&* * Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN V ^ jkt"lft4e^Uci^ nfucu^V or fki fas/ J, /.jvfist+vf- . /jrr v/tm* ts4-t*jc^hi ^ Pec /^ 6tcd//ruJ t-f/u^ ? / $&/b#J. ■; .*. I FACTION DETECTED, ^ B Y TH E EVIDENCE of FACTS, Q£r< ,-?// ^-t' A si / £t,r L~ 0/ / •? /■■/? ai^-^-T^-^' ( / / [Price Two Shillings.] . D \ l 'i a Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from Microsoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/factiondetectedbOOegmoiala Faction Detected, B Y T H E EVIDENCE O F FACTS. CONTAINING An Impartial View of PARTIES at Home, and AFFAIRS Abroad. £hio quo fcelejli ruitis ? Aut cur dexteris Aptantur enfes condlti ? ■ ■ Non ut fuperbas invida Cart hag i fit's Rotnanus arces ureret : Sed ut, fecundum vota Parthorum, fua Urbs htsc periret dexterd. Neque hie lupis mos, nee fuit konibus Uttquam nift in difpar feris. Furorne cacus, an rapit vis acrior : An culpa ? Refponfutn date. Tacent, &f ora pallor albus itificit, Mentefque terculfce Jtupent. Hor. Epod. Od. Vir. The SECOND EDITION. LONDON: Printed for J. Roberts^ in Warwick-Lane. M.DCC.XLH! / ERRATA. PAge 147. line 35. inftead of Influence upon the Legijlaturg read Influence upon the other Members of the Legiflature ; p. 171. 1. 42. inftead of by read thro' ; p. 173. 1. 6. dele late, p. 174. 1. 43. inftead of fomented read inflamed. Faction Detected, B Y T H E Evidence of FACTS. OPPOSITION to the Meafures of Government, whether good or bad, is no new thing in this or any other Country, where the People have 3ny Share in the Legislature. For wherever that Circumftance is found, the Materials for the Advancement of frivate Views abundantly occur : And in proportion to the mportance of fuch a Country, Subjects ambitious of Prefer- ment have more Incentives to urge them on to Purfuits of this Nature, more Inftmments to afiift them in their Undertaking, and more Pretexts to delude and to impofe upon the Multitude. The Employments in fuch a Country muft of Neceffity be numerous and lucrative, the Engagements of the Publick fre- quent and expenfive, the Dangers from its Neighbours greater, their Jealoufy and Ill-will more to be apprehended, and confequently with more Privacy and Caution counteracted. This enables artful Men to raife Murmurs againft the moft ne- ceflary Charges of the State, and to quarrel with the beft Means of Publick Security with a manifeft Advantage, be- caufe it is eafy to difpute the Wifdom of Meafures, which can never be intirely difclofed, till they are fully executed ; and the Poifon infufed into the People has performed its Operation before the Nature of the thing can poffibly admit a Detection of the Falfities and Mifreprefentations employed againft them ; while the Publick, already prejudiced, never give themfelves the Trouble to examine what is paft ; either taking more De- light in the Difcovery of Error, than in the Purfuit of Truth ; or not having the Means furniftied with equal Induftry, or being diverted by fome frefh Objection, ftarted to fomenew Conduct. In proportion to the Riches of any Country, Poverty be- comes more preffing upon many by a natural Contraft. In all fuch Countries the Wretched are certainly more wretched than in others which flourim lefs ; becaufe the Neceflaries of Life are dear, and not to be had without that Induftry, which Numbers (6) Numbers will be found to want, in all Place's, however op- portune the Means of Employment may be ; and Men of this kind may be induftricras in a Faction, which is carried on by Noife, Drunkennefs and Riot, when they can be fo in nothing elfe. In all trading Countries the Profpect of Gain allures many to adventurous Undertakings above their Abilities, by which fome muft be undone, and thefe never fail to attribute to Mifmanagements of Government, thofe Evils which arife from their own Sloth, Incapacity or Avarice. Again, in fuch Countries, the Luxury of fome induces others to follow them in the fame Expence, to the Ruin of themfelves and of their Families, and the Generality of thefe unite in Views of a like Nature.— — As in all populous Countries, from a Variety of Diftrefs, fuch Objects muft be very numerous ; fo from the very Numbers of a People alone, Faction always derives a great Advantage, fince from the Difference of Difpofitions, with which Men are born into the World, fome will infallibly arife from time to time, framed by Nature itfelf of a reftlefs and difcontented Temper ; form'd, whether they have Caufe for it or not, to be as well a Torment to themfelves, as a Plague to the Society in which they live. Nor can Oppo- sition, right or wrong, want even Property to gild it over and to grace it ; for Men arifing from the loweft Level of the People, and advancing into confiderable and eafy Fortunes, are by a natural Confequence, too often led to confpireagainft that very Felicity, Peace, Quiet and Profperity, to which alone they have owed their Exiftence. Arrogance and Pride, without a more than common Share of Underftanding, are the univerfal Product of all hafty Advancement. Thefe Men repine at what they never before had Leifure to confider ; that there is ftill a certain Difference between their Condition and that of another Rank, which they cannot remedy by all their Efforts to exceed them in Expence. This fomething, which they find ftill wanting, fours them with their own State, and in- clines them to fall in with any popular Difcontent ; partly, to gratify their Vanity in infulting thofe above them ; and partly, to create a Chaos, out of which they hope to emerge upon a Level with thofe thev envy.- — From whence the Ob- fervation holds moft true, That all Nations, in proportion to their Increafe, grow turbulent and factious, and from this Quarter arife thofe levelling Schemes, in the Contention for which, fooneror later, Anarchy enfues ; and in procefs of time, the Lofs of that real Liberty, whofe facred Name is fo often fpecioufly prophaned by Malice and Ambition. Even Liberty itfeif, the. more perfect it is, produces thefe Effects more ftrongly ; for ( 7) for Wantonnefs and Licentioufnefs, which are its evil Genii, tempt all depraved Tempers to abufe it, and expofe many to the Lafh of the Lav/s, and to the juft Indignation of Power ; which none, who feel, forgive, however they deferve it. At the fame time, the natural Tendancy in all Mankind to expect more Favour than they merit, provokes unjuft Refentments againff. Govern- ment, and a certain Infirmity (of which we all in fome De- gree partake) to be uneafy with what we have, and to endea- vour after more, inclines Multitudes, either out of Views of private Benefit to themfelves, or general Views of Encreafe of Privilege to the Order in which they ftand, to follow any Set of Men, who take the Lead in Oppofition of any kind. All thefe move by a fecret Principle to that Quarter where it erects its Standard, be it juft or unjuft, be it to fave or to de- ftroy their Country. It is obvious from hence, and it is a Truth that cannot be dif- puted, however it may affect the Credit of many pretended Pa- triots, that the difcontented Party of all Denominations confift in general of Men of no Principle, and of very unworthy Cha- racter. Its Root is always the fame j — but indeed its Effects are very different. It becomes in fome Conjunctures of very beneficial Confequence, when it is led by Men of honeft Views ; and equally pernicious in others, when conducted by Men of a different Character. — In the firft Cafe, it is ah Oppofition ; in the fecond it is a Faclion. Faction is of two kinds in this Country. Oppofition led by Republicans ; and Oppofition led by Jacobites ; Of the two great Parties into which this Nation has been long divided — the JVhigs (though not Republicans) have formerly joined the firft the Tories (though not Jacobites) do conftantly abet the laft. They who know the Nature of this Country, who are acquainted with our Hiftory, need no Definition or Defcription of thefe two Parties, and all who are capable of Obfervation and Reflection can eafily trace the Reafons of their refpective Conduct. It is therefore fufficient for us in this Place, that this is a Fact, which cannot be denied ; and without a zealous Attachment of one or other of thefe two Parties, Faction is incapable of doing much Prejudice to Britain. A Faction of the former kind once deftroyed the Liberties and Conftitution of this Nation. It grew up unobferved with the great Improvements of its Commerce, and was nourifhed in the uncommon Meafure of Profperity, which arofe from a long Tranquillity, and a wonderful Encreafe of Wealth after the Difcovery of the Wejl- Indies t which cJiffufed iti'el throu^f (8 ) through the Comtnons, and gave them Ability to contend with h Prince y who, ignorant of this new acquired Vigour of the People, and vainly fond of Power, provoked it by avowed At- tempts to introduce an abfolute Authority. This Faction, by the Imprudence of that Prince, appeared at firft no more than an honeft Oppofition. But abetted at length by the Majority of tne Nation, (who neither perceived how dangerous it was, ner could have well avoided joining with it, if they had, to preferve themfelves againft the violent Attack then made upon their Freedom,) grew too ftrong both for the Prince and for the Laws. The miferable Confequences that it brought upon us are related at large in the Hiirories of England from 1642 to 1660. Thefe Evils of Faction in a Republican Form, prevented its Revival again in the fame Shape. — The People of England hid (fince the Union of the two Houfes of York and Lancajier) never feen it in another. — They therefore feared it in no other. This gave it Opportunity to fhew itfelf in a new Form, and Oppofition became again a Faction in the Reign of the late King William^ and a Faction of a much more dangerous Nature than the firft. For whereas the Republicans, who are the Leaders of the firft Faction, are in this Country little more than Whigs overheated by Oppreifion, and an extravagant Abufe of Power ; as in rea- lity there is very little of that Principle exifting among Men of Property and Fortune, and as it is chiefly confined to Men of an inferior Clafs ; they may be eafily brought to moderate their Views by what it is in the Power of every honeit Government to apply : But the Leaders of the fecond Faction fet out with Expectations, that no Government, without being file de fe y can gratify. For they fet out upon the View of changing the Prince upon the Throne, and in necefTary Confequence to transform the Conftitutioq and Religion of the Kingdom. In a word, a Jacobite Faction affumed the Shape of Oppofi- tion in that Reign j that is, the People under the Circumftances I have mentioned, and the Difcontented of all Denominations acted in a Party, directed either fecretly or openly by Leaders, whofe Views intended the Reftoraticn of King James II. or of his family. Now that this Faction was more dangerous than that which had appeared before, is farther manifeft from hence. That the Republicans profejfed a Principle, and of a kind, which led them to do very great and glorious things. Their Zeal was indeed miftaken, but it clafhed in its Purfuit, neither with the Honour nor the Independency of their Country, ^nd the Strength of this ( 9) this Party lay in the Acceflion of thofe who had the greateft Share of Senfe and Honefty. — They were therefore fteady ia every Conjuncture to defend the Nation againft its Enemies ar broad, and particularly againft its moft dangerous Enemy of all the French ; and unlets in Times of extream and rare Necefli- ty, were deferted conftantly by their Auxiliaries the Whigs, be- fore they could bring their Scheme to any mature Effect. But the Jacobite Faclion profeffed no Principle at all, or filch asdeferves the Name of none.They had indeed a View, but it was private Title, the Intereft of one Man, and of one P^amily. An Object in itfelf unworthy any Party, and criminal too in the higheft Degree, in this Inftance, becaufe it was the private Title, and the Intereft of a Man and Family, who by their K- ducation and Religion were nourifhed in a fatal Enmity to their Country.— Thefe Men therefore, from the indifpenfible Nature ofthis their firft View, could be animated withnogood Sentiment for the PublicJc, and from the Circumftances of their Cafe, were obliged to affift the Ambition, fupport the Power, and abet the Views of France, by whofe Force alone they could hope to bring their Point to bear. Their Oppofition therefore tended in every Step todeftroy the Honour and Independency of their own Coura- try. The Strength of their Party lay in the Acceflion of thofe who were the weakeft and moft dilhoneft Men ; for who elfe could join in fuch a View as this ; and therefore as all who fur- nifhed them Affiftance muft be either tainted in their Principles to their Country, or wrong in their Heads before they could en- gage with them, their Conduct was eonftant, or wilful Error; and thus their Auxiliaries the Tories, if ever they fcparated from their Faction, never did it till it was almoft too late, and ncvex faw that they were deceived, or that they blindly concurred to the Ruin of their Country, till that Ruin was at the very Gate. It is vifible from hence, that there is much lefs Danger from a Republican than from a Jacobite ; or in fofter Terms, from a Whig than from a Tory Oppofition. A Whig Oppofition is there- fore that alone with which the People for many Years have ventured to concur, and the only one with which, they can for a Moment concur fafely. But even when they follow this, they are not always without Danger. For when Oppofition under any Title rifeshigh, and becomes formidable, demanding fuch Terms, as Government is honeftly under equal and real Difficulty either to grant or to rcfufe, the Symptoms are ftrong, and the Sufpicion gene- rally juft, that fuch an Oppofition is converted into Faclion. — Nor can the Generality ot Men diftinguifh eafily of what Species it may be j for both the Republican Principles, and 15 we. (10) the f Mobile fiews, being long fmcefufficiently detected, and be- ing therefore both become deteftable to all honeft Men ; both the one and the other are extreamly careful not to avow their refpeclivePurfuits.— When they take off the Mafk with greatefr. Freedom, the Republicans denominate their Faction by noharfher Name than that of a Whig, nor the "Jacobites than that of a Tory Oppojiiion.-- Nor would the Whigs be brought to fupport the one, nor the Tories to abet the other without this Artifice; and jet by this Delufion of Names, both Parties have been at diffe- rent Times led on till they have very near deftroyed the Con- ftitution. In fact, every Faction will, without Scruple, affume any Appellation to impofe upon Mankind j and the moft inve- terate Jacobite Faction, to carry its View, will profefs to act upon a Whig Principle, when that becomes the favourite Princi- ple^ it is at this Time. An Oppofrtion therefore may become Republican or "Jacobite, when the Vulgar little conceive it to be either. The Judgment muft be formed not upon what Men call themfelves, but upon what they do, upon what they act, upon what is the vifible Tendency of their Meafures and Purfuits.— Whether they are a Faction or not, or of what Species their Faction is, can be determined only by their Conduct, and may l>e infallibly determined by that means. Now the Criterion of a Whig Conduct, is (as may be collected from what we have already obferved) to rejtji and reduce the Power, and the Crite- rion of a Jacobite or Tory Faction, direflly or indireclly, to ajjijl, encourage, and fupport the Interefts of France. This I have premifed to give a general Idea of the Nature of Oppofuion, and of Faction in this Country, that I may with more Facility lay open to the Publick what I have to offer as to the Oppofition of this Time— -and which I think it my Duty to offer, becaufe I will be bold to affirm, that they are grofsly de- ceived in it, and that inftead of purfuing a Whig Oppofition, which they conceive it to be, they now abet and fupport a Tory Oppofition, and a Jacobite Fa£f ion, which from the Cir cum/lances of this Time, and the Impudence of its proceeding, is become more dangerous than ever that Faclion yet has been in this Nation. Had this been afTerted two Years ago, it would have met with nothing but Ridicule, and it would have been impoffible to have induced the Majority of the People of England to have believed that the Jacobites could have ever given this Country any Uneafinefs again. — The Reafon is very evident. All the ill Humours of the Nation collected together had, for feveral Years laft paft, combined a very ftrong Oppo- fition ; but this Oppofition was led by Whigs, by Men known to be of this Principle, and they had the Alcendant both ( II ) both by their fuperier Abilities and Experience, and by the Turn of the Nation, to fuch a Degree, that they kept down all Efforts of the Jacobites. They directed the Means of Op- pofition ; and the Tendency was therefore to Points wholly free from any Symptoms of that kind. The Tories and Jaco- bites fulienly worked on under thefe Leaders, and could never attain any Degree of Influence over Men of better Parts, and better Principles ; they knew not dire&ly whither they were going, but they hoped towards Confufion, and that they might have a Chance to work out fomething if that Confufion mould arife. — The People at the Beginning of that Oppofition, which lafted near twenty Years, were living in great Numbers, who remembered the Condud of this Faaion in the Reign of King William and Queen Anne.— They remembered how, after King William was ieated upon the Throne, and after being grown deteftable by various Attempts of Plots and Aflaflinations, they had been obliged to foften their true Name .into that of Tory; how under that Title they had difclaimed their fecret Tenet, and profefTed only to maintain certain Opinions as to Church and State, which hid been plaufibly introduced among the People in the great Rebellion by the Clergy, and inculcated from the Pulpit, to make a Party againft the violent Do&rines of the Re- publicans of that Time. — The wrong Opinions of the one be- got thofe wrong Opinions of the other : And though the Paf- /ton of the firji had been difgraced by the IiTue of that Rebel- lion, the Nonfenfe of the other had not yet difgraced itfelf fo far — The Prejbyterians had ruined both the Church and Mo- narchy ; but the High Churchmen had not brought in Popery and arbitrary Power, they had even aflifted (at lait) in fome De- gree at the Revolution to keep it out— The Publick in general were not able to judge but of what they faw ; and they did not fee how near they were to have done both before they had the Senfe to ftop, nor how thev were puzzled to reconcile their Nonfenfe with that Conduct Thefe therefore were the favourite Party of that Time. — Of thefe thejacobites laid hold : — All this the People, during the late Oppofition, faw very clearly j (for many, as I have obferved, were at the Commencement of" it living, when the Jacobites, thus under the Name of Tories, led the Oppofition of that Time ;) how the People were de- luded by it ; whither they were carried, and what Pretences they had ufed. . They remembered that this Faction fet out with a furious pretended Zeal for Monarchy, Non- Rcfjlancc, and Heredi- tary Right-, they Temembered how they ftirred up the People B 2 with ( 12 ) with imaginary Degrees about the Church ; they remembered above aJl the infamous Endeavours ufed to diftrefs the Govern- ment' hi its Attempt to reduce the Power 0/" France, and to pre- sent the Exertion of our own Weight to maintain the Ballance of Eumpe.— -The various Means exercifed by different Perfons at the lame time according to their different Capacities to effect this End, and according to the different Capacities of thofe upon whom they pra&ifed— fometimes pretending that we had nothing to do with Affairs upon the Continent-— fometimes that the View of reducing France was impracticable, that the Expence was not poffible to be borne, that our Trade was ruined—fome- times that France was really not dangerous--- equally magnify- ing every S iccefs of that Power to terrify, equally mifreprefent- ing every Defeat to betray their Countrymen into a falfe Secu- rity— -ridiculing every Meafure that was taken for that End — inhnuating, that the King was a Dutchman, and had only the Intereft of Holland at Heart — that every Alliance was made for the Intereft of the Dutch alone -— that the Nation was beggared for a Foreign View — that the King delighted in War, becaufe it afforded a Pretext to maintain great Armies— that Holland was not yet attacked, and the French King, whatever he pro- posed, could never be rafh enough to attempt that-— at leaft that till he did attempt it, this Nation had no Reafon to ftir, nor any thing to fear. They remembered this Conduct, and they remembered how by poifoning the People by thefe and an Infinity of other falfe Infmuations, and by Mifreprefentations of the Expence which they tbemfelves rendered infinitely more grievous, by the Ob- flructkm given to the Supplies, and the Neceffity, which pro- ceeded from thence, of borrowing large Sums at high Intereft, they laid the firft Foundation for the Debt under which the Na- tion vet labours-— That by thefe Means they at length reduced the King to the Neceffity of confenting to the Partition Treaty, for which they reviled and abufed him, and raifed the Ferment of the People upon him, though it was the Infant of their own Faction— -That by this means they preferved France in the Ze- nith of her Power, at leifure to prepare againft the Death of the King of Spain, an Event which was expected every Day— That though the Profpeclof a new War was fo immediate and f'o cer- tain, they- forced the Reduction of the Army to feven thoufand Menj fo that when the War of 1702 brokeout, before the Grand Alliance could take place, by the Management of thefe faithful and fteady Friends of France, that Prince was enabled! to make an entire Seizure of the Spanijh Monarchy, and to Jftrengthen himfelf to fuch a Point, as to. carry on a War againft moil ( '3) moft of the Powers of Europe for twelve fucceffive Years, to which England alone contributed above Seventy Millions. They remembered farther, (though this pernicious Conduct had eftranged the Nation from them for a time, and had caft the Adminiftration of Affairs into the Hands of the Whigs ; during which whole Period, this Nation was attended with the moft amazing Series of Succeffes ever read of in Hiftory j) that the fame Men continued the fame Practices, till by low Arts, they had frightned, and by infamous Infinuations gained botty upon her and upon the People, ftill concealing their grand View till they had got into the Adminiftration. They remembered farther (though it feems to be forgotten now) what they did when they came there. That they be- trayed the Faith of this Nation and deferted their Allies.—— That they did it with Circumftances, which clearly proved their Intention to yield them up a Sacrifice to France,- • » ■ That they made a feparate and an infamous Peace, by which they faved France from inevitable and immediate Ruin, and caft away that immenfe Treafure, which had been expended in the War, entailing a future Expence ftill greater even than that they had thus iniquitoufly thrown away ; expofing us to greater Danger than we had even then efcaped, laying a Foundation for her Advancement to a much higher Point of Power, and preventing at the fame time, by their Perfidy to the Confede- rates, as far as in them lay, all Probability of the fame Union to obftrudt her Views again. They remembered how clearly and how fteadily this Plan of ferving France^ had been purfued, and how it was brought to its full Effect.— — And they remembered how near their Grand View, to which this was fecondary, was brought to an IfTue too. ■ --In what manner before the Death of the Queen, they had deeply laid the Plot of abufing her Authority to bring the Pretender to the Throne.— How notwithftanding their af- fected Loyalty to their Royal Miftrefs, by which they had not only duped her, but deceived the Nation ; they bafely medita- ted her Ruin, to whofe Weaknefs they owed their Advancement. —How by their dark Intrigues they broke her declining Confti- tution and caufed her Death. — The only Service they ever did her ; fending that unhappy Princefs, by this Precipitation of her Fate, to a better World, before (he had experienced in this* far worfe Calamities, which they were preparing for her ; the Lofs of her Crown and Dignity, perhaps a violent End, at leaft Imprifonment for Life. They remembered the Deliverance of this Nation by the Acceflion of his late Majefty in. the moft critical Conjuncture. —They ( H ) •—They remembered the Confidence of this Confpiracy, which |iad ripened fo far in four Years Tory Adminiftration, that they thought themfelves able to effect that by Force, when they ^had loft all Power, which could not have been defeated had they continued a. few Months longer in it. — They remembered the late Rebellion, which broke out immediately after, and which was fupprefied, more by the Interpofition of Divine Providence, than by human Means. Remembring all this, the laft Scene of which happened not eleven Years before the Commencement of the late Oppo- fition, which may be properly dated from the Hanover Treaty in 1725. — The People could not entertain a Fear of a Tory FaSlion. — This Scene of Wickednefs had fo fully detected thofe, who fet themfelves in the Front of fuch a Faction,- that even the Tories themfelves blufhed to fee &he Tools they had been made ; and trembled equally with the TVbigs, at the Hazards which their Folly had brought upon the Nation ; fuch as, to do them equal Juftice, their Heads had never comprehended, nor their Hearts ever intended to promote. — The fhamelefs Conduct of that Adminiftration, with regard to France^ and the Pre- tender^ caufed an univerfal Averfion to the Tories ; and many of them, fenfible of the Errors of their former Conduct, re- tained nothing of what they were but the Name.— The whole Nation appeared united in a warm Attachment to the prcfent ; Royal Family.— The FaSlion of which we fpeak, fenfible of their wounded Intereft, hardly fhewed themfelves in any Shape, for fome Years. — Any new Oppofition avowedly begun by them in that Conjuncture, would have ruined them for ever. —Their Arts and their fa If e Pretences were too recent to impofe vpon Mankind. — And their Converfon, had they pretended any, would have been too fudden and unnatural to have gained Belief . As Security rarely fails to be the Mother of Danger, fo it was with us, — This feeming Security deceived both the Minijler, and the Publick. I fhall fpeak frankly and without Partiality to either. — It tempted him to act with too much Wantonnefs, and Negligence in Power. — It tempted others too much to in- dulge their Refentment and private Views.— -The FaSlion was no longer dreaded but defpifed.— When that has been the Cafe, it has been always found, at length Incedimus per Tgnes Suppojitos cineri dolofo. Hor, The Minifter, void at firft of all Apprehenfion of this latent Danger, gratified his ill Humour to, or took no Pains to manage the ( i5 ) the ill Humours of, thofe he happened to diflike, negle&ed Popularity too much, and ftudied only how to avoid War, as the Means to procure the Continuance and the Eafe of his Adminiftration. — fie knew that in War, if not fuccefsful, the ill Succefs is always attributed to the Minifter. — If fortu- tunate, that it was unavoidably attended with great Expence, at which, in the long run, the People murmur. — He likewife faw, that in War, military Men, and active Spirits muft, by degrees, obtain fome Share of Power ; which he was de- termined to engrofs. — All Europe quickly faw this Foible, and the two Powers, from whom we have to fear the moft, the French and Spaniards, play'd him off unmercifully. — Their Methods were different, but both tending to the fame End. —The French flattered him with an infidious Friendfhip, and the Affectation of a pacifick Difpofition. — The Spaniards bul- lied him upon every Turn. — It muft be candidly confeffed that the Peace of Utrecht in 17 13, and the Difficulties unadjuft- cd then, had greatly embarraffed all the Affairs of Europe.—* France and the Emperor had agreed by the Treaties of Rajiadt 9 and Baden the following Year ; but great Differences between •the Emperor and Spain fubfifted till long after this Minifter was taken into that Employment. — His Predeceffors had been puzzled with thefe Differences. — And in endeavouring to ap- peafe them, had already, by the Quadruple Alliance, and fe- veral fubfequent Treaties and Proceedings, in a great Degree difgufted both thofe Powers. At the Time therefore, when the Reins of this Government were put into his Hands, it re- quired greater Abilities for Foreign Affairs, and another Turn to extricate this Nation out of thefe difficult Circumffances. — Inftead of adhering firmly to the Emperor, this Minifter yield- ed to the Views of Spain, who infulted us till (he had carried one Point, and then infulted us again, till fhe had obtained a- nother. — The Minifter ftill vainly flattering himfelf with gain- ing that Power by conftant Obligations. — But the Queen, who governed there, knew neither any Sentiment of Grati- tude, nor any Limits to her Ambition.— By this Conduct he ftill provoked the Emperor to a higher Degree, which Spain obferving, took that Opportunity to accommodate her own Affairs with the Imperial Court. This fudden Friendfhip between the Courts of Vienna and Madrid alarmed the Minifter, who knew he had not the Friendfhip of the one Court, whatever he had done and fuf- fered for it; and that he had juftly incurred the Refentments of the other. He therefore grew jealous of this Union, and dreaded fome Effect from it, though he knew not what. — He (i6) He apprehended that the Peace of Europe was upon the Point of being difturbed again ; and without confidering the Nature of fuch Difturbance, that it could not prejudice this Country j that it was, on the contrary, the moft defirable Event that could have happened, and that France could alone have Rea- fon to confider this Union with a jealous Eye : — He fuffered himfelf to be impofed upon by imaginary Fears, infmuated by France, and immediately exerted himfelf to form a Confede- racy againft the Emperor and Spain ; whofe Union was effect- ed by themfelves, for no other Reafon but becaufe we had re- fufed to mediate for them ; and that neither Decency nor Re- sentment could permit Spain to accept the Mediation of France , from whom fhe had received a recent Indignity of a very high Nature, by fending back the Infanta , who had been betrothed to the King of France. This Confederacy, which went by the Name of the Hanover Treaty, was concluded between France, Prujfia, and Great Britain, the 23d of September, 1725, about four Months after the Treaty between the Emperor and Spain, concluded at Vienna. — The late King of Prujfia was then living, and it is obvious by the Conduct of the Son, what Views the Father tnight have had to induce him, among other Difcontents with the Imperial Court, to come into this Meafure. — And it was ftrll much more obvious, why France fhould have joined in a Project, which was of her own Invention, and the only Mea- fure, that could have recovered her out of the moft dangerous Situation that (he was ever in. — The Houfe of Bourbon was divided againft itfclf, and fhe was very fenfible it could not have flood , if this Alliance between the Emperor and Spain had continued in Force.— The natural Antipathy of the Imperial Court, and the Refentments of Spain to France, too plainly accounted for the Sums remitted from the Spanifir Court to Vienna, and the vaft Encreafe of the Imperial Ar- mies. Thefe Armies could not have waded through the Ocean to have attacked Great Britain : The Emperor had not a fingle Ship to bring them hither, and the Fleets of Spain had been deftroyed in the Mediterranean in the Year 17 18.— Had it therefore been as folemnly true, as it was undoubtedly falfe, that thofe Stipulations had been made in the Vienna Treaty to affect Great Britain, which the Minifter had been impofed upon himfelf, or defired to impofe on others to believe, Great Britain muft have been out of itsSenfes to have been alarmed at them.— A Squadron of Ships of War fent upon the Coafts of Spain, and another of Obfervation on our own Coafts, together with the Body of Forces conftandy maintained at Home, would tan ( tf ) have prevented ail Poifibility of the fmalleft Danger of Inva- fion, which can never be juftly feared but from France alone, or France and Spain united, a Cafe vifibly not then exifting, and more remote than it ever was.- -The French therefore well knew that thefe Preparations muft have been defigned againft them- felves ; and if the very diftant Sound of War had not terrified the Minifter to the Lofs of his Wits, we might probably have {et\\ an Event at that Time, which we fhall probably never have in our Power to fee again — The Houfe of Bourbon ruined by itfelf, and France reduced, without the Expence of a finglc Shilling to this Country. We have now feen France preferved, and the Houfe of Au- Jiria confederated againft by its natural and old Ally Great Bri- tain j we have feen the fame effected by the Pufillanimity of a Whig Minifter, which was the conftant View of a Tory Admi- nijlration.— The fame honeft Zeal which animated the Whigs againft the Tories, moft juftly and indifpenfibly induced many of them to enter into an Oppofition to an Administration, who with different Principles purfued the fame End— This will war- rant, before God and Man, the Oppofition that we have lately feen. — It fhews, that it was carried on upon Whig Principles ; that it was the grand Principle of humbling France, and of af- fifting the Houfe of Auftria, to which they adhered, and which they intended to maintain by this Oppofition — It was not a Quarrel about particular Laws or Alterations of the Conftitu- tion, as it is now falfely fuggefted to have been. Something of this kind is attempted in the Courfe of every Oppofition, and Something of this kind is from time to time neceflary, within, the Bounds of Moderation, to be done, to confine Government to its firft Principles, and proper to be attempted in fome Con- junctures, even in a further Degree than it is intended to be done, to keep Minifters of a certain Character in Awe, and to maintain the People in a Senfe of their Advantages, which fuch Minifters, without that lively Senfe in them, might have it o- therwife in their Power to impair-— But thefe were fecondary Views ; the grand Point intended, and what thefe were em- ployed only as Engines to attain, was to remove the Minifter, and to bring back the Councils of this Country to its true Inter eft. The Conjuncture was now come, which had been long im- patiently expected by the Faction— Confufion was begun-— and the Government attacked without the leaft Appearance that the Faction had been the Authors of it— The Whigs, who oppofed, did it with great Vigour, but were ftill known to be true in their Principles, both to the King and to the Conftitution— The . Faction, who could not, as I have already obferved, venture t» C have ( *8 ) have avowedly begun a new Oppoftion tbemf elves, orpracJifed" thehr former Arts, which were too recent to impofe upon Mankind, or pretended a Converfion, which would have been too fudden and un- natural to have gained Belief, found the Occafion extreamly apt to bufy themfelves again — They would have joined with the Minifter, who was now indifcreetly doing what they wifhed, if they had believed he had wifhed it too ; but as they knew he did it by a kind of fetal Neceflity, which a Series of Errors had induced, they knew that neither he, nor that Part of the Whigs, who continued to fupport him, fome through the fame Blind- nefs, fome through Gratitude to him, fome through the very Apprehenfion of them, and fome for other Reafons ; yet none of them did it upon their Views, or would ever concur to bring it to their defired Conclufion. — They therefore knew that they would fooncr or later change this Conduct, and that befides they would never join with them. — The only Game they therefore had to play, was to act an under Part with this Whig Oppofition — By this Conduct they had a double Policy ; firjl, to concur in raifing the Ferment of the Nation to the higheft Point they could (which by long Obfervation never was yet raifed fince the Revolution, but that it took a Turn in favour of their great View) and fecondly, to efface the Sufpicions that the Nation entertained of them. The grand Criterion of the Conduct of the two Parties be- ing (as I have already obferved,) of the IVlngs, to oppofe the Growth of the Power of France, and of the Tories, to advance the Interejls of that Power — The Faction concurring in this Op- pofition, which fo directly formed itlelf upon the Whig Prin- ciple, exerting themfelves with the utmoft Rancour and feem- ing Sincerity againft the Minifter, for his Conduct with regard to France, uniting in all the popular Bills, and Republican Pro- pofitions, (which were by this, and have commonly been by all Whig Oppofitions, more efpecially indulged,) and being filent upon the Topicks of Pajfive Obedience, Non-ref/lance, and the Danger of the Church, from all thefe Circumftances joined to a Partiality to believe well of thofe who aflift us, let the Motives be what they will, and a Tendency to difbelieve the Miniffer, who very conftantly rung the Alarm againft their fecret Princi- ples, all which was improved by the mod folemn AfTurances of their good Intentions ; they at length wrought upon the Publick to believe, that their Views were intirely changed — Many were by this Time dead, who remembered all thofe Arts and Prac- tices which I have formerly mentioned, and a new Race were hy this Time fprung up in their Room, by their Age, and the Nature of Youth, fufceptible of light Impreflions, actuated by warm Pafnons, and ignorant of what had patted before their Times. C 19 ) Times. — To this were added fuch a Series of Miftakes, and fuch unfortunate Events, as brought the Interefts of all our Allies, and confequently the Interefts of Britain, into theutmoft Dan- ger, the MinifteY ftill unavoidably blundering on, not able to make a Peace, nor to carry on a War — Harraffing the Country by great and fruitlefs Expences, to provide Forces againft Events, which were neither fufficient to anfwer the End, and which he never had Refolution to employ towards the End- bubbled by France, infulted by Spain, hated by the Publick. Thus the Refentments of the Nation rofe at lair, fo high, that they became incapable to confider any Danger, or to fufpect any Treachery but from him.— -In this Situation of Affairs, it iseafy to account why the Faction ftill fubfifted, and why it muft have been a vain, perhaps not a wife Attempt at that Time, to have endeavoured to have convinced the Publick that they did. — The Whigs, in the Oppofition, thought honeftly, and they thought truly, that the Nation was inevitably ruined, if this Mi- nifter continued to govern in our Councils longer. The Houfe of Auftria, which is as much the Barrier to the Liberties of Britain as the ftrong Towns of Flanders are to the Dutch Re- publick, was reduced to the loweft Ebb, and upon the very Brink of utter Deftruction.--- -No effectual Means propofed, no Means in his Situation poffible to give it any Affiftance. In this Condition they were compelled to ufe the Aid of any Set of Men whatever, to procure the Removal of this Minifter ; and they thought thev might depend fafely upon the national Experience of the paft Behaviour of the Faction, upon the Integrity and Well-meaning of the Generality of the People, upon the real Excellency and peculiar Bleffings of this Conftitution, never in any Event to be overborne by either a Jacobite or Tory Fac- tion. — In fine, they trufted to their own Influence, which then governed and directed the whole Oppofition without Controul, to fettle and confolidate the Principles of the Nation, as foon as the Minifter was removed, and his Meafures rectified. Thefe are the true, and they are fufficient Reafons to explain why the Nation gradually lefTened in its Apprehenfion of this Faction, why the Tories thus combined were conceived to be no longer what they had been formerly. But the Whigs, who led the Oppofition, and were moft confiderable in it, who now compofe the Adminiftration in Part, and who now oppofe no longer, were not fo eafily deceived. They could not but obferve the Views of thefe Men in their pretended Coalition with them, They could not avoid feeing (though they prevented, and difcouraged them as much as they could, and kept them down in a very great Degree) the malevolent En- C 2 deavour? ( 20 ) ileaVours of thefe Men, to poifon the Minds of the People againft the Royal Family, and to give the general Difcontent a Tendency to a Difaffection againft the Prince upon the Throne ; which they laboured wholly to confine to the Per- fon of the Minifler. They faw too evidently, to be duped by any of their Pretences, that they maintained the fame In- veteracy to the Whigs. They fupported no Whig in any Election, where they could poflibly avoid it, without a De- tection of themfelves, or the Ruin of an Oppofition fo conve- nient to their View. — The Whigs even faw much more, which in that Circumftance it was not their Intereft to difcover to the Publick, that they endeavoured, by refufmg to concur in feveral perfonal Proportions againft the Minifter, to try whether they could not induce him to ftrike a feparate Bargain with them- felves — and at the Clofe of the Oppofition, in the firft Seflions of this Parliament, when they adhered more firmly to thefe per- fonal Propofitions, they knew it was becaufe the Minifter had not catched at the Bait they had thrown out for him, and waj riot to be deluded by their Arts. From all that we have here obferved, it is very notorious, that the Iaft Oppofition was a Whig Oppofition^ and not a Tory Faflion. — That the plain Orign, and avowed Views of this Oppofition, were the Removal of the Minifter, and the Change of his Meafures. — That when this was done, they, from the very Beginning of that Oppofition, intended no more, never meant, nor were ever expected to maintain it longer. — That it would have been inconfiftent with their avowed Profeflions, and with their real Principles, if they had. It is farther obvious, that the Tory Faction, though they concurred with them, had done it^without either Principle or Jffeftion, and never had the Influence to give this Oppofition any Taint or Colour, nor were they fuffered to compafs one publick Meafure of their own.— That the Whigs, though they could not refufe the Concurrence of their Votes, and their Af- fiftance to fwell the Number of Opponents, never pretended, or had any real Friendfhip with them, nor ever had Reafon from their Sincerity ^o have it, much lefs ever gave them any Encouragement to hope that they would join with them any longer, than till they had changed the Minifler, and changed the Meafures. If then it (hall appear, that the Minifter and the Meafures are now changed — If it mail appear, that thefe Men after this commenced a new Oppofition, when the principal Whigs, who before directed the Oppofition, had done with that Direction,— What Man can deny, that the Leaders of the late Oppofition have all -:d ( M ) tiffed conjijiently and honeftly both in their firft Beginnings to op- pofe — and then in defijiing to oppofe at the Time they did. And if it fhould appear, that the Whig Leaders of the Jate Opposition, though they had no further Connexion with thefc Men after that Change of the Minifter, and the Meafures, was effe&ed, which was the only View they intended or profeffed, or concurred with thefe Men in, did yet endeavour, out of a Defire to deftroy (as much as in them lay, and till they found it an Utopian Undertaking) the Evil of Parties in general, and the Diftin£ion of Tory in particular, by ufing their Influence to advance many of thefe, (who feemed the leaft violent) into Employments, where they might be placed without the Danger of their influencing the publick Meafures, and where they might have given Probation of" their Sincerity, t— If they had actually in a very few Days begun to do this, and if it will appear that for no other vifible Reafon but this, that the Tories and Jaco- bites were not permitted to take the Government by Storm, and that their Ambition could not be fatisfied, or their Views anfwered, without thofe Employments were conferred upon them, which would inevitably give them the Power of in- fluencing the publick Meafures ; and if the Terms were fuch as to force their whole Faction into the Administration, without allowing the Prince to except againft a fingle Man, and their Impatience, fuch as to defert their Leaders, and to form a new Party before they had given them any reafonable Time — What Man can have the Confidence to deny, that they ad-ted not only with greater Friendjhip to thefe Men than they deferved, but with as much Honour as it was in human Tower honejily to do? And thirdly, if it fhould appear, that by this new raifed Op- pofition, it is the manifeft View to do that, which, as we have already obferved, is the Criterion of the Conduit of a 'Jacobite Faction, viz. to advance the Interejls of France ; and if this manifeft View is now followed by the very fame wicked Arts and Meafures, which that Faction in all former Periods have purfued, I may be juftified in that Affertion which it is my Point principally to prove — That the Oppofition of this Time is not an Oppofition, but a PaJfion, and that of the moji dangerous kind t» this Nation. Now that this is true, and rather to illuftrate than to prove this (for Things felf-evident, and what arifes from the Recol- lection of Facte, neither will admit, nor Stands in need of Proof) I fhall make it the Plan of my Difcourfe in the following Sheets :-- Firft, Tojhew the State of our Affairs ,as they fiood previous to the Change of the late Minijlry, and to give a Jhort Deduclion. of the Conducl of the Oppofition till the JVhigs and the prefent Fattion 2. feparated ( K ) Jtparated from each other.— I Jhall then obferve the ConducJ of the Faction thus feparated from the Whigs to the End of that SeJJions of Parliament. — I Jhall in the third Place obferve the Conduct of the new Adminiflration, the Succefs of their Meafures y and the Dif- ference that appeared in the Situation of our Affairs upon the fecond Meeting of the Parliament .-- 1 Jhall Jhew in the next place , the far- ther Meafures of the Faction in their Attempts to delude the People, in their Methods of Oppofition, and the Tendency of both.— I Jhall then proceed to offer a few candid Reflections upon thofe popular To- picks, which are the Engines principally ufedtoplay upon thePafftons ef the People, and to divert them from a cool Refection of the true Condition of our Affairs in this Conjuncture, and conclude with fome general Conft derations, which will lead the Publick to a jufl Senfe of thofe Dangers to which they are expofed, by a further Con- currence with what is now plaufibly called by the tender Name of the frefent Oppofttion. We have already mentioned the Condudt of the Minifter, with regard to the Emperor, Spain and France, at the time of the Hanover- Treaty, which throwing this Nation into the Arms of France^ and breaking off from our old and natural Connexion with the Houfe of Aujlria, divided the Whig In- tereft, and was the Ground of the late Opposition.— We are now to fee the Meafures afterwards purfued by the fame Mini- fter, and the Confequence they had. — But before I quit this Sub- ject of the Hanover-Treaty, which was the fatal Ground of all our prefent Confufion, to confirm what I have already faid, with regard to the juft Alarm the IVhigs took at it, I muft obferve, that bv a feparate Article of this Treaty, Great Britain engaged, " in cafe War fhould be declared by the Empire againft France^ " that though fhe was not comprized in the Declaration of fuch •• War, Great Britain fhould acl in Concert with France till " fuch War fhould be determined ;" and by Virtue of the third Article of the fame Treaty, M fhould, if Neceffity required, •* declare War upon the Empire." And thus, fays a » Fo- reigner, who is quoted often upon Occafions of this Nature, and cannot be fufpe&ed of any Party Concern in the Affairs of this Country,— By this Treaty, the Duke of Bourbon, then Firfl Minijler to the Mofl ChrijYian King, brought to Maturity what his Predecejfor had projected, and France at length attained what Jhe had fo long wijhed, and for which Jhe had in vain expended fuch immenfe Sums in the preceding Reign. The Confequence immediate upon the Conclufion of this Treaty, was a vaft additional Expcnce. — And without all Doubt, the Raflinefs of this Meafure had engaged us in a War, whicia » Koufit. vol.11, fol. 1 8?. ( 23 ) Which Would have ruined the Balance of Power in Eurtpt without Refource, (the Powers of the grand Alliance being now upon the Point of purfuing the Deftru&ion of each other, with the fame determined Rancour, which they had formerly exerted againft their common Enemy the French?) if the Emperor, notwithstanding the Pride and Infolence, of which he was accufed, and the fhameful Indignity with which he was treated, observing the Danger in which we had, by our unnatural Apprehenfions, involved ourfelves, had not, with an happy Moderation, himfelf opened a Way, (in a very uncom- mon Manner, through the Channel of a Nuncio of the Pope at Venice,) to bring this Matter to an Accommodation ; fo that at length, upon the Sufpenfion of the OJiend Company, which was one of the pretended Subjects of the Quarrel, a new Preli- minary Treaty was figned at Vienna ^ in June 1727 ; which quieted our Minifterial Fears of a general War in fome degree for a Time : During this Interval we fuftained an immenfe Expence in defending Gibraltar, raifing Troops at Home, and hiring Troops abroad, the ineftimable Lofs of many thoufands of our Seamen, and the Ruin of the never-to-be forgotten Squadron fent with Ho/ier, to rot in Sight of the Treafures of Peru and Mexico, at Porto- Bel fo. But there yet remained great Matter of Anxiety ; for Spain, under frivolous Pretences, which fhewed her manifeft Contempt for the Britijh Minifter, refufed to ratify this Preliminary Treaty, and continued her Hoftilities, till the Emperor, with great Can- dour, detefting this Chicane, took part with our Court againft her. — And Spain, finding no Support, was at length obliged to accede by a new Act figned at the Pardo, the 4th of March, 1728. — By which it was agreed, that all Hoftilities fhould ceafe, and all the Differences between Great Britain and Spain be fub- mitted to the Decifion of a future Congrefs. The Minifter, fenfible of the Danger he had efcaped, was glad of the Opportunity, which offered itfelf in that Congrefs (which was held at Soijfons) to reunite with the Imperial Court. — Notwithstanding all the Indignities that had palled, and all the Provocations he had received, the Emperor retained fo juft a Senfe both of his Obligations, and his.Intereft tocultivate the an- tientFriendfhip of the HoxxteofAuflria wiihGreat- Britain, that he was willing to overlook all that was paffed ; and as his Union with Spain before, had given fo much Umbrage here, he thought by raifing Difficulties, and by delaying the Execution of fome Articles of the former Treaty with Spain, he mould give us Proofs of his Sincerity. — But alas ! he had not yet experienced what he had to fuffer from the pacific Councils, or (as they are termed C*4> termed by the great Condu&or of them himfclf,) the preven- tive and defenfive Meafures of the Britijb Minifter. — Spain wat incenfed at this Conduct, and at the Emperor's candid Beha- viour with regard to the Preliminary Articles ; we now began to be as much frightened at the Variance, as we had been terri- fied before with the Union of thefe two Powers ; we had prac- tifed our defenfive as we have feen ; we mud now try our Skill in preventive Meafures, and with the like Succefs. The Emperor's Conduct deferved the Gratitude of the whole Nation ; and merited the beft Returns that could have been made him. — On the other hand, during this whole time, even after the figning the A& at the Pardo, Spain had treated us with the utmoft Infolence, taken and plundered all the VefTels ©f this Nation, that fell into her Hands, with as little Referve as if we had been'at open War. Thefe Circumftances together fhould, in all human Wifdom, have induced the Minifter, to have laid afide his old Way of alliancing with France, to have improved the Mifunderftanding between the Emperor and Spain y and to have endeavoured, with the utmoft Vigour, to crufh that Infolence of Spain by force, which he faw vifibly, was not to be reclaimed by generous Ufage, by the Moderation of fuffer- ing her to declare War without any reciprocal Declaration on cur Part, by our fignal Abftinence from a Seizure of above four Millions Sterling in America, nor by the Patience we had exer- cifed under fo many Indignities, Infults and continued Depre- dations. But inftead of doing this, in Conjunction with his good Ally the French, he concluded a new Treaty with Spain , which was figned at Seville, the 9th of November, 1729. . The Emperor, who had (hewn himfelf fo truly defirous of preferving the Peace of Europe,— who had a&ed with fo much Moderation and Candour, to preferve the Friendfhip of this Nation, was not acquainted in the leaft with this Treaty, till it was concluded j it was kept fecret from him j and no Wonder, — for it contained an Article, which has fince proved, as we have feen, and as he always forefaw it would, of the moft fatal Confequence to his Italian Dominions -.---This Ar- ticle was the immediate Admiflionof 6,000 Spanijh Troops in- to the Places of Tufcany, Parma and Placentia, to fecure the Reverfion of thofe States, after the Deaths of their refpecHve Princes, to Don Carlos, which in the Quadruple Alliance the Emperor had confented to be done only by Neutral Forces, and even that very much againft his Inclination. It may be eafily conceived what Effect fuch a Treatment as thismuft have had upon the Emperor: It juftly gave him the greateft Alarm, as well as raifcdrusRefentment to thehigheft de- gree. ( 2 5 ) grce.-^— Even in his Conjunction with Spain in 1725, intimate* as it had been reprefented to be, he was never brought by Spain to confent to this Alteration, — and what made the Matter ftill worfe, thefe Territories being Fiefs of the Empire, this arbitrary Settlement with relation to them juftly incenfed the Empire too. Thefe preventive Meafures put us into worfe Plight than ever. — France had brought us about again, and we were now upon the Point of joining, not only France, but of uniting with the whole Houfe of Bourbon, not only againft the Emperor, but the whole Germanick Body. — Spain and France urged us openly and vehemently to compleat thefe new Engagements. — The Emperor in the mean time marched a powerful Army, and filled all Italy with his Troops, determined to refill: the Execution of this Treaty, which he thus prevented for the whole Year 1730. — The Minijicr was now in Defpair, his Fleets at Spithead had not terrified the Emperor's Armies in Lombardy. — -But the Refentments of France and Spain at his Inactivity, and contra- dictory Proceedings, terrified theMinifter. — a The Marquifs de Cajlellar, the Spanijh Minifter at P^m, publifhed a Declaration there, by Order of his Mafter, upon the 28th of January 17 31, with bitter Reproaches againft this Conduit, renouncing all his Engagements with us, prof effing that he now looked upon himfelf as intirely at Liberty to acl what Part foever hejhould findmoji fuited to his Interejls. Thus he had viiibly difobliged all Parties, he thoughtaWar inevitable, and himfelf undone. — Hisnew Treaty of Seville, upon which he had plumed himfelf fo proudly, now vanifhed into Smoak. — But the Emperor's good Senfe and Mo- deration faved our Minifter once more. — He confented to this ruinous Meafure, tho' with Tears in his Eyes. — He confented to admit a Prince of the Houfe of Bourbon into Italy, whom we were vifibly carrying thither to eftablifh in a great Monarchy at the Expence of his Dominions. — Willing not even yet to defpair that this Nation would fee its Errors at laft, he determined to try us once more, and fubmitted to make this Sacrifice, on condition that we fhould accede to the Pragmatic Sanction, and guaranty the reft of his Dominions to his eldeft Daughter. This Treaty concerning the Admiflion of the Spanijh Troops into the Italian States, and the Guaranty of the Pragmatic Sanblion was concluded at Vienna the 16th of March 173 1. — - between the Emperor and Great Britain alone. Its View was to enforce the Treaty of Seville. — Yet it was concluded without the Participation either of France or Holland, who had * Reufet, Vol. VI. fol. it, D £eed ( 26) been the contracting Parties to that of Seville. — The Dutch were however at length prevailed upon to accede to it. We now began to think again that we had done great Matters, for theprefent we had pacified the Emperor, and prevented a War. —We obtained a Declaration from the Court of Spain, dated at Seville the 6th of June following to revoke that of the Marquis de Cajlellar, of the 28th of 'January before mentioned : And as a Proof of our Reconciliation with the fecond Power, we were permitted to have the Honour, upon the 17th of Oclober 1731, to efcort the Spanijh Troops into Italy, with a Squadron of fixteen Britijh Men of War, at the Expence of 200,coo /. But we are come at length to the final Period of the Succefs of thefe preventive and defenfive Meafures — they could no longer hold — the whole World clearly faw, to what the Politicks of the Britijh Minifter amounted — and that he was determined to be moved neither by Indignity or Danger. France had carried her Point, fhe had heartily regained the Spaniards to her Interefb, fhe had deftroyed all Cordiality be- tween the Emperor and England, fhe had detected the Weak- nefs of this Nation fo far, that (he faw Jhe had nothing to fear t and that all other Powers had nothing to hope from Britain. — She had been a contracting Party to the Treaty of Seville, and we had bound ourfelves to enter into no new Engagements with- out her Concurrence. Yet the late Treaty with the Emperor, which was to enforce it, had been concluded without her Parti- cipation, nay without her Knowledge. — She highly and loudly relented this Treatment, as a manifeft Neglect, an Inftancc of Contempt, and a publick Affront ; and {he had the better Handle toexclaim againft us for it, becaufe we had affected to think our- felves fo ill ufed, by the like Conduct of the Emperor, with regard to the Treaty of Vienna in 1725. — From this Moment flic thought of nothing but Revenge, and to avail herfelf of the Means we had fo manifeftlv given her, to take it with Impunity. The Spanijh Troops had not been long landed in Italy, before an Alliance was formed between France, Sardinia and Spain, to attack the Emperor's Dominions in Italy. — The King of Poland's Death was forefeen, and fhe took fuch Meafures as fhe thought had effectually fecured the Election of King Stanijlaus to that Throne. — With the Affiftance of that Prince fhe projected to have fallen upon the Emperor's Hereditary Countries, while fhe diverted his Forces upon the Rhine, and her Confederates em- ployed him in the Defence of Italy. — Not many Months were pafs'd, before the Minifler had a more fatal Caufe of Inquietude than ever— War became inevitable— his Conduct had delayed if, only to make it fall with more ruinous and irrefiflible Effect. < \ The I *% ) TheKing-of Poland died the 2iftof January O.S. 1732-3. and in March following the King of France declared that he would fupport the Election of his Father-in-law.— The Em-, peror was fenfibleof what was preparing for him.- —He knew that if this Election took Effect, it would be impoflible to refift the Confederacy formed againft him.--- He therefore took part with the Eledtor of Saxony, now the prefent, and Son to the late King of Poland. ---Yet endeavouring as much as pofiible not to give any Pretence to France, for attacking him upon this Score, he left it to the Ruffian Arms to fupport that Prince. — But France never wanted a Pretext, when me found herfelf in a Con- dition to profecuteher Views by Arms. — Confiding in her En- gagements with Sardinia and Spain, fhe grounded this Pretext upon the fecret Negociations the Imperial Court had carried on with Rujfia againft King Stawjlaus, declared War, and marched her Armies againft the Emperor while on the other fide the 6000 Spaniards conveyed by the Britifh Fleet into Italy not a Year before, (hewed the Ufe for which thev were defigned. — They joined the Sardinian Troops, attacked the Milamfe, and in Conjunclion with a Body of Auxiliaries from France^ foon made an entire Conqueft of that Dutchy. The Emperor confiding in the Engagements we had entered into, fo immediately before, to fupport the Pragmatic Sanflion, had withdrawn his Troops from Italy. — The French had attack- ed him in the Empire, and were endeavouring to bring theTurk upon him.— -It was impoffible for him long to make Head alone againft the different Attacks made and meditated upon the Em- pire itfelf, and his Hereditary Countries, and to defend his Ita~ Uan Poffefllons at the fame time. ---He found himfelf however able with great Difficulty for that Campaign to maintain his KingJoms of Naples and Sicily, and to keep his Footing in the Mantuan.—-ln that perilous Interval he called upon Great Bri* tain to execute her late Treaty, he (hewed that it was yet in her Power to fave Naples and Sicily, at a fmall Expence, and by her Fleets alone; he reproached us with the Ruin we had brought upon him by engaging his Confent to the Introduction of the Spanijh Troops, and urged the Points both of Honour and National In tereft, by which we were obliged fo particu- larly to interfere in this Quarrel, as our Support and Guaranty had been the only Condition upon which he had given that Con- fent.— He implored us, in the mod moving Terms, not to defert an old, a faithful, and a fincere Ally, fo ftri&ly united by all the Bonds of mutual Affection and mutual Security, in a time of this imminent Diftrefs, a Diftrefs, which our own Councils, and his Acquiefcence to them, had'reduQed him. to. D z r Sn ( 3°) $utthe Minifter, totally confounded, knew not how to a& at all. — He ibood infertiible to the Danger both of his Allies, and of his own Country, unmoved equally with the Complaints, Reproaches and Intrcaties of the Imperial Court. He fought only to cover his own Shame, by retorting the Blame upon the Emperor.— He reproached him with having brought ram Dif- ficulties upon himfelf by Negcciations with Ruffia, to prevent the Ele&ion of King Stanijhus to the Throne of Poland, and abufed him for not fubmitting to that, which muft have re- duced him to a Condition incapable of Defence or Relief. — Thus adding the moft galling Iniults to the moft irreparable In- juries, he endeavoured to quiet the Alarms of the People of Great Britain by his Emiffarie*, who were inftructed to preach up a Dependance upon the good Faith of France, who in her Declaration of War (which fhe fo religioufly adhered to, as we have feen) had folemnly engaged to make no Acquifition by it; thus abetting the Caufe, and proclaiming both the Juftice arid Moderation of that perfidious Power.— In the mean while no Alliances were formed to fupport the Emperor. ---The Dutch) who had unwillingly been dragged by us into fome of our former Treaties, would now treat with us no more ; they had been taught by fatal Experience to dread any farther Con- nexion with us. We neither affifted the Houfe of Aujlria with Troops nor Money. — Our Squadrons, fo ready to be employed to aggrandize the Glory of a Spanijh Triumph, were not to be hazarded in the Defence of our Allies.— -We firft permitted the French Fleets to fail into the Baltic unmolefted, with Troops and Supplies to fuftain the Caufe of Stanijlaus in the North ;— In the next Year we fufFered Spain to tranfport a Body of 20,000 Horfe and Foot, (without any Attempt to interrupt them) to join their Troops in Italy, who before the End of that Year 1734, ravifhed the Kingdoms of Sicily and Naples from the Em- peror, and added two powerful Kingdoms to the Poffeffions of the Houfe of Bourbon. Stunn'd with thefe rapid SuccefTes, and almoft inanimate with the Fear of Dangers, in which that very Fear had thus involved the World ; the Minifter feemed to have forgotten every thing,— during all this Time he did nothing.-— But as violent Pailions, from the very Caufe of their Exigence, which is the Weaknefs of human Nature, cannot be of long Duration, he began to revive a little, and could not refrain, as foon as he did, to attempt again to cxercife his Talent of Negociatjon 5 to which the Self-opinion of his Brother, and fcis own Apprehenfion of Arms, had given him an obfti- nate, fatal, and incorrigible Turn.«~He began to make Pro- pofals, ( 3i ) pofals, and to offer his Mediation to the Courts both of Parts and Vienna .--—But the Court of Vienna feverely wounded by thcfe repeated Cruelties, Indignities and JU Ufage, in the midft or her deenefr. Calamity, difdained and deteffed to treat with him any more ,— -and France , though fhe had reaped fo much Advantage from his Conduct, equally contemned the Man, to whom fhe owed it all. For even they, who profit by Infidelity or Weaknefs, abhor the Authors of it.- — Nothing proves the wretched Condition to which we had reduced ourfelves, and the Opinion fhe entertained both of our Councils and our Arms, better than the Anfwer made to thefe Propofah by the King of France ; which was con- cluded in thefe Words,-— I will do my utmoji Endeavour in Ger- many to weaken my Enemies ; / have already declared that I would not keep PoJJejfion of any of the Places I Jhould take.~-~ Let England reft fat'ufied with this Promife. — She would have pleafed me in her Mediation, if jhe had not at the fame Time armed herJelf-—But I ivould have her to know, that no Power in Europe fhall give Law to me. And this you may tell your Mafter. Thus defpifed and treated as we juftly deferved by all the Pow- ers of Europe^ France herfelf extended more Companion to her greater! Enemy than we had fhewn to our beff. Ally.-— She now thought herf.li'fccure of laying the Foundation of fuch Debility in the Houfe of Aujlria, as would at leaft enable her to reduce it lower when fhe pleafed, if fhe fhould find occafion for it. — She thought it more prudent to lie by after fhe had done this, till me might by the Emperor's Death, have Opportunity to break the Auftrian Succeifion, and avail herfelf of the AfTiftancc of the German Princes to undertake that then, which fhe had no Pretence to attempt during his Life ; and which muft have inevi- tably drawn thofevery German Powers againft her, tillthatEvent happened ; much more flic could not have done, without their Aflifrance: She had fown, in all Appearance, a lafting Difcon- tent between the Empire and the Maritime Powers; fhe had it in her Power to join Lorrain to her own (already vaft) Domi- nions, and to add two Kingdoms to another Branch of the Houfe of Bourbon : Both thefe Acquifitions required fomeTime to be fettled in a Way to be ufefully employed hereafter.— By de- clining any farther Advantage for the prefent, fhe carried a Shew of Moderation and voluntary Abftinence, which fhe knew would effectually deceive the Fools, who abound and ftrengthen her Party, by their Credulitv, in every State of Eu- rope. — All this induced her to conclude Peace with the Impe- rial Court (in which we were in no Degree confulted.) And fhe made her Confederates fubmit to it about October, 1736. . By C 32 ) By this Peace, notwkhftanding all her former Affurances to the contrary, fhe made no Scruple to fecure Lorrain to herfelf; Which Country, with its Revenues, is able to furnifh and main- tain an Ann of 30,000 Men, and brought her Territores above 150 Miles more forward into Germany, than they had before extended on that Side ; this enabled her at a much fhorter Warn- ing, and with a much fuperior Force, to attack the Empire, when fhe fhould afterwards fee occafion to do it : Compleating at the fame Time, an entire Influence over four Electors of the Empire, Palatine, Menfz, Triers and Cologne. — The Effects of which, we have vifibly feen by the Election of the prefent Em- peror. — The Dominion given to the Infant Don Carlss, redu- ced the Forces of the Houfe of Aujlria by above 40,000 Men, and added an equal Number to the oppofite Scale :— All this theMinifter of Britain brought about by his loudly felf-applauded Preventive and Defcnfwe Mcafures ; 'and this, hampered by the Confequences of his pacifick Conduct:, became, at length, cut of his Power to prevent. During the whole Period of this War, France was fo little, apprehentive of our being able to exert ourfelves in Defence ei- ther of our Honour or our Intereft, that contrary to what, in fuch a Conjuncture, would have appeared a politick Part in her to act, fhe took every poffibleMeans to infult, to difgrace, and to triumph over our Weaknefs. — Dunkirk had been gradually and privately reftored, in Contravention to the moft clear and pofitive Article of the Peace of Utrecht, that it fhould never be made a Port again, and the Minifter had connived at this Vio- lation of that Treaty ; though its dangerous Situation, in cafe of a future War with France, is fufficiently known and under- ftood. — But now France openly employed great Numbers of Men to cleanfe the Harbour, and to raife Batteries upon tha old Foundations of the former Works ; infulted the Ships, not only of our Merchants, but of the Royal Navy of England, in very many Inftances, affecting the fame Superiority at Sea, as (he had too vifibly acquired, by our Conduct at Land ; en- couraged the Spaniards to continue their Depredations ; de- bauched and invited publickly, both them, and the Indian Na- tions in North America, to attempt our Settlements there ; and what is even yet beyond all this, ilTued an Arret, commanding all the Britijh Subjects then in France, upon Pain of the Gal- lies, either immediately to depart the Kingdom, or to inlijl in her Troops ; and, in Confequence, imprifoned great Numbers,, both of the Englijh, Scotch and IriJJ), there. Spain on her Part, had no fooner difmifled our Fleet, which had convoyed her Troops to Italy upon the Expedition before: jnea- I 33) mentioned ; but fhe began to treat us even worfe than fhe had ever done before : her Depredations were exceffive, and her Cap- tures amounted to prodigious Sums ; (he publickly laid Claim to fome of our Provinces in America, and interrupted not only our general Commerce, but that of the South-Sea Company ; which were both particularly confirmed by Treaty. — Our Na- vigation to the Wejl- Indies was render'd almoft impracticable ; and by the Barbarities of the Spaniards, and the Infults of France, the Spirit of our Seamen, nay their very Race, was vifibly running to Decay : Yet the Minifter, fearful of a War* fubmitted to all this. At length, the Nation was exafperated to fuch a Point, and the Complaints and Clamours of the Merchants ecchoed fo loudly through the whole Kingdom, that both Houfes of Par- liament in the latter End of the Year 1737 and the Beginning of 1738, could no longer refrain from expreffing a great Anxie- ty at this tame Condud-t, with Refpecl: to Spain ; declaring ■their Opinion, that the Infolence of Spain ought no longer to be endured, and that if immediate Satisfaction was not given, and Security obtained to remedy what was pajl, and to prevent what we faw was to be expected for thelime to come, this Nation muft feek Redrefs by Arms. The Minifter, ftill unable to refolve himfelf for War, ftill infatuated with the Notion of his Brother's Abilities for Ne- gotiation, depended upon his former Arts of Treaty-making. — Spain knew him now fo well, thatfhe wantonly play'd with him ; (he kept him off till the very Time, that the Parliament was to meet, without doing any thing at all ; by which fhe reduced him to a terrible Diftrefe He did not dare to meet the Parlia- ment, after their Refolutions and AddrefTes, and the Temper he had left them in the laft SefHons, without having done any Thing.-— Yet the Time was come, and nothing at all was done. ---His only Expedient was to prorogue the Parliament ; and to make ufe of this fhort Space to humble himfelf before Spain; to fhew them the Condition he was in, and beg their Affiftance, at any Rate, and upon any Terms, to give him a Lift for the prefent-— Whatever Form of Words he ufed, or in what manner foever this Negotiation was carried on, this was vifibly the Nature of it ; for he could not conceal his Con- dition ; and what immediately followed, evidently proves, that it was fully understood by the Power with which he treated. Spain having fufficiently gratified her Mirth, fported with, and mortified the Man, began to think that fhe might carry the Jeft too far j that a War, for which fhe was not yet effectually prepared, might be the fudden Conjequenge -, and that it was not ( 34 ) Rot her Intereft to ruin a Minifter, whofe PuffiMa'nimfty had ferved her as effectually for many Years, as if her own had pre- fided over the Britifi Councils : She therefore contented to a Treaty, under the Name of a Convention, which was figned at the Purdo, not (boner than the 14th of januaryN.S. 1738-9. but then uifpatched witli the utmoft Expedition. Scarce had the Courier cleaned his Boots, but the Parliament ■was called-— they met the firft of February 1738-9. and the Minifter enlarged upon the great Advantages of this newTreaty, by which he bragged, * That be bad obtained more than mer on like Occafitins was known to be obtained ', more than themojr fuccefs- ful Arms could have procured ; and that this Negotiation had been the bejl ccndt/c7ed, and the mojl happily finijhed, of any we meet with in Hijlory .—That he remembered he had the laji Scjfions un- dertaken to be anfwerable for the Meafures of the Government, while he had the Honour to be a Minifter, and t fiat he was prepa- red to make good his Pro/nife.— He added, that if Gentlemen would perfift to raife a Ferment without Doors againft this Con- vention, they would thereby render a TVar unavoidable. , But the Publick were not fo much terrified with this Argu- ment of an unavoidable TVar. They on the contrary knew, that it wasjuft and abfolutely necefTary, and had been already de- layed too long j— and when this Convention was laid before the Houfe, which was done upon the 6th of March following, it did not lefien that Opinion. And to (hew how little Reafon there was for that Opinion to be altered by it, I (hall ftate in a few Words, what Points the Nation juftly expedted to be finally adjuft ed by this Treaty. The firft Point, was the difclaimi)7g all Rlgnt to fearch cur Ships in the American Seas, under Pretences of their carrying on a contraband and illicit Trade.---Now as there neither ever was, nor is any Treaty fubfifting between the two Nations, which either fpecifies, intimates, or fuppofes any fuch things as contra- hand Goods, and as if the Pretence fhould be allowed of an illicit Trade, no Ships (from the Circumftances of that Navigation) could pafs or repafs to our own Settlements in the Weft- Indies \ without being expofed to be rummaged and confifcated by the Spanijh Guarda Co/la's, it was abfolutely a Condition, (fine qua tton) without which, we could never end our Differences with that Nation. idly, Spain had, with intolerable Arrogance, and upon fri- volous Pretences, claimed a Right to our Provinces upon the Coaftsof Florida, which included Georgia, and a Part of South* * See this Speech in the Debates of the Houfe of Commons, Vol. X. &1. 335, by Chandler. l^-.i ' Carolina, ( 33) Carolina." -The Honour therefore and Intereft of this NatiOttJ abfolutely required an aclual D if avowal of this pretended Right i ^dly, The Depredations committed upon our Merchants, un- der the frivolous and unjuft Pretences of this contraband and illicit Trade, amounted to 340,000/. — That juft Claim and Debt was therefore to be allowed or paid, and this was another jujl Condition expected by the Nation. ^tbly, The King of Spain, during the former Differences, having feized the Effects of the Britijh South- Sea Company, to the Amount of above a Million, and 68,oco/. and during the former Negotiations, this Sum having been allowed on his Part a juft Debt, and the South-Sea Company having on the other hand acknowledged a Debt on their Part of 68,000/.— there was a Ballancedue to the South-Sea Company of above a Million Sterling, the Payment of which was a fourth Condition expefted by this Nation. Now if the Nation had not received Satisfaction in thefe four Particulars, (efpecially the two firft) Juftice was not had, nor any Security obtained. Let us therefore fee in what manner this Satisfaction and Se- curity were provided for by this Treaty. As to the firjl Condition, (our Right to free Navigation, and no Search, the grand Point of all our Difference,) nothing far- ther was provided than had been provided for twenty Years be- fore — It was again referred to be difcuffed in future by Com- miffaries, of which we had fufficiently feen the Effects before, and already experienced all that we had to expect from it, which was indubitably nothing. As to the fecond Particular, to the great Aftonimment of the whole Nation, they found, that their Right to Provinces, from which we derived a prodigious Benefit, Carolina, (v/hich by the Encreafe of the Commodity of Rice, is become of laic Years one of the moft profitable Colonies belonging to the Britifl) Empire j) and Georgia, (to fettle which the Nation h;.d put itfelf to a great Expence, and which by its Situation in the Gulph of Florida, and by a proper Ufe of its Ports, migl t command the Return of the whole Spanijh Treafure, and was cf infinite Confequence to prevent the Conjunction of the French upon the Miffijftpi, and their Sugar IJlands) were not only fufc- mitted to the like Difcuflion of Commiilaries ; but what was more amazing and unworthy, that we had bound ourfelves, till the Decifion of thefe Commiilaries, not to erect any Forts, or to do any thing to ftrengthen or fecure our PofTeffions there, which was, in other Words to leave them in the fame weak, and defenceiels State they were then notorioufly in, to be over- ( 34 ) inn upon the firfl Attempt the Spaniards mould think fit ttf make upon them. As to the third and fourth Particulars, it appeared, that the boafted Satisfaction we had obtained for our injured Merchants, whofe juft Demand, (including that of the South-Sea Company,) amounted to 1,340,000 /. was provided for as follows. Imprimis, The Million due to the South-Sea Company from the King of Spain was left to the Decifion of CommifTaries, whe- ther it was due or not, which all Mankind underftood to be the fame thine in effe£r, as to have intirely given it up. idly, The 68,000/. due from the South-Sea Company, was agreed to be due, and to be paid immediately. ylly, As to the 340,000 /. due to our Merchants, on account of the Depredations committed upon them, — this Account was fettled in the following Manner. /. 1/?, From the faid Claim of the Merchants was} arbitrarily deducted by the Dam of a Pen, without f 140,000 any Reafon at allajftgned - J 2dly, The King of Spain was allowed to deduct 1 for the Prompt Payment of what was never intended > 45 ,000 to be paid - . - J %dly, The Britijh Nation were to allow Spain J for the Ships taken and deftroyed in the Year 17 18, f 60,000 in time of aftual War - - j 4thly, The South-Sea Company were to make 1 immediate Payment of the 68,000/. duefronrthem > 68,000 to the King of Spain - J $thly, Spain was allowed to deduct the Va- "j lue of a Ship called the Therefa, taken in the Port I of Dublin in 1735, as alfo the Amount of what- ( ever (he had formerly given in Satisfaction to our [ ' l Merchants for their Lofles; which two Sums 1 amounted to more, but we mall only ftate at J , ... 340,000 - Thus it is manifeft that the Plan of this Treaty was laid up- on this Ground, that the King of Spain was not to pay one fingle Shilling ; fo that, in feci:, all the Pretenfions, both of our Merchants and the South-Sea Company, were entirely aban- don'd by it. — But what was ftill worfe, the Court of Spain re- fufed to agree, even to this Treaty, till the Minifter had con- sented to an del, whereby the King of Spain declared, That . he entered his Protejt againft the Execution of it provisionally* in (35) In cafe the South-Sea Company did not pay, in a fhort time therein limited, the faid Sum of 68,000 /. and referved farther to himfelf, a Right of fufpending their Ajfiento Contract, in cafe of Failure on their Part. — Now as it was impofiible, that the South-Sea Company would ever be induced to pay 68,000/. upon one Head of an Account, in which they had, (after the Deduction of that Sum,) a Balance of a Million due to them j and as they did immediately after refolve not to pay this Sum, the Cafe of the Nation was directly this; that Spain was pre- vailed upon to do this temporary Job for the Minifter. ijl, By a publick Connivance.(if it may be fo called) at their Pretenfions to fearch our Ships, and to interrupt our Navigation. idly. By a publick Agreement, that our 'trade fhould fet down unfatisfy'd with the Lofsof 1,340,000 L %dly, By a tacit Acknowledgment of (he Pretenfions of Spain to a Part of our American Dominions. ^thly, By a pofitive Agreement to leave thofe Dominions in a, defencelefs State, that Spain might feize them when fhe pleafed. And $thly, By the Sufpenfion of the Ajfiento Contract. To this Condition had our preventive and defenfive Meafures now reduced us. With this Convention the laft Thread of pacifick Policy was fpun j the Nation could endure it no longer j the Minifter was at length compelled to draw the Sword. — His Majefty's ten- der Regard, both to his own Honour, and to the Interefts and Honour of the Nation, induced him to declare War againft Spain, in the Summer 1739. How that War was carried on upon the fame timid Princi- ples, is but too evident. The Court of Spain had Time to ftrengthen herfelf to fuch a Degree, that fhe became at length invulnerable in the IVeJl '- Indie s j and the War continues Jl ill without a PoJJibility of any material Succefs in our farther At' tempts upon that Part of her Dominions. And now the DiftrefTes brought upon us by this unparallelled Chain of pulillanimous Proceedings, burft like a Torrent on the Minifter, who had been the Occafion of them.^-Upon the 9th of Oftober, O.S. 1 740. the Emperor died of a Cholic, at- tended with a Vomiting and Inflammation of the Bowels, in a Conjuncture fo apt for the Views of France, that there was little Room to doubt, either of the Caufe or Confequences of his Death : — His Territories had been guaranty 'd, long before, under the Title of the Pragmatick Sanation, to his eldeft Daugh- ter, (the prefent Queen of Hungary,) by a Majority of the Ger- man Princes, by Great Britain, Denmark, Holland, Spain and France -, and of the two latter held (the one) Naples tad Sicily, £ a (the ... ( 3° ) (ihe other) Lor fain, by no other Tenure than that of the Obfer- vance of this Treaty. But though France made no Scruple to declare, that fhe would ftrictly fulfil her Engagements with Re- gard to the Pragmatic Sanclion ; and that fhe would keep clear of every Thing, that mould reftrain the free Choice of a new Emperor, and though the King of Prujfia gave the ftrongeft AfTurances, that he would fupport it to the utmoft of his Power ; yet it was eafy to fee, that thefe Engagements would meet with no Regard, and that thefe Declarations were defigned only to amufe and deceive. The Elector of Bavaria begun by refufing to acknow- ledge the Rights of the Queen of Hungary, and afferting a Claim to her Dominions.— In December following, to the A- mazement of all Europe, the King of Prujfia fell into the Queens's hereditary Countries, and entered Silefia with an Ar- my of 40,000 Men.— In the fucceeding Spring, the French marched a great Army into Germany, and joined the Bavarians; they alfo Tent another great Body of Forces into IVejlpha* lia upon the Confines of the Electorate of Hanover — The E- lector of Saxony likewife marched an Army into Bohemia.-— Sweden, by the Intrigues of France, declared War againft the Ruffians : By which, and by the treafonable Practices, which {he fomented there, that Empire became incapable to affift die Houfe of Aujiria. The King of Naples, with a great Body of his own Forces, in Conjunction with a formidable Army of Spa- niards, both Horfe and Foot, which again were permitted by the Minifter to embark, and land unmolefted by our Squadrons, was prepared to attack her Italian Dominions :— And by the Influr ence of France, the Elector of Bavaria was chofen Emperor.— Upper Aujiria was already, before the End of that Year, over- run ; Bohemia and the greater Part of Silefia loft ; another Spanijb Army marching towards Savoy, the King of Sardinia (from his dangerous Situation, and other Circumftances) much fufpected; the Electorate of Hanover unavoidably compelled by fuperior Force to aNeutrality ; the Dutch intimidated by the fame Force ; Denmark, encouraged by France, and wholly occupied to make its Advantage of the Troubles in the North ; and Great Britain exafperatcd to fhe utmoft Verge of Patience, upon the very Brink of domeftick Confufion, frill directed by the fame Minifter 9 who from this Situation of Affairs, and from the Temper of the People, naturally refulting from it, was wholly incapacited from affording any material Affiftance to the Queen of Hungary^ and ftill perfevered to demonftrate, even in this laft Crifis, by his Conduct of the Spani/l) War, and by his Permiffion of the SpaniJI) Embarkations, that his Inclinations were as foreign as his 1 ( 37?) his Abilities to a vigorous Exertion of the Power of this Nation, at a Time, when Councils, even defperately violent, feemed the only Poffibility, under Heaven, to preferve us and Europe from Deftru&ion. — Even yet, incorrigibly bent upon inconfiftent Schemes of Negociation, he turned his Thoughts to a Project of more Temerity and Indifcretion than ever he had hitherto projected, and attempted to form an Alliance to difmember Prujfta ; which render'd it a Thing almoft impoffible to bring him afterwards into a moderate Temper, or to effect a fincere Reconciliation with him.— Thus overwhelmed on every Side ; Great Armies of French, Bavarians, Pruffians and Saxons with- in a few Days March of Vienna ; and no Part of her Territo- ries unmolefted, but the remote Dominions of Hungary ; and thofe States, that bordered on the Turk, in daily Expectation of being attacked likewife from that Quarter, the unhappy Queen of Hungary was thrown, for her only Refource, upon areople, who, till this Time, had never afforded any Affiftance to their Sovereign ; but had, on the contrary, taken all Occa- fions to rebel and join a foreign Power. Her veteran Troops all deftroy'd in the late War againft the Turk -, the Fountains of Supply from her richeft Countries, then in the Pofleffion of her Enemies, wholly turned againft her. — This was the Con- dition to which the only Power, that could maintain the Ba- lance, and without which no rational Man can think, that this Nation can long fubfift without becoming a Province to France* was brought by this determined Suite of the preventive and di" fen/we Meafures of the Britijh Minifter. Such was the State of our Affairs, when the prefent Parlia- ment begun its firft Seflions upon the firft of December, 1741. I might expatiate here, to aggravate the wretched Condition td which this Country was reduced ; but I am far from meaning to reprefent this Conduit, in the worft Light that it might bear : My View is very different Exafperated as the People are already, he that attempts to encreafe the Flame, defervesto perifh in it. — Would to God it were forgiven, upon Condi- tion that it could be forgot ; but it cannot be forgot, nor will, for this Reafon, ever be forgiven : My Meaning there/ore nei- ther is to attempt the one nor the other. — But my Endeavour is to divert the Publick from that mad Refentment, which mull complete their Ruin. — I (hall fhortly come to (hew, how far already this Refentment has mifled them. — How, deviating from the only Principle, that can warrant Punifhment, they wound their Country and themj elves in the Extravagance o(Paj- fton. — The Purfuit of Punifhment, when no good End can noflibly be anfwered by it, is Revenge j Revenge with Nations* 2 a* (.3») as well as with private Men 9 is in itfelf detejlalle ; and, in its Confecjuences, fatal. Let Sweden be the Mirror to reflect the Face of this Nation : We have lately feen that brave, that free People, pujhing violently towards their own Dejlruclion with a flrange Similitude of Fate. — Firfl, by ruinous Meafures brought into deplorable Circumftances ; then purfuingfanguinary Vengeance on their Minijlers ; Minijlers, from the PaJJion of the Time, neither fafe to be given up, nor to be faved ; tearing every Fence of Government and Conflitution down, to reach the ObjecJ of their Hatred ; artfully led on, under this Pretence, to abufe their Li- berty with a dangerous Licenfe ; taught to think them) elves entitled^ becaufe they met with Objlruclion in this View, to invade the Pri- vileges of all the other Parts of their LegiJJature ; yet all this Time jlupidly for fetful of the very Caufe, for which alone they ought in Jujlice to have condemned the Conducl of thofe Minijlers, or to have been thus enraged, embarroffing their Government, labouring to plunge it flill deeper into the Jame EviU by endeavouring to per f ever e in the fame Foreign Meafures, and to prevent their wi- fefl and tnofl honejl Men from availing themfehes of the mofl for- tunate Opportunities to preferve the Nation, and to retrieve pajl Errors ; //'//, at length, from the Excefs of popular Power, the Weaknefs of their Government, the Want of Virtue in Particulars toreftfi the Temptation of falfe Popularity, the Want of Courage to with/land a factious Calumny, and the fecret Intrigues of a Fo- reign Court, invifble to themfehes, tho' glaring to the whole World befides, they were encouraged to attempt direel Rebellion, in Fa- vour of a Pretender, whofe Advancement to the Throne was mo- rally certain to have fixed the Chains of Arbitrary Power, for ever en their Country. After this, fome may poffibly demand, Why then have you recalled to publick View, thefe former Errors of the Minifter ? As I am fure I have done it with Integrity, fo I am deceiv'd if I have not done it with folid Reafon.— The Sore, that rankles, muft be opened and deeply probed : The Man, who would, in this Diforder of the Publick, ferve his Country, cannot hope to do it by concealing Faults. — To deny notorious Truths, is an Attempt to impofe upon Mankind, too grofs to be borne ; the Nation is honeft, though it is deceived, and willliften to no Arguments, that are obvioufly mean, ungenerous, difhoneft, or uncandid.-— Not to acknowledge what I have done in the preceding Pages, would be to accufe the People of unjuft Re- fentment during a Space of 20 Years : — And, as in the prefent Conjuncture, I think it my Duty to accufe them of unjuft Re- fentments, and to convince them that they are juftly accufed ; fy a contrary Conducl, I could not fail to provoke, inftead of healing ( 39) healing A nimofities j to lay a Foundation of Prejudice, which no Solidity of Reafon could be able to remove ; and infallibly defeat the honeft Intention, which alone has led me to give the Publick and myfelf the Trouble of this Difcourfe. It was likewife neceffary to do this for another very important End, to give the Clue to the true Source of our Misfortunes, and to the Origin of the late Oppofition ; which can be the only Means, either to moderate the Rage of the Publick, to remove their Prejudices, to diftinguifh their Friends, to direct them to the Knowledge of their Enemies, to preferve their juft Attachment to their Prince, or to maintain the Conftitu- tion of their Country. For when the People miftake the Caufe, their Conclufions muft be falfe and dangerous — their Opinion of thofe, who fee more clearly, and aft the beft for their Interefts, eafily abufed — they are liable from falfe Caufes affigned by wicked and artful Men, to think defperately of Government, and to (eek for Re- medies not adapted to the Difeafe, and of fo violent a Nature, as to tear the Body Politick to Pieces. And that this has been the Cafe, will become very manifeft upon a due Confideration of this Deduction of our Affairs du- ring the late Adminiftration — the People not confidering well the Spring of this unhappy Train of Conduct, have been falfely and infamoufly taught, that it took its RiTe from the Treachery of the Minifter, and from a low and private Prejudice in the Prince to his Foreign Dominions, abetted by a Band of corrupt Mercenaries, and fupported by the Defects of a Conftitution, which gives too much Power to the Crown — None of which is true. It was the Embarraffment of our Affairs, firft, by the Peace of Utrecht j and fince, by a timid, obftinateand indeed (elfifhCharac- ter in the Minifter. — It was the unavoidable Confequences of the Treaty of Hanover, which was made before his Majefty's Ac- ceffion to the Throne, but for which he was therefore not anfwe- rable, and which it was afterwards infinitely difficult to redrefs. —It was a Chain of fatal Circumftances, neither derived from a greater Degree of Corruption than will be found in any opulent State upon Earth, nor from any Defects, but what (or worfe) are found in the pureft Conftitution under Heaven : All which will more fully appear by the following Deduction. But to return— -In this Crifis of Affairs, Ruin abroad ap- peared almoft impoflible, highly improbable to prevent,— the Nation at home in fuch a Ferment, that nothing but Confufion was by every rational Man expected.— To avert either, it was _pbyiou$ that the Minifter muft be removed, the Publick neither Would (4°) woulJ, nor could have engaged In thofe expenfive Undertaking! which were our only Refource, under the Conduct of fuch a Man. — But how to effect this Change was the great Labour.— There is Reafon to believe, that his Majefty was as much con- vinced of the Neceflity of a Change, as the Minifter was con- vinced that it was high time to prepare for it. — It was even cer- tain, that the beft Men in the Oppofition began to fear greatly the Effe&s of the Spirit they had raifed, however neceffary, how- ever juft it had been to raife it ; but the greateft Danger of all was to have defifted in that Conjuncture. Thus even they who were moft fenfible of the dangerous Ferment, were by Necef- lity compelled to raife it ftill higher to prevent its fatal Effect Oppofition was redoubled with a Degree of Fury, which no- thing but this Circumftance could warrant. — The Dilemma was great on all Sides — the more the Minifter was prefled, the more difficult and dangerous it was both for him and for the Publick to give way — and had he been difmterefted enough to have refigned his Power in the Manner fome would have advifed it, to fpeakjhoneftly, there was Hazard not only to his own Perfon, but to the Intereft of his Mafter, and the Conftitution of his Country. — It was dangerous to depend upon the Moderation of a Party fo combined as it now appeared to be, and heated with fo unavoidable a Fury. On the other hand, it was impoffible for thehoneft Men, embarked againfthim, to have defifted either.— Matters had been driven too far to rely upon the Prudence of their Antagonift, and they had too many Examples to venture to truft that even this Danger could have reclaimed his indomp- table Spirit of Peace. It was equally unfafe, both for the Pub- lick and them/elves to have rifqued the double Danger of their Enemies, and the Refentment of their Friends — If by fuch an indifcreet Retreat, they had much weakened their Party, they could not have had fufficient AfTurance, that the Minifter would have made that juft and wife Ufe of it, which could have been their only Inducement for fo difmterefted a Meafure. — He might have employed this Acceflion of Strength, to have con- firmed himfelf in his imprudent Politicks, to have ruined Li- berty, under the Pretence of deftroying Faction, and have taken this Opportunity to have wreaked his private Revenge. — Again, if this Conduct fhould have had a different Effect, and not much weakened the Party they left, it muft have ferved only, to precipitate the Views of bad Men, and left the Nation dif- tra&ed and mad under the Lead and Direction of the worft and moft dangerous Perfons in the Kingdom. — Upon the whole, it was neither in the Power of the one to retire, nor of the other tode/i/l. . - - Moft (4* ) Moft certain it is, whatever the ignorant Vulgar may think* or wicked Men pretend, that the domeftick Peace was at this Conjuncture in the utmoft Hazard, and that at this Hour we had been involved in horrible Confufion, if his Majefty's Pru- dence had not dictated, and aflifted us in the middle Way of Moderation, in which all Safety confifts, by yielding to a Change of the Minifter, and yet refolving to defend (as far as in him conftitutionally lay) the Perfon of the Man re- moved, from the Rage and Fury of the Time. By thisMea- fure, that in tire Victory of Party, which muft have produced infufFerable Infolence, and raifed unforefeen, extravagant and irrefiftable Expectations, w s- awarded with its Confequences, which, like a Torrent, would have broke in upon us, and in a mercilefs manner fwept away both good and bad who had given -Oppofition to it, and probably carried before it, in its Tide cf Reformation, all the Guards and Securities of this happy Conftitution. — Had the Government been taken by Storm, had the People been once blooded, who can fay where he would have ftopt, or who could have had Authority to caft down the Bar before them. —In fuch Conjunctures, Reafon and Experience fhew us, that the private Soldier drives his Of- ficer before him — all Order and Difcipline are at an end— and whoever endeavours to reftrain the Violence, is looked upon as an Enemy diverted of his Command, and new Leaders chofen out of thofe, who with moft Fury and leaft Remorfe will carry Devaftation furtheft. — By this Meafure therefore* Time Was given for many to reflect, who in the Heat of fuch an Event, would have been hurried Lengths they never intended to have gone, ana plunged into Precipices, which many, who have e- fcaped already, confider with Horror, that they lately flood fo near, and which many more, as they confider and cool, will every day look back upon with equal Terror. — This Conduct likewife afforded opportunity to make the proper Alterations by degrees, and with a deliberate Choice, to put the publick Affairs into the hands of Men, who were diftinguiflied, rather by their Abilities and Integrity, than by their Heat and Paffion, or popular Accomplishments. — It gave room to weaken Faction, by the Gratification of fome warm Men, but to do it fo as not to encourage its haffy Growth again. — It prepared a way for a lading Change of Meafures, and fecured an Intereft to fupport them at the fame time ; as it enabled thofe who had acted un- der the former Adminiftration upon wrong Principles of Policy without Fear of Ruin, or Shame of Tergiverfation, tacitly to reclaim their Conduct, and prevented that fatal Evil, (which •was otherwife inevitable, and muft have brought our Affairs F into ( 42 ) into aworfeCondition than ever,) the railing a new Oppofition out of the defeated Party, whofe Number, though defeated, were at this very Conjuncture equal to thofe by whom they had been compelled to yield. — Thus this prudent Firmnefs on the one hand, and prudent Condefcenfion on the other, mani- feftly faved this Nation from Perdition the beft, the moft able, the moft confiderable Men, and thofe of the true Whig Prin- ciple, were feparated from a wicked Party, with whom Necef- fity had obliged them formerly to unite, and who were upon the point of getting the Direction of the Publick into their hands, under the pretence of delivering it from another Danger, which, great as it was, could not be worfe than that. — And thus the Government nowftands upon the Foundation of a true Whig Intereft, upon which alone it can fafely ftand, fupported by Men, united by the manifeft Revival of that Principle, which would bring them both to Ruin. We are now come to that Period of Time, when the late Oppofition ceafed, and a Separation was made between the Whigs and the Tories ; they had travelled on in the fame Road to this Point of a Change of the Minifter ; and the Power to change the Meafures was in their own hand. — This, as I have very fufRciently fhewn, was the firfr. and fole Intention of the WnigS) fo that their Journey was at an end ; but the others were to travel further, and we fhall fhortly fee through what miry Paths they went.— It was almoft a Miracle they had kept company fo long. —The Tories had plainly fhewn, upon the late Motion, how little they were to be depended upon, even in the Profecution of their common View ; and for the Whigs , they had neVer pretended, never given any encouragement to think, that they fhould continue Oppofition longer than till they had carried thefe Points.— Nay, till this Event, the pre- fent Leaders of the Fafiion them f elves affected to intend no more. — All Men of Senfe, who knew them well, knew, that this was only Colour, to take away Sufpicion of their dangerous Defigns. — What happened was therefore no Surprize to them, and, to fay the truth, their Principles and Views being thus widely different, they muil both have been inconfiitent with themfelves, if they had not both done as they did. A Change of the Adminiftration being now become abfo- lutely neceffary, the Equality of Parties being fuch, that no Bufinefs could be carried on, this Change was refolved. — In order to effect it, it was neceffary to adjourn the Houfe.— It required fome Time to deliberate upon the firft Changes, and for thofe Members of the Oppofition, who were to be firjft taken in, to be rechofen. To (43 ) To this Adjournment (which was for 15 Days) all the Houfe agreed,the Whigs knowing the Neccffity of it, and that a Change could not be fafely made without it, and with thefe concurring, all thofe who had private Views, and expected to reap a perfo- nal Benefit from this Change. — The Leaders of the Tories^ who have fince treated this Meafure as iniquitous in the higheft Degree, made no Objection to it then ; they had one or other of the two Reafons before-mentioned to induce them to it. The Reader may aflign that which he thinks moft probable, upon a Confideration of their fubfequent Behaviour. In this Conjuncture, thefe Gentlemen thought it highly ne- ceflary to make their appearance at the Court, to which fome had never gone fince the Acceflion of the prefent Royal Family upon the Throne ; *and many had abfented themfelves fo long, that they feared they might be forgotten, which was by no means convenient, when fo many great Employments were to be conferred in a few days. —It was necetfary to convince the Prince, that their only Reafon for abftaining from this Demon- ftration of Refpe- nifhment to many, who had hitherto concurred in the Oppo- fition, and gave no fmall Difguft to obferve it. No Man of Senfe and Honefty thought he could juftify adhering longer to a Set of Men, whofe Party- View was now fo openly avowed, and (49) and who, like a Band of Hujfars, had abandoned themfelves to the Plunder, even before the Battle was half done ; ihfy knew the Confequence muft be, at leaft, that this mercenary Conduct would fuffer the Minifter to efcape unceniu ?d ; - All therefore they could hope farther to do, was to prevent his Return into his former Station, and to procure a Change in his Syftem of Politicks, to get the beft Laws they code]* to prevent the like Abufe of Power, and at leaft to fecure it in the Hands of thofe, who they thought leaft likely to abufe it in their own Time. — It is true, they never intended to have given the Tories the Lead in the Government, or to have made a Tory Adminiftration ; from the Nature of that Party which I have fufficiently explained already, they had been, falfe both to their King and Country, if they had done it.- — n But they honeftly did intend to have promoted the moft mo- derate of that Party, defirous of uniting, by this Experiment, as many as they could, in Affection to his Majelty, and his Royal Family; to which the Gratification of private Expec- tations is with fome a very neceflaryStep.— But their Conduct was fuch, as difabled them from carrying their Views much farther for them, and had they prefl'ed it after this, their own Principles muft have come into Sufpicion. — They had there- fore juft Grounds to have made a total Separation from them ; but from a Regard to their Country, they ftifled their Refent- ments ; they advanced feveral Tories fhortly after, and fome into very great Pofts fince that Time.-— They united to pro- mote an Enquiry into the Conduct of the late Minifter, which they pufhed as far as the Strength of the oppofite Party, who were now rallied upon thefe Divifions, could poffibly admit, and far enough to fhew fuch Errors in his Adminiftration, as tendered it impofiible for him to be employ'd again. — They engaged the Government to purfue Meafures entirely oppofite to the pacific Plan fo long fatally purfued ; they maintained their Principle of fupporting the Houfe of Aujiria^ and fur- nifhed iter with effectual Supplies ; and they carried a»JPlace Bill toleffen the Minifterial Influence in Parliament. — In Fo- reign Affairs they did every thing that could be wifhed, and much more than could have been expected j in Domeftic, they went, if not quite as far, as perhaps they might have fafely gone, yet as far as they could go fafely in fuch a Ferment ; or indeed, as they were able to go, when thus deferted and weak- ened by the Madnefs of thefe Men. We have now fhewn the Commencement of the prefent Oppofition, which from its Origin may be eafily judged what it is,— Its Origin plainly was, not from any wrong Meafures, Q in ( 50 ) in the Leaders of the late Oppofition, for (as they juftlv ob- ferved themfelves) they had as yet done nothing when they were thus deferted ; no more than eight Days had pafled fince the Retreat of the Minifler ; and the Parliament had not yet met ; fo that it was impoflible the Fa ft ion could have done it from any Obfervation of their wrong Behaviour there. — Had the Tories been as wholly profcribed, as it was falfely fuggefled they were intended to be, was the late Oppofition began upon the Principle of bringing them into Employment, or was it the Right, or the Concern of the People to infill who mould have the raoft beneficial Places ? — The Principle of the late Oppofition was, as it has been fully (hewn, to bring back this Nation to its true Politicks with Regard to the Houfe of Au~ Jlria, and the Balance of Power. — Was the Purfuit of Places ever avowed to be the Grounds of Oppofition? it has been in- deed fatirically imputed to be fo upon all Occafions, but it was never fupported by the Publick upon that footing, nor ever avowedly confefled to be fo, by any Oppofition, before this which now diffracts this Country ; and which I therefore juftly and truly call by no other than its proper Name, and fhall far- ther prove, by its fubfequent Proceedings, to be a Faftion, if ever a Fa ft ion did or can exiff. in Britain. — And as the Tree is beft known by its Fruits, we fhall be particular in tracing its Conduct ever fince. As it was too foon to ftile themfelves a new Oppofition, be- caufe the Parliament had not yet met, and they knew not what Meafures would be purfued ; they therefore formed themfelves, for the prefent, under the Title of the Broad-Bottom ; a Cant Word, which correfponding equally with the Perfonal Figure of fome of their Leaders, and the Nature of their Pretenfions, was underftood to imply, a Party united to force the Tories into the Adm iniftration. Thus intitled, they laid their general Plan of Action, redu- cible to the following Heads, which were the known Efta- blifhment of their PredecefTors in the fame Faction. \ft, To villify and abufe, without Meafure, Mercy, orRe- ferve, all, who in any one fingle Vote fhould differ from them. idly, To advance or infinuate any Falfliood, or mifreprefent any Meafure, however grofsly, to the better fort of Men, if they could propofe to delude or inflame the People by it. %dly, To fpirit up the People againft the Re-election of any Member into Parliament, who fhouid accept of any Employ- ment. (5i ) 4-tbly, To wean the People from their Affection to the Houfe of Aujiria, to diminifh their Apprehenfion, or to encreafe their Fears of the French Power, either, juft as Events mould make it moft convenient to do. To undermine the great and falu- tary Principle of fupporting a Balance of Power upon the Con- tinent, by Pretences of the Inability of the Nation, of the Folly of engaging in Wars, in which we propofed to make no Acquifition for ourfelves, and of the Security of this Nation in its maritime Force alone, let what would happen upon the Continent. $thly, To bait the People by the Profpedt of an Encreafe of Popular Power, by proposing Alterations in the Conftltution, the EffeSls of which, and confequently the neceffary Meafure of which, the common fort are by no means able to underftand. 6thly,To poifon the Affections of the People to the Prince.up- on the Throne, by endeavouring to convince them, that every publick Meafure was influenced by his Ambition, Refent- ments, Paffions, or Attachment to fome Foreign Territory.. a Mr. Addifon obferves in one of thofe excellent Papers called the Freeholder, which he wrote exprefsly againft the fame Fac- tion, then in its Zenith, foon after the End of the late Queen's Reign ; that even at that Time perfonal Abufe had been re- marked to be the prevailing Characteriftick of that Party,— and ne gives the Reafon for it, which {till holds good at this Day, That having nothing of 'Weight to offer againft their Anta- gonijls, if they /peak at all, it mujl be againjl their Performs ; when, they cannot refute an Adverfary, the Jhortejl JVay is to libel him, and to endeavour to make his Perfon odious, when they cannot reprefent his Notions as abfurd. — It was the Fort of their Party, and prac- tifed at all Times ; it was by the infamous Obfervation of that Maxim, Calumniari fortiter ut aliquod adhareat, and by their fcandalous Perfonalities againft the great Duke of Marlborough >, the prefent Dutchefs, the Treafurer Godolphin, and all the Whigs who fupported their glorious Meafures, that they routed them at laft.— They met with too much Encouragement then not to tread in the fame Steps, — the Examiner had then the Impudence to accufe that Miniftry of carrying on that War upon differ ent Principles from thofe upon which it was begun, which could not have been, unlefs that War had been begun upon the Prin- ciple of preferving inftead of diftreffing France. — And the pre- fent Faction, with equal Affurance, fcandaloufly incenfiftent, as they are themfelves, accufe the new Part of the Adminiftra- tion of Inconfi/lency, at the Time they are carrying on Meafures. for reducing France with the utmoft Vigour y when it is noto- a Freeholder, N° 19. G 2 rious, ( 52 ) rious, to have been the grand Principle and View upon which they engaged in Opposition. Yet glaringly abfurd and fhamer ]efs, as this Charge evidently appears to be, upon the leaft Re r flection, they have actually and incredibly, by their EmifTaries. properly planted, and properly inftrucled, brought Numbers of the Vulgar to join in the chorus of this Song. — No Man could Venture to vote on a different Side in the moft indifferent Pro- pofition, but he was treated with immeafurable Abufe : — By this Excefs of Calumny and Malice, they had more than one Advantage in View. — It ferved to terrify weak Minds to return and be more fteacjy. — And though fome Men of true Spirit jmight be the more determined to defert them, they found the Lofs of thefe outbalanced \>y the Number of tkofb, wh« were awed and intimidated by it. In this manner t^e whole World muft be fenfible how far they have proceeded, fparing neither Age nor Sex, Rank nor Character, — which Abufe has been fwallowed with as much jPifgrace to thofe who have received it, as to thofe who have delivered it. But Envy and Malice are two great Ingredients in the Tempers of Men, and the Commonalty look upon the Indulgence of this crooked pifpoiitipn to be a Mark of an in- dependant Spirit ; according tQ that old Obfervation of the great Hiftorian Tacitus, Obtre&atio livor pronis auribus^acci- fiuntur, quipps adulationi foedum crimen fervitutis, Malignitati falfa fpecies libertufis ine/l. The fecond Part of their Plan was purfued with equal Induftry, the fame "Author, in another of his Papers, obferves, how ffceadi- ly this Set of Men have conftantly diftinguifhed themfelves by their little Regard to Truth, their little Solicitude for what the thinking Part of Mankind would confider of their Condudt, or Jiow long the Lye of the Day would laft. — He enumerates a Multitude of their delufive Inventions, in the Reign of King; ffilliqm, and in his own Time, adding a juft and melancholy i cannot to common Race of Men, they made no Scruple to charge thofe, who fup- port the prefent Meafures, with a Change of Principles — Con- founding thus the Oppojitton with the thing intended by it, and making Oppofiticn itfelfz. Principle, which no honeft Man will ever make it. The People are told, that it was the Principle of the new Adm'tmjlration to oppofc the Government, that they do not oppofe the Government now, therefore the neiv Adminijlration have defcrted their firmer Principle. This pafTes for found Lo- gick, upon the Simple Herd they lead. It is vain tofhewthe a Freeholder, N y 7- bare- faced ( 53 ) fjare- faced Falacy, that it was their Principle to oppofe the Mea- sures , only when they thought them bad, and that it was the Mea- fures and not the Government they oppofed; that the Meafures art now changed, and they think them no longer bad, that therefore they are no Defer ters of their Principle, if they now dejifl from Oppofition. — Confiding farther in the Ignorance of their Crea- tures, they make no fcruple to throw into their general Charge againft thofe who fupport the prefent Meafures, many of thofe paft Qccurrences and Errors, which happened before their Time, which they formerly condemned, and which are now, (if not equally exploded) at leaft equally counter-acted both by the new and old Part of the Adminiftration, and the Confequences of which they are now every Hour labouring to remedy and avert. — Thus wilfully mifreprefenting every Mea- sure, jumbling and confounding Fa£h and Dates, Names and Things, fo crude and fo irrational, that none but theloweftof Ithe Vulgar could be able to digeft them. They proceeded with the fame Diligence in the Execution of the third Article of this Plan, — for no fooner was any Gentle- man, who had been engaged in the late Oppofition, admitted into Employment, than Heaven and Earth v/ere moved to pre- vent his Re-ele&ion. When they had once given over the Thoughts of being employed themfelves, the Note was imme- diately changed ; and it is a Matter never to be fufficiently ad- mired, how ftupidly the People, in many places, fell into their Views, without confidering the Abfurdity of what they were put upon to do. When the Houfe adjourned, the Doctrine then was, as I have before obferved, that a Change oftheMi- nifler, and the Intrcduclion of honefl Men into Employments, were the utmofl Objecls of the People's Wijh, and muft in the end enfure whatever elfe was wanting. But it feems, fince the Tories were not to be admitted, no other Men were to be deemed honefl. Nay, after a little time, when it was found, that thofe of more obnoxious Principles were abandoned to Defpair, even a Tory, under thefe Circumftances, found it difficult to be per- mitted quietly to be rechofen— fo filly were the little Tools of this Faction, as to delight in, and admire at the Wifdom and Integrity of a Maxim, how eftablifhed, that none of the Party fhould have a Place, till the Views of their Great ones were com- plied with firft. — They ftill went on calumniating the new Ad- miniftration for not making Changes faft enough, when they themfelves had fhut the door againft it, and when no Man,who was not willing to facrifice his Fortune, by the vaft Expence of a certain Oppofition, or expofe his Perfon to the dangerous In- fultsof the Mobs they raifed upon every fuch occafion, could accept. ( 54; accept.— Thus the People were brought to infift upon a Point, which, like Ideots, they were led at the fame time palpably to prevent themfelves. — I have notmifreprefented this Matter; it is well known, that this was the Method of their Proceeding to all Perfons without Diftindlion, and tliey begun it, before any Man could have given poflibly any Reafon to be diftrufted by his Country, becaufe it was begun before the Parliament met again, after the famous Adjournment. An honourable Gentleman, (who by the greateft Number of Voices, that ever any Man had upon fuch an occafion, was elected Chairman of the Committee of E left ions but a few Weeks before, who in that nice Con- juncture, for his unexceptionable Character, with regard to all "Parties, was pitched upon for that Office by the whole Oppo- fition,who neither had. nor could have had, at that time, given a fingleVote to diminifh that Reputation,) being advanced to be a Commiffioner of the Admiralty by his Majefty, (for no o- ther reafon, but that he was thought agreeable to the People,) vas immediately marked out, as an Object of Deteftation to his Country, and not fuffered to be chofen into Parlia- ment again. — Another Right Honourable Member advanced to the fame Office, was perfecuted, if poffible, with more fcan- dalous Circumftances, the Mob of the whole County, for which he ferved, were hired to infult him. — Subfcriptions raifed out of the Pockets of the whole FaSlion, nay prefled publickly in the very Houfe of Commons to make a Purfe to carry on an Oppofition to him : Though at the fame time, this Noble Perfon was a Servant to the firjl Subjecl of this King- dom, preferred at his Requefl: and Recommendation, and ad- vanced as a kind of Pledge of Union between the Royal Family itfelf ; and though his Majler was confefledly the Perfon by whofe Influence and Concurrence in the Caufe of his Country, the late Oppofition was principally brought to its Iflue,who had fuffered infinitely more in theCourfeof it, than the meaneft pri- vate Gentleman in the Kingdom, and who had done that for the Publick,which no Man in his Station ever did before him, which could not have been expedted of him, and after thisTreatment, muft never be expected of any other in the fame Situation. — Thus they gave fair Warning to the Father, by their Conduct to the Son, what he had to expect from this Set of Men,who, harden- ed by Difappointments of their own creating, infenfibly Joil all regard, either to Prudence, Decency, or Gratitude. I fhall not in this Place proceed to obferve minutely, upon the manner of executing all the other Particulars of their Plan, becaufe it required a confiderable time before they could ripen the People, into a fufficient degree of Madnefs, to endure thofe grofs ( 55 ) grofs Attempts upon their Underftandings and their Principles, which they have fince made with too much Succefs. The Arts to be exerted to thefe Ends, were a little flow in Operation, and to be praclifed at firft tenderly. — However, they ventured to found the Ground they flood upon, and to make fome Trial, what Abfurdities the Temper of the Times would bear. In Order to do this, almoft as foon as the Parliament was met, they began to oppofe every finglePropofition that was made by the new Adminiftration ; and though now thofe very Meafuf es were purfued, with the utmoft Vigour, upon which they themfelves, and the whole Voice of the People, had fo long and vehemently infifted ; and for not purfuing which an En- quiry was actually fet on foot, into the Conduct of the late Minifter, who upon this account was, according to their own Doctrine, to make attonement by no lefs a Sacrifice than that of his Life, his Ejiate, his Honours, and the utter Ruin of his Pojierity ; yet with a bare-faced Affurance, which raifed the Deteftation andAftonifnment of all reafonableMen, and which was a very Mockery upon Common Senfe, they oppofed the fending 16,000 of our Troops into Flanders, the taking 4,000 of the Irijh Troops upon theBriti/b Eftablifhment, to be fent after the former, and even in fome degree obftrudted the Vote for 500,000 /. to aflift the Queen of Hungary. — It was vifible enough, and it had been their own Form of Reafoning but a fewWeeks before, that Meafures of this kind, nay more vigorous, if pof- fible, were neceffary to be taken in that defperate Situation in which we then flood, to convince the Dutch, the King of Sar- dinia, and all foreign Powers, that we were now in earneft. — The Experience they had long had of our Councils would not fuffer them to truft us lightly : — The Form of the Dutch Government in particular, made them flow to refolve, and their Situation made it defperate to engage, till they were fure of a fol id Support : — The King of Sardinia had heartily and generoufly ftept into the Breach, but his Circumftances Were, if poflible, ftill more critical : — The Kings of Prujfia and Poland neither could have flopped, if they would, nor probably would if they could, and muft have been hurried on where France ftiould have directed, or their own Ambi- tion have invited ; if by the gathering of this Cloud, a Storm had not been threatned from the Quarter of Great Britain, which might have created both Doubts and Terror as to the Event of their Quarrel j this was therefore the only Way to 'Induce them to be more moderate and circumfpecT: in their Proceedings. It was certain, that nothing lefs than this could fuftain the drooping Spirits of the Queen pf Hungary , and of her ($6) her diftrefled and faithful Subjects, in the defperate Conditiori to which they were reduced ; it was therefore paft all doubt, that if thefe Meafures were not purfued, fhe mulr immediately accommodate with France upon any Terms j and that France, having broken the only Power, which could give her any Di- ver/ion in an Attempt upon Great- Britain, would have been immediately at Liberty to have joined her whole Power with that of Spain, and to have given Law to us : — This approach- ing Situation of our Affairs was but too vifiblej nor was it at all extravagant, or very remote to forefee,'that it would be- come much worfe j that fome of the Northern Powers might be induced to enter into her Views, and that even the Dutch might, at length, be obliged to act as Inftruments to the long premeditated Defign of that dangerous People, to deftroy the Religion, Laws, Liberties and Commerce of this Nation. — This was plainly not to be averted by any other Means than thefe, and yet were thefe oppofed, though at firft in fo aukward a Manner, that it was vifiblethey were afraid the People would be (hocked at this fudden Turn, and detect their fliameful In- confiftency, — . which juft Effect indeed it had with fome 3 yet with fo many it fucceeded beyond their Expectations, that it encouraged ihem to a Conduct of the fame kind, fo extrava- gant, in the next Seflions of Parliament, as will hardly obtain Belief in future Ages. — But the Order of Time, which is rie- ceflary to obferve in this Narration, prevents my giving a far- ther Deduction of it in this Place. I fhall take the Liberty however to follow them in fome o- ther Branches of their Conduct, as far as they went for the Remainder of that Seflions, during which they adted conftantly with due Regard to one or other of the Rules of that Plan be- fore mention. The Lords having thrown out* a Bill which the Commons had pafled, and which was by them thought neceflary to be carri- ed at that Time, they made a daring Attempt againft that Body, —they appointed a Committee to infpect their Journals, and grounded upon their Report a Vote of Cenfure upon that Branch of the Legiflature, — they fortunately mifcarried in that At- tempt, in which, if they had fucceeded, the utmoft Confufion muft have enfued, and Confufion muft have been their only View, for what elfe could be intended, when under the No- tion of obliging the Lords to follow their Opinion, without which they pretended the Nation could not be fafe in future, they openly made an Attempt for an immediate Diflblution of * The Bill for indemnifying the Evidence againft the Earl of Or- (57) the Constitution. — Is the Constitution now To little Understood* or has Popular Fury fodeStroyed all Traces of it, that it Should be neceflary to explain its Principles at this Day? — Is it not founded upon this, which is the Corner-Stone of the whole Build- ding, that the King, the Lords, and the Commons, jhould have an abfohcte Negative upon the Proceedings of each other? — With what Face then can they, who pretend to Struggle in favour of the Constitution, by endeavouring to make the Houfe of Com- mons more independent than it is, at the fame Time attack the Houfe of Lords, to deprive them totally of the fame Indepen- dancy, to which no man can deny that they have an equal Right ; Supposing that they were ever fo juStly founded, and entitled to procure further Securities for the Houfe of Com- mons, it is an incontrovertible Fact, that by this avowed Attempt, and indeed by all the Doctrines of late inftilled into the Minds of the People, they aim at the Deftrudtion of the Conftitution in another Part, which is equally Eflential, — the bed Pretentions they therefore have, are only thefej that they build with on: Hand, and pull down with another; and that while they ftop one Breach againft the Influence of the Crown.) they open a wider, to the Democratical Spirit of the People, — the Constitution may, nay, it has, fuffered equally from both .' — but what renders it doubly ridiculous, is, that the Crown will equally be able to enter in at the one Breach as at the other, — i and every thinking Man may eafily foretel, that by what Steps fcever this Constitution comes to be destroyed, an abfo- lute Power in a fingle Perfon, muSt be the final Confequence, — this Conduc-t therefore plainly opens to us, how falfe their Pretences to the Constitution were, equally falfe with every other they have made. — For however, at times, both the King, the Lords, and the Commons, in their Turn, may have ob- structed what was for the publiek Good by this negative Power. — Yet this is no mere than what muft, and ever will be, the Confequence of a Divifion of Power in this Constitution. — And if, whenever Power is in any degree abufed, it is im- mediately to be deftroyed. — No Government can Stand, for no Power can be given, but that it is liable to be fometimes exerted ill; yet furely no Man will venture to deny, that it is better to fubmit to fome unavoidable Events of Society, than to revert into a State of Nature; but this the People were too much heated to confider.— It was inculcated, that all Power ought to lie in the People, which,- if it be righty understood, im- plies, the People, including all its Magistrates and Members, of which both the King and the Lords are undoubtedly a part. — But if it be taken in the confined Senfe of Fac- H tion, ( 5« ) fion, imports a Republican Propofition, wholly contradictory to the Genius and the Principles of this Government j nay, if the People confidered this as they ought to do, fo far from being incenfed either with the Lords or with the Crown, for op- pofing the Popular Points, which they have fometimes obftruct- ed, they would not think themfelves intitled fo much as to repine at it, — they would confider, that as they have a Title by the Laws of this Country, to fuch Powers in the State as they now enjoy, they are under no fort of Obligation to part with them to the third Eftate, — that this impetuofity to force them to it, is not only the ftrongeft Provocation, but alfo no infufficient Reafon to keep the Ground they have, that natu- rally fpeaking, by their permanent Intereft in the Legiflature, their impoffibility of ever becoming Matters of the State, and their evident Intereft to keep both the Crown and the Peo- ple from too great an Afcendancy; the Lords are the Part of the Conftitution, who are mod likely to be fincere in its Pre- fervation, either from Tyranny or Faction, and therefore the moft proper to hold the Balance. — The Intereft of the Lords is undoubtedly to watch and carefully attend to both, for both may in fome Conjunctures, be fufpedted to defire to engrofs the whole Power; —and whenever they throw themfelves into either the one or the other Scale, a rational Man would fooner judge by their Conduct, how the State of the Conftitution ftands, than by any other Circumftance. — It was intended, they mould do this, and be at full Liberty to do it; though fuch muft be (and it ever was} their Fate, that which-ever Party they efpoufe, whether that of the Crown, or of the People, the Heat and Paf- fion of the other will infallibly find fome Pretences of Partiality or private Intereft to charge them with, as their Inducements to that Conduct:. — But they are made to ftand to all this, and they muft ftand this, and be fupported in it, or elfe our Conftitution cannot ftand. — This defperate Meafure however patted upon the People, like the reft of their Conduct, as a generous attempt for Liberty, and anfwered the Purpofe of Popularity, which, next to the View of Confufion, was their fecond Expectation from it. We now come to the popular Bills, with which the People have been fo much inflamed ; of thefe I fhall take the lefs Notice in this Place, becaufe I have referved my felf to fay fomething farther in the Conclufion with regard to them. — Biv, tho' I fhall not here enter much into the Merits of thefe BiT.., I muft fpeak a little of the Conduct of the FaBion, with regard to them which cannot be parted over, becaufe their Impofition upon the People was extremely grofs, and their Difhonefty in imputing the Failure of them, (fo far as they have failed) to thofe who are far (59 ) far more innocent in this Refpect than themfelves : They are chiefly comprehended in a Law for the better Regulation of Elec- tions, another to prevent Members from fitting in the Houfe of Commons, who have Pen/ions from the Crown, in the Repeal of the Septennial Acl, and a Law to exclude a certain Nutnber of Place- men from fitting in the Houfe of Commons. — Now, as to the firft of thefe, it is notorious to the whole Houfe of Commons, that it was a Bill, as much laboured by the Gentlemen of the new Adminiftration, and many of thole, who now fupport the Mea- furesof the G®vernment, as it could poflibly be; — and that they were fmcere, is evident, by what has been fince done with re- gard to the Scotch Elections in the laft Seffions; — the true Rea- fon therefore that a general Bill did not pafs at that Time, was one which equally affected all Parties, and which willeverlafting- ly prevent an effectual Bill of this kind; and this is the different Rights of Election, which are fo numerous, that they diftract and confound the different Interefts of Gentlemen, which, to fpeak fairly on all Sides, induces them, by one pbufible Pre- tence or other, for their private Regard, to oppofe, or to propofe, fo many different Claufes, that fuch Bills at length become im- practicable and impalatable to all — the Burgage Tenures too, which Gentlemen will neither part with, nor can tell how to regulate, are another invincible Obftrudtion; and the Powers and the Penalties create further Difficulties, which no Human Wifdom has yet been able to furmount. — For thisReafon there- fore, to impute the Failure of this Bill to any Set of Men, is notorioufly unjufr, unkfs it were by laying it in fome Meafure more feverely upon fome particular Gentlemen of the Faclion itfelf, who contributed more eminently than others to confound that Part of it, which related to certain Counties, where they laboured to encreafe the overgrown and almofi unconfHtutional Intereft they have already.— As to the Penfion Bill, it is a Bill allowed in private by all Parties to be impoflibie to take Effect, becaufe the givingand takingof Gratuitiesof this kindareTranf- aSionsof fo privatea Nature, thatMen muftbedownright Fools, and both Partiesunite to makeaDifcoveryagainft themfelves, or the Law could take no effect. — Even in the Cafe, that Perjury muft attend the Acceptance of a Penfion, it might induce fome profligate Men to double their Crime; — but it is not to be fup- pofed, that he who would fell his Country, would hefitate to vio- late his Oath. — However, this was the only pofiible Provifion, and upon this Footing, an honourable Gentleman now in the Adminiftration, oftenprefentedittotheHoufe; — but the great Care of the prefent Patriots would not truft it any more in his Hands, after he was taken into Employment, and a wife and hufy H 2 Man ( 6o ) Man among them took it upon himfelf, who being a true Tory, and therefore of a refined Confidence, and naturally prejudiced to Oaths, purged it of its deteftableWhig Claufe,which reduced it to a mere nothing, a Law without a Penalty, fo that the Bill became a Jeft with all Parties, and many in that light voted for it then, who had always oppofed it before. — The Bill therefore fell into contempt, and was no longer regarded by any one, but him who had garbled it in this judicious manner. — Having thus related the fecret Hiftory of this popular Bill, I have only to add, that it is for the Intereft of the Publick it fhould never pafs into a Law, and was never defired by any Man of Senfe that it fhould ; — and yet that it is for the Intereft of the Publick, that it fhould be frequently propofed in the Houfe of Commons, which double Confideration may render it very confiftent for the fame Man, to vote for it at one time, and to vote againft jt at another, — this may feem a Paradox ; but it is eaiily ex- plained j — for by frequently bringing it into debate, the De- teftation and Scandal of fo bafe a Practice, is maintained in its full Vigour, which is in reality the only Guard againft it.— Whereas, if the Bill were once pafTed, the great Nothing, which is defired, being effected, there would be no farther Difcourfc upon the Subject ; thofe Opportunities of expofing theMeannefs^ and the Danger of the Thing, thofe animating anniverfary Speeches againft it would be loft ; and with them in a great degree, the Remorfe and Shame, that now attend the Crime. — We come in the next place to confider, the Behaviour of thefe Gentlemen with regard to the Repeal of the Septennial Law, in which they have deluded the People fcandaloufly : It is true, that they moved for this Repeal, and that fome of the Gentle- men in the Adminiftration oppofed it; but they did it upon a Confideration, which ought to have, and will have the greateft Weight with every thinking Man ; they took juft Notice of the tempeftuous Temper of the People at that Time, and the yet unfettled Condition of our Affairs; they then obferved, that the Repeal of this Law muft caufe a new general Election before it could be poffible that thefe Diforders fhould fubfide, and be- fore they could make any folid Judgment of the effects of the late Change; that as every new Election hazarded, at leaft, the Syftem of the Time ; foreign Nations would not exert them- felves in this Conjuncture ; from a Dependance on the Principles of Men, who might probably be changed, and confequently new Politicks prevail, almoftasfoon as they had been embarked with us ; That as the like Confiderations had juftified the Meafures of the Septennial Law at the Time it was made, fo the Conjuncture of this Time might prevail, at leaft fo far, as ft ( to ) to continue till it might be debated fairly, and with left Heat and Partiality, than it could poflibly be at this Period, whether the prefent Eftablifhment of Parliaments mould ftand ; and, if that mould appear improper, whether we mould fix upon an Annual or a Triennial Election ; — that a Triennial was ob- jected to with ftrong Reafon, and that many thought an annual would be lefs dangerous ; but that it was difficult to fettle either in the prefent diverfity of Opinions upon it : — At the fame time, fome of the principal Leaders of the Faction voted againft it themfelves, and that without giving any Reafon at ally fo that the People were deferted in it, by thofe very Men, upon whom they depended to carry it through, and who with a bafe Con- cealment of this Fact, make no fcruple to lay the Mifcarriage of this Bill, in which they had, at leaft, an equal Share, folely to the new Adminiftration. — We now come to the Place-Bill, in which their Conduct was deteftable, for jealous of the Ho- nour and the Popularity, which the new Adminiftration natu- rally ought to have acquired by it, they not only falfely mifre- prefented it in the mofr. outragious manner, but even openly oppofed it : The new Adminiftration had acted in this with the utmoft Prudence and Sincerity, and had done much more than could have been expedted of them. — The Crown and the Lords are known to be jealous of the Growth of the po- pular Interejl, and it is by mutual Jealoufies of this kind, that our Conftitution can alone fubfift ; the Violence and Extrava- gance of the Leaders of the Faction did not diminifh this Jea- lou fy ; the Courfe of the late Elections, and the Temper of the People, not only mewed it lefs neceflary than it had been conceived before by many well-meaning Men* but their De- mands were fo unlimited, and fo little Contentment (hewn with former Compliances, that there was in truth very little Profpect of regaining the good old Temper of the Nation by any thing that could be done j — this rendered it the more dif- ficult to obtain any thing ; for it was well known, that no Bill brought in by thefe Incendiaries, would be moderate e- nough to gain the Aflent of the three Eftates ; it was therefore the only Method that could be taken to enter into a tacitTreaty with the Lords, to agree upon fome Bill of this nature, which they mould previouily engage not to reject. — It was furely bet- ter to procure fomething, than by pufhing for more to get no- thing. The Lords agreed to this : — They confented not to oppofe a Law, that mould exclude above thirteen confiderable Employments then actually enjoyed by Members of Parlia- ment, and above two hundred fmaller Offices j which, by con- faring three or four upon pnePerfon, might have made a vaft Number ( 6* ) Number of additional Preferments, a Thing ftill in the Power of the Crown, notwithflanding any former Laws, to have done. — But at the fame time, they abfolutely declared they would go no further at that time, till they had feen how far this would operate upon the Conftitution : — This Difficulty removed, it was neceflary to gain the Confent of the Houfe of Commons too j but the Oppofition, by their Breach with the new Adminiftration, had been fo weakened, and the Friends of the old had now rallied to fuch a degree, that there was no carrying any Point by Force againft them. Thirteen or four- teen of that Party, who were more than fufficient to have turned the Scale againft the Bill, were, as we have before ob- ferved, of the Number to be excluded by it ; it could not be expected that they would abandon their Employments inftant- ly, to pleafure their Antagonifts j the only way poffible to gain their Confent, was to poftpone the Execution of this Law to the End of the prefent Parliament : The deferring its Exe- cution for fix Years was not material to the Conftitution, and it was thought by all moderate Men, a great Sacrifice in his Majefty, a Condefcenfion in the Lords, and an honeft Acqui- efcence in the Perfons pofTefled of thefe Employments ; in the one to refign fo much of his Prerogative, in the other to ftrengthen the oppofite Side of the Balance, and in the third to part with their Employments, which they had a Profpect to preferve much longer than that Term. The Impoffibility therefore of gaining more, if more had been palpably necefla- ry, muft have juftified the new Adminiftration for getting this : But what made it more infamous to reproach them up- on this Head was, that it was actually more than was ever gained by the People, at any one Time, or by any one Bill before : — The other Acts for liniiting the Number of Place- men in the Houfe of Commons were all of them obtained one after the other, and at different Periods ; though more there- fore had been ftill wanting, they ought to have contented themfelves for a Time with this, as their Predeceflbrs had done in the like Conjunctures : —But the popular Spirit difgraced it- felf upon this Occafion, and fuffering itfelf to be led away by Men, who ftudied nothing but their private Ends, gave too juft handle for that Infinuation, which muft be moft fatal to all its Views, and for a Charge upon the People of England, which has been too juftly laid againft all others, that give them one Thing it only leads them to expect more, and that nothing but a total Tranflation of all Power to their Scale will put a Period to their Clamour : What therefore was done by the Faction in this Inftance, was vifibly done only with a View to deftroy the good Opinion of a Law> the moft truly popular, that ( *3 ) m that was ever obtained by this Nation j if they could effect this, they did not care what the People loft by it, either in their real Security, or in the Sufpicions, that would arife with thinking Men, of their dangerous Views againft the Conftitu- tion ; they knew (which is abfolutely the Cafe to this Day) that not one Man in 500, whom they mould enflame upon this Sub- ject, would ever read, or confider the real Extent, of this Law ; they fuggefted to the People, that the new Gentlemen in the Adminiftration had formerly contended for a total Exclu- fion of all Employments ; and thence imputed an Inconfiftency to them, becaufe they had now excluded what they fa IJ, ely called a few, whereas this never had been the View, nor ever was intended by thofe Gentlemen at any time : They never contended for a Place-Bill much more extenfive than the pre- fent is, and yet it may be juftly fuppofed, that they did, and might honeftly infift upon more than they thought fufficient, as the only way to obtain a Compromife at laft, for that which was. This Plan of creating Confufion was purfued in many other Refpedfe, and by many other Mifreprefentations equally grofe and wicked ; which are too tedious to be mentioned here : — The laft I (hall mention in this Place, is that with regard to the Enquiry into the Adminiftration of the Earl of Qrford. We have fhewn already how juft Offence his Conduct had given to the Whigs, and how by a fatal Series of pacifick Mea- sures he had brought almoft the fame Cataftrophe upon his Country, which fome day or other will too probably be effec- ted by another Set of Men : — The IVhigs avowed their Oppo- fition to be levelled at this Man, not out of any perfonal Aver- fion to him, but becaufe he was irreclaimable in this fatal Point ; the Whigs had levelled at this Man for another Reafon, which was, during the Courfe of this neceffary Oppofition, to prevent the Difcontents from taking a Turn to the Preju- dice of the Royal Family, and had confined themfelves in their Attack to his Perfon, that by the Removal of one Man they might leave it in the power of the Government to reftore the publick Tranquillity again whenever they fhould think proper: — It was therefore upon an honeft, though political Principle, that their Oppofition was thus perfonal ; not out of thofe vindictive and fanguinary Views, which in the Courfe of the Oppofition the Tories, who had allied themfelves with them, treacheroufiy in private Difcourfe accufed them of, and which now they upbraid them with having departed from. — Yet allowing that fomc Men in their firft Engagements in the Jate Oppofition, had embarked upon perfonal Motives, and had been ( 64 ) neen heated to this Degree by their Refentments, or the Dis- appointment of their Ambition, fhall it be forbidden to Age, Experience, Reafon, Virtue and Reflection, to take their happy Effect, and moderate thofe Paffions, which are in themfelves wicked and unwarrantable j and fhall it be imputed as a Crime to any Man to have facrificed his private Views and his Refent- ments, as fome have greatly done upon this late Change, to the Peace and Tranquillity of their Country : But it is the Na- ture of thefe Men in their Alliances, to expofe the Faults of thofe, with whom they act, and in their Enmity to traduce the Virtue of thofe they act againft. However, though the Whigs in the late Oppofition did not mean to purfue their Vengeance to the Head of this Minifter, they certainly did mean to deprive him of all his Power, and to fet fome Mark upon him that might prevent his Return into it again, and if pofiible deter any future Minifter from the fame unhappy Conduct. — One Part of this they have been able to effect, and it is the moil immediately neceflary, and the moft material ; and we fhall honeftly fhew the Reafons why they did not compafs the reft, — Reafons very fufficient to fupport them againft all the infamous Suggeftions of the Faction. — I fhall fpeak with Freedom and with Candour. Whoever duly confiders the Courfe of the Mifmanagements of this Man, of which I have purpofely given a large Deduc- tion, will evidently fee, that the infamous Peace of Utrecht ', in which it is well known he had no hand, naturally laid their firft Foundation ; — the Diforders arifing afterwards from the unfettled State of Europe, brought on the Quadruple Alliance, that, in Procefs of Time, begot the Treaty of Hanover, and from the Treaty of Hanover, by the fatal Blunder of joining France againft the Houfe of Aujlria, he became involved in fuch Difficulties, as he could never recover. — But ruinous as, to fpeak fairly, all his future Meafures were, they were of fuch a Nature, as could not be imputed to any corrupt En- gagements with any foreign Power, upon which Ground a- lone thePublick think it warrantable to purfue him toDeftruc- tion. — I muft repeat it, the very Nature of his imprudent Conduct clears him from a Sufpicion of this ; he proceeded round the Globe, obliging and difobliging every Power of Eu- rope in its Turn. — This he reiterated fo often, and provoked them all fo much, that it is morally impoffible, the Refent- ments of thefe Powers, fhould not have produced a Difcovery of this Treafon, if any fuch there had been. This is palpably the Fact, this is honeftly the Truth, with regard to his Foreign Transactions, and every Domejlick Sub- ject of Complaint naturally flowed from the fame Spring. For ( *5 ) For Oppofttibn grew infenfibly fo ftrong upon this untoward Step, that it drove him to pracYife any Art, to defend not only his Power, but his Perfon,— his pacifick Obftinacy became at length in a manner neceflary both to himfclf and to his Coun- try ; — he dreaded the Confuficn which he apprehended from & Change, — the Event hath {hewn he had fome R.eafbn, tho' he blended his private Fears too much with his Apprehenfions for the Publick — an Error which every Man's Tendernefs to him- ielf expofes him to, — he forefaw what has fince happened, that even a juft; a neceflary, and a fuccefsful War, nay, a War demanded by the whole Nation, would fecure no Mini- fler, who engaged in it, from the Difcontents, which the bare Expences, and much more the various Accidents that attended it, would infallibly create.— ^That private Views, and corrupt Principles, influence (o great a Majority in every Oppofition, that though the Points were complied with, upon which they then infifted, they would ftill, in general pcrfcvere ; that they would even mifreprefent the Conduct of their own Plan, and that however fcandalous it is for a Nation to prefs its Govern- ment into Meafures, and to defert them when engaged, yet that in the heated Multitude, the Majority are compofed of Men, in whom fuch Scruples arc not found. — He foretold, what has been fo well verified, that the Enemies of their Country, however low and dead they may appear in Times of Quiet, revive in the Heat of War, like Flies and noxious Infeits in the Sun. He therefore thought that in attempting to appeafe the publick Difcontents, by complying with their Demands for War, he ftiould only ftirnifh Fuel for their far- ther Nourifhment. — He knew, that by the fatal Confequences bf Party, National Dijj'atisfa&tion is, in this Country, very nearly allied to Difaffeftion y — zs. much as be at firft defpifed the Tories, he dreaded them as muchat laft,— - he juftly feared that the Succefs of the Party that oppofed, though led by Whig Leaders, and founded upon Whig Principls, would in- fallibly end in the Formation of a Tory Fatfion ; and he dread- ed, from that Faftion, what every wife and honeft Man dreads from it irt this Conjuncture, and what we mould have already fatally experienced, if fome, from whom perhaps he leaft ex- pected this Moderation, had not gallantly oppofed themfelves to the Torrent, thinking it the more incumbent upon them to re- ftrain its Fury, and confine it within juft Bounds, as they, (though honeftly and neceflarily competed to it,) had been the Men who raifed it, preferring the folid Satisfaction of having twice faved their Country, to all the Noife of giddy Popularity, ttfigning it when they could no longer keep it by virtuous I Means, (66 ) Means, defpifing the Rage and Malice of a Faclion^ fincerely pitying, but determined not to follow an honeft, but deluded People, who after pafling many Dangers, and perhaps fmarting for their Folly, will live to do Juftice to the great Characters, they now licentioufly and injurioufly defame. Thefe were the Principles upon which the Earl of Orford went, and this was the whole Myftery of his unfortunate Ad- ministration. —It is eafy to point out both his Follies and his Faults. — His Folly was to lay down for this Country, a Syftem prudent for a petty State, but very improper for a Country, which bears fo great a Sway, and ought to take the Lead in Europe. — It is for a little State to purfue little Meafures, to temporize, to truft.to Expedients and Events, to wait for Ac- cidents, and the Activity of other Powers. But this is a Po- licy ill becoming us, and fatal ever in its Confequence, both to ourfelves and to our natural Allies, whofe Rank and Condition of Power compels them to confider an immediate Security, and can never admit them to exert their Force againft that State, whofe conftant Aim is Univerfal Monarchy, till we raife the Standard firft, and convince them, that under that Protection they may do it fafely. His Folly appeared in another Inftance, in not yielding fooner to what he could not hope long to pre- vent, an Evil which gathered Strength, and became more dan- gerous by Delay, and by the Means he was obliged to ufe in order to delay it. — His Fault lay in his Fondnefs to continue in his Power, which induced him, ormifkd him, to overlook the true Intereft of his Royal Mailer, and his Country, and to purfue the Maxim of Peace to a ridiculous Extravagance. By this France was rai fed, — by this our Allies were ruined, — by this the Safety of Britain was reduced into the utmoft Hazard, —and by this his Country became contemptible abroad, and hateful at home ; till, to fupport his Syftem, and to preferve his Perfon, he was at length driven to make ufe of every Means of Minifterial Influence, to ftrain every Nerve of Power, allot- ted by the Wifdom of our Anceftors for the Security of Go- vernment, and to apply that Force to his own Defence. By all this he has brought the neceflary Guards of our Constitution into Difrepute, and has eftablifhed an Opinion in many, and a Sufpicion in more, that our Constitution is impaired ; where- as, in truth, it has only been abufed, — a, Difference extremely great, and fuch, as if not artended juftly to, may hurry us in- to the Ufe of Remedies much worfe than the Difeafe. In this Light does the Conduct of this Minister appear to every mode- rate Man, and no doubt in a yet more favourable Light to thofe who were his Friends, who had concurred in his Mea- fures many Years, what owed him many Obligations.— Never was C 67 ) was a Man in private Life more beloved, and his worft Ene- mies allow, no Man did ever in private Life deferve it more : — He was humane and grateful, and a generous Friend, to all whom he did not think would abufe that Friendship.— That he was falfe, and determined to the Prejudice of thofe, whom he confidered in this Light, is no more than will be found in any Minifter or Man, — and that he fhould be de- ceived in fome Cafes, by unjuft Sufpicions, is but human too. — Many therefore have been unjuftly treated by him, though but few confidering the Manner in which he wasprefled, and the great Length of his Adminiftration. — This Character na- turally procured that Attachment to his Perfon, which has been falfely attributed folely to a corrupt Influence, and to private Intereft ; but this (hewed itfelf at a time when thefe Principles were very faint in their Operation, and when his Ruin feemed inevitable. — The Violence with which he was pufhed, the Ferment of the People, who would content them- felves with nothing but his Life, made thefe Men exert them- felves in the extraordinary manner they have done to preferve him. — Many, who condemned his Conduct, and would havte gone fo far as to have deprived him of a Pofiibility of exerting the fame again, did not think it warrantable to take that fe- vere Revenge, upon an obftinate miftaken Man, who had in- deed violated the Interefts of his Country, and trefpafied upon the Power in his Hands, but who had notexpofed himfelf to the Penalty of any one known Law. — This Summum Jus, ap- peared to them to be Summa Injuria, and the Laws mull have been more tortured to have reached him capitally, than he had ftrained his Power to maintain himfelf :— Yet had lie not been defended in the manner in which he was, (offenfive enough to thofe who confider the Manner, and not the End) fuch a Sentence, in the Rage of that Time, had been, in all Pro- bability, his Fate. — Few were in their Hearts inclined to this Extremity, though many, by the fatal Attraction of Party, might have been drawn to have figned his Warrant, who would have afterwards heartily lamented what they had done. — Had it been even neceflary to have taken this violent Step, these is in Englijhmen, as fure a Seafon for Compaffton as for Fury : — To the latter, they are eafily raifed — from the former, when the Deed is done, they never can be diverted. An Ad mini - ft ration founded in, or a Party cemented by Bloody would have been the Loathing of this Nation, and in this cafe would have been (oju/Hy. — If this be truly confidered, was it not more i - neff, was it not more ju ft, to fiop ;?.ort, without even thai: Punifhment, which perhaps very many think was due, than I 3 *% (68 ) to have carried that Punifhment fo far, as to have fixed th§ Guilt of Murther upon this Nation.— -And lefs than Murther it can hardly be, to take the Life of any Man, which no Law of this Land could have taken from him.— Thefe Con federa- tions operated with fo many, that had it been ever fo juft, it was not practicable to have gone farther with him ;-- -the other Members of the Legiflature reafoned firmly upon the Reflec- tions I have mentioned, the Majority of the Houfe of Commons thought fotx).-— The farther Purfuit might have therefore been an Amufement to the Multitude ; but it was not for that alone reafonable to perfift in it, as no good End could follow from it, the Effect could have only been Confuuon, and a Handle to blacken and reproach the Characters of Men, whom Gratitude, Principle, and juft Scruple with-heJd, and who were fixed to with-hold for ever.— All that I have here obferved is, not out of any affected Tendernefs or Complaifance to him, or to his Friends, but only to fhew how natural it was to have met the Obftru&ion in this Point that has been found, and how impof- fible it was to have proceeded farther with this Minifter, than was done by the newAdminiftration.---We have fcen, that the Very Men, who refkcl: upon them for it, had been by their in- temperate Behaviour the great Caufe why the Party of the late Mijiifter had rallied. Their Violence in this Particular, was the'finifhing Stroke;— no other Point could have united his Friends in the fame Degree.-— It was obvious, after the firft Experiment, that this muft have been the Cafe ; opiniatring this Matter further, therefore manifeftly proves, that they meant nothing, but to make this Man's Caufe an Engine of Se- dition, by which they laboured, to render a Perfon, who in Power had done great Prejudice to his Country, the total Ruin of it in bis Fall. I fhall conclude, with regard to this Particu- lar, with only one Obfervation, That of all Men living, the Tories have the leaft Reafon to vilify his Conduct.--- Firft, be- caufe it was the Diforders caufed by their wicked Conduct in the Peace of Utrecht, that firft laid the Foundation of all the Errors of thisMiniiter.—Secondly, Becaufethe JVbigs had not proceeded in this fanguinary Way, againft a Minifter of their Faclion, whofe Conduct had been directly levelled againft his Country, and who had affifted in a Plan for effecting that which at leaft appears, to every Whig, the greateft of all Crimes, the advancing a Popijh Prince upon the Throne, and iacrificing every Thing to France, to compafs this pernicious View.— And, Thirdly, Becaufe they had themfehes ftopt fhort but the Year before, upon a Motion which tended only to re- move the Miiiifler frcn* Power j — their Behaviour therefore againft ( *9> jgainft the Minifter in the prefent Time, fhews, firft, That they are without Shame j fecondly, That they are void of Gra- titude ; thirdly, That they are falfe in their pretended Zeal, and confequently, that their Behaviour upon this Head ought to be odious to every Man, who has any Senfe of Virtue, Ho- nefty, or Honour ; but their Point was to mifreprefent the new Adminiftration, and the fame Defireof Mifreprefentation, led them to fall foon after, without Mercy, on the Cha- racters of theMembers of the Secret Committee, fome of whom, not long after, obtained Employments, which they thirfted after themfelves, and the View of which was fo apparently one of the Grounds of their own Oppofuion.-— This they pretended, to be a Proof of Treachery and Corruption, in the Perfons up- on whom they were conferred ; whereas the juft Reflection to be made upon it, was moft pleafing to all well-meaning Men, lince it was a convincing Evidence, that the Prince upon the Throne bore no Refentrpent even to thofe of his Subjects, who were engaged in the deepeft manneragainft his lateMinifter, when he was once fatisfied, that they were not tainted in their Prin- ciples, either to himfelf, or to theConftituticn of their Country, Thus it was, that the Faction proceeded as foon as they loft fight of their private Advantages, and the Profpect of a Tory Adminiftration.— -Every one of their Proceedings vifibly appeared to tally with the Conduct of %he fame Faction in all former Times : — They could not be miftaken, and there wanted no- thing to fix it upon them, but direct Attempts to poifon the People, with regard to the Prince upon the Throne, and to the Royal Family. — This farther Evidence was not long deficient, for even before that Seffions was over, the Publick f warmed with fuch Seditious and Treafonable Libels, and impudent-Pro- ductions, both in Verfe and Profe, as never had been endured in any Age or Nation, which, encouraged by Impunity, have fince rifen to a Point that calls aloud for fignal Puniftiment.-— ' But to what it arrived atlaft, is not yet Time to relate ; it was not till the next Seffions, that theMalk was compleatly taken off, and the Method I have laid down obliges me, firft, id obferve the Condufl of the newAdminiflration during the Interval of Parliament, the Succejs of their Meafures , and the Difference that appeared in the Situation of our Affairs at thefecond Meeting oftheParliament. Now, as to the Conduct of thefe Gentlemen in the Admi- niftration, and thofe who have acted with them, it appears un- deniably, from what we have already fhewn with regard to the Fatlion y that they could act no other Part than to fupport the Meafures of the Government. — Firfl, Becaufe thefe Meafures Were their own, they were directed by themfelves, and it is a ( 7o ) a palbable Abfurdity for an Adminiftration to oppofe hfelf. Secondly, Recaufe nothing but Ruin could have enfued, either at Home or Abroad, if they had not defifted when they did. For if they had not defifted when the Minifter was removed, and when the Direction of the Meafures was left to them, — one Month's Continuance of the former Adminiftration, muft have deftroyed the Houfe of Aujlria without Redemption, — and they had been much more criminal even than the late Minifter himfelf, if they had neglected this Opportunity to fave it, and refufed when it was in their power to do it ; — again, if they had declined the Acceptance of this Power when it was thus offered to them, what equal, or what other Benefit could have accrued to their Country by it ? It is obvious that nothing but Confufion at home could nave been effected by it. — Their Party had been broken wilfully by the intemperate Conduct: of the faction 5 audit isabfurd to ima- gine that Parties thus broken can be evv reunited : — By the Ef- fects of their Madnefs, the Minifterial Party, which had never been vanquifhed, and had only retreated, were now rallied, and as they were before equal, were now as vifibly fuperior in the Houfe of Commons, as they had been all the Time before in the Houfe of Lords, and in another Place; — the reafonable and the moderate Men had already, or certainly would have left them ; and if a civil War had happened, every Man of Family and For- tune had been driven from them by it. Now that a civil War had been the Confequence, is the Opinion of every Man of Expe- rience in this Country : The Symptoms of it never appeared (b ilrong in any Period ofourHiftoryj many knew this who concealed it, and ridiculed the Apprehenfisn, refolving to run all Rifques for their private Advantage, and many more be* caufe it was the only probable Way of fucceeding in the great View peculiar to .their Faction.—- Convulfions of this kind are, never fbrefeen by the Generality of Men ; for if they were, they could not poflibly happen, becaufe Faction would be de- ferted before it could proceed fo far : The People of England -were drawn on to the great Rebellion by the very fame Pre- tences, with which they were now encouraged to perfift; they were told that the oppofite Side would yield if they continued firm: — None or very few of the Parliament of 1641 thought that the King either would or couldhave refifted: Sir Benjamin Rudyard-, a very leading Man in the Oppofition of that Time, upon his Death- Bed grievoufly lamented that he had been deceived by .Pymm and Hamden into this Opinion; Whitlocke, another of that Stamp, ftrongly obferves this Management in the Fac- tion of that Age ; hot!) Lord Clarendon and IVbitlocke^ and indeed all ( 7* ) all the other confiderable Hiftoriansof that Time, agree upon it* and remark the Aftonifhment of the whole Nation, when the King took the Field, and the Battle of Edge-hill was fought ; that they began forely to repent, but it was then too late, and they were obliged to go on v — Now if a King of England at that Time, who had drained Prerogative fo high, who had manifeftly declared his Pretenfions to abfolute Power, who had galled both the Poor and Rich, and had ruled with a Rod of Iron, could have flood his ground (o well, and during that Conteft frequently brought his Antagonift to the Brink of Ruin, and his People to the Verge of an irredeemable Bondage, what Man can think fo bafely of his Countrymen in this Age, as to imagine, that a Prince would now find no Friends, who has ftri&ly made the Laws of this Land the fole Rule of his Government from the Beginning of his Reign ; under whom no one Inftance of ille- gal Conduct can be alledged, and againft whom nothing was pretended to be urged, but the having upheld too long a Mini- fter, who was odious, (whether juftly or unjuftly, no matter which,) to his Country; when even this had been done in a legal Way, nay when that Minifter had been actually removed at the preffinglnftancesof the People, and before the Majority of either Houfe of Parliament had pronounced him guilty of any Crime : — This Opinion therefore is very weak, and weaker ftill when we compare that Time with this. There was then no Pretender to the Throne, from whom a Change of Reli- fion, and a Confifcation of Eftates might be expected, which ears would operate upon many now, and cannot fail to tye a mighty Number fteady to this Family; that Prince had no Re- venues, and he had no Army; the prefent Prince has both: And though he neither could nor would employ either to enflave his People, he undoubtedly would and could exert them in his own juft Defence, and in that of the Conftitution of his Kingdoms; and he would be warranted before God and Man to do it : —But would any Man of Senfe, any Man who fmcerely loved his Country, defire to drive things to this Extremity ? — It is vain to flatter and cheat the People with an afFe&ed Tender- nefs for Liberty, when they prefs fo furioufly to put it upon fuch. an Iflue : — It needs no Solomon to pafs a Judgment to. which q£ the two Parents this Child belongs. In truth there was no Poflibility for an honeft Man in hi? right Senfes to act any longer with this Party, when it was no- torious by their Conduct, and by their Declarations in their Meetings to fupport what they called the Broad- Bottom, that their Conteft was not only fo in Fa&, but avowed to be for pri- vate Profitand Employments. WheninthatConjun&ure, all the Cr* ( 72 ) Cry againft thofe, who were firft taken in, was grounded fingljr upon the Noa-ac'miflion of all the Tories, and others of knowrt worfe Principles , had it been either wife or honeft to have ftopt that Settlement of our Affairs fo infinitely necefiary to prevent Ruin Abroad and Confufion at Home, for the fake of any private Men whatever* and much more for the fake of Men of* fuch a Character? It had been already done in fome Degree ; it was earneftly wifhed to have done it farther ; It might have been prudent in fuch a Time, to have gratified even the private and corrupt Views of fome for the Publick Tranquillity } and it would have been done, if the publick Safety could have fuf- fered it ; in proportion as" the Moderation of Particulars could have allowed : But the Violence of the Faction put it beyond Difcretion, and out of the Power of Government to do it; Their Conduct fully confirmed all former Sufpicions ; the De- mand was too general to be complied with ; the Execution ex- pected too fuddenly ; the Nature of it too difguftful to difpofe the Heart of any generous Man to yield. There is a Degree of private lntereft, which may, which muft be allowed to hu- man Nature. It is not Honefty but Folly to decline any Ad- vantages, which are not procured by any Sacrifice of Principle, or any other unworthy Means ; but when it appears barefaced and impudent, when it is regardlefs of all ill Confequences, when it attempts to ravifh and over-power all juft Authority, it then becomes deteftable, dangerous and muft be crufhed at all Events j was it not enough that the Minifter had been borne down by the People ? that every Day produced new Changes in Favour of the new Adminiftration ? Muft the Government, the Privy- Council, all Employments in the State be canton'd out ad arbitrium populi, nay by z private Cabal, or at the Tavern- Meetings of a direct Faction f What would the rational World think of this Conftitution, if the Laws of this Country put this power into the Hands of the People ; but how much more mon- ftrous, if itfhould, or could be fuffered to be done at their Capricey without any Law at all, and by their own arbitrary Will ? When a Combination vifibly appeared, to exclude all Men from a Re-election into Parliament, who accepted of Employ- ments; when the moft expenftveOppofitions were created by all the worft.and moft corrupt Means to turn fuch Elections againft the Perfons who accepted ; how was it poffiblc for the new Adminiftrrtlon any longer to purfue their View of bringing irf their Friends, much lcfs of making that Rout among the Place- men of the old Party, which was fo vainly and abfurdly infifted upon?'--When it was now on a fudden become the wild Doe- trine df the People, to let no Placemen at all into Parliament ; and ( 73 ) and when the Doctrine of the Faction was, that none fhould be flittered to come in but by their Confent and Approbation ; was not the Abfurdity of the firji a thing, that rendered it im- potfible ; the Conduct of the other ; of fuch a Tendency, as no Government can or ought to bear ; prepofterous beyond the Power of Words toexprefs it, inconfiftent with the Conftitu- tion, fubverfiye of all Order in the State, and productive of fuch Confequences, as muft have encouraged Fadtion to a De-» gree, that would not allow one Hour's Peace in future Time to this Country* With Regard to the Popular Laws, the Leaders of the Op- pofition fincerely wifhed many Things amended in our Confti- tution j they had begun by a Place Bill, by the J Iteration in the Mutiny Bill, with Regard to the Billetting of Soldiers in the City and Liberty of IVeJlminJler, havehnce proceeded by a Law for regulating the Scotch Eleftions, and by the Abolition of the Pot Aft, which being under the Regulations of the Excife, and fettled at the arbitrary Estimation of that Co?nmiJfton, was a heavy Oppreffion, and great Inftrument of Influence through the whole Capital j and they JIM do honefily mean, as fair, as they can, to rectify all other Matters of jujl Uneafinefs. — But was it poflible, as Things were circumftanced, or would it be prudent, in any Time, to make every Alteration of this kind at once?— If thefe Things be duly confidered, they are great Points already gained. — Thefe Things however are faid to be nothing, but the little Content they have given is no Proof that they are nothing. — I wifli it may not rather lead to prove, thatnothing but a total Change to Popular Government will do. — In fuch an heated Condition, was it fitting that Popular Bills, be they ne- cefTary, or be they not, fhould be ravifhed by Force , when all thofe different Plans of Reformation, which, during the Courfe of the former Opposition, had been prepofed by Men of diffe- rent Principles, never approved by all, and a/Tented too tem- porarily by the different Parties only for the fake of Union,—* positively known not to be all neceffary, but moved as Sue- cedanea to each other j when one was loft, to fupply its Place by another, not in the View to procure all, but in Hopes at laft to get Jomething. — When all thefe different Propofitions were now ignorantly and grofsly confounded by theVulgar,and blend- ed into (what was never dreamed of, or intended in the greateffc Fire of Oppofition) one regular Scheme of a new Constitution, and when this was infolently made the Alternative of Peace or War between the Govemours and the Governed, — when, among thofe who thought themfelves molt moderate, no two Men a- grecd upon what was r.eceilary. — Some thinking that all Se- K. curity ( 74) curity lay in a good Place-Bill, about the Degree and Extent of which they likewife differed.— Some in a Penfton-Bill, which others more juftly thought would fignify nothing. — Some in a Law for Triennial Parliaments, which all who did not delight in Riot,orintheProfpeclof Corruption, thought both dangerous and dubious. —Some for Annual Parliaments ,which others thought too frequent. — Some for what was called Jujtice on the Earl of Or- ford. — Others not for fanguinaryVicws. — Some for a Reduclion tfthe Civil Lift, which others thought unjuft to be taken away, having been legallygiven. — Some for the S^L of all Employments . -—Others for allowing a few.. — Some for taking the Dtfpofition cfthem out of the Croiun, which others thought Anti-Conftitu- tional. — Some for allowing themto fubfift, but to be given only to thofe ivha were not in Parliament, that is, among themf elves, — Some to allow them but to be given for Life. — Some for ma- king the /frmy independent . — Others for no regular Troops at all. In this Pa/lion, Irregularity, and Uncertainty of Pub- lick Opinion, if the Leaders of the Oppofition had flood out till the People were fatisfied, it is plain they muft have flood out for ever.— For what Conceffions foever had been made, the Bulk of that Set of Men, who, as I have obferved in the Beginning, compofeall kinds of Oppofition, would have ftill remained dif- fatisfied. — And this Set of Men, whether in the Right or the Wrong, always affume to themfelves the Title of the People. Farther, whatever fingle Points had been obtained, it was now become a Maxim, that nothing was got, if all was not got, and at leaft thofe who had not been gratified in their refpedtive fa- vourite Propofitions, would have ftill continued to abufe and villify in the fame degree. — And if all had been granted, which was impofiible, andabfurd, (becaufe, as I have obferved, all was never by any wife Men intended,) many others had been of- fended and terrified, at fo great a Change in the Conftitution, to the other Extreme. — They would have juftly complained, That the King and the Lords were rendered ufelefs, that an Anarchy muft be at length the Confequence, that the People would be raifed to the Power of doing tumultuoufly every thing they lifted, and that being arrived at this Power, they would naturally fall under the Direction of wicked and facti- ous Men, who would lead them to purfue a thoufand wilder Projects, which would have daily opened in proportion to their Succefs. In confequence of this, a new Oppofition would have rifen upon quite contrary Notions. — This Oppofition would have naturally degenerated into thofe deep Monarchical Princi- ples, which would have brought us back again to Pajfivt Obe- dience, Non-Refiftance, Hereditary Right, and all that. Train of f 75 ) of NonfenJ), which infefted the Reafon of this Country fo many Years. — Great Numbers are to be found in this Nation, who will not truft to the limited Views of the People, who know, that when they gain one thing by Force, they are taught from thence to extort every thing by the fame means ; that as furely as Princes aim at abfolute Power, the popular Interejl equally drives at a Democracy j and when they are put into a Condition to enforce their Demands, never will defift in any Country till they get it. — This is not the Meaning of any honeft Man,who would fooner keep this Conftitution, with all its Faults, than put to Sea in Storms to fearch for another. — The People and Tribunes of Rome never refted till they got the Power of the Commonwealth into their Hands : — Their Ambition then be- came fo notorious, their Views fo corrupt, their Attempts fo mad, that the Senate they oppofed, and endeavoured todeftrov, (though themfelves not wholly free from Blame,) made Friends by the Extravagance of their Antagonifls, to refift them.— In the Refiftance, private Men grew too great for both, and the Conteft ended in the Lofs of Liberty. — It did fo in England in the Time of Cromwell; the People never ceafed pufhing for the whole Power, till Reafon came on the Side of the Crown ;— the King was then enabled to refift, which, when he did, if he had conquered, the Nation had been Slaves to him, — as it hap- pened, the popular General became the Tyrant. — The unrea- sonable Oppofition of the Cortez to the Emperor Charles the Fifth, compleatly ruined the Liberties of Spain, — it was worked up into Rebellion, and it would be good to remark the Pre- tenfions of that Oppofition, the Commencement, Courfe and Iffue of that Rebellion, if we had time to do it here. Yet no Man will deny, but that the People and Tribunes of Rome were in the Right to oppofe the too great Power of the Senate to a certain Point. The People of England, to oppofe the weak and wicked Government of the Miniftry of Charles the Firft, had they known where to have flopped. The Cortez of Spain, to have exerted their Privileges, had they done it with Moderation, and without falling into Faction. The Error lay, in not being contented with the juft Concef- fions tlvat were made to every one of thefe. The Crime in attempting by Force to alter their refpeclive Conftitutions, which ought ever to be deemed facred : — Con- ftitutions once eftablifhed, can never be with Juftice altered, but by the full and free Confent of the different Members of the Legiflature. — It is intolerable for any one Member of it, to fprce the reft to concede any thing. Such an Attempt rarely K X falb (76) falls to meet the Fate, which attends Injuftice in all its Steps \ it feldom ends, but in the Ruin of the Projectors, and in the utter Defeat of what they project. As long as Men, by legal Ways alone, endeavour to procure Laws, which appear good to them, and quietly fit down under their Difappointment, if a Majority cannot be prevailed upon to come into their Opinions, and do not infolently thinle themfelves entitled to model the Conftitution of their Country to their own fantaftic Whim, fuch Endeavours deferve no Cen- fure, they may in time produce good Laws, and good Effects. — But whenMen pretend to dictate to the Lcgiflature, and im- pudently preach and juftify Rebellion, if they meet with Con- tradiction, Government muft anfwer fternly tp fuch importu- nate Demands : — While fuch a Temper continues, it is dan- gerous to grant any thing, one fuch Precedent wil| .beget a thoufand, and is iufficient to overthrow the beft eftabliibed Conftitution upon Earth : When it fhall fubfide fo far, that the People feem to be capable of Contentment, upon moderate Conceffions, that Man is difhoneft, who will not exert himfelf to procure for them all that is fair, juft, and prudent. — But till then, he muft be mad, or worfe, who will yield one fingle Point, which they never receive with Gratitude, but attribute always to themfelves, and confider, as extorted by Force, an Evidence of their own Power, an Imbecillity in Government, and an Encouragement to all Intemperance. When fuch was the Cafe of this Country,when Men of the moft infamous and factious Views, began to unmaik, and (hew themfelves without the leaft Referve,whenTreafon was become a public Topic of Difcourfe, when all Decency, Order, and Subordination, was in a manner deftroyed, and the Populace indifcriminately treated every Character of Dignity, Worth, and Honour with an outragious Iniblence and Contempt.— Had it been the Part of Patriotifm to have ftood out longer, to have further aggravated and inflamed this Extravagance, which threatened the Diilblution of Government itfelf in all its Parts? When it was manifeft, that there was a Party, whom no- thing could content but the Ruin of the prefentFamily upon the Throne, and who would have ftill continued to oppofe, let what Changes foever have been made. — When by the moli flagrant Inftances of Paffion, Fa&ion, wicked Principles, both Republican and Jacobite, private Corruption, and an utter Disregard of the Publick, were become thus manifeft : when even popular Laws, as the Place-Bill, and the Rectification of all our Foreign Meafures were oppofed ; when nothing but tearing the Government down, the Conftitution up' by ( 77 ) by the Roots, putting the Adminiftration of all our Affairs into the Hands of the moft violent and dangerous Men, when no Tirne was given to effect any thing ; but in the very firftWeek of the Change, a few Men difappointed of Places, which they had carved out for themfelves, had raifed the Inflammation to a higher Point than ever, when the EffecT: of their La- bours upon the People had difcovered what a defperate Tem- per they were in, when, in order to gain them to their Side, they had pawned, as it were, their Honour, if they acquired Power to yield every thing that the moft violent defired, when, if this Compromife with them had been afterwards broken^ the Nation muft have fallen into worfe Confufion ; and if the Compromife were hpt y the Government and Conftitu- tion muft have been fubverted,— when they had openly drawn the Sword, and avowed Revenge, againft thofe Leaders who had wrought the Change, could thofe Leaders have ftood out till thefe Men were fatisfied, could they have refigned their Station, relied agajn upon thefe People, or entertained any Hopes, that the Union broken, by the Violence of thefe Men, could have been reftored again, or could they have had any Piofpect with this difunited Body, to have prevented the Re- V turn of the former Minifter ? When by this mad, inconfiftent and wretched Conduct the honeft Leaders of the former Qppofition were in fo great a degree difarmed of Power to dp all the Good they wifhed to the Publick, or the Service they intended to their Friends; was it not wife and honeft to make the beft Ufe. that they could of this Conjuncture ? When the Midnefs of others prevented their making it better, was \t not for thelntereft of their Country to aft in fuch a way ; as to keep out the former Mi- nifter, and to employ the Influence of their new Stations equally to prevent the Continuance of the old Meafures, and to pre- vent the pernicious Deugns of a dangerous Faftion in this un- worthy Manner labouring to cpme in ? —Were they not jufti* fled to join with thofe, who (upon various Motives, fome from Error, fome from Shame, fome from :he Difficulty of quitting the Party, with which they had been fo long engaged, fome from a miftaken Principle of Gratitude, and falie Notion of Honour, nay, fuppofe fome from Corruption itfelf,) though they had done wrong before, were now ready and willing to change their Conduit, to rectify Miftakes, and to purfue thofe very Meafures, which were abfolutelynecefTary, right in them- felves,which had been the declared View of all honeft Men till that Moment, and had been loudly called for fo many Years by the whole People ? No worthy Man will deny that they were C 78 ) were not juftified in this Conduct * no Man of Senfe can deny but that they did both honeftly and greatly in what they did ■* Cunclando rejlituefunt rem* non enim ponebant rumores ante falu- tem : And by this temperate and fteady Behaviour under all thefe galling Difficulties, of Infult, Clamour and unjuft Re- proach, they maintained fo much Credit in defpight of thofe, who laboured to deftroy it, that they changed the whole Spirit and Conduct of the Adminiftration. The Confequences of their vigorous Proceeding, quickly (hewed itfelf in a wonderful degree ; the Face of Affairs turn- ed in a moft: merciful and happy Manner, beyond the moft fan- guine Hope and Expectation of Mankind : The King of Prujfta and the Queen of Hungary were brought to Terms ; the one to quit his Confederacy with France j the other to yield a Part of her Rights to induce him to it ; the firft manifeftly from an Apprehenfion of the IfTue of the Conteft, which grew precarious upon the Exertion of the Britijh Power ; the other in a Confidence of future Support from this Nation, in Return for an extraordinary Conceffion. The Aujlrian Armies ra- vaged, plundered and became entirely Mafters of Bavaria* carrying the War into the Countries, and fuftaining them- felves at the Expence of the Enemy : Animated by the Profpeft of further Afliftance from Great Britain* and depending in confequence upon that of the Dutch* (whofe Armies were ac- tually augmented by 30,000 Men, and who begun in propor- tion as they faw they could confide in our Councils, to with- draw their Deference from France) they exerted themfclves with a Bravery and Spirit, which carried every thing before it ; the Supplies we had given the Court of Vienna enabled her, be- fides leaving 20,000 regular Troops in Flanders* to take the Field with three Armies; one in Bohemia* another in Bavaria , and a third in Italy •* which laft, in Conjunction with a Body of Sardinian Forces, were fufficient to make Head againft a nu- merous Army of Spaniards in that Country ; the farther Sup- ply given the King of Sardinia enabled him not only to form that Army laft mentioned, but to com pofe another ; at the Head of which, with infinite Hazard to his Perfon, infinite Hard- fhip and Fatigue, he defended his Dutchy of Savoy during the whole Summer, and the greater Part of a long Winter's Campaign againft another great and well-appointed Army of Spaniards headed by a Prince of Spain* and in fpight of all their Efforts, in which their beft Troops and immenfe Sums were wafted, has to this Hour barr'd their Paffage into Italy ; nor was this all, for by a ftrong Fleet of Men of War in the Mediterranean and a proper Ufe of it, we ftruck fuch Ter- (79) tor, that the Court of Naples was obliged to agree to a Neutra- lity, and prevented an Army of 40,000 Men from fuccouring the Troops of Spain, which in the firft Place, faved the Loft of the Ballance in Italy j in the fecond, proved the Ruin of the Spanijb Army there : in the third, laid thofe Seeds of Dis- content between the Spanijh Court and that of Naples, (the former thinking it the ftrongeft Inftance of Ingratitude, to be deferted in this Extremity, by their own Son, who was fo lately raifed to that Dignity folely by the Expence of the Blood and Treafure of the Spanijh Monarchy) as will probably never be removed, and may be the Foundation of great Advantage to us hereafter j in the fourth Place, it has difcoverd to us, of what Weight we may hereafter be in that Part of Europe in a higher degree than ever we knew it ; in the fifth, it has been the moft fevere Revenge, and was the moft complete Method to diftrefs the Court of Spain : For in a War with that Power, we could not have wafted her Treafure, and ruined her Repu- tation, in an equal Degree, or deftroyed fo many of her Troops in twenty Years, by any other Means, with this farther Ad~ vantage, that we rendered the Adminiftration of the Queen intolerable to her Subjects, who were thus oppreffed with Taxes, and drained ,of all their Men and Money to gratify ambitious Views, attended with thefe aggravating Circum- ftances, that they brought not only Ruin, but Difgrace and Scandal upon their Arms in every Inftance : To this was joined an almoft total Interruption of their Trade, and their Returns of Money from the Indies, which, as faft as their inexpreffible Neceffities obliged them to be made, were, in very many Inftances, intercepted by the Vigour and Diligence of the Navy ftationed, commanded and directed by the new Admiralty ; which Gains, if fairly accounted for, not only ballanced all the Lofles, that our Merchants have fuftained (notwithstanding the Number of their Privateers and the Extent of our Commerce) fmce the Time of the late Change, but have gone far to wipe off tbofe Scores, which had been run up againft them, by the Neglect and imprudent Conduct of the former Adminiftration. It could now be faid no longer, that our Hands were tied by Fear, by Corruption, or by neutral Engagements. — We rode triumphant on the Ocean, our proper Element, — we confined the whole French and Spanijh Fleets, who, tho' combined, dared not venture to oppofe us, while we employed but a Part of ours to do not only this, but to keep Naples to its Neutrality, to infult their Ports, and barr their Privateers from ifiuing in any Numbers from the reft. — We reftored the Honour of our Flag, and now returned the Infolence of France, whom we treated ( So ) treated with the fame Contempt, with which fhe, for rnariy Years, had treated us.- -We burnt the Ships of her Allies, and cur Enemies, in her very Ports, we fearched and rummaged alracft every Veflel fhe put to Sea. — Our Fleets failed from Jamaica with an avowed Defign to attack, fink, burn, and aeftroy the Squadrons fhefent into thofe Parts j and (he knows the Orders of our Admirals, to link, burn, and deftroy, any other Fleet fhe (hall venture to fend out again ; yet fhe has been obliged to pocket every one of thefc Affronts : If our Naval Dignity is not reftored by thefe Actions, what can re- store it ? and if thefe Things cannot be denied to be true, as they cannot be, what Impudence, and what Wickednefs mult it be to villify the prefent Government, to poifon and deceive the ignorant and unwary Multitude, with a perpetual Din, of the low contemptible Condition to which we are faid to be reduced ? It is a Shame to fuffer ourfelves to be abufed in this grofs Manner ; the Leaders of the Faclion themfelves laugh at the Folly and Delufion of the People, that they have fooled to fuch a Point. They even now defpife thofe Wretches who are thus feduced, they themfelves loath and deteft the feditious Tools of which they now make their Ufe, and when they have ferved their Turn, will alluredly turn their Backs upon them : But let me return to fay one Word more upon our Conduct with Regard to France : — Let any Man look back upon the infolent and imperious Tieatment, which towards the Clofe of the laft Adminiftration we received from that Power. Let him then confider what we have fince done, and let him an- fwer, if he can, whether this Nation has received no Benefit by the late Change. — France has found, and proclaims it by her Conduct, whatever we may ftupidly and ungratefully do at Home, that fhe trembles at the Power and the Meafures of this Nation. If publick Contempt be publick Weaknefs, as it is with Nations known to be j what Applaufe is due to thofe, who have fhifted that Contempt from themfelves, and caft it upon the Enemy, and who have confequently procured that Weaknefs to France, which the former Minifter had by twenty Years tame Adminiftration with Pains procured for us ; if there be any Senfe left in this Nation, they muft fee all this ; if there be any Honefty, they will confefs it, let their private Views or Difappointments be what they will ; if there be any Warmth of Heart, Love, or Regard, for the Honour, the Dignity, the Safety a/id Well-being of our Country, they will proclaim it in defpight of Faction, popular Ferment, or any private Danger. The Maxim of Tacitus, however applied by him, will hold true with every State, Majus fama potemia quam ( 8i ) quam fua vi nixa: Great as the Power of France may be, it is the Fame, the Opinion of that Power, that has fo long fup- ported her in her ambitious Views, enabled her to trample upon the Rights and Liberties of all Europe, and to fport with the moftfacred Ties of Truth and Faith of Treaties ; it is this, that encouraged her, after fo many folemn Declarations in the laft German War, that foe would acquire nothing, to grafp that mighty Acquifition of Lorrain j it was this, that induced her, in that perfidious manner, to violate her Engagements to the Pragmatic Sandion, which were the Condition of that Acqui- fition i it was this that terrified every Potentate in Europe into a Submiflion to all her Indignities, and into Non-Refiftance under the Yoke fhe has impofed fo long upon many Nations, and under the Profpeft of the Chains fhe was forging for all the European World. Is it not therefore a mighty Point, fained by this Nation, in the fpace pf little more than on. r ear, to have reduced that over- bearing Power into this defi- cient State of Credit, and to have reftored that Credit to our- felves, which was fo totally loft ? — It is not an empty Vanity, but a folid Benefit. — Can any Thing tend more, hereafter, to lighten the Expence of future Struggles for the Liberty of Eu- rope^ than this Reduction of the Credit of that Nation, and this Reftoration of pur own ? Can any thing prevent fo much the Occafion of taking up Arms, as that Difcovery, which will induce all the Powers in Europe to be lefs afraid to do it againft France ? And can any thing give fo great Weight to our Negociations without Recourfe to the Sword, as the general Opinion, that whenever we draw it, we are able to curb that Power? ThisCondud vifibly muft have this fortunate EfFeft, that if it be unhappy for us to be reduced to the Neceffity of engaging in Land- Wars upon the Continent, it will render that Neceffity lefs frequent j if the Greatnefs of the Expence is grievous, and drains us of our Specie, it muft make it lefs in future, as it muft fecure us more ready Affiflance and ftronger Alliances, than if we wanted that Fama potentia, and thatO/>/- nion, which by the Providence of God, and the Conduct of our Affairs has been now reftored again. Thus, we have undeceived the World as to the Power of France j not that it is not great, which would be delufive ; but that it is not omnipotent and irrefijlible : And thus we have in a fhort time gone far, not only to reftore Things reduced both at Home and Abroad to an almoft defperate Condition, but even turned the Errors of the former Adminiftration to Ad- vantage ; which is vifible in the higheft Degree, by the Effects L 9* ( »2 ) of our Meafures in the Mediterranean already mentioned.— Without all doubt, one of the moft fatal and unhappy Steps of the late Adminiftration feems to have been the neutral Con- duct there (though whether, all Things confidered, it was avoidable, is not perhaps fo eafily determined) by which the Spanijh Armies were enabled to be landed fafely in a Time of War, in Sight of our Squadrons, in Italy ; and to form a Junction with the French : yet by the Vigilance fince, the Neutrality of Naples, and the driving both Fleets into one Pound, we have enclofed all the Land-Ferces of Spain far from Home, and in great Meafure out of the Reach of Recruits, NecefTaries and Supplies ; and we have our Padlock upon the greater Part of the Maritime Force of thofe two Powers, which would have harafled us exceedingly had they been in different Parts ; kept us in perpetual Alarms, diftrefled our Trade ; and fo divided our naval Force, that notwithftanding our Superiority at Sea, we fhould have fuftered many Inconve- niences, nay, even Danger from them, to our own Coafts, and fome of our Settlements abroad. — It wijl yet have a farther Effect, it difpirits and brings down the haughty Spirit of that People, who are ever preffing for War, it difcontents them with their own Adminiftration ; and if we can do it as effectually as their former Conduct has done it by us, there need not be a greater Curfe upon that Government, a greater Plague, a greater Objlruclion to their Views, ' nor a furer Way to bring them to their Ruin. By the Advantage that we have made of our Fleets in thofe Seas, we have derived another great Advantage, for by tem- porifing with the King of Naples, we have fecured the Elector of Saxony and King of Poland, who, befides the Hazard of his own Dominions, has, by his Alliance with that Prince, his Intereft to confider too, and who may be juftly fuppofed to fuffer fome Weight in the Scale of his Determination, from a Reflection of the Condition to which his Daughter might be reduced, by any Raftinefs he might be guilty of, in this Con- juncture. By thefe providential SuccefTes, which all the vile Sarcafms' of Faction can never prevail, to have attributed to any other Caufe than the manifeft Revival of the Britijh Spirit, directed, as it now is, the French were every where fo foiled, that the Aufirians were enabled to act upon the offenfive, and to befiege Prague, where they confined no lefs than 24,000 of the beft Troops of France for the whole Summer, with two Marefchals of France, and prevented them with the reft of their broken Army> frorn receiving any Supplies, or from doing any confi- derable I ( «3 ) derable Mifchief, — till, by the Neceflities into which they Were at length brought, the Court of France was compelled to withdraw the Army under the Command of the Marfhal Maillebois, from the Circle of Wejlphalia, where 35,000 of their Troops had been employed to awe the Electorate of Ha- nover and the Dutch at the fame time. This was one of the flrft Steps they took in the Beginning of their Attempts on Germany, and one of the wifeft, as the Confequences of their Inability to continue it, have fully fhewn. — By this they ef- fected three great Ends ; they diverted all the Hanoverian Forces from the Afliftance of the general Caufe ; they awed the Dutch ; they prevented the Conjunction of the Troops of England, and of Aujlria, in the Low-Countries, with thofe of Hanover, and thofe of both the former with the Dutch. — Ha- nover was obliged in Prudence, for the common Good and Safety of the Allies, to confent to a temporary Neutrality ; for if they had hazarded the Event of War, f inferior, as they were, in Number) and if they had been defeated, that Body of Troops, which, as we have fmcefeen, were intended to more important Purpofes, had not only totally been rendered ufelefs; but there could have been no Poffibility of compofing after- wards that grand Army which was necefTary to be compofed, if we effectually intended to affift the Queen of Hungary, and to deal roundly with France, and which has been fince com- pofed, notwithftanding the pofitive Aflertion of the Facliony that it could never be, to whom the Devil has owed a Shame, and has fairly paid them, by giving them the Lye in every one Point that they have advanced. This Neutrality of Hanover having made fo great a Noife, I muft have Leave to enlarge a little farther on this Subject; (for though my prefentPurpofe is not to defend the Meafufesof any Time antecedent to the late Change, it is honeft to do Juftice to every Man, and not at all necefTary to add more Errors than are due to the former Adminiftration.) To fpeak fairly of it, however malicioufly it has been made the Matter of Ridicule, it Was the only Step that in that Circumftance could have been taken with any Judgment or Difcretion, from this known and general Principle, that you fhould never rifquea Di- vifion of your Forces, if you can avoid it. — The Court of Rng* land confidered the Auflrians, HeJJians, and the Englijh in the Ne- therlands, together with the Hanoverian Troops, as one Army, difperfed in remote Quarters, but intended to beaflembled, and to act together when conjoined ; they were then capable of making a formidable Army, and might be able to act or un- dertake any Thing, and we had great Reafon to believe, and La-. received ( 84 ) received the ftrongeft Aflurances from the Leading Men Ift Holland, that when it was affembled, they would concur with a large additional Body of Dutch Troops) — if therefore the Hanoverians had a&ed fingly, and been defeated fingly, the other divided Corps of Troops had been of very little Ufe, (as we have juft now obferved) and might have followed their Fate. But a farther certain, and yet more fatal Event muft have followed from it : The Dutch Miniftry would have never been able to have procured the A fieri t of the States, or to have engaged them in a Caufe fo hopelefs, as it would have then appeared, when the Electorate of Hanover mould have been reduced into the fame Condition with Bavaria, and have proved the fame Acceffion of Strength to the French, that the other Electorate now affords to the Queen of Hungary. This might very poffibly have been the Cafe ; and any Man, who has not been thoroughly drench'cf with the Poifon of the Times, muft be fenfible, how ruinous fuch an Incident muft have been, independent of any private Regard for thofe Do- minions, to the common Caufe of Europe. — Whoever is the Ieaft converfant in publick Affairs, or has even common Senfe, muft be able to judge of thefe Reafons, which were rendered infinitely ftronger by this Circumftance, that they actually did, by their Neutrality all that time, afford the Houfe of Auftria a moft material Afliftance, depriving the French and the Bavarians of fo great a Force,— to which, under God, was owing the Prefervation of the Houfe of Aujlria ; for by this means the happy Turn was effected in Bavaria, and that Su- periority acquired to the Arms of the Queen of Hungary, which, had this Neutrality been never made, and had this Body of Troops been joined to the French and Imperial Armies in Bavaria and Bohemia , could have never happened, and they muft in all probability have ruined her in one Campaign. — While the twenty-fix or twenty-eight thoufand Hanoverians were upon their own ground, they were a Match in the de- fenfive Part for a greater Number j but if drawn from thence, they had been equal only to the Numbers, of which they ac- tually did confinV themfelves. So long therefore as the French continued upon the Con- fines of the Electorate of Hanover, there was neither Pru- dence or Neceffity to a<5t any other than a neutral Part j for by their Situation, and the Advantage of their own Country, it is demonftrable, that twenty-eight thoufand anfwered the End of an aftual Aid to the Queen of Hungary of 35,000 Men. But when the reduced Condition of the French obliged them toquitthis Meafure, it wasneceffary for us to change our Plan — the («5) the Hatiuvtria* Troops, had they remained in the Electorate, were then of no longer Ufe. In fuch a Conjuncture, no honeft Man in Britain would have wiflied, that fo great a Body of the beft Troops in Europe, which by good Fortune were under the Influence of this Nation, fhould be unemploy'd. — TheQueftion therefore was, in what way they might be raoft advantageoufly employ'd,— fome imagined, that it had been proper to have fol- lowed the French Army, and the wife Politicians of the Faclion bellowed loudly againft this Neglect of Policy, as they pretend- ed it to be ; but many invincible Reafons oppofed themfelves to this Advice ; fome time muft have neceflarily been fpent in fettling a Point, which was of fo nice a Nature, both in our own Councils, and in thofe of the Imperial Court ;— and by that time (tho' it was very fhort) the French Army had got a great way upon their intended March. — It was to be considered again, that the Hanoverian Troops could by no means follow with the fame Expedition, that the others went}— they hadno Magazines, the French had exhaufted the Provilions, and though they had patted through the fame Country, when frefh and un- annoyed, yet even they, from want of previous Preparations, fuffered much in their March, and dwindled greatly ;— how much therefore more muft thofe, who trod the fame Ground after them, have fuffered j how much muft they have been delayed ? The Seafon of the Year began to be advanced, and the Summer muft have been confumed, before they could have reached the Enemy j who in all Probability muft have effected (if it was to be effected) whatever they could have propofed, before we could have come up with them. — Again, if the Enemy upon the Purfuit of the Hanoverians had turned fhort upon them, and waited in fome ftrong Poft, they might have engaged them to great Difadvantage, being fuperior in Number;— and they might have obliged them to ftay and face them in a Country, that they had left behind them ruined ; — they had the ftrong Town of Egra to befriend them, which the Hanoverians could not have neglected, nor have taken. — Thus the Effect of their March would have probably been fa- . tal to that Body of Troops, who muft at beft have wintered far from home, in a ruined Country, liable to all the Inconveni- ence of a Winter's Campaign, and we fhould have putourfelves with a much fmaller Force, and in a much more helplefs Con- dition, near our Enemies, to have endured yet greater Hard- fhips, than thofe, by which even their great Armies, inured by two Campaigns, and much better provided for the Event, have been in a manner mouldered into nothing. — Yet even this Rifque would have been run, if it had been infilled upon by the Aujlrian ( 86) jtujirian Minifters, with whom we acted with the ftricleft Har~ m ony. — We laid before them all thefe IU-conveniencies, and the irretrievable Prejudice that an Accident to this Body of Troops muft have occafioned in the next Year's Operations. — The Impoffibility in that Cafe, of bringing into the Field, or forming a fufficient Army, to deal with that Force, that might be brought againft us by the French : — That our Englljb Troops j (which were not even then all landed) and the Aujirians, in the Netherlands, were too remote to join the Hanoverians in any rea- fonable Time, had they fet out upon that March immediately j that they were not yet accuftomed and hardened to the Fatigues of War, and muft therefore have been intirely ruined by fuch a March, at fuch a Diftance,and at fuch a Seafon of the Year ; that if it were poffible, by the Means of the difficult PafTes iri the Mountains of Bohemia, by withdrawing the Troops from Prague, (leaving a fufficient Number to form a diftant Blockade* and to diftrefs theGarrifon,) to prevent the Junction of the two French Armies, Prague muft fall of courfe, the French muft be difheartened and confounded by their Difappointment,and both their Armies fuffer terribly, as they always did in the following Winter ; while the Armies of the Allies united, much more numerous, ftrong and vigorous, might enter into Action frefh, and with infinite Weight in the enfuing Spring. — Thefe Rea- fons had their juft Effect, they were proved folid by the Event. —The EngUJh Councils directed the Aujlrian Operations upon this Occafion, and they felt the happy Confequence. — The Ar- my of Maillebois never could penetrate through the PafTes of Be* hernia ; but there involved, were miferably butchered and de- ftroyed, by Sword and Famine ; — while the Garrifon of Prague were reduced in prodigious Numbers, by vain Attempts to ef- cape, their Parties continually cut off, and their Provifions and Supplies fo effectually obftrudted, that they were at length ne- ceffitated in the fevereft Seafon of that cold Climate, and after the moft infufterable Hardfhips, to abandon the Capital of Bo- hemia, and the Whole Country, to their lawful Sovereign, (ex- cepting Egra t on the extreme Borders of it,) bringing off with them not 10,000 Effective Men, the miferable Remains of at leaft 30,000, who had triumphed in that Country in the Begin- ning of that Year. — But upon their Arrival, Difeafes broke in! upon them, and fwept off fo many, even of that fmall Number, and of the Army fent to bring them .off, that they could not remain there, and muft have perifhed for Want, if they had been ftill harrafTed by the Aujirians. — Infine, they were reduced to fuch Diftrefs, by a Series of Calamities, that left it might be faid, of two great Armies, amounting together to more than 70,000 Men, not one fliould live to return, the French Court recalled ( 8; ) fecalled their mattered Remains, and of both, not more than 20,000 Men had the Felicity to fee their Native Soil again ; where the few that furvived the incredible Fatigues they had fuftained, brought back, rather Weaknefs to their Majier, than Security to his Frontier, filling his wretched Subjects with Grief, 'Dejection of Spirit, Deteftation of the Views of their ambi- tious Monarch, and Terror of the Miferies they have endured ; which every Man, capable of bearing Arms, by the abfolute Power of their Government, and the Diftrefs of their Affairs, fees himfelf likewife hourly in Danger to undergo. Thus far we have obferved how much Folly, Ignorance and Villany have concurred to mifreprefent two important Points; the Neutrality of Hanover, and the Conduct of our New Councils in not marching after Maillebois's Army : To profe- cute this Deduction of our Affairs during the laft Interval of Parliament, we come now to fhew the Part acted by our Ad- miniftration upon the Removal of that Army. The Delibera- tions we have mentioned took up no more, as I remember, than three Weeks ; and the Point being agreed between the Mi- niftry of Aujiria, and our own, that the Hanoverian Forces Jhould not follow, the next Step was obvious : If our own Rea- son could not have fhewn it to us, it was dictated and pointed out by France ; it was evident, as we have before obferved, that the View of France in fending her Armies to the Fron- tiers of that Electorate was no other than to prevent the Junction of the Hanoverian, Dutch, Britijh and Aujlrian Forces : if that was fo favourite a View, that (he put herfelf to fo vaft a Charge for it, opiniatred that View fo long, and fubmitted to all the Ill-Convenience of weakening her Armies in every other Part for it ; would it have been excufeable in us not to have profited by fuch a LefTon, and to have loft the Oppor- tunity, which the Abfence of that Army gave to form the necefiary Conjunction of all our Forces; — the only Perfon, who could have Reafon to demur upon the Point was the Elector of Hanover himfelf; who by detaching fuch a Body of his Troops, and breaking his Neutrality, left his Country ex- pofed to fome Hazard, that if the former Troops {hould change their Deftination, or fucceed in their Attempt, they might return to take a fevere Revenge upon his Dominions with Impunity : When therefore his Majefty agreed to this Propofition, the Miniiters of England could not have anfwered it to their Country, if they had not availed themfelves of this Bodv of his Forces. They therefore took 16,000 of thefe Troops into the Britijh Pay; not, as it has been malicioufly infinuated, in a Method contrary to the Conftitution, and unknown before ; but in a 1 Method (88 ) Method warranted by all former Examples both in the Reign of King William and Queen Anne* when in the Interval of Par- liament it became neceflary from any Event to hire Foreign Forces, the Bufinefs was concerted by the Crown, the Treaty for the Subfidy agreed, and the Eftimates referred to Parlia- met ; where the Liberty ftill remained entire to reject them : The fameMethod waspurfued in this Inftance, the Parliament had the Eftimates laid before them, and might have refufed to confirm the Meafure, if it had appeared to them improper or unjuft ; fo that of all the Debates that ever pafs'd in Parliament, none ever violated more the Heart of every fair and honeft Man, than that with relation to thefe Troops j in which this Point was with equal Confidence and Malice urged to the moft indecent Extremity, in Defiance of all Truth and Candour, and with a manifeft View to impofe upon the Underftanding of Mankind j there was not a Man of the leaft Experience, who did not know that this was a Part of the known Prerogative exercifed in innumerable Inftances, and a Prerogative not like fome others, which may be thought to have been a Relique of bad Times in Government, when the Conftitution was lefs pure ; or crept gradually in, when the Power of the Crown was drained too far, but a Prerogative founded upon the fu- preme Law of all Neceffity, without which no Government could ftand feQure one Hour: for what muft be the Condition of this Country, if in no Dilemma, no Exigence whatfoever, (and furely none was ever greater than that of which we are now fpeaking) during the Interval of Parliament, the Crown might exercife a Power of this Nature ? What Opportunities in the xnoft critical Conjunctures might be loft? What Ruin muft our Armies be expofed to, in cafe of any fignal Defeat abroad ? But it is a Point too obvious to be longer infilled upon, and the Ab- furdity of denying it is equalled by nothing, but that of debating one whole Day to prove a Meafure illegal and unparliamentary, and to condemn it becaufe it had not the Authority of Parlia- ment, which was /tar very Day fubmitted to the Judgment and Power of the Houfe whether itjhouldbe a Meafure at all or no. But to fhew farther how tender his Majefty was of exerting his Prerogative, beyond what the Neceffity of our Situation re- quired, his Majefty hinted it to his Parliament at the Clofe of the antecedent Seffions. — After fpeaking of the Supplies which had been already granted, for the Support of the Queen of Hun- gary, and to rejlore and fecure the Balance of Power, fo particu- larly recommended by his Parliament ; he added farther, And if it Jhould become neceffary for me to contrail new Engagements, or to enter into farther Meafures, I rely upon your Zeal and Per- feverance in fo jufl a Caufe y to make them good, • WHer| ( 8 9 ) When the Prince forefees that an Exigency may pofiib!/ rrife, ata Period of Time in which he cannot poffibly take the Council of his Parliament. — If in fuch an Exigency the Nature and the Practice of the Government permits him freely to take what Meafures he mav judge neceUary for the Interefts of his People, without any Form or previous Notice whatfocver, if yet that Prince reminds his Parliament of fuch a poiiible Con- tingency, as far as the Nature of the Thing can pofiibly admit, inftead of a Stretch of Prerogative, it muft appear, to every can- did Man, the ftrongeft Mark of Ttndernefs to the Privileges of his People, a manifeft Inclination to decline the exercife of his Prerogative, and in fadt, the greateft Condefcenfion.— There is no Man of Candour, who will confider this, but muft fee, that the moft open, moft frank, moft generous, and moft refpe&ful Conduct, next to the direct Requeft, to be permitted to take the Meafure, was to hint it to the Parliament, that it was intended to be taken. Now, that his Majefry could not lay this Scheme before his Parliament, or open his Defign more directly than he did at that Time, is proved by theftubborn Evidence of Facts and Dates, which though mifreprefented by the Faction upon every Turn, and concealed, when they do not ferve their Purpofe, cannot be totally denied. — It is confefs'd, that this Meafure might have been, in all Probability, intended before the Dif- folution of the Parliament. — But could it be then refolvcd ? In the Nature of the Thing, it could not, becaufe it was a Con- tingency, which could only happen if the French Army march- ed ; — it may be faid, that Tome Steps had been already made by France, that convinced the King and the Adminiftration, that they intended to march ; — and if not, it is probable his Majefty would not have touched at all upon it.— But thefe Steps might have been only taken as a Feint, at leaft Accidents might have intervened to prevent the Execution of that Project. — Unlefs therefore his Majefry had been not only King of Great Britain, and Elector of Hanover, but King of France at the fame Time, he could not have told his Parliament, that his Electoral Troops fhould march to join the National Troops of England, when this Meafure depended upon an Event which was not in his Power, and which actually did not happen in a confiderable Time, the Parliament rifing upon the 15th of July,* and the March of the French Troops not having taken Effect till feveral Weeks after. As therefore it was impoflible to have communicated that as zpojitlve Meafure, which in its Nature * The French Army did not march from Fiankfort towards Bohe- mia, till the 30th of Augujl, M ftould ( 90 ) tould not be then refolved, fo muft it have been an Abfurdity, Vifible to all Mankind, to have told the Parliament, eventually* which was the fame thing as to have told France, and all the World, what we intended to do in cafe they marched.— The Politicks of thefe Times are of a very extraordinary Nature, when the Government is not only prefied, from Day to Day, to difcovcr, by Motions for Papers, every fecret Tranfadtion, every Negotiation, and Plan of Operations, even while they are ftill depending ; but when we are to foreitall the Meafures of our Enemies, and to tell them, Gentlemen, take Care what you do — if you do fo, we will dofo, — if you march from Hanover, we will certainly ufe that Opportunity to unite our Forces asfoon as poffible after you are gone. The Prudence of the Adminifrration appeared likewifein the Time, the Place to which they marched, and in the Nature of this Bargain. — As to the Time, it had been Madnefs to have flipped this Opportunity, to form our Army, which might have afterwards been impofllble ; had we deferred it till the Spring, as fome have taken great Pains to perfuade the People wefhould have done, France might have taken fuch Meafures, or fuch Events might have happened, as would have rendered it then impracticable; — again, (which would have been a" Matter very near as fatal in its Confeqence) the World might have been convinced, that it was never intended to be done at all ; it was of the laft Importance to fhew the Dutch a powerful Sup- port to induce them to engage as foon as poflible. As to the Place, another Point of Importance was to give the French Alarms upon their own Frontier, to prevent their fending any farther Force to Germany, or to prevent their ailifting the Infant Don Philip, who was already very fuperior to the King of Sar- dinia, for which our National Troops were by no means alone fufBcient : And it had its Effect; the Letters of Van Hoey fhew, that France did nor flight thofe Meafures, which »ur own Peo- ple ridiculed. They have fince difcovered what the Dutch then thought, and what the Dutch have now publickly declared. — The French encreafed their Troops in Flanders with all the regular Troops they could draw together, and much of the Militia from the remotefr. Part of their Dominions; they fent but faint and infufficient Succours into Germany, and none at all to the Spanijh Army. — By the March of thefe Troops into Flanders, we had therefore vifibly thefe feveral Advantages. — Firfi, That they were a great Encouragement to Holland. — Secondly, That they were a Security to the Barrier, and to the Netherlands in ell Events. — Thirdly, That they created the mod diftant Diver- sion that could be made. — Fourthly, That, as far as poflible, they ( 9* ) they prevented the Neceffity of a Rupture,, becaufe Franc* would not probably attempt to attack us there, unlefs compelled to it, as long as the Dutch had ngt yet accceded, and was yet obliged to prepare and arm in the fame Degree, as not knowing how fuddenly they might take the Refolution, which they were then inclined to, and have fince refohed; whereas if they had marched to the Rhine, where, as others of our wife Politi- cians have for the only Alternative fuggefted, that they fliould have gone afterwards, France would have been induced, either by Neceffity, or Prudence, to have attacked us there, when only half our Force had been afiembled, and at lead we had been engaged precipitately in that Extremity, while there was yet a Potability, that the Difficulties of the French, and En- creafe of our Ability and Succefs might have brought about a Termination to thefe Troubles. We reaped another Advan- tage from the good Quarters in thofe Provinces, which kept our Troops in better Health, and in more Convenience ; be- ing in a plentiful Country, and in that of an Ally ; whereas we could have quartered no where elfe, without the greatefl: Inconvenience. — We were there equally ready (confidering the Seafon of the Year) to perform any Service that the pre- fent or future Exigencies fhould require ; befides the Difference of being united near to our own Country, where Supplies could be furnifhed with more Eafe and Expedition ; and where all the Money, that was confumed, contributed, though indi- rectly, to affift the Houfe of Aujiria\ as it enriched her Pro- vinces, and enabled them to pay more punctually, and to fur- nifh greater Sums to their Sovereign's Aid: Laftly, it enabled ustoamufethe French, and gave us an Opportunity to pre- tend a Defign on Dunkirk; which drew down a great Body of their Troops to the very greatefl Diflance, from whence they could annoy the Enemy : A Point fo artfully conducted, that every other Power were ferious at it but our own People. As to the Nature of the Bargain, much has been laid upon this Head, to prove it not only bad, but criminal in the higheft Degree. In order to the fetting this Matter in a clear Light, it is necefTary to obferve, that during the long War of 1702, great Numbers of Foreign Forces having been hired, the Me- thod then purfued, and the Conditions then obferved, have- been the Rule by which we have gone ever fince j our fubfi- diary Treaties therefore run all upon the fame Plan, and con- tain the fame Conditions, that they did then ; (excepting in two or three Articles of a trivial Nature, which the Change of the univerfal Difcipline and a particular Circumftance made it necefTary to differ in, as we mail have Occafion to fpecify M. z here* ( 9* ) after.) This Expence is conftantly fummed up in three Ar- ticles, — That of Levy -Money for the furnifhing and compleat- ing both Horieand Foot, that of the Pay of the Forces, and that of an annual Sukfidy befides, in a certain Proportion, according to the Number of the Troops ; thefe three Articles of Levy -Money, the Pay of the Forces, and the Subfidy to the Prince, make the general Charge common to all the Forces, that we have hired for a Space of above fortv Years : — This is the Bill always brought us in fur mercenary Troops; — Not that any of thefe Articles is literally the Sum applied to the Account of the Charge of that Article, of which it bears the Title, but the Deficiency of the one is made up by the Exceedings of the other ^ and many Contingencies and Necejfaries are accounted for under this Form ; upon the grofs Amount of which, thefe Princes are en- abled to make good their Engagements with us. There is likewife another Condition, for they always tie us to contract for a certain Number of Years, whether we want the Troops or not ; without which they would find no Account in their Bargain. — When the Conjuncture of Affairs obliged our Minifters to take the Hanoverian Forces into Pay, if they had had the mean In- clination to have paid their Court to his Majefty, they were therefore warranted by all Precedents to have made their Bar- gain upon this Footing, as thefe Troops were in a Manner the only Troops we could have hired at that Time ; as they were as good as any in theWorld, as they were fituated the moft com- modioufly for our Service, and as they mult have been ufelefs to the common Caufe, and have been disbanded, if we had not paid them, his Majefty's Electoral Dominions, not being fuf- ficient to maintain both them, and the other Troops he had railed in this critical Situation of Affairs, efpecially with the great additional Charge of Marching : The Minifters therefore could have deferved no Cenfure, nay, might have even merited Applaufe, for taking a Meafure, which would have been juft, fair, and equitable, and beneficial to this Country, even upon the common Foot of other mercenary Troops; nor could this Nation have had any Title to have complained of his Majefty, if in his different Capacity, as Elector of Hanover, he had de- fircd to be confidered on the fame Footing as any other German Prince. — But/;/j Majcjly, with a Genercfity, for which he has met with a very ung -ateful Return, declined thefe Pretenfions, and tofhew his own Zeal for the Service of the Houfe of Au- Jlria, and his Defire to make the Burthen to Great Britain as light aspoflible, heconfented to Conditions^ to which no other German Prince would have fubmitted, and which were both in piefun, certainly, and in profpect probably, a great Reduction of (93) of the Charge to this Nation ; for whereas in all other Treaties of this kind, part of the Sums ftipubted are paid, and commence before the March of the Troops — He confented, that their Pay fhould commence only upon the very Day they began their March from Hanover, viz. the 31ft of Augujl 174.2. — He in- filled upon no Terms, as to the Time that wejhould pay them, fo that if the Troubles, in which we were involved, fliould have determined, in the Space of one Tear only ', we were bound to keep them no longer, — a Circumftance that might very poiTibly have faved a Million of Money to this Nation, and which might have proved (were this a Bargain of neat Profit to his Majefty, as thefe Incendiaries fuggeft) a Lofsof as much to his Majefty, in his Electoral Capacity. — Nor was this all ; but his Mijefty entirely remitted that Article of Annual Subfidy, which every other German Prince has done, now does, and ever will infill upon ; and which, according to the Proportion paid to the King of Siveden, as Landgrave of Hefje-Caffel (who befides Levy-Money * and the Pay of his Troops, receives an annual Subfidy of 33,000/. for only. 6, oco of his Forces) his Majefty had been entitled for i6,ocoof his Troops, to near 100,000/. per Annum ; which Saving to this Nation, together with the other Particulars we have mentioned, make fo vaft a Difference between the Charge of thefe Troops, and thofeofany other we could have hired, that it is an Impudence beyond Example to have treated this Point in the Manner that it has been treated by the Faclion, as we {hall farther (hew hereafter. But though it may not be ftrictly regular in Point of Time or the Order we have laid down, to take full Notice of the Proceed- ings of the Faclion upon this Head (till we come to the next, viz. their Conduct in the next Sfjfion of Parliament) yet it will not be illconvenient to clear the Way, by removing the Rubbiih of thofe Objections, with which they have flattered themfclves, to cover the Malignity of their virulent Scandal upon this Mea- fure, becaufe this Scandal wa-s of a Nature fo uncommon, defpe- rate and dangerous, that it will be greatly for the Advantage of the Publick to prefent it naked, (tripped of that delufive Garb in which they have ufed fo much wicked Art to drefs it, and void of any other Matter that may divert the Publick from the full View and Contemplation of its Iniquity. To proceed therefore ; under this Head of the Nature of the Bargain for the Hanoverian Troops, it was objected, that by taking thefe Troops into Britilh Pay, before we marched into Ger- many, we paid full one half Tear before we had Occafion for them. — As to this, it has been already anfwered, that we might not J* See the Votes of the Houfe of Commons, April 14, 1740. (94 ) not have been able to have joined at all, if we had not done it when we did ; it has been likewifefhewn, how many other Advantages we both did reap, and expected juftly to reap from it.' By Parity of Reafoning, we fhould not have begun to cmbarque our National Troops for Flanders, till the Begin- ning of this Campaign. — And if Troops are not to be aflembled, till the Moment they are to enter upon Action, or if an Adminiftration is to be condemned for being in Readinefs to a& as foon as Circumftances will admit, or for not acting, before either Time, Circumftances, or the $eafon of the Year will give them leave ; and if an Army is expected to fight whenever it is in the Field, without regard to any Event or Situation of things, we have to deal with Politicians, whofe Ignorance or Prejudice render them unworthy of any reafonable Anfwer. Another Objection was to the granting Levy -Money for Troops already raifed, and again, to the granting a greater Levy-Money than is paid, to other Foreign Troops. As to the firft, we have al- ready given a fufficient Anfwer, by obferving the Nature of all thefe Contracts, viz. That no one of thefe Articles laterally con- tains the Sum applied to the Charge of that Article of which it bears the Title : but the Deficiency of the one is made up by the Ex- ceedings of the other, and many Contingencies, Neceffaries, and extraordinary Expences, are accounted for under this Form ; upon the grofs Amount of which, and not otherwife, Foreign Princes can be enabled to afford their Troops to us at the Rate they do, and upon this Foot it was allowed lately to the Troops of Denmark. As to the Second, the Levy-Money of thefe Troops is in the fame Proportion with that of all others ; but the Sum was the larger, becaufe the Body of Troops, hired in this Inftance, confined One-third of Horfe, whereas in moft of our other Contracts of this Nature, the Horfe have ufually amounted only to One-fixth ; and particularly in the Cafe of the Danes and Heffians, which lately were and now continue in our Service. It was again objected, that we are c barged with a new Arti- cle for the Officers of the Artillery ; and it is true, that it is a new Article, but it is an Article which arifes from an Im- provement in the Military Difcipline, and one of the moft re- markable of any that have been made in modern Time. Every Regiment, in the Service of all the German Princes, carrying" with them two Field Pieces, which they manage with a very extraordinary Addrefs, firing incredibly often in one Minute * and no Man can pretend to fay, that it was not necefiary tocon- fbrm ourfelves to the Difcipline of the Age we live in, and to avail ourfelves of any new Advantages in War, which might ei- ther give us a Superiority , or put us upon a Level with the Enemy . . We- (95 > We were accufed again with making a bad Bargain in charging the Exchange, by the Eftimate laid before the Houfe of Commons at the Rate of ten Guilders ten Stivers the Pound Sterling, which is fuppofed to be an Exchange of eight Stivers to our Dif advantage y and an unnecefiary Expence of 26,000/. ' But this was fully anfwered in Parliament, though all the Writers of the Faclion made no Scruple to conceal it in their fubfequent Productions. — ** They were there told, that in the Nature of thefe Things, " all Eftimates muft be formed upon fome pofitive Rate of Ex- " change ; that this Rate was mentioned in the Eftimate, be- " caufe from the Variation of Exchange, it might have amount- " ed to that, and to prevent a Deficiency if it fhould ; but that *' this Eftimate did by no means fix the Rate of the Exchange, " and that all Sav'ings that arofe or might arifeupon that Head, " were conftantly, and would, according to ancient Cuftom, " be certainly accounted for to Parliament." — This Obje&ion therefore has no other Foundation than the Ignorance or Malice of the Faction. It was like wife objected, that in allContrails of this Nature du- ring the former M^ar, there was a Deduction of Two and one-half per Cent, to be applied to the Ufes of the War, which amounted to 16,447 /. and which was not deducted in this Contract.— This Objection favours ftrongly of the Party from whence It comes, — they had been fearching after Precedents from the Con- duel: of their Faclidn in the Reign of the late Queen Anne, when their Predeceftbrs made no fmall Difturbance upon this Head, and when the fame Faclion attacked that great Man the Duke of Marlborough in Parliament, for having taken this Deduction of Two and one-half per Cent, from the Foreign Troops under his Command. In the Report of the CommiJJionersfor takings exa- mining, andjlating the publick Accounts of the Kingdom at that Time, which was intended as an Inquifition upon that General, they then infinuated this Abatement of Foreign Pay to be a De- duction for the Ufes of the War : But the Nature of the thing was fully explained, fuch a Deduction has been always made and is made at this Time ; but it neither then did, norconfequently does now, appear in any publick Account. It is a Sum which was firft obtained by Confent of the allied Princes in the Reign of King William, in the Nature of a voluntary Tax upon their Subfidies, afterwards continued in the Time of the Duke of Marlborough, and in the Reign of Queen Anne, always allowed by Warrant from the Crown to the General in Chief for procuring of Intelligence, and other fecret Service, but never laid before Parliament in Diminution of any Eftimate. Nothing more there- fore (9«) fbrenecdtobefaidtofhewthe Fallacy and Malevolence of this Ob- jection, or to wipeoffthelmputation of Excels in this Particular, For a farther Aggravation, a Comparifon was attempted to be drawn between the Charge of the Hanoverians hired in the late War in 1 702, andthofe now taken into our Pay. — But no fuch Comparifon can properlv be made, becaufe we have not the Ma- terials for it,— the Dutch firft took them into their Service, and they were afterwards turned over into our Pay The Dutch therefore paid the firft Expences of Levy-Money, &c. and un- lefs we had Accefs to the Archives of that Republick, neither they nor we are qualified to afcertain this Point, though it is not reafonable to believe, that thefe Troops were then hired upon different Term?, than fuch as have been the general Rule in Cafes of the fame Nature. The next Matter of Cavil was the extraordinary Charge of a Regiment ^/"Hanoverian Guards, which being equal in Expence to twice their Number of common Men, is reckoned another Inftance of exorbitant Expence. But, furely, there is no Man who will difputethisto be a proper Expence, when the Prince commands in Perfon, and he muft be very much abandoned, who will think it decent to urge it now, when this Nation has fo lately obtained fo greatand fo manifefla Benefit from his Ma- jefty's perfonal Appearance at the Head of our united Army. The laft Objection, which has made the greateff Noife, tho' itdefcrves the leaft Notice, it to the hiring of Hanoverian Forces at all upon any Terms. It is demanded, how an Engltjh Admi- niftration dare advife the Hire of Forces the moil obnoxious, Forces that muft create fo great a Difcortent, Forces that muft eftablifh that dangerous Diftinclion of Englifimen and Hanove- rians, and a Meafure that muft make the Intereft of his Ma- jeiiy upon the Throne, and poifon the Affections of his People? — But let us have the Liberty to put a few Queftions to thefe Gentlemen in our Turn. —-Could we have compofed a fufficient Army without thefe Troops ? Why is it more criminal to hire thefe Forces in the prefent War, than in that of Queen Anne, when we conftantly entertained a great Body of them in our Pay without any Objection ? What is it that has rendered thefe Forces now obnoxious which were never fo before ? What has created any Difcontent upon this abfolutelv necefiary Meafure? What has eftablifhed that dangerous Diftinction of Englijh- men and Hanoverians ? What is it that has fhaken the Intereft of his Majefty, or poifoned the Affections of his People (both which have been indeed ftrongly endeavoured, but I thank God neither yet affected) no other Anfwer can be given to any of thefe Queftions, but that there is in this Country at this Time, a (97) a Fa&ion deftitute of Principle and Shame, and void of all Re" morfe, who taking Advantageof the Ignorance and vulgar Pre- judices of a heated People, have glaringly attempted, by fal- lacious Arguments^ vile Mifreprefentations, and downright Falfhood, covered by a popular and confufed Jargon of feditious Rhetoric, to gratify their Revenge, to advance their private Interefts, and to promote their pernicious Views, at the Ex- pence of facred Truth, and moral Virtue, at the Hazard of the Liberties of Europe, the Peace of their own Country, and the Security of a Prince and Family, upon whofe Eftablilhment the Conllitution of thefe Kingdoms can alone depend. We have now pretty fully gone through with a Deduction of the Meafures taken by the Adminiftration during the Interval of Parliament j we have explained the Nature and the Necef- iity of thefe Meafures j we have {hewn the Succefs, and almoft miraculous Alteration in the Situation of our Affairs ; which Were vifibly their Confequence. But whether they were the neceflary Confequence of them or not — the Face of Affairs was in fact fo wonderfully changed, that inftead of that Profpedt of almoft inevitable Ruin, which appeared before our Eyes, ia the Beginning of the previous Seffions of Parliament, there was, at leaft, a great Probability of faving the Houfe of Aujlria y and of reftraining the Ambition of France from profiting by her immenfe Expences, and the Labour (he had taken, to move the whole Earth to the Deftrudtion of the only Power, that flood between her and the virtual Poffeffion of the Univerfal Empire. — Let us inculcate this happy Alteration by a fecond Recapitulation of it. Saxony and Prujjia were disjoined from the Alliance of France, and withCircumfrances, that in a great degree fecured us from a Poffibility of their uniting with her again during the prefent Contention ; Bavaria was not only incapable of affording any material Afliftance to the Views of France, but actually a con- siderable Part of it in Poffeflion of the Aujirians, two great French Armies of veteran Troops totally deftroyed ; Difeafes and Defpair, the vifible Companions of the remaining Forces of the Emperor and France, inferior to the Aujirians, who were now flufh'd with Succefs, enrich'd with Plunder, enured to Arms and Victory : Thefe remaining Forces coup'd up in a Corner of Bavaria and Bohemia, in the utmoft Diftrefs for Provifions, not to be recruited till the Spring ; and then, from the vaft Lofles of the regular Troops of France, only by new Levies of a raw and difheartened People, forced, driven and preffed into the Service, with the moft manifeft Dread and Terror of it j the French Govern ment, Jetefted and defpifed by N its < 9" ) its own Peqple, Tor its ill Succefs and ruinous Meafures ; the Queen of Bohemia repoffefled of the greateft Part of her Domi- nions ; and of aTreafure ineftimable, the united Hearts of all her Subjects, moved to the utmoft Degree of Tendernefs by her Danger and the Injuftice of her Enemies, warmed with the mo ft fervent Zeal, by her gallant, firm and prudent Conduct ; the King of Sardinia, fteady to his Engagements, and infinitely ferviceable to the common Caufe ; the Spaniards check'd, foil'd and difappointed in all their Italian Views; the King of Naples bridled by our Fleets ; the Swedes confounded by French Councils, and by the juft Arms of Ruffia ; courting the Medi- ation of Great Britain for their Prefervation, who but the Year before had been led by France to difturb the Peace of the North, in Contempt of Britain, and probably not without a remote View to her Deftruction ; the Dutch potently armed, vifibly able, and fecretly inclined to join us in the Quarrel ; a very great Army in the Britijh Pay of the beft Troops in Europe ; frefh and ready to enter into Action, whenever Neceffity mould require ; the Turks incapable of being moved by France, think- ing of nothing but their own Prefervation againft the Attempts of Perfia : — Thefe were the happy Circumftanccs into which, by the Providence of God, and the Prudence of the Admini- ftration, our Affairs were brought, when his Majefty opened his Parliament upon the 16th of November laft. TVc novo come to the next Head of our Difcourfe, the ConducJ of the Faclion at the next Meeting of the Parliament — They, who had been longeft in an Oppofition, and had conducted it, and kntew the moft of it, even they were unable to conceive in what manner their former Collegues would behave, upon what Footing they could oppofe the Support of Meafures fo lately popular, conducted with fo much Judgment and Vigour, and attended with fucH providential Succefs ; or thwart theProfecu- tion of his Majeftv's further Views to take Advantage of this happy Change: They knew indeed the Men by long Experi- ence, they were well acquainted with their Views, and that they Would ftick at nothing to obtain that Share in the Emoluments of Power, which their Madnefs had fo lately deprived them of; but they were at a Lofs to comprehend how they would betake themfelves to fcreen their Views from the Detection of the Peo- ple, without whofe Afliftance they could do nothing ; a People brave and honeft, endued with more Underftanding too, with more Lights and Knowledge from the Nature of our Govern- ment than any other People in the World, and in general never wrong, but when (educed by Fraud, or heated by Pajjicns ; the .Succefs appeared too notorious to admit of thofe Frauds, with- out ( 99 > ewt Mifreprefentations too grofs to be eveji fuppofeJ ; and the Grounds of thofe Pafiions had been too juftly removed, in all Inftances, that it was practicable to be done ; it was therefore thought impoifible, that any fuch Attempt would meet with the Jeaft Encouragement, fince the previous Step muft be to eradi- cate the old Principle upon which the Safety of this Nation has ever depended ; which it has never departed from without Shame and Misfortune j and which the People ever recurred to again, Jjowever temporarily feduced, viz. that this Nation rrmfi eternally, tppofe the Advancement of the Monarchy of France. The Faclion law all this, and confidered their Game at firfr, as defperate, but their very Defpair obliged them to perfift — they knew that Oppofition could never want fome Allies from fuch as had been duped by them, and knew not how to retreat, and from fuch as, by the fame Errors, were in the fame defpe- rate Condition with themfelves, from fuch as were avowed fia- cobites, and fuch as were of beggarly Circumftances, who had a PoiTibility of bettering themfelves by the Confufion of their Country, which though far fhort of a Probability, was yet better than a Certainty of Ruin and a Goal, which flared them in the Face. They had a farther Dependance upon the Liberty of the Prefs, which is always a mighty Engine, of equal Ufe to Liberty and Faclion, they took Advantage from the Knowledge that the Minifters they now oppofed were tender of it, and knowing this, they thought themfelves fecure in the moft monlrrous Abufe of it that was ever known in any Age or Nation. — A Ufe which their former Leaders, when it was under their Di- rection, never put it to themfelves, in the fame degree, nor pointed to the Mark, at which it has been fince wickedly levelled. — This was the Spring by which they propofed to fet the whole Machine in Motion, and by this they depended to retail Scur- rility and Treafon with Impunity (for Argument they bad none) upon a wretched Set of People, who with Education juft fufE- cient to enable than to read, fpend all their leifure Time, and ibmetimes more than they have conveniently to fpare from be- hind the Counter, in fome blind Coffee-houfe, and thence re- tiring to the'rr Tavern Afl'emblies, retail it out again, to Men ftill below them in this great Qualification ; where, to {hew that they underftanci the true Spirit of every libellous Production, they enter into all its Sentiments, and become, in their own great Opinions, and in the Opinions of their Auditors, after a little Habit in this Way, confummate Politicians, judging of the Interefts of all States and Kingdoms, and of all Minifters and Princes, as well as of their own* whom they conjlantly tah N 2. ftr< C ioo ) for grantee] t» be the worjl of all, and the f ole Authors of every Ca- lamity and Diforder of the whole World. With thefe Troops^ and with this Artillery of Faclion, they ftill thought themfelves enabled to take the Field. — They had, it is true, feen all Squadrons of Oppofition intermixed with Bodies of thefe, but never led by fuch Generals, nor coniifting of thefe Troops alone : However trufting in their Numbers, and depending upon their Noife, which, though it would pro- duce no Argument from their own Quarter, prevented thofe that came from another, from being heard, they commenced the fecond Campaign, confiding more in the Divifion of their Enemy, than in their own Strength, and trufting that fome un- fortunate Events, or fome unhappy Errors, might, in Time, afford them better Colours, than (in fpight of all the Varnifh they could put upon it) their Caufe would for the prefent bear. Of late Years, by the vaft Encreafe of Trade, and the Cuf- tom of living in the Capital, for the greateft Part of the Year, London and Wejlminjler had vaftly encreafed ; — -all great Cities are the Seat both of Liberty and Faftion, — in Proportion to their Numbers and their Wealth, their Abilities either to defend the One, or to exert the other, encreafe. — For the Means of one, 2nd of the other, are the fame, and they differ only in the Ex- tent to which they are carried, and in the Lengths they go.— From this Encreafe it was, that the late Oppofition derived its Force, and it was by the Influence of thefe two Cities, in great meafure, that they routed the late Adminiftration.— Wejlminjlcr had in a particular Manner exerted itfelf to maintain its Freedom of Election, which had been, with unaccountable Imprudence, invaded with very ftrong and odious Circumftances at their Choice of Members for the prefent Parliament. — The Ad- miniftration ftill, with greater Rafhnefs, were determined, if they could, to make this irregular Election ftand, which fo much of- fended all, as well violent as moderate Men, that there arofe a Conjunction of alllntcrefts, and of all Principles, which created an Oppofition fo formidable, that it was not to be refilled, and fuch as, it is hoped, there will never be the fame Occafion to fee again. — The Juftice of the Caufe, and the Confequence of its Iflue to the People, made Men exert themfelves with an uncommon Spirit, and caufed them to appear in vaft Num- bers, and in very frequent AfTemblies, by which Men of all Tempers became acquainted, who would otherwife never have known each other. — The moft warm and violent conforted to- gether, who when they had carried their Point, and found the Sweets of Victory, (from a kind of Turn natural to that Order of ( 101 ) of Mankind, and to Perfons of fuch a Difpofition) knew no longer how to confine themfelves within their own proper Sphere, and thought themfelves equally qualified and equally entitled to direct the Nation, as to conduct their own Election. Thus when the Moderate and Wife, contented with having done their Duty, and carried the only Point with which they were intitled to interfere, retired peaceably to reap the Fruits of an Event, which produced many other beneficial Confequences to their Country : Thefe, though a mere Handful, strengthening themfelves with Numbers who had no Right to vote, and laying hold of every Man they could draw in, (till continued to main- tain the Shadow of their former Meetings. Thefe were the firft applied to by the Faclion, and afluming the Title of a nu- merous, powerful, and worthy Set of Men, who had lately made fo great a Noife in the World, under the Stile of the In- dependant Inhabitants ofWeJlminfler, were, in Conjunction with proper Inftruments in the City of London, to take the Lead, and to fet the Example to all the other Cities and Corporations of the Kingdom. Through this Canal, the Ice was to be broken to the People in general, and Inftructions were drawn up, in which three or four were out of Form confultcd, and which about fourfcore out of i6,oco Electors in Wejlminjler, and two or three hundred out of 6000 Liverymen in London, fanctified with their Approbation. — Thefe being publifhed in the printed Pa- pers, were, with Diligence and Expedition, fent into the Coun- try, as the Senfe of this great Metropolis, to be thence taken for the Voice of the whole People of England ; and for Fear, notwithstanding this Suggestion, that the People in the Country would not fufficiently rcfent it, if their Reprefenta- tives did not literally conform themfelves to this pretended Senfe of the whole good People of England, they publifhed a Pam- phlet, to convince them, that it was the Duty of every Mem- ber of Parliament, to vote in every Infrance as his Conftituents mould direct him in the Houfe of Commons, — a Thing in the higheft Degree abfurd, for it is the conjlant and allowed Principle of our Conflitution, that no Man, after he is chofen, is to cmijider himfelf as a Member for any particular Place, but as a Repre- fentative for the whole Nation, — without which there could neither be Freedom of Judgment, or Speech, without which all Debate muff, be entirely unnecefTary, and without which the Legiflature would be torn with Faction, Nonfenfe, and Con- trariety of Interests, to a degree of Confufion that must deftroy all Government. — Hence it is that Parliaments have never al- lowed the Right of Instructing to be in the People ; and it has accordingly been a Practice, which, introduced firft in the Times ( 102 > Times of the great Rebellion, has never Since been exercifed but in Times that threatened the fame Confufion. Yet when thefe Instructions appeared, they were far from anfwering the firft End of inducing all others to follow their Ex- ample. Some few Corporations did it ; but no Endeavours of the Faction could extend it far : Nay, fome addrefTed their Members, and particularly Briflol, the third City in the King- dom, in direct Oppofition to them ; nor is it to be wondered at, for the Instructions from London were not only a direct and fcur- rilous Libel upon the Administration, but the moil feditious In- strument, that ever was penned, and very little Short of Trea- fon both againft the King and Conftitution. Thofe of Wejl- minjler were lefs fruitlefs in perfonal Abufe, which they hinted only, that they kept in Referve till they faw whether their Ideas were complied with ; in many other Refpects they went as far, and in fome, viz. with Refpect to the Conftitution, Jlill farther than the City of London itfelf. \ The diftinguifhed Points of thefe ever memorable Performan- ces may be reduced to the following Heads, ifl, the Abufe of Perfons without the leaft Referve or Decency : idly, The Place- Bill: %dly, The Triennial Law : ^thly, Jujlice upon the Earl of Orford: $thly, Granting no Supplies till the 2d, 3d, and \th Point here mentioned were complied with. Now if every one of thefe Points be duly confidered, we can be at no Lofs to difcover what their View was, and from what Quarter their Instructions came. — With regard to the firft, as I have obferved before, the Abufe of Perfons was the Fort of the Faction in all former Oppofition ; but as they were very fenfible that to anfwer any View by it, they muft carry it to a greater Excefs ; and do it with greater Injuftice and Confidence than was ever done before, it was very prudent to be able to quote for their Example, what they termed the Senfe of the whole Nation. — As to the fecond Article, the Place-Bill, they knew no wife Government would think it prudent to Strengthen the popular Intereft in fuch a time of Inflammation ; that there- fore King, Lords and Commons would refufe to pafs it, as they had the more Reafon to do, a Bill of the fame Nature very con- siderable in its Confequences (though mifreprefented grofsly) having paSTed in the laft Seffions. As to the Triennial Law, they were fure that could not be obtained, becaufe they knew there were not ten Men ferioufly for it, in the whole Parlia- ment, and their moft flaming Patriots had themfelves voted againft it in the laft Seflions. As to what they called Jujlice upon the Earl of Orford, they knew that they had already by their own Conduct nut it out of the Power of any Set of Men to ef- fect; ( ™3 ) feet it ; which was the Reafon that in Truth they infilled upon thefe three laft mentioned Points ; being fure from thence, though Things fell out the belt for this Nation, and die worft for them, never to want Ground and Pretence for Oppofition, and for a feeming Juftification of the grand Point of all, the dijlrcjftng of Government, by granting no Money to the Crown ; which without this Addrefs and thefe Arts, the People would have looked upon them, not as Patriots, but as Monjiers and Madmen, in the then critical Situation of Affairs, to have op- pofed, when the Balhnce of Power, that Point with Juftice fo much favoured at all Times by this Country, lay at an imme- diate Stake. It was thus by heating the Minds of the People, and by fet- ting them in a vain Difpute, that they endeavoured to bring the Nation off from the true Scent, and to pave the Way for theRevival of their Tory Principles again : — By inculcating thefe popular Points, and fpreading a certain general Maxim very fallacioufly applied, that It was of no Confequence what became of the Liberties ^Europe, if we did not Jirji fe cure our Liberties at Home, they difguifed their Attempts of deftroying both the one and the other. The Fatlion having now no Means to gain upon the Reafon, fought only to depend upon the Madnefs of the People, and having laid a Foundation by thefe Injlruclions before men- tioned, upon the firft Opening of the Seflions, oppofed the Ad- drefs to his Majejly in Return for his Speech from the Throne y in which were enumerated feveral of thofe Advantages, which called fo loudly for the Gratitude of this Nation both to GWand Man -, but they difcovered no Temper of that kind to either: Nay, as if the Senfe and Memory of all their Auditors had been totally loft, they difclaimed againft the prefent State of things, as if equally bad and defperate, with that out of which we had fo happily efcaped, retailing by rote the fame Imputations to the prefent Conduct, and the fame Reflections upon the prefent State of our Affairs, as they had learned of their Leaders before, when the Situation of Affairs was totally the reverfe : Notwith- standing the vifible Importance of convincing the World abroad, in this critical Conjuncture, (efpecially after the great Confu- fion of this Country and the Change of the Miniftry) that the Publick were united to fupport the Common Caufe ; though it is well known, as an able Foreigner obferves, que fur tout depuis k Commencement dc ce Siecle, les Harangues des Rois de la Grande Britagne a V overture du Parlement font confideres comme des Efpcces d' Oracles touchant la Situation generale des Affaires de r Europe : f 104 y ? Europe *t — And though, whoever has travelled abroad is ienfible how the Expectations of all Nations are raifed or de- prefled according to the Sentiments expreffed from the Throne* and according to the Reception of the King's Speech in the firft Debate of Parliament ; it was in vain to reafon from ffenee, that what gained Credit with all Foreign Nations, ought to meet with fome Refpect at home. — That the Confequences of not correfponding with the Sentiments of the Crown, muft either be a Suggeftion of Faljhood in his Majejly, or of Ignorance or Madnefs in our/elves j that in fuch a Situation this muft throw Things back again into all the firft Confufion — that any Cold- nels exprefled in fuch an extraordinary Conjuncture, muft con- vince the World, that a fecond Revolution of our Admini- ftration was to follow, — that as the Confidence arifing in all our natural Allies, and Dejection in our Enemies, proceeded only from the Profpect of the Change of Meafures confequen- tial to it, both would infallibly be defeated by a Profpecl of the Difcontinuanceof that Adminiftration. — That thefe Reflections muft convert the Confidence of the one into Defpair, the Dejec- tion of the other into Confidence, — that this muft infallibly in- duce the King of Sardinia to liften to the Invitations of Advan- tage thrown in his Way by France and Spain ; intimidate the Dutch from entering into Engagements with us ; compel the Houfe of Aujiria to fubmit immediately to any Terms which France fhould impofe, and irrecoverably' facrifice all Europe ta be cantoned out at the Will of that imperious Power ; induce Frujjia and Saxony, who had juft receded from that Confederacy, to purfue new Views of Advantage to themfelves, at the Ex- pence of that diftrefled Princefs ; facrifice all the Sums already expended in this Caufe, and totally defeat all the Views, we now fo reafonably entertained, of reftoring the Balance of Power. In fine, that it would inevitably drive us back into the Steps of the laft Adminiftration, which even the Faclion ftill affected to condemn and punifh. — All this had no Effect ; thefe Arguments could have no Effect on Men, who had Views to which they bore no Relation, and who, by their original Principles, wifhed fe- cretly the very Thing that others, by their Reafoning, endea- voured to prevent ; at laft the Senfe of the Houfe being taken by a Divifion, it appeared, not lefs to the Amazement of them- ielves, than to that of all heneft Men, that fo many were of their own Principles, fo many defeated in their Expectations, fo many fettered in Apprehenfions of the Popular Spirit of the Time, the Hazard of their future Elections, the Fear of Perfonal Abufe, * Jloxjcf. Vol III. fol 327. the C 105 ) the miftaken Shame of deferring what they called their Party, (though they knew them in the wrong, and wilhed to be out of the Enchantment) fo many led away by the fpecious Pretence of imaginary or irremediable Grievances, and fo many weak and deluded Men, that they were joined by a very great Number. This Degree of Succefs elated them fo far, that they gave a Vent to all their Rage and Malice againft every one, who had differed from them in this Vote ; — painted it out to the People -in every Colour of Inconfiftency ; —they had treated thofe, who acted with the former Adminiftration, for twenty Years pafr, without Mercy, as the greateft Villains for entertaining for a Principle, that they Jhould vote with their Party in all Quejlions tvhatfoever, right or wrong, and that Party could be no otherwifs maintained: Yet, as much as they had condemned this Principle a little while before, they made no Scruple to adopt it now, and for this fingle Vote, branded every Man, who gave it, at Once, as a Deferter of the Caufe of his Country, exerting every low y mean and infamous Art, to injure, blacken*, and defame him. The Faclion now obferving, that they were abetted, not only without Doors, but within, by a larger Body of People than they could have at firft, imagined, determined in the next Inftance, without Referve, to try how far that Delufion had ex- tended, and could fupport them. — When therefore the Eftimates for the 16,000 Britifh Troops in Flanders came to be confider- ed, they oppofed, with the utmofl Vehemence, the granting the Sup- ply for this Service, infijiing upon their being recalled home, and difbanded'i — and now they began to appear in their full Colour the Men they were ; they not only trod in the Steps of their Predeceflbrs, in the Reign of King Charles the Second, King William, and Queen Anne, but they travelled that Pace, which none of them had gone before. — None had ever fo openly avowed the Views of leaving the whole World to the Mercy of France : No Englijhman before could have dared to make a Propofition of this Nature, when our Armies were actually united in the Field, and France, bending its utmoft Force N to the Ruin of our moft potent and conftant Ally abroad. — Even in that infamous Scene in the Reign of the Queen, they were contented, for the firft Step, to agree to a Ceflation of Arms, and to feparate from their Allies : — They made a Peace, fuch as it was, before they brought back a fingle Regiment ; — they had then the Pretence of fome Conceflions from France, fmall as they were, compared with the Advantages in our Power at that Time to have procured : — they had the Plea of a dangerous Intereft, that the General had acquired in the Army, and of O ' ambitious ( io6 ) ambitious Views, in a great Subject, which a Princefs, the lafi of her Race, had no Ability to contend with ; — they had Pre- tences, from the immenfe Sums which had been already ex- pended upon the War, and which People naturally wifhed to be eafed from almoft at any Rate ; — they had even fome Shew of Confiftency in their Conduct ; for they had been long at work to obftruct and oppofe the Continuance of it. — But for thefe People, all Appearance of Reafon and Confiftency was at remote to juftify them in what they did, as their Defign was manifeft to ruin the Intereft, to pervert the Principles, to infult the Underftwidings, and abufe the Weaknefs of their Coun- trymen. We can never recur too often to this Point, that whoever knov\*s the Hiftory of this Government, can judge of its In- terefts and its Dangers, muft know, that it has been, and ought to be, the conftant Principle of Politicks, by which this Nation muft be ever governed. — To keep down the Power of the Houfe of Bourbon, that if fhe now acquires ever fo little an Addition to it, In its Confequences, the Trade, the Liberty, the Religion, the Independency of this Nation, will be inevitably un- done. — T!)at to prevent this Power from Encreafe, we muft f up- per t fome great Power on the Continent, capable toftandfor a Time, till Confederacies may he formed againft her ; — that for Ages paft, and ftill at this Hour, no other Power is in any Degree equal (or capable in any reafonable Profpcd of Time to be made equal) to that Ta/k, but that of the Houfe c/"Auftria.-— And that therefore the Sum of all the Politicks of this Nation is to fupport, by all the Means in our Power, the Houfe of Auftria. The Nation has fo long feen the Force of thefe Maxims, has fuffered fo much from every temporary Departure from them, and infenfibly advanced into fo manifeft Danger, by every Re- laxation from thefe Principles, that there was not a fingle Man, who did not profefs them, and upon this was grounded that univerfal Clamour againft the late Adminiftration. The Author of that worft and moft malicious Libel that ever was publifhed, entitled, Tloe Cafe of the Hanover Troops, himfelf confeffes, that the univerfal Dillatisfaction of that Time was principally owing to this weak, and, as he adds, wicked Conduct of our Foreign Affairs, and Neglect of thefe Principles. I may fay more, there was not a fingle Man of this Nation, who was not fully con- vinced, that they were true, though fome were forry for their private Views againft the Government, that they fhould be purfued for no other Reafon, than that they knew them to be true: — And therefore, upon the late Change of the Adminiftra- tion, it was refolved, by the almoft univerfal Senfe of the whole a Nation, C *°7 ) Nation, notwithstanding the firft impotent Attempt of thefe Gentlemen to prevent it, that thefe 16,000 National Troops fhould be fent into Flanders.—* When this was done, however, the Affairs of the Queen of Hungary had already providentially begun to mend, by a fortunate Winter's Campaign, and our Spirits were a little raifed, by feeing her Ruin a little protra&ed. —Yet it was then evident, that thefe 16,000 Men were far from being able alone to prevent that Ruin. Had the Nation there- fore been ripened enough into a fatal Diftradlion, much more might have been then urged, with greater Plaufibility, againft this firft Step, than againft the Continuance of it, after it had been made. — The Profpedt. of being able to compofe an Army fulficient to a& againft France, was then in fome Degree preca- rious and remote : It might have been, (as it has been fince) urged, that this could only operate by way of a Diverfion ; — and hardly that, becaufe the French could not fear Hoftilities from fuch an Handful of Men ; — yet, I fay, the Meafure was even then approved by the almoft univerfal Senfe of this Nation, — as it was a Beginning, as it maintained the Faith of Treaties, as it was a Pledge of the future Intentions of this Country, and a Proof of our Change of Politicks, as it was a Root and a Foun- dation for other Troops to be gathered to, as Time or Inci- dents, or the common Danger, might induce ; — and as it was conformable with an ejlabltjhed Rule of Politicks^ that he that gains Time, gains every thing. The Senfe therefore of thefe fundamental Principles brought, as I have faid,'in a manner, the whole Nation to be willing, at a Time, when two of the greateft Powers in Germany were embarqued, and in the Field, in Conjunction with France, againft the Queen of Hungary, — at a Time, when Hanover, and the Dutch, were both awed by a French Army ; and when no certain or immediate Profpe£f. appeared, of Affiftanee on any Side, but from the Houfe of Savoy in Italy, to adventure this Experiment, an Experiment of 6 or 700,000/. They thought every thing was to be tried in fuch Extremities, and no Expence to be confidered, where the Trade, the liberty, the Religion and Independency of this Natjon, were vifibly at Stake. How then could this fcandalous Oppofition to the Continue ance of this Meafure be fwallowed by the Publick in the very next Year, when the Face of our Affairs was changed in fo won- derful a manner in our Favour, when Pruffia and Saxony had deft (ted from being Enemies to the Houfe or Auftria, when the French Armies had been fo greatly diminished, when the Queen of Hungary had almoft cleared her whole Dominions from the Enemy, when the Dutih and Hanover were no longer awed by O 2 France ( io8 ) France , when inflead of a naked Body of 16,000 Men, by the Junction of Hejjians, Hanoverians and Aujir'tans, we bad actually an Army collected in one Body of 50,000 Men : The Anfwer to this Queftion is eafily made, the Ardour of the Na- tion had, by infamous Arts been converted into the Heat of a Faclion ; Oppofition, which was before conducted by Whig Principles, was now Jed by Incendiaries and Jacobit-s ; who never did, nor ever will lead the People but toMeafures incon- iilrent with their Interefrs and Safety. But though the Wicked abound in this and in all other Coun- tries, yet they are never numerous enough alone to attempt the Ruin of their Country, they mufthave a vaft Acceffion of the Honeft to afTitt them, and they muft impofe upon their Weaknefs to abet their Views ; they muft have fome Pretences to prevail upon them : — Let us now confider what thefe Pre- tences were. " They firft began tenderly to infinuate that our firft Prin- 9 ) followed the Views ; and like thofe by whom they had been taught their LefTon, they applied thefe Infinuations with great Caution at the firft, and only upon fuch Objects as by the Weaknefs of their Underftandings were too dull of Apprehenfion to detect their Views, and who by their Ignorance could not be able to know, that thefe were the conftant Practices of the Jacobites, Enemies of their Country and Friends of France upon all Occafions. There is always much Ignorance and much Weaknefs in the Bulk of Mankind, fo that they were not long before they found their Effect: in this fecret Management ; and they were further affifted by a certain Temper, which every thinking Man muft have obferved in human Nature of the lower Clafs, that they delight in any thing that is new, and in the marvellous ; thefe Refinements upon our Policy were ftrange to them ; and they admired at the Sagacity of thofe, who had ftruck out thofe new Lights ; which they were proud to appear the Inventors of, or at leaft, to mew their fuperior Judgment in comprenending as foon as hinted, and to difplay this fuperior Sagacity, farther inr culcated all thefe Doctrines, upon the common People, who are always prone to relifh a Difcovery, which promifes a Re- duction of their Taxes and of an Army. But alas ! how (hallow are the Underftandings of thefe Men, who can be impofed upon by this fuperficial Reafoning? Can the Wifdom of this Age entertain the Vanity to think, that their Anceftors have for feven hundred Years perfifted in an Error, which the bright Genius of the enlightened Vulgar have now at length difcovered to be fuch?fhall every Cobler in his Stall pretend a Knowledge of political Affairs, fuperior to that of the beft, the wifeft, the greateft Men of this and all former Ages, whom their Education, and whole Turn of Life have adapted and dedicated to the Study of Politicks and Govern- ment r" What ridiculous Vanity is this .? and what Folly, to imagine that Men, who have no Intereft in the State, but the Profits of their daily Labour, mould be more anxious for the Well-being of their Country, than thofe, who have vaft Pro- perties to take Care of ; who really feel the Burthens, which are but imaginary upon the reft (becaufe in the Nature of things they caft off the Load of all publick Charges from themfelves upon the Rich, by an Advance both in the Price of their Com- modities and Labour,) and who alone fuftain all the Taxes of the Nation ? Whofe Lands are faddled directly or indirectly with the whole Expence; who, if Ruin falls upon their Coun- try, muft, by Forfeitures and Confifcations, lofe their Eftates, their Titles, and perhaps their Lives, while thefe, living by the natural ( no) natural Occafions of all Mankind, muft {till be neceflary to every State, transform it how you will, muft be from that Ne- ceffity preferved, and carry with them, through all Difafters of their Country, a certain Method of Subfiftence. Shall this Order of the People, from the falfe Oratory, and Declama- tions of a few feditious Leaders, be perfuaded to oppofe their new-fangled Sentiments to fuch Men as thefe, prelume to fet up for Leaders of Political Opinions, and by a few Inftances of temporary Negledt in GreatMen, (warped perhaps on fome Occafions from their Duty to their Country, by the Allure- ments of great Offices in the State,— or mifled into the Support of wrong Meafures, for a time) be carried away, to think their Affairs more fafe under the Direction of Men of defperate For- tunes, low Rank, and even of the very Commonalty them- felves ; — or becaufe all the Inftances of frantick Management Jn Princes, have been collected together, to make a Bundle of Infamy againft Government by Monarchy, and to expofe the Errors and Wickednefs of fome crowned Heads ; — are they to conclude, from thefe partial Informations, that Monarchy is no longer to be endured, or trufted with any degree of Power, however legally entitled to it by the Conftitution of their Coun- try ? — and that neither the Prince, who derives his Glory from the Greatnefs of his People, his Security and Affluence from their Profpetity, nor the Nobility, whofe Titles and Eftates depend upon the fame Source, are proper Judges of the Intereft of the Publick, while they deem themfelves the only knowing, wife, and honeft Politicians of the World. Again, — Will this Nation be feduced to fuch a Point as not to fee, that neither this, nor any other in the Word can ftand alone, and without Allies? — That Maritime Power is preca- rious, neceflarily divided often, and capable of changing from one State to another, when protected only by itfelf — That when the Romans gained the univerial Empire on the Conti- nent, though much in a lower Condition in their Marine than France now is, the Carthaginians, the only State of the whole World then potent in this refpe£t, were in the End deftroyed.— That we ourfelves only by one fortunate Defeat ruined the Na- val Force of Spain in 1588, and acquired the Dominion of the Sea. — That every People almoft in Europe, have now feme de- gree of Power upon that Element, and that a little Acceflion of Influence to France, muft put her in a Condition to compel that whole collected Power to contend with ours, — that fhe might, with a little Extent of her Barrier, and Arrondijfement of her" Dominions, reduce half of her Armies, and employ half of her Revenues to encreafe her Fleets. — That the Experience of all ( 111 ) all our Hiftories (hews, the utmoft Care of the mofl numerous Squadrons infufRcient to fecure us againft being infuked, nay, even actually invaded ; —and that fuch Invafions have never failed to put us to great Expence, and have always given us great Alarms, and fometimes proved fuccefsful j — that we have rarely wanted a Faction, at any time, to back and to abett At- tempts of this Nature ; nor that, from the Nature of our Go- vernment, we everihall, — and that when they were thus backed, and thus abetted, they hardly ever failed of their Defign.-r-The very Government, and Monarchy and Constitution of this Coun- try, owe their Origin to thefe Invafions j— not to fpeak of the Ramans, whofe Conquefts are very remote, the Saxons con- quered this Ifland, from the Britons, by their Fleets ; the Em- pire of the Saxons, who, in Proportion to thofe Times, had ve- ry confiderable Naval Forces, was, for a while, entirely over- thrown by the Danes ; — and fcarce had the Saxons recovered their Ground, but that the Norman Invafion compleated all, and made an entire Conqueft of this Nation. — From thence for- ward is it forgot how we have fuffered by Defcents from France** how the Contentions for private Title were perpetually carried on by foreign Aids, to the Perturbation of our State ; how fre- quently every Party fuCceeded in their Turn j how near the Spaniards, as I have before obferved, came to make a Pro- vince of this Iiland ; how the Revolution, in the Memory of thofe now living, fucceeded, in fpight of all the Vigi- lance of Government ; how Ireland was upon the very Point of being loft; how the French invaded, and retreated thence with Impunity ; how, fince that Time, many Defcents have taken Effect ; when our Navy was in its Zenith, and thofe of other Powers at their loweft Ebb ; — how vaft a Number of our Ships have been found infufRcient to anfwer all our feve- ral Purpofes of Defence, of Trade, the Annoyance of our Ene- mies, and Protection of our own Coaft, againft one inconsi- derable Enemy, and one hollow Friend ?— If we have not for- got all this, — we muft be mad, to think, that, at any Time, or in any Situation, this Nation can, with Security, alone con- fide in their Naval Force, much lefs when the reft of Europe ihall be reduced to the dread of, or to a provincial Dependance upon a great Empire, within three Hours fail of fome Part of our Dominions, and within ten of our Capital itfelf. Will this Nation, however careful of its Liberty at Home, out of a remote and, honeftly fpeaking, little to be dreaded Dan- ger of the Influence of a fmall Military Force, expofe itfelf to thofe Infults, which muft deftroy all Peace and Quiet, interrupt C 112 ) all Commerce, and may, upon every Turn, ruin the publick Credit of this Country, which gives Life to every Thing, in which we find either Profit or Security at home : — But much more (hall this Nation, from thefe imaginary Dangers, be di- ftra&ed enough to difband her Armies in the Time of actual War, and run headlong into the manifeft, immediate and cer- tain Dangers of a Foreign Yoke ? — Are we to put ourfelves to immediate Death for fear of dying hereafter ? — What Folly is it, (out of a magnified Mifreprefentation of Diftreffes, imaginary, and falfely pretended, Decay of Trade, or Suggeftions of Poverty in the midit of immenfe Opulency, greater than either we or any other State in Europe ever yet enjoyed,) to refufe Succour to thofe Allies, whofe Standing Armies awe that Power, which, when once unreftrained by them, can never pofKbly be refuted, but by fuch Standing Armies at home, as would indeed be ruin- ous both to Trade and Liberty. By thefe occafional and tem- porary Expences, we fecure the future and conftant Afiiftance, and avail ourfelves of the Benefit of Standing Armies of nume- rous and potent Nations, which anfwer, upon any Emergency abroad, that Want, which we otherwife fhould have of them at home, and without which our Country would infallibly, fooner or later, be the Seat of War, — without which our Inhabitants, in- ftead of Manufacturers, muft univerfally become Soldiers, — and our Battles be fought within our own Bowels, and by our own Countrymen, inftead of being fought in the Countries of our Ene- mies, and to the Depopulation of other Nations.— No Expence can be too great to fecure us thefe Advantages, or to preferve us from thefe Evils,: — and to pretend, that theBenefits of ourSitua- tion are to be carried further than this, or to be fecured by any other Means in the prefent State and Politicks of all the Powers on the Continent, is a Prefumption upon the Goodnefs and Fe- licity permitted us by Providence, and a Nonfenfe that will de- stroy it all. However evident this Reafoning may be, yet it's contrary met with Advocates, and enlarged their -"Bottom; but, broad as they affected to call it, and broad, as it really became, by the Folly and Paffion, and the Ferment of the Time, the Foundation, upon which it was built, was too bad to admit it to fland without it Was yet much broader, to which End they employed their So- phiftry, upon the Head of our Troops in Flanders, ftill much farther. This they urged in the Debate of that Day ; but after- wards, according to their Cuftom, retailed among the People, in a Pamphlet, intitled, The Quejlionjlated with regard to our Army in Flanders. At the CJofe -of which, they fummed up all their Argument, corrected by the Debate, inlarged bv the 'Col- ( It-?) Colle&ion oF the various Reafonings of their Orators, and re- duced by Leifure, into the Method beft adapted to impofe upon the Publick. Thefe Reafonings were drawn into the Form of Queftions moft falfely and fallacioufly compofed, and as falfely and falla- cioufly anfwered by themfelves, which I fhall take the Liberty to anfwer in a different Manner. The firft Queftion was in thefe Words ; i/?, Why, with one War upon your Hands, will you draw yourfelves into another ? idly, Why will you make yourfelves Principals in a War, in which you ought only to be Auxiliaries ? ^dly, Why do you run yourfelves into Expences you can't bear, into Difficulties you will find it fo hard, if not impoffible to get out of, into Inconveniencies you fee no End of, Purfuits where there is nothing to gain, and Struggles in which you have fo much to lofe ? 4tbfy, Why, if the Queen of Hungary is to be farther affifted, do you, inftead of fending her Money, which might aflift her, expend treble the Money fhe would be thankful for in railing Forces that can't affift her ? Stbfyy Why did you dilTuade the Queen of Hungary from kittening to all Offers of Accommodation the laft Summer, and particularly at the Siege of Prague ? Why did you endeavour to prevent her accepting the Terms propofed of reciprocal Evacu- ation of Bohemia and Bavaria, leaving other Claims and Pre- tentions to future Negotiations and civil Decifion, which is the End they muft come to, unlefs thefe Squabbles laft for ever ? bthfy y Why did you embarque in this Meafure, without the Junction, Confent, Approbation, or even Participation of Holland? ytbly, Why have you alone taken upon you the Hazards, Burthens and Expences of a Scheme, which all the Powers of Europe c. mbined, would not perhaps be able to execute, and which no Power in Europe will aflift you in ? Thefe Queftions are, by the Confeffion of the Author, who Was known to be a capital Writer, the Subftance of all they had to offer upon this Head, — and we fhall now come to (hew their flimfy Texture; — they are intended to pais as fo many folid Fa£ts, attended with fo many irrefragable Reafons, how much they differ, from either Fadt or Reafon, appear by the following Reflections. At to the firft ghieftion, we entered into the fecond War, be* caufe we were bound by the ftrongeft Ties of Treaty and pub- lick Faith to do it ; — becaufe the firft War could never have been brought to a happy Conclufion without it ; — becaufe the fecond Enemy fupported the firft ; — becaufe the fecond Power, P with.- ( "4) without entering avowedly into that War, fupplied, encouraged, and fomented the Difference between us and the firft ; and be- caufe there is more Safety in an open Enemy, than in a falfe Friend : — becaufe the Views of the firft and fecond Enemy coin- cided with each other j— and becaufe we were certain, that the fecond Enemy would have joined the firft, with her whole and an irrefiftible Force, when (he had finifhed her Work in Germany , and that then we fhould have had to deal with both thefe Powers, without any one Ally in the World, --- whereas, by joining a- gainft the fecond, at the Time we did it, we were able to act in Conjunction with fome of the greateft Powers in Europe, and a reafonable Expectation of the Aid of more j-— becaufe the rafh Attempts of the firft Power, partly to gratify her own wild Am- bition, and partly to affift the Plan of the fecond, had afforded us the Means, if we engaged againft the fecond, of ruining the Armies of the firft, of confining her Fleets from any Poffibility of doing us any Harm, and in fine, of difap pointing her moft fa- vourite Views, of exhaufting her Revenues, and of throwing her Government into Confufion in one Campaign, more than by any other way of waging War with her to the End of the World.— All this could be only done, when we had the one War upon our Hands, by engaging in the other. As to the fecond Quejlion, it will fcarce admit of any Anfwer, becaufe the Affertion it implies is abfolutely and notorioufly falfe in Fact, for we have hitherto not been Principals in this War in any Senfe whatever : We have ailed only as Auxiliaries to the Houfe of ' Aujiria. — And this it feems I need not take the Pains to juftify, fince in acting as Auxiliaries, we are by Corifeflion of this Author only what we ought to be. The third §>ueJlion contains a complicated Charge, to which I {hall diftinctly anfwer : i/?, It is as- happily as it is palpably un- true, that the Expcnces into which we are involved, are fuck as we cannot hear. For to the heavy Difappointment of the Enemies of this Country, -the great Supplies of the laft Year have been railed upon Terms as low, notwithftanding all the Arts of mo- nieJ Men, and all the Terrors fcattered bv the Faclion, as they ever were in Times of the moft profound Peace, while the Ene- my, we are engaged with, cannot raife the Sums he wants, at twice the Rate of Intereft we pay : Nor are they likely to reap .any greater Satisfaction, with refpect to the Supplies in the next ' Seilion. 2. As to the Difficulties, which are foretold to be fo hard jand ' impojjible to get out of,it is nowvifible thatby theSteadinefs of this Parliament, and the Blefting of God upon our Arms, we , have already proved the Faclion to be lying Prophets, and what lus already happened, fufficiently promifes us a full Detection C "5 ) ©f the Falfity of every one of their Predictions. 3. As to the In* conveniencies we fee no End of \ it is undoubtedly true, that no hu- man Reafon can prefer i be an exact Period to any War, the Inconveniencies of which mud laft till fuch War is determined ; but if this be an Objection, it is fuch a one, as muft make againft engaging in any War, however juft or neceffary, in any Coun- try or Conjuncture whatfoever. 4. We are charged with Pur- fuits, where there is nothing to gain, and Struggles, in which we have Jo much to lofe. — But can thefe Men pafs for Patriots upon the Publick, who fay, we have nothing to gain, by reftoring that faithful Ally, which is alone able to Item the Ambition of the French Monarch, the implacable and ever dangerous Enemy of this Country ? or can they be thought to have either Common Senfe or Honefty, who contend, that we mould lie by in time of fuch Danger ? — When are Men tojlruggle, but when they have fo much to lofe, as the Trade, the Independency, the Religion, and the. Freedom of their Country ? The fourth £>uejlion demands, why iffe did not ajfijl the S>ueen of Hungary with Money only ? I cannot but obferve, that this Que- flion, confidering the Tendency of their former Infinuations, is a little unnecefTary, unlefs they doubted of the Weight they might have upon the Publick;— for the general Turn of their Difcourfe has been, that it is vain to affifther, either with Men or Money. — In good Truth, if the Subject were not of too ferious a Na- ture, it would be impoflible not to laugh at the miferable Shifts they have been put upon to defend their wretched Caufe. When- ever any Man of Senfe and Knowledge kept them clofe in Argu- ment, and urged the Faith of Treaties, the Danger of France, the Ruin of the Ballance, the Cafe of the Earl of Orford (cenfured by themfelves for neglecting thefe Confiderations,) they confefled all this, and denied, that they oppofed it ; they faid, that they agreed in the Necelfity of affifring the Houfe of Aujlria, and that they differed only in the Means j yet, if ever they could fallen upon any weak, ignorant, or ill-difpofed Perfon in private Conversation, it was their whole Labour to convince him of the Danger, Impracticability, and Inutility of doing it at all. This was the Topick upon which their Tools and EmifTaries were inftructed conftantly to entertain the People, — nay, they came at laft to talk publickly in Parliament in the fame dis- ingenuous manner, and with the fame Inconfiftency. — It will not be foon forgot, in what Manner, or how in the De- bate of this very Point, their moft eminent Directors ar- gued, fame grounding their Harangues upon this Polition, " That the late Succefs of the Houfe of Auflria had reduced ." France (o low, that {he could not carry on the War with P 2 ** any ( n6) ueenof Hungary in any way whaifcever f — However, we (hall follow our Gentlemen for the prefent in their own Way,— and anfwer firft, becaufe, though (he might have been thank- ful for a third Part of the Money, which our Troops coft us, as any Power in her late deplorable Circumftances would have been, it was not her Thanks, but her Preferuation from im- mediate Ruin, it was not her Gratitude, but the Recovery of her Power, to ballance France, which it was our Bufinefs to procure; it muft have been an Aid that would be effeclual, or we (hould have left her worfe than we found her. Now this Infinuation, that a pecuniary Aid would have been alone effec- tual, is far from being true, though the whole Money, which our Armies coft us, had been remitted to Vienna. ---Firft, be- caufe fuch immenfe Sums, exported out of this Country thi- ther, would have diitrefled us greatly, and would have none of it return'd ; it would have therefore been impracticable to have continued this Expence for any time : Whereas, by Experience of the laft War, it was manifeft, that very near two-thirds of the Charge of the Armies we maintained within a nearer Dis- tance of this Country, returned to us again ; and we have had a Proof that we can fupport a War in this Method without any vaft Diminution of our Specie, idly, Becaufe fuch immenfe Sums muft, from the Nature of that Court, have been much wafted or confumed ; but, however applied, could not fo con- veniently have anfwered our Ends, becaufe we fhould have loft the Advantage of a Diverfion to the Forces of France^ which is ( "7 ) is a Meafure of the greateft Benefit in War. 3^, Becaufe we fliould have loft the Advantage that refulted from the Se- curity of the Barrier, from the Encouragement of the Dutcb 9 from the Protection of the States and Circles lying upon the Confines of France, and the Influence we have fince manifeftly gained upon the Diet of the Empire, igthly, Becaufe no other Meafure could have put it in our Power to attack and penetrate into France itfelf, if God fliould profper our Arms with any re- markable Succefs, and becaufe by this Apprehenfion the Flow- er of her Armies have been confequently retained at home, and fhe more likely to be brought to Terms of reafonable Ac- commodation. $thly, That by this means we availed ourfelves of two great Points ; firjl^ of the Cavalry of the Allies, which is the beft in Europe, and muft have been for the greateft Part unemployed in this Quarrel, if the War had not been carried on in this manner ; and, fecondly, of the natural Superiority which Confederated Powers have over a fingle Nation, and what was our manifeft Advantage in the laft War, viz. that the Lofs of Men on our Part will fall more equally, and will be lefs felt ; while the whole Lofs of France falls upon her own Nation, from whence alone fhe is able to recruit ; which Cir- cumftance, all other things fuppofed to be equal, muft enable the Queen of Hungary to fuftain the War longer, and with left Inconvenience than the French.— For whatever the Vulgar have been taught to think, the Aujlrian Dominions are by no means inexhauftible of Men; — tho' the French have fufFered more, yet the Aujlrians have loft a great Number, and it is a certain Fa united in their Party, and abufed the Liberty of the Prefs ; but for any one of thofe Men who are now taken into the Govern- ment, or who now act with it, who were the Leaders of the Party at that Time, they neither acted nor countenanced, nay, they kept down and deftroyed that Tendency wherever it ap- peared. — Their Oppofition was upon true Whig Principles, their Writings all tended to fix the People to thefe Principles, and one of the Reafons why they encouraged the Spirit of Po- pularity and Republicanifm, perhaps too far, was to divert the People from a contrary and fatal Turn another way. — But the Dregs of that Party, dripped of their Leaders, gleaned of the Whigs, by whom they were then governed, are now fallen into th« Hands of Men, whofe Principles are the very reverfe, — wha C£ 2 la!>3 a j ( 1^4 ) labour to deftroy every Seed of Affection, or good Opinion in the People, towards the Royal Family. To render this defperate Defign more practicable, they had thus begun to deftroy the Scnfe of the People, as to the Necef- fity of the War, and the Afiiftance of the Houfe of Aujlria, in the manner we have feen, that they might (and it was im- poflible to be done without it) with more Effect infmuate, in due time, the pernicious Belief, that it was a War engaged in merely for the Interefls of Hanover alone. They flattered themfelves that the Time was now come. — The Prefs fwarmed with fuch treafonable Pamphlets, as were never ventured, or ever known to be published in anv Age or Nation.— The King's Perfon was in Ballads, and Libels at- tacked with a Licence, which never was taken, even in the great Rebellion, when the King and the Nation were in actual War upon each other. It was now afTerted publickly, and in Print, a That the Interejls of Britain had been fleered, ever Jince the Acceffion of this Family , by the Rudder of Hanover.— b That the Interejis p/"Great Britain had been conjlantly and manifejlly facrificed, for many Years, to that of the Ele&orate. — c That the Interejis tf Hanover had been the Touchjlone of all our Mea- fures Jince the Accejfton. — d That Great Britain had been hitherto Jlrong and vigorous enough to bear up Hanover on its Shoulders , and though now wajled and wearied out with the continued Fatigue , Jhe was Jiill goaded on, as if already fold to Vaffallage, and by Computfion obliged to perfjl in the ungrateful Drudgery, without Hope of, or Title to, Redemption, — and forced e to fubmit to the Ignominy of becoming only a Money Province to that Electorate.— That nobody could or did indeed wonder at the AffeSlion his late Majejly expreffed for his native Country, and nobody blames the Tendernefs his frefent Majejly preferves for it : Both of them had their Beings and their firjl Impreffions in it. Nor would it befur- priftng,—ifthe Succejfor Jhould have fame Preedileclion for the meri- dian in which he was born and educated, but it is a terrible Doclrine, that of being a pecuniary Province to a little State upon the Con- tinent, dejlined only to boljier up its Pride, fupply its Indigence, and gratify its frivolous Ambition, to lavijh away, upon a puny hcpelefs Jlunted Child, the Nourijhment neceffary to fupport the healthy and thriving one-*- { Exhaufted and beggared as we are al- ready, afervile Submiffion, and the breaking and taming of the true Engliin Spirit y may pofiibly be thought the next Thing necef- fary* a Cafe of Hanover Troops, fol. 30. b The Intereft of Haw. *ver, fol. 10. c Ibid. fol. 51. A Cafe of the Hanover Troops, fol. 71. e Ibid. fol. 83. f Cafe of the Hanover Troop?, fol. 54. ( m ) fary \ tndrder-to which, the Intereji and Influence of Hanover -are no longer now to de difguifed or concealed? but openly avowed as the Rule af our Condutt , and the Spring of our Afiions.—* Lured by aft infatiable Thirfl of Gain, in whatever Shape ; in love with military Speclacles, and to make a Soldier-like Figure in the Field, Hano- ver may proceed as far as a March, or a Counter-march more would be too mucb.—- h Willyou lofe the Affections, and exhaufi the Strength of your Kingdom, for the Addition of a Bailliage to the Electorate.—* We have too much good Senfe to be fo impofed up- on, too much Spirit not to refent the very Attempt, and too much Dif- cretion to beggar ourf elves for the fake of an Infant, which has been a Snare and a Curfe to us from the Beginning.-— Thxs is the venomous Stile, thefe are the very individual Words and Lan- guage of this deteftable Set of Men, fet forth not only in their Speeches, both within the Houfe and without, but publifhed in the Face of Government, and to the World, delivered to the People as their Creed, inculcated as the Fundamentals of their Political Faith, written by their moil eminent Men> avowed by them, recommended, and with amazing Induftry fpread through the remoteft Corners of the united Kingdom. I have referred to the Pamphlets themfelves, and to the Pages, that I may not be accufed of Mifreprefentation ; (the Books are in every Man's Hands,) for they who are capable to aflert this, are bafe enough to deny it when they have done it. Let us now fee upon what Pretences, and upon what immi- nent Danger, this Fire, Fufy, and Treafon, dared to avow itfelf, to expefr Countenance of the People, or to efcape its Pu- nifliment,— It was for this, and this alone, becaufe/£* Miniflers had taken 16,000 Hanoverian Auxiliaries into Britifh Pay> to ferve in the Quarrel againjl the Houfe of Bourbon, and to fupport the Houfe of Auftria. vVithout which we have fo fully demon- ftrated that it could not in that Conjuncture have been fupport- ed, or the Ballance of Europe faved from utter Ruin. The Articles of Impeachment drawn up againft the King of England, (for the Attack was now pufhed to the Foot of the Throne itfelf ) were thefe : 1 ft, That the King and his Father, Electors of Hanover, having no Regard nor Paternal AffecJien to their Britifh Dominions, had falfely and treacheroufly,to their People of England, betrayed their lnterejls\ and by a corrupt Majority in Parliament, had fucrificed the Wealth, Treafure, Security, Liberty and Reputation of this Country, by one continued Series of uninterrupted Meafures, to the contemptible Interefl of their Hanoverian Dominions. " A Vindication of the Cafe of the Hanover Troops, fol. 20- * Ibid. fol. 54. c Cafe of Hanover Troops, foL 72. 2dly, ( 126 ) 2'dly, That to give the finijhing Blow, to per feci this long-la-^ toured and indefatigable Undertaking, and to gratify an Avarice infatiable, his prefent Majejly had hired 1 6,000 of his Hanove- rians under a Pretext of compofing an Army of Auxiliaries for the Service of the Houfe of Auftria. $dly, That at the Time he did this, a he was convinced of the Impracticability of raijing this Phantom of the Houfe of Auftria, to be again in a Condition of ballancing the Houfe of Bourbon. \thly, That at the fame time, — b He knew too well, that it is againjl the Inter ejl of every Prince in Germany, and even of the King of Sardinia himfelf, that fuch an Event jhould take place. c $thly, That he had done this : — When the §>ueen of Hun- gary became not only fuccefsful in her own Enterprises, but found Means to dif engage Pruffia and Saxony from France, nay, even France her/elf became perplexed and entangled to fuch a Degree, as to find herfelf obliged to offer Terms to the ^ueen of Hungary, for the faving both her Forces and her Honour. bthly, d That he had been guilty of a Conduct to the lajl De- gree impolitic k, to fay no worfe, not to advife that Prince fs to accept the Offers of France, (viz. tofave both the Forces and Honour of France,) with which Terms, Pruffia, Saxony, and every Prince in the Empire, but one, are fatisfied% ythly, e That he had perfifted in this Scheme of hiring 16,000 of his Hanoverian Troops, though from the Moment that the Slueen of Hungary rejecled tbefe Offers, the Interejl, and (of courfe) the Policy of the Dutch, was changed, the Dread of France, and its being to be paid, at the Expence of their Barrier, was lojl. Sthly, That therefore he had violated the invariable Maxim (i. e. the Maxim laid down by the Faclion to ferve the prefent Purpofe) never to enter into a Land War, but when the Dutch Barrier was in Danger : And that he knew very well, becaufe the Dutch flood out, there was no real Neceffity for our medltng at all. gthly, That he had done this, when he knew the Dutch would never join us, which it was evident they would not, becaufe they had not. lOthly, That he had done this, though by the Laws of the Empire, he knew that thefe Troops neither would nor ought to march into Germany in Aid of the ^hieen of Hungary, and tho* he knew they could be of no Ufe to her in Flanders, nor any where elfe. a Cafe of Hanover Troops, fol. $1. b Ibid. fol. 52. c Ibid; fol. 49'. * Ibid. fol. 53. e Ibid. fol. 49. ( I2 7 ) I ithly, That he had done all this contrary to the Senfe of Par* Uament, and in a manner that violated the Conjiitution and Privi- lege of Parliament. There are but three Inftances in all the Hiftory of this Coun- try, of Articles of this Nature brought by the Subject againft the Prince; in the Reigns of Edward the Second, Richard the Se- cond, and Charles the Firft ; and in every one of thefe it was by Parliament, and after the Prince was virtually or actually depofed ; but fuch an Arraignment of any Prince, while he fat upon his Throne, and had the Approbation of his Parliament for every Meafure that he took, was never paralleled in this or any other Country. And when we confider, not only the malevolent and defpe- rate Tendency of this Charge, how the Facts have been mifre- prefented, how the Events have fliewn the Falfhood of almoft every Article that is here laid down, and how obvious the An- fwer is to every one of the reft; when we confider the Views (to which they directly led) of Ruin to the Peace and to the Intereft of tb r s Country both at home and abroad ; — who can iay, that the Authors of this wicked Conduct, who now ftile themfelves by the gentle Term of Oppofttion, are charged by too harm an Appellation, when they are proclaimed by the Name and Title of a Faction. A Fattion they are and muft appear to every cool and honefl Man the worft in their Defigns, the moil daring in their At- tempts on Government, and the leaft warranted by any Pre- tence or Shew of Reafon, that ever reared its monftrous Creft in this Nation. To obferve, as it might be done, upon the Inconfiflencies, falfe Concluftons, and Abfurdities, contained in each Article of the Charge above-mentioned, would be to provoke Mirth, inftead of that Horror which ought to arife upon this Proceed- ing, and would divert that Attention, and deep Refeclion, which the Nation ought to have upon the Danger they are in from the Practices of thefe Men.— As to every Point that may feem to have the leaft Colour of Objection, I have purpofely an- fwered before, in the former Pages of this Work, that I might not interrupt that Reflection, and for the fame Reafon I fhall here clofe my Account of the farther Conduct of thefe Men, with refpect to this memorable ^uejlion of the Hanoverian Troops ; to which Conduct nothing could add Aggravation, fince its perni- cious Intention manifeftly was no other, than by one uniform Pro- ceeding, to dethrone his Majejiy in the Hearts of his People, that they might the more eafily detrude him afterwards from the Tl)rone it f elf and to preferve the Houfe of Bourbon, in a Condition to place a Succejfor ( ™* ) Suceejfor in his Jhad. In which View, they Iikewife gave all Obftru&ion in their Power to the Supplies, and to every Way and Means to raife them. But we are now, by farther Circumftances of the laft Seffion, to fhew how they have impofed upon Mankind ; —particularly in thofe three Points, by which they had duped the Publick to adhere to them, and to give up their Senfes like an infatuated People with Regard to Foreign Affairs ; viz. the Place- Bill, the Triennial Law, and the In- quiry into the Conduct of the Earl of Orford ; — as to the tafl it is notorious, that they moved it only as a Matter of Form, and fupported it in a Manner, that fhewed it was a mere Farce ; nay, they actually attempted, to take Advantage of the Union, which could not at once be rendered perfect between the Members formerly attached to his Party, and thofe that were lately admitted into the Adminiftration, by giving fufficient Hints of a Difpofition to treat with him not only for his Indem- nity, but for his Readmiffion into Power again, upon Condi- tion of being employed themfelves ; to which they applied them- felves in an open and unguarded Manner, difcovering in no one Point (after this Form was pafled) the leaft real Inclination to prejudice him further ; on the contrary treating his Friends with an afFe&ed Diftindtion of RefpecT:, directing all their fcurrilous Speeches and Inve&ives folely againft the new Part of the Admi- niftration, nay, comparing their Conduct with that of the former Minifter, not only with an Advantage, given in the Compan- ion, to the former, but with Encomiums from the Mouths of their Principal Orators, upon his Wifdom, Moderation and tender Regard to the Intereft of his Prince and Country. Who- ever fat in the laft Seffions of this Parliament will bear me wit- ness as to what I aflert j but they did it fo grofsly, that it is almoft paft the Belief of thofe, who did not fee and hear it, and fo as to fhew manifeftly that they conceived the Capacities of their Audience in Parliament, to be as dull and capable of Im- position, as thofe of the Herd they had fo fatally and fuccefsfully praftifed upon without : But they were miftaken here ; they had there to deal with IVhigs, who can never be impofed upon by thefe Men, who have experienced them too long, and know them too well, to truft them in any Shape, which Proteus-like they are ready to aflume to attain their private Ends. Even the Minifter himfelf was contented with what he thought a better Security, the Affeflion of his old Friends, and the Principles of the new Part of the Adminiftration, which would not fuffer them to inflict any Punifhment or to take Revenge upon any Man whatever, whofe Deftru&ion, from a Chain of Confequences, and ( I2 9 ) and the Ferment of a Nation, thus inflamed by thefe Incendia- ries, muft have brought Confufion upon their Country. He thought it more fafe to rely upon the good Senfe and Honefty of his declared Enemies, than to confide in the Faith of a Faftion, whofe Praclifc and Principle it was to deceive and to betray. The old Part of the Ad?niniflration, though (from a natural Exul- tation in the Security, which the Folly and Wickednefsof thefe Men, had beyond their Expe&ation infured for them,) they might divert themfelves, and exprefs fome Pleafure to fee this Turn in their Favour, and to find the Burden of Abufe re- torted upon thofe, who had not long before been very liberal of it to them, (rill knew this never-to-be- forgottenTruth, that nei- ther they nor the Nation could be fafe at any Time, without the Union of the Whigs ; and could not ftand without it for one Hour, in the prefent State of Things. The fame Knowledge induced the new Part of the Adminijlration to bear with Pa- tience all this Malice of the oppofite Party, and the difagreeable Circumftance of being not entirely well treated by thofe they co-operated with : they confidered thefe things to be as una- voidable, as it was certain, on the other hand, that Time would by Degrees redrefs this temporary Inconvenience ; and they comforted themfelves with this happy Reflection, that the Be- nefit which had accrued to the Nation, was fingly owing to the Firmnefs of their former, and the Moderation of their prefent Conduct; that any Good unattained, or any Evil, likely to enfue, was the OfF-fpring of the Wickednefs, Paffions and Fol- ly of other Men ; and that the Succefs and Prudence of their Meafures, had maintained the Balance of Power abroad, and the Intereft both of their King and Country at home. By this vifible lnfincerity qf thefe pretended Patriots, the Publick ought, and will, if they are not wholly blinded, fee that the further Succefs of this Enquiry is an impracticable thing, that it is not owing to thofe upon whom they cajl the popular Odium of it y and that it is now palpably kept in Referve only for a Suhjecl of Dij'lraclion and Difunion of the honefl Part of this Nation. Now as to the Place-Bill. — How ridiculous it is for thefe Men, (who embarked in the prefent FacJion avowedly upon the Ac- count that they had not been the very firft of the late Opposi- tion taken into Employment) to be the Perfons entrufted by the People of England to obtain for them what they defire, in this Refpect, wants nothing to give it Uluftration ; yet, if it wanted any, it would receive it from the faint Attempt of the Fatlion to compafs this Point, which was vifibly no more than to maintain the Shew of their Profeflions, and far from being carried on with that Warmth and Spirit which they R exerted ( IS© ) • exerted in the other Purfuit of diftreffmg the Government "In 'every Step and Shape in the Profecution of the necef- fary, juft, important and practicable View of recovering the Weight, Influence, loft Honour, and Security of this Na- tion, with Regard to its Affairs abroad : — How therefore can the People be^deludcd with their Pretences to procure what fhefe Demagogues have put it out of the Power of any body to procure for them, and what fo manifeftly appears they have no real Intention to procure themfelves, were it in their Power ? —It is therefore evident, that this Point is likewife now only maintained for the fame Views of Difunion and Diffraction. Their Conduct,as to the Point of a Triennial Parliament, clears this up yet more plainly. — Thefe Men have not fo much as fol- lowed the InJIruHions, which they themfelves in/iru&ed 'the People to infill: upon ;— for they never once attempted, or made any Motion, during the whole laft Seifions, towards the Repeal of the Septennial Law, — which is to be accounted for no other Way, than that they found an infinite Majority difpofed again ft it, or that they themfelves were not fincere in their Profeffions for it. — Both thefe were indeed their Reafons, and either might be fufficient to open the Eyes of Men. — But as to the latter, we have already fhewn, that their chief People voted directly afgainft it themfelves, when it was propofed in the preceding Sef- fions, — and they mull either have acfed counter to themfelves, which would have expofed them too much, while their former Votes were irefh in every Man's Memory, or have detected this great Truth, to thofe whom they laboured ftill to deceive, that they never themfelves intended it fhould pafs. — -What Depen- dance then, or what juft Profpect. can the People have tocompafs this favourite View, by the Aid of thofe Men to whom they have abandoned their Senfe and Reafon, and every Tiling that is moft dear, from the idle Expectation that they will obtain it for them? If then the People of this Country may fo clearly fee, that thefe Points are, from every Circumftance, and above all, from the former Imprudence, and the prefent deceitful Con- duct, of this Set of Men, not poffible to be attained. — Why do they perfift to imagine a vain thing ? — If their Oppofition-, ?s from what I have obferved, is moft undoubtedly the Cafe, cannot tend to procure thefe Things for them ;— for what is their Pcrfeverance in that Oppofition, bin for Oppofition fake? — Or what Effect can it produce, but the Prevention of a certain im- portant Good, the Ejlablijhment of a perfetl, permanent, and al- rnbji defpaired of Security, as to our Foreign Affairs? — Which would any rational Man reject, (confidering moreover the irre- trievable ( '3* ) triavablei^ndition we mall be reduced to if we' mould lofe this happjfOpportunity) for the fake of thePleafurc oiOppoJition only? — Carr any Man juilify this delufive Entertainment of the Mul- titude, with Projects, which iii his Soul he knows impracT:cable y and which, if practicable, are undoubtedly both of the nice/1 Na~ turn, and of very dangerous and uncertain Operation, from the unforefeen Confequences that attend all great Alterations in the Government of all Countries? — Or will any honeft Man think himfelf intitled to lay the Seeds of fuchDivifionsand DifcontenSs in this Nation, as manifeftly tend to {hake the Foundations of the Monarchy, and the Conftitution of this Country, for the fake of Oppofition only? — This is all the Fruit the People Can at this time hope to reap from it, — their Leaders indeed may hope another, — what that is, the Tenor of their Conduct plainly ma- nifefts, and that it is both of a publick and private Nature.-- But will the People be allured to abtt fuch Views for the Publick, or is it worth their while to hazard and to facrifice fo much for the private Views of fuch pretended Patriots ? I might content myfelf, if I only wrote to reafonable Men, and to Men in their right Senfes, with this full Detection of the corrupt and peftilent Views of this Faction, and with this Evi- dence of their Want of Capacity, as well as Inclination, to ompafs any thing but the Ruin of this Nation both at Home and Abroad. But as I write to Men heated and inflamed with Pallion, to a giddy and unthinking Multitude, elafed with their late Succefs, and thence liable to misjudge of their Abilities, and to think that practicable which in a cooler State thsy will plain- ly fee to be wholly, out of their Power, — as, io long as they fhall think their Pretentions to be juft and necefTary, they will never dcfiit from the vain Piirfuit; and as, by this Means, the Nation will be har raffed with the molt fatal and endlefs Coni'u- fion, I fhall now, with the utmoft Candour, Honefty and Truth, endeavour to give them a juftgr View of thofe falfe Opinions, which in fome very important Points, they fo vainly, and yet fo paflionately entertain ; though it may clafh with the Popular Opinion, fo as to draw down the univerfally exploded by their infa- mous Conduct during the laft four Years of the Queen, and by the Proof that arofe of their dangerous Defigns, from the Re- bellion, that broke out foon after ; and the Nation was fo uni- verfally convinced of the Danger of that Faction, had feen fuch Confequences from their pretended Patrjotifm, and thought themfelvcs fo happy in that critical Deliverance ; that our Go- vernment enjoyed a Tranquillity beyond the Experience of any former Time. The 'Jacobite Spirit and the Republican Temper of the People, both feemed in a Manner to have been annihilated by the different Inconveniences they had in the Space of threefcore Years, alternately brought upon the People ; the Concurrence therefore of the whole Nation made the Govern- ment fo ftrong, and the Adminiftration of Affairs fo eafy ; that it tempted the late Minifter to wanton in his Power, todifoblige many able and confiderable Men, to defpife the People, to be guilty of Mifmanagement in the Conduct of our Revenue, and to form Projects for the raifing of Money, without due Attention to the Tenderncfs and Sufpicions of the People upon any Encreafo of Influence or Power; till by this Conduct, by attempting to engrofs more than he could execute, and by undertaking to ma- nage Foreign Affairs, which he little underftood ; our Condi- tion infenfibly grew very defperatc both at home and abroad, and yet the People feemed infenfible of this to fuch a Degree, and made fo cendant a Choice of thofe he recommended, that moft Men thought their Spirit greatly changed and broken, and that it was necefTary to roufe them from the Lethargy they feemed to be in. This honeft Apprehenfion made them not afraid to animate the People by Difcourfesof a Republican T 'urn ; •—the Liberties of Europe were upon the Brink of irretrievable Ruin, and if thefe were loft, the Liberties of Britain could not ftand : — Any means, that were not more dangerous than immediate Ruin, were thought lawful to be ufed, to effect this Change; the Means they ufed, far from feeming dangerous, appeared falfe to them, and to have a Tendency to bend the People from that Pile, which, upon all our late Diforders, had appeared to cad very dangeroufly another Way.— But their Zeai undoubtedly hurried them too far in this Refpect. We have fpoken freely of the Faults and Errors of the late Minijl 'er ; we (hall C 133 ) ihall not fcruple to fpeak with the fame Freedom of ihc Oppofi- tion to him. This was at leaft an Error, if not a Fault in them, —and the Publick at this Hour feel its bad Effect. For the People have been fo heated with Difcourfes of this kind, that they have taken that, which was the Means to be the End and View of Oppofition. The great and original End and View of their Oppofition, was to change the Min'fler, and to change the Meafures ; but the People now having got thefe Ends, and carried this Flew, confider them only as the Means to get in effect what no prudent Man ever wifh'd or intended they fhould get, the whole Power of this Government , and the whole Corjlitution into their own Hands. Moreover, by the Ferment that has arifen in this Nation, it has manifeflly appeared, that neither the Spirit of the People is fo low, nor the Power of the Crown fohigh, as both were ima- gined by many to have been during the Courfe of that Oppofi- tion. It appears, that the People are frill able to remove a bad Minifter, and to force a Change of Meafures, whenever it be- comes the univerfil Senfe, that the Minifter and the Meafures are really wrong; the Liberty and Power therefore of the po- pular Intereft in this Country is iaconteftible, and as great as it is neceflary or ought to be in any. To change the Ballance of the Conflicution is not their Right, nor ought thofe Alterations to be made, which would enable them to do it. It appears further, that the Views of the popular Intereft, inflamed, diftracted and mifguided as it has been of late, by thofe into whofe Hands it has unhappily fallen, are fuch as they were never imagined to have been ; a Party of Male- contents (by the Sufferance of the moft ignorant and unin- formed) afiuming to themfelves, though very falfely, the Title of the People, claim with it a Prctenfion, which (were their Title juft,) no People could haye a Right to claim, erecting themfelves into a new Order in the State, affecting a Superi-" ority to the whole Legiflature ; infolendy taking upon them, to dictate to all the three Eflates, in which, the abfolute Power of the Government, by all the Laws of this Country, has indifputably refided ever fince it was a Government, repi- ning at every Decree they make j endeavouring to animate the People, in effect, to refume into their own Hands, that vague and loofe Authority, which exifts (unlefs in Theory) in the People of no Country upon Earth, the Inconvenience of which is (o obvious, that it is the firft Step of all Mankind, as foon as formed into Society, to dived themfelves of it, and to delegate it for ever from themfelves : — A Power, which could not be per- mitted (.134) mitted even in a Society of 500 Families, impracticable in a great Empire, and therefore an ideal Doctrine, tending to no Point or Purpofe whatfoever, but to caft this Nation into the moft horrible Confufion, and to throw it back into a State of Nature. That has likewife appeared, which nothing can dis- cover but Revolutions or Conjunctures, that approach fo near them as this has done ; viz. that though the Influence of the Crown has feemedfor fome Tears to have increafed vi/ibly, the popular In- ter -eft has been for many Tears invifrbly encreajing in a far greater Proportion. The greateft Changes in all States are wrought by certain Alterations in the Circumftances and Properties of the People ; which efcape the moft penetrating Eye, till Time and Accidents have ripened them to a proper Crifis. The Convul- fions of Nations are like the Shocks of Subterraneous Fires, formed by an Afiemblage of combuftible Materials, long col- lecting, and unfufpected till the very Moment of their fatal Explofion ; the Ejfecls are therefore the only means by which fuch Caufes can be learned : The Republican Spirit h ftrangely rifen as we have lately feen it, that to work its Ends, it has pre- pofteroufly joined with its Antipathy the facobite, directs us furely to this Caufc ; which can be no other than the great En- creafe of Property in the People. The Revenues of the Crown, however magnified, we (hall prefentjy come to fhew, have borne no Proportion to it, the Encreafe of the Peerage, either in Prt- ferty or Number, (notwithftanding the Additions that have been made fince the Revolution,) partly from tne great Caution of the Crown for many Years pad, and partly from a weak and miftaken Prejudice in their own Body to the Extenfion of Ho- nours, have in no degree kept pace with it ; and the Lords are hardly now of any Poize in this Government. Induced by the Circumftances of the Time, to examine the Point, it is vifible beyond all Power of Contradiction, that this has been the Cafe. — At the Revolution the Numbers of the People were computed nearly at Six Millions, and by the long Peace, and neceflary Encreafe of Procreation, this Number cannot be at prefent lefs than Seven, or in that Proportion ; the Expence of. the People per Head was about Seven Pounds at the Revolution, at this lime it is univerfaily agreed, that this Expence amounts to Ten. Now as the Revenue of the People muft infallibly be at lead as much as the People fpend, it follows, that the Revenue of the People was at the Revolution Forty-two Millions, and that it is Seventy Millions now: The People have therefore encreafed in their annual Income Twenty- eight Millions (or in that Proportion) fines the Revolution; and as it is ( *35 ) is a Maxim inconteftible in Politicks, that Power always follows Property, which muft fooner or later operate in every Country, it is manifeft, that the People have acquired in the Space of fifty Years, more folid Weight in the Scale of this Conftitu- tion, than they could have gained, or can gain by all the po- pular Laws, that ever were made, or can be made in their Favour to the End of Time. Before I profecute this Argument, to the Conclufion which I intend from it, perhaps it may be thought neceflary to ex- plain a little, how it came to pafs, that this Growth of the Po- pular Intereft mould be fo little perceived till now. — It happens in all fuch Cafes as it has happened in this, and for the fame Rea- fon, — the Spirit of the People rifing with their Circumftances, creates Difficulties to Government, of which it feels the Effe&s, long before it apprehends the Caufe. Thefe Difficulties in a manner drive Government to exercife all its Authority, and to ufe many Arts in its own Defence, by which the People who do not fee the Neceffity it is under to do this, con- demn, and confider as Attempts offenfive, when they are in reality defenfive. — The Infults of the one, and the Arts of the other therefore both encreafe, till neither think themfelves fecure, (which is the Misfortune, and in long run the Ruin of all mixed Governments) without new Laws, to encreafe Power on the one Hand, and Privilege on the other. — And, for a time, it is very evident, why the Government is rather more fuccefs- ful than the Popular Intereft in thefe Attempts, becaufe the Generality of Men finding themfelves eafy in the general Pro- fperity, and obferving no material Change in the written Confti- tution, rather chufe to fupport the Government, though they do not approve all its Proceedings, than to abet the Popular Views, — the Peace of Society being (at leaft for the Time) fe- cured by the firft, and always endangered by the laft. — But, in the long run, Accidents will happen, which will either change the Perfons of thofe in this moderate and cautious Way of Thinking, or diftract their Principles, or confound their Judg- ments,— and when this happens, the Popular Spirit, having once made the Breach, blows up the Dam at once, and de- flroys, in one Hour, the Works that have been an Age erect- ing, to reftrain it within its due Bounds : Thus, for want of an exacl: Knowledge of the different Nature of the Force,-which Government employs againft the People, and that of the Popu- lar Intereft againft the Government ; and from this Circum- ftance, that the one is vifible in every Step of its Encreafe, the other latent and concealed j and from hence, that the its gradual and conftantly oppofed Progress, is not only obferv- ed, but magnified, while /^me Years longer than the late Queen, has hitherto neither demanded or received from his People on this Account, more than one fihgle Sum of 115,000/. and if they give it the only Turn that can be given to it, (after what we have already proved,) viz. that it is equal to the Public k, whether the Civil Lift be greater or not, if his Majejly can afford out of it more than his Predecejfors could afford S 2 U ( HO ) to thofe fccret Services, which are fuppofed to affecl the Publick In- dependency ; this is what I abfolutely and juftly deny : Becaufo (allowing it to be true in its utmoft Extent) it is but a tempo- rary Influence arifing from a peculiar Turn, Temper, and, I may call it, a Virtue in its firlt Principle, which is accidental in the Perfon of one Man, may probably perifh with him, and cannot be looked upon as any real, folid or permanent Encreafe of Power in the Crown, or Change in the Spirit of the Confti- tution. If this be duly confidered, it ought greatly to quiet the Apprehenfions raifed in the Breafts of a very great Number of well-meaning Men, by the Report of the late Secret Committee ; for however great the Sums there fpccified to have been impro- perly applied to Secret Service out of the Civil Lift ', may be, (and very unwarrantable, in fome Particulars, undoubtedly they are;) yet the Conclufion drawn from thence is not juft, that our Con- stitution is decayed, in this refpeel, or in a worfe Conditio* than it has been in former Times. For this certainly cannot be the Cafe, when the Civil Lift is evidently not encreafed,either in fact, or in effecl ; and the utmoft that can be drawn from this Report, or any Difccvery that hath or can be made, mud amount to no- thing more than that a temporary Circumftance had put it in the Power of a late Minifter to make a worfe Ufe of it, than his Prede- ceffors had been willing, or than, in all Probability, for any Time to come, his Succeffors can he able to do. — Which may indeed affecl: that Minifter, but ought not juftly to affecl: the Conftitutiori, or lead the Publick to any rafh and violent Alterations of it. I am fenfible, that this Doclrine will not, at firft, fuit well with the falfe Notions, which many have fo paflionately enter- tained of this Matter ; but I am very indifferent upon that Head, Magna efl Veritas & prcvalcbit \ Truth may be borne down for a while by Prepofieflion and falfe Infinuations, but will force its way at laft : As therefore it is my fble Inten- tion in thefe Papers, to bring my Countrymen into a juft and moderate Temper, to allay that dangerous Ferment, which is now raifed, and during the Continuance of which, it is im- poflible for them to make a right and impartial Judgment of their Affairs, I (hall make no Scruple to oppofe myfelf to their ftrongeft Prejudices without any Regard, whom I may oblige or difoblige ; 1 neither fear the Refentments of the Friends of the former, nor court the Favour of the prefent Adminiftration, I am not to be deterred by the Malice and Scandal of a Faclion, nor will I humour the raflions and Folly of a People, whom every honeft Man muft endeavour to preferve, even againft their Inclination, when they preripitnte themfelves, through Paffion, Credulity, or Ignorance, into Ruin and Deftruclion. ( m ) To fpeak therefore farther with the fame Freedom upon the Subject of this Mifapplication of the Civil Li/}, as I have done upon every otherTopic, which has hitherto fallen under my Con- fideration, I muft obferve, that it is not eafy for the Publick to judge, whether the Sums now difcovered by this Report to be expended out of the Civil Lijl in the way, that they have ap- peared to be expended, were not, upon the whole, as great in former Reigns ; the Preemption is ftrong that they have been much greater, becaufe it is evident, the Civil Lijl could have afforded it much better ; and as no Parliamentary Enquiry was ever made before as to this Point, or dire&ed to this Particular, at leaft, their Information cannot extend to determine pofitively againft this Opinion. But what if we mould be able to difcover, that in Truth notwithstanding the Greatnefs of this Sum, the Charge of the Government upon this Head was greater formerly than it is now f yet this feems in a great Meafure capable of being proved by Vz&s and Figures, the ftrongeft Evidence that can fupport any Propofition in the World : For upon the great Settlement of our Conftitution at the Revolution, the Parliament having called for all the Lights they could procure to enable them to judge of the Expence of Go- vernment in all its Branches, in order to make that Separation of the Charge of the Crown, and of the Publick, which was one pf the great Benefits of that Change, and took away that extra- vagant Power, which the Crown before derived from having the fole Management, and Diftribution of the whole Revenue at large ; it appeared that the Article of the Secret Service alone (befides the Allowance to the Secretary of State, 6066 /. and the Penfions, which came to 146,703 /. per Annum,) amount- ed communibus Annis to 89,968 /. 8 s. ld.\ which, notwith- ftanding the Temper they were then in, was not at all cenfured by Parliament as exorbirant at that Time. Upon this Foundation I (hall proceed to compare the Ex- pence of Government under this Head before the Revolution, with the Expence of Government under the fame Head, in the prefent Time. It appears then that computing upon a Term of eleven Years before the Revolution, the Expence of Government up- on the Article of SecretService amounted 10989,6527.10 s. 6d. £ again it appears by the Report of -the Secret Committee (in the Appendix No. 10.) that in the fame Term of eleven Years from the Year 1731, to the Year 1741 inclufive, this Article of Secret Service amounted to 786,355 /. 17 s. \d. to which JSum, the Committee have thought fit to add two Articles, both of ( H2 ) of which are (with Submiflion to fo great an Authority) in a great Meafure, different in their Nature from that Article, which is properly called Secret Service, viz. Money ifliied for Jpecial Service, 272,504/. 8 d. and Money iflued to re-im- burje Expences 205,390 /. 175. 10 d. which two Articles to- gether amount to 477,894 /. 18 s. 6d. They have likewife added further three other Articles, viz. 66,000 /. for the Se- cretaries of State, 68,800 /. upon Account, to the Sollicitor of the Treafury, and 50,077/. 18 s. to Authors and Printers, amounting together to 184,887/. 18 s. Thefe Totals of 786,355 /. 17 s. 4. — 477,894/. 18 j. 6 d. and 184,877/. 18 j. come to 1,449,128/. 13 j. 10 d. and with a few other fmall Articles amount to the compleat Sum ©f 1,453,400 /. 6 s. 3 d. which is ftated in the Report as fup- pofed to be the Expence of the Civil Government in Secret Service, during the Space of the faid Eleven Years *. But if we are to compare the Expence of the former and the prefent Government, upon the Face of the two Accounts, it is vifible that we can only put the Angle Article of Secret Service Money before the Revolution, againft the fame Article at this Time ; which if we do, we fhall find, that the fame Article before the Revolu- tion, amounted as above, in a Term of eleven Years, to 989,652 /. 10 s. 6 d. |. whereas it amounted to no more than 786,355/. 17 s. \d. in the fame Term, from 1731 to 1741 incluiive ; fo that, in this Light, the Charge inftead of being encreafed is diminifhed fince that Period, by no lefs a Sum than 203,296/. i^s.id. f. And to confider this Point in any other Light, though it may be done, with much Art, cannot, with any Degree of Certainty ; for if, as in the Report, other Articles of Expence are brought (as feeming to have fome Relation to it) to fwcll the Amount of the Articles of Money lately iflued for Secret Service, it would be requifite to fcrutinize with the fame Induftry, into other Branches of the Charge of the Civil Government before the Revolution, which is impof- fible to do at this remote Diftance of Time : So that, undoubt- edly (however exceptionable either the Greatnefs of the Sums, at the firft Sight, may be, or the Nature of their Application, or the Manner of their being iflued) there is not any one of thofe other Articles, which in the Report, are joined to this Sum of 786,000 /. that can be directly charged to this Account. For who is it that does not perceive a very wide Difference between Secret Services, and the other two Articles of Special Service, and the Reimburfement of Expences. It is perhaps but * The Enquiry was appointed for ten Years ; but upon examining this Account of Secret Service in the Report, it appears to include eleven. too ( H3 ) too probable, that fome Part of the Money under thefe two Heads have been really applied that way. Yet very great Sums muft have been iffued under thefe Titles, to Purpofes very diffe- rent from thofe which ought to have given fo much Alarm to the Publick ; and this was undoubtedly the Cafe under fome other Heads in all former Times.— -As it is for thisReafon out of our Power to make an exact Comparifon in this Way, I think it can be ftated in no manner more correfpondent with the Truth, than as it has been ftated here, and if fo, the Propofition is as fuf- ficiently proved, as the Nature of the Thing can poflibly admit, that the Charge of Government upon this Head, was greater for- merly than it is now.— -However, after having thrown this out for the impartial Confideration of the Publick, I will, for the fake of Argument, and to prevent all Poffibility of Cavil, admit both thefe Articles to be added in their full Extent to the Head of Secret Service, by which it will be augmented, though not at all accurately, to 1,264,250/. 15 s. 10 d. But after this Conceflion I will venture to fay, as to the other three Articles, viz, that to the Sollicitor of the Treafury, that of the Allowance of 3000 /. per Ann. to each of the Secretaries of State, and that of the Money iffued to Authors and Printers^ it fhould feem impoflible, with any Candour, to bring them into the Charge of the Secret Service, and for the following Reafons : Becaufe as to the firji Sum to the Sollicitor, it is given always upon A ccount, viz. for Crown Profecutions, and other neceffary, obvious and warrantable Occafions of Government, of which the Committee themfelves were fo well aware, that they have themfelves deducted that Sum from the grand Total. As to the Second, which regards the Secretaries of State, this is in effect the Appointment of an Office, and ftandsjuftly ex- ceptionable in this Comparifon, the rather, becaufe it was made a diftinct Article from that of Secret Service in all Times, and is particularly fo in the State of the Revenue at the Revolution, by which this Parallel is made, being not included in the annual Sum of 89,968 /. 8s. 2d. I, to which the Secret Service then amounted. And this was likewife in fome fort excepted by the Committee. With regard to the Third, it is rather a Matter to be laugh- ed at than confidered ferioufly. — In the Nature of the thing, it is by no means a Secret Service : And in its Confequences, efpe- cially confidering the Authors and their Productions, no Man will fay, that it affected the Publick in the Way, which can only give the People any Right to concern themfelves about the Difpofition of the Civil Lift. — It would be extreamly hard, if the Crown might not be allowed the fame Privilege of the Pen, 2 which X H4 ) which is allowed to any private Man, and certaihly ho MinifteY can be cenfured, if by Permiflion of the Prince, and even by the Affiftance of his private Purfe, he makes ufe of the fame Li- berty of the Prefs to defend the Meafures of his Government, which the Subject, with Impunity, employs whenever he thinks proper, (and of late, with outrageous Licence,) to cenfure and confound it. As the Sums iflued therefore upon thefe three Articles can- not be added by any juft Pretence ; after admitting all that can poflibly be admitted in the utmoft Latitude, againft our ow» Argument, the Account will ftand in this Manner : /. s. d. Total of Money ilTued for Secret Service} in eleven Years, from 1731 to 1741, > 1,264,250 15 19 inclufive ----- 3 Total of Monies iflued under the Head ~l of Secret Service for a like Term be- > 989,652 10 06 \ fore the Revolution - - 3 Ballance upon eleven Years 274,598 5 3 £■ Annual Charge of Secret Service, at zj Medium of Eleven Years from 1731 > 114,931 16 10 | to 1741 3 Annual Charge before the Revolution 89,968 8 2 1 Annual Ballance 24,903 8 8 Which annual Sum of Twenty-four thou/and nine hundred and fixty-three Pounds, eight Shillings and eight Pence, is the whole Encreafe of the Expence of the Civil Lift upon this Head, after a Term little fhort of threefcore Years, made up in a way of Accounting, the moft partial and mod favourable to thofe, who wifh a falfe and dangerous Opinion to prevail, which even upon this State cannot prevail hereafter with any rea finable Man. For every fuch Man will confidcr this Matter as it ought only to be confidered, that is, upon the Foot of an Influence acquired by the Crown over the Independency of the Subjecl, in proportion to the Sums applied in fecret Gratuities to the Members of the Legi/Ia- ture, more now than informer Times ; and every fuch Man will form a Judgment to himfelf, and create an equitable Ballance, not only upon the Quantum of the Money applied in Secret Ser- vice, but will take into his Aid fome farther Confiderations* viz. whether that Part of Secret Service, which is neceflary to all Government, (becaufe as the Committee confefs in the Report, N? Form of Government can fubfijl without a Power of employing ( 145 ) tfnphying Publick Money for Services which are from their Natuft Secret, and ought always to remain fo,) muft not unavoidably be from the Circumftances of Time, greater than it was formerly ; and again, whether the fame Degree of Influence can be acquired in thefe Times by the fame Sums. Now thefe Things being thus candidly confidered, it will ap- pear, that our Engagements with Foreign Powers, the Difficul- ties of the Age we live in, and the Diffractions of Europe have been infinitely greater fince the Revolution than they were be- fore ; that our Secret Service in Foreign Courts muft have there- fore been greatly more expenfive than it was at that Period ; and the Prices of Intelligence undoubtedly much higher than formerly they were ; for Things of this Nature go always on encreafing, and the Value of Money is become greatly lefs in every Part of Europe. Add to this, that the late Enquiry was confined to a Time of Peace, and a Time of very intricate Negocia- tion (the Prudence or Imprudence of which, is not under our Confideration in this Queftion) during which, Expences of this kind have no eftablifhed Provifion, as they have in time of War j they have then an extraordinary Allowance of 10,000/. per Annum, befides a Deduction of Two and a half per Cent. out of the Pay of all the Foreign Forces in the Service of Great Britain, of which we have already had Occafion to make fome mention in another Place : And this (as appears by the famous Report of the Commiffioners for ftating the public Accounts, at the latter End of the Queen's Reign, 17 12) amounted in the fame Term of eleven 1 Years, to 393,366/, 9 s. 7. over and above the current Expences of the Civil Government under thefamt •Head, which could not fail in fome meafure to be leflened by it. Upon the whole, leaving it to every Man of Candour to determine how far the two Articles of Money iffued to Special Service, and to reimburfe Expences, may be allowed to have their Place in this Account, and fubmitting to every Man of Senfe and Candour the Difference of the Times, the Deduc- tion of 100,000 /. out of the Civil Lift for the Prince of Wales, the Circumftances of all our Foreign Affairs, and one thing more, which is hardly decent to be touch'd upon, but by way of Suppofition, that if there be Corruption at home, its Wages muft be much higher than they were heretofore, it is impoffible to deny, but that the Property of the Crown, or in other ■ Words, the Civil Lift, is, not only not really increafed, but that it can by no means operate upon the Conftitution in any De- gree equal to what it might have done formerly, and therefore that the Power of the Crown is not in this Refpeft augmented T ' in ( 14^ ) in proportion to the Power of the People, but in fa& diffii- nifhed greatly. We fhould in the next place examine this Point, upon the Footing of the Crown Influence from additional Employments. But this will receive a fufficicnt Anfwer under the next Head ; with •which it is fo much connected, that it will be moft proper to blend them both in one common Ccnfideration. We therefore proceed to the third and laft Point, viz. the Encreafe of the Power of the Crown, bypofitive Laws in Favour tfthe Prerogative. But here I conceive it beyond the Induftrjr of Faclion itfelf to difcover any one Circumftance in which Pre- rogative has been extended. — On the other hand, it is moft happy And moft notorious, that Prerogative is within the laft Cen- tury reduced to fuch a Point, that no rational Man can deny, but that we have gone even farther than in the Opinion of the moft eminent Writers upon Government, is neceflary to the Prefervation of the Conftitution of any Country : To this end, according to that famous Maxim laid down by Machia- vel, Government mujl be frequently brought back to its firjl Prin- ciples -, but from the Period of the Reftoration, we have not only conftantly been employed in paring away thofe Luxuri- ancies of Power in the Crown, which had been i'nfenfibly growing from the Conqueft, or at leaft from the Reign of King John, till they had in a manner over-fhaded all the Li- berties of the People ; but we have adlually taken away ma- ny of the moft important Branches, to which the Crown had been entitled from the very Beginning of our Conftitution : Of which it cannot be improper upon this Occafion to enu- merate a few. Firjl then, the Crown, from the Acceflion of William I. by the Eftabliihment of the feodal Tenures was undoubtedly en- titled to fuch a Degree of Influence, as went incomparably far- ther in every Refpecl, and in every Light, in which it can poflibly be confidered to create an univerfal Dependance in e- very other Branch of the Legiflature, than any other Circum- ftance of human Invention, and much lefs any later Changes in the Conftitution, were they as real as they are imaginary, could poflibly do : The greateft Part of the whole Kingdom, (befldes what was yet more immediately belonging to the Crown as its Domain,) was held in capite of the King ; and by Virtue of this Tenure, the Crown enjoyed the following Prerogatives ; 1. The Profits cf the whole Ejlate of every Family fuch (as zvell of the Lcrds as of the Commons) during the Minority of every Heir, 2. The Right to difpofe of the Profits of fuch Ejlates to whom it phafed. 3. Vie Guardianjhip of every Juch Heir, and the Power ( H7 ) tf delegating that Trufl to any other Per/on. 4. The Right f difpofe of the Heir or Heirefs of any fuch Family, during their Mi- nority, in Marriage. 5. A Title to one Tear's Profit of the Ejfate, in Cafes where there was no Minority, before PoJJeJfwn could bt taken by the next Heir. — Thefe, with many more of a like Na- ture, were fome of the Crown Prerogatives, which exifted legally in the Conftitution of this Country from the Beginning of this Government, till about eighty Years ago, and if they are well weighed, it is impoffible not to fee what prodigious Means of Influence they afforded to the Crown. What Revenue, what Employments, what Civil Li/l could furnifh out Matter of fuch Extenfive Obligation.^ What Noble Family in the one Houfe of Parliament, or what Man of great Eftate in the other, but might be either tempted or neceffitated to court its Favour ? What Struggles would the Virtue even of a Broad-bot' torn Patriot undergo, contending with the Offer of the Wardjhip of a Duke of Bedford, or the Cujlodium of a Pelham Eftate, du- ring a Minority of fifteen or fixteen Years ? In what Man is the Jmor Patria fo conftant, pafiionate, and fond, that he could coldly look upon the Charms of a beautiful young Woman kindly tendred to his Arms by a firft Minifter, with the Titles and Inheritance of a Duke of Marlborough ? Again, what would be the Confequence of an Education wholly directed by Tutors and Guardians appointed by the Crown, upon all the Men of Property in the Kingdom ? what the Effecl: of Gra- titude upon the Minds of Gentlemen, in whofe behalf the Crown mould wave fome Parts of this Prerogative ?r— in favour of whom the Crown fhould remit its Title to the Profits of the Minor's Eftate ? or leave it in Truft to be improved by the neareft Relation for the Heir ? or decline to take the Releif, or one's Years Profit, to which, even in Cafes of no Minority, it was entitled ? From hence, it may be worth confidering whether that is quite a conftitutional Principle, which has been laid down with fo much Confidence of late, and in fo vaft Lati- tude, that the Crown ought to have no Degree of Influence upon tht Legi/lature j the Fa& certainly was the direct contrary: — Our Anceftors intended the Power of their Kings to be real, and they knew that without fome Degree of Influence, that Power would be but in Name ; — their Idea was to ballance the Popular by the Regal; not, as it has manifeftly been of late, to put all the Weights into the Popular Scale : To the People they gave the fole Power of granting Money, and a Title to Refijiance in Cafes of extraordinary and violent Extremity ; a nominal Power could not ballance thefe great Privileges ; they therefore gave the Crown a great Revenue 3 the fole Management of the publick Money, the T 2 Difpofition ( 148 ) Difpofition of all Employments, in fine, the Means of General Ob- ligation to the Subjecl ; again, to ballance the Title of Refift- ance in the People, they armed the Crown with Powers of Con- Jifcation, and even fame degree of Influence in the Trials of thofe, who fnould rafhly or unjuftly take up Arms againft it ; thefc Prerogatives became at length abufed, and have therefore been wifely and juftly in many important Inftances curtail'd, (while all the former Privileges of the People yet remain with very great Additions.) Among the reft this great one, arifing from the feodal Tenures, was totally abolifhed in the Year 1661. By which one A6t, the Spirit of this Conftitution received fo great an Alteration, that few are even yet fenfible of all the Confequences, that either have happened, or will unavoidably refult from it, in favour of the popular Intereft in this Country. The next great Encrcafe of Privilege to the People, was from the Acl: of Habeas Corpus, which was paffed in 1673-4; a Law of inefti'mable Security to the Liberty of the Subjedt. By the Revolution in 1688, the whole Government was purge.] at once, of all Excrefcencies of Prerogative, that had been growing from its firft Institution : By the very Acl; of the ExpuJfion of King James II. and his Line, confirmed, as it af- terwards was, by Law, the People acquired a right, wlxich had never been allowed in the Conftitution of this Country. In the famous Charter of King "John, the Barons never went fo far, it was there decreed that in Cafes of the laft Neceflity, the Pub- Kck might diftrefs the Crown, by all Manner of Means, viz. by the Seizure and Sequeftration of its Caftles, Lands, and Pof- feflions till the publick Grievances fhould be redrefled : dijlrin- ger.t& gravabunt nos modis omnibus quibus poterunt, fcilicet per cap- tior.em caflrorum, terrarum, pcjfejfionem, donee fuerit emendatutn, &c. But there was a ftri£l Exception to the Perfons of the King, the ^ueen, and the IfTue of the Royal Family, falvd Perfond no- jlra, & Reginte nojlrce, & Liberorum nojlrorum j there was an exprefs Condition to fave the Rights of the Succeflion; the Crown was not to forfeit for its exorbitant Proceedings, the People were to return to their Allegiance again, fo foon as thefe Exorbitances were redrefled, cum fuerit emendatum intendent nobis Jicut prius fecerunt. This Principle of an indefeaftblc Hereditary Right (for it was no lefs) deftroyed the Effecl: of all the flrong Provifions of Refiflance prefcribed at the fame time ; the Law was feverely worded, but void of a fufficient Penalty to enforce it ; a temporary Sufpenfion of the Regal Authority was the only Penalty : The Crown foon found how to avail itfelf of this Defect ; their Attempts upon the People were offenfive, the Refiflance of the People defenfive only ; this was contending upon ( 149 ) upon very unequal Terms ; — the Crown had never much to fear ; but whenever Publick Liberty was invaded the People run the Rifk of lofing all ; — the Crown, if unfuccefsful, fuf- fered nothing but a Difappointment, and had nothing to do, but to quit the Profecution of its Views for that Time. It waa then reftored again to what it was before, with the fame Means of renewing the Attempt upon the firft favourable Opportunity. The People it is true, have formerly gone further, and were under the Necefiity to do it, but when they did it, they ailed not upon the Principles of the Law of Eng- land ; they were obliged to have Recourfe to that grand Principle of the Law of Nations, a Data facultate datur jus facultatem tuendi. Yet this was but lamely underftood by the Bulk of a People, ever tender of their Laws, and, like the Bulk of every o'ther People, little able to reafon upon higher Principles ; from hence the Crown derived fo great an Advantage that for the greater Part of the laft Century our Liberties were brought into continual Hazard ; it was the Revolution alone, and the Principles eftablifhed then, that could have poffibly preferved us. The Doctrine of Hereditary Right in this extravagant Ex- tent was taken away ; fome pofitive Cafes were enacted by Law where the Crown fball forfeit. This has given a Blow to Pre- rogative, which it can never recover. And fo far had we dwindled from the Virtue and Spirit of our Forefathers, that even that Provifion of Refijlance, which had been formerly made to ballance this Prerogative of inde- feajible Hereditary Right , (infufficient as we have fhewn it to have been,) was actually wholly given up - at the Reftoration, by the Oath prefcribed to be taken in the * A£l for well Go- verning and Regulating of Corporations ; which was in thefe Words : / A. B. do declare and believe that it is not lawful, upon any Pretence whatfoever, to take Arms againjl the King, and that I do abhor that traitorous Pofition, of taking Arms, by his Autho- rity, againjl his Per/on, or againjl thofe that are commijfioned by him. So help me God. — It was further difclaimed in the Pream- ble to the Act of Attainder, Anno 12 Car. II. cap. 30. in the following Words,' — And be it hereby declared, that by the Un- doubted and Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, neither the Peers of this Realm, nor the Commons, nor both together, in Parliament , » or out of Parliament, nor the People collectively, nor reprefenta- tively, nor any other Perfons ivhatfoever, ever had, have, hath, a Grotius de Jure Belli ac Pads, lib. II. * Anno 1 3 Car. II. Stat. 2. Cap. 1. ( 150 ) $r ought to have any coerfive Power aver the Per forts of the Kings tf this Realm. It was again difclaimed, in the Preambles of different Afts relating to the Militia, about the fame time, in thefe Words, That both, nor either of the Houfes of Parliament ■, can, or may, lawfully raife or levy any War, Ojfenfive or Defenftve, againjl his Majejly, his Heirs, or lawful Succeffors. How far this Doctrine of Non-Refijlance, without any Re- ferve, ftruck at the Liberties of the People, is manifeft enough ; but how far the very Aft of the Revolution has given Limita- tion to its Extravagance, we have already obferved ; and as to the Oath before mentioned, it was directly abrogated by the Aft of the ill of IVilliam and Mary, cap. 8. Again, by two Afts, the one, An Aft for Safety and Prefer- vation of his Majeflys Per fan and Government, Anno 13 Car. II. cap. 1. — And another, For preventing Abufes in Printing, &c. Anno 13 and 14 Car. II. cap. 33. the Liberty of the Prefs wai totally reftrained. Thefe Laws were fuffer'd to expire. By an Aft againft Tumults and Diforders, Anno 13 Car. II. cap. 5. the Subjeft had been, in effeft, deprived of that Right of Petitioning either the Crown or Parliament j for it was e- nafted — That, from and after the Firjl of Auguft 1661, w? Per- fon or Perfons whatfoever, Jhall folicit, labour, or procure the Getting of Hands, or other Consent of any Perfons above the Number of Twenty or more, to any Petition, Complaint, Remonflrance, Declaration, or other Addrefs to the King, or both or either Houfes of Parliament, for Alterations of Matters ejlablijhed by Law, in Church or State, or accompanied, at any one time, with above the Number of Ten Persons. And that no P erf on or Perfons exceeding Ten, as aforefaid, Jhall prefent any publick or private Grievance or Complaint, to any Member or Members of Parliament after his Eleftion, &c. under Penalty of 1 00 1. in Money, and Imprifonment for three Months , without Bail or Mainprise. This was virtually repealed by the Aft, declaring the Rights and Liberties of the Subjeft, Anno 1 IVilliam and Mary, Sefl". 2. cap. 2. wherein it was Enafted, That it is the Right of the Sub- jeft to petition, and all Commitments and Profecutions for fuchpe- tioning are illegal. By this Aft the Conftitution was farther reftored in very ma- ny, and improved in other Inftanccs as follow. I. It was enafted, That the pretended Power of fufpending Laws, or the Execution of Laws by regal Authority zvithout Cen- fent of Parliament is illegal. t. That ( i5i ) I. That the Commijfion for erecling the late Court of Commif- fioners for Ecclefwjiical Caufes, and all other Commijftoners and Courts of the like Nature are illegal and pernicious. 3. That levying Money for, or to the Ufe of the Crown by Pre- tence of Prerogative, without Grant of Parliament, for longer time, er in other Manner, than the fame is, or Jhall be granted, is il- legal and pernicious. 4. That the raifmg or keeping a Standing Army within the King- dom (in Time of Peace) unlefs it be with Confent of Parliament ', is again/1 Law. 5. That the Subjefls, which are Protectants may have Arms for their Defence fuitable to their Conditions, and as allowed by Law. 6. That Elections of Members of Parliament ought to be free. 7 . That the Freedom of Speech and Debates or Proceedings in. Parliament ought not to be impeached or quejlioned in any Court or ' Place out of Parliament. 8. That excejfive Bail ought not to be required, nor exceffwe Fines impofed, nor cruel and unufual Punijhments inf idled. 9. That furies ought to be duly impannelled and returned, and furies, which pafs upon Men in Trials for High Treafon ought t§ be Freeholders. 10. That all Grants and Promifes of Fines and Forfeitures of particular Perfons before Conviclion are illegal and void, I I. That for Redrefs of all Grievances, and for the amending, Jlrengthening and preferving of the Laws, Parliaments ought to be held frequently. 12. That all Difpenfations paffed by non obftante to Afts of Parliament, except in Cafes provided for by Law, Jhall be void. 13. That every P erf on or Perfons, that is, art, or Jhall b§ reconciled to the Church of Rome, or Jhall marry a Papift, Jhall be excluded, and be for ever incapable to inherit, poffefs, or enjoy the Crown and Government of this Realm, and Ireland, and the Dominions thereunto belonging, or any Part of the fame, or to have, ufe, or exercife any legal Power, Authority or furifditlion within the fame, and in all and every fuch Cafe or Cafes, the People of ef thefe Realms, Jhall be, and are hereby absolved of their Allegi- ance, and the Crown Jhall defend to the next Proteftant Heir. This was followed by another Law, cap. 10. which took a- way the Revenue arifing from Hearth-Money, with all the Powers attendant on that Collection ; which, as it was juftly exprefTed in the Words of the Preamble, was in itfelfnot only a great Opprejfion to the poorer Sort, but a Badge of Slavery upon 2 the ( >5* ) the whole People , expofmg every Man's houfe to be entered into and fearched at fleafure by Perfons unknown to him. In the fame Selfions of Parliament {cap. 27) one very great and confiderable Part of this Kingdom was entirely redeemed from a Jurifdiction utterly inconJiftent with the Freedom of a Britijh Subject, the Court of the Prefident and Council of the Marches Wales, which had been eftablifhed in 34and35of Henry VIII. and under which that Province had been governed till this Act pafled, was totally abolifhed, and the People of that Country allowed to enjoy the common Benefit of the Englijlt Law and Liberty \ the Proceedings and Decrees of that Courts having been (as it is recited in the Preamble) an intolerable Bur- den to the Subjeft within the /aid Principality contrary to the great ■Charter, the known Laws of the Land, and the Birth- right of the Subjeft ; and the Means to introduce an arbitrary Power and Government. * In the 2d of William and Mary, cap. j. a very unconftitu- tional Prerogative, (for fo it was in effect, though not directly •exerted under the Name of the Crown,) was repealed ; and it was enacted, That whereas the Election of Members to ferve in Parliament ought to be free, and whereas the Wardens of the Cinque Ports pretended to, and claimed as of Right, a Power of nominating and recommending to each of the Cinque Ports, the two ancient Towns, and their refpeftivs Members, one Per/on whom they ought to ele£i, to ferve as a Baron or Member of Par- liament for fuch Port, &c. all fuch Nomination or Recommenda- tion Jball be void. In the fame Year {cap. 8.) the Judgment of £>uo Warrant* againft the City of London, was reverfed — its Liberties regrant- cd, and made a Corporation. By an Act in 1694, the 5th of William and Mary, cap. 7. for Granting to their Majejlies certain Rates and Duties, upon Salt, Beer, Ale, and other Liquors, for the raifing of One Million towards carrying on the War with France. This Claufe was obtained^ Provided, always, and be it enafted, &c. That no Mem- ber of the Houfe of Commons Jha 11, at any time, be concerned di- rectly or indireftly, or any other in Trujl for him, in the Farming, Collecting, or Managing any of the Sums of Money , Duties, or other Aids granted to their Majejlies by this Aft, or that hereafter ihall be granted by any other Acts of Parliament j except the Commiffioners of the Treafury, Cujloms, and Excife, not exceeding the prefent Number in each Office, and the Commiffioners of the Land-Tax. — But the Cuftoms and Excife were afterwards ex- cluded, as we fhall prefently come to fhew, and continue fo to be. Again, ( '53) Again, by another Act the fame Seillon, cap'. 20. for Grant* ing feveral Rates and Duties upon Tonnage of Ships and Veffels, and upon Beer, Ale, and other Liquors, to raife One Million five hundred thoufand Pounds, &c. It was provided farther — That no Officer or Perfon whatfoever concerned in any Manner with the Collection or Management of the Excife, Jhall, by Word, Mef- fdge, or Writing, or in any other manner, endeavour to influence any Voter in Elections, under Penalty of 100 1. and of Incapa- city of holding any Office or Place of Trujl under the Crown. In the 7th of William III. cap. 3. that famous Law was pafled, which put the Lives, as well as Liberties of the Sub- ject, upon fo happy a Foundation, that no People upon the known Earth, can boaft of fuch Security. I mean, the Atl for Regulating Trials in Cafes of Treafon and Mifprifton of Trea- fon ', which contained the following Glaufes. 1. That the Perfons accufed Jhould be intitledfirft to have a Copy of the Indiclment five Days before the Trial. 2. To make their Defence by Council and Witneffes upon Oath, the Council to be chofen by themfelves, and to have free Accefs to the Prifoner at all rea finable Hours. 3. Not to be indicted, tried, or attainted but by the Oath of two Witneffes, and one Witnefs to one Ad of Treafon, and another to another, not to be deemed two Witneffes. 4. Perfons sutlaw'd, upon their Return tojland Trial, to have the Benefit of this Acl. 5. No Perfon to be inditled or profecuted, unlefs within three Years of the Offence. 6. Perfons tried, to have Copies of the Pannel two Days before Trial. y. Such Perfons to have Procefs of the Court where they Jhall be tried, to compel their Witneffes to appear for them at their Trials. 8. No Evidence to be admitted, or given of any Overt Acl, not exprefsly laid in the Indiclment, againjl any Perfon or Perfons whatfoever. And whereas the Commons are to be tried by a Jury of Twelve, who muft all agree in one Verdict: to condemn any Man, and the Lords had till then lain under two great Difad- vantages, firjl that one Major Vote Was fufficient to condemn a Peer in Cafes of this Nature ; and fecondly, that the Crown had the Power of nominating a feledt Number j appointing and excepting what Peers itpleafed to fit in Judgment, it was then enacted, that their Trials Jhould be made for the future by the whole Body of the Peerage ; and that every Peer Jhould be duly fummoned at leajl twenty Days before, to appear and vote at fuch Trial. i 154 ) In the fame Year, Sejf. 1. cap. 4. the Act was patted Forpit- *uenting Charge and Expence in Eletlions of Members to ferve in Parliament, providing that Candidates after the Tejieofthe Writ, or after any Seat in Parliament Jhould become vacant for any Coun- try, City, Borough, &c. giving or promiftng any Prefent or Re- ward for being defied, to any Per [on having Right of Vote, /hall be incapable to ferve in Parliament for any fuch Place as afore/aid. This was foon after followed by another Act of the fame Seffions, For preventing falfe and double Returns, cap. 7. con- taining the following Claufes, 1. That in cafe of falfe and double Returns, the Party aggrieved may fue in any Court of Weftminfter againfl any Officers or Perfons, and every one of them, and recover double Damages, and full Co/is of Suit. 2. iVhofoever Jhall make, or give any Contrail, Security, Pt omife, Bond, Gift or Reward to procure a falfe or double Return Jhall forfeit 300 /• 3. The Clerk of the Crown to make Entry of all Returns within fix Days after their Receipt, under Penalty of 500 /. and Forfeiture of his Office. 4. All Returns contrary to the lafl Determination of the Houfe of Commons, to be void, and to be deemed falfe, and this Ail to continue feven Years. By the Act in the nth and 12th of William, For granting an Aid to his Majejly out of the forfeited Ejlates, &c. it was enacted, That no Member of Parliament Jhall after the 24th of June, 1700, be a Commiffioner or Farmer of the Excife, or a Commiffioner of Appeals, or Controller or Auditor of the faid Duty. In the fame Year, cap. 7. an Act was patted For preventing irregular Proceedings of Sheriff's and other Officers, in making Returns of Members, provided, That the Returns Jhall be made to the Clerk of the Crown, within fourteen Days after the EleclloJt, &c. under Penalty of 500 /. In the fame Seffions, cap. 12. an Act patted topunijh the Go- vernors of Plantations, in this Kingdom, for Crimes committed by them in the Plantations, by whjch the moft remote Subjects of the Britijh Empire obtained the Protection of the Englijh Laws "againft Oppreffions, which were before that time without a Remedy. The next Addition of Privilege and Security to the People, and Diminution of Prerogative was obtained by the Ac! for the farther Limitation of the Crown, &c. Anno 12 William III. Sett. 1. cap. 2. which was then fettled upon the Houfe of Ha- nover } in this it was provided farther, I. That tvhofoever Jhall hereafter come to the Poffejfion of this Crozun Jhall join in Communion with the Church of England, as by Law ejlablijhed. (The Act of 1 William and Mary, Seff. 2. cap* ( *55 ) cap. 2. before-mentioned had provided againft the Admiflion of any Papijl, it was now, for the abfolute Security of the Reli- gion of this Country, provided, that no Diflenter from that Keligion of any Denomination whatfocver, fliould be King of England.) 2. That in cafe the Crown and imperial Dignity of this Realm Jhall hereafter come to any Perfon not being a Native of this King- dom, this Nation be not obliged to engage in any War for the De- fence of any Dominions or Territories, which do not belong to the Crown of England, without Confent of Parliament. 3. That after the faid Limitation Jhall take EffeSi as afore- faid, no Perfons born out of the Kingdoms of England, Scotland or Ireland, or the Dominions thereunto belonging (although he be na- turalized or made a Denizen, except fuch as are born of Eng- lifti Parents) Jhall be capable to be of the Privy Council, or a Member of either Houfe of Parliament, or to enjoy any Office or Place of Profit or Trujl either Civil or Military, or to have any Grant of Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments from the Crown to himfelf or to any other or others in Trujl for him. 4. That after the faid Limitation Jhall take Effect as aforefaid, J ' udges-Ccmmiffioners Jhall be made quamdiu fe bene geflerint, and their Salaries afcertained and ejlablijhed ; but that upon Ad- drefs of both Houfes of Parliament, it may be lawful to remove them. 5. That no Pardon under the Great Seal of "England be pleadable to an Impeachment by the Commons in Parliament. 6. That all Laws and Statutes of this Realm for fecuring the ejlablijhed Religion, and the Rights and Liberties of the People, be ratified and confirmed. Another Improvement of our Conftitution was made imme- diately after in that Acl;, for preventing any Inconvenience, that may happen by Privilege of Parliament. Anno 12 Gul. III. cap. 3. by which it was enacted, 1. That Aclions may be commenced againjl either Peer or Member of Parliament in the Interval of 'Parliament \ 2. That after Prorogation the Court may give "Judgment. 3. That Perfons may have Procefs againjl Peer or Member of Parliament after the Dijfolution of Parliament, and may exhibit any Bill or Complaint againjl any Peer or Member of Parliament, and fe- quejler the Parties Ejiate. 4. Plaintiffs, zuho are prevented from Profecution by any Privilege of Parliament, not to be barred by any Statute of Limitation. The next A£l of the fame Nature was for adding a farther Term to that formerly mentioned of 7 JVM. III. cap. 7. for pre- venting falfe and double Returns of Members to ferve in Par liar- U a. . msni ( 15^ ) ment for /even Tears, which was then continued for eleven Years longer. The laft that we fhall mention of this Great and Happy Reign, is of the fame Year n and 12 IVill. III. cap. 10. A. D. 1700, entitled An Acl for granting an Aid to his Ma- jefly for defraying the Expence of his Navy., Guards and Garri- Jons, &c. in which it was provided, That after the Dijfolution of that Parliament, no Member of the Houfe of Commons Jhould be a CommilHoner of the Cuftoms, or capable of holding any Of- fice in that Branch of the Revenue, nor any Per/on concerned therein Jhould direclly or indireclly influence any Election, under Penalty of being incapacitated to hold any Office or Place of Trujl under the Crown. We now come to the Reign of Queen Anne, during which the Prerogative ftill declined, and the Liberties of the People were augmented and farther fecured, for by An Acl for the bet- ter Support of her Majejlfs Houjbould, and of the Honour and Dignity of the Crown, Anno 1 Anna Stat. 1 cap. 7. it was de- creed that for preferving the Revenues of the Crown, all Grants of Mannors, Lands, &c. made by the Crown for more than thirty-one Tears or three Lives, or all Tenements for more than fifty Tears, Jhould be void, by which the Crown was for ever de- prived of that great Means of Influence, and of burdening the Publick Revenues by Gratifications to their Favourites. Anno 2? and 3 Anna, cap. 18. it was enacted, that any Aclion or Suit Jhall and may be commenced and prof ecu ted in any of her Majejlys Courts of Weftminfter, againjl any Officer of the Re- venue, or any other Place of publick Trujl, no fuch Aclion to be impeached or Jlaid or delayed on Pretence of Privilege of Parlia- ment either with Refpecl to q Peer or Member of the Houfe of Commons, and this was manifeftly a great additional Security to the Subject againfl Power and Oppreffion. In the Year 1704, 4 Anna,, cap. 8. An Acl pafled for the better Security of her Majejly's P erf on and Government, and of the Succeffion to the Crown of England in the Protectant Line : By which the Nation acquired the following Advantages, I. That the Parliament Jhall not be diffdved by the Death of any King or £hieen of England, but that it Jhall continue fix Months after; that it jhall immediately convene, meet, and fit, whether adjourned or prorogued, and in Cafe there Jhould be no Parliament in being, then the lajl preceding Parliament foall immediately con- vene, and ft, and be a Parliament, to continue, as aforefaid, to all Intents andPurpofes. — A Provifo which, if rightly confider'4» jnuft appear to be infinitely wife,, and may, in future Times, prove of the laft Importance, to bring the Conflitution back again* ( '57 ) again, if it fhould ever be interrupted or unhinged in any Ar- bitrary Reign hereafter. 2. The Privy Council, the Great Officers , and all Offices, Civil or Military, Jhall continue Ukewife for fix Months. 3. The Privy Council, immediately after the Deceafe of the King or zhteen, to proclaim the next Proteitant Succeffor, under Penalty of High-Treafon — The Benefit of which three Claufes molt ma- nifeftiy appeared upon the Death of the late Queen Anne. It may be expected of me to take Notice in this Place, that by this A& two Claufes in the Act of the 12th and 13th of Wil- liam III. cap. 2. the firft, Concerning the figning of Privy Coun- fellors to all A els of State ; and the fecond, Containing a general Exclufion of all Offices and Places of Profit, and all Perfcns hold- ing Penfionsfrom the Crown, from fitting in the Houfe of 'Commons , were repealed ; becaufe upon this Repeal the Malecontents have taken their only plaufibk Handle, to infinuate, that our Con- ftitution has been impaired. — But this will admit of a very eafy Anfwer — for, in Fact, this never was the Constitution j thefe two Provifions were only made infuturo, had never actu- ally taken Place, were repealed long before they were to be in Force, viz. in four Years after they were firft made, and at a Period of Time, when that Government and Family they were intended to reftrain, had no Power or Influence, in this Coun- try, to procure their Repeal, and near ten Years before their Acceflion to the Throne. — Nay farther, as to the fecond Claufe concerning Penfions, it has actually been reftored fince that Ac- cefiion, as we fhall fhew in its due Place. 4. // was enacled by this Law, that from and after the Diffo- lution, or fooner Determination of that Parliament, no Perfon who Jhall have, in his own Name, or in the Name of any Perfon cr Perfons in Trujl for him, or for his Benefit, any new Office, or Place of Profit whatfoever under the Crown, which, at any Time hereafter, Jhall be created or erecled, nor any Commiflioner or Sub Commiflioner c/" Prizes, and Secretary or Receiver of the Prizes, any Comptroller of the Accounts of the Army, any Commiflioner c/"Tranfports, any Commiflioner of the Sick and Wounded, any Agent for any Regiment, nor any Commiflioner for Wine Li-< cences, nor any Governor, or Deputy Governor of any of the Plantations, nor any Commiflioners of the Navy employed in any of the Out-Ports, nor any Perfon having any Penfion from the Crown during Pleafure, yW/ be ele£led,fit, or vote, as a Member of the Houfe of Commons. 5. No Office to be fplit into Commiflion farther than already done befare the firft Day of the Sejfions of Parliament 1705, 6, All ( '58 ) 6. All Members of Parliament accepting any Place of Profit under the Crown, during the Time of their being Members, their Eleclions to become immediately void, but capable of being re-elecled, if 'the Peo- ple Jhould think proper to chufe them again under that Circumftance. —-This Claufe was enacted in the Place of that which we have already obferved to have been repealed by this Act, whereby Perfons holding any Employments were totally excluded. — This Pro- vifion being thought much more confident with the Liberty of the Subject, both Elecled and Electors. — And, in the Opinion of that Time, as great a Security as could be defired by any Peo- ple, fince it put it out of the Power of the Reprefentatives to deceive their Conftituents, and left it to their own Option, whe- ther they would confide their Interefts again in the Hands of the fame Perfon, after that Change of his Condition. 7. A Penalty of 500 1. to be recovered by any Perfon who Jhalt fue any Member whofhallfit contrary to this Ail, and the E led ion of fuch Member to be void. Greatly as the Prerogative and Influence of the Crown was reduced by this Law, it is much to be queftioned, whether its Benefits exceeded that which I (hall next mention ; Viz. The Acl of the yth of Anne, cap. 21. for Improving the Union of the two Kingdoms. —For by this Act, ift, That inejlimable Law of Treafons before mentioned, was extended to that Part of Great Britain called Scotland. 2dly, It was enaclcd, That after the Death /if the Perfon called the Pretender, when any Perfon Jhall he indicled for High-Treafon, or Mifprijion of Treafon, a Lift of the Witneffes that fhall be produced on the Trial for proving the f aid Indiclment, and of the fury, mentioning the Names, Profeffions, and Places of Abode of the f aid fVitneffcs and furors, fhall be alfo given at the fame Time that the Copy of the Jndiclment is delivered to the Party indicled, and that Copies of all the Indiclment s for the Offences aforefaid, with fuch Lifts^ Jhall be delivered to the Party indicled, ten Days before the Trial, and in Prefence of two or more credible Witneffes. And 3dly, That after the Deceafe- cfthefaid Pretender, and at the End of the Term of three Tears , (after the Succeflion of the Houfe of Hanover to the Throne) no Attainder for Treafon Jhall extend to the difinheriting of any Heir, nor to the Prejudice of the Right or Title of any Perfon or Per- fons, other than the Right or Title of the Offender or Offenders, during his, her or their natural Lives only, and that it fhall and piay be lawful to every Perfon or Perfons, to whom the Right or Inter efl of any Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments, after the Death of any fuch Offender or Offenders Jhould or might have ap-- pertained, if no fuch Attainder had been, to enter into the fame : Which noble Provifion for the Lives and Property of the Sub- ( *59 ) }ect, taken in all its Confequences, is not to be found in any other Government upon Earth. • In 17 10, 9 Anna, cap. 5. the Acl was pafled for fecuring the Freedom of Parliaments, and the further qualifying the Members to fit in the Houfe of Commons, appointing a Qualification of 600 1. per Annum for Counties, and 300 1. a Year for Cities and Bo- roughs. A Provifion wholly new in the Conftitution of this Country. In the fame Seffion, cap. 10. it was enacted, That no Poft- mafter or Poft-mafter- General, or his or their Deputy or Depu- ties, or any Perfon employed by or under him or them, in the re- ceiving, collecting or managing the Revenue of the Poft Office, Jhould in any Manner whatfoever perfuade or dijfuade any Voter for Members toferve in Parliament, under the Penalty of 100I. and ef Dif qualification, Dij ability, and Incapacity of ever tearing, .*r executing any Office or Place of Trujl whatfoever under the Crown. In the 10th Anna, cap. 23. an Act was pafled for the more effetlual preventing fraudulent Conveyances, in order to multiply Votes for elecling Knights of the Shire to ferve in Parliament, providing againjl this Evil by an Oath, and infliiling the Penalty of Perjury upon the Perfon, either fuborning or taking that Oath falfely. In the 12th of the fame Reign, cap. 5. there was an Act of the fame Nature, for the better regulating the Eledions in Scot- land. And in the fame Seffion, Stat. 1. cap. 15. the Ail concerning double Returns, (firft made, Anno 7 and 8 Gul. III. cap. 4. for feven Years, then continued as we have obferved for eleven Years more, in the 12 William, cap. 5.) was made perpetual. In the Firft of George I. 17 14. cap. 4. It was Enadled, that no Perfon Jhall be hereafter naturalized, unlefs in the Bill exhibited for that Purpofe, there be a Claufe or particular Words infer ted to declare, that fuch Perfon Jhall not thereby be enabled to be of the Privy Council, or a Member of either Houfe of Parliament, or to take any Office or Place of Trujl, either Civil or Military, or ts have any Grant of Lands, Tenements or Hereditaments from the Crown to himfelf, or any other Perfon in Trujl for him, and that no Bill of Naturalization Jhall be hereafter received} unlefs fuch Claufe or Words be firjl infer ted or contained therein. In the firft of the fame Reign 17 15. Sect. 2. cap. 56. a far- ther Act was made, to dif able any Perfon from being chofe a . Member of fitting or voting in the Houfe of Commons, who has any Penfionfor any Number of Tears from the Crown, and the Penalty of ao I. for every Day that' fuch Member Jhall prefume to Jit or vote in ( i6o ) in that Houfe : By which A£t, the one of the two Claufes before mentioned in the A£l of the 12th and 13th of William, which was repealed by the 4th of Jnne, cap. 8. was again reftored. In the fecond of the prefent King 1728-9, the Bill for the more ejfeclual preventing Bribery and Corruption in the Eleclion of Members to ferve in Parliament was pajfed hi to a Law. And in the firjl Seffions of this prefent Parliament, an ASt was pafTed _/flr the farther Limitation if Placemen in the Houfe of Commons, of which we have already had Occafion to -fpeak, by which, after the Expiration br fooner Determination of this prefent Parliament^ among others are excluded the feven Commiffioners of the Revenue in Ireland, the feven Commiffioners of the Victu- alling Office, the Clerk of the Pells, and ?\\ the Deputies, Infe- rior Officers and Clerks ofthefe Commiffions, and of the Trea-r fury, Exchequer, Pells, Admiralty, Secretaries of State, and Paymafter of the Forces, (two or three only excepted,) together with the major Part of the Eftablifhment of Minorca and Gibral- tar. — This is that Act, for which the prefent Adminiftration, inftead of Thanks, have been repaid with the vileft Reproaches of the Faclion, and the moft cruel Abufe of their ungrateful Country. In the fame Seffion pafTed that Claufe in the Bill jfcr Mutiny and Defertion, for taking the Power of billetting of Soldiers in . the City and Liberty of Weftminfter, out of the Hands of the High Conftable of that City, and placing it with effectual Pro- vifions in the Hands of the petty Conjlables, by which a very great Abufe and Means of Fraud and Influence were taken away. We now come in order of time to the lafl Seffion of this Parliament, when the Pot- Aft, (which was, in ejfecl, an arbi- trary Tax, at the Will and under the Direclion of the Excife,) was repealed. And laftly an Act was pafTed for the further Security of the Freedom of Eleclion in that Part of Great-Britain called Scot- land. — The four laft Acls here mentioned have been gained fmce the Removal of the late Minifter, and in little more than the Space of one Year j yet are the People taught to believe, that they have gained nothing.-— Quos Deus vult perdere de- mentat. The Reader will pardon this long Deduction of popular Laws, which I have here inferted ; fuch a Review can never be tedious to any Man, who fincerely loves his Country; and I am certain that the Recapitulation of thofe extraordinary Amendments of our Conftitution, here prefented to their View, will greatly contribute to the Peace and Quiet of many honeft Men, who in the Paffion and Hurry of thefe Times, have too incon- C 1S1 ) inconfiderately fuffered themfelves to be impofed upon by a groundlefs Clamour ; without either giving themfelves time, or Opportunity toconfider ferioufly how unjuft it is. For whoever will take the Pains to look back upon the Con- dition of our former Government, and will reflect as he ought to do upon thefe Laws, and Acquifitions (and many more there are, all tending in fome Degree to the fame Improve- ment) and any Man, who will weigh what we have already explained as to the Power of the Crown in its Civil Li/t, in its Employments, or in its Prerogative, if he really means no- thing but to preferve this Conftitution, muft confefs that the Liberty and Property of this Nation, never flood in any Period of Time, upon fo ftrong a Bafis, repaired in every Breach that Time had made, fortified with additional Pillars of pro- digious Security, and every Day encreaiing in Solidity by the Effect of Laws, which from the Courfe of Time and Nature muft take Place in a few Years. From thefe Reflections it does really appear, that Men be- tray their Ignorance in the moft grofs Manner, when they talk in that unmeaning Cant, of the Neceffity of bringing back our Conftitution to its firft Principles, fo much the Fafhion in thefe Times ; for I may defy the ableft Man in England fairly to give the Inftance of any Period in this Government, where the Power of the Crozvn flood upon lower, or the Liberty of the SubjeSl upon higher Ground than it does at this Day. Men cannot deny, that Prerogative was reduced, and the Conftitution rejlored by the Revolution ; they will not ven- ture to do this, becaufe the Fdfhocd would be too glaring, but they have taught the People to think, that all thefe Amend- ments of the Letter of our Conftitution (if I may fo exprefs it) are rendered ineffectual by the Increafe of Influence in the Crown, from additional Revenues, and additional Employ- ■ments-, fince that Time. The Fact is totally the Reverie, as we have feen. — Half the Guards and Provifions for the Li- berty of the Subject have been acquired long fince that Period \ every Reign, and almoft every Parliament have made Additions to the Privileges of the People ; infomuch that the People would be manifeft Lofers, were they to exchange their Conftitution for what it was at any one Inftant of Time, previous even to the laft Seflion of Parliament : And this would be more or lefs the Cafe, were they to go back from Year to Year, from this prefent Year 1743, to 1066 the iEra of the Conqueft. . This Revenue of the Crown, which they magnify fo much, is demonftrated to be lefs capable in all Confiderations to an- swer corrupt Purpofes, than it was formerly 3 and we have al— X ' ready. ( 1^2) ready* as it fhould feem, all the Laws, that the Wifflom of Man can invent, to lefTen its Operation in that way — 1 Laws are not effe&ual, there is too much Reafon to fear that the Re- medy is beyond the Power of Law, and that the Evil muft arife from the Ambition, which is incident to the Nature of all po- pular Governments, and to the Opulence of this Country, which Ctrcuiflfbtnces, coveted by all Nations, and defirable as they juftty are upon the whole, were never free from Incon- veniencies of this kind ; hive ccrlftantly debauched the Morals of every People; and introduced Corruption, in fome degree, wherever they exifted. Thofe Employments faid to be fo much encreafed fince the Revolution, are actually cut off from their Influence upon the Constitution, as far as written Laws can do it, in innumerable Inftances. — Since the 5 th of JViltiom and Mary, 1694, no new Employment in the Revenue can beheld by any Member of the Houfeof Commons ; fince the 4th of Anne, 1705, no new Employment whatfoever, excepting in the Navy or the Army. Some with very good Intentions wifh thefe military Offices to be excluded too.— But this Opinion is full of Danger, for whofoever lives to fee them totally excepted likewife, can rationally expect nothing but a military Government. — We have therefore gained a Guard againft any Encreafe of this Evil in future, very near as far as it can be prudently defired.— The Cujioms, Excife, Pojl-Ojfice, and a Multitude of other Civil Officers, which exifted long before the Revolution, (and not, as -it isfalfely conceived,) of later Institution, have been alfo weeded out of Parliament. It is therefore an abominable Impofition upon Mankind to infinuate this Doctrine, neither are the Means of Influence e- qual, nor do the Laws permit it to be exerted, though the Means did actually exift. If any thing more or better can be devifed to render our Constitution yet more pure, that Man would be very difhoneft, -who would not endeavour to attain it,— -but every Quack Re- ceipt is not a Remedy. The Cure muft be chiefly looked for in the Virtue of the People, and much Help it might receive from thofe, who bellow loudeft againft Corruption, if they would re- fute to pay its Wages at their own Elections ; the Woman once vitiated by one Man, will become an eafy Proftitute to any other; and the Countryman corrupted by the Bribe of a Pa- triot, will undoubtedly make no Scruple afterwards to fell his Vote to any Miniflerial Hireling. What I have faid upon thefe Heads, is not intended to de- -ter any honeft and well confidered Attempts for any farther Amend- ( i*3 ) Amendments in our Conftitution, if they can be made ; but it i* intended and ought juffly to have its Effect fo far as to con- vince the Publick, that they are deceived, that their Condition is (whatever Imperfections flill remain) in fact infinitely more fecure than it ever was fince we have been a Nation j and that therefore the Impatience exprefted by fuch Numbers is extrava- gant, and muff, appear altogether unaccountable to every think- ing Man. — Nor is it for this Reafon eafy for any Man, the beft intentioned to the People, to comply with the Humour of thefe Times, becaufe it is impofiible to know what they would beat, what would content them, or what would be the Limits they would prefcribe to their Demands. — Nor can this be known 9 nor can they be trujled, fo long as they found their Opinions upon falfe Facts, and Doctrines fo erroneous, as fo evidently thefe appear to be. I mean notto jufrf. any Faults, that have been, or may be committed in the Conduct of our Affairs ; but I mean to moderate that Paffion, which mifguides them in their Rea- fonings upon it, which hurries them into fuch Expectations and Refentments, as muff, deftroy the very Bleffings they enjoy, by grafping after more than it is their real Jntereft to have : It muff be carried in Remembrance, that our Conftitution is a Mo- narchy, and though limited, yet that the Crown muji be permitted a considerable Share of Power, without which our Government 9 whatever we may afterwards think fit to call it, will become of an- other Species, a Species which certainly we are not fitted for ^ which , as in former Times, we Jhould fuffer all the Evils of Confujion m attempting to procure ; and which ^ when procured, we never Jhould be able to maintain. Sitting down therefore with Minds grateful and fenfible of the very great Advantages we now enjoy beyond what our Forefathers ever knew, let us ff ill entertain all reafonable Views or further Benefit, but without Prejudice or Pailion j let us cor- rect the Faults, or even amend the Defects of Government, in all Cafes where they are real, and not imaginary, where the Circumffance of Time will fufFer it, when we have the Power to do it, and when no worfe Inconveniencies would follow from it. — But let us not meafure thefe Faults or Defects by the Cla- mours of a FaStion ; let us confider, that the Eye of Oppofition magnifies every Mite of Power, as much as the Eye of Power diminifb.es every Object of popular Complaint. Let us therefore, when we enter upon this Work, engage in it with Moderation, and with a candid and wife Reflection, that nothing human can be perfect, that Men will have their Faults as long as they are Men ; that we muff in Government, as well as in other Things, fake the Evil with the Good ; and that that Nation is happy X 2 upon ( 1 12. Let them refleft upon their Ingratitude to Providence, and their more than Jewijb Obftinacy, and Hardnefs of Heart, in the Infenfibility fliewn by fo many upon the great De- liverance they have lately had, in their Efcape from the. imminent Dangers threatned to the Liberties of the whole World, and in the late miraculous Turn that has appeared in our Favour fince the late Change of the Adminiftration. 1 3. Let them confider, that if we improve thefe Advantages as we ought, we have now a Confederacy formed (with farther Profpe&s of additional Aid) confiding of above 300,000 of the beft Troops in Europe ; that we come frefh into the Quarrel ; that France^ by the entire Ruin of the Emperor, is left with-, out Allies, reduced, by a Series of ill Succefs, and unfortunate Events, to the loweft Degree.-.— And that therefore, if we follow the Blow, we have the faireft Expectation, not only to get out of the Difficulties, which we had lately fo much Reafon to think would prove our Ruin, but to reduce that enormous Power within due Limits for a long Time to come, and that nothing but our own Impatience, and the delufive Practices of a Jacobite Fac- tion^ can hinder us now, from what they prevented once before by the fame individual Arts, in a parallel Conjuncture. — In a word, let any Man lay his Hand upon his Heart, and fay whe- ther he thinks we are never to expe£t, or can always avoid a War with France ? And when he has anfwered (for who can honeftly or rationally anfwer otherwife) that the Growth and Ambition of that Power, her Breach of Treaties, our Rival- fhip in Trade, the natural Antipathy and Jealoufies of the two Nations, muft bring it unavoidably upon us in a fliort Time, though we {hould decline it for the prefent ; let him then fay, whether there can be any Senfe left in the People of England^ if they are not earneftly defirous to enter into it, and to pufh it with the utmoft Vigour now? When we can do it with fo ma- nifeft Advantage ? When we ftand in a Situation, in which we can hardly hope ever to find ourfelves again ? At which we could not flatter ourfelves to arrive hereafter, even in three Cam- ' paigns, attended with the moft miraculous Succefs ? — And in fine, as to the Method of the War, whether any thing is more chimerical than the modern Fancy, of engaging with France^ by our Maritime Force only ? Whether the Trade of England would not fuffer, during the Continuance of fuch a War, as much, if not more, than the Trade of France? — Whether France has not greater Refources without Trade, or during a Su'ptnfion of Trade, than England? Whether therefore any piftrefs that we might create to France by fuch a War, would J>e more than temporary, or could be fafficient to bring it to a fafe ( 174) fafe or found Conclufion ? Whether we can imagine efFe&ually or durably to reduce her, or to fccure ourfclves for any long Continuance againft her Power, by any other means, than by difmembringfome of her ill-gotten Provinces, and preventing any farther Encreafe of her Dominions upon the Continent ? Whether this can be done otherwife, than by joining with her Enemies and our Allies in a Land War ? And if this cannot be done otherwife (whatever may be the Expence or Inconvenience of fuch an Undertaking) whether it is not Madnefs,or fomething vrorfej to oppofe its being undertaken. Should thefe Confiderations have no Effect upon the Publick tire are a Nation doom'd and devoted to Deftru&ion : Our Go- vernment will be totally confounded by novel, falfe, captivating and deceitful Maxims ; our Conftitution overwhelmed and buried in the Ruins of Faclion. What Fabrick the Enemies of this Country may rebuild, is neither yet known to themfelves or me ; nor when this happy Form of Government, the venerable Work of (o many Ages, fliall be no more j will it be much worth the while of any Man among us to regard ? Inftead therefore of fo- menting every Subject of Uheafinefs, ungratefully repining at every Blcffing and Advantage, which wefovifibly and abundantly^ enjoy, above all other Kingdoms of this habitable £arth,' let us turn our Thoughts upon that immenfe Wealth, Power and' Dominion, which is ftill in the Train of Great Augmen- tation; upon thatConftitutionalSecurity,however wickedly mif- repreferrted, which we ftill, in a high degree, enjoy at home, and the Terror, which upon all juft Occafions, we are able to ftrike through Foreign Nations. Inftead of dwelling upon im- probable and diftant Dangers, which certainly never were fo far removed from us, as at this very Time, let us reflect upon our uncommon, and almoft unprefidented Happinefs. Inftead of alarming our Minds, and heating our Imaginations with the Stories of Evils that have attended the Lofs of Liberty in other Countries, in which, during the Courfe of the late Oppofition,' we haye been fufRciently inftru&ed, let us for a while apply ©urfelves to a Study more neceffary at this Time, that of tracing the true Caufes, which have brought this Ldfs of Li* berty,and thofe Evils which attend it, upon Every People, who once were, and are now no longer free. If we do this, we fhall learn, thatperfecT: Liberty and immenfe Riches, with itsconftant Attendants, Licentioufnefs, Luxury, an unbounded Thirft after Wealth, a Want of Morals, and an Impatience of all Go- vernment and Difcipline, fomented by the Fad ions of private- Men, for their own private Ambition, cloaked under publicic Pretences, have ripened and brought to Maturity all thefe Mif- 2, chiefs ( *75 ) chiefs in the World. Let us therefore, confcious of oilr Prof- perity, and fenfible of the Dangers to which we naturally ftand by that very Profperity expofed, fly the delufive Arts of factious Men, who now endeavour to avail themfelves of thefe Cir- cumftances, and pra£tife upon us in the Manner they have ever done in all former Ages : Ut imperium evertant Libertatem pr that is to fay, if we ever intend to pay them. We may, and if there is aNeceility for railing, we mult borrow ftili more j but then werifqueour Credit, and our Creditors vifibly rifque their Money. The Cafe of the Sinking Fund is too well known j and if it were not, I have too little Room in this, Treatife to infill: much upon it. This however I will fay, that a great Part of it was taken from the public Creditors by their own Confent, in order to fecure the Payment of their Principal; and therefore if we go on mortgaging it to new Creditors, it cannot but fill them with very uncafy Apprehen- fions. In the fitft Place, they will think it hard w.e ihould take what they gave in truft truft for their own Security, and apply it to the Payment of the Intereft of our new Creditors ; and next they will entertain Doubts and Jcaloufics as to the Safety of their own Money, when the only vifible Means of paying them is daily going out of our Hands. It is very true, that while we keep paying Intereft regularly, and while fuch as lend their Money have the public Faith pledged for the Payment of it, we may (till have Credit 5 bur then this mud have fome Bounds. A. Nation taxed to the utmolt height, and loaded with a very large Debt, has much to druggie with; and may not always be able to prefcrve that Regularity, efpccialiyif it mould be attacked by real and indifputablc Ncceffitics, which running into a large Expence, and differ- ing our Trade to decline, are moft likely to bring upon us. As to the Security of public Faith, it is certainly the bed that can be had thus far, that we have a moral Certainty the Public will never violate it -, but then there is another thing to be con : iidercd, which is this, that the public Faith be engaged no farther than it can be rendered evident the Public is able to payj becaufc if it mould, how well foever wc may mean as a Nation, our Creditors mud be difappoinrcd; As* an Enquiry into thefe Points was al» ways of the utmoft Importance, and always the (7) the Right of free Men and Men of Proper- ty, fo in our prefent Situation nothing can be more glaringly evident, than that they are indifpenfably neceflary. It is is incjifputable that our Strength is in a manner wore out; that as a Nation, we have brought ourfelves into the greateft Perplexities $ that if we do not think in Time, we muft abfolutely become Beggars, and confequently be in a fair Way of being made Slaves ; fo that for Men to preach up to us under fuch Cir- cumftances, an implicit Reliance upon thofe who govern us, a ready Coucurrence in their Schemes, how cxpenfive foever, and how far removed from common Un- derftandings they may be, is to treat us with great Infolencc and Contempt, and to ufe us much worfe than the laft Miniftry did; for they admitted us to be in a bad Way, and told us we muft fubmit to ill U- fagc becaufe it was impoflible for us to bear the Expcnce of War. Whether they were in the right, or whether their Succel- fors arc fo, I fhall not at prefent attempt to determine j but fhall content myfelf with obferving, that fuch Men are moft certainly in the right as do not incline to take any Miniftry 's bare Word for the Rectitude, or for the Neceftity of Meafures ; but expect fuch Arguments as may convince their Un- derftaftdings. They may indeed, as Inftru- ments of the Crown, make Wars and en- gage £>"C^ (8) gage in Treaties, but it is our Property that mult maintain them ; v/e mult enable them to make good the one, and to carry on the other; it is therefore juftandreafonablc \vc fhould know on what Motives both arc founded. Politicians may fay what they will, but this was always the Sentiment of the En- glijh Nation; and our Rights in this rcfpcci: have been acknowledged, even by our mod arbitrary Princes. King Charles II. ap- pealed to the People as to the Grounds of both the 'Dutch Wars, and he anfwered the Remonuranccs of the States by his royal Declarations. I do not intend to make myfelf a Party to thefe Difputcs, neither will I pretend to vindicate or to cenfure thefe Pieces j all I pretend to fay, is, that they remain to this Day authentic Proofs, that in the Judgment of that Prince and his Minifters, the Englift Nation was not obliged to tax itfelf, and lavifn its Property, without being acquainted with the Motives to fuch Expences. I hence conclude., that it is not at all wonderful the People are fo anxious at prefent,to know what is to be done, by whom, for what, and with how great Expencej becaufe we are in a Mari- ner at our laft Stake, we have it not in our Power to run large Rifqucs, we cannot leap Hand over Head into an Ocean of Expencc ; becaufe if we do, we muft cither ruin <■*> ruin ourrclvcs, or. (which is much the fame thing) ruin our Creditors. Such as would convince the World that that thefe are either falfe or foolifh, weak or wicked, factious or difloyal, Notions, muft begin with (hewing that our Situation is different from what I have reprefented itj that we are (till rich enough to bear farther Impo- fitions j that we are not fo much in Debt, but that we may get out of it; and that by this or that Method the thing is plainly practicable : If they cannot do this, ill Lan- guage is very unrcafonable; todefire People to advance Money for the Ufe of their Mends, when they have it not to buy Bread j to urge them to run in Debt, when they know not how to pay what they al- ready Owe 5 nay, can fcarce tell where to pick up as much as will difcharge the In- tereft of their prefent Incumbrances, is very harfh and cruel; but to call us Knaves, Fools, and Scoundrels, or, which is the fame thing, Tories, Republicans ', and Jacobites, for not doing it, is beyond all bearing. Good Words may .do fomething, but to bully a Nation out of their laft Shilling, is a very new Notion, and I perfuade myfelf will hardly fuccecd. We have lately feen a very extenfive Vindication of prefent Meafures, and a very abuiive Charge upon all who are not fatis- fied with them, in a Pamphlet entitled, Fac- C tion ( 10) tion deteBed by the Evidence of Fails. I muft confefs, I mould think it a very hard Task to be obliged fo much as to read it with that Serioufncfs which would be re- quifite to anfwer it. I have looked it over two or three times, and to fpcak my Senti- ments freely, I think it the verieft Jumble of Inconfiftencies that ever my Eyes law. It is prolix to a Degree infupportable ; it is built upon no fort of Principles 5 it is writ- ten with an equal Dilregard to the Senti- ments of all Parties, and feems to be cal- culated to increafe the Prejudices of the Pub- lic againft thofc whom it appears to defend. I do not pretend to guefs at the Author, I have no Bufincfs with him. I think, with refpeel: to Writings of this Sort, the World ought to inquire into what is faid, and not by whom. I am lincerely of Opinion, that it is no manner of Objection to a Pam- phlet, or to a Volume, as this is, though printed Pamphlet-wife, that it is written in the Service of an Adminiftration. I think every Adminiftration has not only a Right, but that it is their Duty to employ the Pens of their Creatures in Defence of their Mea- fures : They are certainly, how great foever, the Servants of the King and People 5 may be called to an Account by either, and therefore it imports them much to fatisfy both. The <"> The very beft Administrations have been To fcnfible of this, that they have been equal- ly careful to gain the Good-Will of their Countrymen at home, by a candid Explica- tion of their Schemes, as to carry their Points with Foreigners by Negotiations abroad. This was the Practice of the Earl of Clarendon upon all Occafionsj and this, as we learn from the Life of the Lord North, lately publifhed, was the Advice gi- ven to King Charles II. by fuch Minifters as thought he had nothing to fear while he governed by Law. In King William's Time, the Court was more upon the Re- serve, and for a very plain Rcaibn : The Miniftry affected to ad upon Principles very oppofite to thofe of the Revolution ; and this engaged the honefteft Men, and theableft: Pens, to combat thofe Mcafures, though they adored their Prince, of which we have evident Proofs in the Writings of Mr. Trenchard, and in the Speeches of Sir Charles Sidley: Thefc Gentlemen were for the Thing, and not the Name ; they hated Tyranny and arbitrary Government, who- ever were itslnftrumcnts 5 and were as little plcafed with the Effects of Lord Sunder- land's Politics under King William, as un- der King 'James. They thought that the belt Service that could be done his Majc- fty, was to bring the Expences of his Govern- ment within a narrow Compafs; to engage C 2 Vuch (12 ) , fuch as fcrycd the Public to act upon Prin- ciples of Duty and public Spirit, and there- by prefcrve the Liberty, Property, and Trade of the Nation, in the moft flourifhing Con- dition. When they faw thefc Maxims re- jected, when they faw a Propcnfity in the Servants of the Crown to rufh into vaft Expences, to promote large Taxes, and to concur in loading the Nation with Debt, they declared without fcruple their Diflikc to thefc Mcafures, and their Apprehenfions of the Confcqucnccs 5 in which we have found them but too true Prophets, and all theplaufiblc Apologies for thefe wrong Steps, i'o many delufive Coverings of a dark Scheme, which obfeured the Glory of that Reign, and under the Shadow of which our Poiterity are like to grope. It is not therefore at all marvellous, that the People of' Britain are fond of knowing what the Miniftry arc about 5 becaufe, wherever there have been great Myftcrics, we have fcldom found them revealed by Time, which re- veals all Things, much to the Honour of their Contrivers, or much for the Benefit of the Nation; In the Reign of Queen Anne we had a great Miniftry and good Writers ; Godol- fihin, Somers y and Hallifax were at the Head of Affairs 5 and Addifon, Manwaring, and Sir Richard Steele vindicated their Mcafures. There were few capital Points carried . (*3 ) carried in that Reign which were not firft freely canvailed by the People; and, I mud confefs, it was the Artifice of the fucceed- ing Miniftry that firft turned all political Difputes on the great Hinge of JVhig and Tory, as if it imported the People of En- gland to have either Whigs of Tories in Power, farther than they were honeft Men and meant well to their Country. St. John, Swift, and 'Prior rung the Changes upon thefe Words, and we have followed their Example ever fince. In fhort, we have been Fools enough to fancy that the Denomina- tion of Minifters was of greater Confe- quence than their Capacities, and that it was more the Concern of the People of what Party they were, than of what Probity. But it is iiirely high time now to open our Eyes, and to confider Things of greater Import- ance ; our Safety, our very Being is now at ftake, as all Parties agree ; the Friends of Power fay, that it depends upon (I will not fay carrying on a War, but) maintain- ing Troops abroad ; fuch as do not fall in with their Sentiments alledge, it refts upon the Care taken of our Government at home, upon the bringing our Expcnces under a frugal Management, upon eradicating the Canker of Corruption, upon rclloring Trade, and putting our Debts and Taxes into fome fcafible Train of being leffencd and dis- charged. • T®. (If) To tell us that either of tnefe Ends muft be attained by having Whigs or Tories in Power, is treating us like Babies. The Ends of Faction may be purfucd by the Friends of Faction, but the Ends of the Nation muft be purfued by the Friends of the Nation. Such as mean a large Land Army, an ex- penlive War, bou'ndlefs Influence, and the Encouragement of all forts of Corruption, may call themfclves Whigs if they pleafe, but we fhall know what to think of them for all that. They may too run down thofe who are for pulling up by the Roots the late fcandalous Practices for defeating the Free- dom of Elections, and thereby depriving the People of their Rcprcfcntatives ; for re- drc fling all other public Grievances; dating the Revenue, Expences, and Debts of this Nation 5 enquiring into fruitlefs Expediti- ons and fooiifh Negotiations; and, in fine, fecuring the ArTecnon of the People to the prefect Royal Family, by procuring them legal Satisfaction for what is paft, and pro- per Security for what is to come : I fay, they may call fuch as aim at thcie Things Tories, Republicans, Jacobites, Ince?idia- ries, Rebels , Traitors, but all that figni- fics nothing; the People will know what to think of them too, in fpitc of fuch Cha- rade rift ics. But fay fomc, and particularly the Au- thor of the voluminous Pamphlet lately men- • ( *n mentioned, the Tories have been in a con** ftant Oppofition for thirty Years ; therefore they are a Fa&ion : But who are to be the Judges of that ? Why, the Whigs. Is this juft or equitable? Are the Chara&ers of Men to be decided by their fvvorn Enemies? But the Whigs are the only true Friends to the Houfe of Hanover they fay fo in- deed and therefore this gives them a Right to be Judges. Be it fo then, I will undertake to prove, that, from the Acceflion of the Family, the Whigs have thought the contrary. I will undertake to prove, that if the Whigs accufe the Tories of a£ling as a Faction ever fince the Beginning of the late Reign, they do it without Reafon 5 fince all the wifeft and beft Men amonrit them have in their turns acknowledged the Tories to be in the right, juftified their Behaviour as a reafonable and legal. Oppo- sition againft dangerous and deftru&ivc Meafures. If the Whigs be the only pro- per Judges for the Royal Family, as they always prefume themfelves to be, then, I fay, the Conducl of the Tories has been perfe&ly right, fince in every Step, in every Inftance,' it has been approved, applauded, and concurred in by the unbyafled Whigs. All the World knows how unanimoutly the Tories paid their Duty to the late King upon his Acceflion, and how far his Ma- jefty was influenced to treat them with great Coldnefs. ( 16) Coldncfs. I will not fay that this caufcd the Rebellion 5 but I will be bold to fay, that if his Majefty had not taken that Ad- vice, the Rebellion had never happened. His Majefty would have been the King of all his People > and thofe Diftin&ions would have been buried in Oblivion, which had been fo dangerous to his Succcflion, and which, while they are kept up, can only ferve to rob him of the Affections of fuch as are naturally inclined to be his beft Sub- jects. I fpeak here of the King, in a poli- tical Senfe, as of a Perfon that can never die j as of the Father of his People, who ought to have the fame Tenderncfs for them all, and not by an ill-judged Diftri- burion of Favours infpirc Diftaftc, and then punifh it as Difloyalty. When the new Government proceeded wholly upon fuch Maxims, and it vifibly appeared that a Handful of Men, who call- ed themfelvcs Whigs, had feized the Reins of the State, an Oppofition was commenced ; not againft his late Majefty of ever glorious Memory, or againft his Family, but againft fuch Minifters as milled him. Neither did this Oppofition continue long a Tory Op- pofition. The Duke of Argyll, and all his Friends, with a coniiderabie Number of Englijl IVhigs y left their Employments for their Attachment to moderate Mcafures, and concurred with the Oppofition becaufe it ( i7) it was right. Every body knows that the Impeachment of the Earl o£ Oxford, like the Impeachment of the Earl of Strafford in the Days of King Charles 1. was an ac- cumulative Impeachment, where ten black Rabbits were made equal to a black Horfe, and a number of fuppofed Mifdemeanors fummed up into High Treafon : I need not tell the World who manufactured that Impeachment, or who difclaimed it when it came to be tried. All the intelligent World know that the Authors were afhamed of it, and that except the Generalifllmo of the Whig Mob, the virtuous Earl of Con sby and fome wrong-headed Law- yers, the Whigs were content to own, that the thing had been ftretched too far, that it was an Inftance of Party Rage, which ought to be forgot, and that however the Earl of Oxford might be out in his Politics, and miftaken in his Management of foreign Affairs (which according to the Confeflion of the Whigs y have not been better ma- naged fince) he was firmly attached to the pre- fent Royal Family, and therefore did not by any Means deferve to be treated as a Traytor. In the Year 1 71 7, after the Difco'very of that which was called the Swedijb Confpi- racy, the late King was advifed to demand a large Sum of Money, to enable him to make good fuch Engagements, as might free him from any Apprehensions of feeing this D Kingdom ( i8) Kingdom invaded from Sweden. This the' Tories looked upon to be unparliamentary and unprecedented, but they were not alone in this, the then Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, fince a noble Earl, and very lately deceafed, Mr. Walpole the prefent Right Honourable Earl oiGrford, and many other diftinguifh'd Whigs, expreflfed a very warm Diflike thereto. The Point, how- ever, was carried but by four Voices, and the very next Morning the Lord Town- Jbend was turned out of his Lieutenancy of Ireland-, upon which Robert JValpole Efqj firft Lord of the Treafury, Mr. Methuen, Se- cretary of State, Mr. 'Pultney, Sectetary of War, and the Earl of Orford, then at the Head of the Admiralty, laid down their Employments, and appeared very warmly in the Oppofition. This Opposition was furely juft and reafonable, when fo many great Whigs declared it fo to be, and not only joined heartily with the Tories in Speaking, but actually wrote in Defence of that Conjunction, cleared the Tories of all Imputations of Jacofritifm, and behaved to- wards them with all the Cordiality in the World for feveral Years. It was during this Oppofition that the famous Quadruple Alliance took Effect, which was thought a wrong Meafure by the Tories, and by the great Whigs beforementioncd, who expofed it with aii the Bitterness imaginable, treated Sir ( 19) Sir George Bing's Vi&ory at Meffina as a very unwarrantable Action; and one of them, I mean one of the Whigs, who has always valued himfelf much on [peaking freely what he thought, was pleafed to fay, as to the Confequcnces of that glorious Action, that they were no better than mak- ing Cock-Eoats of the Englijh Fleet to carry his Imperial Majefty's Troops to and fro, as the Humour of the Court of Vienna di- rected. Before I part with this Quadruple Alliance, I mult obferve that it is the very Treaty ■upon which all the Negotiations of the Late Miniftry, fo loudly and fo lately condemned, were founded, for by this Ttcaty the Queen of Spain became firft entitled to thofe Ita- lian Dominions, which have coft us and all Europe fo much Trouble fince, and on this very account that Treaty was then con- demned, I mean when it was made by the two noble Lords, who now make fuch a Pigure in the World, as well as by the To- ries, who are alone only in this, that they never approved it or any Modifications of it fince. The fame Oppofition, I mean the Oppofition of the fame Whigs with the Tories declared againft the Penfion Bill, and had Weight enough to throw it out. They likewife oppofed the dangerous and de- Itru&ive South- Sea Scheme, though un- luckily with lefs Effect, and the Tories pur- D 2 filed ( 20) fucd it to the laft, and were the great Au- thors of that Vengeance, however imper- fect, which fell upon the Contrivers of that villainous Project. Here indeed they were deferred by fome of the Whigs , who, com- ing again into Power, grew cool in their Refentments, and as the World very well knows, brought the Term Screening into Ufc. Nobody I think, even at this Day, will deny that this Oppofition was well con- dueled, acted from right Motives, and gave a fevere Check to very bad Meafures, I hum- bly conceive therefore, that the Tories could not be criminal for the Share they had therein. In the Year 1721 his late Majefty fent a Meflage to the Commons to acquaint them with the Difficulties he lay under by rea- fon of a Debt of 500,000 /. contracted in • his Civil Government, and hoped he might be impowcrcd to raifc Money for difcharg- ing it on the Civil Lift Revenues, which fhould be reimburfed by a Deduction to be made out of the Salaries and Wages of all Officers, and the Penfions and other Pay- ments from the Crown. If this was op- pofed by the Tories, it was alfo dilliked by many of the JVhigs, and from that Time there was a Coldncfs obferved in that very honourable Perfon, who fome Years after- wards quitted his Employment, appeared again in the Oppofition, and valued him- felf <«) felf Co much for continuing in it for no kfs than twenty Years. Thus then I have fhewn, that throughout the whole Series of their conftant Opposition, the Tories have been thought in the right by the beft and wifeft of the Whigs, and therefore all Pre- tence of detecting them to be a Faction by a Recapitulation of Facts, is quite befide the Purpofc, and proves nothing, becaufe it proves too much. For if they were always in the wrong, then all muft have been in the wrong who joined with them; and then I do not know any Man of Fortune, Figure, or Reputation in this Kingdom but muft be included By fuch a temerarious Judg- ment. On the other hand, if they have been right in this Oppofition, if they have oppofed bad Meafures, and have endavoured to prevent fuch Steps being taken as were vifibly againft the Intercft of their Country, I cannot imagine why they fhould be charged with DifafTe&ion, any more than the Whigs who concurred with them, and from whom, in the Courfc of the Oppofition, as many, or more, indecent and perfonai Expreflions efcaped than from them, as I will undertake to prove from the Story of thofe Times. Another Obfervation may be made up- on this fhort Hiftory, which deferves ex- tremely the Attention of the People of Great Britain, and it is this, That in the midft of fo many Mifmanagcments, in re- fpefl: (22) fpect to foreign and domeftic Affairs, fuck a number of idle and inconfiftent Treaties, ufelefs Armaments, extravagant Expences, Projects dangerous to the Conftitution, and deftru&ive of the Safety and Intercfts of thefe Kingdoms, thefe Men who are now ftiled a Faction, never were in Power. If indeed the Tories had for fix or feven Years vio- lently oppofed a certain Syftem, and then for the fake of Employments, concurred in purfuing and carrying it into Execution; iuch a Charge againft them might be well founded, but it is mod notorious to all the World, and the warmeft and moft malici- ous of their Enemies muft allow, they ne- ver did. In this rcfpecT:, therefore, they are innocent, mod innocent, as we have demonstrated by Facts. They were againft the Quadruple Alliance which difobliged Spain ; they were againft the Hanover Al- liance, that divided us from the Emperor; they were againft the Peerage Bill, that would have changed this Government to an Ariftocracy; they were againft rhe South- Sea-Scheme, which impoverifhed the ho- nefteft Part of the Nation, and corrupted the grcateft Part of it; in fhort, they were againft every evil Ad particularized in that voluminous Pamphlet I have mentioned: And from hence I think it fhould be con- cluded they are no Faction. From this fhort and general Detail of what (*3> what has happened for near thirty Year9 pait, the Reader will eafiiy fee that true Patriots, Men who meant fmcerely the Pro- fperity and Prefervation of their Country, the delivering it from oppreilive Taxes, and dilcharging it from the Burden of a mighty Debt, had always Room enough for Opposition, becaufe the Meafures that were carried on were fuch as had a Tendency to continue and encreafe their Taxes, and to hinder that Debt from being paid off. It mult be confidered too, that thcfe Men by being conftantly out of Place and Employ- ment, if they received any Byafs, muft re- ceive fuch a one as was favourable to their Country 5 for it is not altogether unreafon- able to believe, that Men in the PofTeflion of Power, and Men who are fure to conti- nue in the PolTefiion of it, fuch as the Mo- dern Whigs give themfelves out to be, may have a Propeniity to give way to Taxes, and to the Continuance of a Debt, fo much the lcfs burdenfome to them, as they {hare in the Emoluments arifing from thefe Charges upon the People ; and I believe I fhould run no Danger of being thought a Lyar, if I mould go farther, and fay that Experience has fomctimes verified this. If therefore the Tories ', from a natural Appre- henfion of feeling doubly the Weight of Taxes and Incumbrances, have (trusted to the utmoft againllthem, where is the Crime of ( H) of this? Their Prejudice in this refpeft was a Prejudice that might have been of ufe to their Countrymen, for if by their Struggles they could have* avoided the prodigious Ex- pences attending ufelefs and contradictory Negotiations, frequent Augmentations of Troops never employ 'd, hiring Mercenaries that never came into the Field, and fitting out ftay-at-home Fleets ; I fay, if they could have avoided any of thefe Expences, if it would have faved any Money in their Poc- kets, it would have faved fifty times as much to the landed Intereft, and therefore their Eagernefs in this refpecl: could never be a Crime, becaufe it was vifibly no In- jury to the Public. I might farther obferve, that thefe Men who have been lately detected as a Fa&ion, were not only againft all Meafures which have fince been generally acknowledged bad, but have concurred likewife in pro- moting mod, if not all, the Propofitions that have been generally eftcemed good. I never heard it alledged that the Tories were agairift fettling the finking Fund, nor did they ever oppofe any Attempt made for putting the public Debts in a Train of Payment 5 they have been for all Enquiries that were fct on toot for the public Benefit ; and if they were not as effectually purfued as they might have been, the World is thoroughly fatisfied that it was' none of their Faults. Such as have ( 2 M have been impeached, and fuch as defcrve to be impeached for projecting public Frauds, or for giving them Countenance, were no Tories^ they had no Share in the Harbo- rough Lottery, the Ruin of the Suiters to the Court of Chancery, or the Charitable Corporation, but endeavoured to bring all who had to Juftice, fo that here is a new Proof that their Conduct in their public Chara&ers, ought not to expofe them to any fuch Cenfures, ought not to render them obnoxious either to the Crown, or the People. After all I have faid, I muft take an Op- portunity of declaring, that I do not defire to be considered as an Advocate for the Tories, and the reafon is plain, becaufe I take this to be a Nick- name impofed by wicked and deflgning Men, on purpofe to render one Part of the Nation odious to the other. For let us confider what the Ap- pellation of Tory means, to fpeak accurately I ought to fay, did mean when fuch fort of People exifted . ThcTortes in Ydnofiharles Us Time were Men who declared themfelves attached by Principle to the Prerogative, Men of high flying Loyalty, who upon al- moft all Occaiions fided with the Crown, and were againft all Attempts made in Fa- vour of Liberty, in that and in the fucceed- ing Reign, till Deftruclion (tared them in the Face, and then, as Hiftory (hews, as E fomc (26) fomc of us remember, as the voluminous Pamphlet itfelf admits, they made a ftiort Turn, and declared in favour of the Revo- lution. I do admit, that in the Reign of King William thofe who were called Tories in the former Reigns were frequently in the Opposition, and though they then ceafed to be Tories, that is to fay, did not ac"t up- on their former Principles, yet we need not wonder they (till went by the fame Name, becaufc they were the fame Men. But what is this to the Purpofe now ? Are the Peo- ple at prcfent (tiled Tories of the fame Com- plexion ? No certainly, nothing like it, and therefore a nobk Duke, who will be al- ways thought the honefteft Man of this Age, faid not only wittily, but wifely, that all he had learned from many Years Conver- fation with Politics was, that the Tories were become Whigs, and the Whigs Tories. In fatt it is fo ; for I appeal to the com- mon Scrife and Experience of Mankind, Whether thofe who now pique themfelves fo much upon the Title of JVhigs, and would arrogate to themfelves a perpetual and indefeafible Right to the Adminiftra- tion barely from being called fo, do not in all Refpecls come up to the Character of the old Tories. Are they not always offering Inccnfe to the Crown; do they not perpetually gild their own Intereft with the fpecious Title of that of the Royal Fa- mily i , •• • (*7) mily 5 is it not they who have devifed the Means, and paved the Way to that mighty Extenfion of the Power of the Crown, not indeed in the old Way of Prerogative, which placed it folely in the King, but in the new of the Adinifterial, which they now make no Secret of owning they intend fhall be al- ways in themfclves ? Are thefe dark and du- bious Facts, or are they not clear and min- ing as the Noon-Day ? With what View then do thcfe People call themfelves Whigs and other Folks Tories ? The Reafon is evident enough ; they defign to conceal their own Intentions, and to mifreprefent thofe againft whom they declaim. They defire to be called Whigs ^ that they may be thought Friends to Liberty, as the old Whigs were; they would have them that oppofe them ftiled Tories, that they may not be thought Friends to Liberty, as they really are. This is the Truth, the whole Truth, and nothing but the Truth. I have detected the thing from Facts, and I defy the moft artful Pen, and which is more, the moft artful Tongue amongft our new Politicians to mew, that I have erred at all in this, or that I have not drawn both fides as they .mould be drawn. To proceed to the Merits of the Caufe, with refpeel: to the paft and prefent Oppofi- ticn, I fay, without Hefitation, that the latter is. more juftifiablc than the former j E 2 and ((28 ) and I will undertake to make this out from the voluminous Pamphlet fo often mention- ed, wherein the utmoft Pains is taken to hide, to miircprcfent, and even.falfify Truth $ which yet is every now and then breaking through, daring the Writer in the Face, and putting him into vifible Confufion. He admits that the laft Oppofition was in the main a right one; indeed he was obliged to admit fo much, in order to defend his Pa- trons; for whatever the Town may think, 1 am pretty confident this Pamphlet fell from no Right Hon. Pen; he can write, and write in anoiher Manner ; this Pamphlet has the Air of a Lord, but it is a Lord of another Nation ; but this by the way 5 I fay he is obliged to admit, that the laft Oppo- fition was right in the main ; that it was made upon IVJjig Principles, and conducted by Whigs, till they thought fit to defert it, and then fancied it muft fink of courferib This Oppofition, then in the Hands of fuch able Leaders, muft have had certain Points in view that were rational, legal, and for the common Benefit of the People of Great- Britain ; let us enquire then what they were, and not to take up a great deal of Time to little Purpofc, 1 will fix upon three : Firft, the reducing the Expcnce of the Government; which, if we confult the fourteen Volumes of the . Craft [man, the political Pamphlets publilhed by Franklin, and ( *9) and the Speeches in the Magazines ^ they will fufBciently prove was grown to fuch a Height, that the Nation was not able to bear, at the fame Time that there was fuch a fhameful Wafte as the Nation, in its mod flourifhing Circumftances, ought not to have borne. Secondly, they maintained that a new Turn ought to be given to our Ma- nagement in foreign Affairs ; that for many Years together we were Dupes to France, and Slaves to Spain? followed the Politics of the one contrary to our own Intcrcft, andfubmittingtothe Depredations commit- ted by the other to the vifible Ruin of our Trade and Reputation. They alTerted thirdly, that fuch a Series of deftrudive Meafures could not have been carried on, but by an undue Influence on the Repre- fentatives of the People. Thefe were the Grounds upon which they proceeded 5 thefe drew to them the Concurrence of all who were uncorruptcd by this kind of Influ- ence, and the fecret Wiflies of many who were. In confequence of their Speeches, Writings, private and public Intereft, the whole Nation in a manner declared for them; and if by degrees they grew a little warm in their Declarations, it was not at all owing to want of Duty to the King, to a Spirit of Sedition or DifafFe&ion; but to the Neglecl, the vifible Neglccl: of their re- peated Complaints and Remonftranccs, to which ( $&) which they were chiefly prompted by the late Leaders of the Opposition. This was the Storm fo much complained of; this was the Ferment rcprcfentcd in fucli dread- ful Colours 5 and yet never any Nation maintained its Freedom without fuch Storms and Ferments; and but for this very Storm, this very Ferment, reflected upon with fo much Horror, the People of Great-Britain, in the Space of a few Years, muft have been no longer free j and the Leaders of ' the Oppofition, the very Men who con- demn that Spirit by which they were faved, muft have flickered thcmfclves from the Ef- fects of that arbitrary Adminiliration, which they now pity fo much, in fome foreign Land. When this Storm was come to fuch a Height, that Jonas confented to be thrown over-board in order to ftill it, the People might naturally expect two Things ; firft, that a Uriel: Enquiry fhould have been made into the Errors of that Adminiftrationj and next, 1 that fuch Laws fhould have been enacted, as would have prevented the like for the future. I fay nothing of Impeachments, Bills of Pains and Penalties, and fuch like ianguinary Proceedings, becaufc I know them to be repugnant to the Temper and Genius of the Britifi Nation, and am fen- ftble that they have very feldom or never done us good. I will add another Conccf- lion, fion, that the late Adminiftration, and par- ticularly the Man at the Head of it, was not cruel, or vindi&ive -, and that therefore it was rcafonable that fuch Methods fhould in this Cafe have been fpared : But I muft at the fame time fay, that I am very much afraid, if ever the like Cafe mould happen again, that the People of Great-Britain, good- natured as they are, will not be in the fame Mind. If they find Lenity and For- bearance ferve only to encourage Minifters to trample on and abufe them, they may come to take another Turn, and expect that one Man fhould rather fuffer, than a whole Nation fuffer for one Man, or for a few Men. When this Crifis, however, happened, the two Things I have mention- ed would certainly have fufficed, and they would willingly have forgot what was paft, for the fake of being perfectly fecure in Times to come. I know that this is fpeak- ing very freely ; and I know that the Au- thor of the voluminous Pamphlet has given broad Hints, that fuch Freedoms mail not be long permitted -, but I know at the fame time, that this is a direct Proof that this Piece did not come from the Right Hon. Perfon to whom it is attributed , be- caufe I am confident his Soul cannot harbour any Notions of that Sort -, I know he is not capable of doing any thing that mould require the Suppreflion of this Free- dom, ( 3 2) dom, cfpccially after this voluminous Vin- dication has called for every Man's Senti- ments, and bid the World fpeak out. As to the firft of the two Points that would have given general Satisfaction, fomething was attempted, becaufe that veuy Right Hon. Perfon thought it fit and juftj and that Attempt has fully {hewn, that two Points of the foregoing Charge were true beyond all doubt j I mean the vaft Expence of the Adminiftration, and the undue Influence made ufe of to procure Mo- ney to defray thofe Expences. The firft, I muft fay, was barbarous, confidering the Circumftances of the Nation 5 and the laft was an Attack upon the Conftitution, fo dangerous, that it deferves all that is faid of it in the Report of the fecret Committee, though what is there faid is fo ftrong, as to bring it up to High-Treafon ; and therefore I am furprized to fee the Author of the Vin- dication attempt to palliate 't, as I am heartily afliamedof the puerile, pitiful Calcu- lations, exibited to overthrow what is faid in that Report of Secret-fervice Money; when every Man of common Senfe muft know, that every Shilling laid out for Service not done to the Nation, is a Mifapplication of pub- lic Money ; and when it is apparent from that Report, that the beft Part of this Money was laid out to prevent the Na- tion's (33) tion's knowing how much greater Sums Were fquandered. We fhould undoubtedly have feeft the laft Part of the Charge as fully and cffe&ually made good, if the fecond (or rather third) Report had appeared, as well as the firft ; and therefore the Public cannot but confider it as a very great Injury that it was concealed, at the fame time that me clearly apprehends the Reafon of it. The whole Management of that Affair, the winding up and letting down the Enquiry, in order to obtain particular Ends, and gratify particular Perlons, are too well underftood; as well as the ftngling out One Man to feel the Refentments of that ex- traordinary Tribunal, though there was nothing alledged agaiiift him, but his Oppo- fition to a certain Perfon in his Election, where Corruption was equally ftrong on both fides. Thefe things, I fay, are too well known to be filvered over by five Two- Shilling Pamphlets j and therefore the Author, when he is next difpofed to Write, had beft give his Thoughts free Paf- fage i let H I M fwell the Apology of his Friends to the fame Size with the Memoirs of his Family, and they may have a like Number of Readers, provided he part with them gratis. If we enquire into the Remedies provid- ed againft future Abufes, we mall meet With nothing that can give any reafonable E * Man ( 34) Man Satisfaction: Thofe Remedies that were adequate to the Mifchiefs they were to cure, were not only poftponed at the Beginning, and afterwards laid afide, but are by this fiimfy Writer turned into Ridi- cule. The Pennon Bill was, it feems, never pufhed in earncft; its Patrons meant no more by it, than to mew their Spleen a- gainft the Miniftry, and to throw out ma- licious Hints againft particular Perfons. Is not this a fine Account of Patriotifm > Does it not excite a mod amiable Idea of the Conduct of our late Patriots? Would it not tempt any People in the World to trult them again? As to a comprehensive Place Bill, we are told that was a Thing altogether unfit and improper, becaufe it would, have altered the Ballance of the Conftitution,. by throwing more Weight in- to the popular Scale, which inclines too much already. I wonder at this Writer's Aflurancc, when he fays this; I wonder what he means by the Power of the Peo- ple, when all the World fees and knows they have been twenty Years crying out to have one Miniilcr removed, and may cry twenty more before they get the meaneft of his Implements punifhed : Yet the People have too much Power, forfooth; and a Law to leJTen the Influence of the omni- potent Placemen, would be unfeafonable and improper ! Then for the Repeal of the ( ?f ) the Septennial Act; that too was never intend- ed, though his Patrons profcfVd the con- trary, folemnly, at leaft once a Year. But then we are told with a grave Face, that many things have been done, which may prove of lingular Service to the People 5 and many more may be done, if we keep our great Men in good Humour. But this ingenious Writer ought to have consider- ed, that one Part of his Work overturns the other 5 and that after allowing his Friends fpoke vehemently heretofore, for Things they never intended to bring a- bout ; he cannot, with any colour of Reafon, expect that Credit mould be given to their Profeflions now. He has fhewn, that they make no Confcience of deceiv- ing when it fuits their Intereft; and as there is but too much Reafon to expe&it may be their Intereft to deceive us a fecond time, his own Arguments render it evident they ought not to be trufted. If he would have ferved the Gaufe ef- fectually, in which he is engaged ; if hg would have vindicated his M afters, beyond a Poflibility of Reply, he mould have ar- gued from Fads, and not from Supposi- tions : He mould have fhewn us in what Inftanccs the Expence of the Nation had been leflened ; what Care had been taken to fhut out obnoxious Perfons, and how far the new Miniftry had difcountenanced the F Z Proceedings ($6) Proceedings of the old ; cfpccially thofe Proceedings which they themfeives had procured to be condemned, by the higheft Authority. But he has done nothing like this ; he has never touched upon thofe Fads, which feem to have quite a contrary Appearance. Does he not know, that 500 /. were given to a Man, who was im* prifoncd by the Houfe of Commons for making a falfe Return ; and does he not know, that after this was proved, and pub- lifhed to the World, the procuring that Reward efcaped not only unpunifhed, but uncenfured ? Does he not know, that Mr. J{ , — t, who was fo notorioufly con- cerned in robbing his Country in 1720, has been permitted to return, though he follicited this in vain from the former Administration ? Does he not know that B , who robbed the P- — Off— ce, as brutally and barefacedly as he did every other Action of his Life, was fuffered to go abroad, and boaft of his Impunity at fParis? Why did he not account for thefe Things? why did he not account for many more that might be mentioned, if the Men- tion of them might be made with Safety, or would produce any Effed fathfadory to the People of Great- Britain. He cannot, furely, be fo dull, as not to have a Senfc of the Impreflions thefe things make, at home and abroad. He muft have heard (37) heard what has been faid of them in all Places j if he has been curious enough to read the foreign Gazettes^ he might have learned of them ; and fure they are as good Authority, as the Author of the French Collections he fo often mentions, what the Sentiments were of difinterefted Peo- ple as to thefe odd Tranfa&ions. But he is filent upon fuch Heads as ought to have employed his Pen, and copious to a De- gree of Redundancy, upon Topics that have nothing to do with his Subject. He fancies that he has Skill enough to cheat a whole Nation 5 and that his Eloquence, without the Alliftance of Evidence, will perfuade us, not only that Black is not Black, but that it is White. He may plume himfelf as much as he pleafes, upon this new-fafhioned Rhetoric 5 but he will find, and fo will his Betters, that keeping one PrOmife is better than making ten; and that one virtuous A&ion will have more Weight with a free People, than a hun- dred fine Speeches ; efpecially after what he has told us of Speeches, viz. that their Senfe is the very reverfe of their Sound 5 and that we are to conftrue them as Witch- es fay their Prayers, backwards. As to the Abufe thrown out, in the late Vindication, on the Cities of London and Wejiminfter, for daring to inftrutl: their Members, in Terms difagrceable to this Writer (3«) Writer and his Patrons, there never, certain- ly, was anything worfe founded, or worie. applied. As to the Right of instructing, he fays, it is a ^Practice which was intro- duced fir jl in the great Rebellion^ and has never fince been exercifed y but in Times which threatened the fame Confufion. Now, it happens that both thefc Fads arc falfe; for various Instances occur of In- teracting, before the Year 164.1, if that be the Date he means,- and then as to the latter, I (hall only put him in mind of Sir, Stafford Fairborn's demanding and receiv- ing the City of Rochefter's Inftructions, on the Union; when, in the rirft place, the Nation was far from being in a Difpofition for Rebellion s and in the next, this Prac- tice was never cenmred by Parliament. But without entering into the Right of inftrucling, he mud give me leave to put him in miftd, that it was his Friends who iliggefted to the People they had fuch a Right, who encouraged them to ufe it frequently, and, in very ftrong Terms, againft the late Adminiftration j fo that, let it be well or ill founded; they can have no Right to objed againft it, fince upon their Authority it was, that the People believed' they had fuch a Right. If Men will change their -Opinions as their interest. changes, and by fo doing dupe great Bodies of People, they, muft cxped to hear of it, and (39) and to hear of it in that Manner, which they fuggefted to be both rational and le- gal, becaufe no other would ferve the Purr pole of the People fo well. A furprizing Turn had happened in public Affairs 5 and it is very probable the Cities of London and Wefimlnjier were apprehenfive, that if they did not purfue that Manner of act- ing, which thefe great Men had taught them to believe right, their Silence might have been conftrued to be, not only ac- quiefcing under, but even approving fuch Meafurcs, as, from the Bottom of their Hearts, they difliked. By encouraging them to inttrud, formerly, they made it indifpenfably necelTary for them to inftrutl: now 5 for nothing can be clearer, than that if they had not done fo, their failing in this Point would have been infilled upon in the Light I have before mentioned j and they would have then plumed themfelves on the Aflfent of the Cities of London and Weftminjler, with juft the fame reafon, that they complain now of their declaring againft them. When it appeared to be neceflfary to in- ttrud their Members, what could thefc Gentlemen cxpc& that the Inhabitants of London and TVeftminfter fhould do, but what they did 3 1 mean inform their Mem- bers of their true Sentiments. Would he have had them imitate his Patrons, think one (40) one way, and inftrud another ? That never was their Principle or Practice 5 they thought it their Duty to declare their Thoughts freely, and they mod certainly beft know their own Thoughts. The firft thing he takes amifs in thefe Injlruffions, is the A- bufe of Perfons } but what is it he means by Abufe? They declared their DUTatisfac- tion, at feeing old Patriots becoming new Minifters, in conjunction with thofe whofc Sentiments and Meafures they had over and over condemned. Put the Cafe they had taken the thing other wife, and had ap- proved this marvellous Coalition; would he not have been very well pleafed, that they had declared fo much? Undoubtedly he would : But as the contrary was their fixed Opinion, they were certainly in the right to declare it ; fo that at laft, their A* bufe of Perfons amounts to no more than this, that they thought fit to point out to their Reprefentatives fome Perfons, who* as they .apprehended, had abufed them, and who certainly had abufed them, if this Writer fays true; for he mews plainly, that they made them believe they would do many Things, which they never intend- ed to do; and this very Conducl of theirs produced thefe Inftrufiions y as appears by his Reflections. The next thing that dif- pleafcs him, is rheir infilling upon a Place- Bill, which, he fays, they knew no wife Govern- (4i ). Government could <;rant. Thev knew, who knew ? the Man does not know who he is fpeaking of; his Patrons might kn;nv it, for they were now become the wife Go- vernment that would not grant it; but how mould the People of London and Weftmin- fier know it ? His Patrons for twenty years together had told them, that no wife Go- vernment would refufe it j and they, poor Souls, taking them for honeft Men, believ- ed it upon their Word, and now infilled up- on it in the Simplicity of their Hearts. If they had been fuch wife People^ as to have known what their Leaders would have thought Wifdom in the Day of their Pre- ferment, I dare fay they would have acled in another manner ; but as it is, I think it is the lead they could have done to have borne with Fools of their own making. We may fay the fame thjng with refpeel: to the Triennial Bill with this Addition, that if what he fays be true, vise, that there were not ten Men in the Houfe who were feri- oufly for that Bill, the Citizens of London and Weftminfter had great Reafon to be alarmed, fince they knew fome fcores who had declared the contrary in the moft fo- lemn Manner. Befides, it is notorious to all the World, that when the Law for Sep- tennial Parliaments was made, it was de- clared to be a temporary thing; and the Peo- ple always underftood, that they were to be G reftored (4* ) reftored to Triennial Parliaments as loon as the Ferment the Kingdom was then in fhould be over. But if this is forgot to fuch a De- gree, that not ten Men in the Houfe are fe- rioufly of that Opinion, I do not fee that this is any Argument that the Citizens of Lon- don and Wefiminfter mould change their No- tions, but quite the contrary j and as in thefe InftruEiions they were telling their own Minds to their Members, they mod certainly had a right to adviic them to rc- ftoring Triennial Parliaments, if they judged them for their own Benefit and that of the Nation. With refpeel: to his two J aft Ob- • je&ions, they are altogether as ill founded ; for as to the demanding Juftice againft the Earl of ' Or ford y they were excited thereto by the Report which was the Work of his Patrons, and tho* by this time it had done their Bufmcfs, yet the Citizens of London and Wefiminfter might very well prefume it had not done the Bufinefs of the Nation. In reference to the laft and great Charge of all, Advifing to grant no, Supplies till their Demands were complied with, I muft own 1 fee no great matter in it, confidering how often the very Men this Writer defends, had told the World, that when once Supplies were granted, the People's Demands were never thought worth a Button. But if you will believe him, the wording of thefe In- fer utfions made them the mod fcurrilous Libel . ( 43 ) Libel againft the Adminiftration, the mod feditious Inlrrument that ever was penned, and almoft Treafon againft the King and Conftitution bad indeed but then he fays they were Madmen that is, mad at being abufed by his Patrons ■ ■ And therefore if there was Treafon in the In- Jiruffions the Madmen fure fhould not have been hanged but thofe who made them fo. But what if after all, thefe InftruBions never came from the Citizens of London and fVeftminfter? Why then to be fure the im- pudent Rogues who forged them deferve no Quarter, and yet the worthy Writer 1 am fpeaking of is pleafed to fay, the Fad was fo. About three hundred of fix thoufand Livery- men of London fah&ified the Paper called their InftruEiions with their Approbation. Sad Fellows were thefe three hundred, were they not? But what if they fhould prove the Lord Mayor, Court of Aldermen, and Com- mon Council? would not this alter the Cafe a little, and fhould not one be apt to fancy, thefe Inftruffions really came with good, Authority from the City, Can it be believed that the Citizens of London would have fat filent under fo bold an Attack as this, of publifhing a Libel bordering upon Treafon in their Names? Certainly they would not ; but as they were their Sentiments, they fub- mictcd to what their Superiors had judged - G 2 the (4+) the {horteft and mod proper Method of con- veying their Sentiments to their Reprefenr- atives, who have alfo fhewn a dutiful and decent Regard to thefe Inftru&ions. How- ever, as the Obje&ion has been made, it might not be improper at the next Com- mon Hall to found the Temper of the Liverymen, and fee how many of the fix thoufand will declare againft a Place Bill, a Triennial Bill, or a Law for bringing pub- lic Criminals to Juftice. This, if they have any Friends in the City, may be eafily done. We fhall then fee the Truth of this Affair, and know with Certainty, what Multitudes, exclufive of Jews and Stockjobbers, were againft thefe Inftruelions, or after reading this ingenious Gentleman's Commentary upon them, are even now willing to dis- claim them. But as to the City of Weftminfter the Cafe is ten times worfe. Not above eighty out of fixteen thoufand approved thefe In- ftruBions. This is ftrange indeed, and that none of thefe fifteen thoufand nine hun- dred and twenty mould open their Lips; the Aflurance of the one, and the Silence of the other are alike ftupendous ! But the Truth of the Matter 1 believe was this, The eighty were prefent at the tendering thefe InftriiEiions, and furely they were enough for that Purpofe. But granting they had been fewe^ why did not thofc who fufpe&ed them . ( 4f ) them of belying the People of Wejlminfter, endeavour to clear up the FacT: ? Why did not their Members difpute it withthofe who were fent to them ? Why did one of them particularly condefcend fofar as to endeavour to juftify his manner of a&ing, if in reality he had fuppofed thefe Inftruffions not to con- tain the Senfe of his Condiments ? He might eafily have been at the bottom of this 3 he knew where and how to meet with the People oiWejiminfter without Difficulty ; he might have fummoned them into Tuttlefields to have heard their Sentiments, if he had plcafed, but he chofe to let the thing pafs as it did, that he might give it a place in this Pam- phlet. One really cannot help pitying Men fo diftreffed and diftracted; one Moment the Inhabitants of London and Weftminjler are charged with being half Traytors for giv- ing fuch Inftr uff ions, then to take off the Weight of their Inftruttions they are faid to be Madmen j and now of a fudden thefe Inftruffiions do not come from the Livery- men or Ele&ors, becaufe forfooth they were not one and all at the Delivery of them. What Stuff is this ? If the Injlruffions did not contain the Sentiments of the People, they would not be worth minding 5 and that they do contain them is notorious, from every kind of Elc&ion and public Tranf- aftion that has happened fmce. The Inha- bitants of London and fVeJlminfter are not fuch ( ±6 ) R ^ ? 1B10 'I foch Weather- Cocks 5 they judge from Facts, and arc not to be talked out or their Senfes. After all, what is it this Writer would have, to what end did he make his «rcat Book, why truly he would have us trull: his Patrons again, though he owns they have deceived iisj he would have us take it for granted, that we are in a fafe Way, becaufe we have his great Men for our Guides; he would have us take the new Place Bill for an extraordinary Favour done to the Peo- ple, though they may be ruined before it takes Effect, as it is; and it may very pof- fibly be repealed, as "another Place Bill was, before it takes Effect at all. -He aiTerts that his Patrons are (till as <*reat Patriots as ever, though they have vifibly changed Prin- ciples,, and argue now dire&ly aganft what they heretofore maintained. Beftdesall this, he defires that we will take it for granted, that thofe who did not, who would not accept Places upon the late Change, are governed entirely by the Defire of Places, that though they have been manifestly in the Service of the Public, to the vifible Pre- judice of themfeves and their Fortune, yet they all along acted with a View to their private Intereft, that they are abfolutely a Faction fince his Friends left them, though, they (fill contend for what his Friends once thought the <;reat Caufe of Patriotifm, and that at the bottom they are the mod def- peratc (47) perate Enemies to the Government, though they are always pleading for the Conftitution, and ddire nothing lb much as the Destruc- tion of their Country -, at the fame time, that few would Jofe fo much by its De- ftru&ion as themfelves. Our grand Accufer goes ftill further than all this, and charges almoft one half of our Reprefentatives with endeavouring, firft, the Deftru&ion of the Whigs > and the Ele- vation of the Jacobite Intercft under the fpecious Name of Tories. 2dly, the Expul- sion of the prefent Royal Family, gdly, the Change of the Conftitution of this King- dom. All this 1 am told he will be cal- led upon to make good at the Bar of the Houfe: This is a dired .Charge of High Treafon, upon the Minority in the laft Sef. fions, and the moft flagrant Breach of Pri- vilege that ever was committed. Yet all this is afierted without the fmalleft Evidence in the World: There is not the leaft Colour for faying that the prefent Oppofition in- tend to deftroy the Whig Intereft, fince the moft confiderable Men in the Oppofition, are fuch as have always declared themfelves to be Whigs , and have been conftantly fo eftcemed. It is as groundlefs to furmize that the Oppofition are in any degree want- ing in Duty or Loyalty to the Royal Family, becaufe lome of them arc in its Service; and if this were fo notorious, we cannot fuppofc (48) fuppofe they would be continued in it. As to changing the Conftitution of the King- dom, that is certainly the fartheft from their Thoughts, fince the vifible defign of the prefent Oppofition is, to fupport and re- ftore it. The Patrons of Corruption, the Friends to undue Influence, the Managers of a Minifterial Power, more boundlefs and more dangerous than ever the Prerogatives of the Crown were in the moft defpotic Reigns, may be juftly charged with chang- ing the Conftitution, and with cheating their deluded Countrymen with Forms and Sha- dows, inftead of their fubftantial Rights and Privileges. Againft thefe the Oppofition was directed, and not againft the King or the Conftitution; and this the People of Great Britain know and are convinced of, in Spight of all the Art and Rhetoric of this fophiftical Writer, and the Grandees whofe Caufe he expoufes. To divide, and govern in virtue of that Divifion, has been the Maxim of fome Men for many years. A Maxim that ferves to ftrengthen them, and what they affect to call their Intereft, at the fame time that it weakens and deftroys the Public. Let any Man but look round him and fee, what ftrange People have crouded themfelves in- to public Offices, Men no more fit for their Places than they arc for the Kingdom of Heaven. If you ask how they came there, the ( 49 ) the Anfwer is very ready, Sir, his Family has been always attached to the Intertft. This is fufficient to make a Blockhead wife, a Coward brave, and a Robber honeft. Be but firm to the Intcreft and you fhall be provided for, though you have neither Re- ligion, Parts, or Character. Hence alfo the miferable Mifmanagements for many years laft paft, and that impudent Spirit of Lux- ury and Profufion, which came at length to fuch a height, that the Plunderers of the Public proclaimed it in their daily Ex- pences, particularly the Bell weather of the City Mob, who carried his own Burgundy with him in his journics when he went to influence Elections, and who was afterwards detected committing Weekly Robberies in the Office where he ^2&fojled. One might mention an hundred other Inftances if it were not needlefs, fince hqit'an hour's Re- flection will furnrfh any intelligent Reader with double the Number > fuch are the blefled Fruits of keeping up a Party Spirit, reprobating one half of the Nation, by brand- ing them with an injurious, fenieleis Name, and thereby depriving the King of one half of his Subjects. I am very well apprized of a certain mo- difh Doctrine iecrctly whifpered about by way of Anfwer to this Objection. It is this, That if the King conftantly favours his Friers, and beftows all Employments upon H the the TVhigs, they muft by degrees acqmre, firft all the Wealth, and then all the lands in. the Kingdom, which is the only way, ac- cording to thefe egregious Politicians, to bring the Nation into one way of thinking. If you ask me how I come to know this, I fhall tell you that a certain Writer, whom fome i cople remember, called the Free Bri- ton, boafted of it ; and that it is the con- cealed View of the beforcmentioned long- winded Pamphlet. You muft obfervc in teading it, that he openly profeflcs he aims at uniting the Whigs, and the reafon he af- figns for their Union is, to prevent our having a Tory Minijiry and a Tory Parlia- ment, whence it is very evident, that (and probably the Writer fpeaks the Sentiments of greater Men than himielf) he aims at confining Power entirely to the Whigs, and fhutting out all who do not acquire that Character, by embracing the Politics of his Patrons. At this rate here is a political Teft eftablifhed, and the Heretics in State -Af- fairs are favoured only withaToleration. We need not wonder therefore, that with young Men, whofe Principles are not fixed, this proves a prevailing Argument, and inclines them to go in plum ; for that I think is the Phrafe, with thofe who have it in their Power, not only to promifc, but to beftow, all Sorts of Preferments, Penfions and Pef* quifitesj a moft effectual Method of pro- curing Converts furely ! Yet ( fl) Yet T mud confefs, I am very far from thinking that this Scheme, however plau- iible it may feem, will ever produce the Effects that are expected from it. On the contrary, I am thoroughly perfuaded that it never will,' bccauie I am fatisfied from $lcalon and Experience that fuch expend ve Services are expected from ail thefe Tenants by CourUfy, as abfolutely eat out the Pro- fits or their Pofts and Employments, how numerous, how lucrative foever they may be. A Man who is dependent on a Party, muft not only ritquc his Credit and Reputa- tion, but his Lire and Fortune for it. He mufr be ready upon all Occafions. He muft come when he is called, and go where he is tent; he muft fupport the Intereft in every Shape, by his Indutiry, his Abilities, and by the laft Penny he has in his Purfej hence it comes to pais, that among fuch Num- bers that have not only lived, « but died in PoiTeffion of fcveral Employments, few, very few, have left Eftatcs behind them an- iwerable to their Incomes, and many, very many, have been plunged over head and cars in D^bt. Such therefore as ftick to the Country Intereft, and content them- felves either with their hereditary Fortunes, or with what may be full acquired by Trade arid a. frugal Management, are on much the fafer jjde, as very plainly appears by the County and City Elections, which generally run in i H 2 favour ( £* ) favour of fuch Perfons, and is a perfect De- monstration that the greater as w ell as the better Part of the Nation are not yet taint- ed, and that Influence, though it is very powerful, yet hitherto is not omnipotent Such, therefore, as trom the reafon of things refolvc to maintain their integrity, and not to be hurried out of their Senfes and Vir- tue by a mighty Noife, and fome glaring Appearances, have Encouragement enough to pcrilft in thefc generous Sentiments, and need never rear ftarving in fo good a Caufe > for without doubt fo long as there are great Families, any Spark of induftry, and any Share of Trade preferved in this Nation, Men of independent Spirits wiil always maintain thcmfelves more at cafe in their Minds, and as much at eafe in their For- tunes, as the Creatures of a Party, who cannot call Body, Goods, or Underftand- ing their own, but mud make Wafte and Havock of them all, whenever the- ill Ma- nagement of their Patrons bring them into Danger. Thefe are not the Shadows and Subtle- ties of a Writer, who undertakes tovarnilh over what he docs not believe, to colour what he abhors, and to recommend what he dreads the Confequences of recom- mending ; but they are plain folid Fads, built upon the Principles of political Reafoning, and fome Experience, which it isin every Man's Power ( «) Power to examine, and of which 'every Reader therefore may, if he pleafes be con- vinced. I deilre to be tried by the cool and candid Thoughts of honeft and difinterefted Men,\vho wi(h well to their Country in gene- ral, and would efpoufe with Zeal the Caufe of that Adminiftration which would fhew fuch an Attention to the public Service as might encourage the prefent Generation to hope they might feel fome Eafe in their Taxes, and yet leave no greater Weight of Debt upon their Poftcrity, than by their Virtue, Induftry, and upright Management, with the Aftiftance of Providence, they might have it probably in their Power to difcharge. This brings me, afrer battering down his Building, to ered an Edifice of my own, and to fhew briefly and clearly (for Truth lies in a narrow Compafs, and Fraud only requires Prolixity) what wife, honeft, and confeicntious Men ought to defire. In the firft place, they muft certainly wifh an en- tire Extinction of Party Prejudices, I do not fay of Party Notions, for I think every con- siderate Man in this Nation is convinced, that moderate Whig Principles are alone confiftcnt with the Spirit and Genius of our Government. But then let every Man's Words and Adions, fo far and fo long as they are confiftcnt, denominate his Party 5 let us call and let us eftecm every Man a JVkig, who fpcaks and ads like one, who ( «■) vho declares himfelf a Friend to the Con- ftitution of his Country, and knows no po- litical Rule but that ; who is a dutiful Sub- ject to his Prince, but confiders his Mini- sters as mere Men and mere Subjects as well as himfelf 5 who difdains to be cither bullied, bribed, or fwectcned out of his Vote at Elections, but gives it as he ought to give it, with a juft Senfe that upon bellowing that Vote his Liberty and Property depends ; and who, if he has the Honour to obtain a Scat in Parliament, regards it as fo great a Truft, and fo high a Preferment as to de- mand all his Attention, and which confe- quently renders any other Poll: or Employ- ment incompatible therewith. Let fuch a Man I fay be cftecmed a Whig, though his Father might be cfteemed a lory, or even if his Grand -father was a Bifhop, and let him be indulged in fomc old idle Cuftoms, fuch as going regularly to Church, talking decently of Religion, and having frequently a Parfon or two of good Character at his Table. With thefe Qualifications and thefe Indigencies, I dare lay our Party Diitincti- ons will wear out in a few Years, and the only Difputes that would reign amongft us . muft be, who belt attended, who moil ef- fectually performed the Service affigncd him by his Country. Secondly, I prcfumc it might be hoped that Care mould be taken to render every Election Election abfolutely free, and that no Borough in the Kingdom mould be looked upon as the Eftatc of a private Perfort, or the Ap- pendix of any public Office; becaufe, while there are any fuch, thofe who fit for them, are nothing lefs than Reprefentatives of the People, and therefore their appearing as fuch, is equally a Fraud upon the Crown and the Subject ; the Source of boundlefs Corruption, and the mod anticonftitutional Influence. The Author of Faff ion detected has pointed at fome other indirect Practices with regard to Elections, which, if they can be fairly made out, I alfo wifh from my Soul may' be taken away ; for while the Jcaft Byafs remains in this Refpedt, while a Man has any thing to hope or fear from his Conduct in this Matter, I cannot think him free, but fhould efteem it a much lefs Injury to take from him what he calls his Right of Voting, than to leave him thus in the Condition of a Puppet," obliged to fiqueak out what another Man dictates, or be punifhed for fpeaking his Sentiments, if he dare fpeak, behind the Scenes. This is the great Privilege of Britons^ and this the independent Electors of JVeJlminJier glo- riously aflferted. Men may be miftaken in their Choice, but that is not their Fault, at lead not yet j a fecond Miftake would be their Fault indeed! ■ lit In the third Place, it would be requifitc to obtain a juft and certain View of the Circumftances of the Public, in which all Parties feemed to agree not along ago, when a Commiflion was propofed for taking and dating the public Accounts. But this like many other Projects, was warmly fupported by thofe who never intended to bring it to bear. Thefe Sempronti are a very nume- rous Family, and have done more Mifchief in ail States, than the Catalines or the Ca- fars. This is a Thing that muft be certain- ly done, whenever we fet about a Reform- ation in earneft, that is, when we are re- folved to acl: in regard to public Affairs, with the fame honeft Zeal we fhew in the Management of our private Concerns ; till we do this, we fhall never know what we are doing, and the fingle Reafon I have ever heard urged againft it, is, in my poor Judg- ment, the ftrongeft Reafon that can be af- iigned for it,0viz. that almoft all public Of- fices are in fuch a Situation, that an En- quiry of this Nature would be at leaft ex- tremely difficult, if not impoflible : But will not Delay increafe this Difficulty, will not this Impoilibility fome time or other prove our utter Deftrudion ?' Is it right to protract under fuch Circumftances ? If the Voice of this Nation were attended to, ought not fuch an Enquiry to be begun already ? Let it .end how it would, its Confcquences muft be happy 3 ( 57) liappy ; for, if our Sufpicions are falfe and vain, fo they mu(t appear, and the Public reft fatisficd. But, if our Expences are too large, if the feveral Wheels of Govern- ment roll heavily through their own Weight, if the Attendants on the State are too nu- merous for the People to maintain, why mould not all this be known, why mould. it not be remedied? Is there any thing in this of BifarTe&ion, ought fuch an Enquiry to alarm the Crown, could it have any other Confequences than faving our Country? A fourth thing that might be requifite, would be a more equal Distribution of our Taxes, and if poffible, the railing them at lefs Expence. This all the World muft al- low to be juft, and all intelligent People know it to be necelTary. It is demonftrable that a Land Tax of one Shilling in the Pound, might raife near a Million; why then fhould the People be charged with two in order to raife that Sum ? This is eafing fome and laying a double Load upon others, contrary to all the Rules of Juftice and Equi- ty; and for no other Reafon, but becaufe it has been long done. I might fay the fame with refpect to the Window-Lights, the moft difproportionatcTax that ever was invented; more burdenfome, nay, and more ignominious too, than the Hearth Duty, in the Place of which it came ; for we make Fires ourfelves, but the Provi- I dence and idly, that we are fur- rounded by the Sea, and, confequently can neither be ( i3 ) be invaded our/elves, nor attack ethers, but by a naval Armament. In Effect, whilft we are Lords of the Ocean, and united at Home, we may Safely defy all Europe, though they fhould be combined againjl us ; and there is more Truth, than mod People are aware on, in thofe admira- ble Verfes of Mr. Waller -, Lords of the World's great Wafte, the Ocean, we Whole Forejis fend, to reign upon the Sea ; And ev'ry Coafi may trouble or relieve, But none can visit us without our Leave. Angels and we have this Preroga- tive, That none can at our happy Seat arrive ; Whilft we defcend, at Pleafure, to invade, The Bad with Vengeance, and the Good to aid. Happy, happy Britons, did we know wherein our chief Strength and Happinefs confifts, and did we exert and promote it accordingly ! What might not a King of Great Britain, fupported by an united and affeclionate People, and truly con- futing and promoting their mutual Interefl, be able to accomplim? We had almoft laid, he might be able to give Laws to all Europe. In Effect, as Trade is the Source of Riches, and Riches the Source of Power, and we have fuch infinite Ad- vantages over the Reft of Mankind, not only by our happy Situation, but by the Product of our Country, and which is not the leaft, our excellent Conftitution, it is evident, to a Dcmonftration, we might almoft engrofs the Wealth of the Uni- verfe. The Spaniards would be but our Fnclors, and would pojjefs their Mines, not fo much for themfelves, as us \ nor would even the Dutch be any Thing better, fmce they could not carry on their Eajl-India Trade, without our Permijfion \ and ( 14) and the Produft of their Spice IJlands might be more ours than their own : In a Word, we might enjoy all the Advantages of that Commerce, with- out the heavy Clog, of thofe exquifite Monopolies, (the perpetual Tools of a corrupt Minijlry,) the Eajl-India Company. Come we now to confider, the third Article, wherein our Strength confifts, namely, in the Number and Bravery of our People : And this, we think, is a Point almoft felf-evident, and not to be contefted ; it being generally agreed, that not only the Strength, but the Riches of a State, confifts in the Number of its Inhabitants. Ac- cordingly, the Dutch, as politick a Nation as any in Europe, never refufe to naturalize as many as defire it, nor to receive as many as will fettle there. It is true, indeed, they will take Care, not to have any ufelefs Hands amongft them, to lie as a dead Weight upon the Indujlrious, and they are to be commended for it ; if any, there- fore, come thither, and neither bring with them, a Sufficiency for their Maintenance, nor are able to fubfift themfelves by any Bufinefs, they are fure to provide them both Work and Suftenance, by putting them into their Rafp-Huys, which anfwers to our Bridewells ; in which Piece of found Policy, it would be well, if we follow'd their Example. Taking it then for granted, that the Strength of any State confifts, in a great Meafure, in the Number, and Bravery of its Inhabitants, we ihall only obferve, that Great-Britain is the moft populous, and warlike Nation that is, or perhaps, ever was, for its Extent ; that in England alone, ex- duhveoi' Scotland, or Ireland, we are reckoned, at the loweft Computation, to amount to feven Mil- lions of Souls ; and that, confequently, the Num- ber of able-bodied Men, computing them at the Proportion, ( is). Proportion of one Fourth, is one Million feven hundred and fifty Thouiand ; out of which might be fpared, in Cafe of Neceffity, a Force more than fufficient, not only to repel all Inva- fions at Home, but to man fuch a Navy, as with proper Orders, would fpread a Terror, and ex- act Submiflion, wherever it appeared ; fuch a Na- vy, as would be able to verify that fine Compli- ment, of the above mentioned Mr. Waller, to Oliver Cromwell ; Where'er thy Navy fpreads her Canvas Wings, Homage from all, and Wealth to thee jhe brings. Another Circumftance wherein our Strength confifts, and which we forgot to infift on before, is our being furrounded by the Sea;, and, confe- quently, not liable to any Invajions by Land, nor obliged to keep up any fianding Army, or fortify any of our Inland Towns. This is fuch a con- fiderable Advantage , as we can never too thank- fully acknowledge ; efpecially as we are a Protef- tant Nation, and there is a Pretender to the Crown of thefe Realms, a bigotted Papift, who would, otherwif., have been, long ago, Sup- ported, with a Force fufficient, to over-run thefe Kingdoms ; whereas we are now more than a Match, for the utmoft Power, all our Enemies, in Combination together, can peffibly fend a- gainft us. We have now conf^ered the feveral Particu- lars, upon which the Strength of thefe Kingdoms principally depends ; lee us next examine, how far our true Inlerefi can be advanced by a Land- War. We have already Ihewn, wherein our true Intereft confifts, namely, in the Advancement and Extenfion of our Commerce ; and in Cultiva- ting ( i6) ting,- and Improving, the natural Advantages, wherewith Providence has peculiarly bleffed us. We. have already fhewn, and we hope to a De- monftration, that any War is diametrically con- trary to the Advancement or Extenfion of our Trade, as it muft neceffarily occafion heavy Taxes, to defray the Expences of it ; and thefe Taxes, whether laid upon the Neceffaries of Life, or upon our Manufactures, muft inevitably raife the Price of them ; and confequently enable our Neighbours, who are our Rivals in Trade, to underfell us, at foreign Markets. But, if any War is contrary to the Advance- ment of our Commerce, it is certain, a Land-War is much more fo, as it is vaftly more expenjive, and deftruclive, by draining us more, of our moft ufefulMen, and our Money, than a War by Sea can do. It cannot therefore be pretended, with any Shew of Reafon, that the Profperity of our Trade is confulted by fuch a War. As little can it be pre- tended, that our natural Advantages will be either cultivated or improved thereby $ it would be the Height of Afiurance to affirm it. In Effect, will any one pretend to fay, that our Woollen Manu- factory at Home, will flourifh the more for a Land War ; that there will more Hands be employ* d therein ; that it will meet with more Encourage- ment \ or that a more effectual Stop will be put to that pernicious, and dejlruftive Practice, '{OwVng^ or exporting our Wool, either to our open Enemies, or, which is as bad, our falfe Friends. We be- lieve, no one will offer, to affcrt any r hing fo ab- furd. Again, not to defcend to any more Parti- culars, will any one aver, that our Fifhery, efpecially the Herring - Fifhery, that beneficial Branch of our Commerce, which courts us, in a manner, at our own Doors, will be either cultiva- ted, ( 17) Ud, or improved during a confuming Land-War ; no one fure will dare to advance any thing fo im- probable ; the Abfurdity of it would ftare every one in the Face ; we think, therefore, we need not multiply Words, to prove that our true Inie- refi, can never be confuhed, or promoted by any fuch Meafure. No, no, it is very evident, who- ever's Advantage may be taken Care of, by fuch a Conduct, that of Great-Britain mult fuffer egregioufly, and be altogether neglecled. Proceed we now to confider, how far our na- tural Strength is exerted, or confulted 9 by a Land- War. We have already fhewn, that the natural Strength of thefe Realms confifts, in the mutual Union of our Fellow-Subjecls amongft themfelves ; and the Ejlablijhment of a reciprocal Love, and Confidence, between our Sovereign and us : Now let us fee, how thefe two defirable Ends, are promoted, by engaging us in a War, upon the Continent. That a Land-War lies heavier upon the Sub- ject, than any other, is manifejl for feveral Rea- fons j but, to inftance only one, it drains us more, not only of our mojl ufeful Hands, we mean, our mojl able bodied Men, but, as if that were not enough, it exhaufts our Money alfo; which is fent ..abroad, to maintain cur Troops, and never returns to us again : Whereas, in a War by Sea, we can never lofefo many Men, and far the greatefi Part of our Money is expended at Home, amongft ourfelves. Now, how our natural Strength, can be faid either to be confuhed, or exerted, by a War, which muft impoverijh us fooner, and wwr* than any other, we muft confefs ourfelves at a lofs to difcover. That it might poflibly occa- fion a mutual Union, amongft our Countrymen, we will not pretend to deny ; but then it would C be ( i8 ) be fetch an Union, as, how defirable foever Unity may be, would be neither to be wifh'd for, nor coveted ; in fhort, it would be only an Union of Complaints ; an Union in detejling, execrating and abominating, all thofe weak, or wicked Coun- fellors, who projected, or agreed to, fuch a def- truclive Msafure. Again, how can this conduce to the efiablifhing a reciprocal Love and Confidence, between the Prince and People, we cannot poflibly fee ; but it might probably produce a quite different Ef- fect : It might create an almoft unfur mount able MJlrujl and Diffidence between them, which could not but be attended with very melancholy Conferences. For, on the one Hand, when the Nation fiw their Sovereign purfuing fuch Mea- fures, incompatible with their Welfare, would it not be natural for them to imagine, he had been perfuaded, his Intereft was very different from theirs ? On the other Hand, when the Sovereign found his Subjects, utterly averfe to, and mur- muring at, thofe Proceedings, which he had been made, though falfely, to believe, were mod for his Advantage, would he not be tempted to fuppofe, they were, at lead, fomewhat difrefpetlful; if he did not go yet farther, and fufpeel: them of Difaf- fetlion ? It is very evident, nothing could be more natural on both fides •, and what might be the Confequence, of fuch a mutual J 'ealoufy, ,we tremble to think ; we (hall, therefore, only fay, Hea- ven forbid, fuch a Misfortune mould ever befal us ! However, mould we ever be fo unhappy, as no one can tell what may happen hereafter, it is molt certain, whoever were the Advifers of fuch a pernicious Conduit, or whoever agreed thereto, whether it were through Weaknefs, or fVickednefs, whatever might be their Motives, nothing can be ( 19 ) be more clear, than that they would be equally Traytors to their King and Country ; it being an undeniable Truths that the furefl Support of a Throne, is the Lcve of the Subjects j which can never be preferved, but by purfuing fuch Mea- fures, as are compatible with, and conducive to their Welfare and Profperity. Another Point, wherein our natural and princi- pal Strength confifts, is, in our being always able, to fit out fuch a formidable Fleet, at a floort War- ning, as may fir ike a 'Terror into the boldeft of our Enemies, and maintain our Empire on the Seas. This is an Article that never was difputed by any one ; and this, being the Cafe, how can it be pretended, that we either confult, or exert, this natural Strength, by a Land-War ? Or, how can it be faid, that fuch a War conduces towards afferting our Dominion on the Seas ? Is it not evident, that it cannot do either of thefe ? And, confequently, is it not evident, that, by carrying on a War upon the Continent, we fhould give our Enemies a great Advantage over us, and ne~ gletl that very Circumftance, wherein alone our Superiority confifts. In Effect, does not every one know, that we are not able to cope with them by Land, unlefs we are vigor oufly fupp or led by a very powerful Alliance, which is by no means to be depended on ; whereas we are Jingly more than a Match for them, upon the watry Element ? It muft, therefore, be little lefs than Infatuation, fhould we engage in a War, wherein we mould labour under all Manner of T)if advantages, whilft, by attacking our Enemies by Sea, we fhould be able to do them infinitely more Prejudice, and re- duce them to Re a fan much fooner, with incompa- rably lefs Hazard, and Expence, to ourfelves. C 2 A ( 2° ) A third Point wherein our Strength confifts, is, in the Number and Bravery of our Country- men ; but this, though an exceeding great Ad- vantage, if rightly managed, as to defend ourfelves when invaded, to man our Navy, or to carry on our Manufactures, &V. can be but of little Ser- vice to us, if we purfue wrong Meafures. For Inftance, in Cafe of an Invafion, it would be im- poflible for our Enemies, if they mould efcape our Fleet, to pour in fo many Men upon us, but what we mould be able, by our Numbers, to cut them all in pieces, in a few Days, were we but united, and our Militia ever fo little difciplined. Again, were it neceffary to carry on a Sea- War, we have Hands more than enough to man our Navy, and defeat any Force, that could be brought againft us-," not only fo, but whatever Loffes we might fuffer in fuch a War, we mould be able, for many Years, to find fufficient Numbers to recruit them, and all this without^ far drain- ing our Country, as to leave it destitute, of the Hands requifite, for Tilling the Ground, carrying m our Manufatlures, and fuch like neceffary Ufes. But the Cafe would be widely different, mould we refolve to attack a Power, by Land, whofe Dominions, being of much larger Extent than thefe Realms, mould enable him, not only, to fend his Hundreds of Thoufands into the Field, but conftantly to recruit, whatever Loffes he might fuffer, by Defeats, or Defertion ; as po- pulous as thefe Kingdoms are, we mould foon find ourfelves no Match for fuch an Enemy ; for, 'though we might, at firft, be able to oppofe him with as numerous an Army, the many Thoufands It would require each Campaign, to keep it up, would be fuch a continual Drain, upon our Country, ('« ) Country, as muft leave it, in a Manner a defertcd, in a few Years, and exhaufi all the Flower of ihe Nation : So that we muft, at laft, fink under the Burthen, whilft our Enemy, though he might fuffer equals or even greater Lojfes than ourfelves, might be able, through the greater Extent of his Dominions, not only to retrieve, but to bear up under them, and, in the End, overwhelm us, by meer Dint of Numbers. A melancholy and fatal Example of this Truths and at the fame Time, an-ufeful Lejfon to all fucceeding Princes, we have feen, within our Memory, in the Perfon of the unfortunate, and ill-advifedM.ona.rch, Charles XII. King oi \ Sweden : Who,though he met with uninterrupted Succefs, for many Years together, againft all his Enemies, had fo effectually exhaufted his Country, by his continual Wars, that, upon his receiving one Jingle Defeat, atPultowa, he was irrecoverably ruined; whilft his Enemy, the Czar, though he had been conflantly worfted, in every Engagement, and on all Occafions, was enabled, by the fuperior Ex- tent of his Territories, not only to bear up under his Loffes, bur, at laft to vanquifj his Conqueror. Should any one alledge, that this Hero's Ruin was not owing, to his attacking a Prince, fo much his Superior, by his vaft Dominions, and the Num- bers of his. Men, but to his retiring into Turkey, we beg he would conlider, that, by all Accounts, his Kingdom was fo much drained of its mod ufeful Hands, that the very Women were forced to //// the Ground, drive their Carriages, ply upon , their Rivers, and, in fhort, perform all thofe laborious Offices, for which the moft robuji Men alone were proper •, that, confe- quently, had he not taken Refuge in Turkey, had he even continued fuccefsful, for fome Time longer, * C 3 his (22 ) his very Viclories muft have undone him, in the End, by depopulating his Country, which has not yet recovtr'd, the Damage it fuffer'd, by fo imprudent a Condatl. Another material Point, wherein our principal Strength confifts, and to which wc ought to have an Eye, in all our Undertakings, is, that we are lQanders, furrounded by the Sea ; an Advantage, without which, all others would avail us very little. But this Advantage, how great foever, may be render'd of no ErFec"t, by ill Conduct : Forlnftance, the fame happy Situation, which renders it impoffible for any, or all our Enemies, to invade us, with any Probability of Succefs, provided we are tolerably united, renders it equally impraclicable for us, to make any Attacks upon them by Land, without labouring under all Manner of Difadvantages. The only War, from which we can promife ourfelves any Succefs, or derive any good, is a War by Sea ; by fuch a War, we can annoy our Enemies more, than by any other ; and, by fuch a War, we can better repel any Attacks made upon us by them ; it Follows, confequently, that our natural Strength can never be either exerted, or confulted, by en- gaging in any War, upon the Continent. Accordingly, we defy all Mankind, to point out any one Jingle Advantage, that can pojfibly re- sult to us, from fuch an abfurd and prepojierous Conduil, to call it by no harder Name ; whereas the Prejudice, we may receive from thence,is infi- nite, and evident. It is agreed on all Hands, we do not want to make any Conquefts, by Land ; it is not our Intereft fo to do •, and if we fhould be fo weak as to defire it, our Allies themfelves (if we have any worth calling fo,) would not confent thereto, but would oppofe it : What Bufi- nefs (23 ) nefs then can we have, to involve ourfclves in a War, which probably may be excejfively detri- mental, if not abfolutely ruinous, and cannot pojfibly be of any Service to us ? To defcend from Generals to Particulars, the only Motives, that have been openly avow'd, for our engaging fo deeply, in the prefent War in Ger- many, are to reftore Peace to the Empire, and fup- port the- Queen of Hungary, Very fpecious Pre- tences, we mud confefs! and which carry a pretty plaufible Appearance, to thofe who look no far- ther than the Outfide of Things; but which will, by no means, be fatisfaElory, to any honeji and thinking Briton, if we have ftill- any fuch left amongft us ; which, by what we have feen hap- pen, within thefe two Years, we are a! molt tempted to queftion. ; If it mould be pretended, that the latter of thefe, namely, the Support of the Queen of Hun- gary, was really one of the Motives, for our en- tering fo deeply into the prefent War, feveral Difficulties will arife, which, we are afraid, it would puzzle fome of our w if eft Heads to fol've. In the firfl Place, why was it fo long delay 9 d? Why did we fuffer her Hungarian Majefty, to be brought to the very Brink of Ruin, before we offered to affift her ? Why did we fit ftill, and fee her Dominions fo cruelly hor raffed, and her whole Strength and Wealth jx\ a Manner, exhaufled, before a Jingle Man was order' d, to move to her Relief ? Is it not evidently owing only to a Mira- cle, and to the vif.ble I»terpoJition of the Divine: Providence, in her Behalf, that her whole Inheri- tance was not entirely /'wallowed up, whilft we continued quiet Spectators, of the Barbarity and Injuflice, ot her mercilef, and cowardly Enemies t C 4 V ( H) If therefore, it was expedient, or necejfary For us, to affift her at all, does not every one fee, it would have been more advifeable, to have done it fooner ? Either it was, or it was not, requifite, to efpoufe her Intereji, andfave her from Jinking : If it was not, why have we armed now, fo many Thousands in her Quarrel ? And, if it was,- does not every one fee, we might have done it, at lefs Expence, and with infinitely lefs Hazard, whilft Ihe was herfelf able, to make a vigorous Struggle in her own Defence, than at prefent, when me has fuffered fo much, from the Ravages of her Oppreffors, and loft fuch Numbers of her choiceft Men ? What mall we fay to fuch monftrous Poli- ticks ? Or rather, what will all the World think of fuch abfurd Conduft ? Did we fuffer that glori- ous Princefs, to be reduced fo low, and her Ene- mies to triumph fo long over her, only to ihow Mankind, we can ftill pull down the latter, and rejlore the former, to her prifline Splendor, by the fuperior Force and Bravery, of the invincible Armies of Great-Britain arid Hanover ? Such a Piece of Knight-Errantry might found very well in a Romance, but will make a very indifferent Appearance in Hiftory. Again, when it was once refolved to aflift her Hungarian Majefly, why were the fixteen thoufand Hanoverians, which we had fo prudently taken into our pay, about the Beginning of lad Winter, or- dered down to Flanders, where, it was known, they could be of no Service ; and why were they not fent after Maillebois, to harrafs him in his March, and prevent the Retreat of the French Forces •, which being coop'd up in Prague, muft have been either cut in Pieces, famifh'd, or made Prifomrs at Difcretion ? But that Punning may feem too ludicrous, upon fo melancholly a fubjecl, we t»S j we would fain afk, where was the Difcretion, of fuch unaccountable Meafures? Shall it eternally be truly /aid, by Foreigners, to the Reproach of our Country, that the En- gli/h have, indeed, Abundance of Wit, but then it is only After-wit ? Shall we always refemble the late Lord Wharton's Puppies, by never opening our Eyes, 'till we are downright finking ? Are not all Evils, if forefeen in time, to be prevented, at an *rt/fcr and cheaper Rate, than they can be re- medied afterwards ? Did we never before difcover, that the Power of France, was growing formidable to Europe ? Have not the Gentlemen, in the Op- pofition, alarmed us frequently, for many years, with Reprefentations of its continual Increafe ? Are not divers of their Speeches yet extant ? Nay, have not all the Public Writers, except thofe Prof- titutes in the Pay of the M y, taken the Alarm, and echoed the impending Danger, throughout the Kingdom ? And what has been the Confequence thereof? Were not both the One, and the Othef reprefented, at one Time, as feditious and dif- affecled Perfons^ who were perpetually difturbing the Tranquillity of the Nation, by infufing into them vain Fears, of imaginary and chimerical Pe- rils, that exifted no where, but in their own Braini Whilft our wife, honeft, and fagacious M. — r, perfifted in (till contributing, by every Step he took, towards the Aggrandizement, of that our natural Enemy, regardlefs of all that could be faid again}} it, A nd, at another Time, when the Danger was become too vifible to be denied, was not the Note changed ; and was not this very Danger urged againji us, and but too fuccefsfully, for many years, to prevent our taking Revenge, of a cruel, coward- ly, and defpicable Nation, who had not only in- fulted, and plundered us, but committed the molt infolent (26) infolent and provoking Outrages, equally to the Dijhonour of our Sovereign and his Subjells ? Was not, we fay, this the very Cafe ? Was not the Danger of incenfing France , urged, with too much Succefs, to prevent our declaring War againft Spain, in our own Caufe ? Nay, was it not even faid, that we muft not dare to intercept or feize the Galleons, though we fhould come to a Rupture with Spain, becaufe the French had the great eft Share of Property therein, and would not suffe r it? Did we not wink at the Marquifs Dentin's Expedition to the Baltick, though it was openly declared, that one Part of his Bufinefs was to found cur Coajls', and though it put us to the Charge, of fitting out a peaceable Squadron, to prevent any finifier Deftgns, that might be concealed under that Pretence ? Did we not even wink at his Jecond Ex- pedition to the Weft-Indies, and fuffer.him to proceed Jo far thereon, before we fent any Ships after him, that, had not Providence inierpofed in our Favour, not only Admiral Vernon and his .Squadron muft have been fwallow'd up, by the united Navy of France and Spain,but, probably,Sir Chaloner Ogle himfelf, with his Fleet, muft like- wife have fallen a Sacrifice, in the fecond Place ? Is any oncfo weak, as to imagine, the Marquis D'dntin would not have afjifted the Spaniards^ could he but have joined therri, before the Arrival of Sir Chaloner ? And was it not owing entirely to contrary Wirds, that he did not? Is ir. not evi- dent, by the Conduct of the Marquis, in return- ing immediately to Europe, when he found his Defign fruft rated, by the Junction of our Admi- rals, that this was the fole End of his Voyage ? Or do we believe the French were fond, of copying after our wife Example^ in fitting cut peaceable Squa- drons ( 27 ) drons, and putting the Public to unnecejfary Ex- pence, to perfuade their Enemies into Compliance, with their Defires ? Was not the whole Nation, fo univerfaily convinced, that the French Fleet were fent to join the Spaniards, and fall, with their united Force, upon Admiral Vernon, that we all gave him over for loft ? Was it not evenfuggefted, that it was the Defire of fome Perfons, at Home, who bore that gallant Officer no good Will, and were utterly averfe to our declaring War, that he might be defeated ? In Effect, might it not be truly faid of him, on that Occafion, as was, on an- other, of Queen Elizabeth, that the Elements fought for him. And might not this Compliment be juftly apply'd to him ? O ! nimium dileffe Deo, cui militat jEther, Et conjurati veniunt ad Clajfca venti ! Claudian. Was not this, we fay again, the real Cafe ? And did we not wink at all thefe grofs Affronts, rather than draw upon us the Power of France, in our own Caufe ? Nay, did we not even wink at her building diverfe Batteri's, near Dunkirk, on pre- tence of guarding her Coafts, from Infults, to a- void breaking with her, on any Account, though our own Intereft was in Queftion ? And are we now, wantonly, bringing her Arms upon us, with- out any frefh Provocation, and that in another's Quarrel, and fwhat is yet worfej in a confuming Land-War ? Amazing Change ! Or rather, mon- firous Inconfijlence, in our Counfels! But, what fhall we fay, We hope, we are not as yet fallen under that heavy Curfe, Quos Deus vult perdere prius dementat. In Effect, either ompafl Conducl, for, at leaft, thefe dozen Years, was weak and deftruftive, or our prefent Mcafures muft be fo ; and fome, per- haps, ( 28 ) baps, may be fo malicious to infinuate, neither of them are much better. But, however that may be, this is evident, granting the former to be the Cafe, if we are now to act the Part of Penelope, by pulling down what we have been fo long building up, and running counter to all our Meafures for that Time, one Step more was abfoluteh neceflary, even for .our own Vindication ; namely, the making a pub lick Recantation, by dif claiming and difa- vowing our paft Conduct; by owning we had been impofed on, and betray* d; and (which like- wife necejjarily follows^ by an Impeachment, and vigorous Profecution, of tbofe, who had thus mijled, betrafd, and impofed upon us, with all their Tools, and Abettors, be they ever fo nu- merous. This, we fay, was abfolutely necejfary, if we defired to create any Confidence, either in our Allies, if fuch we ft ill have, or in our People at Home : For, otherwife, if we skreen and protect the Trayors, whilft we condemn their Treafons ; if wefuffer them to enjoy with Impunity the Fruits of their Villany, whilft we are groaning under the Misfortunes, and Prefjures occafioned by their pernicious Proceedings ; if we allow them to revel in infolentjoy, and Plenty, whilft the whole Na- tion are almojl ftarving,2.nd mourning their wretch- ed Condition ; we may talk of our Wifdom ; we may boaft of our Bravery; and we may prate if we pleafe, of our Liberty ; but the firft will be despised, the fecond pitied, and the third laugh'd at, by all Europe. Come we now, to the other Motive, for engaging in the prefent War, namely, that of re- vering Peace in the Empire; and let us fee whether the Matter will be much mended ? We are afraid not. In the firft Place, moft of the Queftions be- fore afked, if not all of them, might again be repeated ( *?) repeated as properly here, and it would be equally difficult, to give a fatisfactory Anfwer thereto ; noc only fo but befides thofe, fome other Objections, might be ftarted, by an ill-natured Queriji, which it would not be found an eafyTafk to remove. For Inftance, how comes Great-Britain, which, being an Ifland, can be but remotely, if at all, affecled thereby, more concerned, in Re-eft ablijhing rhe Peace of the Empire, than divers of the Princes of Germany, and even fome of the moft -powerful', though their Dominions are fituated therein ; and, being themfelves Members of it, their Welfare and Safety muft be look'd upon, as infeparable from that of the Germanick-Body ; and yet feem, to trou- ble themfelves very little, about the prefent War. There are but two- Ways, by which, this their indolent Behaviour can poflibly be accounted for ; the One is by faying, that they do not apprehend the Safety of the Empire, as a Body, to be at all in Banger, at this Juncture, and then it will follow, of Courfe, that we had no Bufmefs to in- terfere in the War. The other is, by frankly con- f effing, that, rinding us, to be at all Times fo ready, to be the Don Quixotes, and Dupes of Europe, they are refolved, to lay the whole Burden upon us. Now which of thefe may be Cafe, we will not pretend to determine ; but this we will venture to affirm-, that, fuppofing the former to be the Truth, we are acting a very imprudent Part-, and fuppofing it to be the latter, whatever may be the Iflue thereof, it will not redound much to our Ho- nour, or Interefl, to be conftantly the Bubbles, and Jack-pay -for -alls of every Power on the Continenr. In Effect, it is very evident, it is in this Light, our Neighbours at prefent look upon us; it would, Qtherwife, have been impoffible, that the Dutch, who ( 3° ) who, had the Queen of Hungary been over- whelmed, muft infallibly have fallen a Sacrifice the next, could have remained fo long, fuch quiet and unconcerned Speclators, of a War, on the Event of which, their own Security immediately depended. Having mentioned the Dutch, we cannot help making one Obfervation, with Regard, to their Behaviour to us of late Tears, which has equally raifcd our Aflonifhment, and Indication ; it is this, that we have not been able, to prevail on them to join with us, in any one Me a fur e, unlefs we mould except the Suppreffion of the Ojtend Company, (wherein they were more than equally concerned, in Point of Interejl, with ourfelves) and in the prefent War, if they can properly be hid as yet to have joined us. We fay, this has equally raifed our Indignation and Affonifhment ; the one, at the Slight put upon «j,and the Indignity offer'xl us; (not to mention their grofs Ingratitude to a Nation, which hasfo often prevented their being fwaltowed up,) the other, that our incomparable Statefmenhave never bethought themfelves ol a Way, tocompel them to it, and that almoft at any Time. Let but the Minifler of Great-Britain,vtho refides at thcHague declare peremptorily, in his Mailer's Name, that He will renounce all Alliance with them, and leave them to the Mercy of France, unlefs they will cordially efpoufe our Interefls, and unite their For- ces, againft our common Enemies, as the French ever were, and ever mufl be, and they will not fland long hsfit at ing about it: In Effect, they, would then, have but thefe two Ways to choofe ; either to throw themfelves direclly, into the Arms ol France, and become a Province to her, or, to join Heart and Bandwhh us j and which of thefe would ( 3i ) would be the mojl eligible, we leave any one to judge. To return, however, from whence we have di- grefs'd, we would fain afk another Queftion; namely, how has the Empire deferved it at our Hands, that we mould intereft ourfdves fo deeply in its Welfare ? We confefs, we know of no Ob- ligation we have to it, nor, indeed, of any we poffibly can have. We know, on the contrary, that it owed its Safety to us, at the ever-memo- rable Battle of Hochftedt •, when our victorious Army, defeated the ambitious Views of the common Enemy of Europe, at an infinite Expence both of Blood and Treafure ; for which we were amply rewarded, no doubt, by 2. few bloody Rags, fome of which dill hang up in Weftminjter Hall ; Bur, how this Benefit, conferred thereon by us, at fo dear a Rate, mould lay us under a frcfh Obliga- tion, of conferring more, and ptobably, at as exorbitant a Price, we muil own, we cannot perceive. In Effect, who was it lighted up the Flames of War in the Empire, and carried Fire and Sword, into the Dominions of the Queen of Hun- gary ? Was it not the Elector of Bavaria ? A Prince, who has always been in the Intereft of the common Enemy and Incendiary of Europe, and who has trod exactly in the Steps of his deceafed Father ? And did net the Empire, nevertheiefs, choofe this Prince as their Head, and thereby enable him the more, to lay wafie, and fpread Defolaticn through, great Part of the Territories of her Hungarian Majefty ? Did not moft of the 'Princes affift 'the Emperor in fo doing, and do not many ftill fupport him with Men or Money? Who then can they have to blame, but themfelve?, for the Ravage and Devajlation of the Empire? And ( 3* ) And what Bufinefs have we to intermeddle there- with ? Muft they light up Fires, and muft we be at the Expence and Trouble of extinguifhing them ? As to the Emperor himfelf, we think he is fo far from being to be pitied, that we are of Opinion, he deferves, yet worfe than he has yet met with; and mould notbeforry, to fee him re- duced to take Refuge in France, as his Father did before him. To fpeak the Truth, the Houfe of Bavaria have, for many Years, been the never failing Tools, of the Houfe of Bourbon ; and, though we bear no Ill-will to the Bavarians, as a People, yet, as they are continually made the Inftruments, of their Prince's unjuft Schemes to embroil Europe, and are thereby render'd fubfervient, to the ambi- tious and wicked Dejigns of the Court of Verfailles, we think, it would be for the Benefit of Chriften- dom, if both they, and the French, were almoft ex- terminated, as the Pejls of Society, and common Enemies of Mankind. Perhaps this may found very ill-natured in the Ears of fome People, and we may be cenfured as highly inhuman-, but, i£ they would weigh the Matter rightly, they would foon be convinced to the contrary; and would know, we are governed in our Opinion, by this equitable Rule, Nee Lex eft juftior ulla, Quam necis artifices arte perire fud. In Effect, if either the French, and Bavarians, or all the Reft of Europe, muft be ruined ; if they have conftantly endeavoured to embroil all Chris- tendom ; if the whole Tenor of their Conduct, for many Years, has been the fame, and they have never wanted the Will, when they have had the Rower ; if their Princes, within thefe fourfcore Years, have been the Caufe, of fhedding as much Blood, (33 ) JBIood, and dejlroying as many Men, as both their Dominions contain, (which we veriJy believe they have •,) and if their Subjects are always ready, to execute their very worjt Commands, we think, it will hardly admit of any Difpute, which ought to fuffer. That we have not aggravated Matters, in this Reprefentation of the Cafe, will evidently ap- pear, if we confider, how often, within that Time, they have called the Turks into the Em- pire, and what Numbers, on both Sides, loft their Lives on thofe Occafions ; if we reflect, likewife, what Seas of Blood were flied by them, on Account of the Succeflion to the Crown of Spain, whereon they perfidioufly feized, contrary to all Laws human and divine ; if we reflect, on theirfpiriting up the Spaniards, to feize on Sicily, in 1718, the preventing of which has caufed the "War between them and us ever fince ; together with their fuccefsful Inva/ton of both Naples, Si- cily and Milan, in 1734, in Conjunction with the Kings of Spain and Sardinia, whom they alfo drew into that War ; their bribing the Car- dinal Primate of Poland, with feveral of the Grandees, to e\e£tStaniJIaus, tha' contrary to his Defire, merely to make his Election a Bone of Contention, and to kt all Europe in a Flame ; their fpiriting up the Swedes fince, to fall upon the Mufcovites, and the Kings of Pruffia and Poland, with the Elector of Bavaria, to attack the Queen of Hungary ; if we reflect on all thefe, we fay, and the Millions ofLives, loft on all. Sides thereby, we fhall find, we have not ex- ceeded the Bounds of Probability, in faying, the French and Bavarians have been the Occafion, of deftroying as many Men, as both their Domi- , nions contain : We have palled over their perfi- D dious ( 34) dious Invafion of the Seven Provinces, which they almoft over-ran in the Reign of Charles II, and their more perfidious and inhuman Behaviour^ on Pretence of being Mediators, in Corjica, with the Blood fhed on thofe Occafions, becaufe we would not inflame the Reckoning. To return then, from whence we have again digrefTed, we have feen, that, whether our enga- ging in the prefent War, be afcribed to our De- fire, of Supporting the Queen of Hungary, or of Reftoring Peace to the Empire, our Con duel: mull appear both weak, and unaccountable, to all fenjible, and unprejudiced Perfbns. Neither would the Matter be much mended, mould we add a third Motive, and fay it was necefiary, to prevent the Overthrow of the Ballance of Pow- er, in Europe ; becaufe'it is notorioujfly known, that the whole Tenor of our C endue! , for above thefe Twenty Years, has had a vifible Tendency, to ag- grandize France, and weaken the Houfe of Auftria j which, every one, who did not wilfully fhut his Eyes againft Conviction, was fenfrble could not fail, of effetlually deftroying the Ballance of Tower. This was fo manifeft, that fome Perfons have pretended to account for it, by faying, that the Greatnefs of the Auftrian Family, was look'd upon with invidious Eyes, by a certain G-rm-n Prince ;. that he was, therefore, defirous, of bringing it down to his own Level; and that he found the Means, to prevail upon our M- ry, to join with him, in this deteftable and deflruSlive Projecl - r which has, accordingly, been put in Execution but too fuccejffnUy. We mull own, were we to judge by Appearances, and the prefent Pofture of Affairs, we mould be tempted to believe this fc but then we can't help thinking, that an Impeach- ment ( 35 ) tnent, muft have been the necefjary Confequence, of our Change of Meafures, were k only to vindicate. the Nation in general, from having confented to a Defign fo execrable, and fo contrary to our true. Inter eft : As no fuch Thing, therefore, has been attempted, we muft conclude, there are no Grounds, for fuch a Suggeftion. Neither would we willingly believe, there is any more Foundation, for anorher, which has been, induftrioufly, whifper'd about, and has gained fbme Credit j namely, that the Advantage, and Welfare, of a certain El te, has been of more Weight, and more confulted, in our Mea- fures, at this Juncture, than the Inter eft, and Profperity of Great-Britain ; becau.fe it v o jld neceffarily follow, that even the prefent Pilots of the State, were but little lefs criminal, than tbofe in ^former Times ; and confequently, that we are fcarce any Way the Gainers, by the Change. What gave Rife to this Suggeftion, we fuppofe, was this ; that the People, not being able to ac- count for our late Conduct, and particularly, for one Step, which they thought wholly inconfiftent with the Intereft of thefe Kingdoms, were wil- ling to afcribe it to the Regard, fome Perfons had for a certain Country, for whofe Advantage alone it feem'd calculated : But they never confider'd, that, though fuch a Regard, might be very excu- fable, and natural, in tbofe Perfons, it was quite the Reverfe, and abfolutely unpardonable in fomt, othtrs j becaufe it fhew'd, they were utterly un- mindful, and regardlefs, of the Welfare of another Country, for which they were bound, by the firitl- eft Tyes of Duty, and Nature, to have the mcft tender Concern. We chufe, therefore, rather to fufpend our Judgment, till we can have better Information, D 2 what ( 3& ) what were the real Motives, which induc'd us, now, to engage fo precipitately, in a War upon the Continent, than be guilty, of pajjing a rajh Cenfure, upon the Counfels of thofe, for wbofe Wifdom, and Integrity, we would willingly re- tain the utmoft Veneration. But, nevertheless, we cannot help obferving, it is fomewbat amazing, the prefent Land-War, wherein we are as yet only Auxiliaries, fhould have/^-7r^;,notoaly,at a much eafier Rate than we poffibly can, but fuch Troops, as me might have had much fooner, and which, being abfolutely at her own Command, would have done her much more efftftual Service, than any others. In the mean while, if we were willing to go yet farther, a formidable Fleet might have made a powerful Diver/ion , by keeping the Coafts of France, in a continual Alarm, which would, at once, have anfwered two good Ends j'one, by obli- ging them, to keep a large Body of Forces, upon their Sea Coafts, and interrupting their Commerce, which, of itfelf, would have been highly advanta- D 3 giom ( 38 ) gious to us •, the other, by [cowring our Channel, and fecuring our Merchant-Ships , from any Spanijh Privateers, or, which is as bad, from the French, under the Difguife of Spaniards ; we might add a third Advantage, which would have rejufted to us, from fo judicious and prudent a Conduct ; namely, we mould either mt have beard, of the Refortifying Dunkirk, in exprefs Violation, of the Treaty of Utrecht, or might have effectually pre- vented it, ; by a timely Vifit, before it had been too far advanced. There was yet another Way of dijlrejfmg the French, which would have gall'd them confiderably, and that is, by procuring Commiflions from her Hungarian Majefty, to fit out Privateers, under her Colours ; which would, neverthelefs, have been no Breach of Peace, nor any more than the Lex Talionis, as they have done the fame by us, feveral Times. We confefs, indeed, if we muft always be bur- thenid, with the fame numerous hand- Army, as of late Years, we mould choofe much rather, to have them employ 'd, infighting for our Allies abroad, than in fprcading Idlenefs, and Debauchery, by their Examples, at Home, throughout the King- dom. But it was expecled, long ago, that we fhould have been relieved from this Grievance; and though no Eafe could be obtained, during the In- fluence of our late Grand-Vizier, it was generally believed, this would have been, the agreeable fir ft Fruits, of a Change ; nay, though we found our- felves difappointed herein, Nobody doubted, but it would have been complied with, before it was attempted, to lay any farther Load upon the Pub- lick, in Favour of any Ally whatever •, fo willing were we to wait with Patience, and not be too pre- cifitate in centring. Tq (39 ) To our Sorrow, however, we were miftaken tgregioujky, and have feen a Change of Hands, with very little Alteration of Meafures : So con- tagious is a bad Example 1 , especially when noPu- nifhment has been infiifled on the firft Offender. Ne~ verthelefs, though we have taken cnefalfe Step > and there is no Likelyhood, we fhould recede from it, at leaft, if we are guided by the fame wife Counfek^ as of late, till the Back of the Nation is quite broken, we will venture to lay it down, as an unalterable Maxim, with Refpect to thefe King- doms, that, whenever we would exert our natural Strength, to the greateft Advantage, and annoy cur Enemies the moft, with the leaji Expence, and Hazard to ourielves, we muft begin, with Disband- ing our hand-Forces, and Taking off our moft bur* tbenfome Taxes : We muft, then, necefTarily, reign Lords of the Ocean \ and, though our own Trade, might labour under feme Difficulties (which is the con ft ant Effecl of War,) that of our Neigh- bours would labour under yet more ; which would make t\\cmfoon willing, to give us reafonableSatif- faclion. In Effect, the Cafe is widely altered, between us and the French, fince the late War *, during that, we had a pretty flourifhitig Trade, and the French fcarce any ; fo that, we had a. great Deal to lofe, and fcarce any Thing to get : (And yet even then, by a right Management, we might have made them focn weary of it :) Whereas now, as they are our Rivah, and that too fuccefsfully, in moft of our Branches of Trade, (wherein they have, in a great Meafure, fupplanted us,) they have as much, Qc more to lofe than we, and, by Reafon of our Superi- ority at Sea, muft necejjarily fuffer the moft. If we muft engage in a War, therefore, at any Time, (which, as has been already fhewn, we ought ne- D 4 ver ( 4o ) ver to do, but for the Prevention of a greater Evil, as the Interruption of our Commerce, or Violation of our juft Rights, let us carry it on, in fucha Manner, as to annoy our Enemies the mofl, and that with the leaft Hazard and Expence, and the great eft Probability of Advantage, toourfelves. Should we not think any Man, little better than mad, who, being bimfelf but of [mall Stature, and weak, and having a Quarrel to decide, with an Adversary of Twice bis Strength, (with whom, how- ever he could very well cope, either at Small-Sword or with Fire- Arms, ) if, having it in his own Powers to cboofe his Weapons, [he mould decline uftng tbofe, which rendered him a Match for his Antagonift, and vain-gloriouJIy,ra/hly, and foolijhly, mould offer to engage him, at Fifty-Cuff s+ wherein the other had vifibly the Odds on his Side ? Should we not fay fuch an obftinate Wretch, was infatuated, and high- ly deferved, to be heartily drubbed, m order to bring Him to bis Senfes ? This would certainly be the Opinion, of every reafonable Man; nor would any one, either ajjift or pity him, though reduced to the moft deplorable Condition ; but bid him thank bimfelf. Juft as weak, and abfurd, is the Conduct of Great- Britain, in Engaging in a War by Land, with any Power upon the Continent. But, perhaps, it will be faid, we could not, any other Way, fo effectually Jupport her Hungarian Majefty ; and that we were bound to affifi her, as Guarantees of the Pragmatic Sanclion : Let us exa- mine, therefore, what Truth there would be, in fuch a Suggeftion ; Suppofing then a timely Remit- tance, of Two Millions of Florins, over and above what has already been granted her, had been made to that Glorious Princefs, at the Beginning of the War; and fuppofing the Hanoverians had paid their own Troops, which, as their Country is more nearly (41 ) nearly concerned in the Event thereof, than ours, they ought to have done : Suppofmg we, in the mean while, had fent a powerful Squadron, with Five, or Six Thou/and Soldiers, and a proper Number of Bomb-Ketches, to keep the Sea-Coajls, of France, in a continual Alarm, and carry Terror and Defolation, wherever they appeared; would not fucb a Diver/ion, with the infinite Damage they might have done, and the almoji total Interruption of their Commerce, have obliged the French to fend fuch Numbers, to man their Coajls, as would have weakened their Army more, than any other Meafure we can take? This, we believe, will hardly be difputed *, but Forefight, and found Policy, are very feldom the Characteristic^ of a B — t — Jb M y. Accordingly, we fawoarj, continue wholly un- concerned and indolent, whilftthe Kings of France, Spain, and Sardinia, in Conjunction, invaded the Dominions, of our ancient Ally the Emperor, on every Side; ftript him of all his PofTeffions in Italy, and reduced him to the laft Extremity, to extri- cate himfelf from which, his Imperial Majefty, was forced to agree, to the Ceffion of the Dutchy of Lorain to France ; to which he had prevailed on the Duke to confent, in Confideration of his Mar- riage with the Archdutchefs, now ghteen of Hun- gary, and the eventual Suce(fion,to the Dutchy of Tufcany. This conftderable Aggrandizement, of our natural Enemy, they beheld, we fay, with theut- moft Unconcern, at the fame Time that they faw the Ballance of Power, in Europe, entirely over- thrown, by the fo great Weakening of the Houfe of Aufiria, in the Lofs of Milan, Naples, and Si- cilies. All this did our then worthy Minijlry, look on, with Indifference :, whilft the Proftitutes, whom they kept in pay, to cafi a Mijl before the Efyes of (42 ) of the People, and poifon their Minds, were not afhamed, to be daily inveighing againft the Treaty of Utrecht, for having left the Houfe of Bourbon too formidable ; and not having fufficiently provided for the Ballance of Power. But fubmitting it to wifer Heads, and to tbofe, whom it may more immediately concern, by what Motives thofe Gentlemen were influenced, at that Time, we (hall now proceed to confider, what we at firft propofed, namely, what mull be the probable Confequences of our engaging in a Land- War: And in order to fet this in a clearer Light, we (hall examine, Firft, whether any Advanta- ges, can poflibly accrue to us from thence, and Secondly, what Detriment we may in all likely- hood, apprehend from it. As to the former, we defy all Mankind, to point out one fmgle Advan- tage, we can reap from it ; we may, indeed, gain Victories, and take Towns, but will this be of any Service to ourfelves ? No, the Expence of Blood and Treafure will be left to us, as has al- ways been in former Wars •, whilft the Benefit will redound folely to our Allies. In fhort, it would puzzle any one, to fay, what Benefit we can propofe to ourfelves, from this ex- traordinary Step. Will it increafe or extend our Trade ? No one will have the Impudence to af- firm it. Will it enrich the Nation ? Quite the contrary •, it will greatly impoverifh us, by continu- ally draining from us our Money, and our moft ufeful Hands. Will it fecure us from the Depreda* tions of the Spaniards, or obtain better Terms for us, from tbofe haughty and cruel Enemies ? Juft the Reverfe ; whilft we are exerting our whole Strength, in Support of the Queen of Hungary, at the Expence of our befi Blood and Treafure, they wiH have the fair eft Opportunity to exert tbemfelves, by ( 43 ) by Redoubling their Outrages, and Putting their Poffeffions in America, into fuch a Condition, not to fear any Infults : So that, in Proportion, as we grow weaker, they will grow ftronger, and con- sequently, will be the lefs likely to recede, from their infolent Pretenfions. What a hopeful Profpetl is this for Great-Britain ! If, then, a Land-War, will neither extend our Trade, enrich the Nation, fecure us from the Depredations and Infults of ourEnemies y nor obtain us any better Terms from them ; what Advantage, in the Name of Wonder, do we pro- pofe to ourf elves from thence ? Perhaps, it may be anfwered, we fhall obtain honourable Terms for her Hungarian Majejly, after which, we fhall be at Liberty, to exert our/elves, in our own Behalf, and pujh on the War, with Vigour, againft the Spaniards. Shall we fo ! We are heartily glad of it truly ! We thought, however, in common Prudence, we ought fir ft to have taken Care of our own Concerns -, and then to have con- fidered about affifiing our Allies. But what have a generous, difinterefted Britifb M ieoura*ment m *Lrade, in all its Branches by eaftng the Manufacturer of the ithjl burthenfome Taxes, ahd not only dif- cour aging, but even prohibiting the Wear of all foreign Merchandize, (in which Piece of found poli- cy, and public Spirit, we have always been too wife to follow their Example) are better able, now to fupport, another Ten Tears War, than they were in the Reign of Lewis XIV •, even though it lhofiW prove as unfucceffful, as that, in the time of their late Grand Monarque; which is altogether unli- kely. Let us fuppofe,then, for once, that our Armies will be blefs'd, with as uninterrupted Succefs, as in the the late Queen's Reign, though that is highly improbable j the infallible Conjequence of that would be, that we Ihould at laft fink under our own Efforts, and be forced to clap up a Peace at any Rate ; for, fuch prodigious Sums of Money, muft be lent yearly out of the Kingdom* to pay our Forces, whilft, the little Trade, we have yet left, would be then entirely loJi t as it certainly muft* that the Ballance would be greatly againft us •, and we fhould be fo far, from recruiting ourfelves thereby* that other confiderable Remittances, muft be made abroad, to pay the Overplus % fo that thefe Two continual Drains of our Treafure, would, in a feW Years, exhaufi us of all our Specie -, which ren- dering us ulledy unable, to carry on even a defen* Jive War, muft leave us an eafy Prey, to the firft Invader. And, as we are fenfible, our good Neighbours, whom we have been, fo long, wifely contributing to aggrandize, don't want the Inclina- tion, if they had but the Power, we muft foon become a Province to them. Thisj we fay, is the (59) the evident Qonfeauence, of our ferfifting, in the Profecution of a Land-War; and, fhould this ever be our melancholy Cafe, which Heaven forbid, we leave any one to judge, whether the Electorate of Hanover, muft not follow of Courfe j efpecially, as, it is no Secret, that our Enemies, afcribe the carrying the War, into the French Dominions, to the fole Influence, and Direction, of our rnoft gracious Sovereign. ■ FINIS. - • icri. Old/ -an •: tr>-y°. , ; MB *^ f' THE Myfterious Congrefs. A Letter from Aix la ChappeJ, D E T E C T I NG The Late Secret Negociations there ; Accounting for the Extraordinary Slownefs of the Operations of the Campaign fince the Action at DeTTINGEN ; and, parti- cularly, for the Resignation of the E — 1 of S R. WITH Many other curious Particulars relating to the prefent Broils of Europe* By a Nobleman, diftinguilhed for Integrity and Confummate Knowledge in Public Affairs. LONDON: Printed for M. Cooper, in Fater-no/ter-row. 1743, [ Price Six Pence. ] ' I - - . \ - • : 1 -J ■ gnirmono:) *noql vjd. oo I -r; /l io 3Dfi£iB'jqqA. 3fi3 wo'i *W '.ffcunwinw ->m oj loifiaqqq.-. [33 THE Myfterious Congrefs. SIR, Ai& la Chappel, J J September, 1743. U R Water Drinkers here this Sea- fon feem to verrify the political Fiction concerning the Waters of Lethe ; for all is Life and Spirit, Gaity and Mirth, Profufion and Expence ; juft as iftheprefent melancholy Scene in Eu- rope had been the Reverfe of what it is. There feems to be no Memory, no ideal Traces of the late and prefent Diftractions and Devaf- tations in thefe once happy Regions of Ger- many 5 and even the native Germans, them- felves feem as infenfible of the Miseries of their Country as we Foreigners, and appear not a whit more anxious about the dreadful Confequencesofthe/>rf/?;z£ dangerous Schemes of the contending Courts. I was many Days in Sufpence concerning this general Spirit of Gaity and Infeniibilicy ; I could not fuppofe it to be altogether fpon* taneous, tho' it wore the Appearance of Na- ture, becaufe it apppeared to me unnatural, A 2 thai . C 4] that a numerous Company of People, com- pofed of Individuals of all the different Na- tions of Europe, fhould be actuated at one time with the fame identical particular Paffi- on : Such, in Reality, it appears throughout the whole People here at prefent. The richer Tradefman, the Artificer and Peafant feem as unattentive to Cares and Sorrow as the Ba- ron r the Count or Prince. This happy Pro- pensity to Pleafures and Forgetfulnels is not more confpicuous among the Youth than the Aged, nor among the Men of iDrefs and Gallantry, than the Men of Bufinefs, Poli- tics and Intrigue. In fhort, 'tis one univerfal Calm all over the Place, one general Sufpen- fion from all manner of Functions that em- ploy the Head, or 'affect the Heart. This general, but unufual Serenity, made me fufpect it rather artificial than natural, notwithstanding the uncommon Warmth and Clearnefs of the Air, which undoubtedly continue to infpire Mirth and Chearfulnefs. I know you will look upon this Sufpicion of mine to be owing to an Oddity in my Tem- per, or to that Propenfity to Speculation, which you often told me would create mc much Occupation and Trouble in the Courfe of my Life. All I fhall fay in my own De- fence, is, that my Oddity or Propcnfity to fpeculating has often been of life to me in tracing out Truth, when it appeared fo inve- ' lobdd'as to feem our of the Reach of human Urttoltanding; and chat any Trouble attend-, ing t 5 J ing fuch Refearehes as mine, even while they fubfift, is more than compenfated by the Leachery of Expeclation, which you, my Friend, as much as any Man in Europe, know by Experience, to be beyond that of Ft uitlon itfelf. To indulge, then, an odd Turn of Thought, which is always attended with Delight to myfelf, I refolved to pry narrowly into the . Life and Converfation of the foreign Minif- ters, of whom we have here as many as would forma Congrefs for a general Peace. I. did not think it impoffible to find amongft fome of Chefe refine Statefmen the Source whence all the feeming carelefs Allacrityof this Place imperceptibly iflued. You may be fure my Attention was firft and principally fixt on the Minifter of France, who aflfecls to be vale- tudinary more than many others lefs florid in the Face, and more advanced in Years. I was encouraged in the Experiment the more, that I could not be perfuaded that fo many Mi- nifters had flocked hither, fortuitoufly, at one and the fame time : You are acquainted with the Names of thofe who are come hither from the Hague ; but the fecret J/Ienips's far exceed thefe in Number. I don't. know a principalPower in Europe that has not a Mi- nifter here, tho' their Characters be known to very few. They are all Invalids, vific to make the Waters pafs, and converge, to pafs- away, the time. Thus* .perhaps J^j^moit important Negotiation that ever^ffy^ .car- ried O] ried on imperceptibly in the Face of theWorld, under the Pretext of Recreation and Amufe- ment. My chiefeft Care, as I hinted, was em- ployed to be minutely informed of the Acti- ons of the Marquis de F n. I had him watched Night and Day, and mixed in all public Company he frequented. I was the moft affiduousof his Vjfitors, the moft volu- ble of his Gazetteers, and the loudert in Praife of his awn particular Maxims, and thofe of his Court. You won't wonder, if, by thefe Means, and my being fubjeft to a Prince difin- terefted in the prefent Broils of Europe, but by Inclination, fufpe&ed to wifli well to France, I came to be looked upon, if not as a Confident, at leaft as one not to be fufpecV ed for Partiality, or of an Intention to ac- quire Information, in order to communicate it abroad. In this Light was I viewed by that Nobleman ; in this Light am I ftill viewed by him and all his Acquaintance: I am look- ed upon as a neutral Perfon, and am often chofen a Mediator to adjuft Matters between jarring Politicians. The Partisans of Bourbon and Slujlria have frequent Recourfe to my Impartiality. You fee, my Friend, your old Chum is become the Man of Confequence, when and where you would leaft expect it : But the only Pleat u re I receive from my being this Homme de Confequence, is, that lam there- by the better enabled to amufe you, at leaft, if sot faeisfvyourC^oftp T I One [ 1 ] One need not be on fo good Terms as I art* with the principal Minifters here, and par- ticularly with the Imperial, the French and the Spanijh, not to perceive that Water- drinking was not the principal Inducement of affembling fo many Statefmen together: Nor could I, without betraying tod great Supinenefs, overlook the Policies of the Mar- quis de F n particularly, to whofe Addrefs may be aferibed that general Serenity or Unthoughtfulnefs, fo obvious in every Face but his own, where Thought and Cdre, tho* imperceptible to the Multitude^ feem to me to have erected their Thrones.. You may per- ceive him fenfiblej that the Difquietudes of the Heart do work up into the Counte- nance, for he is inceifantly making Faces and complaining of Pains he does not feel, to colour the Unevennefs which but tod appa- rently denote Solicitude of Mind : But all his Demeanor, all his Looks and Motions are fa apt and well- feafoned, that few* ^readiJiifc in*-' ward Perturbations. iR noc l u Thus, Sir, has this Minifter, bf/thevfylt Force of his Addrefs, been able, n&fcttnif «6 ; : hide his own Uneaiinefs and Anxietty^-bttt ' ■ even when he laboured moft under, tH6mv<|o* 1 infpire all who converfe with him or fee him, with Content and Serenity -of: Mind. All the Minifters of his Party are ih fchelSe- '^ cret, or a£t as if they were ; for tl*e^ar*»r; t like him, eternally promoting fome iri#Jng/ ■ ? Amufement or other,, wd incuieafcing} than f } ' Happinefe [8] Happinefs and Neceflky of unbending the Mind fometimes, and forgetting Cares. To be at; one of our Evening Circles, fometimes, you would imagine yourfelf at old Athens among a Set of Epicureans * y to pafs calmly thro' Life, to gratify the Senfes reafonably j in fhort, to go down, fmoothly and unruffled, the Stream of this World, is the Doctrine propagated at every Table, and feems to be that which is imbibed and followed by all Orders here. The Affectation of being irt the Mode is fo prevalent, that you won't wonder if the happy Infection be now become univerfal, tho', as I have faid above, I look upon it to be folely owing to the Addrefs of Monfieur F t ft . You .will naturally ask, To what End or Ufe. couJd this Scheme of general Serenity be to that Statefman, fuppofing he came with a View to. negotiate fome important Treaty? I an/wer, To cover his Intentions, and pre- vent the Interruptions necefTarily attending public Negociation. But here has been, be- iides, more Neceffity for Difguife than ever W&s known on other Occasions ; For though there feems to be a general Negociation for confolidating all the prefent Difputes of Eu- MP e -generally ; yet am I confident there are |WP other more fecret Negociations going on, wfaere. the profoundeft Secrecy is necefTarily obferved, becaufe they dire&ly thwart each other : And out of thefe again fpring lefler negociatingShoot5,rcgarding the particular In- ,.„\ tereft 3 ferefr. of Individuals, which require no fefs the Mask of Secrecy. Where there are a- bove thirty Minifters, and all are Acting and Counter-a&ing j where all are in Motion, yet where all would be thought to be in none ; where all are diffident or each other, and would fecm to confide with the greareft ImpHcitnefs in each other ; where, in fhort, there is fo much a doing, and fo little Ap- pearance of Bufinefs, you will fuppofe that the refineft Strokes of the Miniftefial Art are practiced. The Situation of Affairs in Europe, parti- cularly in the Empire, required a Nesrocia- tion ; but how to begin one was the Difficul- ty. The Dutch declined the Mediation of- fered by the Emperor and France ; the %}: tiansexcukd themfelves ; and the Pope would not be relifhed by England particularly, and fome other Proreftant Powers in Germany. The Northern Powers were too intent upon their own Affairs to be troubled or intruded with thofe of others. Thus were Matrers circumftanced till after the late Action at Dettingen, which made it more neceffarv for France particularly, to hatren the fetting a general Negotiation on foot. To confider the Opportunity thrown in the Way of France, from the Blunders of the Confederate Army, to put an P'.nd to the War, glorious to her own Caufe, one can't but admire the fecret Workings of Provi- dence, who delights to damp the Prefump- B tion I 10 ] ; tion of Man, by rendering the moft feazible of his Schemes abortive. Never were Gene- rals more infatuated, than tbofe who gave fo great Advantages to a fuperior Enemy; but never was fo great Advantage fo ill im- proved. What an Italian Nobleman here faid on that Occafion, though in very few Words, feems to exprefs very aptly the Cha- racters of the Generals of both Armies : The Fools cfcaped, hecaufe they had to deal with Mad- men. One Obfervation naturally arifes from the Poignancy of thefe lively-drawn Charac- ters, if true, viz. That Fools feldom improve, but the Mad have their Intervals : And a Review of the different Motions of thefe Ar- mies, fince the A flair of Dettingen, will ra- ther confirm than efface the Truth of this Obfervation. The French, as if recovered from the Fren- zy, which olMtru&ed their blafting at one Blow all the Hopes of the Courts of Vienna* and- London, prudently retired, not only to cover their own Country, threatened with a mighty Invafion, but to take all Excufe from England particularly, for attacking her in confequence of her Guaranty of the Prag- matic Sanation. On this Side there are vifi- bleuM^rtes of Senfe and military Conduct ; but is it fo on the other ? I am afraid not ; attloaiiMrjdoeS'not appear to indifferent Spec- tators, that the Allied Commanders have irnipi^m^^'^i^^r^a'gestftey had after the Rsrmt^ehg^d^ttvW^he Rhine. nisriJ nv/ob r! ni;m 31* h is fupppfed the Operations of the Cam- paign were fettled at Hanait when Prince Charles was there. The Plan, they fay, was that young Prince's; which I very much doubt, becaufe I can^t fuppofe he would be Author of a Plan, whatever he might do to agree to it in Deference to a ufejul Ally, that mould lay himiclf under infuperable Difficul- ties. It might be Policy in one who intended to temporize, whofe Views tended rather to carrying Points at homey than making Con- quefts on France, and who perhaps had feen fo much of Danger at Dettingen y that he had no Stomach to more : I fay, in fuch a one it might be Policy to divide the Forces, in order to leffen the Weight of the Attack, and to fend the Prince where he muft expect to meet with the greatelt Redftancc, or pafs the faireft Seafon in Inaction. Thus, and in no other Light, can the Conduct of the Commanders of the Allied Armies be ac- counted for. For to fuppofe that England was in 'Ear- ned, and that Prince Charles had tha Direc- tion of forming the Plan of Operation ; to fuppofe that young Hero a free Agent, and to act 'as he has done, would be to fuppofe, that he is a mere Novice in his Pr^feffion, or that, being enamoured with-the Sweets , of Hazard and Difficulty,;^ f^ojrjned; io cocm. querby the moft oityM^sui^/^a/yMtQhadftqfrii War. Wheti «£hat v f fciaee . toa§riaft was for pufhing the Ad- vantage at Dettingen, and that he advifed attacking Marihal Noailks the Day afrer, fince he was not permitted to purfue the flying French ; therefore it would be difficult to perfuade us, that he, who had dHTuaded againft the March, and advifed the Attack, could be capable of adviflng the Separation, a Meafure fo obvioufly deftrucYtve of the Schtm* 1 - concerted between the Courts of tdon and Vierina, and fo ft'lf-evidcndy a- Hfifl^IlKPR&fcs of War or Reafon. j No, l& > bS^rintt^E or whether,' after the Arrival, the Hanove* rians had found" Means to ingrofs the R- — —1 Heart and Ear; or whether, rather, the noble Lord had reafoned and advifed with too great Sincerity and Freedom, without paying that Deference to the foreign Gene- rals, which perhaps was expected by them- felves and others; whichever of thefe was the Reafon, I can't .fay, but it is cuirently believed here, and was, long before his Dif r miilion, that he flood but indifferently, where there was moft Reafon for him to hope, he fhould be beft received. The Word Dij- mijjion here might more properly be fupplied by that of Rejtgnation, which was undoubted- ly the Cafe, if our Intelligence at Aix be well founded. My Lord requeued to be difmiiTed, and his Requeft was as readily granted as it was earneftly made; it being not at all im- probable, that the K and the L — d were heartily glad . to be afunder. / EJe,\p^r§i£es love the Liberty of fome Servants ; and .there are no hone ft Servants who. can, or ought to help or correct Nature ^^$^,, j^]ia$>fo,£^*r own Honour, the Safety v §£#£ fj&nse^m- felf, and the Good^flohe«^uj^jj^d^ein3, C In [ yf ] in fome Meafure, on their virtuous Plain- nefs and Tenacioufnefs. A Chief General of an Army being ac- countable, at lcaft to his Honour and Cha- racter, for the Operations of the Campaign, has a Right to the principal Direction of all military Aflairs, while the Troops are in the Field ; and it may be faid too, with equal Propriety, that he has a Right to the Con- fidence of his Prince. If he was thought wor- thy of the Chief Command, furely be muft be deemed worthy alfo of Truft and Confi- dence : There feems to be a reciprocal Obli- gation between the Prince and General : The Zealand Affection of the one exact, the Fa- vour and Confidence of the other ; therefore, whenever the latter fails, the firft necefTarily ceafes. I may do a Man no ill Office, became he does not confide in me ; but I doubt whe- ther my Chriftianity would carry me (o far as to be warm and zealous in his Intereft, when I was convinced, from undeniable Evi- dence, that I was not only indifferent, but even obnoxious in his Eyes. Our Speculatifts here, tho' 'tis thought we have fome of the molt refined in Europe, fcem not a little puzzled to account for the Conduct that is fuppofed to have produced the Refig- nation of that noble t'cteran in the Midft of a Campaign ; and, in Appearance, at the Eve of a general Action. They think the invocation muft be very grofs that could drive a gallant old Officer to a£t a Part that would r . » -r would be as unfeafonablc as without Excufe, without fome offered, unbearable Slights and Indignities. On the other Hand, they are at a Lofs for the Motive that fhould induce the offering fuch Slights as could not be brooked by one of even more Phlegm and lefs Refent- ment than my Lord S^ — — r. We are not unacquainted with the too obvious Partiality in Favour of Countrymen; nor that Councils have been called of thcfe only, tho' againft all military Rules, even if they had been Principals, as they are but Mercenaries only. We are not uninformed neither, that moft Meajures have been fet- tled in a private Cabal at foreign Officer s, previous to laying them before a regular Council for Form fake only; and that fome Meafures of Confequence were entered upon, and even executed, without the Sanction of any Council, at which the General, or any of his Fellow- Sub jecls were prefent. We have heard too much to doubt of Partiality (hewn in the Choice of Quarters, the Dates of Com* mijfions, and many other Inftances: We have heard alfo of Whifpers, that the Britijh Troops were expofed, and fome others induftri- oufly fpared at Dettingen : We have been told too, that the Livery ofH r was prefered, on that important Day, to that of England; at which one might wonder, if Prudence had ever been known to conquer a rooted \Rriju- dice. .. n 'io C 2 ftum^noUfiDOvcFifife • fl [26] ^iiot for the natural partial Biafs, nor the general Difcontcnt it might have jo cafioned amongft thofe who imagined they had a Right to Favour and Preference, if any were fhevvn ; but for fome* Caufe more my- fterious relative to the General pa Hcularly. The rumoured Partiality afFe£red him only in common with the Reft of his Countrymen ; and any direfr Slights that were offered to himfelf, may be fuppofed to have been (o frequent that they became habitual ; for otherwife we can't well account for his rot resigning fooner, fince it is confirmed by all Hands, that he Was no favoured, cherifhed Perfon from the Beginning. 'Tis hard to guefs, you will fiy; why a Man would be entrufted with a Chief Com- mand that was not liked ; yet we read and have known many Inftances of the Ki;d. *Te was of the prevailing Party, and a fit .^erfop^ri a double Capacity, to perfuade i$\.e^Vutch, that the Court of L — n had /cna6ge4^er Syftem, and was in earneft : But tho' he acled his Part, as became a prudent a Teaiotts Servant, 'tis a Doubt whether e.\Woma not have been more cherifhed if he I0 r¥obfervant of the real Senti- nefs ; but ftill there might be Reafqn for pot relifhing a Man that fhould be too earneftly for improving Opportunities, and procuring fome Advantage for rfis Country, to compen- fate for the exceilive Drains of a Campaign, enormouily expeniive. A Supposition, then, prevails here, that Lord S r, like the reft of the intruding Party, was made an Agent of Necellity only ; and that the fame ill Ufage and Power, which forced him out of the Circle, will foon drive out the reft, if they have not loft all Senfe of Feeling. Obtruded Servants are feldom continued longer than they are abfolutely* neceffary. 'Tis thought, that the unguarded Expr eff- orts, which accompanied the peremptory Re- fufal of the Memorial I fend you inclofed, de- termined that Lord to an immediate Refig- nation, which he had meditated for fome Weeks before. The Memorial, you fee, re- lates to a particular Tranfaclion in the Camp, in which the B -Jh Officers thought they had been mifreprefented by fome fycophant Foreigners. A Juftirlcation, it feems", was thought neceffary j but whether in Fa6r. it was neceffary or not, a Memorial relating to fo great a Corps of Officers, merited fome Con- sideration ; or, if judged proper to be re- futed, the Refufal needed not op AaC'compa- nied with themoft aggravating Cir ? cumua 3 nces and Expreffions. Itwas tooMmDie to a Man of my L-d ^_r's Spirit, t^fffitfj^ [ 22 ] there was not a IFord of T — *~h in the Memo- rial hefo ivarm/j efpoufed. Lady Fame, you know, is a Babler by Pro- feffion ; flic has too many Tongues to be moved by Truth alone ; but if ihe may be credited, all thefe Particulars concerning that gallant Nobleman, are not only true, but another not lefs natural than any of the reft. The many-mouthed Dame, then, reports, that a perfonal Caution at D n, natural to moft Men, and, perhaps, thought more ne- neffary in K — s than others, was fpoke of by that L — d, with too little Referve, a Day or two after that Action. Thefe Sort of Indif- cretions are feldom forgiven ; the Point of Honour is too fharp to be reiifted by the Ar- mour of either Intereft or Reafon. — But not to detain you any longer on a Rcfignation which has been lately the Subject of all Con-i verfations here, 'tis thought, that that dif- tinguifhed Nobleman's former and late Ser- vices, as a Minifter and a Soldier, merited greater Confidence, more Favour, and better Ufagc than he had met with fince he flrft took upon him the Command of the Army he has now quitted. To confider the more than ordinary Ser- vices performed by that Nobleman in his EmbaiTy to F e, it may be wondered that he was flighted, in the late Reign particu- larly;' or^even in the prefent. If it be true that he had then done fignal Services to the tt and ■ ■ ■ ,l 1 23 ] and yet we have feen him dropped by all, and now (ignally flighted. What can we impute thefe Phenomena in Politics to ? Might not he have over-rated his Services ; or. were they not of fo delicate a Nature, that, tho* they could not well bear the Light, he had bragg'd of them as meritorious Actions ? There are fome Attiohs that ought not to be commanded^ much lefs performed, or even attempted to be performed. -But we will leave the General to cover his Difgufts with amufing Ceremonials at the Hague, to trace the myfterious Steps of our great Men here, who cover important Negociations, by an en- tire Sufpenfion of all minifterial Ceremonies. I have mentioned France, as ftanding moft in need of fome Negociation or Expedient for putting an End to the Broils of Europe, that fhe might ward off the threatened fnva- fion of her Territories, after the grofs Errors of his Generals at Dettingen. But tho' that Crown feemed to want Peace moft about that Time, there are Reafons for believing that the Bleffing was as earneftly fought by one of the invading Powers. The Queen of Hun- gary had been prevented coming to an eligi- ble Accommodation with the Emperor, when Prague had been inverted laft Year ; that be- lieving Princefs had been buby'b!. lip with was never in earneit. That Cabinet might be [ 24 ] be glad of any Pretext for keeping Armed, perhaps, and of impoverishing a ftubborn Peo- ple ; but our Speculates here won't be per- fuaded that a War with France was ever in- tended y and, indeed, the Conduct in the Field, adds but too ftrongly to the Plaufibi- lity of the Suppofition. As England then had no Averfion to a Peace infuturo, which could not affecT: the domeftic Schemes of her Court, France found not much Difficulty in difpofing her to a Ne- gociation, provided Duft could be thrown into the Eyes of the Public. The French, who abound in Men of Genius and Finneffe, propofed the Expedient lately executed here. The Seafon, the Water, the Company, e- very thing contributed to anfwer the Views of all who had any Intereft in keeping the Secret of a Negociation. But under the Cover of a Negociation for a general Peace, which feemed to be the In- tention of the Court off. n, the French took the Opportunity of a feparate Negocia- tion with PruJJia and Saxo?iy. The H n, who chiefly tranfafted the B -Jh Affairs here, perceiving the Ufa France would make of the Opportunity of a Congrefs, gave No- tice to his Court, and had Orders to counter- mine France, and, in Conjunction with the ^tf^'jypnifter, to treat feparately with .•.. Befides thele, there was a direct Negocia* tion between Spain and Sardinia, and an in- I *l 1 dire£l one between the Emperor and the Court of Vienna, in which France had a Share, tho' nominally it appeared otherwife. There was alfo an Attempt to fet a Negociation on foot for reconciling the Northern Powers: But France t who has her Views in keeping in the Fire between the Danes and Swedes, till Ihe has fettled her own Affairs, fou r d Means to thwart the Meafures of all who had attempted to enlarge the Compafs of the Negociation. Now, that all Negociation here feems to be at an End, or fufpended, and that moll of the Minifters are retired' to their refpec- tive Courts, or Places of Refidence, we may venture to fpeculate on the various Negocia^ tions. But if, in this fpeculative Refearch, I don't always hit on the true Pin of Affairs, be fatisfled at leaft, that I fpeak the Senfe of all the beft Judges here. The general Negociation, carried on at a Polijh Nobleman's Houfe, went on rieavily from the Beginning, but more from th'e'Te- nacioufnefs of the Auftrian Minifter, than all the others concerned ; and he, indeed, of nil others, had moft Reafon to be tenacious. He infilled on an Equivalent for Siltjfibs'Ahd an abfolute Renunciation of all Rights to the Auftrian 1 n h e r i t a n ce o n t h e Pa r't of feS Em^ peror. He infifted likewife, for fpme^BSW, to be indemnified for the Expeiic^oFtEfc War, to be put in FoffclTwn'o%m*$fyah * Fortre ortreflffii m the PoiTeiTion of the King of the Sicilies. [ 26] de Pra/tdio, on the Coaft of Tufcany ; and that the Grand Duke fhould be immediately elected King of the Romans ; but gave up thcfe three laft Points: And tho' the Empe- ror's Renunciation was a Point as ftrenuouily oppofed by the Imperial Minifter, as it waft' earneiHy prefled by the other ; yet a Modi- fication being hit upon by Monfieur F #,- the firft was the only Point that was never brought to any tolerable Degree of Adjuft- ment. The Modification mentioned above; was, that the Emperor and Queen fhould furceafe all Purfuits of Claims to each other,' during the Term of Twenty-five Years ; and- that all the principal Powers of Europe fhould guaranty the Performance. This Medium, tho' not thoroughly relifaed at either Court, was at laft digefted at Frankfort and Vienna* But the Affair of the Equivalent was infi- nitely more puzzling. The Emperor was 'ncapable of giving any; the other Princes of the Empire would give none ; who then, but Frtnce, was able, or ought to have com- penfated the Queen for a forced Ceffion of one of her fair ell Provinces ? Ail agreed, and France herfelf could not deny, that fhe -was heft able ; but many doubted, and ihe efpecially infifted, that her bejrjg-abte was a very bad Reafon for obli- ging her to compenlate for the Depredations of another. The Current, however, being £'v$t Iftanct, and Lai rain being in every MfihbSWin.site -pioipbr and OivJy^iLquivalent, ritonoiq M .sKifcl K H srfj Monfieur n 0£ 3 -dv^ra|egit£ favour of it- -~d: ■ .ThereforenpH^Qn^^ Moniieur F— n obligedvtb bom Jfi^^dlib^hl^ to finding <*itf!MifhaiD'imijg^igj2 $fcferftfeddi$0jJ^ a-greable to the H n Palate. He propofed D 2 a [*8J a fpecific Guaranty of the Eleclorate and all its Territories and Acquifitions ; and that this Guaranty fhould be itrengthened by that of the Empire ; but perceiving that an Addi- tion of Territory was the principal Point in View, he propofed fecul arizing, or rather annexing the Bijhoprick of Oznabrug and gua- rantying the Poireiiion of it to //■ r. This Bait being greedily fw allowed, it was not doubted that the Queen muft be obliged to fit down contented with a very moderate Equivalent in Money payable at feveral very diftant Payments: But the Dutch, Piuf- yte and Saxon Minifters, alarmed at the Wil- lingnefs with which the H # agreed to fecularizing Oznabrug, tho' he had been the mod: -ftrenuous againft the firft Propofal of a general Secularization in Favour of the Queen, it was thought proper, both by the Marquis and Baron, to drop that Part of the Scheme for the prefent, intending, however, t j aflume the Deliberation of it as Opportu- nity offered, either from fome intervening Accident in the Courfe of the Negociation,or irorh fome Advantage or Difad vantage in the Fiuldu ^Oould a Difunion, as to that Point, be wrought amongft the oppofing Powers ; or did Prince Charles pafs the Rhine, and ob- -Ihg&vheoEeencb to leave Alface open to him ?tttaf /tfeifficombined Army ; or clfe did he at- 8ite3T^3JpafIing, and was repulfed with great ■?LbwV> W fifbrtgridid any iignal Incident hap- ipH, zh&yFrcnch dtid H n M milters did not not doubt but tbereby there would be Room to work upoo the Plan. of annexing Oznabrug to rhe Dominions of H r. Ore Thing was very diftinguifhable on this Occafion, of which Monfieur F n took all the Advantage poflible* He faw that all the Ave ues to the Friendihip of the Court of L n muff, be by the round-about Way of H r ; and that the greateir. Advantages to E d equal not the leaft to the E — ~e. 1 his is the Compals that Minifter fteercd by ; and this, probably, his Court will fteer and fucceed by, in diflblving the prefent, and preventing any other Alliance againft France. During a iufpenfion of the general Nego- ciatiori, occafioned, as has been obferved, by the Oppofition of the Dutch , P ruffian and Saxon Miniiters to fecularizing the See of Oznabrug, particular Negociations were car- ried on more vigoroufly. One had been fet on Foot by L — d C 1 with C— t M-^ — o at Frankfort, in Regard to Spain a.T\dl£ng~ land. My Lord would confine the Negociati- on limply to the Objecls of the prefent War between thefe Crowns; but the C~ t infilled to have a Settlement for Don Philip in Italy taken into it. My L — d was forced to yield to the Phlegm and Steadinefs of the Spaniard - y and, upon that Balis, the Negociatio a fivasv re- moved from Frank/brt hither. By this Means Monlieur F n came to learn, that; if this Negociation fucceeded, it muibbe ati thecEk- pence of a Diilblution of the prefent .« Har- mony , l'3°] ., mony between his Court and that of Madrid, therefore he laboured to thwart it; but find- ing more Difficulty than he imagined, he gave Advice to his Court, which occaiioned a Refolution of joining a Body of French to Don Philips Army. This put an End to the Panic of the Court of Vienna, who mufr. have yielded Parma and Placcntia at leaft, as an. Equivalent for a Peace between England and It is plain enough, that if thefe Points could have been gained, viz. a Peace with Spain, by making Don Philip a Sovereign in Italy j and one in the Empire, by annexing Ozna- brug to the E c, the Grandeur of the Houfe of Aufiria, and the Ballance of . Power would be quite forgot by the moft puiffant of the prefent Auxiliaries of that tottering Houfe. This, I think, proves evidently, that the Support of the Houfe of Auftria was but the fecondary View of the Court of L n, in the expenfive Figure (he makes on the Rhine. England, certainly, has an Intereft in accommodating her Difputes with Spain ; but undoubtedly fhe can have none in aggrandi- zing the E e ; and yet if France had been able to gain on Prujjia and Ho!la?ul to agree to xhefecuhrizing Scheme, the Queen of Him- garx;who ftood E d(o much of late, muft b^oBl^tf ftSi&fcee totneTerms of F, ance.T\\z StfedifcW'6? ^^pwents bas hindered the n<3^imcijirrof this Nature is inlurmounta- v-niqm^T ^ [3i i ble, we may expect that France will, iooner or later, extricate herfelf, by procuring Ad- vantages for an E- e that had contributed fcarcc curred. The Neg( and E d, opened Way for an Attempt of one between the Courts of Madrid and Turin ; but it had no other Effect than to quicken the Pace of that of Vienna, the floweft in the World, to adjuft all Difficulties between her and the Court of Turin, I won't anfwer, however, that this laft Court, who under- ftands her Interefts perfectly well, won't lif- ten with Serioufnefs to Spain if fhe exceeds in her Offers ; and that the French join the Spa* niards in Savoy. But the greateft Pains, at leaft the moft general, were taken to gain the Court of Berlin* E d would naturally have greateft Influence there if her K had not been a neighbouring E — — *r : But, notwithstanding* a Prejudice on this Account, which is not like to be eafily effaced, fhe would fucceed before France, if fhe had acted diftinctly from H— r: But by being led into the Scheme for fecula- tne uvertures 01 trance prereraDie .tp^i ,o- thers. France improved this Ag v ^TO^[gfiii concluded a Treaty with .^f^^^fj^j^ill [32 ] Empire, and even to abandon all Thoughts of making Conqueils on France ; or, at leaft, of detaining fuch Conquefts, fhould fhe be fo fuccefsful as to make any. This, in my Apprehenfion, was the only Treaty brought to Perfe&ion at this P'acc, tho' fome others were fo advanced, that they may be foon concluded : But as any fignai Succefs in the Field, on either Side, muft change the Syftem of the principal Parties, there is no judging how far Demands may rife or fall : This, however, we may conclude, that whenever Peace ismade,it will be at the Expence of the Que en of Hungary , in Italy as well as in Germany, provided any Acqui- fitions of Power or Territory can be gained by France to H r. Here centers all the Politics of the Court of £ n ; here centers alfo the Expence of E d ; therefore, if France can, by any Scheme, procure Advan- tage here, the Weight of E d necef* farily fubfides on that Side. Farewel, my noble Friend ; if I fhould be fo unhappy as to differ with your Notions of public Affairs, let me (land excufed, for fol- lowing thofe of all our refined Politicians here: But, however, I may happen to difa- gree with you in political Speculations, I fliall be all my Life long, Tour's, Sec. F I N.I S. A Congratulatory LETTER To a Certain Right Honourable Perfon> U P O N H I S Late Disappointment* [Price Six-pence. 3 1 3 ! A Congratulatory LETTER To a Certain Right Honourable Per/on, UPON HIS Late Disappointment. Tbefe are not Ills, elfe would they never fall On Heav'n's firft Favorites, and the Bejl of Men. Addison's C a t o. LONDON: Printed by and for J. Mechell, at the King's- Arms in Fleet-ftreet. i*£. 10 %m0 g * f Q iHfitgno: ;0 DffiRl rroqrj t d iliw uo7 -u ,odw f 3#0 Congratulatory Letter To a Certain Right Honourable Perfom Mv L-— -r>, T a Time when many of your L ps Friends are condoling with you upon your iate Difap- pointment, you will perhaps be furprized at receiving a congratu- latory Epiftle, upon the fame Oe- cafion, from One, who, as you will B fee C 10 ] fee by the Sequel, is much better* acquainted with you, than you imagine ; and who has as much real Friend/hip for you, as, I be^ lieve, any Body can have. You will think too, perhaps, that I begin a little ftrangely, when I afliire you that from the Moment I heard your L- — — p had folicited his M y to make you Firft C r of the T y, I fincerely wifh'd you might not fucceed in your Attempt. And from what I can gather, from the many different Companies I have fince been in, I believe your L p was the only Perfon in England that wiflfd to fee you in that E — p — t : For all your Friends ought to have fear'd it for your Sake, as all your Enemies did C «] did for that of the Reft of their Fellow Subjects. And in order to give you as much Joy as poflible upon this Qccaiion, I will firft point out to you the many Dangers and Diffi- culties that would certainly have attended your being Firft C r of the T y, and afterwards fhew you the real Advantages that will infallibly accrue to you, from this lucky Defeat of your ill^judg'd Pretention. To begin then — - It has in fome Degree prefeiVd your Reputation, by keeping that Word Sacred which you have fo often given of never coming into E- — p — t ; for, give me Leave to tell you, that many more, befides Myfelf, have often heard you, ferioufly in private Com- B x pany Km 1 pany, and folemnly in the H — e of C — s, declare; that upon no Account whatever you would accept of a Tl-e. Thefe Words, which you have often faid, thefe repeated De- clarations had great Weight. Had you then been placed in this high O e, dont you believe fome ill- naturd People might have been apt to have recolledled thofe Words ? And might not they, with fbme Colour of Juftice, have re- proach'd your L p with Breach of Faith, cancefd Promife, and Want of Truth ? Indeed, my L— d, I fee it in this Light, and there- fore mull again congratulate your L — p that I can defy the molt malicious of your Enemies to fay yp v u are in Place ; of which, I af- fure you, I am fincereiy glad. ~bm\i% I have 1 *3 ] I have another weighty Reafon to offer to you. but I Ihall not enforce that : I mean the Dangers and Dif- ficulties that attend that important P— ft, you are fo fortunately dis- appointed of You, my L— d, know em fo well, and put the late Mi- nifter under fo many, that it woud be needlefs. And whatever you may think, believe me, when I fay, there are now in Being many Per- fons of Malice and Envy enough to have refolv d to do all they cou d to have rendered your Mini- ftry as troublefome to you as pof fible. You mull be fenfible that your Jieady ConduEt has created you fome Enemies; I am fure the Tories dont approve of your defer* ting them ; and I believe you have no great Reafon to hope ^ tfos- Friend- Friendfhip of the Whigs. Thefe two Parties might have rendered your minifterial Situation uneafy to you. What might not they have done? No body knows better than Yourfelf the Deafnefs and In- folence of a Majority . You might have been facrific d in the very firft Year of your Adminiftration. Th$ Peerage you fo lately and honoura- bly obtained (with fuch diftin- guifhing Marks of your S n's Favour in the giving it) might have been tore from you ; Mr G — /§ Fortune might have reverted to the Publick ; and L— d B ds lawful Heirs have enjoy'd their Fa- mily Eftate. In fhort, they might have purfued your own Precept; They might have vow'd your De- ftru&ioii, and accomplish 'd it. But 1 [ ^ 1 But out of all this Danger, out of all thefe Difficulties, has his M y$ molt gracious RefufaL happily deliver'd you : Surely then your L- p muft agree with Me, that this is a Time for Congratu- lation, and not for Condolance. But to go on—— I have in fome of your L< p s (former) Writ- ings read, that a certain Clofet was often an uneafy Place, in tranfac^ ting Bufinefs, to the late Minifter (I mean L--d d, for poor L~- d W n was never counted one) and yet it appeared plainly to all the World, about the Time of his Fall, that he had fome Degree of his M- r's Favour, that he was • not quite indifferent to him.*- • Now, my L— d, you muft be con- fcious, from fome Particulars that you C «*] you know, and I could mentioiij that you are not yet a perfonal Favourite, not quite agreeable to his M »y : Nay, it has been imagin'd, that if there s a Man in England that he thinks (however unjuftly, and to be fure from the Calumny and Detra&ion of the late M r) has eflentially in- jured him, 'tis Your L- p ; Pray then let me ask you, whether you don t think it would have been a little unpleafant to have been o- blig'd every Day to go into that Clofet upon Bufinefs, and to ask Favours for Yourfelf, and your Friends, from a M- who is no Hypocrite, and naturally warm ; who has conceived a thorough Diffi- dence and Diftruft of you ; who believes you to be of an inconftant, rapacious c 173 rapacious Temper ; who does not think you his Friend, and can no longer fear you as his Enemy. In my own Cafe, I fhould think it Matter of great Joy to be pre- vented from entering upon fb dis- agreeable a Scene of Bufinefs ; and therefore cannot help once more giving your L p Joy upon it. But befides all this, yourL p cannot be ignorant that it has been, and I dare fay ever will be, the Fate of all M- rs to be very much abus'd. The defamatory Li- bels of ancient Times you have read, of modern ones you have wrote : And furely your L p cannot flatter Yourfelf fo far, as to imagine, That had your late De- figns been unfortunately fuccefiful, you would have been an Exception C to [ i8 ] J to this General Rule (the only One I know of without an Exception.) Such Flattery muft have been vain, and from the natural Propensity of Mankind to abufe, and the few finall Specimens you have receiv'd of it fince your Entry into the Ca- binet Council, you muft be con- vincd of it. Befides, the Road to Minifterial Abufe is now made ex- tremely plain, and eafy : All Ex- amples of bad Minifters of all Coun- tries are now colle&ed, out of an infinite Number of Volumes, into a very narrow Compafs. I have now by me a Book whofeName you may have heard of, calfd the Craft [man ; in which is cohtaind the Hiftory and Application of e- very infamous Statefman, that, t believe, ever exifted, and the In- de.v dex to it is io good, that the poor- eft Genius may in a Moment find fomething againft any thing a Minifter can do. Every one of thofe Papers were either your Child or your Ward. You Sow'd thefe Teeth, and they wou'd certainly have produc'd numberlefs armed Men againft you. All the Applica- tions would foon have been made to You, and You wou'd have been aftonilh'd to have feen the Pi&ure You drew for the worft of Men, become of a fudden extremely like Yourfelf. But this alfo is now prevented by his M- y's kind Interpola- tion, and this real Inftance that your Friend, C — -7? has given you of his zealous Attachment to your U;ue Intereft. C r Having Jl{ [20 1 Having now finiflfd that Part, which relates to what your Situa- tion wou'd have been, had you been appointed Firft C r of* the T y; I lhall proceed to fhew you the Happinefs of your preient Condition in another Light than that in which I fancy you fee it. In the firft Place, it will enable you to fpend the remaining Part of your Life in a more eafy and tranquil Manner than the Hurry of Bulinefs permits. You will now have nothing to hinder you from taking care of your Health, and enjoying the Country Air, and Mr -ds ingenious Converfation on a .Saturday at Richmond : You may now unwanted pafs away a whole Summer at any Mortal's Seat that [21 ] that will be fo good to invite you ; and from thence, if 'tis a fporting Country,, fet up your old Trade a- gain with your Poulterer. As you have luckily no Place, you may with greater Weight folicit the M rs for other Things You know bell what to ask for; but however I will hint one or two Things that I don't believe you wou d diflike. What think you of another Grant from the Crown e- qual to yourLaft? Or a certain Pro- mife of ten thoufand more Tickets in the next advantageous Lottery than you had in this? But what is above all thefeConfiderations, you will now have it in your Power to enjoy the Company of your own Family undifturbed, and to tafte all the focial Pleafures of a private C 3 ' -^life [22] Life unmolefted. You, and your ferene C fs will now have full Leifure to attend to your domeftick Oeconomy, and the Management of your immenfe Fortune : A Fortune not got from the Publick ; not (queezd from the hard Hands of Peafants; not folio w'd by the Cries and Curfes of a plunder d and un- done People: No, my L d, excepting L d B ds Fa- mily, jf — n B r's Heirs, and thirty or forty more (for you were forcd to give the D — -fs of B m her Eftate back again) I don t know any Body that has lawful Grounds to repine at your L p s Riches. You will now continue to appear at Court in the amiable Character of an Independent Englt/bman. And what is ftill more ftrange and • >ci more [ 23 ] more honourable, in that of an In- dependent P r. t I am certain that is a Situation that mull be a- greeable to you ; becaufe I have often been prefent when you com- mended it fo far, as to be lavilh in its Praife. How many Times have I heard you bemoan and fcorn all Servitude but that to your Coun- try ! Continue,, my L d, in the Paths you now tread ; perfevere in your prefent Station ; and you will infallibly enjoy all that Reputation you delerve; and I don't believe there can be a Man found in Eng- land that can be mean enough to envy you. Tho' you are fiill a R~g--t, and of the C — t C 1; yet as you receive no Pay, you are not in Honour obligd to do any Service, C 4 nor [ H 3 nor to be attachd to any Miniftcr : You may freely communicate any Secrets to any Body you pleafe. In P— 1 you need not vote con-^ ftantly with any one Set of Men ; you may follow your own Inclina- tions, and by appearing fometimes on one Side, and fometimes on t'other, revenge yourfelf in this Manner a little for the unjuft ill Treatment, and Abufe, you have received from both Parties. . ^You mull alio be fenfible, and I am told you have complaind of the crtt&f importunities,, and preffing Ddires of your Friends (who they are I can't imagine) to make you acc^t { of the T*~ /: And I do agree*" 3^$fi you that their Beha- viour was not right with regard tQ • yq^S&d^ad tfreir J>wn Intereft more [■*$ 3 more than yours in View. But I do think that after you tell them how Kind his M y has been to you thro' this whole Affair, 'tis impoffible they Ihould ever mention it again to you, at leaft not foori ; for twptra be unreafon- able immediately after receiving this eflential, and diftinguifhing Mark of the K — — g s Favour, to folicit for another. I hope you now begin to reap fome of the Advantages I intended you by this Letter, and that before you have read thus far of it, you have felt much inward Joy and Sa- tisfaction, by refle&ing upon your Antagonififs unfortunate Succefs. To continue that Toy and Satif- fa6tion to you,, I fhall now point out another great 'Advantage that will t **3 will redottfld to you from your pre- fent delightful Situation ; which is, that you are now at Liberty to make whatever Promifes you pleafe to whoever you pleafe ; and the Non-performance of em cannot be obje&ed to you, as a Breach of Word (the Thing in the World you have always had the greateft Attention to) becaufe you may, with Truth, now tell your Depen- dents, that you have not been able to prevail in your Requeft ; that the Minifters woud not comply with it ; and that, in fhort, you have not the leaft Power or Inte- reft at C 1. This I don t doubt they will ealily be perfuaded of; this, unlefs they are blind, they will eafily feeivrno t o : n.oqn bruepb avswlfi yarn \xq\ djum ud I have C 27 ] I have now gone through what I at fir ft promis'd your L~ p; and thefe, my L d, were the Reafons that induc'd me to write you this Congratulatory Epiftle, which I don't doubt you will look upon in the Light I intended it. And I mull own, from what has happen d, that I firmly believe your entrufted > and faithful Friend L— d G / faw this whole Affair in the very Light I have here fhew'd it to your L —p. And he wou d certainly, if he had had Time (or been given to write Letters, which I am told he is not of late) commu- nicated fome fuch Reafons to your L p, to have juftify'd his Be- haviour towards you in this Affair and to have con vine d you how much you may always depend upon his C 28 ] his Friendfhip. For elfe 'tis im« poffible while he was the only Mi- nifter near the K — g, while his M y was yet enjoying the Tri- umph of a Victory, to which his L p was the only Engli/hman whole Councils had contributed* that had he been inclined to have 5 prcfsd his M y to have com- ply'd with your Requeft, he could have faild of Succefs. You know his Art, and every Body is fenfible of his Power. But, my L-.-d, he knew your Intereft well, and pur- fued it rightly ; and rather than cxpofe you to the infinite Perils into which you was running, he chofe to aflift your Rival's Preten- fions, and back his Demands. But why do I fay all this ? the Truth and Particulars of which you mult by tm by this Time be as fenfible of, as you are of L— d C- fs Friend- Ihip, or your own Happineft. I can t conclude without offering to your L p another Thought of mine, which, tho' foreign to the prefent Purpofe, yet as it re- lates to you only, I fhall embrace this Opportunity of laying it be- fore you, and fo fave your L p and myfelf the Trouble of another Letter. I muft own I wifli, that inftead of the prefent Honours that are be- ftow'd in England, there were fome that could be confer'd only upon Defert. The Romans had one Sort of Diftintlion, the fame with that I Want to fee eftablifh'd here. Af- ter any glorious Conqueifl they added a Surname to the Hero that [ 3° ] that gaind it ; and by fuch Sur- names they were afterwards known and efleem'd. Cuius Martins was very defervedly call'd Coriolanus ; and the Two Scipios obtain'd, one the Name of The Afiatick, the other that of The African. Thefe Denominations carried Veneration and Honour with them, where the Title and the Merit were couchd under the fame Word. Now it woud have pleas'd me, and many others very much, if inftead of your P ge you had had fome Appellation of this Sort given to you : But fince it was not, I will myfelf propofe one, that muft have been agreeable to you, becaufe it woud have been fo to the whole Nation. Your famous Conquefl ■ ttocfu over [ 3i 3 over Sir R 1 ft?— — e, and your kind Treatment of him after- wards (fo much to the Satisfaction of thefe injured Kingdoms) deferv'd to have you made known to the jprefent Age, and render'd immor- tal to Pofterity by the Name of P y the JValpolian. But, my L — d, you know there were other Appellations, by which the Romans diitinguifhd thofe who they thought had deferv'd well of the Commonwealth: A Title of the Sort I am going to mention might perhaps pleafe you better. Caffius, for his Share in the cow- ardly Murder o£ Julius C&far, was at his Death calfd, The Lafl of Romans': I fhall improve upon that Appellation, and be ready to own upon upon all Occafions, that you are what I really think you, %i)t 2Uft of $)cm / am, t * a. «• . * MyL — Z), • ■ lour L — />V, Sic, FINIS. Property Inviolable- Or, some REMARKS U P O N A P AM PHLE T ENTITULED, Prescription Sacred. O magna vis veritatis, quiz contra Hominum in- genia, calliditatem, folertiam, contraque flffas omnium infidias 9 facile fe per feipfam de- fendat. Cic. pro Ccelio. afcaa DUBLIN: Printed in the Year M,dcc,xxxvj 3 • • - •. m Property Inviolable, Sfi£ AS there are forhe things in the Parri-* phlet mentioned in the Title Page* which have a Tendency to weaken Property in general ; and as it is the Bufinefs and Duty of every Man in a freeCoun* try, to afiert the Rights of his fellow Subjects % 1 thought it incumbent upon me to publifh the following Remarks 2 Wherein I have confider- ed the Clergy meerly in their Temporal not in their Spiritual Capacity j hot as Clergymen but as Subjects. I hope I have corifidered the mat- ter impartially. I can allure the World, there is no Biafs of Intereft upon my Mind : I am neither Clergy-man, Impropriator nor Lay* Patron: Nor have I any Sort of Intereft, irt any kind of Tythes whatfoever, A As (4) As far as I have been able to difcern the meaning and Intention of the Author, in the Pamphlet above mentioned, It is to fhew, That the Clergy of Ireland have no legal Right to Tythe of Agiftment : That at beft, their Right is extremely doubtful ; and that, whatever Right they may have in this Cafe, the L/egiflature may very juftly take it away. I (hall firft Endeavour, to mew, that the Clergy of Ireland have an undoubted Right to theTythe inQueftion, both by theCommon and Statute- Law », and fliall then confider the Au- thor's Objections. . CT It was never doubted that Tythe of Agift- ment is due in England by the Common-Law, The Law Books are full of Authorities to that Purpofe ; and it is not pretended that there is any One Authority to the contrary. Whence it evidently follows, that it is due in Ireland by the fame Common-Law. For the Common* Law of England? by being Introduced here, has utterly abolifhed the Antient Cuftoms, or Common-Law of Ireland: The former has been fubftituted in place of the latter, and is become the Common-Law of Ireland'. And any Ufage or Cuftom in this Kingdom? againft Tythes that are payable by the Common-Law, can be of no greater force here, than fuch a Cuftom wou'd be in England. Our Author feems to have been very fenfible of this; And therefore Endeavours to fhew, that a Cuftom againft Tythe of Agiftment wou'd be valid in England. But I hope I mall be^able to prove, that the Law is clearly other- wife, Ic (5) It wou'd be endlefs to quote all the Authori- ties that might be found to fupport this Opini- on. 1 (hall only mention two or three •, Hav- ing never met with any Authority againft it. The Learned Seldcn, in the 13 th Chapter of his Hiftory of Tythes, fays exprefsly, That ever fmce the Parochial Right of Tythes was Eftablifhed in England ', which was a little after the Conqueft. The Laity have been held inca- pable of being difcharged from Tythes by Prefcription. It is exprefly refolved in the Cafe of the Bifhop of JVinchefter, which is reported by my Lord Coke, in the 2 Book of his Reports Fol. 44, an Author no way remarkable for being too great a favourer of the Clergy. That prefcrip- tions in favour of the Laiety, againft payment of Tythes, are not to be allowed, where there is no modus or Compofition : And the reafon of the Law, upon that Point, is there given in thefe Words. " The Law had great Policy herein; for the fvhich treats oF that Matter at large, in the 55th Chapter of the 2d Dialogue-, and there., fore my Lord Coke's Opinion, which he deliver* very concifely, and without entering into the Reafon of the Thing, is to be explained by the Treatife upon that Subject at large in Doclor and Student ; And there the Queftion was, whe- ther the Statute of 45 Ed. III. which took away Tythe of great Trees, was againft Con- fcience or Religion : And it is there objected, that Tythes are due by the Law of God ; and therefore no Statute, nor Prefcription, nor Cujlom of the Realm againft Tythes, can be valid : To which the Author Anfwers, that the JL-aw of God requires every Man to give a rea- fonable Portion of his Goods Temporal to them, £hat minifter to him Things Spiritual. But does not precifely require that the Tenth fhou'd be paid for that Purpofe-, and he fays, theRea- fon why the Chriftian Church Ordain'd the Tenth part to be paid, was, becaufe there was no Caufe why the People of the new Law mould pay lefs to the Minifters of the new Law, than the People of the old Teftament gave to the Minifters of the old Teftament : But yet, fince the Tenth was not exprefly required by the Law of God under the new Teftament, he is of Opi- nion that humane Laws have a Power over it : From whence he concludes, that a whole Coun- try may prefcribe againft Tythes, both of Corn and Grafs, and all other Tythes, provided the Clergy have a fufHcient Portion befides : For, fays he, it were hard to fay that all the Men of Italy or of the Eaft Parts be' damned, becaufe they pay nof Tythes; prom whence his Meaning appear* ( « ) appears clearly to be, that the common or Sta- tute Law of any Country, on their receiving the Chriftian Religion, may, without Violat- ing any exprefs Law of God, Eftablifh any "other Reafonable Method of Subfifting the Mi- nifters of the Gofpel in (lead of Tythes : But it by no means follows from thence, that, after Tythes are Eftablifhed in any country by the common Law of the Nation, any Part of fuch a Country can difcharge it'felf from Tythes by any Cuftom or Prefcription, in Contradiction to the common Law of the Land. Our Author quotes the 15th of the Articuli Cleri exhibitted by Arch-Bifhop Bancroft, and the Anfwer of the Judges, to fhew that Pre- fcriptions were then allowed in non Decimando. The Senfe of the Article and the Anfwer is no more than this. M The Temporal Judges, fay the Clergy, * c pretend that we are not content in our Spi- •■ ritual Courts with over-ruleing Cuftoms in *■ non decimando. But alfo difallow of Cuftoms «' de modo decimandi: whereas, the truth is, € * that we allow of all lawful Cuftoms concern- $t ing Tythes. The Judges make Anfwer; that "where *'* Suits have been in the Spiritual Courts for ee Tythes in kind, they have been always pro- tc hibited by the Temporal Courts, where any * 4 Modus Decimandi appeared, oranyCompo- •' fition or Agreement, whereby fomething has " been given in difcharge of Tythes, or to al- ** ter the manner of Tything : Bfcaufe all Pre- " fcriptions and Compofitions in thefe Cafes M arc to be tryed at the Common Law. Now, (") Now, For my Part, I can't, Imagine how our Author cou'd infer from the above menti- oned Article or the Anfwer to it, that Cuftom or Prefcription was then allowed in non deciman- do : I think it clearly implys the contrary ; For it appears from the whole Import of the An- fwer, that the Judges intended to mention the feveral Caufes Grounded on Prefcription or Compofition, on Account of which the Tem- poral Judges prohibited Suits for Ty thes in the Spiritual Courts ; And if the Temporal Courts had at that Time granted Prohibitions on Ac- count of Prefcription in non Decimando, the Judges wou'd no doubt have mentioned Such Prefcription, as one of the Grounds of Pro- hibition, as well as Prefcription in modo Deci- tnandi. Our Author is of a Opinion that whatever the Common Law might have been touching Prefcriptions in non Tiecimando^ fuch Prefcrip- tions are confirm'd by the Statute of 2d Ed. 6, C. 13. The words of the Statute which our Author relyes on, come in under a Provifo, and are thefe f* That no Perfon fhall be compelled to *' pay any Manner of Tythes for any Lands •* Tenements or Hereditaments, which by the " Laws and Statutes of this Realm, or by any * c Priviledge or Prefcription, are not chargea- *' ble with the Payment of any fuch Tythes. If the Statute had intended to Confirm Cuf- toms which were void by the Common Law, jfo material and fo important an Alteration in the Law wou'd fcarce have been introduced by { " ) %vay oFProvifo; which, ex Vi termini. Imports no new Right, but a laving of the Old. My Lord Coke in his 2d Injiitute explains the above Provifoe in this Manner ; He fays that under the word Laws are commprehended Quarrys, Marl, and the like, which are exempt- ed from Tythes by the Common Law : under the word Statutes are comprehended the Lands offome of the Religious Houfes that had been diffolved in the Preceding Reign •, For thofe Lands having been exempted from Tythes, whilft they continued in the PoffefTion of the Religious Houfes, that Exemption was continued to the Lands of fome of thofe Houfes, by the Statutes which diffolved them : By the word Priviledge,. he fays, are taken in the Lands of certain Orders, fuch as the Ciftercians* Hofpita- lars and Templars, which were exempted from Tythes by a Privilege granted to them by the Council of Lateran, and allowed by the gene- ral Confent of the Realm : And he fays, that by the word Prefcription, Modus 9 s are under- ftood.- So that the Senfe of the above Claufe, according to my Lord Coke's Explanation, is no more than this ; That no Tythes fhall be paid any where for anything which isdifcharg- ed from Tythes either by the Common or Sta- tute Law, or by any Priviledge granted by the Common Law to any Religious Order, or by any modus Decimandi : But it did not enter in- to my Lord Coke's Thoughts that the Statute cou'd ever be underftood to confirm any Cu- Itom againft Tythes, that was avoid Cuftom by the Law of the Land : Indeed the whoje Pur- port and Tenor of the Act is for the Benefit of the (*3 ) the Clergy, and to encourage and promote fhs Payment of Tythes. But, fays our Author, it is" inequitable. thaC all Cuftoms fliou'd be valid, which favour the Clergy, but none that make againft them. If that were really the Cafe, perhaps there might be fome Reafon to complain ; But in Truth the Clergy of thefe Kingdoms have loft by Cuftoms and Prefcriptions much more than they have gained ; As will be Evident to any one, who confiders the feveral fmall Sums that have been Eftablifhed in many Places, by im- memorial Ufage, in lieu of diverfe Kinds of Tythes, which accordnig to the prefent Value of Money, are in no Sort an adequate Satis- faction for the Tythes in Kind. Prefer iption gives a Right upon this Princi- ple that the continual Enjoyment is evidence of a lawful Commencement, founded on the Agreement of the Parties interefted. Tho' the written Evidences of the Right may have been loft by Length of Time : And no Cuftom or Prefcription is good, that cou'd not have had a lawful Beginning. Now tho' the Clergy had a Power by the Common Law to alien the Re* venues of the Church, yet thofe who exercifed that Power were guilty of a Crime in foro con- fcienticz -, And the lay Men who purchased thole Revenues were Partakers in the Guilt ; And this might be one of theReafons why a Cuftom of not paying Tythes, or any thing in lieu of them, was diffallowed by the Common Law: $nd befides, it wou'd be hard that the Neglect of a Parfon, who has only an Intereft for his talk in the Benefice, -fhou'd prejudice his Suc- cefibr 3 ( H) ceflbr j And if Cuftoms of that Sort were al> lowed, an indolent or difhoneft Parfbn might lay fuch a Foundation foranUfage of that kind, as might very poftibly be impofed upon his Succeflbr for an Immemorial Cuftom : But as none of thofe Reafons can be urged againft Cuftoms that Favour the Clergy, and as fuch Cuftoms ftand upon the general Reafon of all other Lawful Cuftoms, it is juft and Equitable that Cuftotfoihou'd be allowed to give a Right to the Clergy, tho* there are fome Cuftoms a- gainft the Church which the Law, for fomc Special Reafons, difallows of. But admitting every thing our Author had faid in Favour of Prefcription againft Tythes, it wou*d have no Weight in the prefent Queftion j Becaufe fytbes of Agifiment or Pafturage arc* payable in this Kingdom by Ad of Parliament, as well as by the Common Law* The Statute of 33. H. 8. Sefs, 1. Chap. 12* Recites, " That many Perfons" inhabiting iri Sundry Countrys and Places of Ireland* not regarding their Dutys to Almighty God, but in few Years paft more contemptuouQy, and commonly prefuming to offend and In- fringe the good and wholefome Laws of this" Land of Ireland, than in Times paft hath been feen or known, have not letted to fub- ftract and withdraw the Lawful and accuf- tomed Tythes of Corn Hay Pafiurages and other Sorts of Tythes and Oblations ; And EnaBs, that all Perfons of the Kingdom of Ireland fhall fully, truly and effectually di- vide, fet out, yield and pay all and fingular £ Tythes and Offerings afore/aid , according to ( *5) *« the lawful Cuftoms and Ufages of the ftu * rilhes and Places, where fuchTythes or Dtf- ** tys fhall arife or become due. I believe no one Will fay, that, becaufe the Statute directs the feveral Sorts of Tythes to be paid According to the feveral lawful Ufages and Cuftoms of the refpective Parifhes, it therefore eftablifhes any unlawful Cuftom of withholding Tythes intirely : For thofe words clearly relate to the Manner or modus of pay- ing Tythes, and not to the unlawful Cuftom of not paying Tythes at all : The whole Import and Tenor of the Statute is to Encourage and promote the due Payment of Tythes ; and there is not the lead room to imagine that the Sta- tute intended to eftablifh any Cuftom or Pre- fcription againft Tythes, that was void by the Law as it flood before the making of the Act. It appears clearly from the Statute above quoted, that Tythe of Agistment or Pafturage Was once accuftomed in Ireland ; which intire- ly deftroys the Argument of immemorial Ufage and Prefcription againft it, fo much relyed on by our Author ; For my Lord Coke, in the 1 1 5th Page of his firft Inftitute, lays it down as an undoubted Truth clear and uncontroverted in the Law, that no Ufage whatfoever has the Force of an Immemorial Cuftom or Prefcripti- on, where it appears by fufrkient Proof either of RecordorWriting, that it was ever otherwife : And he there Exprefly fays, that an Act of Parliament is fufficient Proof for that Purpofe 5 Nay, that it is the higheft Matter of Record, and the higheft Proof in the Law: But as this is a Matter as certain and as well known as any thing ( i«> thing in the Law, it wou'd be needlefs to quot$ Authoritys in Proof of it. Thus we fee, the Foundation upon which all the Objections againft Tythe of Agiflnientaxe built, is intirely removed, and that the only Argument* which can with any Colour be urged againft thi Right in this Gafe, is quite overthrown. And upon theWhole I think we may fairly conclude, that the Right in the prefent Cafe, is as clear and certain, as the Right of any lay Man to his Eftate 3 and that if the Common-Law of the Land, de- clared and confirmed by Act of Parliament, cant give an Undoubted Right; If the concurrent Opinions of all the Judges of our Laws in all Ages, as far back as we have any written Evi- dence of the Law, can put any Matter of right beyond doubt •, The Clergy of Ireland have an undoubted right to Tythe of Agiftment. Let the Impartial Reader then Judge, with what Colour our Author cou'd fay, that the Right in thii Cafe depends upon a General Maxim, built on 4 falfe Suppofition, and of undetermined Extent. I believe our Author was aware that his Ar- guments againft the Right to the Tythe in Que- ftion cou'd not be fupported ; and therefore has Recourfe to another way of arguing upon that Subject. No Property, fays he, can ft and before a ft rut Conftruclion of the Common Law ; and therefor 6 cur Conftitution has appointed Courts cf Equity and good Confcience, which being duely aided by Ails of "Parliament, moderate the Rigour of the Common Law, And he inftances the Statutes of Limitation, which have been made to quiet Poffejfions in private, Property 5 and feems to £hinl$ ( '7 ) Think that the Demand ofTytht di Agiftment in this Kingdom, being made againft Purchafers for valuable Confideration without notice, ought to be barr'd by our ordinary Courts of Equity *, or at leaft by the Legiflature ; which he feems to confider for this purpofe as a Tranfcendental or extraordinary Court of Equity, whofe bufinefs it is to carry matters of Equity higher and fur- ther than the ordinary Courts of Juftice take upon them to do. This indeed is aplaufibleWay of Speaking; but when it comes to be confider'd, it will be found to have no fort of weight in the prefent Queftion. Our Author feems to miftake the Nature and Defign of Courts of Equity in our Conftitution : Thofe Courts don't in any Inftance whatfovever take away any Right which any honeft Man has by the Common Law of the Land ; nor were they ever intended for any fuch purpofe : Their pro- per Bufinefs is to relieve honeft Men againft Fraud and Circumvention ; and to carry Confi- derations of that Sort, in their Decifions of Pro- perty, further than the ftrid Forms and Me- thods of proceeding in the Common Law cou'd well allow ; and for that Reafon they are call'd Courts of Confcience : But every one who is in the leaft Converfant in the Principles of thofe Courts, knows, that no Court of Equity ever protected any Perfon whatfoever againft an ho- neft Man, who had a legal Right by the Com- mon Law of his Country. Courts of Equity do indeed refufe to give their Aid againft an ho- neft Purchafer without Notice •, and they do fo, wpon this Principle, that where both Parties are B honeft, ( i8) honeft , thofe Courts do not interpofe at all, but fuffer the Common Law in fuch cafes to take it's Courfe ; and leave the Party to his remedy in the Common Law Courts •, or if they do in- terpofe, they determine according to the Prin- ciples of the Common Law, But there is a Wide difference between a Court of Equity's fcreening or protefting a Perfon from a Demand that may be made againft him in a Common- Law-Court-, and it's refufing to give Relief againft that Perfon. It is not confident with the Practife of any Court of Equity, nor indeed with the natural Principles of Reafon and Juftice, that any Man in any Circumftances, fhou'd be protected by any Court of Juftice whatfoever, whether ordinary or extraordinary, againft the juft and honeft Right of another, which he may have a Remedy for in another Court. Purchafers without notice of the Right of Tythes, are fo far from being intitled to any fpecial Protection, or extraordinary Favour from the Legiflature, that they are not even intitled to the common Regard that is fhewn by Courts of Equity to Purchafers without Notice of a private Right. For there is a manifeft Difference between a Purchafer without Notice of a Right which arifes from a private Deed or Family- fettlement, which the Purchafer had no way to come to the Knowledge of; and a Purchafer without Notice of a general Right, which affects all the Land in the Kingdom ; and arifes from the Common Law of the Country, which every Lawyer in the Nation cou'd have informed him of, if he had been at the trouble of afking. I can't ( 19) I can't imagine how the Statutes of Limita- tion cou'd enter into our Authors thoughts upon this Occafion ; furely he can't think thofe Sta- tutes are an inftance of the Legiflatures interfer- ing in private Property. It appears from one of our oldeft Books in the Law, called the Mir- ror, Chap. 5. Sect. 1, that Suits were, in gene- ral limitted by the Common Law to a reafona- ble Time ; and the Statutes of Limitation, con- forming to the Reafon of the Common Law, have fix't the Time for profecuting the feveral Kinds of Suits, which the Common Law did not precifely determine : And none of thofe Sta- tutes extend to Perfons that were not barr'd by length of time by the Common Law ; fuch as Ideots, Infants, &V. and there is an exprefs laving for the Rights of the Clergy in our * B 2 Statutes * The Claufe in the Statute is in thefe Words. " Provided alfo and be it further enacted and declar'd " by Authority of this prefent Parliament that this " Act, or any Claufe, Article, Sentence or Matter •* therein contain'd, fhall not extend unto any Caftle, " Honors, Manors, Lands, Tenements, Heredita- " ments, Tythes, Penfions, Portions, Obventions, " Oblations, or any other annual cafual or hereditary " Profits or other Rights or Pofleffions whatfoever, of " any Arch-Bifhoprick, Bilhoprick, Deanry, Arch- " deacon ry, Prebend, Parfonage, Vicarage, or any 44 other Ecclefiaftical or Spiritual Living, or as be- ** longingorappertainingthereuntOjClaim'dbyanyEc- ** cJefiaftical or Spiritual Perfon or Perfons whatfoever. Cl But that they and every of them, their and every of " their SucceiTors, fhall and may have, maintain and " purfue, all and finguiar fuch Writs Actions and «« Suits, (20) Statutes of Limitation of 10. Car. i. Scfs. i. C. 6, and indeed the Common Law touching Prefcription againft Tythes, being founded on great Wifdom and Policy, it wou'd be aground- lefs and pernicious Innovation to alter it. But admitting it were now reafonable to makeaSta- tute of Limitation for that Purpofe •, was there ever a Statute which took away the Right of any Man, in regard to the length of Time al- ready paft ? Do's not every Statute of that Sort give a reafonable Time after the making of the Act, for Perfons to Commence their Suits, who have any legal Right at that Time ? And wou'd not any Statute that were otherwife, be a direct Violation cc Suits, for any of the Rights or PofTeflions of any of * c . their Churches, and make fuch Entries there into " in fuch like Manner and Form to all Intents, Con- ". ft ructions and Purpofes, as they or any of them tc fhou'd or might have, had, done, made, or purfu'd " before the making of this Act, and as though the " fame Act had never been made. And here I can't help obferving that the Word, Declared, in the above Provifo, (hews it was de- claratory of the Common Law; indeed, the Provifo fhews that the Common Law in that Point was agree- able to the Senfe of the Nation, as well after the Re- formation as before. And this may ferve as an An- fwer to what has been fuggefted by fome Perfons, that the Common Law touching the Matter in §>ueJlion is a Remnant of Popery. If the Principles of the Com- mon Law, are to be branded with the Name of Popery, becaufe they had their Rife before the Refor- mation ; fuch Doctrine will unhinge all the Property both of this and the neighbouring Kingdoms. But Arguments of this Sort are fcarce worthy of Notice, ( « ) Violation of private Property ; which always was, and ever mult be Sacred and Inviolable to a free People ? Our Author feems to have been fenfible that the Doctrine is in general true, that the LegiQa- ture have not a Right to interfere in matters of private Property ; and wou'd therefore endea- vour to (hew, that the LegiQature have formerly interpos'd in Cafes of Tythes, for which Pur- pofe he mentions the Statute of 45. Ed. III. which took away Tythe of Timber-trees ; and the Statute of II. Ed. 6. C. 13, which abo- lifh'd Tythe of Marriage-portions, that had by Cuftom prevail'd in fome parts of Wales \ and the Statutes made in the Reign of Hen. VIII. which took away the Poflfeflions of Religious Houfes ; and the Statutes o; Mortmain. I can find no other Statutes, befides thofe above meri- tion*d, that can with any Colour be urged in the prefent Queftion, fave only the Statute which eftablimes a Modus in England of $s. per. Acre for the Tythe of Flax and Hemp; and 2. and 3, Ed. VI. C. 13. which, for encouraging the Improvement of barren Ground, exempts fuch Land from Tythes, for feven years after it is improv'd, provided it was fo barren as never to have yielded any Tythes before. I mall confider all thefe Statutes in their or- der, and ihall endeavour to fhew that they can have no Sort of weight for our Author's purpofe. As to the Statute of 45. Ed. III. C. 3. it ex- tends only to great Trees, and does not take away any thing which the Clergy had a Right to before ', for it is declaratory of the Common Law, as appears from the Authority already B 3 quoted (22 ) quoted in Salkeld : The fame alfo appears from Doclor and Student •, a Book of great Authority, in the 55. C. of the 2d Dialogue., where it is exprefly held, that noTythe of Trees was pay- able by the Common Law, tho' it was other- wife of the Fruit of Trees ; and that tho' Tythe of Under-wood was payable by the Cuftoms of fome particular Places, yet Suits for Tythe of great Trees were generally prohibited before the , Statute •, the fame appears from many other Au- thorities, and indeed from the very Body of the Act it felf : For the Words of the Enacting part are thefe. // is Ordain* d and Efiabliflfd .that a Prohibition in this Cafe Jhall be granted, and upon the fame an Attachment, As it hath been us'd before this Time. It may be poffibly urged, that fome Doubts and Difputes .muft have arifen. at that Time touching the Tythe of Wood, other wife there wou'd have been no Occafion for the Statute ; and that as in, former Ages, where doubts have arifen touching the Rights of the Church, the Legiflature for the JPeace and Quiet of the Realm, have interpofed and removed thofe Doubts by Statutes explanatory of the Law, fo the Legifla- ture may properly interpofe in the prefent Que- ftion. To this it may be Anfwer'd ; that the Right to Tythe of Agiftment is clear and Certain ; but admitting it were doubtful; The Legiflature never did, nor can they ever Juftly, nor will they, I prefume, ever interpofe in Queftions of that Sort. I do allow that where Difputes have arifen in former Ages between, the Clergy and Laity concerning the Rights of the Church, the one (*3 ) one infilling on the Canon, and the other on the Common-Law : There the Legislature have in- terpos'd, and for the Peace and Quiet of the Realm have publifh'd and affirm'd the Com- mon Law ; and upon this Foundation it was, that the Statute of 45. Ed. III. above men- tion'd, was made: But in that Cafe the Com- mon Law was clear and Uncontro verted, and the Difputes arofe on the Difference between the Canon and Common Law : For the Clergy in thofe Popi/& times, having afTum'd to them- felves a Power of making Canons touching the Payment of Tythes, and Arch-Bifliop Stretford having before that Time actually made a Canon for Tythes of Wood, as appears from Seldens Hiftory of Tythes, the Legiflature thought proper to fupport the Common Law, in Oppofi- tion to the Practice of the fpiritual Courts found- ed on Canons made in Contradiction to the Law of the Land. But furely this can't, with any Colour, be call'd an Interpofing in any Que- flion or matter doubtful in Law touching pri- vate Property. No, the Legiflature ever did, and I hope, ever will leave Matters of that Sort to be determin'd in an ordinary Courfe of Juf- tice, by the Judges of the Laws, whofe proper Bufinefs it is to difcufs and decide Queftions of that Kind. As to the Statute which took away Tythe of Marriage-portions in IVales •, I take it to have been alfo declaratory of the Common Law, and I think the fame appears from the Statute itfelf ; the Cafe as it there appears was no more than this. B 4 When ( *4 ) When Lands in Wales, thro* civil DhTention, lay untilled ; the Tythes arifing from Pafture were found infufEcient to maintain the Clergy, and therefore anUfageprevail'd there, of Ty th- ing Marriage-portions ; which at that Time was tolerated from the Neceffity of the Thing : But when the Country became improv'd by Tillage, and the Reafon of the Ufage was by that Means taken away, the Cuftom became unreafonable, and confequently void by the Common- Law •, according to the Maxim quoted by our Author, CeJJantc ratione legis, cejfat ipfa, lex. And to prevent the fpiritual Courts from infilling on the Cuftom in Oppolition to the Common Law ; the LegiQature thought proper to declare the Cuftom unreafonable, and confequently void. Indeed I think our Author had better have omitted this Statute, which fhews that Cuftoms the moft oppofite and diffonant to the Nature of Tythes, have been indulged in Favour of the Clergy ; rather than that they fhou'd want a competent Maintenance. The Statutes which took away the PofTeflions of Religious Houfes in the Reign of Hen. VIII. can't be urged as anlnftanceof theLegiflature's taking away the private Property of the Subjects of the Realm. For thefe Religious Orders, af- ter the Reformation, did not deferve to be treat- ed as Subjects ; in regard that they adher'd to a foreign Jurifdiction, which the Reformation had utterly abolifh'd.* As - • *• ' ' ■ ■ - ■ , .-.-,. .> * The Legiflature, in all Countries, hath beyorJd fjueftion a Right to fuppnfs and Abolifh all orders to ( 25 ) As to the Statute Mortmain of Ed. I. It took away no Man's property : The Purport of the Statute is to reftrain all Bodies Politick, as well Temporal as Spiritual, from purchafing Lands ; and the Reafon is given in the Statute itfelf ; that Lords by fuch Purchafes loll: their Efcheats and Military Services, which were provided for the defence of the Realm. I can't fay but the Statute had a particular View to the Clergy ; and indeed I think the Laity in thofe times had juft Caufe to be jealous of the Wealth and Pow- er of an Order of Men, who own'd a foreign Jurifdiction, and fent great Part of their Wealth to Rome. As of Men that are hurtful to the Community ; as was done in the Suppreflion of Monaiteries ; and alfo to curb and reftrain the Wealth and Power of all fets of Men, whofe Wealth and Power may hurt the whole Body ; as was done by the Statutes of Mortmain, yet fo tender was the Legiflature of Property, in the Reign of Hen. VIII. That tho' the Reformation in Re- ligion, abfolutely requir'd that thofe Houfes of Super- ftition (hou'd be fuppreffed : Tho' it was Neceffary for the common Good, to check the Wealth of a Set of Men, whofe Religion led them to fend a great Part of their Wealth to a foreign Country, without bring- ing any thing back in return for it, but Popijb Bulls and Indulgences : The Legiflature, Notwithstanding, did not interpofe, until the Members of thofe Houfes had actually executed grants and Surrenders of their Eftates and Pofleffions to the Crown 5 in Considera- tion of which, the King granted them Pennons or made fome other Provifion for them during their j-iives. k ( 26 ) As to the Statute in England which gives a Modus for Tythes of Hemp and Flax, it does not, extend to Land formerly fown, there being an Exprefs faving in the Act for that Purpofe -, fo that it was not to the Prejudice of the Clergy ; or if it was, the Lofs was triffling and inconfi- derable, de minimis non curat Lex : But can this with any Colour be compared to the taking away from the Clergy of Ireland, Tythe of Agist- ment, which in many parts of the Kingdom, is vaftly more valuable than all the other Tythes that arife in thofe Parts. As to the Statute which exempted barren Land improved by Tillage, from Tythes, for the firft feven years after the Improvement, it extend- ed by the exprefs Words of the A£t, only to luch Lands as were fo barren that they never yielded Tythes before ; and therefore as it was made for the Encouragement of Tillage, it was in Effect for the Benefit of the Clergy. I have gone thro' all the Statutes I cou'd find, that can with any Colour be urged on this fub- iect ; and it is evident they don't in any fort in- fluence the prefent Queftion : And I think I may venture to fay, that there cannot a fingle Inftance be given, in this, or any other Free Na- tion, where the Legiflature, or any particular Branch of it, have interpos'd in Matters of Pro- perty, or obftructed the ordinary Courfe of Ju- flice in Queftions of that Sort •, much lefs have they taken away the private Property of any particular Man, or Body of Men, that were re- garded as Subjects of the Realm, without giving them a reafonable Equivalent, tho' even the Pub- lick Good requir'd fuchProperty to betaken away. Our (*7 ) Our Author wou'd willingly perfuade him- felf, that Houfe Money, Trades Money, and fuch other Tythes as depend upon the Cuftoms of particular Places, and are net due by the Common Law ; were Originally given in this Kingdom to fupply the want of Tythe of Agiji- ment: But this is ameer Conjecture without any Foundation of Reafon to fupport it. Are not fuch Tythes, as our Author mentions, given in England, where the Tythc in Queftion is uni- verlally paid? Nay, don't they chiefly pre- vail in Parts of this Kingdom, where Tythe of Agiftment is lead wanted ? and in Villages and Towns, were that Tythe cou'd not naturally arife ? I don't very well underftand what our Au- thor means by faying, that the Appointments af- ftgrfd to any part of the Church for publick Ser- vices, are pejfeffed in truft for the good of the. whole Community. If he wou'd thereby Infinuate, that the Clergy are to be confider'd In the fame Light with Officers who have civil Employments; I can by no means agree with him : Every one who is in the leaft Converfant with our Laws, knows, that the Chriflian Religion isfupported by the Law of God, and the Common Law of England ; That Offences againft it are punifh- able by the fame common Law > That it is an Effential Part of our Conftitution •, And that the Legiflature have neither Right nor Power to abolifti it. With what Foundation then can Chriftianiry be compared to the Bufinefs of a Civil Employment, or the Minifters of it to Civil Officers, who are meer Creatures of the State, may be new modell'd at the Pleafure of the (28 ) the Prince, and moft of them intirely aboliih'd without hurting our Conftitution ? But admitting the Miniftry of the Gofpel to be a meer civil Employment, even that Concef- lion wou'd not ferve our Author's Purpofe. If he be of Opinion that the Legislature can juftly leflen the Salarysof the prefent fet of Judges in England, or of any other Officer either in Eng- land or Ireland, who is Entitled to his Office for Life : I believe all Perfons, who are in the leaft Converfant in the Laws of thefe King- doms, wou'd be perfectly unanimous againft fuch an Invafion of Property. Admitting that the Legiflature hath fuch a Power, what wou'd induce them to exert it in the prefent Cafe ? Leaving the Support of the Clergy intirely out of the Queftion, is it of any Confequence to the Publick, whether this or that particular Man be intitled to this or that particular Rent-Charge, or other Profit arifing out of any particular Farm or Parifh ? Wou'd not theabolifhingTy/foof Agiftment, be, to take the Benefit of it from one private Man, and transfer it to another, from the Parfon to give it to the Land-lord ? No body can doubt, that if Tytbe of Agiftment or any other Tythe, were taken away, Landlords wou'd fet their Lands Proportionably higher ; As we fee at prefent in the Cafe of Impropriators: And I muft fub- mit it to the Publick, whether it wou'd con- tribute to the Benefit of Ireland, that a Number of Men, who expend their whole Income in the Kingdom, fhou'd have Part of their Revenues withdrawn from them, to be transferred to another ( »9) another Set of Men, many of whom confume their whole Fortunes in other Countrys. Admitting, that the Revenues of the Clergy might juftly be leffen'd, in regard that they are given them for publick Services, as our Author exprefies it ; Will that Reafon extend to lay Patrons and Impropriators, many of whom have Eftates of Inheritance, in Fee Simple to them and their Heirs for ever, in Tythes and Advowfons? Have not Men as good a Right to thofe Eftates, as to their Eftates in Land ? Or can there be any Reafon aflign'd,* why the Le- giflature fhou'd have a greater Power over the one, than the other ? Our Author feems to think, that the Endow- ments of Regulars, fhews that Tythes were more than fufficient for Support of the Parochial Cler- gy ; That the Clergy of Ireland are more am- ply provided for than the Clergy of England; And that the taking away Tythe of Agiflment* wou'd be the moft proper Method of leffening the Revenues of the Church, becaufe it doth not, like other Tythes, bear a Proportion to the Profit of the Farmer •, and therefore is not cal- culated according to the common Rules of Ju- ftice •, And becaufe it cannot be paid in Kind, and muft therefore in it's Nature occafion Law- fuits, and give the Clergy an Opportunity of op- prefling the Laity, and extorting more Mo- ney from them than the Tythes are worth •, and alfo becaufe it operates, on the ■prevailing Humour of the Protejlants deferting their Country. As to the Endowments of Regulars ; The Confequence our Author draws from thofe En- dowments, muft appear very Extraordinary to any ( 3° ) any Perfon who is at all acquainted with the Hiftory of thofe Times: For it there appeareth, that where ever Regulars were endow'd with Tythes, they Originally were the Parochial Clergy. As to the Difference which is pre- tended between the Provifion for the Clergy of Ireland, and that for the Clergy of England-, Every Body knows that the common Law con- cerning Tythes, is the fame in both Kingdoms ; And that there is very litttle Difference, in the Benefit arifing to the Clergy from the Cuftoms of particular Places in each Kingdom : whence it follows, that the Provifion for the Clergy of both Kingdoms, may, in a Moral or Political, tho' perhaps not in a Mathematical way of fpeaking, be juftfy called the fame : And Ire~ land can no more be faid to differ from Eng~ land, with refpect to the Provifion for the Cler- gy, than any particular Part of England can be faid to differ from the reft of that Kingdom in that refpec~t : And tho' the Parifhes of England, by means of the great Number of Inhabitants, may poflibly in fome Places be fmaller both in extent and Value, than feveral Parities in Ire- land ; Yet it can no more be inferred from thence, that the Provifion for the Clergy of Ireland ought to be leffen'd, than the fameConfequence can be drawn withRefpecl to different Parts of England, where the Pariihes are larger, and the "Inhabitants fewer in fome Places than in others : The Confequence I think wou'd be equally wrong in both Cafes ; For what is now thinly inhabited, may perhaps be quite otherwife in the Compafs of a few Years. Tho' ( 3i ) Tho' the Maintenance of our Clergy be gene- rally larger than that of the Clergy in England, it is not became the Church is more amply provided for here than in England, but becaufe the Number of our Clergy is much fmaller in Proportion to the Number of our Inhabitants, and many of our Parifhes are often united in one Hand. The Number of People is computed in England to feven Million: In Ireland to two Million. The beneficed Clergy in England art Ten Thou- fand: In Ireland but between feven and eight Hundred. If the Number of Clergy were as great in Proportion to that of the People in Ire- land, as it is in England, it wou'd quickly ap- pear that the Maintainance for them, at leaft in three of our Provinces was muchlefs, where the Impropriations are numerous. If the Rights of the Clergy were to be mo- delled by the Opinions and Humours of the Laity, according to every Change that might happen in the Circumftances of the feveral Parts of a Country ; it wou'd have a direct and necef- fary Tendency totally to alter the Conftitution of our Church, and to make the Clergy intire- ly dependant on the good Will of the People. Some general Method of fubfifting that Order muff, be adher'd to •, and it is impoffible to eftablifh any one for that purpofe, that will equally fit all Countrys, or all particular Parts of the fame Country in all Circumftances. But admitting that our Clergy have too much, wou'd it be reafonable, or expedient, or juft, to abolifh intirely any one Species or Branch of Tythes •, whereby the Clergy of fome particu- lar Parts of the Kingdom, wou'd be greatly af- fected, andthofe of other Parts at prefent Scarce affected { 32 ) affe&ed at all ; and that poffibly might in it's Confluences, leave fome of the Clergy quite deftitute of Support? And have we not already found by Experience, that feveral Benefices in this Kingdom, fome of which are not far re- moved from the Metropolis, have fallen one half, and others more than two Thirds in their Value, fmce the prefent Incumbents became firft intitled to them, by means of the Inhabitants turning their Lands from Tillage into Pafture ? Is the taking away the Tythe of Agiflment the way to encourage Tillage among us, which is fo much wanted in this Kingdom, which wou'd fully employ all our Idle Hands, and the want of which carries fo much ready Money out of the Kingdom; and lefTens the Benefit arifing from our Exports. If I am well In- formed there went near two Hundred Thoufand Pounds out of this Kingdom laft Year for Corn; and it has been computed that Sixty Thoufand Pounds per. Ann. at a Medium of four Years laft pad have gone out of the Kingdom for that Commodity •, the Tythe of which wou'd amount to Six Thofand Pounds a Year. Wou'd not the difcouragingTillage, difcour- a^e the Linnen Manufacture? And can any thing which difcourages that Manufacture be For the Intereft of Ireland} But, fays our Author, Tythes of Herbage are not juft, becaufe they may be demanded in a bad Seafon, when the poor Farmer makes no profit at all. This way of reafoning is indeed fome what extraordinary; May not ' the fun* Objection be made to the Landlords Rent. Is it not ( 33') not as great a Hardfhipupon the poor farmer, to pay his Rent in a bad Seafon, when he has made no Profit by his Farm, as to pay his Tythes.? And may he not reafonably expect as much Companion, in fuch an unfortunate Sea- fon, from his Parifh Minifter who is acquaint- ed with the Hardfhips of the Seafon, and the Circumftances of his Parifhoners, as from a Land-lord who perhaps refides in another King- dom, and leaves the Receipt of his Rents to an Agent? I think our Author might have confi- dered that the yearly Value of Land, to be fet to a Farmer, is a juft Medium between the. Profit that may reafonably be expected in good Seafons, and the Lofsthat is to be feared in bad ones i And that a Farmer has made a very bad Bargain, if the Profits of a good Seafon don't fully enable him, to pay both Rent and Tythes, in a bad one. I own Pm furprized to hear any Argument againft the Tythes of Herbage taken from the Nature of thofe Tythes. Surely they muft in their Naaire have been among the firft and moft antient Kind of Tythes, becaufe they are the natural Produce of the Earth; and If Tythes of any Kind had never prevailed in this Ifland, but were now to be introduced, furely the Tythes. in Queftion wou'd be regarded as the moft reafonable and equitable Sort, wou'd not every one in fuch a Cafe allow that it wou'd be the higheft Injuftice to make the poor Far- mer, who till'd his Ground with the Sweat of his Brow, pay a full tenth of the Produce of the Earth, including not noly his Induftry and La- C bour (34) bour but perhaps an expenfive Manure ; while at the fame time the rich Grazier, who hath large Tracts of Ground under barren Cattle, paid nothing at all ? As to the Objection againft Tythe of Agist- ment, that it muft in it's Nature occafion Law Suits, becaufe it cannot be taken in kind where the Parties difagree about the Value •, I don't think it has any Weight : For it appears from Experience in England, that where the Right of the Tythe in Queftion is not difputed, few Suits arife about the Value; and it is well known that the Suits, we have had here for that Tythe, have not been owing to any Difagree- ment about the Value, but to a Difpute about the Right. Our Author is apprehenfive that if the 'Tythe of Agiftment be continued, the Farmer will ge- nerally pay too much, for Fear of a Suit in the .Exchequer : But I think there is greater Reafon to apprehend that the Parfon will generally ac- cept of too fmall a Sum, rather than fue : And if we confider that out of Eight Hundred Bene- fic'd Clergymen in this Kingdom, not a Score of them, in 17 Years Time as Pm inform'd, have yet fued in the Exchequer for Tythe of Agift- tnent ; we fhall fee no Ground, from their Be- haviour, for fuch a Suggeftion. As to what our Author fays with regard to the Humour of our Proteftants deferting their Country •, I muft fubmit it to the Confideration of the Publick, whether that Humour has not chiefly prevailed in Corn Countries, in the Northern Parts, where there is fcarce any fuch . thing as Pafturage of barren Cattle 5 and whe- ther (3S) ther the taking away Tythe of Agiftment, wou'd not raife the Rents, in Pafture Countries, upon Proteftants from the North, who, from the great Number of Inhabitants in that Country, may be under a Neceffity to look out for a Place of Refidence elfewhere ? and whether the taking away that Tythe will not therefore be an Occafion of Proteftants deferring their Country ? and whether that Spirit hath not been juftly re- marked to run higheft, when Bread was fcarceft among us, as in the Year 1728, and 1729? and whether, as Bread became cheap in the follow- ing three or four Years, the humour did not abate? and whether it has not of late revived with the Scarcity of Corn ? and whether every thing that encourages Pafture and difcourages Tillage, won*t add to the Scarcity of that Com- modity? and whether the turning Land from Til- lage into Pafture will not leave the Tenants def- tituteof Farms, and force them out of the King- dom ? and whether it be more owing to the Land- lords or the Clergy that fo many Proteftants have of late Years deferted their Country ? Our Author objects not only to the Right of the Tythe of Agiftment, but to theufual Method of recovering it, he fays, that by putting the Party to his Oath he becomes aWitnefs againft himfelf at Common Law •, and quotes the Sta- tute of 2. Ed. 6. C. 1 3. whereby it is provided that the Party may be examined by all lawfull and reafonable means, other than his own cor- poral Oath, concerning the true Payment of perfonal Tythes. It appears from the exprefs Words of the Statute, that it extended only to the Spiritual C 2 Courts; (36) Courts ; and to them only in Cafe of Perfonal Tythes : And perhaps it might be fomewhat difficult for a Man to fwear to the clear Gains he makes by his Trade or Profeffion •, but can there be any fuch difficulty in forming a Judg- ment of the Value of a Man's own Farm : Have not Courts of Equity by the conftant uninter- rupted Ufage of feveral Ages, examined the Party upon Oath in all things of that Kind, without any Complaint againft them on that Score? And is not a Man in efTec"t a Witnefs againft himfelf at Common Law, wherever there is a Bill of Difcovery in aid of an Action at Law ? Sure no one will call in Queftion the Jurif- di&ion of the Court of Exchequer in Cafes of Tythes : It appears from Selden that the Juris- diction of Tythes was exercifed in both Courts, as well Secular as Spiritual, fo early as the Con- quer! : And it is exprefly refolved in liard- refs's Reports/*. 190. that the Exchequer has an Original Jurifdiclion in Tythes. But our Author objects, that Suits in the Exchequer for Tythes are tedious and expen- sive. What wou'd he infer from thence ? Are not the Forms and Praftife of that Court, in Cafes of that Sort, the fame as in all other Suits ; and indeed pretty much the fame with the Prac- tife of Courts of Equity in England ? If the Ex- pence and Delay in that Cafe be a Grievance, is not the Grievance greater to the Perfons who demand their Right, than to thoije againft whom it is demanded ? Apd is not the Delay: and Expence in Equity Suits, for the moft part chiefly ( 27 ) chiefly owing to the Defendant; or will any one fay that becaufe the Method of recovering a Right is tedious and Expenfive, therefore the Right itfelf ought to be taken away ? And is it not in the Power of the Legiflature to find Out a Method of making fuch Suits lefs expen- five and more fummary ? Why is the Court of Exchequer to be found Fault with upon this 4 Occafion ? It is well known that the Court our Author, mentions is now moft happily filled ; and that there are Men at prefent upon the Bench who are univerfally agreeable to the whole Nation ? Yet our. Author feems unwill- ing to fubmit the Matter in Queftion to their Decifion ; to the Judgment of Men whofe Bu- finefs and Profeflion it is to Judge in Matters of that Sort •, and who are diftinguifhed for their Abilities, Learning, and Probity. If I miftake not the Senfe of our Author, no Court of Judicature- upon Earth will pleafe him in the prefent Cafe. No: The Legiflature mufl: exercife the Plenitude of its Power and utterly abolifh. the Right in Queftion : That wou'd be fuch a Plenitude of Power as I believe our Author wou*d difallow in any other Matter of Property. One of our Author's principal Objections a- gainft the Tythe in Queftion is, built upon a Fact, m which he has been quite mifinformed : He imagines that Tythe of Agiflment has not been paid or demanded 'till of late in any Part of Ireland \ and upon this Suppofition he argues thus : If Tythe of Agiflment had ever been paid in Irelmdi there wou'd have been fome foot- fteps in fo long a tract of Time, of it's having C 3 been ( 38 ) been either paid or demanded ; and if the Cler* gy had ever enjoyed it, they wou'd never have given it up j and the Silence of our Records in this particular is the ftrongeft Argument againft it. This way of reafoning will no doubt have great Influence on many People -, but muft ap- pear of no Sort of Weight to any one who is either acquainted with the Hiftory of Ireland, fince the Reformation, or with the prefent Ufage in many Parts of the Kingdom, It is well known that the Reformation made a very flow Progrefs in this Ifland ; that the reformed Clergy had but flender footing in this Kingdom for many Years after the Reforma- tion, and were fo little regarded by the Pa- pifli Natives that they cou'd not pofllbly in- fill upon their Rights any where, but in fuch Parts as where planted with Proteftant Colo- nies from Britain ; that there were few fuch Colonies any where but in the Province of JJlfier ', that thofe Colonies chiefly apply'd themfelves to Tillage ; But that in fome Parts of that Province, where intire Farms have been ufually kept for Pafture of barren Cattle* Tytbe Of Agiftment is paid at this Day, and has been paid beyond the Memory of Man without the lead Difpute about the Right, and Scarce any about the Value-, for Land in thofe Parts being generally fet to the under Tenants or immediate Occupiers, pretty near the full Value, the Clergy ufually accept of. a tenth of the. Land-lords Rent for 'Tythe of Agifimenu A$ (39 ) As to the other Provinces ; if any one will confider the unfettled Condition this King- dom has been in, 'till of late ; that the Rebel- lion in 1 64 1 introduced the utmoft Confufion, and unhinged more than half the Property of the Kingdom ; That before things were well fettled, the Proteftants of thefe King- doms were under a Neceffity of taking up Arms to refcue their Country from Popery and Slavery, which involved the Kingdom a- gain in a Civil War, and unfettled a great Part of the Property of Ireland ; that as fbon as the Kingdom was tolerably fettled, the Clergy began to infift upon their Rights, but found great difficulty in prevailing on the Laity to confent to things which, thro' the Cala- mities of the Times, they had been difufed to ; that the reformed Clergy until the Revo- lution, were almoft every where mtirely under the Power of Popifh Land-lords, who had no regard at all to the Rights of the reformed Church •, and that in Places where our Clergy were belt treated, Land-lords generally extort- ed Bargains of the Tythes of the whole Parifh. on their own Terms, and Set their Land under an intire Rent, without making any Diftinction between the Rent and the Tythes; I fay whoever will give themfelves leave to confider thofe Things will not be in the leaft iurprized, that Tythes of Agifrmmt have fo Far gone into difuetude in .many Places, that it may at prefent be no eafy Matter to trace them. - ; C 4 As (4°) As to the Silence of our Records, infilled on by our Author; almoft all the antient Re- cords of our fpiritual Courts have been in- tirely loft ; and every body knows that thofe were the only Courts, where Tythes of any Kind were fued for in this Kingdom, until of late, that fome Suits of that Sort have been brought into the Exchequer. Indeed if any Argument cou'd be drawn from the Silence of our Records, it wou'd extend as well to the Tythes of Corn, as of Pafture. It is well known that there are many parts of this Kingdom, where no Tythe of Hay has been paid, nor any thing in lieu of it, in the Memory of any Man living •, and according to our Author's way of Reafoning, it might be urged, that if the Clergy of thofe Parts had ever enjoyed Tythe of Hay, they wou'd never have given it up : But I believe the moil Zeal- ous Oppofer of the Rights of the Church ne- ver imagined, that when Tythes were intro- duced into this Kingdom, the Tythe of Hay was left out. There is one Objection more which I am told has been made to Tythe of Agiftment^ and in- deed there is fomething like it in our Author; that there are many Induftrious Farmers and improving Tenants who won't be able to pay their Rents, but will be obliged to furrender their Leafes, if that Tythe be ftri&ly exact- ed. I can fcarce think that thi$ cou'd ferioufly be urged as an Argument in the prefent Queftion ;. the Argument is no more Than (hiss that there are (4i ) are Land-lords in fome Parifhes wh6 have fet their Land at fo high a Rate, that the Tenant is not aWe to pay both Rent and Ty thes, there- fore the Parfon of the Parifti ought to remit his Tythes, to enable his Parifhoner to pay his Rent. I believe this Argument might in fome places be extended further than Tythes of Hef<- bage ; but if fuch an Argument as this be capa- ble of a ferious Anfwer, this very obvious one may be given; that there never was, nor will there ever be a general Law, how juft and good foever in itfelf, which by being ftriclly infilled on, may not be attended with private mifchiefs and Hardfhips to fome particular Perfons. I have confidered all our Author's Objections to Tythe of Agiftment ; and indeed I think they are all that I have any where met with upon that Subject. I fhan't here repeat what has been already faid touching the Caufes of our Northren Pro- tejiants deferting their Country \ but mall take a Tranfient View of the State of the Prote- ftant Religion in the pailure Countries of this Kingdom. Parifhes in the pafture Countries have gene* rally become of fo fmall Value, from the late difufe of the Tythe of Herbage in thofe parts, that one Parifh is in no fort a competent Provi- fion for a Clergyman, as it was at firft intended: This has made it necefiarv to unite diverfe Pa^ rimes into one Living or Benefice, that the Par- fon might have a reafonable Support ; and here- by many of the Livings, in thofe parts have be- come (42 ) come of fo large Extent, that it is impoflible for a Clergyman to have half the Influence he might otherwife have, either by his Converfa- tion or Example, upon the Popijh Inhabitants of his Benefice, moft of whom by the Diftance of their Situation are quite remote from his Ac- quaintance and Neighbourhood •, and it muft be fubmitted to the Publick ; whether this be not one of the principal Caufes, why the Proteftant Religion has made fo flow a Progrefs of late in thofe Parts ; and whether, if Tythe of Paftu- rage were chearfully and without Reluctance paid in thofe Pafture Countries, it wou'd not be thought proper to reduce Benefices in thofe parts to their original Limits, with a Saving for the Rights of the prefent Incumbents; and whe- ther that wou'd not neceffarily have a confider-* able Effect upon the Prrtejlant Intereft in thofe Countries. It is very certain that every Beneficed Clergy- man both in England and Ireland, has a Free- bold in his Benefice •, and it is as certain that the Property of all the Free-holders in thefe King- doms is equally fecure and inviolable, an de- pends upon the fame Laws: And if theLegifla- ture hath Right to take away the Free-hold of any particular Man, without making him a Re-. compence, it hath the fame Right to take away the Free-hold of every Free-holder in the Kingdom : It is impoflible to kt any Bounds, or to fay, thus far they may go but no fur- ther. . Property is a tender Thing, and indeed can't well be touched without wounding thej Conft'itution: (43) Conftitutiori : It is fecured to us in our happy Conftitution by a Barrier againft arbitrary Power, which I hope "will ever be impreg- nable, whether that Power be exercifed by one or by many s and therein does our Liber- ty confift. The Property of a free People does not de- pend upon the arbitrary Will of any one Man or Number of Men, but is fecured by Laws of which all the Members of the Community have an equal Benefit. That is the very Effence of Liberty, and indeed the fole Thing which di- ftinguifhes a free from an enflaved People; Some People have endeavour'd to weaken the Force of this reafoning, in the following Man-* ner. The taking away Tythe of Agiftment, fay they, cannot juftly be call'd an Invafion of Pro- perty, becaule no Perfon enjoys it : And how- ever unjuft it might be in the Legiflature, to turn any Man out of the PofTefTion of his Eftate, it is not equally unjuft: to bar a meer Right, by which no Perfon now living hath ever yet re- ceiv'd any Benefit ; and the abolifhing theTythe in Queftion would not lefTenany Man's Income, but would only reftrainthe Proprietors of Tythes from enlarging their Fortunes. To this it may be anfwer'd, that there are many Perfons in this Kingdom in the quiet and peaceable Pofleflion of the lytbe of Agiftment : And admitting it were otherwife, the abolifh- ing of that Tythe would leffen the prefent In- come arifing from other Tythes, becaufe it ^ould be an Inducement to turnLajid from Til- ( 44 ) lage into Pafture. But allowing that it would not be attended with any fuch Confequence, and that no Perfon now living had ever enjoy'd any Benefit from the Tythe of Agiftment, the Ob- jection would have no Sort of Weight -, for whatever a Man hath a Right to by the Laws of his Country, is his Property, whether he be in Poffeflion of it or not. And there is the fame Injuftice in reftraining a Man from recovering his Right, as in taking the Right from him af- ter he hath recover'd it. Bare Poffeflion can never give a Right •, long uninterrupted Poffeflion is in general allow'd to be Evidence of a Right, becaufe the Law in fuch Cafes prefumes, that the former owner would not have acquiefc'd, unlefs he had parted with his Right, and that the Poffeffor came lawfully into Poffeflion by Purchafe ; or Gift from the ancient Proprietor, altho' his Title- deeds by length of time, may have beert loft i but it appears from what hath been already ob- ferv'd, thatTythes, which are due by the Com- mon-Law of the Nation, are for very wifeRea- fons an Exception from the general Rule, and that no Length of time can difcharge Land from the Payment of Tythes, which are due of com- mon Right; and therefore the Length of Time is not at all to be regarded in the prefentQueftion, and leaving that Confideration quite out of the Cafe, the want of Poffeflion is fo far from be- ing an Argument againftthe^/fe of Agiftment-, that it really is an Argument in it's Favour. For wherever a Perfon hath been long out of Poffeflion of a Thing, which he hath an un- doubted (45) doubted Right to, whether it were owing to Force, or Fraud, or Intereft, or Power in the Perfon who with-holds it, or to an Unwiiling- nefs in the Perfon, who hath the Right, to be at the Trouble or Expence of profecuting it in the Courfe of Juftice; the remitting of the Right for the time paft, is fo far from being an Argument why it ought to be remitted for the time to come; that it is a very ftrong Reafon why it ought now to be moft readily and chearfully yielded, and given up to the rightful Owner. Trom what hath been faid on this Point, I think we may juft^y infer, that Property is equally facred, and inviolable, whether the Pofieflion, and the Right, be in one or in diffe- rent Perfons ; and that if the Legiflature hath a Right to abolifh Tytbe of Agiftment> it hath the fame Right to abolifh all other Tytbes, and alfo to take away all Glebes from the Clergy, and turn them out of their Houfes ; and if it hath a Right to ftrip the Clergy of their Poffefiions, and leave them quite deftitute of all maintenance and Support, it hath the fame Right to turn every lay Man in the Kingdom out of hi? Eftate. I am vaftly furpriz'd why the Clergy, in the Writings of fome Authors, are confidered in a different Light from the Laity, with re- gard to the publick Good. Have not the Clergy one common Intereft with the Laity ? Are they not our Country-men. and fellow Subjects ? Are they not Part of our- felves, our Fathers, Sons and Brothers? are they not (46 ) not linked and united to us by all the Ties both of Nature and civil Polity ? How then can we regard them as Men of diftinct Views, or di- ftinct Irtterefts from ourfelves ? Indeed it was quite otherwife in Popijh-times y the Clergy in thofe times were united to a Foreign Intereft,and own'd a Foreign Jurifdiction : Their very Religion made them fo many Bofom-enemies to the State : The tyrannous and bloody Prin- ciples of the Church of Rome inflamed them in- to fuch Cruelties, and intolerable Oppressions, That fome Protefiants at the Reformation^ from the Horror they had conceived of fuch a Clergy ', threw off in a manner the whole Order -, and from an Indignation againft the Papal Hierarchy^ abolifh'd Epifcopacy itfelf. This Error was avoided by our Church •, and furely no Member of the Eftabli/h'd Church of this Kingdom, can entertain fuch a way of thinking -, concerning Epifcopacy or Epifcopal Clergy. No, our Re- ligion is fuch as hath fully fecured us againft Popery ; and the late happy Revolution brought about by our Deliverer, of ever glorious Me- mory, hath fixt both our Religion and Liberty upon a folidand lafting Foundation. I muft here beg leave. to repeat what I before laid, that I have had no Sort of Intereft in the prefent Queftion but the common Good. The Ferment which has arifen upon this Occafion, and is too likely to increafe, muft give real Con- cern to every Lover of his Country: And fure- ly there is no Man who can lay any Claim to that Character, but wou'd moft readily contri- bute his beft Endeavours to compofe thofe un- happy (47) happy Animofities, which I am afraid are not likely to fubfide, unlefs fome Cool- men will inter- pofe theirTemper to allay the Heat, and contrive fome reafonable and moderate Scheme; that may fecure the Laity againft any exorbitant De- mands, that may pofllbly be made either by Clergymen or Impropriators, and at the fame time preferve Property of every Kind ; Sa- cred and Inviolable. F I N I JS. I -. UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY A 000 148 712 3