Arkansas Indians; Fathers Tartarin and le Boullenger at Kaskaskia ; Father Guymonneau among the Metchigameas ; Father Doutreleau on the Ouabache ; Father Souel among the Yazoos ; and Father Baudouin at- tempting the dangerous task of establishing a mission among the treacherous Chickasaws. These Indian missions were, however, nearly broken up in 1729 by the Natchez. Provoked by the tyranny and ra- pacity of Chopart, the French commandant, that tribe rose against the French and massacred all they met. Father du Poisson, on his way to New Orleans to explain to Governor Perrier the wants of his mission, reached Natchez on the 26th of November, and finding the Capuchin Father absent, remained at the request of the people to officiate for them on the following day, the first Sunday of Advent. He also 574 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. attended the sick, and on Monday, after offering the Holy Sacrifice, was carrying the Blessed Sacrament to some sick persons, when the signal for the massacre was given. A gigantic chief sprang upon the unsuspecting priest, hurled him to the ground, and by repeated blows of his tomahawk severed his head from his body. The only words the mis- sionary could utter were : " Ah ! my God ! ah ! my God ! " An officer who tried to save him was shot down. In a few moments every Frenchman but two was slain, and most of the women ; the rest were reduced to a wretched slavery. The Yazoos, drawn into a general conspiracy against the French by the Natchez, lay in wait for Father Souel on the 11th of December, as he returned from a visit to the chief. As the Jesuit Father entered a ravine, he fell dead, riddled by a volley of musket-balls. One of the murderers arrayed himself in the missionary's clothes, and hastened to the Katchez, to show that the Yazoos had fulfilled their pledge. The rest plundered the house of Father Souel, and the next day surprised and murdered the garrison of the French post. Father Doutreleau liad set out from Illinois for Father Souel's station, but landed on the river-side on New- Year's Day, 1Y30, to say mass. He had set up his altar, and was about to begin the mass, when some Yazoos landed near the party. The French boatmen of the missionary were igno- rant of the Indian outbreak, and allowed the Yazoos to kneel down behind them. The mass began, and as the priest ut- tered the '*■ Kyrie Eleison," the Indians fired a volley, wound- ing Father Doutreleau, and killing one of his boatmen. The others fled, and Father Doutreleau knelt to receive the final blow ; but when the Indians firing wildly missed him again and again, he followed his boatmen, vested as he was. He reached the boat by wading, and though as he climbed in he received a discharge of shot in the mouth, he took the rud- JESUIT MISSIONARIES. 575 der, and the boatmen plying their paddles with superhuman energy, soon left their murderous assailants far behind. Fa- ther Doutreleau reached New Orleans safely, and there his wounds were treated.' A naval officer of this period, who must be regarded as impartial, draws this picture of these missionaries of the Mississippi Yalley : " I cannot help doing the justice due the Jesuit Fathers in regard to their missions. Nothing is more edif \dng for religion than their conduct, and- the un- wearied zeal with which they labor for the conversion of these nations. Picture to yourself a Jesuit four hundred leagues away in the woods, with no conveniences, no provis- ions, and most frequently with no resource but the liberality of people who know not God, compelled to live like them, to pass whole years without receiving any tidings, with sav- ages who have only the countenance of human beings, among whom, instead of finding society or relief in sickness, he is daily exposed to perish and be massacred. This is done daily by these Fathers in Louisiana and Canada." * The French authorities immediately prepared to punish the Natchez, and arrayed all the tribes under their influence against that tribe and the Chiekasaws, who espoused their cause. The Indian nations on the Mississippi were all in- volved in the war, and mission work for the time was neces- sarily suspended. When the Natchez were finally overthrown. Father de Guyenne, and subsequently Father Carette, continued Father ' Father le Petit in "Lettres Edifiantes" (in Kip, pp. 267, etc.). Du- mont, "Memoires Historiques," ii., pp. 144, 163. Le Page du Pratz, " Histoire de la Louisiana," iii., pp. 257, 263. * "Relation de la Louisiane ou Mississippi," Amsterdam, 1734, p. 25; "Memoire sur la Louisiane, ou le Mississippi," in Recueil B., Luxem- bourg, 1752, p. 144. 576 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. du Poisson's labors among the Arkansas. The missionary, Carette, learned the language of his flock, and underwent great hardships in his efforts to instruct them ; but his efforts were neutralized by the corrupt French at the post. At the fort there was no chapel, and no place where he could offer the holy sacrifice but a room open to all, even to the poultry, so that a hen once flew on the altar just as he concluded the mass. Even this did not induce those in authority to erect a suitable, chapel. His remonstrance only led really to further derision and mockery of religion.^ Hopeless of effecting any good. Father Carette withdrew till such time as a suitable chapel was prepared." Bishop de Mornay succeeded to the see of Quebec on the death of Bishop Saint Yallier in 1727, but though he held the see till his own resignation five years later, there is no trace of any action on his part in regard to the province which was his especial care. On the recall of the Abbe Varlet, the Seminary of the Foreign Missions sent to the Tamarois mission two young priests, Rev. Thaumur de la Source and Rev. Mr. Mercier, the expenses of the voyage and outfit amounting to 6,641 livres. To give permanence to their religious work, these two clergy- men obtained from Dugue de Boisbriant, the Command- ant, and Mark Anthony de la Loere des Ursins, Commis- ' A curious relic of the Jesuit missions at the South is preserved in Timberlake's " Memoirs," London, 1765, p. 96. It is described on the title-page as "A Curious Secret Journal taken by the Indians out of the pocket of a Frenchman they had killed"; but was really taken from a French Indian. It is simply one of the sheet almanacs commonly given in missions with the Sundays, Holidays, Fast and Abstinence days marked by signs, so that Indians when off hunting can keep up with the calendar ! - " Bannissement des Jesuites de la Louisiane," p. 19 ; Father Watrin to the Propaganda. REV. MR. GASTON KILLED. 577 saire, a tract four leagues square, a quarter of a league above the little river Cabokia, wbicb was conceded in legal form to the Seminary of Quebec.^ This land was nearly all granted out to settlers, and a pros- perous little community grew up, mills and other works of general use being established by the Seminary priests. After ten years' service, the Kev, Thaumur de la Source returned to Canada in 1728, and the Rev. Joseph Courrier and the Rev. Mr. Gaston, ordained in 1730, were sent from Quebec. The Rev. Mr. Gaston was killed by Indians soon after reaching Tamarois ; Rev. Mr. Courrier labored at his post for several years, regarded as a man of extraordinary .e/T /f^<.^^^ ^Z^ SIGNATURE OF REV. MR. FORGET DTTVERGER. sanctity. Broken by disease, he went to N^ew Orleans to ob- tain medical treatment, and died among the Capuchins in the autumn of 1735.' The Abbe Mercier was again left almost alone, and saw most of his buildings destroyed by fire. His associate, the Rev. Mr. Gagnon, sinking under age and infirmities, wished to return to Canada, but was too devoted to depart before ' " Extrait des Registres du Conseil Provincial des Illinois"; La Tour, *' Memoire sur la Vie de M. de Laval," p. 101. ^ Laval, " Memoires sur la Vie de M. Laval," Cologne, 1761, p. 101. o^y y' / Tlie Capuchin Fathers ^^ seem to nave discharged signature of father v i vie r. their functions quietly, as we rarely find any allusion to them in the official dispatches or in the writings of men like Le Page du Pratz, Dumont, Penicaut, Benard de la Harpe, writers who took an active part ' " Registre de la Paroisse de St. Francois Xavier au Poste Vincennes." 580 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. in the affairs of the colony. Religion certainly did not gain ; vice increased unchecked ; no public institutions, religious or charitable, were established, that show a community imbued with faith. One of the Capuchin Fathers who labored long- est on the mission was Father John Francis, who was at Pointe Coupee in 173Y and was parish priest of Mobile, with little interruption from 1736 to 1755. Father Mathias de Sedan was parish priest from 1726 to 1736, and was Superior and Vicar-General from 1734 ; Father Anselm de Langres SIGNATURE OP FATHER JOHN FRANCIS. in 1738 erected the oratory of St. Francis at Pointe Coupee, dedicated it on the I6th of March, and blessed the bells on Holy Saturday. The Recollect Father, Victorin, was for some years in Louisiana, and his name appears at Mobile from 1728 to 1735 ; and a secular priest, Rev. Mr. Didier, was at Pointe Coupee in 1756, but they are solitary cases, the parishes generally being directed by the Capuchin Fathers, who numbered from ten to fifteen. The Jesuit Fathers at New Orleans had no parochial du- ties,' but directed the Ursulines from the foundation of the 'A "Memoire" in Gravier, "Relation du Voyage," says that Father de Beaubois, after becoming Vicar-General, " made himself superior of the Ursuline community and seized all authority there," p. 116. Sister Hachard's Letters and Mother Tranchepain's " Narrative," as well as the account of her death, show on the contrar}^ that he brought the commu- nity out, and was their Superior and Director exclusively. " If we had the misfortune to lose him either b}' illness or otherwise," wrote Sister Hachard, " we should be deeply afflicted and greatly to be pitied." MOTHER DE TRANCHEPAIN. 581 conveut, and beyond that, had charge merely of their pri- vate chapel and a plantation where they introduced the orange-tree and the sugar-cane. Father de Beaubois re- mained at New Orleans, assisted from time to time by Fa- ther Peter Vitry and others. From some cause Father de Beaubois was interdicted, and that year the foundress of the Ursuhnes was prostrated by a fatal illness on St. Ursula's day, 1733. After suffering for eighteen days, she asked to receive Extreme Unction, which the Capuchin Father Ba- phael, Vicar-General of the Bishop, permitted Father Beau- bois to administer, to the great consolation of the dying relig- ious. Fortified by all the sacraments, she expired on the 11th of Xovember, 1733, "after having given evidence of all the virtues that could be desired in a worthy and perfect Superior.'' She was born of a Protestant family at Bouen, and was strongly attached to her family and home, where she was a favorite. The truth of the Catholic faith became so clear to her, however, that she presented herself at the Ursuline Con- vent to receive instruction, and there made her abjuration. Edified by all she saw in the religious, she soon after solicited admission and became a novice in 1699. From the first she was filled with the idea of founding a convent in America, and according to the circular on her death, was enlightened supematurally as to the plan of Father Beaubois. That relig- ious, learning of her desire to aid the missions by her services, wrote to her, and it was through the energy, address, and tact of Mother Mary Tranchepain of Saint Augustine that the difficulties raised against the project were finally over- come. The long voyage and the trials attending the estabhsh- ment of the convent at New Orleans, brought out all her ad- mirable qualities, and added to her merit. The injustice done to her director, Father de Beaubois, was not the least of the crosses she was called upon to bear. 582 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. She established her convent, her community directing the hospital for the sick, an academy for young ladies, a poor- school, an orphan asylum, and catechism for negroes, old and young. She found the greatest ignorance among the white girls born in the country, and the instruction of the future mothers in the colony in their religion was one of the duties of the Ursulines. When the Natchez massacre filled the province with or- phan girls, these nuns opened their doors to them,' In time the Bishop of Quebec appointed Father de Beau- bois his Yi car-General in Louisiana, but the Capuchin Fa- thers refused to recognize his authority. They claimed that under the agreement with the Company the Bishop of Que- bec had in perpetuity made the Superior of the Capuchins his Yicar-General, and could appoint no other. The colony was divided into two parties, and a disedifying struggle en- sued. The Capuchins succeeded in inducing Bishop Mornay to suspend Father de Beaubois, and to ask the Provincial of the Jesuits to recall him to France. But subsequent Bishops of Quebec, finding it impossible to exercise any control over the Capuchins in Louisiana through their Superior, to maintain discipline or to carry out the rules of the diocese, constantly insisted on confiding the office of Yicar-General to some member of the Society of Jesus, there being no other regulars, and no secular priests at New Orleans. They could not as bishops admit that the assent of Bishop de Mornay, a coadjutor, and Yicar-General, to an agreement be- tween a trading company and a religious order, deprived every Bishop of Quebec of the right to act as freely in Louis- iana as in any other part of his diocese.* ' " Lettre Circulaire "in " Relation du Voyage," pp. 54-60. Gravier, " Relation du Voyage," pp. 85, 97, 123. - Letters of Bp. Briand, June, 1767, April 26, 1769. THE VICAR-GENERALSHIP. 583 In the year 1739 the Right Rev. Henry Mary Du Breuil de Poutbriand, Bishop of Quebec, deemed it proper for the interest of reKgion to appoint Father Peter Yitry of the Society of Jesus his Yicar-General for Louisiana, and suc- cessor to Father Mathias, the Capuchin, who had held that office, and his Letters to that effect were duly registered by the Superior Council of the Province. Even then Father Hilary posted up a document in which he assailed the Coun- cil so violently that they insisted on his returning to France. When all became quiet Father Yitry acted as Yicar-Gen- eral till his death in 1750. "When the Bishop of Quebec, [ U-^r/C- lA^Y '•^Cyr SIGNATURES OF FATHERS BAUDOUIN AND VITRY. April 29, 1757, appointed the Jesuit Father, Michael Bau- douin, his Yicar-General, the Capuchin Fathers protested, and again maintained that their Superior by the treaty with the Company of the West was entitled to the appointment.' The Fathers of the Society wished to yield the point, but Mgr. Pontbriand insisted. The matter was argued before the Su- perior Council of Louisiana, which finally registered the 1 Bishop de Pontbriand's powers to Father Baudouin were most explicit. They recite that he had, from the commencement of his administration, made the Superior General of the Jesuits his Vicar-General in all parts of Louisiana, and specifically gives Father Baudouin full powers over all priests, whether of the Society of Jesus or Order of St. Francis, to give or withhold faculties at his discretion. The Letter of Appointment is in the archives of the Archbishop of Quebec, C. 234. 584 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. appointment, and recognized Father Baudouin as Yicar- General.' Father Baudouin had been for eighteen years on the Choc- taw mission, aided for a time by Father Lefevre. If his labors did not convert the tribe, he, at least, retained their friendship for the French, whom they could annihilate in a day if they had turned against them. Father William Francis Morand, who arrived in 1735, took charge of the Alibamon mission for several years, but was recalled to New Orleans to jT^ /v^fi^U^^Uu, /ty/hi^n^^ t^u^e SIGNATURES OF FATHERS LE BOULLENGER, GUYMONNEAU, AND TARTARIN. succeed Father Doutreleau as chaplain of the TJrsulines and their hospital." Father Le Roy, another missionary among the Alibamons, when he denounced the sale of liquor to the Indians, which led to drunkenness and crime of every kind, was forced to leave by the French officer at Fort Toulouse, Montberaut, whom Bossu describes as "an avowed enemy of ' Father Baudouin laid the matter before the Propaganda in 1759, but no decision was reached. ' " Bannissement des Jesuites de la Louisiane," pp. 30-1 ; Vivier in "Lettres Edifiantes," Kip, p. 316; Bossu, " Nouveaux Voyages," ii., p. 99. FATHER SEN AT KILLED. 585 those niissionaries." ' This mission was probably near the present town of Cahaba, where old French works were visi- ble a few years ago." The missions in Illinois went quietly on, seldom marked by any event requiring special notice. The older mission- aries had dropped away, Father Gabriel Marest dying in September, 1715, and Father John Mermet in 1718. Their bodies were transferred by Father Le Boullenger to the church at Kaskaskia, on the 18th of December, 1727.' The Jesuit Fathers, Dumas and Tartarin, were laboring there in the following years. When the massacre at Natchez in- volved the Valley of the Mississippi in Indian wars an expe- dition of French and Illinois was sent against the Chicka- saws in 1736, and Father Antoninus Senat, S.J., accompanied the force as chaplain. After some success, the French corps, which was to co-operate with another from the South, was attacked by the whole Chickasaw army. Yincennes the commander, d'Artaguiette, Father Senat, and others were taken, though the missionary might readily have escaped. He would not, however, abandon those who needed his min- istry, and was burned at the stake on Palm Sunday, 1736,* most proba1)ly in Lee County, Mississippi.* In 1750 Fathers Guyenne, Yivier, Watrin, and Meurin were on the mission in Illinois," where all but the second re- 1 Bossu, ii., p 16 ; Father Watrin to the Propaganda. ''Brewer, "Alabama," Montgomery, 1872, p. 209. I find nothing to fix the exact position of the Choctaw mission, but it was apparently near the French fort Tombecbe, at Jones' Bluff, in Sumter County, Ala. lb., p. 526. ^ Register of Kaskaskia. ■* " Bannissement des J^suites," p. 24 ; Dumont, ."Mfemoires Histo riques," ii., p. 229. ' Claiborne, " Mississippi," .Jackson, 1880, p. 62. ' F. Vivier in " Lettres Edifiantes" (Kip, p. 316). 686 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. mained for several years. Two years later the Weas and Piankeshaws, two Miami tribes, wou by the English, plotted the destruction of the live French settlements in Illinois. The conspiracy was discovered before Christmas day, the time lixed for its execution. The French officers of Fort Chartres had their men ready and suddenly attacked the Miamis. Some took refuge in the house of the Jesuit Fathers, and held out, but were finally taken. The French in Illinois were thus exposed to the dangers of Indian war, and a gen- eral order was given that settlers coming to mass should bring their firearms, and as these were stacked outside, a sentinel was appointed to keep guard.' Meanwhile some of the French in Illinois, allured by the fertile lands west of the Mississippi, began about 1735 the settlement of Sainte Genevieve, and to them also the Jesuit Fathers ministered. The little settlement there in time had its church, and its register begins on the 24th of February, 1760, with a baptism performed by Father P. F. Watrin, S.J. Fathers Salleneuve and La Morinie, driven by war from their own missions, subsequently officiated at this church.^ In 1763 there were seven little French villages in Illinois, three under the spiritual care of the Jesuits, and four directed by the Seminaiy priests. The Jesuit Fathers still attended the five villages of the Kaskaskias, Metchigameas, Cahokias, and Peorias ; the last tribe had obstinately rejected their teaching ; the Cahokias reluctantly yielded for a time, but abandoned the faith, as did the Metchigameas. The Kaskas- kias persevered, and Father Watrin ascribes their persever- ' Bossu, " Nouveaux Voyages," i., pp. 132, 133. ' Rozier, " Address at the 150th Celebration of the Founding of Saint Genevieve," St. Louis, 1885, pp. 10, 11. THE SUPERIOR COUNCIL OF LOUISIANA. 587 ance to the zeal and courage of Father Guyeime, who died in 1762.' Meanwhile the Parlements in several provinces of France, beginning with that of Paris in 1761, had condemned the Jesuits, and measures were taken for their suppression throughout the kingdom. Imitating their example the Superior Council of Louisiana, in 1763, resolved to act, and on the 9th of June, this insignificant body of provincial offi- cers, assuming to decide in matters ecclesiastical of which they were profoundly ignorant, issued a decree. In this ex- traordinary document, these men pretending to be Catholics condemned the Institute of the Society of Jesus, which had been approved by several Popes, and by the General Coun- cil of Trent. They declared the Institute to be dangerous to the royal authority, to the rights of bishops, to the public peace and safety, and they consequently declared the vows taken in the order to be null and void. Members of the Society were forbidden to use its name or habit. It then ordered all their property except the personal books and clothing of each one to be seized and sold at auction. The vestments and plate of the chapel at New Orleans were to be given to the Capuchin Fathers. Although the Illinois coun- try had been ceded to the King of England, and was no longer subject to France or Louisiana, they ordered the vest- ments and plate there to be delivered to the king's attorney. The most monstrous part of the order was, that the chapels attended by Fathers of the Society in Louisiana and Illinois, many being the only places where Catholics, white and In- dian, could worship God, were ordered by these men to be levelled to the ground, leaving the faitlif ul destitute of priest and altar. ' Father Watrin to the Propaganda. 588 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Eyerj Jesuit Father and Brother was tlien to be sent to- France on the first vessels ready to sail, a sum of about $420 being allowed to each one for his passage and six months' subsistence. Each one was ordered to present himself to the Duke de Choiseul in France.' As though convinced that more definite grounds should be stated for their action, the council added three motives for their action, charging the Jesuits with having neglected their mis- sions, developed their plantation, and usurped the office of Yic- ar-General. To the first charge the record of their labors was a sufficient answer : to the last the decision of the Superior Coun- cil itself in the matter of the office refuted the charge made ; and at all events only one Father was Vicar-General, and oth- ers could not be punished for his act. That the Jesuits had made their plantation so productive as to maintain their mis- sionaries was creditable, and could not be punished by any law. But the unjust decree was carried out. The Jesuits were arrested, their property sold, their chapel at IS^ew Orleans demolished, leaving the vaults of the dead exposed. It was one of the most horrible profanations committed on this soil by men pretending to be Catholics. Of these enemies of religion, the name of de la Freniere alone has come down to us : and to the eye of faith his tragic fate in less than six years seems a divine retribution." Father Carette was sent to Saint Domingo ; Father le Roy reached Mexico by way of Pensaeola ; the aged Father Baudouin, broken by labors and illness, a man of seventy-two, was about to be dragged to a ship, when men of position in- ' I have sought in vain the Records of this Superior Council to obtain the exact text of this anti-Cathohc and anti-Christian decree ; but the proceedings have apparently perished. '^ He was executed at New Orleans, charged with conspiracy against the very royal power he pretended to uphold. WAR ON RELIGION. 589 terfered and arrested the brutality of sending an American to France, where he had no kindred or friends. A wealthy planter named Bore claimed the right to give the aged priest a home. Father John James le Predom*, who had been labor- ing since 1754 in his distant Alibamon mission, did not hear the cruel order for a long time, and then it was months be- fore he could reach New Orleans to be sent off as a criminal. On the night of September 22d, the courier reached Fort Chartres in English territory, but as the fort had not yet been transferred, the king's attorney proceeded the next day to carry out an order which he knew it was illegal on his part to enforce. He read the decree to Father "Watrin, a man of sixty-seven, and expelled him and his fellow-mission- aries, Aubert and Meurin, from the house at Kaskaskia. They sought refuge with the missionary of the Indians. The Kas- kaskias wished to demand that the missionaries should be left among them, but Father Watrin dissuaded them. The menacing attitude of the Indians, when it was proposed to demolish the chapel in their village, had its effect. The French at Kaskaskia asked in vain that Father Aubert, their pastor, should be left to them, but the king's attorney seized not only the plate and vestments of the Illinois churches, but those brought during the war by Father Salleneuve from Detroit, and Father de la Morinie from St. Joseph's River. In a few days the vestments nsed in the august sacrifice were cut up and seen in the hands of negresses, and the altar cruci- fix and candlesticks in a house that decent people had always shunned. He sold the property, pretending to give a French title for land in an English province, and requiring the pur- chaser to do what he apparently feared to do, demolish the chapel. He even sent to Yincennes, where the property of the Jesuits was seized and sold, and Father Devernai, though an invalid for six months, carried off. 690 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. The Jesuits, torn from their iriissions, were then taken down to New Orleans, meeting sympathy at every French post, the Capuchin Father Irenaeus, at Pointe Coupee, doing for them all that he could have done for the most esteemed of his own brethren. The Capuchins at New Orleans came to receive them with every mark of sympathy, and obtained a house adjoining their own to shelter them, and in gratitude the books which had been spared to the Jesuits, and which formed a little library, were given by them to the Capuchin Fathers, The Illinois Jesuit Fathers were put on the first ship, the " Minerve," which sailed February 6th, All were sent away except Father de la Morinie, who was allowed to remain till spring, and Father Meurin, whose request to be permitted to return to Illinois was sustained so strongly, that the council yielded.' But he was not suffered to ascend the Mississippi to minister to the Catholics from Yincennes to St, Genevieve, destitute of priests and of every requisite for divine service, till he signed a document that he would recognize no other ecclesiastical superior than the Superior of the Capuchins at New Orleans, and would hold no communication with Quebec or Rome." The Illinois territory had lost also the Priests of the For- eign Missions. When the Rev. Francis Forget Duverger saw the country ceded to England, and beheld the French officials from New Orleans make open war on religion, seize church vestments and plate, and order the Catholic chapels to be razed to the ground, he seems to have thought that all Was lost, and that religion in Illinois was extinct. Without ' " Bannissement des Jesuites de la Louisiane," pp. 1-50. * Letter of F. Meurin to Rt. Rev. Oliver Briand, Bishop of Quebec, March 23,1767. Archives of Archbishop of Quebec. "Bannissement des Jesuites," p. 62. LOUISIANA IN 1763. 591 any authority he sold all the property of the Seminary, in- cluding a good stone house erected by him, and a lot of about seven acres, with mills, slaves, and all implements, though of course his deed conveyed no title. His parishion- ers remonstrated, but he persisted, and abandoning his parish descended the Mississippi with the Jesuit prisoners, whom he accompanied to France. After the Jesuit Fathers were carried o£E from Louisiana the population of New Orleans, estimated at about four thousand, including slaves, and all the Catholics, French and Indians in the Illinois country, depended on the Recollect, F. Luke Collet, and nine or ten Capuchin Fathers, on whom all the parochial work and the Indian missions devolved, as well as the care of two hospitals and the Ursuline Convent, with its acad- emy and free schools. Five were employed in New Orleans. It was, of course, utterly impossible for them to meet all the wants of so large a district. They had already withdrawn from the chapel at the fort below the city of New Orleans and from Chapitoulas. Father Barnabas was stationed at the fine church at the Cote aux Allemands ; Father Irenseus still directed that at Pointe Coupee. Another Father was stationed at Natchitoches, near which the remnant of the Apalaches had settled. Mobile had been ceded to England, and Father Ferdinand was preparing to withdraw as soon as the French flag was lowered.' ' Father Philibert Francis Watrin, " Memoire Abregee sur les Missions de la Colonie nommSe Louisiane." transmitted to the Propaganda in 1765. On the 14th of April, 1766, Father Simon ex Parey, Provincial of the Capuchin province of Champagne, wrote from Sedan to the Propaganda soliciting special powers, the Bishop of Quebec being dead and Canada in the hands of the English. Archives of the Propaganda. The only priest of Louisiana birth I trace in this period, is Father Stephen Bernard Alexander Viel, S.J., a poet and scholar, born at New Orieans, Oct. 31, 1736, died in France in 1831. CHAPTER II. THE CHURCH IN MAINE, 1690-1763. The earlier missioii work within our limits performed by the regular and secular clergy .connected with the Church in Canada was purely an outgrowth of Catholic zeal for the conversion of the heathen, a desire to save some of the almost countless tribes of Indians scattered over the country. At the period we have now reached, however, the menac- ing character of the English colonies led to a change. The government both in France and Canada had for a time shown itself less disposed to favor the missionaries, and if from 1690 an interest is evinced in their work, it was rather to use them as instruments of the government to further its political, military, or commercial views than for any real in- terest in the spread of the gospel. As the English colonies were constantly hounded on by their magistrates and ministers against everything Cathohc, laws, proclamations, newspapers, sermons, and religious tracts, all breathing the most unchristian hatred of tlie Church, its clergy and faithful, the position of missionaries in tribes along the frontier of the French and English possessions be- came one of constant danger, and they could continue their labors only by conforming to the wishes of the Canadian au- thorities, if they looked to them for protection and support.' ' A Massachusetts statute in 1692 forbade any French Catholic to reside or be in any of the seaports or frontier towns in the province without license from the governor and council. Williamson, ii., p. 25, (592) A FALSE POSITION. 593 " If the interest of tlie gospel did not induce us to keep missionaries in all the Indian villages, Iroquois, Abnaki, and others," wrote the Marquis de DenonviUe in 1690, " the in- terest of the civil government for the benefit of trade ought to lead us to contrive always to have some there, for these In- dian tribes can be controlled only by missionai-ies, who alone are able to keep them in our interest, and prevent them any day turning against us. I am convdnced by experience that the Jesuits are the only ones capable of controlling the mind of all these Indian nations, being alone masters of the differ- ent languages, to say nothing of their ability acquired by long experience among them successively by the mission- aries, whom they have had and continue to have in consider- able numbers among them." This placed the missionaries in a deplorable position. From the neighboring English they could expect only hatred and hostility ; from the French, support only on conditions repugnant to them as priests, and made endurable only by national feeling. France had retained a foothold in Maine at Pentagoet, the present Castine, but her statesmen neglected to fortify the position or form a strong colony there, as they might easily have done by sending over impoverished farmers from the overcrowded districts of France. Pentagoet had but a feeble life, and though the parish of the Holy Family was erected there, population declined rather than increased, especially after the death of the Baron de Saint Castin. At last, however, the French Government saw the danger that was born of its neglect. The English by possessing the Kennebec and other rivers had an open path to attack Quebec and wrest Canada from France. The Abnakis in Maine, from the days of the Capuchin missions and the labors of Father Druillettes, had been friendly to the French, If in the wars that were now inev- 38 594 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. itable England could gain tliis tribe and use it against Can- ada, that province would soon be lost. Acting on this belief, the government in Canada encouraged the establishment of missions from the Kennebec to the Saint Johns, to which they had previously been indifferent.' The Fathers of the Society of Jesus who had gathered Abnakis at Sillery, and subsequently founded for them the mission of Saint Francis on the Chaudiere, revived their mis- sion in Maine in 1688, when Father Bigot erected a chapel at IS^arantsouac, now Norridgewock on the Kennebec, and about the same time the Recollect Father Simon established a mis- sion at Medoctec on the River St. John, near the present Maine border.^ The Jesuit Father, Peter Joseph de la Chasse, was for twenty years connected with the Indian missions in Maine, on which also Fathers Julian Binneteau and Joseph Aubery also labored earnestly. By their exertions the Canibas, Etechemins, and Penobscots were all gained, and became Catholic tribes.' The parish at Pentagoet had remained in the hands of the Seminary of Quebec, but the white population was so trifling that the Rev. Mr. Thury found most of his flock to be In- dians. He devoted himself to their service, preparing prayers and hymns in their language, and exercising a most beneficial ' Where clergy are paid by the State, the Government and its oflScials always regard them as a sort of underlings whom they can on all occa- sions require to act as they see fit. Every commandant of a post like Cadillac, Villebon, etc., considered missionaries bound to leave or change missions, go or come at his option. "Coll. de Manuscrits," ii., pp. 148, 155. - " Collection de Manuscrits," Quebec, 1884, ii., p. 2. ^"Collection de Manuscrits," Quebec, 1884, ii., p. 127. The zeal of Father Aubery so offended the English that a price was offered for his head. lb., p. 52. " ParoUes des Sauvages de la Mission de Pentago- et," ib., pp. 34, 38. Aubery was near Pentagoet between 1700 and 1709. Maurault, p. 498. THE MAINE MISSIONS. 595 influence. He was, however, called upon to gather and in- struct the Nova Scotia Indians, and died at Chebucto, June 3, 1699, mourned bj the Indians there as a father and a friend.' The Rev. James Alexis de Fleury d'Eschambault, who re- placed the great missionary, died in his labors in 1698 ; * but his place was taken by Rev. Philip Rageot, who continued till 1701, aided for a time bv Rev. Mr. Guay, who retired with him, and by Rev. Anthony Gaulin, a pious and esteemed priest, who closed his pastorship in 1703." The Seminary of Quebec had been urged by Bishop Saint ValHer in 1693 to assume the charge of all the Indian mis- sions in Maine, but had declined the responsibility. At this time they felt that the missions should be in the hands of one body, and relinquished the post at Pentagoet to the Jesuit Fathers. From this time it ceased to be regarded as a parish, and an Indian fort further up the river became the seat of the mission. The organizing of church work among the Maine Indians 'Diereville, "Voyage," pp. 55, 180. 2 "Collection de Manuscrits," ii., pp. 78, 306, 386. Cardinal Tasche- reau, "Memoire sur la Mission del Acadie du Seminaire de Quebec." "Archives de I'Archeveche de Quebec." "New England Hist. Gen. Register," 1880, p. 92. Villebon wrote to the Minister in France, Oct. 27, 1699 : "Of the five priests whom the Bishop of Quebec ought to main- tain here, there is one at Pentagoet, who has with him a young eccle- siastic, who does not yet say mass. I humbly beg you, my Lord, to see to this and send me a chaplain from France. There are very worthy Irish priests, and it would be very advantageous to have some of that nation with reference to the Irish Catholics who are in Boston, and who not being well treated there, would much more readily decide to come among us, if they knew we had a priest of their nation." " Collection de Manuscrits," ii., p. 330. The remains of the old fort are still visible at Castine, and the position of the Church of the Holy Family could be easily fixed. See plan in Wheeler, " History of Castine, Penobscot and Brooksville," Bangor, 1875, p. 186. 3 Williamson, " History of Maine," i., pp. 648-9. 596 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. had not been unnoticed bj the authorities of Massachusetts, which then claimed jurisdiction over Maine. In 1698 com- missioners from the Bay Colony meeting the Indians in con- ference at Pentagoet, required them to dismiss the mission- aries at that place, Norridgewock, and Androscoggin, but the Indians replied : " The good missionaries must not be driven away." ' In 1699 Father Yhicent Bigot, who had been stationed at Narantsouac on the Kennebec, was prostrated by sickness, and compelled to retire to V^nte/nMuJ lAc^cri- /. ^ Quebec ; but his place was L-X filled by his brother James, SIGNATURE OF FATHER VINCENT ^^^ aCCOlUpanied his lu- BIGOT. ^ dians down the river to the coast, the Abnakis vnshing to obtain some of the tribe who were held as prisoners by the English in exchange for prisoners in their hands, and also to make purchases of necessaries of which they were destitute. Narantsouac at this time had its chapel, erected in 1698, well attended by the fervent converts.'' The missionary here was Father Sebastian Rale, a native of Franche Comte, who reached Quebec October 13, 1689, and had prepared himself for his work by spending several years at the St. Francis mis- sion and in Illinois. He was stationed next at l^arantsouac, now Indian Old Point, a sequestered spot on the Kennebec Kiver. Here he began a pastoral care which closed only when his body, riddled by New England bullets, sank in death at the foot of his mission cross. He attended his flock at the village, to which he soon drew a neighboring tribe of kindred origin, the Amalingans. His daily mass, catechetical instructions, ' " Collection de Manuscrits," ii., p. 312 ; "Lettre du pere Jacques Bi- got, 1699," in " Relation des Affaires du Canada," New York, 1865, p. 6? ■^ Apparently in 1693 or 1694. FATHER RALE. 597 visits to the cabins to attend the sick or rouse the tepid, these formed his daily round of care, with his duties in the confes- sional, his sermons, and the more pompous celebration of the great festivals. Of the language he was an earnest student, and while at Saint Francois in 1691, began a dictionai'v of the Abnaki, completed as years rolled by, and which is still preserved in Harvard College/ While Father Rale was laboring on the Kennebec in lYOO, Father Vincent Bigot was again at his mission near Penta- goet. A letter of that time tells how he was edified by the zeal and piety of the converts. An epidemic scourged their villages, but they showed the depth and solidity of the Chris- tian teaching which they had received, attending mass and the prayers in the chapel when scarcely able to drag their bodies from their cabins.* In 1701 the Kew England authorities treating with the Abnakis, again ordered them to send away the three French Jesuit Fathers who were in their villages and receive Protest- ant ministers 'from Xew England. The Indians would not hsten to the proposed change, and said to the English envoy: " You are too late in undertaking to instruct us in the prayer after all the many years we have been known to you. The Frenchman was wiser than you. As soon as we knew him, he taught us how to pray to God properly, and now we pray better than you." ' The missionaries were not blind to their own danger, and ' It was published by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, in the volume of Memoirs for 1833, under the editorship of John Pickering. * V. Bigot, •• Relation de la Mission des Abnaquis," 1701, New York, 1858. ^ Bigot, " Relation de la Mission Abnaquise," 1702. New York, 1865, pp. 23-4. Father Bigot is said to have been recalled in 1701. '• Collec- tion de Manuscrits," ii., p. 386. 598 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. seeing the false position into which the government was forcing them, urged that lands should be assigned in Canada, to which the Abnakis could remove and practice their relig- ion in peace. An attempt was made by Vaudreuil to carry out this idea, but as his course was censured, it was aban- doned.' Massachusetts claimed all Maine as English territory, and the Abnakis as subjects ; but in attempting to settle that dis- trict she paid no regard to the Indian title and made no at- tempt to purchase any portion of their lands. The Abnakis resented the intrusion of settlers by killing cattle and at last burning the houses of the unwelcome New Englanders. The French Government encourag-ed the Indians to prevent English settlement on their lands, and the missionaries used iheir influence under the direction of the Governor-General of Canada. This could not but lead to disastrous results. In lYOI— 5 Massachusetts expeditions were fitted out to destroy the mission stations. One under Major Church rav- aged the villages on the Penobscot, and another under Col. Hilton penetrated to Father Rale's mission, but finding the Indians absent, burnt all the wigwams, as well as the church with its vestry and the residence of the missionary, after they had pillaged and profaned all that Catholics revere.'* Be- sides the Indians at ISTorridgewock other bands were visited by Father Rale. One of these at Lake Megantic removed to Canada and founded the mission at Becancour in 1T08.' "When peace was restored the Indians prepared to rebuild ' " Collection de Manuscrits," ii., pp. 406, 447. - Penhallow, "History of the Wars of New England" (Cincinnati ed.), pp. 29, 38 ; Church, " History of the Eastern Expeditions," p. 130 ; Williamson,. " History of Maine," ii., pp. 47, 49. ^ See Concession in Maurault, " Histoire des Abenakis," Sorel, 1866, p. 285. THE BURNT CHURCH RESTORED. 599 their church, and as the Enghsh were nearer to them the Abnakis sent a delegation to Boston to sohcit carpenters, promising to paj them welL The Governor of Massachu- setts offered to rebuild the church at his own expense if they would dismiss Father Rale and accept a Protestant minister. The Abnakis declined, and again contrasted the indifference of the English to their salvation with the zeal shown by the French, A temporary bark chapel was then built, and the Governor-General of Canada, on hearing of their loss, sent mechanics who erected a new church. Of this edifice Father Hale wrote : " It possesses a beauty which would win admi- ration for it even in Europe, and we have spared no pains to adorn it." ^ This church in the wilderness was supplied with sets of vestments, copes, and plate for the altar. The mis- sionary had trained forty Indian boys who served as acolytes in cassock and surplice. On the altar were candles made by the missionary from the wax of the bayberry. The Indians all attended his daily mass and met there in the evening for prayers. During the hunting season and the fishing season on the coast the missionary moved with his flock, and a tent became the chapel of the tribe.'^ On one of his journeys he fell and broke both his legs. To obtain proper treatment he was conveyed in his helpless condition to Canada. Kecovering there he returned to the Kennebec, although he knew that a price had been set on his head. The church was completed in 1718, at which time the French king gave also means to complete the church at Me- \^ ^ DEATH OF FATHER CONSTANTINE. 625 Ottawas, but John le Blanc, one of their chiefs who had at- tended the great congress at Montreal, interposed and re- leased him. Le Blanc asked Father Constantine to go and tell Mr. Bourgmont that the Ottawas had no designs against the French, and to ask him to suspend the fire from the fort. As the Recollect Father, anxious to put an end to the hostil- ities, was entering the fort, some Miamis joined him, and tlie Ottawas opened fire on them. A ball struck Father Con- stantine, and he fell dead on the spot, and a soldier near him ,v^as badly wounded. The fire was then renewed, and was maintained till the Ottawas withdrew Avith heavy loss. The first pastor of the first French town in the West was thus slain in the noble effort to prevent the further effusion of blood. Unfortunately little is known of him. He ar- rived in Canada June 1, 1696, and had been engaged in pa- rochial work at Longueuil and St. Frangois de Sales, before he was appointed cliaplain to Fort Pontchartrain. He was interred in the church where he had ministered.' Father Dominic de la Marche, a Recollect Father who had just arrived from France, was sent the same year to Detroit to replace the one whose life had been sacrificed by the in- capacity of the civil officials. He was missionary at Fort Pontchartrain from August 16, 1706, to May 1, 1708. Meanwliile Father Marest had returned to Michilimack- inac, and Father Aveneau to his mission on the Saint Jo- seph's, for the latter was sent to his old flock when an expe- dition against the Miamis failed. There the missionary labored to revive the faith among the Indians who, amid all this turmoil, had sadly retrograded. Charlevoix assures us that Father Aveneau, who spent eighteen years with the •Charlevoix, "History of New France," v., pp. 185-6; " N. Y. Colonial Documents, "ix., p. 810 ; Tanguay, " Repertoire Greneral," p. 70. SIGNATURES OF PRrESTS AT DETROIT. «^ ST. ANNE'S, DETROIT. 627 Miamis, by unalterable mildness and invincible patience, succeeded in obtaining great influence over them.' He did not live, however, long after being restored to his mission, having died in Illinois on the 14th of September, 1711. Father Chardon was then for a time at the old mission sta- tion. The next year Father Marest erected a church on the south shore, at what is now known as Old Mackinac, where de Louvigny in 1T12 built a fort. The French needed, indeed, to strengthen their position in the "West, for the Foxes had drawn the Kickapoos and Mascoutens into a plot to destroy Detroit and the French settled there, and hold the place for the English, who had in- cited them. Du Buisson, the commandant, seeing their in- creasing numbers and insolence, sent to summon the allies of France, and prepared to defend the post with his little gar- rison of fifty men. The church where Father Delhalle re- posed stood outside the fort, with a storehouse and dwell- ing near it. After removing the grain laid up there, the commandant, to prevent the Indians from using the buildings to attack the fort, or endangering it by setting them on fire, ordered the church and adjacent houses to be demohshed ; and in a few hours this second church was destroyed. The Recollect Father Cherubin Deniau, the missionary of this little flock of whites from 1707, erected within the palisade a new chapel dedicated to Saint Anne. When after a series of desperate engagements the Foxes were nearly extermina- ted by the alhes and Detroit was saved, Father Cherubin cele- brated a solemn high mass of thanksgiving, and the Te Deum was chanted in the palisade fort." ' C^harlevoix, v., p. 202. ^ Du Buisson's Report, Juue 15, 1712, in Smith, " History of Wiscon- sin," iii., pp. 317, 333. 628 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. During the troublous days when the turbulent Fox tribe menaced the power of France in the country of the Lakes, the Rev. Father Leonard Vatier, also a Recollect, is said to have been cut off by the Foxes and Sioux, but unfortunately we have no details of his death.' The Recollect Fathers were generally sent to stations for a term of three years, and the isolation of the post at Detroit was such that few apparently sought to prolong their stay. Thus Father Hyacinth Pelfresne served from 1715 to June 3, 1717. Father Anthony Delino, who soon styled himself "Recollect priest discharging parochial functions at the Royal fort of Detroit, Lake Erie, and Lake Huron," began in Nov., 1719, but was recalled in March, 1722.'' Detroit meanwhile had dechned, and the Hurons and Ottawas who had settled near it, though many had their children baptized, were fast losing all trace of Christianity.' However, the mission among the Miamis had been main- tained under the Jesuit Father John de Saint Pe, who was stationed there in 1721, but the tribe had be^un to move eastward, and the French had already two years previous taken steps to establish Fort Ouiatenon on the north bank of the Wabash, a few miles from the present town of Lafay- ette.* The missionaries of Saint Joseph's River probably accompanied their band on its migrations. Father Bonaventure Leonard arrived in Detroit in June, 1722. He is the first to speak of St. Anne's as a parish. He ' Tanguay, "Repertoire General," p. 71. The date of his death is given as Feb., 1713. - Parish Register of Detroit. Calvarin, V.G., Mercier and Thaumur, ■of Tamarois, were at Detroit in August, 1718. 3 Charlevoix, " Histoire de la Nouvelle France," iii., p. 357. ' Vaudreuil to the Council of the Marine, " New York Colonial Doc- uments," ix., p. 892; Beckwith, "Historic Notes of the Northwest," Ohicago, 1879, p. 104. t SIOUX MISSION. 629 ])egan a new cliurch within the palisades, which occupied, it is said, a site on the present Jefferson Avenue, between Gris- wold and Shelbv Streets.' When the church was sufficiently advanced he took steps to translate to it the remains of the first pastor, Father Constantine Delhalle. The Sieur Delisle, who had aided in interring the Eecollect Father, guided the new pastor of Detroit to the spot, and two men set to work. The coffin was soon found, and his skull-cap, portions of his Franciscan habit and cord, and his hair cloth were enough to identify the remains, which were removed to the new church on the 14th of May, 1723, and placed under the plat- form of the altar.' Father Chardon seems to have remained at Green Bay till about 1728, the solitary priest on the old mission ground west of Lake Michigan for several years ; but he apparently withdrew when the expedition under de Lignery was sent against the Foxes. The forces, consisting of four hundred French and twice as many Indians, were attended by Rev. Mr. Peset, a secular priest ; Father Emmanuel Crespel, a Recollect, and Father James Quentin de la Bretonniere, a Jesuit Father. The expedition entered Green Bay, and ascended Fox River to the Indian town, which they found deserted. On the homeward march, de Lignery demolished the French fort at Green Bay, and the mission there was ap- parently then abandoned.' On the 17th of May, 1727, the French under Laperriere began the erection of Fort Beauharnois on Lake Pepin, the first post in our ^Minnesota. The government made an ap- propriation for the supjDort of two Jesuit priests there, and ' Farmer, "History of Detroit and Michigan," Detroit, 1884, p. 529. ' Entry in Detroit Register. * Crespel, " Voiages dans le Canada," Francfort, 1742, pp. 15-29. 630 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Father Louis Ignatius Guignas, who accompanied the expe- dition, founded the mission of Saint Michael the Archangel among the Sioux. He was the first priest after Father Ma- rest to attempt to gain souls to Christ among the Dakotas. Father Guignas, after beginning his mission labors, attempted to reach the Illinois country in 1728, but was captured on his way down the Mississippi by the Mascoutens and Kicka- poos, allies of the Foxes, He remained a prisoner in their hands for five months, and was at one time condemned to die in torture at the stake, but was saved by an old man who adopted him. His captors finally took him to the Illinois, where they left him on parole till November, 1729, when they removed him to their own town. On recovering his liberty, he seems to have returned to his Dakota mission, where he was still laboring in 1736.' About 1730 Father Crespel visited Detroit and describes his fellow-religious, Father Bonaventure, as a zealous priest, given to study, rendering service as priest and teacher to his people, and conversant with the language of the Indians with whom he came most frequently in contact.^ The Indians around Detroit had been without a missionary from the time of the foundation of the place. Father Char- levoix represented strongly the necessity of reviving the early efforts to Christianize them. The Huron mission was revived in 1728, and soon after Father Armand de la Richardie ap- pears as their spiritual guide. Father Charles M. Mesaiger had been succeeded at the Miami mission on the St. Joseph's by Father Peter du ' Guignas in " Early Voyages up and down the Mississippi," Albany, 1861, pp. 167-175 ; " New York Colonial Documents," ix., pp. 995, 1016-7, 1051. ^ Crespel, " Voiage," pp. 34-5. THE HURONS. 631 Jaunay,' while Fathers John B. La Morinie and Godfrey Coquart appear at Mackinac. The Jesuits were still in the advance with the French ex- plorers of the West. In 1731 Father Charles Mesaiger set out from the mission at Michilimackiuac to accompany Pierre Gaulthier, Sieur de la Yerendrye, on his exploration through Minnesota to Rainy Lake, Lake Winnipeg, and the country of the Mandans. Father Peter Aulneau, accompanying a son of the Sieur de la Yerendrye in a subsequent exploration, was killed by the Indians at the Lake of the Woods in 1736." The leading Huron chiefs at Detroit were hostile or indif- ferent to religion, and though Father Potier established a mission on Bois Blanc Island in 1742, he was forced to leave them five years afterward. Father de la Pichardie, thor- oughly discouraged, had returned to Quebec, but was recalled in 1717. In their winterings the Huron tribe frequently en- camped at Sandusky, allured by the pure water found there. In 1751 Father de la Richardie induced a portion of the tribe to go and settle there permanently. They were the Indians least able to restrain their appetite for spirituous liquors. This mission was maintained here for several years. Chief Nicholas, an ally of the English, at last drove Father Potier from his chapel on the Sandusky, and the mission closed, though the faith was preserved among the Hurons till the present century. The rest of the tribe gathered at Sandwich, where a church ' In 1738. He was at Mackinac in 1743, Detroit in 1754. He died February 17, 1781. Martin, " Catalogue"; Tanguay, " Repertoire Gene- ral." -Martin, "Catalogue par ordre Chronologique"; Mallet, " Origin of the Oregon Mission," " Proceedings U. S. Cath. Hist. Soc, February 11, 1886," p. 11. 632 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. had been erected for them in 1748 ; and during the latter part of the period we are treating, this Canadian band was under the care of Father J. B. Salleneuve.' Detroit had taken new hfe. The population was increas- ing, so that the Recollect Father, Simplicius Bocquet, who had entered on his duties as parish priest on the 18th of Sep- tember, 1754, undertook to build a larger church. It stood, SIGNATURE OF FATHER SIMPLICIUS BOCqUET. according to the historiographer of the city, west of the present Griswold Street, on ground now included in Jefferson Avenue. The new Church of Saint Anne was so far com- pleted in the summer after his arrival, that on the 13th of July, 1755, he transferred to it the remains of the first pastor of Detroit, depositing them under the steps of the altar, to remain, however, only till the completion of the church. " Which," says the entry in the Register, " will permit us to give him a permanent and becoming sepulture conformable to his merit, and to the miracles which many trustworthy persons have reported to us to have been wrought through his intercession in favor of the whole parish." ^ The little French city of the West was honored, says Far- ' "Collection de Manuscrits," iii., p. 348; " N. Y. Colonial Docu- ments," X., pp. 114-116 ; "History of the Catholic Missions," p. 203. There are still extant two copies of a Huron Grammar written by Father Potier, a work on Huron Radicals, and a Census of the Hurons. Father Potier died at Sandwich, July 16, 1781. * Register of the parish of St. Anne, Detroit. BISHOP DE PONTBRIAND. 633 mer, by the presence of the Rt. Rev. Henry Mary du Breuil de Pontbriand, who extended his visitation to Detroit, He dedicated the new church on the 16th of March, 1755, and remained for some weeks in this portion of his diocese. KT. REV. HEXKY MARY DU BREUIL DE POXT- BRIAND, SIXTH BISHOP OF QUEBEC. The Rt. Rev. Henry Mary du Breuil de Pontbriand, sixth Bishop of Quebec,' deserves especial mention in a history of ' Mgr. Peter Herman Dosquet, a native of LiUe, was consecrated Bishop of Samos at Eome on Christmas day, 1725, by Pope Benedict XIII. and appointed Coadjutor to Bishop Mornay, whom he succeeded in 1734. He resigned the next year, having spent less than six years in Canada. 634 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. the Cbiircli in the United States, as lie was the first incum- bent of that see who performed any episcopal function with- in our limits, having conferred confirmation at Ogdensburg and Detroit, and exerted himself earnestly to place the religious affairs of Louisiana on a sounder basis by committing author- ity in that province to more zealous and responsible hands. He was born at Yannes in Brittany, of a family of posi tion, and was only thirty-two years of age when he was ap- pointed to the see of Quebec. N^otwithstanding his youth he was already Yicar-General and Canon of Saint Malo, and a Doctor in the Sorbonne. Having obtained his bulls from the great Pope Benedict XIY. on the 6th of March, 1741, he was consecrated at Paris on the 9th of April by Mgr. Gaspar William de Yintimille, archbishop of that city. He proceeded immediately to Canada and took possession of his see on the 30th of August, 1741. He was the last Bishop of Quebec under the French sway. After an active and zealous administration, in which he visited remote parts of his dio- cese, he beheld his episcopal city fall into the hands of the English. He retired to the Sulpitian Seminary at Montreal, where grief at the misfortunes of the flock confided to him hastened his end. He expired on the 8th of June, 1760. Father Simplicius as vicar to Father Bonaventure, and as pastor and Yicar-General, presided long enough over the Church of Saint Anne to see the flag: of France lowered in Canada and on the Lakes, and to see England lose the col- onies for whose sake she had so long struggled to deprive France of her northern colony. Mgr. Francis Louis Pourroy de I'Aube Riviere, consecrated December 21, 1739, arrived at Quebec on the 7th of August, 1740, and died on the 20th, at the age of 29, of a fever contracted while attending the sick on the ship. I trace no act of either of these bishops relating to our part of the country. RELICS OF OLD MISSIONS. 635 Far less tranquil was the lot of the Jesuit missionaries around him. As the tide of war seemed to turn against France, the Indians were alienated, and at some missions the Fathers were in want of the merest necessaries. Father de la Morinie left tlie mission on St. Joseph's River and minis- tered to the settlers at St. Genevieve, beyond the Mississippi. Father Salleneuve had retired in 1761 for a similar reason from the Huron mission near Detroit, bearing the chapel service. When the irrehgious Council of Louisiana, veiling its hypocrisy 'under a specious pretext of zeal for the Church, sent men to Illinois to enforce its shameful decree, both these Fathers, with the property of the missions in their hands, were seized, although on British soil. The enemies of relig- ion even sent and kidnapped Father Julian Devernai at Yin- cennes, and selling his winter proWsions dragged him, al- though he had been suffering from disease for six months, to the banks of the Mississippi. The men who pretended that the Jesuits had neglected their missions tore them from their churches, profaned them, broke up the missions, and, so far as they could, deprived the Catholics of the West of priest and altar, of all means of worshipping God or approaching the sacra- ments of the Church. y^,^^ gUof^^^ f^j Fathers du Jaunay J ^^*jj and Le r ranc alone signatuke of father devernai. were left in the north- west, though Father Meurin, as we have seen, succeeded in returning to the scene of his labors. Micliilimackinac was the central point of the missionaries at the close of this period, and the church at Pointe St. Ignace preserved, to our times, a fine set of heavy velvet vestments, elaborately worked, in which perhaps mass was 636 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. said in the days of Louis XIY. Equally curious is another relic of the past there preserved, a bread-iron, wrought per- haps in the West by the lay brother whose forge did good service for white and Indian. It is a rude piece of work, and the lettering was evidently first cut into the iron by the unskilled but earnest artist. The introduction of the figure BREAD-IRON PRESERVED AT MICHTLIMACKINAC. in one of the large dies presented a difficulty that was strangely surmounted. The Church in the northern parts where the French flag had floated, was in a pitiable condition. The Indian Cath- olics in Maine, New York, and Ohio, and the few French lingering near them, were without a single priest, or anything THE WEST IN 1763. 637 worthy the name of a church. The parish of Detroit had, indeed, its priest ; two Jesuit Fathers attended the Cathohcs on the Great Lakes beyond. The parishes of Yincennes, Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher, and Fort Chartres, as of St. Genevieve, were without a priest to minister at their altars. The work of six-score years, from the visit of Fathers Jogues and Raymbaut, was recorded rather in the graves of the Faithful Departed, than in the living children of the Church and their pastors. SIGNATURES OP FATHER DU JAUNAY A^^D REV. MESSRS. THAUMUR, CALVAREN, AND MERCIER. CONCLUSION. The history of the Catholic Church in our present terri- tory, from the first landing of colonists in Florida, under PoDce de Leon, to the year 1763, has been traced ; various as were the national differences, the language, the ideas of government in those who came to settle, or in those whom they found, the Church one in her government, her doctrine, her sacrifice, everywhere established the same Christianity that she had planted among the Gaul, the Celt, the Saxon, the Teuton, the Iberian. Many as are the tongues of men, the Church has but one, that of unerring truth. The Catholic Church in the United States claims all the early struggles of the first apostles, their weary marches, their untiring toil to instruct the rude and tlie savage, the constant offering of the Holy Sacrifice, the imparting of the sacraments to men of all races, as part of her glorious heri- tage, the heroic days of her history. Her priests were the pioneers, first to thread the great arteries of the continent, to plod over the Indian trail, to study the grandeur, the veg- etable and mineral wealth of the land, to learn and perpet- uate in scientific form the unwritten languages of our count- less Indian tribes, to discharge unflinchingly tlie ministry of the altar and the "Word, and to die, as full a hundred did, by savage hands, while heroically discharging their duty. Ever counsellors of peace, toleration, and harmony, hold- ing the shield of the crucifix between the oppressed and the oppressor, we see them with their flocks in the English col- onies pursued for a hundred years by the bloodhounds of in- (638) CONCLUSION. 639 satiate fanaticism, victims of penal laws that did not gratify the whole venom of their inventors, although they left the unhappy Catholic hardly aught but hfe itself. Where the Cathohc flags of France and Spain floated there were trials, too, from the jealousy or greed of officials, as well as from the barbarism of the tribes among whom the priests of old labored. The Church was not planted without tears, and at this day the homage of respect is freely paid to the early apostles of the faith. But the old colonial feeling of misrepresentation still shows itself in two charges frequently made, the utter mendacity of which it may not be amiss to notice. The first charge is, that the Catholic missionaries baptized the Indians, and received them into the Church without in- struction. As one elegant writer expresses it, contrasting Catholic and Protestant missionaries : " While the former contented themselves with sprinkling a few drops of water on the forehead of the warlike proselyte, the latter sought to wean him from his barbarism, and penetrate his savage heart with the truths of Christianity." But this charge is absolutely false. The records of the missionaries, English, French, and Spanish, show that instruc- tion always preceded baptism in those who had attained the age of reason, and that when the fundamental truths were implanted in the minds of the catechumens, baptism was, except in rare cases, long deferred in order to test the con- stancy of the candidate. Baptismal registers frequently refer specially to previous instruction. The catechisms prepared for missionary use in Florida, Texas, Maine, New York, Michigan, Illinois, are extant to this day, and show how laboriously the missionaries endeavored to convey to the catechumens the fundamental doctrines in terms that an Indian mind could grasp, and with these truths the whole scheme of 640 THE CHURCH IN THE COLONIES. Christian morality. The Spanish confesonarios, too, show how the minds were trained to distinguish in detail between right and wrong. Those who make and repeat the charge cite no proof ; the statements of tlie missionaries in all parts of the country show its utter falsity. Another charge is that the French missionaries taught the Indians that they would assure eternal happiness by killing the English heretics. Bancroft, Parkman, and others, who have examined all the printed statements of the early mis- sionaries, and numberless papers from their pens, will attest that no such doctrine can be found anywhere. There is not the slightest proof that can be cited, that Catholic priests in- culcated any such ideas. Canada never sought war ; she con- stantly proposed colonial and especially Indian neutrality. Her clergy did not, as their writings show, make denunci- ations of Protestantism and Protestants a topic for constant pulpit use. These same writers, from their familiarity with early New England history, will substantiate the assertion that books like the " Simple Cobbler of Aggawam," by Ward, and sermons by other New England divines, teem with mat- ter intended and calculated to arouse the hatred of the peo- ple of Kew England against Catholics personally, and that more specimens of this unchristian spirit can be found in six New England tracts than in all Canadian literature. The feeling of hostility to Catholics in the English col- onies was kept up and maintained for political ends, and was a bond of harmony between the Puritan of New England and the Episcopalian of Virginia and Maryland. To what cruel legislative acts it stimulated the Protestants of Vir- ginia, and to what bloody deeds it incited the men of South Carolina, we have had the sad necessity of stating. At the period where our narrative ends this spirit had ap- CONCLUSION. 641 parently triumphed. Canada was humbled in the dust, her great missionary organization had been broken up ; the Cath- olics in Florida saw no hope except in emigration. England had the will and the power to deprive the Catholics through- out the land of churches, clergy, even of real and personal property, and deport them all as paupers to some distant part as she had done the Acadians. A tract printed at Edinburgh in 1Y63, but voices the gen- eral feeling which had been created against Catholics, when it advdsed the government " chiefly, to search out, with re- wards for discovery, and make public examj)les of those plagues of society, disturbers of mankind, and constant source of mischief to us in these parts — whatever Jesuits, Monks, Priests, etc., can be apprehended anywhere throughout the whole country eastward from the Mississippi and Iberville." ' The country west and southwest of the Mississippi was etill in Catholic hands, but the suppression of the provinces of the Society of Jesus in French and Spanish territory, left many districts without priests, and the faith of the people was gradually yielding to decay like the crumbling tenant- less churches. Darkness as of night was settling on the land, but it was the darkness that precedes the dawn. ' " The Expediency of Securing our American Colonies." 41 ADDITION TO PAGES 195, 200. The band of missionaries who set out in 1628 reached Santa F6 on Whit- Sunday, one of the number, Father Martin Gonzales, dying on the way. Missions were at once begun among the Humanas, Piros, and Tompiros by Fathers Anthony Artiaga, Francis of the Conception, Thomas of San Diego, Francis Letrado, Diego de la Fuente, and Francis de Azevedo. An Apache mission was undertalien by Fathers Bartholomew Romero and Francis Munoz. Father John Ramirez planted his mission cross at Acoma. Father Roque de Figueredo, a missionary of great ability and experience, already versed in several Indian languages, and a good mu- sician, undertook the conversion of the Zuni nation, taking up his resi- dence at the town of Cibola, with Father Augustine de Cuellar. The Franciscans encountered great opposition here, the people being strong- ly attached to their idolatrous rites ; but they finally triumphed. Some of the leading chiefs sought instruction, and after being tested were bap- tized on St. Augustine's day, 1629, Father Roque ha\ing on that day erected an altar in the plaza, and offered the holy sacrifice before ad- ministering the sacrament to them and to the infants of some catechu- mens. Father Porras and his companion. Father Andrew Gulierrez, encounter- ed similar obstacles at Moqui, but at last triumphed by what seemed to Father Perea, a miraculous change (Perea, "Verdadera Relacion," " Se- gunda Relacion "). i INDEX. Abadejo, Father Joseph 494 Abnakis. .238. 337, 594, 596, 603-4 ABiQuro 525 Acadia 421-8 ACADIANS 422-9 AcEVEDO, Father Anthony de, 212 ; Rev. Peter L 464, 469 AcoMA 119, 186, 200, 208, 512, 521, 525 Acuco 119 Adayes 490-6 Adrian VI., Pope 103 Agreda, Ven. Maria de 197-8 Agreskoue 290 Agretti, Mgr. Claudius. 68, 79, 80 Ahasistari, Huron Chief. . . . 229 AiNAi 485 Ako, Michael 536 Alabama, Church in. 112, 129-131, 545-555, 564^7, 580, 591 Alameda 525 Alamo, Father Gonzalo del. . . 143 Alamo 499 Alana, Joseph Xavier de. ... 472 Albadesa, Fatlier Joseph ... 494 Albanel, Father Charles. .284, 328 Alburqtterque, San Francis- co or San Felipe de 522, 525 Aleman y Httrtado, Rev. J. M 181 Algonquins. 316 Alibamons 553, 572, 584, 589 Allemangel, Pa 394 PAGE Allouez, Father Claude, 267 ; Vicar General, 268, 274, 276, 277, 320 ; Death, 331 ; Bishop St. Vallier on 535 Almendarez de Toledo, Rt. Rev. Alonzo Henriquez 162 Alpuente, Father John de. . . 513 Altham, Father John. .40, 42, 53, 54 ; Death 54 Amalingans 596 AS^acapi 456 Anacostan Indians 58 Analisa, Father Lawrence, killed 207, 208 Anda, Father Mariano . ... 501 Andre, Father Louis 275, 277 Andrew of the Assumption, Father 215 Anne, Queen of England, pro- tects Maryland Catholics, 360; Acadians 422 Anne Arundell Co 69 Anselm de Langres, Father. . . 580 Anthony of the Ascension, F. 215 Anthony, Father 566 Antonico 157 Apaches 204, 502, 504, 508 Apalaches. .108, 164, 167, 180, 458, 461, 463 ; at Mobile, 552, 554, 568, 573, 591 Aparicio, Father Francis . 504. 507 Aponte y Lis, Father Cajetan. 502 ApoQUiNEtfiNK, Mission at 369 (643) 644 INDEX. PAGE Akamipinchicwe, Mary 536 Arana, John de 125 Arbizu, Father Joseph, killed. 520 Archihau . . 43 Argal, Samuel 222 Aribaca 529 Arizona, Church in 526 Ark, The, and The Dove, bring out Pilgrims to Maryland. . . 39 Arkansas, Church in . . 539, 544-5, 572, 576 Arkansas Indians. 315, 539, 544-5, 572, 576 Arriola, Don Andre de 455 Arroyo Honda 490 Arteaga, Rev. Mathias Joseph 506 Artur, Rev. Ricardo 153 Artindell of Wardour, Thom- as, Lord 25, 30, 33 AsAo 155, 172, 178, 179 AsAPisTA 325 AsHBEY, Father James 407 AsHTON, Father John 435 AsiNAis Indians (see Cenis, Texas) 214, 480, 485 Asopo, Ossibaw Island 154 AssAPiTA 537 AssENDASE, Peter 297-8 AsTURiANO, a Priest 110 Attakapas, Louisiana 438 Attwood, Father P. .370, 371, 405 AuBERT, Father John B 589 AuBERY, Father Joseph 594 AxTBRY, Rev. Nicholas 218 AucH, Archbishop of. — 543 AuLNAY de Charnisay 240 AuLNEAU, Father Peter 629 AxiSoN, Father Michael, 152 ; killed, 154 ; Father Peter . . . 152 AuRiESviLLE, Ossernenon . . . 230 AvALON, Newfoundland 30-1 AvENEAU, Father Claude. .328, 624 AviLA, Father Francis de. . 152, 155 PAGE AxACAN . . 132, 147-150 Ayala, Juan de. Governor of Florida 458 Ayeta, F. Francis. .181-2, 206, 211 Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 104-7 ; Rev. Simon de 162 Ays 490, 494 Ayubale 462-3 AzEVEDO, Father Anthony 519 Badajoz, Brother Anthony, 152 ; killed 154 Baez, Brother Dominic Augus- tine 143, 144 Bahena, Father Ignatius 497 Bahia del Espiritu Santo, Tex- as 497, 498 Bailloqttet, Father Peter . . . 328 Balize 568, 573 Balthazar, Father 187 Baltimore, Benedict Leonard. 371 Baltimore, Sir George Cal- vert, Lord 28, 30, 32, 34 Baltimore, Cecil, Lord. 37-51, 379 Baltimore, Charles Calvert, Lord 371 Baltimore, Charles Calvert, Lord 371-380 Baltimore, Third Plenary Council of, solicits Canoniza- tion of Father Jogues, Rene Goupil, and Catharine Tega- kouita 334 Bal VERDE, Father Joseph Nar- vaez 514 Bangs, F. Joachim. . .502, 504, 508 Barnabas, Father 591 Baron, Father Denis 614 Barrera, Father Diego Joseph 531 Barroso, Father Christopher Alphonsus . .510, 512 Baudouin, Father Michael, 572; Vicar-General 583 INDEX. 645- PAGE Baxter, Jervis 88 Batagoulas 543 Beadxall, Father James, ar- rested. . . 443 Beaubois, Father Nicholas Ig- natius 558, 569 BEArLiEU Rapids 266 Beaumont, Father Francis.. . . 370 Belen, N. M 525 Bellomont, Earl of . . 856-8, 610 j Beltrais, Father Bernardine, ! 18.5-6 ; Father Manuel, killed 212 Benavides, F. Alonso de. .195, 199 Bekezet, Anthony, s^nnpathy ! for Acadians 434 Bennet, Father John, 376-7 ; Puritan Commissioner 73 Berascula, Father 159 Bergier, Rev. J. .541, 543, 551, 558 Bernabe de los Angeles, F.. 172 Bernardine de Crespy, Fa- ther 238,243 Bernal, Father John, Custos of New Mexico, 205 ; killed. 207 Bernaldez , Rev. Peter . . . . 167 Berroa, Captain Stephen de. . 460 Beschefer, Father Thierrj'. . . 283 Besson de la Garde, Rev. John Peter 617 Beteta, Father Gregory de. . 122, 125, 132 BiARD, Father Peter 219-222 BiDAis 500, 503 Biencourt, Sieur de 221 Bienville, John de. Governor of Louisiana 548, 551-2, 560 Big Beaver, Mission at 614 Bigot, Father James, 337 ; Fa- ther Vincent 594, 596-7 Binneteau, Father Julian. . . 537, 544, 594 Black Code, The 564 Bladen, T., Governor of Ma- PAGK. ryland, Proclamation against Catholics ... 406 BocQUET. F. Simplicius. . 630, 632 Bohemia, Md. . .868-9, 403-4, 440 BoisBRiANT, Pierre du Guai de 548, 558, 561 BoLSAS, Chief 514, 517 Boniface, Father 295-8 BoNiLLA, Father Francis, 152 ; Captain Louis 186 BoNNTECAMP, de. Father Joseph Peter 613 BORDENAVE, Rcv. M 542 BoRDOT, Father Anthony.. 214, 480 Bound Brook 395 Bourdon, John 282 Bravo, Father Diego. 172 Bray, Rev. Dr., Commissary. 352 Brebeuf, F, John. . .224, 243, 248 Brent, George 97 Bressani, Father Francis Jo- seph 231-2 I Bretton, William 70, 76, 78 Brittain, Lionel, convert. . . . 866 Brock, Father John (Poulton ' Ferdinand), Superior 53, 55 i Brockholes, Anthony, 87 ; Father Charles 870 Brooke, F. Robert, first Mary- land Priest. .84, 349, 354, 363, 371 Brown, Doctor 382-4 Browne, Richard 70 i Bruyas, Father James. . .284, 290, I 292, 294-5, 297-8, 304, 609 BuENO, Father Salvador 182 BuiL, Father 101 BuissoN, Father Luke 821 i Cabeza de Vaca 110 Cabezas de Altamirano, Rt. Rev. John, Bishop of Santi- ago de Cuba, 159 ; makes ! visitation of Florida 160> 646 INDEX. PAGE Cabot 12, 100 Cabrera, John Marquez, Gov- ernor of Florida.. . .173, 178, 179 Cadallos, Rev. Dr. Joseph . . 494 Cadillac, Gov. La Motte .... 630 Caddodachos 481 Cadina, Father Francis Gomez de 206 Cahaba 585 Cahokia. . . .536, 559, 561, 578, 586 Calabazas 529 Calderon, Rt. Rev. Gabriel Diaz Vara, Bishop of Santi- ago de Cuba, makes a visita- tion of Florida 168 Callister, H 434 Calsada, Father, killed 207-9 Calvert, Benedict Leonard, apostasy of 371 Calvert, Charles 79 Calvert, Sir George (see Lord Baltimore) 28 Calvert, Leonard . .88, 51, 54, 62, 68, 69 Calvo, Rev. Antonio 163-4 Camarda, Rev. Pedro de la. . . 162 Campana, Father John B 172 Campos, Father Augustine de . 527 Canary Islands 499 Cancer, Father Louis, 123-5 ; killed 126 CANgo, Governor of Florida. .157-8 Canubleras 524 Canibas ... 594 Capillas, Father John, first Provincial of Santa Elena de la Florida 161 Capuchins. 236-8, 243, 565, 568, etc. Carbonel, Father Anthony, 513, 517,519; killed 520 Cardenas, Pinilla y Ramos, Rev. John Ignatius 500 Carette, Father Louis 575 PAOB Carew, Father Henry, 82 ; President of the Mission .... 96 C arheil. Father Stephen de . . 286- 294, 297, 303, 328, 332, 586 Carlos, Province. . . .163, 172, 179, 456, 472 Carniceria 495 Caro y Seixas, Rev. Manuel . . 500 Carrera, Father John de la. . 143 Carroll, Charles. .371, 376-7, 408, 410, 416, 450, 453 Carroll, Dr. Charles, apos- tate 410-1 Carroll, Most Rev. John 886 Casanas, Father Francis of Jesus Mary, 214, 480, 481, 513, 518 ; killed 520 Casas Grandes 118 Case, Father James 377 Cast ANON, Capt. 186 Castellanos, Father Manuel . 484 Castillo, Juan del, Bishop of Santiago de Cuba .... 144 Castro, Father John Munoz de, 513; Custos, 518, 519; Father Anthony 532 Catarocouy 320 Catholics, excluded from Maryland Assembly in 1652, 73 ; deprived of Chapel at St. Mary's, 356 ; disfranchised in all the colonies 365 Catiti, Alonzo 206, 511 Cavelier, Rev. John 340 Cayuga Mission. 255, 286, 297, 303, 607, 616 Cecilius, Father 573 Cedar Creek, Pa 394 Cenis 214 Ceron, George 130-1 Cervantes, Father Anthony de 106 Challoner, Rt. Rev. Richard, Vicar-Apostolic of London . . 95 INDEX. 647 PAGE Champlain, Samuel de 223, 225 Chapel-house, used in Mary- land to comply with Queen Anne's permission 363-4 CHAPITOrLAS 591 Chardon, F. John B.622, 625, 627 Charlemagne, Father 423 Charles, F., Carmelite. . .552, 562 Charles V 103, 106 Charlesfort, S. C 134 Charlevoix, Father Francis X. de 559, 564 Charlotte Harbor 143 Chartres, Bishop of 543 Chauchetiere, Father Claude 309 Chaumoxot, Father Peter J. M 248, 250, 255 Chauvretjlx, Rev. Mr 430 <;"hefdevtlle, Rev. Mr 340-1 C'HEGOnrEGON 267, 271, 272 Cheres 190 Chicago 537, 539 Chickasaws 573, 575, 585 CniLOMACON or Chitomachen, Chief of Piscataway 53 Chippewa Creek 322 Chippewa Mission 268 Chippewas 228, 268, 316 Choctaws 572, 584 Chomas or Jumanas 481 Chopart 573 Chozas, Father Peter Fernan- dez de 152-3, 159 Chcrch, Major 598 Church of England established in Maryland 346, 380 Cia 186, 190, 194, 512, 519 Cibola 115-7, 118, 119 CicuTE or Old Pecos. . . .119, 121-2 CiPiAS 200 CiSNEROS, Rev. John de 173 Claros, Father 187, 190 Clayborne . . .32-3, 44, 48, 62, 73 PAGE Clerke, Robert 50, 70 CocHiTi 512, 519, 525 Cocos 512 CoLiGNY, Admiral 134 Collet, Rev. Luke 561, 614 CoLOMBiERE, M. de 543 CoLUirBus, Christopher . . 11, 100 Company of the West. 558, 563, 569 Compostela, Rt. Rev. Diego Evelino de, Bishop of Santi- ago de Cuba, sends Visitors to Florida 181, 463 CoNCEPCiON, La Purisima 507 CoNCHOs . . 186, 212 Concord 448 Conewago 391, 420 Confirmation in Florida, 160, 170, 469, 476 ; in New Mex- ico, 213 ; in Texas, 506 ; in New York, 617; at La Prairie 307 Conner, Philip 20 CoNTRERAS, Father Bonaven- ture de, 514 ; Father John de 132 CooDE, 97 ; Rev. John 345 Cooper, Father John 66 Coosa 128-9 Copley, Sir Lionel, Royal Governor of Maryland 346 Copley, F. Thos. (i?hilip Fish- er).. 38, 46-7, 53, 56, 58, 63, 69, 75 CoQUART, Father Godfrey .... 629 CoRCHADo, F. Andrew.. . .187, 190 Coknwaleys, Thomas.39, 49, 62, 63 CoRNWALLis, Governor 424 CoROAS 545 CoRONADO, Francis Vasquez de 114, 118, 120 Cordoba, Father Peter de. ■ . . 102 CoRPA, Father Peter de, 152 ; killed 153 Corral, Father Anthony de. . 514 Cor vera, Father Francis, 510- 13, 518; killed 520 648 INDEX. PAGE CosA 129-130 CouRRiEK, Rev. Joseph 577 Couture, William 229 Coxi 526 Crees 316 Crespel, F. Emmanuel. 613, 627-8 Crespo, Rt. Rev. Benedict, Bishop of Durango, visits New Mexico, 523 ; visits So- nora 528 Crown Point, Fort at 612-3 CuBERO, Governor of New Mexico 521 CULUACAN 122 Cumberland Island 142 CuPAYCA, Apalache town 164 CURIAMES . . 186 CusHENHOPEN, Cussahopcn, (see Goshenhopen) 445 Cyprian, Rev. Ignatius Au- gustine 497 Dablon, F. Claude.. .248, 252, 272 DAKOTAs(see Sioux).. 316, 619, 627-8 Dale, Sir Thomas 222 Dandrade, Rev. V. F 158 Daniel, Colonel 459, 460 D'Argenson, Viscount, Gov.- Gen. of Canada 281 D'Artaguiette 585 Dauden, Rev. Mr 430 Davion, Rev. Anthony. . .539-542, 545, 553 Davis, Father Peter 377 Daza, Father John 513 DE Beaubois, Father Nicholas Ignatius 570, 573, 581-2 DE BOURGMONT 623-4 DE Brbbeuf, Father John. . . . 224 DE Callieres, Governor 609 DE Carheil, F. Stephen. .619, 621 DE CouRCELLES, Govemor of Canada 283 PAGE Deer Creek, Md 413 DE Guyenne, Father Alexis.. .572, 575, 585, 587 DE LA Barre, Governor of Canada 330 DE LA BretonneI;re, Father James Q 627 DE LA Chasse, F. Joseph. . 594, 602 DE LA Frenlere 588 DE LA Lande, John 233 DE LA Marche, Father Dom- inic 624 DE Lamberyille, Father James, 298-9, 312, 333, 611 ; Father John 295, 297, 332-4 DE LA MoRiNiE, Father John B . 586, 589, 590, 629, 633 DE LA Ribourde, Father Ga- briel, 321-3 ; killed 325 DE LA RiCHARDiE, Father John 629 DE i;A Verendrye, Sieur 629 Delaware, Early Catholic- ity in 369,450 Del Campo, Andrew 121 Delhalle, Father Nicholas Bernardiue Constantine, 620 ; killed 624, 627 Delgado, Friar Marcos, killed 462 DE Limoges, Father Joseph . . . 542 Delino, Father Anthony. ... 626 De Mont's Island 218 Deniau, Father Cherubin 625 Denonville, Governor... .536, 593 DE NouE, Father 225 Deperet, Father Anthony 612 d'Eschambault, Rev. James A. 595 DE Saint Castin, Baron 336 DE Saint Cosme, Rev. John Francis, 540-2, 544 ; killed. . 550 DE Saint Vallier, John Bap- tist de la Croix de, Second Bishop of Quebec. 327, 342, 534-5, 538, 543, 546, 557, 561, 563, 595 INDEX. 649 PAGE D'esmanvelle, Rev. Mr 340 D£ Syresme, Father 604 Detroit. 620 Devernai, F. Julian.. 579, 589, 633 d'Heu, Father James 611-12 Diaz, Father Joseph 519 Dickenson, John 457 DiDiER, Rev 580 Dieppe 134 DiEZ, Father Joseph 513 DiGGES, Father Thomas 407 D'Olbeau, Father John 224 DoLLiER de Casson,Rev.Mr.284,311 Dominic of the Annunciation, Father 128-131 Dominic of Jesus Mary, Father 514 DoMENic of St. Dominic, F. . .. 128 Dominic of St. Mary, Father. . 127 DoNGAN, Col. Thomas, Gov- ernor of New York.. . .89, 97, 333 DORANTES 110 DouAY, Father Ana.stasius.. . .340-1 DouGHOREGAN Manor. . . . 363, 435 Douglas, William 89, 368 DoiTTRELEAU, Father. 570, 572, 574 Druillettes, F. Gabriel.. ..238-9, 241-2, 258, 275-7, 317 Du Bois, Rev. Mr 283 Du Bretjil de Pontbriand, Bishop 583, 616, 631 Dujaunai, F. Peter . .579. 629, 633 Du Lhut, Daniel Greysolon. . . 324 Dumas, Father John 572, 586 Du Plessis de Mornay, Rt. Rev. Louis Francis, Coadju- tor of Quebec, and Vicar- General for Louisiana 564 Du PoissoN, Father Paul, 572 ; killed 573 Dupui, F. Victorin. . .552, 573, 580 Dupuis, Zachary 252 DuRAN, Father Andrew, 206 ; Father Roderic 187 PAGE DuRAND, Father Justinian, prisoner in Boston 423 DuRANGO 523-4, 528 Du Ru, Father Paul 542 Du Thet, Brother, killed 222 Easton, Pa 452 EciJA 106 Elizacochea, Rt. Rev. Mar- tin de, Bishop of Durango, visits New Mexico 523^ El Paso 211, 519, 524-5 Elzear de St. Florentin, Bro . . 243 Enjalran, Father John . . 326, 328, 334, 619, 621 Eriwomeck, N. J 86 EscALONA, Father John de, 191, 193 ; Brother Louis (John of the Cross), 118, 120 ; killed.. 122 Escambia River 129 Escobar, Father Francis 193 EsPEJO, Antonio de 185 EspiNOSA, F. Ildef onso, 530 ; F. Isidro Felis de, 483-5, 493 ; F. John of Jesus, killed. . .207-8 EspiRiTU Santo, River (Missis- sippi), 108 ; Bay 340 EsPRONZEDA, Rev. John Fran- cis 500 Estrada, Brother Peter de. . . 106 Etechemins, Mission to, . .337, 594 EvELiNO de Compostela, Rt. Rev. Diego, Bishop of San- tiago de Cuba 456 Falkner's Swamp (Pottsgrove) 393 Farfan, Father Francis. . . 206, 517 Farmer, Father Ferdinand. . .387, 420, 446, 448 Farrar, Father James 407 Fenwick, Cuthbert . .49, 62, 70, 72 Ferdinand, Father 591 Feria, Father Peter de.. .128, 130 650 INDEX. PAGE Fernandez de Santa Ana, Fa- ther Benedict 501 Fern ANDiNA (Pensacola Bay) . 138 FiGBEROA, Father, killed 207-8 Fisher, Father Philip (see Copley). FiTZHERBERT, F. Fraucis.75, 76, 79 FiTZWiLLiAM, Father John... . 79 Florencia, F. Francis de. . .454-5 Florida, Church in 100, 454 Floyd, Father Francis 377 Fontcubierta, Father Michael, Superior of Texas Mission, dies 480 Forget Duverger, Rev. Francis 578, 590 Forster, F. Michael. 79, 83, 90, 95 Fort Beauharnois -. 627 Fort Caroline 134, 139 Fort Chartres. . .558, 560, 578, 588 Fort Crgvecoeur 328 Fort de la Riviere aux Boeufs. 613 Fort Duquesne 614 Fort Frontenac 320 Fort Hill 601 Fort Louis, La 548 Fort Machault 613 Fort Mose 473 Fort Ouiatenon 626 Fort Peoria 539 Fort Presentation 614 Fort Presquile 613 Fort St. Anne 283-4 Fort St. Frederic, Chapel in. . 612 Fort St. Louis, 328 ; (Texas).. 840 Fort Toulouse 584 FoucAULT, Rev. Nicholas, 544 ; killed 545 FoncHER, Rev. John Baptist. . 578 Foxes (Outagamis) 274, 625 Fox River 277 Francis of Jesus, Father. ... 519 Francisco Alonso of Jesus, Father, Provincial of Florida 163 PAGB Frankfort , 894 Frasquillo, Chief of Moquis. 209 Frederick, Md., Mission at. . 451 Fremin, Father James. . .253, 284, 286, 305, 308, 811, 332 Frontenac, Count de . . . .320, 609 Fuentes 125 Gabriel de Joinville, Father.. 240 Gage, Father Charles 91-2 Gagnon, Rev. Joseph 561, 577 Galindo, Rt. Rev. Philip Charles, Bishop of Guadala- jara 483 Galinee, Rev. Rene BrShaut de 31 1 Galisteo 511, 524 Gallegos, Rev. John de Ill Galve, Count of 511 Gandaotjague 284, 295, 298 Gannagaro 295, 334 Ganneaktena, Catharine. 805-7 Ganzabal, Father Joseph Francis, 501 ; killed 502 Garaconthie, Daniel, 287-8, 293; death, 302-3; the younger 610 Garaicoechea, F. John de. . . 521 Garangouas, Margaret 609 Garay, Francis 108 Garcia, Rev. Bartholomew, 163 ; Father Bartholomew, 500, 509 ; Father Diego Mar- tin, 500 ; Father John 134 Garcia de Palacios, Rt. Rev. John, Bishop of Santiago de Cuba, convenes a Synod .... 174 Gardar, See of 16 Gardner, Luke 74 Garnier, Father Charles, kill- ed, 243, 248 ; Father Julian.. 285. 297, 303, 382, 611 Garonhiagu:!; (see Hot Cin- ders). INDEX. 651 PAGE Oarreau, Father Leonard, 258; kiUed 258 Garrucho, Father 530 Garza, Rev. Joseph de la 497 Gaspar, Father 573 Gaspeslans, Mission to 337 GASTO>r, Rev. Mr., killed 577 Gattlix, Rev. Anthony 595 Gawen, Father Thomas, Supe- rior in Maryland 83 Geiger's House, Salem Co., N. J 395, 448 Georgia, Catholicity in . 154-5, 172, 178-9, 437-8, 458 Gerard, Richard . , 39 Gerard, Sir Thomas 19-20 Gerrard, Thomas 76 Germaix, Father Charles. . . .604-5 Germai^tovv^k 394 Gervase, Rev. Mr., 549, 550 ; Thomas 40, 48 Glffard, Rt. Rev. Bonaven- tura, Vicar-Apostolic of Lon- don, 95, 375 ; death of 376 Gila River 118 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey. .19, 22-3 Glass House, Salem Co., N. J. 448 GoDiNO, Rev. Manuel 158 GoLDiNG, Father Edward 82 Gomez, Francis, 107 ; Brother Gabriel, 147 ; killed 149 Gomez de Palma, Rev. John.. 163 Gomez de Parada, Rt. Rev. John, Bishop of Guadalajara 500 Gonaxnhatenha, Frances... . 608 Gonzales, Brother Vincent. . . 150 GoocH, Gov. of Virginia 408 GoRDiLLO, Francis 104 Gordon, Father Mark An- thony, 615; Father Peter, 368 ; Lieut.-Gov. Patrick.. . . 387 GosHENHOPEN.387, 392, 420, 445-6 GooTENTAGRANDi, Susan 606 GoupiL, Rene, 229 ; killed 230 Grandfontaine, Chevalier de 336 Grashoffer, F. John Baptist. 529 Gra\ter, Father James, 328 ; Vicar-General 535. 548-9, 552 Gray ISTuns 546 Greatox, Father Joseph. 386, 390, 404, 419 Green Bay 274, 276, 329, 619, 622, 627 Green, Thomas, 49 ; Govern- or of Maryland 69-70 Guadalajara, Bishop of 203 Guadalquini 172, 178 Guadalupe, X. M 525 GuALE (Amelia) Island.. . .144, 158, 171, 178 GuANDAPE, San Miguel de 106 GuAT, Rev 595 GuERCHEViLLE, Antoinette de Pons, Marchioness de. . . . 220-222 GuERRA, Father Antonio, 212 ; Father Joseph 494 GuEVAVi 526-9 GuiGNAS, F. Louis Ignatius. . . 627 GuLicK, Father Nicholas. . .82, 348 Gutierrez, Father Andrew. . 200 GuYMONNEAU, F. Johu Charlcs 559 Hackett, Rev. Mr 31 Haddock, Father James . 371, 377 Harding, Father Robert .386, 407, 419, 446, 448 Hardy, Sir Charles, Governor of New York 438 Harlay, Most Rev. Francis, Archbishop of Rouen 246 Harrison, F. Henry... .91-2, 97-8 Hartwell, Father Bernard. .65-6 Harvey, Father Thomas, in New York 90, 97-8, 349 Hatton, Eleanor 74 Hawkins, Sir John 134 652 INDEX. PAGE Hawley, Jerome 39 Hebron, John and Joseph. ... 78 Hennepin, F. Louis. . .88, 321-334 Henry a Sancto Francisco, F. . 82 Hernandez, Rev. John An- thony 474 Hickory Mission 413 Hidalgo, F. Francis. .481, 484, 490 HiTA, Rev. Pablo de 172 HoALisA, Father Manuel de . . . 466 HoBART, Father Basil, 82, 96, 348 ; dies 351 Hodgson, Father Thomas 370 Holidays of Obligation. 175-6, 269, 374, 453, 503 Holy Cross Island, first Chapel in New England on 218 Holy Family, confraternity of the 302 Holy Orders, first conferred in 1674 170 Honorattjs, Father 115 Hot Cinders, Chief 300, 306 HoTHERSALL, Thomas 83 Howard, Henry, Bp. of Utica, Coadjutor of Bishop Giflfard. 376 HiJNTSR, Father George, 444, 449 ; Father William. . . .348-350, 354, 363, 377 HuRONS 243, 264, 268, 619-23, 626, 629 Hutchinson, Lt.-Gov., sym- pathy with Acadians. . . 431 HuvE, Rev. Alex. . .546, 552-3, 565 Hyacinth, Father 573 Hyslop, Father Clement 368 Iceland, Catholicity in 16 IcHUSE or Santa Rosa Bay 129 Ignatius of Paris, Father ... 239 Illinois Indians 273, 276 Illinois, Church in. . . .316-7, 320, 824, 328, 535-9, 541^, etc. Immaculate Conception, Mis- sion of the (Kaskaskia). .538, 558 Indian Reservation (Maryland) 73 Indiana, Church in 323, 536, 579, 626 Ingle, Captain 62 Inscription Rock 524 Iren^us, Father 590, 591 Irish Papists 373, 440 Isle la Motte 283 IsLETA 199, 206, 534 Jacker, V. Rev. Edward 319 Jam AY, Father Denis 224 James II 97 James, Sir John 384 Jemez.119, 190, 194, 517, 518, 520, 523, 525 JiCARiLLA Apaches 524 Jogues, F. Isaac . .57, 128-333, 235 John Francis, Father 580 Jones, Griffith 367 John Matthew, Father, 565 ; styles himself Vicar- Apostolic 565 John of Jesus, F., killed. .208, 517 John of St. Mary, F., killed. . 184 Jolliet, Louis 312-5 Jones, Rev. Hugh 404-7 Jubilee, First in Canada 246 Juchereau, Sieur 545 Juip, Abb6, at Yazoo 559, 572 Jumanas (Patarabueyes, Cho- mas) 186, 481, 197, 212 Kaskaskia 558-9 Kaskaskias . .316-7, 320, 544, 557, 560, 586, 589 Keler, Father Ignatius Xavier 529 Kennebec 220 Kent Island 44, 78 Kereben, Father Joseph Fran- cis de 559 Keweenaw Bay 363 INDEX. 653 PASE Key West 456 KiCKAPOos 625 KiEFT, William 231 KiNGDON, Father John 404 KiTTAMAQriNDI 53 KJNOLLES, F. John, 46 ; dies . . 47 Kryn, "The Great Mohawk" 296, 306 KtfHN or Kino, Father Euse- bius Francis, 526 ; death 528 La Bazares, Guido 128 La Canada (Villa nueva de Santa Cruz; 519 La Colombiere, Rev. Joseph de 545 La Durantate 330 Laguna 525 Lajus, Father John Baptist. . . 612 Lake Erie 311 Lake Ganentaa 249 Lake George 232 Lake Megantic 598 Lake Pimiteouy 560 Lalemant, Father Charles, 224 ; Father Jerome 246 La Motte, Sieur de. . 321 Lancaster, Pa 391, 420 La Pointe du St. Esprit 267, 271, 275 La Prairie 300, 305 La Roche Daillon, F. Joseph 224 Las Alas, Stephen de 140 La Salineta 206 La Salle, Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la. 311, 322-3, 326, 340-1 Lastra, Father Peter de la. . . 172 La Saussaye, Sieur de 221-2 Lattdonxiere, Rene de 134 Laurens, Rev 578 Lauverjat, Father Stephen . . 599, 601, 604 Laval de Montigny, Rt. Rev. PAQK Francis, Bishop of Petraea, and Vicar-Apostolic of New France, 259, 262, 268, 270, 307, 309, 312 ; resigns, 342 ; death 343 La Vente, Rev. Henry Roul- leaux de, first parish priest of Mobile 546-7, 551-2 La Vigne Voisin 552-3 Le Baron, Dr 94 Le Boullenger, F. John. . .558-9 Le Caron, Father Joseph 224 Le Clerc, Rev. Mr 436 Le Clercq, Father Maximus . 340 Lefevre, Father Nicholas 584 Le Franc, Father Marin Louis 633 Legrand, Father Pacome 578 Leisler, Jacob 97 Le Jeune, Father Paul 225 Le Maire, Abbe, 430, 436; Rev. F 549,550,553 Le Mercier, Father Francis. . 253 Le Motte, Father James 407 Le Moyne, Father Simon, 247, 251, 281 ; death 282 Leo of Paris, Father 238 Leonard of Chartres, Father . 237 Leonard, Father Bonaventure 626 Le Petit, Father 570, 572 Le Predeur, Father John James 589 Lerdo, Rev. John de 162 Le Roy, Father 584 Les Allemands 568, 573, 591 Letrado, F. Francis, killed . . 200 Lewgar, John . . 50, 54 Lewis, Father John 419 Leyburn, Rt. Rev. John, Vic- ar-Apostolic of England, and then of London 95 Liberty, religious, established in Maryland by Catholics, 49, 70 ; aboUshed by Puritans 74 654 INDEX. PAGE Linares, Brother Peter de, 143; killed 149 LiPAN Apaches 495 Livers, Father Arnold 407 LoMBARDE, Father, killed . . . 207 LoNGViLL, Rev. Mr 31 Lopez, Father Balthazar, 152-3, 157 ; Father Felician, 457 ; F. Francis, 183 ; killed, 184, 190, 195; F. Nicholas. . 212 Lopez de Lara, Rev. Casimir . 506 LoRETTE, Catholic Iroquois at. 305 Louis XIII 221 Louis, Father 118 Louisiana. .438, 543, 564, 565, 583 LoYARD, Father 601 Lucxo, Father 187, 190 Luna, Father Peter de 172 Luna y Arellano, Tristan de 127-132 Machado, Dr. Juan Ferro, vis- itiition of Florida 181 Madawaska 439 Magunschi 392 Maine, Catholicity in. 22-28, 218-9, 221-3, 234-243, 310, 592-605 Maldonado, Father, killed . . . 207 Maitre, Rev. Mr., killed 281 Manchot, Oneida Chief 334 Manners, George 70 Manners, Father 420 Mansell, Father Thomas, 363, 368 ; dies 377 Mante, Father Cosmas de.238, 240 Maquacomen 48 Marest, Father Gabriel, 538, 539, 551, 560 ; dies, 585 ; Fa- ther James Joseph .328, 619, 621, 623-5 Mareuil, Father Peter 611-12 Margil of Jesus, Ven. Father Anthony 486-497 Maria And Francis de los Dolores, Father 500 Mariano, Manuel 501 Marin, Father Joseph Garcia. 519 Mark of Nice, Father. . . .115-118 Marquette, Father James. . . . 272, 275-6, 312-319, 535 Marquez, Father Diego 187 Marron, Father Francis ... 152-3 Marseilles, Bishop of. . .543, 547 Martinez, Father Alonso, 187-8, 191 ; Father Francis, 841 ; Father Ignatius, 509 ; Father Peter, killed 142 Maryland, Catholicity in, 34- 84, 345-379, 406-442 ; Map of 45 Mascoutins 274-5, 278, 313, 546, 625 Massachxtsetts, Catholicity in. 397, 430-1, 438 Masse, Father Enemond. 219-222 Masse Y a Sancta Barbara, Fa- ther Massaeus 81, 96 Matacumbe 163, 457, 472 Mathews, Sir Toby 86 Mathias de Sedan, Father 580 Mathias, Father, 573 ; Vicar- General 583 Matienzo 104, 106 Mattapany, Mattapanien, 67 ; Indians 73 Matthews, Thomas 72 Mauila Ill Maunsell, John 70 Maxetani 392, 394 Maxlmin, Father 573 Mayaca 157, 165, 182, 457 Mazanet, Father Damian. .479-81 Mazuelas, Father John. . .128, 130 McGawley, Miss Elizabeth. . . 382 Meade Family 367 Medoctec 594, 599, 601, 604 Megapolensis, Dominie 231 INDEX. 655 Membre, Father Zenobius, 321-6, 839^0 ; killed 341 Menchero, Father John 524 AIenard, Father Rene, 253, 255, 262-3 ; death 266 Mendez, Brother John Bap- tist, 143; killed 149 Mendoza, Antonio de. Viceroy of New Spain, 114 ; Father Manuel de, killed, 462 ; Fa- ther Peter de 484 Mendoza - Grajales, Rev. Francis de, first parish priest of St. Augustine. . . . 136, 140-1 Menendez, Peter.. 133, 135-6, 139- 143, 145, 150-1 Menomonees 274-5, 278 Mercier, Rev John 559, 576 Mermet, F. John, 545-6 ; dies 585 Mesaiger, F. Charles M 628-9 Mesorcoques 53 Metchigameas 315, 586 Meurin, Father Louis Sebas- tian 578, 585, 589, 590 Mexia, Lt. John Ruiz 461 Mexico, See of 11 Miamis 276, 313, 325, 334, 536, | 586, 623^, 626, 628 j Michigan, Church in 228, 262, j 271, 276, 620, etc. ; Michilimackinac. 276-7, 313, 318, ' 536, 619, 620, 633 ! MiLET, Father Peter 286, 288, I 302, 332, 334 Miniac, Abb^ 430 Minnesota, Church in. . .324, 619, 627 Miranda, Father Angel, burn- ed alive, 462 ; F. Anthony. . 521-2 Mississippi River. .. .311-2, 314-5 Mississippi, Catholicity in 129, 541-2, 550, 558. 572-4 Missouri, Catholicity in . 589, 633 PAGE Missouri River 120 Missouris 536, 545 Mobile. 463, 490, 546, 568, 573, 591 mobelians 552 MOCANA 171 Mohawk Mission. 232, 284-6, 295-9 Mohawks 603, 616 moingonas 314 MoLiN, Father Lawience 386 Molina, Father Michael 502 MoLTNEux, Richard. .401, 407, 408 Monaco, Father Joseph Mary. 472 Monte, Father Bias Rodriguez de, 142 ; killed 144 Monterey, first Mass at 215 MoNTESiNOS, Father Anthony de 101, 106-7 MoNTiGNT, Very Rev. Francis Jolliet de 539-550 Montour, Madame 401 MoNTS, Pierre du Guast, Sieur de, 218 ; first settlement on Neutral Island 218 Moore, Governor 459 MoQUi 186, 193, 200, 513, 524 Mora, Father, killed 207 Morador, Father John of Jesus, killed 207 Moral, Father Alonso del. 170, 173 MoRAiN, Father 337 MoRAND, Father William F. . . 584 MoRELL de Santa Cruz, Rt. Rev. Peter Augustine, Bishop of Santiago de Cuba 475-6 Moreno, Father Anthony, 519; killed 520 MoRNAT, Bishop Du Plessis. . . 576 MosLET, Father Joseph 449 MOULTON, Col 603 Mountain, Mission of the. . . . 305 Mulfiz, Fatlier Michael 510 MuNoz, Father Francis, 642 ; Father Peter 492 656 INDEX. Nacogdoches. . .492, 495. 496, 507 Nambe 519 Nanipacna 129 Napochies 129 Narvaez, Pamfilo de 108 Nassonis 490 JsTatchez 559, 569, 573 ]SrATCHiTOCHES...490, 569, 573, 591 Navajos 201, 524 Neale, Archbishop 382 Neale, Father Benedict, 392, 407, 413 ; Father Henry .... 419 Negro Plot, New York 399 Neutral Island, Chapel on, 218 ; Map of 217 New Albion, Plowden's Colony 86 New Amsterdam. 231 New Jersey, Catholicity in. .89, 448 New Mexico, Catholicity in 189 etc., 510 etc. New Orleans 566-7, 573, 591 Newtown, Md 76, 78, 444 New York, Catholicity in .90-1, 97, 247-302, 322, 334, 433, 438, 607-16 Niagara, Chapels at. 322, 334, 612-3 Nicolas, Father Louis 270 NiCETOWN, Pa 382 Nicholson, Lieut. -Gov 97, 347 NoMBRE de Dios, at St. Au- gustine. . . .137, 151, 165, 464, 466 NoRRiDGEWALK, Norridge- wock 241-2, 594, 596, 603 Northmen, Catholic 11 NORUMBEGA 22 NoTJVEL, Father Henry 276-7, 317-8, 328, 536, 622 Nttestra Senora de la Leche, Chapel of 137-8, 464-5 Nunez, Father Michael 497 Obregon, F. Anthony de..514, 517 Ocute 159 Oglethorpe, General 399. 473 O'Hara, Bryan 449 Old Village Point 263 Oley Hills 394 Olier, Ven. John 226 Oliva, Rev. John de la 167 Olivares, Father Anthony de San Buenaventura y • . . . 483, 491 Onate, John de, 186 ; prayer of 188 Oneida 285, 302, 606, 609 Onondaga. . . .247-254, 256-7, 281, 285, 297, 607-11, 616 Opelousas 438 Oraybi 513 Ore, F. Louis Jerome de. . 155, 162 Crista 144 Ortega, Father Diego de 198 Ortiz, Rev. Alonzo, 162; F. . 474 Osages 536 Ospo 155 OssERNENON 229, 232-3, 285 Otermin, Governor of New Mexico, 205 ; Cuts his way out of Santa Fe 206 Ottawa River. 228 Ottawas. , .262, 267, 269, 272, 318, 619-624, 626 Ouachil Tamail 540 OuiATENON 578, 586 OcMAOUHA, Illinois Chief 324 OuMAS 542 OuNSPiK 540 Padilla, Father John de, 118- 120 ; death 121 Palmer, Colonel 465 Palos, Brother John de 108 Palou, Father Francis 504 Papagos 530 Paredes, Rev. John de. . .464, 474 Pareja, F. Francis. 142, 156-7,159 Parga, Father John de, 461 ; burned 461 INDEX. 657 PAGE Parras, Father Peter 504 Parilla, Father 501 Patricio, Chief of Ybitacucho 458 Patali 461 Patron de Gusman, Father Augustine 484, 490, 497 Patuxexts 48, 51, 58, 76 Paver, Father Francis 530 Pawnees 545 Payayas 491 Peake, Walter 70 Peasley, Mrs . . 60 Peckham, Sir George 19, 20, 24 Pecos.. 189, 190, 199, 205, 512, 515, 519, 524 Peixado, Father Alonso 194 Pelcon, F. Peter (Manners). . . 79 Pelfresne, Father Hyacinth . 626 Pelham, Father William, 79 ; Father Henry 79 Pen A, Father John de la 522 Penal Laws against Catholics in England, 18 ; in New York, 356-7 ; Massachusetts, 358 ; Maryland, 351, 359 ; in Virginia 409, 452 Penalosa, Diego de. Govern- or of New Mexico .204, 338, 340 Penaranda, Alonso de 159 Penicaijt 554 PeSuei.a y Alshrante, Mar- quis de la 522 Peortas 314, 536 Penn, William 92-4, 365 Pennington, Father Francis, 82 ; Superior 95-6, 348-9 Pennsylvania, Catholicity in 365-6, 433, 445 Penobscots 594, 601, 604 Pensacola 128, 130, 466-7 Pensacola Bay 128,130 Pent agoet.. .287-8, 310, 335, 337, 593, 595, 597 42 PAOE Peorias 586 Perea, Father Stephen de, 195; Custos 196 Perdomo, Father 215 Perera, Father Anthony 480 Perete, Father Francis 170 Perez, Father Francis 165 Perez de la Cerda, Rev. Sebas- tian 170, 172 Perez de Mesquia, F. Peter. . 484 Perrot, Nicholas 328, 329 Persons, Father Robert 27 Perth, James, Earl of 87 Peset, Rev. Mr C27 Petatl.an 110, 115 Pfefferkorn, F. Ignatius. . . 531 Philadelphia 366, 447-8 Philibert, Father 573 Philip U 133, 142 Philip HI 159 Philip, Father 570, 573 Phillips, Father Vincent 407 PlANKESHAWS 586 Picuries 190, 199, 205-6, 519, 520, 525 PiERRON, Father John. 81-2, 285-6, 303-4, 332 PiERSON, Father 318, 326 PiLABO 200 PiMAS . . 530 PiN-EDA, Father Joseph 501 Pint:lla, Father Joseph 501 Pns-ET, Father Peter, 537, 539 ; Rev. Mr 544 Piquet, Rev. Francis 614-18 PiROs 200, 205, 211, 642 PiscATAWAY, Md . . 42, 53, 55, 57 Pita, Friar Joseph, 494 ; killed 495 PizARRO, F. John Moreno 168 Plowden, Sir Edmund 86 PoALA, Puaray 185, 189 PoiNTE Coupee.. 568,580,590-1 PoiNTE Saint Ignace 323, 633 658 INDEX. PAGE PoLANCO, Rev. Francis Manuel 500 Pole, Father George 79 Ponce y Carasco, Rt. Rev. Peter 475 Ponce de Leon, Antonio, 463 ; John 100-3 PoNCET, Father Joseph . . . 244, 247 Pope, El 205-6, 511 PoRRAS Father Francis. . 200, 642 Port Royal, S. C, 134, 140, 144 ; (Acadia) 219-221 Port Tobacco 57, 58, 63, 75 Posadas, Father Alonso 204 PoTANO 158, 165 PoTiER, Father Nicholas, 328 ; Father 629 Potomac 56 potopaco. 63 Pott Aw^ ATOMIES, Mission to . .268, 274, 278 Potts, John 32 PouLTON, Father Ferdinand, alias Brock, 55 ; F. Thomas. 407 PouTRiNCOURT, Sieur de 219 PozADA, Rev. Toribio de 163 Prado, Father Joseph Guada- lupe 509 Prairie du Rocher, Parish at. 561 Priests' Ford, Md 413 Prieto, Father Jerome . . . 514, 518 Price, John 70 Prince, Mgr 431 Propaganda Fide, Congrega- tion de '. . . .52, 59 PuEYO, Rev. Francis Gabriel del 464,469 QuAPPAS 315, 326 Quebec 223,225 Quentin, F., 221 ; in Virginia 223 Queretaro, College of Holy Cross at 496, 509 Qtjerechos, .110 PAGE QUERES..194, 199, 200, 211, 519, 520 QuExos, Peter de 104, 106 QuiNONES, F. Bartholomew. . . 183 Quinte Bay. . . 226 QuiROGA Y LozADA, Diego de, Governor of Florida 179 QuiROs, Father Louis de, 147 ; killed 149 QuiviRA 119-121 Reading, Pa 445 Rabelo, Rev. Francis 474 Raffeix, F..284, 294, 295, 297, 303 Ragueneau, Father Paul 256 Rageot, Rev. Philip 595 Rale, Father Sebastian, 538, 596, 598, 600, 602 ; killed.. . . 603 Ramirez, Father John 642 Raphael, Father 573, 581 Rapide des Peres 277 Raymbaut, Father Charles. . . 228 Rebolledo, Diego de. Govern- or of Florida 165 Recollects 234, 321, etc. Redondo, Brother Christopher, 143; killed 149 Reynolds, James. ... 447 Reynoso, Father Alonzo 151 RezinO, Rt. Rev. Dionisio, Auxiliar Bishop of Cuba 464 Richelieu, Cardinal 236-7 RiDDELL, Father Peter, 79 ; Father William 349 RiGBiE, Father Roger, 57 ; dies 66 Rio DE Palmas 108 Rio de Ratones 472 Rio Grande Missions 483 Rivera, Rev. Christopher B . . 167 Riviere du Loup 337 Rodriguez. Brother Augus- tine, 183, 189; killed, 185; Father Bias, 152 ; killed, 154 ; Father Joseph 494-5 INDEX. 659 PAGE RoGEL, Father John 142-4 Romero y Montaxez, Rev. John Stephen 464 RoQUE, Father 200 Rosas, Father 187, 190 RosETTi, Mgr. Dom 59 Rosier, James 25 Rouen, Archbishop of.. ..226, 234, 246, 259, 338 Rouensac 536 RoYALL, Rev. John 385 Ruhen, F., killed in Sonora . . 530 Ruiz, Brother Peter, 143 ; kill- ed, 149; Father Peter, 152, 158 ; Father Francis 101 Sabinal, 525 Sacramento 507 Sacs 274, 278 Saint Amand 334 Saint Anne de Fort Char tres. 561 Saint Anthony 465 Saint Augustine, Florida. .136-7, 151, 156, 164-5, 169, 458 Saint Augustin, Texas 496 Saint Clement's Island, first Mass in Maryland at 41 Saint Francis, Mission 594 Saint Francis Borgia 142, 147, 150 Saint Francis Regis, Mis- sion of 618 Saint Francois de Sales, Ab- naqui Mission 337 Saint Genevieve 586, 633 Saint Helena 128, 132 Saint Inigoes 43, 63 Saint John the Baptist, River and Land of 104, 106 Saint John's River 134 Saint Joseph's Church, Phila..386, 388, 393, 401, 419, 447 Saint Joseph, Fla. . .456, 466, 472 PA OB Saint Joseph's River. . . .323, 619, 626, 628 Saint Lawrence River 223 Saint Mark 466 Saint Martin's River 554 Saint Mary's, City of. .43, 51, 53, 348, 356 Saint Mary's, Florida 458 Saint Mary's Church, Phila- delphia 447 Saint Mary of Ganentaa..253, 257 Saint Michael's (Seneca), Church at, burned 293 Saint Peter's (Cumberland) Island 155 Saint Pius V 143-5 Saint Thomas' Manor 444 Sakunk 614 Salas, Father John de 197-8 Salazar, Father Christopher, 187-8 ; dies, 191 ; Father , 483 ; Father Dominic 128-9 Salcedo, Brother John 143 Salem 394 Salleneuve, Father John B . . 586, 589, 630, 633 Salmeron, Father Jerome de Zarate 194 Salvador de San Antonio, Father 513, 519 San Antonio, Florida, 456, 466; Texas 483, 497, 507 San Buenaventura de Goa- dalquibi 165, 172, 178 San Antonio, presidio of ... . 497 San Cristobal 205 Sandia 195, 199 San Diego 465 Sandusky 629 Sandwich 629 San Felipe de Jesus 531 San Felipe.. 140, 197, 206, 512, 519 San Fernando 498-9 660 INDEX. PAGE San Francisco de los Texas . . 480 San Gabriel, second Settle- meut in New Mexico 191 San Gregorio, F. Peter de. . . 152 San Ildefonso 194 San Jose de Zapala 165, 172, 178, 179 San Juan Batjtista, first Set- tlement in New Mexico . ... 189 San Juan de los Caballeros. . . 525 San Juan Mission, Florida. . . .156, 458, 466 San Lazaro 305 San Lorenzo 206, 504, 524 San Luis 462, 466 San Luis de Amarillas 502 San Luis Obispo (N. Mexico).. 200 San Marcos 512 San Matheo 139 San Miguel, Father Francis, 187; at Pecos 190, 192 San Miguel, Church of 516 San Miguel de Adayo, Mar- quis, Governor of Texas. . . . 494 San Miguel de Guandape, Va. 106 San Miguel del Bado 525 San Miguel de Linares 490 San Pedro Mission, Fla...l56, 165 San Pedro del Mocarno 165 San Saba 502 San Sebastian 151 Santa Ana 194, 524 Santa Catalina de Gua,le 165, 172, 178, 458 Santa Clara. 519, 525 ; de Capoo 201 Santa Elena, (S. C). . . .128, 130, 132, 144, 147 Santa Cruz 129-130, 178, 524 Santa Fe, (N. M.), 194, 199, 206, 211. 510, 511, 514, 522, 525 ; Santa Fe, (Florida) 466 Santa Lucia 472 PAGE Santa Maria Soamca 528 Santa Rosa, Bay, 129 ; Island 466 Santiago de Cuba, erection of See of 11 Santiesteban, Father Joseph, 502; killed 503 Santo Domingo, Provincial Council of 162 Santo Domingo de Talege, 165 ; in New Mexico 519 San Xavier del Bac 527 Sanz, Father Mathias of San Antonio 484, 493 Saonchiogwa 280, 293 Sapala 165, 179 Sata Yaexa 485 Saturiova ... 134 Sault St. Mary . .271-2, 275, 277, 312, 316, 334 Schneider, Father Theodore.. 387, 389, 392, 420, 446, 448 Schuyler, Colonel 611-2 Scobar de Sambrana, Rev. Diego 153 Sedelmayr, Father 531 Sedeno, Father Antonio 143-5 Segesser, Father Philip 529 Seguenot, Rev. Francis., . . .397-8 Segura, Father John Baptist, Vice-Provincial of Florida, 143; killed 149 Seminary of Quebec, Missions of 538 Sen AT, F. Antoninus, killed . . 585 Seneca Mission 286, 297, 303, 311, 612 Senecu 200 Seville 11 Sevillet.\ • 200 Seymour, John, Governor of Maryland 354, 356, 358 Sharpe, Horatio, Governor of Maryland 416, 417, 441-2 INDEX. 661 PAGE SiGUENZA, Father Charles 455 SiLLEKY 337, 594 SiLVA, Father John de, 152 ; Father , killed 503 SiLVT, Father Anthony 279 Simon, Father 594 Simon of Jesus, F., killed.. 207, 209 Sioux. . . .269, 316, 324, 619, 627-8 SiTIMACHAS 550 SiTTENSPERGER (Manners), F . .392, 420, 446 Skalholt, John, Bishop of. . . 11 Smith, Rev. Peter, 88; Rev. 349 Smyth, Anthony 31 Socorro 200, 211, 524-5 SoKOKi Mission 337 SoLANA, Rev. John Joseph 464, 469, 474 SoiiED AD Hospital, 164; Chapel. 469 ; Mission 466 SoLis, Brother Gabriel, 143 ; killed, 149 ; Rev. Lorenzo. . . 167 SoLis de Meras, Rev 138 SONOITAC 529 Soto, Hernando de 111-113 SoTOLONGO, Rev. Francis de . . 168 SouEL, F. John, 572 ; killed. . 574 South Carolina, Catholicity in 140, 144 Starkey, Father Lawrence. .69, 75 Stenson, William 436 Stephen, Negro 110, 114-5, 117 Steyn>ieyer (Farmer), Fa- ther Ferdinand. . . .420, 446, 448 Stone, William, Governor of Maryland 69 Stourton, Rev. Mr 31 SUSQUEHANNAS . . . 43, 57 Swan, Daniel 447 Synod of Santiago de Cuba. 1684, 174 ; regulations for Florida, 176 ; of Quebec 534 PAGE Tacanes 499 Tacatacuru (Cumberland Isl- and) 142 Taensas 539, 540 Talon 341 Tama ..159,172 Tamarois. .536, 539-541, 544, 550, 557-559, 578 Tamaron, Rt. Rev. Peter, Bishop of Durango 524 Tampa Bay 125, 140 Tanos. . .199, 205-6, 212, 510, 511, 516, 518, 520 Taos, Mission of San Geroni- mo. . .200, 205, 211, 519, 520, 524 Taragica 166, 171 Tartarin, Father Rene 570, 572, 586 Tegakouita, Catharine.. 299, 300, 307-9 Tegananokoa, Stephen .... 607 Tehuas 518 Tejada, Rt. Rev. Francis de San Buenaventura, Bishop of Tricali, 469-471 ; Bishop of Guadalajara 474, 505 Tejuas, Tehuas . 205. 211, 520, 523 Tello, Father, killed 580 Teoas, Tejuas, Teguas. . .194, 199, 201, 205, 211 Teotonharason 249 Tequesta 144 Teran de los Rios, Domingo, Governor of Texas 480 Terreros, F. Alonso Giraldo de, 502 ; killed .... 503 Tesuque 519, 524 Texas, Church in. 339-41, 479-509 Texas or Asinais 212, 503 Thaumur de la Source, Rev. Dominic Anthony . . 544, 559, 576 The VET, Father Andrew 216 Thomas of Aquin, Father 215 662 INDEX. PAGE Thornborough, Thomas 70 Thorold, Father George. .363, 370 Thury, Rev. Louis Peter. .337, 594 TiDDER, Father Edward 79 TiGTJEX 119-131 TiMUQUANS 161, 178, 180 Tic AS, Tiguas, 199, 211; submit to Otermin 211 TioNONTOGUEN, Mission at . . 285, 296, 304 TiRSO, Father Michael 519 Tlascalans ... 500 tocobaga 144 TocoY 157 ToLEMATO (1) on Amelia Isl- and, 153 ; (2) near St. Augus- tine 477 ToLosA, Father Diego de, 124 ; killed 125 Tomb 525 ToMPiRAS 198, 211 ToNiCAS 539, 553 ToNTY, Henri de 323-4, 539 TopoQui 153 ToRORO 456 Torre, Nicholas de la, Bishop of Santiago de Cuba 164 TOTONTEAC 116 Tracy, Marquis de 283 Tranchepain de St. Augustin, Mother Mary, founds Ursu- line Convent, New Orleans, 569-570; death 581 Truxillo, Rev. Rodrigo Gar- cia de 152 TuBAC 529 TucsoK, Presidio 530 TULPEHAKEN 392 TUMACACORI 529 TuPATU, Louis 511 TuRPiN, Mary, becomes an Ur- suline 560 TUSAYAN 191 PAes Urango, John de, Bishop of Santiago de Cuba 127 Urchia, Father Anthony de.. . 170 Uriza, Father 474 Urrutia, Don Toribio de . . . . 507 Ursuluste Convent, New Or- leans 570-1 Ury, Rev. John 899 Usache, Father Joseph 467 UsEDA, Father John de 172 Vacapa. 115 \' AHOMONDE, Father Anthony. 514 Vaillant du Gueslis, Father.. 304, 611, 620 Vallarde, Father, killed 207 Varela, Father Benedict 503 Vargas, Rev. Alonso de, 163 ; Father Francis 519 Vargas Zapata Luxan Ponce de Leon, Diego, reconquers New Mexico 510-6 Varlet, Very Rev. Dominic Mary, Vicar-General, 555 ; Bishop of Ascalon 556-7 Varredo, Father Joseph 168 Vatier, Father Leonard .... 626 Vega Castro, Damian de, Governor of Florida 164 Velasco, Louis, Viceroy of Mexico 127 Velasco, Don Luis, Indian . . . 140, 147, 150 Velasco, Father Ferdinand, 205 ; Father Francis 192 Velascola, Father Francis, 152; killed 155 Vera Cruz 128 Verdugo de la Silveyra, Rev. Peter 164 Vergara, Father Gabriel de, 484-5, 496 ; Brother 192 Vermont, Catholicity in ...283-4 INDEX. 663 Vicariate- Apostolic of New France, 259; Vicariates-Apos- tolic established in Missis- sippi Valley and suppressed. . 327 Vicar- Apostolic 565 Victoria, Father Anthony . . . 118 ViLLALBA, Father John de. . . . 462 ViLLAFANE, Angel de 132 ViLLANUEVA de Santa Cruz. . 519 ViLLAREAL, B. Fraucls de. . 142, 144 ViLLE, Father John Mary de . 559 ViNCENNES Register 579 ViNiEGRA, Brother 157 Virginia, Catholicity in 32, 57, 97, 106, 408-9, 418, 437 ViROT, F. Claude Fran., killed. 614 ViTRY, Father Peter de, 581 ; made Vicar-General 583 ViviER, Father Louis 579, 585 Vizcaino, Sebastian 215 Walsh, Robert 436 Wapeler, F. William.387, 389, 390 Warren, Father William 79 Watrln, Father P. F..585, 586, 589 Watteaux, Father Melithon. .321-2 Weas 586 Westbrook. Colonel 601 Wetmottth, Capt. , voyage connected with Catholic Set- tlement 25-6 Whetenhall, Father Henry.. 377 White, Father Andrew, founder of the Maryland Mission 40-2, 48-9, 53-4, 64 Whitemarsh, Mission of Saint Francis Borgia 450 Whttgrave, Father James. . . 377 WiCKSTED, Father Polycarp . . 82 Wilkinson. Rev. Mr 84 WiLLART, Brother Nicholas . . 351 Willcox Family 367, 385 William III 345 Williams, Father John 451 WiNNEBAGOES 274, 278 WmsLADE 25 Wisconsin, Church in 265-6, 274r-9, 328-9, 619, 623 Wood, Father WilUam. . . . 363, 370 WOODBRIDGE, X. J 90 Wriothesley, Henry, Earl of Southampton 25 Xarame Mission 491 XiMENEZ, F. Diego. . . 502, 504, 508 XiMENO, Father Custodius 532 XuAREZ, Father John. 108, 110, 111 XuMANAS (see Jumanas). Yamassees 179, 465, 466 Yascomocos 43, 46 Yatases 490 Yazoos 540, 559, 572, 574 Ybarra, Governor of Florida. 161 Ybitacucho 458, 462-3 Ye, John, Gov. of Pecos. .205, 515 Yeo, Rev. Mr 84 Yguasa Nation 466 YoNG, Capt. Thomas 86 YuMAS 212 YuQUATUNQUE (San Gabriel). . 119 Zaboleta, Father John de. . . 212 Zacatecas, Apostolic College of, founded by Ven. Father Margil 482-4 Zamora, Father Francis, 187 ; at Picuries 190, 192 Zapata. Father Diego 497 Zapoteca Indians 121 Zavaleta, Father John 513 Zeinos, Father Diego. 514, 516, 518 Zevallos, Brother Sancho, 147; killed 149 ZiA 524 ZuNi 186, 193, 200, 512, 521 ZuNiGA, Governor Joseph de. . 459 3 ,,33 aoM„ ^ ^'58 00764 1722