IRLF B rES AND WIS. WAR GOVERNORS IOONSIN HISTOE' LIBRARY K&iVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS CIVIL WAR MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS Governor Alexander W. Randall From a photograph taken during the War WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION: REPRINTS, No. a CIVIL WAR MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS OF WISCONSIN WAR GOVERNORS EDITED BY REUBEN GOLD THWA1TES IK COLLABORATION WITH ASA CuRRIER TlLTON AND FREDERICK WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION DECEMBER, 1912 LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA" TWENTY-FIVE HUNDRED COPIES PRINTED Copyright, 1912 THE WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION (in behalf of the State of Wisconsin) Opinions or errors of fact on the part of the respective authors of the Commission's publications (whether Reprints or Original Narratives) have not been modified or corrected by the Commission. For all statements, of whatever character, the Author alone is responsible. DEMOCRAT PRINTING CO., STATE PRINTER WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION (Organized under the provisions of Chapter 298, Laws of 1905, as amendedby Chapter 378, Laws of 1907, Chapter 445, Laws of 1909, and Chapter 628, Laws of 1911) FRANCIS E. McGovERN Governor of Wisconsin CHARLES E. ESTABROOK Representing Department of Wisconsin, Grand Army of the Republic REUBEN G. THWAITES Superintendent of the State Historical Society of Wis consin CARL RUSSELL FISH Professor of American History in the University of Wis consin , MATTHEW S. DUDGEON J \ ', Secretary of the Wisconsin Library Commission Chairman, COMMISSIONER ESTABROOK < ~ J Secretary and Editor, COMMISSIONER THWAITES Committee on Publications, COMMISSIONERS THWAITES AND FISH [v] CONTENTS Page WISCONSIN HISTORY COMMISSION - V EDITOR'S PREFACE xiii EDITOR'S PREFACE ... MESSAGES AND PROCLAMATIONS Governor Alexander William Randall, 1858-1862 Biographical sketch 1 Annual message, January 15, 1858 ... 4 Annual message, January 13, 1859 - 14 Annual message, January 12, 1860 15 Special message, March 7, 1860 - - 27 Annual message, January 10, 1861 29 Attempts to compromise - - 45 An appeal for funds - - 47 Four proclamations - - 48 Regimental assignments - 52 Special message, May 9, 1861 53 Military disbursements 64 The war establishment 67 Another call for troops 70 Wisconsin men for Wisconsin regiments 74 Thanksgiving proclamation 75 No additional regiments needed - 78 Expenditure of war funds - - 80 Governor Louis Powell Harvey, 1862 Biographical sketch - - - 89 Annual message, January 10, 1862 92 Health of the regiments - - 103 Claimants of extra pay ..- 104 Claims against the United States - - 109 Veto message - HO Death of the Governor 113 Governor Edward Salomon, 1862-1864 Biographical sketch - ... 114 Proclaiming Governor Harvey's death - - 11(5 An appeal to volunteers ... 117 [vii] CONTENTS Page Special message, June 3, 1862 - - - 119 Military claims .... 130 Veto message ... 132 Special message, September 10, 1862 - - 135 Appeal to the legislature - - 144 Thanksgiving proclamation - - 146 Draft riots rebuked - . - 147 Annual message, January 15, 1863 - - 152 Information refused - - - 179 Condition of Camp Randall - 180 Sanitary relief - - isi The draft . . - 183 Military contingent fund - - 189 Civil actions against solhiers - 190 Suffering families - ... 192 Miscellaneous messages, February-March, 1863 - - 194 Thanksgiving proclamation - 197 Governor James Taylor Lewis, 1864-1866 Biographical sketch - - 199 Annual message, January 14, 1864 - 201 Surgeons ... 211 Sanitary agents - 212 Gettysburg Cemetery - - - 214 Thanksgiving proclamation - 216 Revising enrollment lists - - 217 Annual message, January 12, 1865 - 221 Thirteenth Amendment - 240 Sick and wounded - - 241 Gettysburg Cemetery - 245 Stealing recruits - - 246 Surrender of Lee - - 247 Peace proclaimed - - 248 Assassination of Lincoln - - 249 Thanking the volunteers - 251 Thanksgiving proclamation - 252 Negro suffrage in Wisconsin - 253 Lewis's contingent fund - 255 Governor Lucius Fairchild, 1S66-1872 Biographical sketch - - 257 Inaugural ceremonies - - 260 [ viii ] CONTENTS Page Annual message, January 11, 1866 - 271 Special messages, January-March, 1866 Negro suffrage assured - 283 Annual message, January 10, 1867 286 Annual message January 9, 1868 - - 295 Deserters - 299 Annual message, January 14, 1869 300 Fifteenth Amendment - 302 INDEX - ..... 305- [ix] PORTRAITS Page Alexander WilUam Randall - Frontispiece Louis Powell Harvey - - 89 Edward Salomon - - 114 James Taylor Lewis - 199 Lucius Fairchild 257 EDITOR'S PREFACE The history of a war is usually deemed complete when its compaigns have been discussed, its field operations described, its camp life portrayed, and the deeds of its heroes set forth in song and story. But the administrative and economic side of warfare is quite as worthy of consideration. Nowhere can this better be studied than in the reports and other state papers of those administrative officers whose duties are to supply troops and funds and from their home offices to keep intact the ma chinery of civil government. Their tasks are less picturesque than those of the military arm, but the result of the conflict is as often determined by them as by the troops on the firing line. During the turmoil of our Civil War, a considerable share of the responsibility of maintaining the credit of each Northern Commonwealth, fostering its economic growth and prosperity, keeping the peace at home, and at the same time stoutly aiding the Federal authorities with loans of money and contingents of volunteers, fell on the chief executive. As in the field, heroes sprang up in every command, so in civil life the crisis developed many master spirits whose energetic work in their line of duty ably supplemented that of the generals. Wisconsin was particularly fortunate in this regard. Her five "War Governors" representing in themselves both the native American and the foreign elements of our diverse population proved to be men whose capacity met the exigencies of the occasion. Their state papers, here reprinted from the obscure and rarely consulted public documents of the period, present an epitome of the glowing story of Wisconsin 's proud share in the great struggle. In interest and subject, they range from Randall 's calm, but deeply earnest, discussion in 1858 of the wrongs of [xiii] EDITOR'S PREFACE slavery and the evils of nullification, to Fairchild's cordial en dorsement of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitu tion. A storehouse of facts, they are as well an adequate ex pression of the thoughts and sentiments of the great mass- of our people during the long struggle, and they do honor to the heart and brain of the Commonwealth. The brunt of active preparations for the war fell on the shoulders of Governor Randall. An ardent member of the Re publican party, he was in full sympathy with the Lincoln ad ministration. His papers were briefs for the Northern cause, which he discussed in oratorical periods whose rotundity amuses us today, but such was the literary style of many of his con temporaries in American statecraft. Nor was he lacking in logic and vigor as he arraigned before the bar of public opinion the purposes and methods of the Southern leaders. Randall was as active in leadership as he was fluent in speech. The energy with which he responded to the President's early calls for troops, the ability and resourcefulness he exhibited in financing and organizing Wisconsin's military establishment, and his quick comprehension of military needs, soon won for him a national reputation ; he became one of the most enter prising and prominent of the War Governors of the West. Retiring from his high office at the close of 1862, Randall left the burden of sustaining Wisconsin during the continuance of the appalling crisis, to his former Secretary of State now his successor, Louis P. Harvey. The one message sent by the latter to the Legislature, showed that his practical training in the Secretary's office had given him a grasp of the situation, and his ability to meet it was unquestioned. The few state papers which %e wrote, show him possessed of deep human sym pathies ; these led him to undertake a mission of helpfulness to the theatre of war, which ended in his tragic death after only four months in the executive chair. The duties of the governorship now devolved on the Lieuten- ant-Governor, Edward Salomon. A German by birth, Salomon [xiv] EDITOR'S PREFACE had become among the most useful and patriotic of American citizens. The vigorous efficiency with which he met the respon sibilities suddenly placed upon him, merit the highest praise. Throughout his administration, the war in the South was a stern business. Wisconsin was in a tense condition, every nerve and muscle strained to meet the shock. Regiment after regi ment was recruited within our borders, organized, trained, and forwarded to the front. Aid for the sick and wounded was so licited, gathered, and dispatched to the field hospitals; sol diers' families required and were given frequent financial as sistance; the State's resources were taxed to the last possible dollar. Draft riots broke out, but Salomon's proclamations to the people of the offending localities were sternly-phrased lessons in duty and obedience to law. On our then sparsely-settled northwestern border, restless aborigines threatened the security of frontier settlers. All such exigencies were met and firmly mastered by this sturdy German- American executive. A deep sense of duty, a capacity for prompt and efficient action, are ex hibited in his tersely-phrased state papers. No more able ad ministration has been given to our Commonwealth than by this man who came to his commanding position through an accident, but who completely satisfied the most exacting standards to set by his distinguished predecessors. To Governor James T. Lewis fell the closing fifteen months of the war. It was an administration at first characterized by a strong pressure for men, and later by the exciting Presidential campaign of 1864. In time came the welcome proclamation of peace, and in rapid succession the assassination of Lincoln, the homecoming of Wisconsin 's volunteers, and preparations for the restoration of the social and economic status quo. Lewis was confronted by strenuous duties; but he met them squarely and ably. His messages and proclamations are replete with sound sense and a deep feeling of patriotism; and when he had occa sion, which was frequently, for thanking the troops as they re turned to their homes, his language was a dignified expression of [XV] EDITOR'S PREFACE the pride felt by the State in the records of its representatives at the front. Governor Lucius Fairchild, himself one of the most gallant of Wisconsin's soldiers, was the moving spirit in our State during the four years of National rehabilitation. His messages relative to amendments to the Federal Constitution reflect his sympathy with the Congressional policy of Southern reconstruction. Dur ing his administration the soldiers' orphans became the wards of the State, and aid was given to those returned volunteers who were wounded and infirm. In many ways, Fairchild was called on for active assistance in healing the wounds of the war, in inaugurating prosperity on the peace basis, and in adjusting the State's finances to new conditions. These administrative duties were performed by him with marked ability, and his state papers were worthy of the man and of his office. In reprinting these state papers emanating from the five War Governors of Wisconsin, the Commission believes that it is per forming a needed public service, for they furnish a mass of ma terial essential to any adequate study of Wisconsin's participa tion in the struggle. The biographical sketches are largely the work of Dr. Asa Currier Tilton, formerly of the Wisconsin His torical Society's staff, who also furnished about a third of the notes. Frederick Merk, also of the Society's staff, has con tributed the remainder of the notes and has rendered much prac tical assistance in putting the volume through the press. Other editorial aid has been given by Dr. Louise Phelps Kellogg and Miss Annie A. Nunns of the same staff. E. G. THWAITES. WISCONSIN HISTORICAL LIBRARY December, 1912. xvi ] Civil War Messages and Proclamations of Wisconsin Governors 1858-1862. Alexander William Randall Biographical Sketch Alexander William Randall, the sixth Governor of Wisconsin, was born October 31, 1819, at Ames, Montgomery County, New York. His father was Phineas Randall, a native of Massachu setts; and his mother, Sarah Beach Randall of Schenectady, New York. His father was a lawyer and in 1851 followed his son to Waukesha, Wisconsin. Young Randall received a good elementary education, then studied law, and was admitted to the bar at the age of nineteen. In 1840 he came to Wisconsin and settled at Prairieville, now Waukesha, Here he practiced law, and at once took an active part in the public affairs of his community and State. He was one of the founders, in 1841, of Prairieville Academy, later Carroll College. For a time he was postmaster, and in 1846 was active in securing the organization of Waukesha County from the western part of Milwaukee County. In 1842 he mar ried Mary C. Van Vechten, also from his native county. She died in 1858. Randall's first prominent connection with State affairs was in 1846, when he was elected one of the delegates to the first Constitutional Convention. In this Convention he introduced a resolution for the separate submission of the question of negro suffrage to a vote of the people. In 1848 he took part in the Free Soil movement, but did not long continue with it. GOVERNOR RANDALL [ l8 5 8 ~ In the following years the slavery question was breaking old party alignments. Finally, the wing of the Democratic party to which Randall belonged united with a considerable part of the Whigs to form the Republican party. He was elected to the Assembly of 1855 from Waukesha and became one of the leaders of the new party therein. The same year he was can didate for the attorney-generalship on the Republican ticket, but was defeated. In 1856 Randall was one of the counsel for Bashford in the Bashford-Barstow contest over the governorship. Later in the year he was appointed judge of the Second (Milwaukee) Judi cial Circuit to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of Judge Levi Hubbell. He was, the following spring, a candi date for election to this judgeship, but was not successful. In 1857 he was the Republican candidate for Governor. The contest was very close. Randall was elected, but his colleague, Carl Schurz, candidate for Lieutenant-Governor, was defeated. This result added a new factional element to political affairs which showed itself in the Republican convention of 1859, when the opponents to the re-nomination of Randall rallied around Schurz. Randall was, however, nominated and elected by good majorities. The interpretation which the Governor gave to the course of events in the approaching struggle between North and South, his foresight of the necessity for an appeal to arms, and the consequent recommendations which he made with the wish that his State might be prepared for the struggle, are shown in the extracts here given from his messages. When the war broke out he was prompt and energetic in the organization of a military establishment and in raising troops; and was painstaking in all those details that are so essential to successful military administration. The State camp at Madi son was nam'ed in his honor, and this title has been preserved! since its purchase by the University of Wisconsin in 1893. Randall was an active participant in the conference of gov ernors of Western and border states, held at Cleveland in [2] BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH May, 1861 ; and was elected to lay the report of the confer ence before President Lincoln. The same year he was a candi date for a United States senatorship from Wisconsin, but with drew from the contest. At the close of his second term as governor, in January, 1862, Randall wished to enter the army; but President Lincoln per suaded him to accept a civil position where his executive ability and experience were more needed, and appointed him minister- resident at Rome. He remained there only a few months, how ever, leaving his post in August, 1862. On his return, Randall again sought military service; but again was dissuaded by the President, who appointed him assistant postmaster-general in December, 1862. He held this position until the resignation of the postmaster-general, William Dennison, in July,. 1866. President Johnson, whom Randall was supporting, then appointed him postmaster-general, and he held office until the end of Johnson's term', March 4, 1869. In 1863 he married Helen M. Thomas of Elmira, New York; and in 1865 changed his residence from Waukesha to that place. On his retirement from' the postmaster-generalship he took up the practice of law in Elmira, and continued therein until his death, July 26, 1872. 3] GOVERNOR RANDALL [ l8 5&- 1858. Eleventh Annual Legislative Session, January 13- May 17 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention on January 15, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE in the course of which he made the following allusions to the impending struggle between the South and the North: Gentlemen of the Senate and Assembly: MILITIA AND STATE ARMS More adequate provision should be made for the organization of the militia system' of the State. 1 If the proper steps are taken and exhibits made, the State will be entitled to receive during the present year, arms to the value of twenty-four thousand dollars. 2 Some safe and commodious place ought to 1 The militia system of the State was organized under Wisconsin Laws, 1851, chap. 8. In 1858 it was reorganized by direction of Id, 1857, chap. 24. The recommendation of the governor for further changes was responded to by Id, 1858, chap. 87. The militia law in force in 1858 may be found in Wisconsin Revised Statutes, 1858, chap. 31. Committee reports on the militia are given in Wisconsin Senate Journal (Madison, 1858), pp. 426-428, and in Wisconsin Assembly Jour nal (Madison, 1858), pp. 1001-1003. ED. 2 The State militia was provided with an annual allotment of arms, equipment, and stores by Act of Congress of April 23, 1808, which has been continued with modifications to the present. To share in the distribution, it is necessary that the State militia be organized in con formity with the militia laws of the United States. For these laws see, in general, Davis, Military Laws of the United States (4th ed., 1908, issued by War Dept.). ED. [4] I8 5 8 1 ANNUAL MESSAGE f be provided for depositing and preserving them. The volun teer companies already organized are an honor to themselves and to the State, and are entitled to favorable public considera tion. 3 THE SLAVERY QUESTION 4 The subject of slavery, and the powers of the federal gov ernment over the subject of slavery, are assuming at the pres ent time a very grave importance. The question whether a man shall own himself, or another man shall own him, is of itself, in finite in its importance to the parties interested; but it becomes fearful in its import when the institutions of the whole country are likely to be involved in difficulty growing out of its connex ion with that peculiar institution. Great controversies have arisen as to the duty of the Federal Government, and as to the duties of the States themselves, upon this subject, and this an tagonism of opinion has led to antagonism of action, and is likely to involve the Federal Government and the States in grave confusion. The government of no one State has any right to interfere directly with the domestic institutions or government of any other State of the Union. The jurisdiction of no one State extends in any manner or for any purpose whatever over the territory of any other State. Each is sovereign within its own boundaries, and entirely independent, except so far as power has been delegated to the Federal Government, in express and exact terms, under the Constitution of the United States. s The Adjutant General's report for 1858 lists the volunteer com panies. ED. * On slavery and politics at this time see T. C. Smith, Parties and Slavery (American Nation series, New York, 1906); and for a fuller account, J. F. Rhodes, United States (New York, 1893), i, ii. See Wis. Sen. Jour., 1858, pp. 63, 912 for report of joint committee on the portion of the message relating to slavery. ED. m GOVERNOR RANDALL The laws of no State reach beyond the limits of that State and every legislative enactment assuming a jurisdiction beyond a constitutional right, is void. Wisconsin has no .right to in terfere with the domestic, or any other institution of Virginia, nor has Virginia with those of Wisconsin. No legislative en actment here, and no judgment of our own State courts, can interfere to abolish slavery in Kentucky, nor can Kentucky es tablish slavery in Wisconsin. Beyond this, the Federal Gov ernment, being purely a government of delegated powers, es tablished for specific purposes, cannot abolish slavery in any State of the Union, nor can it establish slavery in any State, or in any of the Territories of the United States; nor has it a right directly or indirectly to advise, countenance, or assent to, the establishment of domestic slavery any where within its jurisdiction. The Federal Government is entirely one of del egated powers, and the powers delegated are independent pow ers. There is no such thing as an independent power granted by implication. There are certain dependent powers, implied, assumed and exercised, as incidents for the purpose of giving effect to an independent power delegated. The Federal Government, therefore, takes nothing but that which the Constitution gives it in express terms, and acquires no right or authority to exercise any power not expressly del egated, except so far as may be necessary to give force and ef fect to one expressly delegated, and then only for the purpose of carrying out the great objects for which the Government it self was formed. The history of dead nations, written upon the record and in their ruins, tells us in terms of solemn warning the danger of departure, by any Government, in the exercise of its authority, from the great objects for which all good gov ernments should be instituted, and of using legitimate powers as engines of oppression, and fraud, and wrong. The theory of our Government is that it was instituted to secure, among other rights, the rights to life and liberty, and that it derives all its just powers from the consent of the governed. The people or dained and established the Federal Constitution, in order to [6] 1858] ANNUAL MESSAGE "form a more perfect union among the independent States, es tablish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the com mon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the bless ings of liberty." Using the great powers delegated to the Federal Government by that Constitution for any other purposes than those intended and specified, operates as a direct violation of the principles that underlie its foundations; denies practically, that the Govern ment was instituted for the purpose of protecting and sustain ing the rights to life and liberty; perverts the theory that it derives its just powers from the consent of the governed. In stead of confirming the strength -of a perfect union formed, it weakens its bonds, and tends to disunion. Instead of establish ing justice, its tendency is to injustice and violence. It insures domestic confusion and discord, instead of tranquility; breaks down the constitutional walls erected for the common defence, opens the way for thick-coming disasters and misfortunes, in the place of promoting the general welfare, and shackles the liberty of the people instead of securing its blessings. The relation of master and slave is peculiar in its character. It does not depend for its existence, necessarily, upon local law. It is not a natural condition of any distinct race of men. It is rather a relation depending upon the exercise of force. It is a relation that existed before the present State Constitutions were made, and before there was any local legislation on the subject. Law makers and constitution makers recognized it as an existing institution, and passed no laws creating or as suming to create it. It was established without law, and is sustained by law protecting the exercise of force without right. This is the character of the institution now sought to be forced upon a free Territory of the United States. 5 Since A. D. 1820, 6 s The struggle over the admission of Kansas was at its height in 185-8. See Rhodes, United States, ii, passim. ED. Act of Congress of March 6, 1820, known as "Missouri Compro mise." ED. m GOVERNOR RANDALL until within a brief period, slavery was prohibited by act of Congress north of what was called the Missouri Compromise line. That act was repealed and superseded by the Kansas- Nebraska Act. At the time of its repeal there was no slavery in Kansas, in the judgment of the law. At the time of the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act there was neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in any of the Territories of the United States, under the Constitution of the United States. There was no local law authorizing it, nor any act of Congress. There was neither a slave state or a free state having any jurisdiction over them. The Constitution of the United States never carried slavery into any free Territory of the United States. The states men who made it did not make it for that purpose. The people who ordained and established it, did not ordain and establish it for that purpose. There is in it neither an express or implied power to establish slavery anywhere. If there was slavery at that time in Kansas or any other Territory of the United States, it was without law, and in direct violation of every principle upon which our in stitutions are based, and in conflict with the declared objects for which the Constitution itself was adopted. Neither in re gard to slavery or any other subject, does the Constitution da that for which it was not intended or instituted, or that for which it does not itself declare it was intended or instituted. No partnership was formed by the Confederated States, at the time the Federal Constitution was adopted, for the purpose of creating or sustaining slavery. There was no article in the partnership contract declaring slaves to be common property, or registering them among the list of articles of chattels univer sally recognized throughout the civilized world as common sub jects of property. That cannot, by any just law, be made prop erty which is not the subject of property. Men entitled to life and liberty are not the subject of property to men entitled to life and liberty. Equals are not the subject of property to equals. The Constitution of the United States was never in tended to establish or sustain, and does not now sustain, this [8] l8 58] ANNUAL MESSAGE peculiar relation or institution in any Territory of the United States. There is another serious aspect to this anti-Republican doc trine of slavery under the Constitution. If the right to hold slaves existed in Kansas at the time of the passage of the Kansas act, under the common Constitution, it existed in Utah and New Mexico and Oregon and Washington and Minnesota Territories. If the right to hold slaves exists under the Constitution of the United States independent of local law, the Constitution being the Supreme law of the land as it expressly declares, then every act prohibiting slavery in any of the Territories, the ordinance of 1787, and every law and Constitution of every free State, abolishing or prohibiting slavery, were and are unconstitutional, and the right of slaveholders to bring into Wisconsin their slaves and to hold them here as such, and to sustain the institu tion of slavery here, now exists, and slave labor, forced upon us, is liable to come into competition with the free labor of owe citizens. It is a question which rises far above all party con siderations. The free people of Wisconsin will never consent to any such construction of the Federal Constitution. We owe to ourselves, and to the other free States, and to the spirit of our institutions, to record our solemn protest against it. Wisconsin was born of Virginia when ideas of free govern ment filled the minds of her great statesmen, and when Liberty was the theme of her Orators. The child has not forgotten the early taught lessons of the parent. "There SHALL BE neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the State of Wisconsin otherwise than in the punishment of crime whereof the party shall have been duly canvicted." 7 The right to control, is a necessary incident to the power to acquire Territory. Congress has no power to establish slavery in the Territories, because it derives no power from the Con stitution, and to establish slavery was not one of the purposes for which it was ordained and established. The Federal Gov- 7 Constitution of Wisconsin, art. 1, sec. 2. ED. [9] GOVERNOR RANDALL ernment has no right to acquire Territory except for purposes consistent with the objects of our institutions. It has a right, and it is its duty to prohibit slavery in the Territories, because it has power to legislate over the Territories, and slavery is the antagonist of that Liberty, to secure the blessings of which the Constitution was ordained and established. The right of Congress to legislate for the territories has been conceded by every President, and sanctioned by every adminis tration, from that of Washington down to that of President Pierce. It has been declared by the adjudication of the Su preme Court of the United States. Every organic law, or ganizing a Territorial Government, passed by Congress, is an act of legislation. The act of Congress, organizing a Territorial Government in Kansas, holds the same relation to that territory that a State Constitution does to the State. Congress can con fer no power of legislation that it does not itself possess, and every act of legislation by Congress establishing an organic law is legislation for the territory, and for the people of the terri tory ; is legislation over the territory and over the people of the territory, affecting the rights and privileges and institutions of the people of the territory. It is the duty of Congress to exer cise that power of legislation over the Territories in order to prevent the aggressions of an enemy to the common liberty which the people have, under the Constitution, a right to enjoy. To a certain extent, the people have a right to regulate their own Institutions in their own way. E>ut the people have no right to do wrong. The majority of the people have no right to op press the minority. Constitutions are adopted and laws made with a view to protect the rights of minorities against the ex cesses of majorities, as well as to protect the rights of the ma jority because of their intrinsic merits. Under a constitutional government, the power of the people is not unlimited. The people must be bound by the law, or there is the end of civil government. Our Government is not a pure democracy, where the will of the people necessarily becomes the law. Otherwise, if the majority determined upon a Limited Monarchy or ab- [10] 1858] ANNUAL MESSAGE solute Despotism, without regard to constitutional safeguards, our Government might be changed to-morrow, and all our lib erties overthrown. Under our present form of government, the people in every organized State, having regard to the bounds set to their action by the Constitution, and having in view the great objects of the Government, have a right to say through their legally chosen agents and representatives, by what kind of laws their lives and liberty and property shall be protected and preserved. This applies, not to the rights of the majority or of the minor ity, but to the rights of the whole people. And when the ob jects of the government are to protect and preserve the life and liberty and property of the whole people, the majority has no authority to so will or so order their rule as to take away the rights of the least and humblest individual in the State. The majority of the people have no right under our constitution, or under the Federal constitution, to declare as law that the minor ity shall be slaves; and the fact that the majority should so declare would destroy the only really democratic element in the government, and would be a solemn mockery of every idea of Republicanism. It is the business, therefore, of Congress, wherever it has jurisdiction, to prevent by every constitutional means, the least attempt to establish an institution or a system of laws so opposed to all ideas of free government. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was a great wrong done to the Free States, and no benefit to the Slave States. It opened the door to every species of fanaticism, and to wild ex cesses from the criminality of which an age of good deeds and good government could bring no atonement, and the urgent ef fort still made to force upon the people of Kansas a Constitu tion to which a vast majority are notoriously opposed, against every principle of justice and constitutional obligation, is light ing up there the flames of civil war, which may spread until the whole country shall become involved. 8 It is not the busi- s On conditions in Kansas see L. W. Spring, Kansas (Boston, 1885); and Rhodes, United States, ii, passim. ED. GOVERNOR RANDALL [1858- ness of Congress to make state constitutions, or to force any- state into the Union with a constitution odious to its people. The Constitution gives to Congress a discretionary power over the admission of new states. It may admit or it may refuse to admit. It is the duty of Congress to prevent the admission of any more Slave States into the Union. Slavery has spread far enough. It has diffused itself over more territory, and has now more power over the Federal Government than the Fathers ever intended or expected. It is the duty of every free State to remonstrate against its further extension, and against the admission of any more Slave States. Congress has no right to interfere with it in the Slave States, but should confine it just where it is, with all its blessings and all its woes, by great walls of law, supported by all the powers of the national government. Article 10 of the Constitution of the United States says : ' ' The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or the people. " President Madison well said "The powers delegated by the Constitution to the Federal Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State governments are numer ous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace, negotiations, and foreign com merce, with wlr ^h last the power of taxation will for the most part be connected. The powers reserved to the several States, will extend to all the objects, which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement and prosperity of the State." 9 The tendency of the action of the Federal Government, has been for many years, aided by the Federal Courts, to centraliza tion, and to an absorption of a large share of the sovereignty of the States. It has trespassed upon the reserved rights of the >P C. Lodge (ed.), The Federalist (New York, 1889), no. 45,. p. 290. ED. [12] 1858] ANNUAL MESSAGE States and of the people, assuming a jurisdiction over them, in the exercise of power never delegated. The Federal Govern ment, so far as there is any sovereignty under our form of gov ernment, is sovereign and independent in the exercise of its del egated powers, and the States are sovereign and independent in the exercise of their reserved powers. The safety of the States in the exercise of those powers in defence of the lives and prop erties, and liberties of the people, demands a firm, deliberate op position and resistance to any attempt at usurpation or aggres sion by the Federal Government, its Courts, its officers or agents, upon the reserved rights of the States or the people. The laws of Wisconsin declare "It shall be the duty of the Governor, and of all the subordinate officers of the State to maintain and defend its sovereignty and jurisdiction." 10 The deliberate judgment of the highest judicial tribunal of the State as to the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the State, as to the reserved powers of the State and of the people, and as to the rights to liberty and property of its people, is the law, and must be sustained. 11 "Wisconsin is true to the Constitution. 'The people are loyal to the Constitution and to the Union. She will give to the Federal Government all its rights, to her sister States all their rights, and will insist upon her own. The peo ple will never consent to disunion of the States. They will aid in bringing back every State that forgets its loyalty. They will not consent to speculate upon a contingency in which dis union would be justifiable, or even excusable, but doing justice -and demanding justice, they will continue to support the Con stitution and the laws. ******** ALEXANDER "W. RANDALL. 10 Wis. Rev. Statutes, 1849, chap. 1, sec. 3. ED. 11 In re Sherman M. Booth, 3 Wis. 13 ; and in re Booth and Rycraft, 3 Wis. 144; see also Ableman vs. Booth, 21 Howard 506, in which the U. S. Supreme Court reversed the decision of the Wisconsin Supreme Court. For historical review, consult J. B. Winslow, Story o/ a Great Court (Chicago, 1912), pp. 70-81, 118. ED. [13] GOVERNOR RANDALL E l8 59- 1859. Twelfth Annual Legislative Session, January 12- March 21 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention on January 13, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE in the course of which he made the following allusion to the slavery question: Gentlemen of the Senate and Assembly: SLAVERY My views, as expressed in my last message, in regard to the relative powers and duties of the Federal and State Govern ments, and in regard to the power and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in the Territories by positive enactment, and to prevent the admission of any more slave States into the Union, remain unchanged. They must be settled upon and sustained, as indicating the true policy of the Government, and as the only means by which the objects for which the Gov ernment was formed can be successfully attained, and the rights and liberties of the people preserved. ******** ALEXANDER W. RANDALL. 1860] ANNUAL MESSAGE 1860. Thirteenth Annual Legislative Session, January 11- April 2 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention on January 12, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE in the course of which he referred as follows to the status of the "Wisconsin militia and the pending question of slavery: Gentlemen of the Senate and Assembly: The Report of the Adjutant General shows 55 volunteer mil itary companies, embracing 2,365 rank and file. The returns of the enrolled militia show great neglect of duty by the assessors. From a large majority of the counties of the State no returns are made as provided by law. As this annual return is neces sary, under a law of Congress, to insure the distribution of an annual quota of arms to the State, it is to be hoped that more care may hereafter be taken. Various interesting statistics relative to the volunteer militia will be found in the Report. SLAVERY New subjects of excitement connected with slavery and the slave trade are agitating the public mind. As a national ques tion, that of slavery and slavery extension is foremost among the people. Slavery existed in the Colonies before the law, and before there were any State Constitutions. It was forced [15] GOVERNOR RANDALL [ l86 - into some of the States, as in the case of Virginia, against the will and remonstrances of colonial citizens. The slave trade was made a matter of complaint against the mother country. It was deemed of incalculable evil to the new settlements upon the western continent. Existing, as slavery did, in all but one of the colonies, at the time of the formation of our present con stitutional government, it was tolerated for the time being, with the idea that its existence would be, comparatively, but tempo rary, and that it would die out, as an institution entirely incom patible with the genius of the government, and with the great objects for which it was formed. While the increase of the number of slave states has not been correspondingly great, the increase of slavery and of the power of slavery in the govern ment has been so great that the slave population in the slave states is now greater than the entire population of the colonies at the time of our revolutionary controversy with Great Brit ain, 12 and the whole machinery of the federal government is blocked up by its exactions. The compact made at the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, that sla very should be tolerated, and that "persons held to service should be delivered up on claim of the party to whom service was due" 13 has not been satisfactory to the slaveholding States. New demands have been constantly made upon the consciences of the people of the non-slaveholding States, until serious diffi culties have arisen between the two sections of the Union. There is no right of interference with slavery in the Slave States by legislation in the Free States, tending to its abolition, or by citizens of the Free States through a violent intervention. But the government was formed for the declared purpose of "preserving the blessings of Liberty," among other things, and not for the purpose of extending slavery. The colonies which so urgently denounced the evils of the institution and so strongly 12 The population of the United States in 1790 was 3,929,214; the slave population in 1860 was 3,953,760. ED. U. S. Constitution, art. 4, sec. 2. ED. I86 ] ANNUAL MESSAGE complained of the- slave trade, now, erected into, states^ seek to force upon free territories the evils of a system they then de plored, by planting slavery where the Fathers of the Republic never intended it should go. , Time after time compromises have been entered into, connected with and growing out of the ex istence of slavery, and time after time, at the demands of slavery, they have been broken down. Its exactions are intolerable. While there is no right of interference with slavery where it exists in the slave states, by free state legislation, and while there is no effort at interference with it by forcible means by citizens of the free states, with a few individual exceptions, the free states have a right to insist, and it is their duty to insist, that it shall be no farther extended. The fact that the Terri tories are the common property of the people of all the states carries with it no right to establish slavery there. The fact that men are held as slaves in slave states gives no right to carry them as slaves into territories, simply because they are counted as property in the slave states. The fact that slaves are called property, gives no right of property in them. Men are not recognized by the civilized world as common subjects of property. They cannot be placed in the same category as chattels, and things and estates, which are universally conceded to be subjects of ownership. Slavery in the Territories, there fore, would be without law and above the law, a mere creature of force, subject to all the contingencies of a violent existence. An institution so inhuman, so pernicious in its character, so disastrous to the interests of free labor, and terrible in its con sequences to the bondmen, and so antagonistic to the great prin ciples of human liberty .that underlie our government, ought, by the exercise- of every legitimate power, to be restrained from any further extension. The new and fearful doctrine, that under the Constitution of the United States, slavery goes trav eling into the Free Territories of the United States, and is there to be protected under its broad shield, without any local law on the subject in the Territories, is unworthy of the age in which we live, or of the statesmen to whose hands are entrusted the 2 [17] GOVERNOR RANDALL [1860- interests of this great people. It is no subject of congratulation that in this theoretically free government an effort has been made, and is still persisted in, to establish the "right of every citizen to take his property of every kind, including slaves, into Territories, and have it protected there under the Con stitution." The idea that "neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature, nor any human power, has any authority to annul or impair this vested! right," is the most unwarranted of any ever conceived since the Federal Government had an existence. No good citizen can give assent to it. No honest, enlightened statesman should countenance it for a moment. It is not true. There must be a power over slavery somewhere. It is not above the law or out of the reach of the law. If Congress cannot prevent its extension, where does it get the power to authorize a convention to form a State Constitution prohibiting it? If a Territorial Legislature cannot prohibit it, how can it provide for the election of delegates to a Constitu tional Convention, with power to make a free Constitution? It would then be unconstitutional to declare in a State Constitu tion, form'ed over a Territory, that there should be no slavery there. A Constitutional Convention, sitting to make a State Constitution, is a "human power." Is it true that slavery overrides every other great interest? That the assumed right of property in man is so old and enduring that, touched by the indurating hand of time, it can harden into a right absolute, be yond the reach of any interference but that of Omnipotence? Have we such a government that there is no power but that of Almighty God that dares to touch it? If so, this great nation must bend its neck to the yoke, and slavery become universal, and, in a government ordained by the people to preserve the blessings of Liberty, humanity must "give signs of woe that Liberty is lost. ' ' The fact that Congress has the power to pro hibit slavery in the Territories, however much that doctrine may be opposed from motives of interest or ambition, notwith standing the great weight that has been thrown into the scale [18] 1860] ANNUAL MESSAGE against it, 14 is as certain as that the government has power to acquire territory at all. That it cannot control what it has power to acquire by treaty, by conquest, or by purchase, is absurd. This power should be exercised, and the way of slav ery extension walled up forever. The slave States have no reason to complain of this. They must be left unmolested in the enjoyment of the blessings of that peculiar institution, if there are any blessings connected with it, in the slave States, so long as the government remains. While this is conceded, the right to impose it upon new territories cannot be admitted, and its extension must be prevented, not by inroads upon the slave States themselves, with violence and in blood, but by legitimate constitutional legislation, sustained by the power of the government itself. It cannot be conceded that the black race has no business upon the earth. "We can have no controversy with the Great God over any supposed error in the location or distribution of races. There is a diversity of races. Intellect is confined to no race, while there is great inequality in intellectual develop ment. So far as the great rights of life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness are concerned, it is enough to know that they belong to manhood. With the wisdom which has distinguished the different races of men by marked physical and intellectual features, we can have no dispute. But we can learn, and we do learn, from this very diversity, that each race belongs to itself alone, and that there can be no social contact or assimi lation but would carry with them untold disasters. There are other evils connected with this subject. While the African slave trade is made piracy by law, and is so condemned by the whole civilized world, deliberate attempts are constantly made to re-open it, and in frequent instances cargoes of slaves, fresh from Africa, have been landed upon our southern coasts, and the chattels scattered though the country, marketed for i* The U. S. Supreme Court declared in the Dred Scott decision that Congress had no power to prohibit slavery in the territories. ED. [19] GOVERNOR RAiNDALL [1860- service upon southern plantations. This evil is more grave from the fact that it receives countenance from leading south ern statesmen, and is,, openly proclaimed as a policy designed to be reinstated. 15 .Again: In some of the slaveholding States, laws have been passed authorizing the sale of free blacks into slavery, and the confiscation of their property, in case they remain there after a given time mentioned in the law. The laws which prohibit the ingress of free blacks surrounding these States, render de plorable indeed the condition of that unfortunate race of men, and are a sad commentary upon the Christianity and Civiliza tion of the age, in a land boasting of its freedom. 16 The exten sion of an institution of this character, so fraught with calami ties to both the white and black races, into free territories, mul tiplying the elements and means of oppression and wrong, ought not to be encouraged or countenanced either by the citi zens of the Southern or Northern States. Free labor languishes and becomes degrading when put in competition with slave labor; and idleness, poverty and vice, among large classes of non-slaveholders, take the place of in dustry, and thrift, and virtue. It prevents a general system of popular education, and ignorance abounds in the places where knowledge should be the brightest ornament of intellect. The increase of the blacks in warm climates is far more rapid than that of the whites. Already in some of the slave States the slaves outnumber the free whites. 17 Twenty-five years from the present time, the ordinary ratio of increase will give is Act of Congress, May 15, 1820. Cf. Rhodes, United States, ii, in dex under "slave trade." See also a resolution from the legislature of New York to the legislatures of the other States, protesting against the reopening of the slave trade; Wis. Sen. Jour,, 1860, p. 249. ED. 26 See ante, p. 13, note 10. ED. ^ Consult codes and revised statutes of Southern States in last editions before 1861. Et>. IT Mississippi and South Carolina. ED. [20] i860] ANNUAL MESSAGE a slave population hi the slave-holding ' States of nearly ten millions, at" least equaling, if not superior in numbers to the free white citizens. 18 Looking to a future in the history of States beyond that, we may well enquire what will be the con dition of the Southern States and of the whole country at the end of fifty years. "What can be done with twenty millions of slaves, without education, without fixed moral principles, the subjects of whim, caprice, passion; knowing no law but the law of force, submitting to no power but the power of force; smarting under real or imaginary injuries; deeming themselves oppressed and looking every day upon their supposed oppress ors ;.. more restrained of their liberty through the fears of the masters, and subject to more rigid police surveillance, and more extreme exactions, because of multiplied dangers ? What could control the wild passions of that overwhelming physical power, once aroused? So terrible a wrath, with go resistless a force, would almost inevitably lead to a war of races, more cruel, destructive, bloodthirsty, than the world ever saw before, beginning with conflict and ending with butchery. In such a war, one or the other of the two races must be destroyed. In such a contest, where would the victory be? To precisely such a result are we tending to-day. Deny it as we m'ay, the physical laws of the races, and the climatic influences, are driving us right onward towards such a future. The sagacious statesman, gathering wisdom from the history of living as well as of the dead nations, looking forward to a probable future as he looks back at an actual past, and seeing danger to his country and institutions afar off, should devise some means of protection commensurate with the apprehended danger, by which such calamities may be avoided. It has been well said that "it is the true mission of a superior and enlightened race to protect and establish with well founded is In 1890 the U. S. census gave the total negro population of the United States as 7,488,676, and the total white population of the 'South Atlantic and South Central states as 13,193,453. ED. [ 21 1 GOVERNOR RANDALL t l86<> - institutions the feebler races within its influence. The general welfare requires this, and renders it the exalted duty of power ful nations. England, France and Russia, though subject to selfish monarchies, yet feel the impulse of this enlightened age ; and we see the Czar giving freedom and rights to his sixty millions of serfs, and spreading civilization over all the North of Europe and Asia. 19 England and France hold up besotted Turkey, and are endeavoring to instill life again by imparting freedom and toleration to the masses. England extends her principles of representative government, in greater or less de gree, to her dependencies; and France, propagating her power in Africa and Asia, carries with it the refinement, intelligence and skill which may at some time elevate the people she civ ilizes in the scale of nations. " Shall the mighty States of this hemisphere the pioneers of. the liberal principle of the greatest good to the greatest number be known to the red and black races, struggling into existence, under liberal forms of government, in neighboring climes, suited to their caste, only as depredators and enslavers? They seem to have been committed to our guardianship by the gracious Providence that has conferred so many blessings upon us in the achievement of our own liberties. Shall we abuse the power thus conferred by establishing bondage as the law for all whom we can master?" A remedy for these anticipated evils, and a solution of this whole slavery problem may be found in the suggestions of our early statesmen while they were casting about for this pur pose, impressed as they were that the relation of master and ' slave was to be tolerated for the time and ultimately to die out. It can be found by simply providing for the peaceful emi gration from all the States of this Union, of all the free colored persons of African descent, who may desire to emigrate, to some place in Central or South America, in some of the States is Alexander III, who came to the throne in 1855, by a series of acts and measures emancipated the Russian serfs. ED. [22] 1860] ANNUAL MESSAGE of the tropical regions, in which rights may be acquired by treaty by the United States, for that purpose, and for their benefit. It is simply that these people may go and mingle with the population already existing in those States (and a large portion of the people there is of the colored race), where color is no degradation, and where they may mingle freely together, with all the rights of settlement and citizenship, and form themselves into colonies. 20 In speaking upon this proposed measure, Mr. Jefferson said: "It was, however, found that the public mind would not yet bear the proposition; yet the day is not far distant when it must bear it, and adopt it, or worse will follow. Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate, than that these people (the negroes) are to be free ; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government. Nature, habit, opinion, have drawn indelible lines of distinction between them. It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation and deportation, and in such slow degree that the evil will wear off insensibly, and their place be pari passu filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect held up. We should in vain look for an example in the Spanish deporta tion or deletion of the Moors." 21 In a letter to Mr. Coles, Mr. Jefferson thus warns his friends in the South: "Yet the hour of. emancipation is advancing in the march of time. It will come; and whether brought on by the generous energies of our own friends, or by the bloody proc- 20 Colonization projects appeared at an early date. The American Colonization Society was founded in 1816. Liberia was colonized in 1822. There were other projects for colonization in Texas and Haiti. The idea was favored in the South, especially for free blacks, as well as in the North, and received aid from the United States government and from state governments. ED. 21 Written in 1821. See B. L. Rayner, Sketches of Life and Writings of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1832), p. 164. ED. [23] GOVERNOR RANDALL [1860- ess of St. Domingo * * ' * is a leaf of our history not yet turned over." 22 In his letter to Mr. Sparks, lie says: "The second object, and most interesting to" us, as coming home to our physical and moral characters, to our happiness and safety, is to provide an asylum to which we can, by degrees, send the whole of that population from among us, and establish them under our patronage and protection, as a separate, free and independent people, in some country and climate friendly to human life and happiness:" 23 In consideration of the commercial advantages of a free trade with' such colonies, the United States could well make all neces sary axfd proper engagements to maintain them in the enjoy- mont of the rights and privileges, acquired by a treaty made for the purpose of establishing them there. Here this govern ment can do something worthy of a great nation. A way of e'&cafce would be offered to the free blacks from renewed bond age. Inducements would be held out to philanthropic men to emancipate their slaves; the northern slave States, following the lead of the free States could quietly and gradually intro duce free labor in the place of slave labor, thus adding to their wealth and honor ; the great evils to be apprehended from an over-crowded slave population would be avoided, and liberty prevail throughout a land universally prosperous, and under the sole dominion of the white race. The commerce of these colonies, increasing with their age and civilization, would add to our accumulating wealth and prosperity, and the wrongs of ages of oppression be blotted out from the book of remembrance forever. To this it must come sooner or later, and delay only increases the difficulties surrounding us. To lead in invoking the attention of the whole people to this great enterprise would well become the vigorous young States 22 p. L. Ford (ed.), Writings of Thomas Jefferson (New York, 1892), ix, p. 478. ED. 23 Id, x, p. 290 ED. i860] ANNUAL MESSAGE of the Northwestern Territory, which have grown up under the shadow" of the tree of liberty planted by Virginia. A memorial to Congress on this subject is seriously recom mended. -* Peaceable and legal remedies alone can relieve us of slavery extension and slavery agitation. The provoking riots at Harper's Ferry, which were dignified into treason against the Government of the State of Virginia, were the fit offspring of the forcible attempt to plant Slavery in Kfinsjis and the legitimate fruits of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. However much -we may admire brave men- and heroic deeds, we can find in them no excuse for attempts by force to undo domestic evils under a government like ours. The theory of our government is, tha.t it is one of law, not of force. There are peaceful and legal remedies by which wrongs may be re- dressed. Justice for 'the sins of nations, as for the sins of in dividuals, though sometimes apparently slow, is always sure as the execution of Divine Judgments. While we remain a gov ernment of banded States, good faith requires that no State, and the citizens of no State, shall interfere with the institu tions of any other State. While Wisconsin will suffer no hostile invasion from any other State or the citizens thereof, so it must repress any hostile attempts upon the institutions of its sister States. The occasion of the difficulties at Harper's Ferry was signalized by crimes committed both by invaders and in vaded. No matter how philanthropic or humane the motives of misguided men may have been, they committed wrongs in the eye of the law which cannot by goo.d citizens be palliated or excused. 25 24 NO such memorial was introduced. ED. 25 The reference is to John Brown's capture of the United States arsenal at Harper's Ferry on Oct. 16, 1859. For detailed account see F. E. Chadwick, Causes of the Civil War (American Nation series, New York, 1906), index; also Rhodes, United States, ii, index. ED. [25] GOVERNOR RANDALL [ l86a - The disunion sentiments avowed in portions of the country, and sometimes in our Halls of National Legislation, are un patriotic, undignified, disgraceful. Every threat of disunion should be held up to public reprobation in all sections of the Union, and every attempt at disunion rewarded with a halter. The Union of these states cannot be dissolved. It may be rocked, but cannot be overturned. There is no conceivable contingency in which it can be consented to. A disruption, instead of relieving us from present evils, would involve all sections in far greater evils. While the North asks nothing that is wrong, it will submit to no wrong, but will seek its remedy in wholesome laws, wisely enacted and firmly executed. If any state forgets its allegiance, it must be brought back. The South is entitled to be left unmolested in her domestic relations and institutions, and must be content with that; while both sections of the Union, striving to do exact justice to each other, may yet be relieved from all jealousies and heartburnings, and escape the derision of the nations of the earth. 4 'Faith without works is dead." Labor, and vigilance, and honesty of purpose, devoted to the welfare of the State, and of the common country, with an earnest desire for the prosperity and happiness of the whole people, will dispel all the darkness that envelopes us, and restore the hopes of permanent prosper ity. With a just pride we may then look, in the past, upon the budding, opening glory of Young America as she was, and, in the present, upon her rich ripeness as she is. ALEX. W. RANDALL. MADISON, Jan. 12, 1860. 26] i86o] INADEQUATE MILITIA LAWS A SPECIAL MESSAGE was sent to the Legislature by the Governor, on March 7, 1860, as follows: MADISON, Wis., March 7, 1860. To the Honorable the Legislature: On two occasions in my messages I have called the attention of the Legislature to the inadequacy of the militia laws of the State. The law declares that "it shall be the duty of the Gov ernor, and of all the subordinate officers of the State, to main tain and defend its sovereignty and jurisdiction." 26 The Constitution makes it the duty of the Governor to "take could not be carried into effect. EDWARD SALOMON, Governor. [134] 1862] AMID PUBLIC DANGERS 1862. Special Legislative Session, September 10-26 The Governor having, by Proclamation, convened a Special Session of the Legislature to meet on September 10, to transact ''business of great public importance," he transmitted to each House by his Private Secretary, the following SPECIAL MESSAGE EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MADISON, Sept. 10, 1862. To the Honorable the Senate and Assembly: FELLOW CITIZENS Under the power granted by the Consti tution of our State, I have convened you at this time in order to lay before you several matters of great public importance which, in my opinion, require immediate action on your part. In this time of public commotion and danger it behooves us all, and especially those who are placed at the head of the Com monwealth, to examine carefully and closely our situation, and, if possible, to guard against dangers that may suddenly arise, and, finding us unprepared, bring upon us endless troubles and misery. In this respect we have learned much within the last year. Had the full extent and power of the Southern rebellion been understood by the loyal people had their full strength been sooner called into activity we should not now have to lament the recent reverses of our arms, and again see our Capi tal beleaguered and in danger. 82 When, prior to your adjourn ment, the President of the United States had called for addition al seventy-five thousand men to strengthen our national army, we all fondly hoped that that would be the last call for troops, and rested in perfect security, relying upon the army then in the 82 The decisive reverses of the Union forces at Cedar Mountain and Second Bull Run, together with the disaster at Harpers Ferry and the entrance of Lee into Maryland, came in rapid succession during August and early September. ED. [I3S] GOVERNOR SALOMON [ l862 ~ field and the latent power of the North. "We were sadly mis taken. Six hundred thousand more men have since then been called for, and while every exertion is made to send them to the rescue, our army is compelled to retreat before an enemy sup erior in numbers. "Week after week necessarily passes in t the herculean task of organization, and the new troops are hurried to the field without, having had time to learn the most necessary military drill and discipline. What valuable time has not been lost because most of the States were utterly unprepared to meet the call of the nation ? This may not be the last call for troops. The nation should not again be found sleeping while this gi gantic struggle lasts; and it rests with the people of the several loyal States to prepare themselves for future emergencies. Again : it is evident that, to meet further calls, it is necessary to rely upon a system of drafting or conscription, and what ever may have been the popular prejudice against this sys tem, it will soon be generally conceded that it is the true and best mode of speedily calling out the military power of the country. But in order to make this system a just, equitable and effective one, legislation is necessary. "When the call of the President was made for the 300,000 drafted militia, no law existed, or does now exist in our State, for drafting, and hence I had to rely upon regulations of the "War Department to an swer the call. 83 The enrollment of the militia had for years been neglected in our State, and although I had long before called upon the assessors to make the enrollment as required, I found that, in the absence of proper regulations for the purpose, such enrollm'ent would be utterly incomplete and inefficient. Prompt action was necessary, and hence, I instructed the Sher iffs of the counties to make the enrollment, which is probably now completed throughout the State. The apportionment of the number of men required from each town, city, ward, or county, should have been based upon the BS For the draft regulations of the War Department see Rebellion Records, gen. index, under "drafts." ED. [136] 1862] CONSCRIPTION SUGGESTED number of men liable to military duty therein, but in the ab sence of any enrollment, I could only make such apportionment according to the number of inhabitants. Volunteering being permitted to a given date only by the General Government to apply to the drafted militia, it became necessary to assign at least to each county its quota of men immediately, and that couid only be done according to the number of inhabitants ; and even now it will not be practicable to make another apportion ment, as that would require returns of the enrolled militia from the entire State, which have not yet reached us, and further de lay than is absolutely necessary would not be warranted by the critical condition of our country. Whatever number, therefore, may be required to fill our quota for the past calls of the Gov ernment, will have to be drafted under regulations already made. It seems also hardly proper, and certainly is contrary to the regulations dictated by long experience of other countries, where conscription has always and does now exist, that all able bodied men between the ages of 18 and 45 years should be called upon to draw lots without any regard to other circumstances. In my view, men between 18 and 35 years of age should first be called out and that class exhausted before men between 35 and 45 should be compelled to go. A distinction might also properly be made between married and unmarried men; exemptions should be made as in all civilized countries, in certain cases where of the same family several are already in the service and one has remained at home as the supporter of the family. In case of a further demand for troops, State regulations, under the sanction of the legislative power, should exist for these and other points. A few weeks ago the public was startled and shocked by the news of an Indian raid and massacre in one of our neighboring States. 84 This attack of the savages in Minnesota, was followed s* See Frederic L. Paxson, The Last American Frontier (New York, 1910), p. 234. ED. [137] GOVERNOR SALOMON immediately by calls upon me from our own frontier in the north ern and northwestern part of the State for arms, ammunition and men. So far as lay in my power, I immediately and promptly answered those calls by sending all our State arms and all the ammunition at my disposal, into the regions threat ened with danger; but in the absence of any military organi zation under sanction of law, I had to trust these arms to some reliable men in the different localities. There are thousands of Indians in our State hovering upon the frontier settlements. Evidence has been furnished to me that leaves little doubt in my mind that all the northern tribes of Indians, including those in our own State, have been tampered with by Southern emissaries in the employ of the rebels, to induce them to form a league and to commence warfare upon the borders of the loyal States. The recent outbreak in Minnesota, I am well satisfied, must be ascribed to rebel influence. The fearful consequences of an unexpected attack of these savages upon our peaceful communities can hardly be imagined ; but the recent panic in some of the most densely populated parts of our State, must be a solemn warning to us to be prepared. After the regiments now in organization in' our State shall have left, the savage warriors within our borders, if incited to sim ilar atrocities as the Sioux tribe in Minnesota, could plunder and murder our peaceful citizens by thousands, if we do not arm and prepare ourselves. We cannot rely upon protection by the strong arm of the General Government in such an emergency; its help would be too tardy. "When the Minne sota massacre occurred, and the citizens of our frontier counties sent in requests and delegations to me, I immediately applied to the Secretary of War, Mr. Stanton, by telegraph, for arms and ammunition. After repeated dispatches stating our con dition, and asking for ammunition, and after many days' elapse an answer came from that officer saying that he did not know that there were Indians in Wisconsin ! The time and attention of the Secretary of War is evidently and naturally so much engrossed with the movements of our great army, that prompt [138] *862] CONSCRIPTION SUGGESTED action can hardly be expected in case of any disturbances on our frontier. After more than two weeks from the time of the Massacre, Minnesota was yet without sufficient arms, and ap plied to us for aid. 1 trust and hope that no such disturbances will arise in our State, 85 but the surest mode of avoiding danger is to be prepared for it. We should become familiar with the thought that in the present condition of our country we must become a warlike people; every community should be prepared to defend itself. To be able then promptly to answer future calls of the Gen eral Government for troops; to be able to send into the field men who know at least the rudiments of drill and how to use a gun ; to be able to defend our own firesides against attacks and invasion, our State should have an effective organization of the "militia, and a sufficient supply of arms and ammunition, and -should have it now. Our present laws are insufficient for this purpose; they were not made for such times or emergencies; our supply of arms is too small, and for ammunition we have to rely on the Government at Washington. Perhaps circumstances will not permit you to enact at the present time, an entirely new and well digested militia system, with all its details. I would therefore .recommend that by some few and general enactments amending the present militia law, provision be m'ade for the immediate organization, the neces sary drill, and the calling into active service in case of neces sity of the militia of our state; that provision be made for drafting militia in case of need to serve out of the state, and for the purchase of the necessary arms and ammunition. This would answer for our present emergencies until the next regu lar session of the legislature. A military board or commission might, however, be created with instructions to prepare a com plete milita system, to be laid before the next Legislature. For present organization the recent enrollment made by the sheriffs would probably be sufficient, and it might be adopted as a "basis. s Wisconsin Indians were comparatively quiet during the war. ED. [139] GOVERNOR SALOMON [1862- Another subject to which I desire to call your attention at the present time is the enactment of a law which shall give the soldiers from this state now in the army the right to vote at the next general election. After our quota shall have been filled we shall have about 48,000 men in the army of the Union. Among these, it is safe to presume there are at least 40,000 voters, who certainly have as deep, if not a deeper interest in the welfare of the state and Union, and in the policy that shall guide their counsels in their representative halls as those who have remained at home. The views of these brave and patri otic men should be heard through the ballot box, and should have proper weight in shaping the destiny of our imperilled country. Who votes must bear arms, was the just decision of the Secretary of War; who bears arms should not be disfran chised, but be permitted to vote, should be the policy of the country. There is nothing, I believe, in our Constitution which would prohibit the enactment of such a law. On the contrary, Section 4 of Article 3, provides that "No person shall be deemed to have lost his residence in this State by reason of his absence on business of the United States or of this State." This at least indicates that the spirit of our Constitution is against disfranchisement of our soldiers; justice seems to de mand that they should be rewarded in a different manner for their patriotism than by a loss of one of the most important rights of citizenship, especially in the present crisis, and if rests therefore with you to say whether our election laws shall be so amended as to permit the taking of the soldier's vote. It is believed that a law could, without much difficulty, be framed for this purpose, so that the soldiers may vote for the most im portant public officers at least; for State officers and for their respective representatives in Congress, and the State Legis lature. 86 . Gen. Laws. ex. sess., 1862, chap. 11, enabled Wisconsin sol diers in the army to exercise their right of suffrage. The military vote for President and Governor In the election ot 1864 is given la.-. Legislative Manual (Madison, 1865), pp. 172, 185. ED. [140] 1862] VOLUNTEER AID FUND The three field officers, or in their absence the three ranking officers of each regiment, and three highest commissioned offi cers, or those acting in their places, of each battery of artillery or each company or squadron of infantry or cavalry on de tached service, might be made the inspectors of the election, with power to appoint the proper person clerk of the election so that the vote may be taken on the day fixed by the Constitu tion. I consider such a law a matter of simple justice, as well as of great importance, and trust therefore that it will meet with your approbation. Another subject that should receive your attention is the condition of cur Volunteer Aid Fund. The payments made from that fund from Jan uary 1st to the present time are $211,556.26 averaging nearly $30,000 month. The payments will average at least two months in arrear. Including arrearages to meet the demands upon the Volunteer Aid Fund, say to -the middle of next February, will require money enough for eight months ' payments, which, at $30,000 per month will amount to. . $240,000.00 To meet this there is now in the Fund subject to draft for this purpose about 90,000.00 Leaving a deficiency of $150,000 00 Should the aid be continued throughout the next year it ivill require at least $360,000, without extending it to any of the regiments after the 20th. This deficiency of $150,000 arises mainly from the fact that since the appropriation was made by you for this purpose last spring, the volunteer aid has been extended to the 20th regi ment, and that it was supposed that after final settlement with the United States of our war claims, and after payment of our war debts, there would remain a surplus of about $100,000 to [141] GOVERNOR SALOMON go into the Volunteer Aid Fund. This calculation was prob ably correct, but although our vouchers have long since been transmitted to the Treasury Department at Washington, we have not yet been able to obtain a final settlement of our ac counts, and after another advance of $110,000 made by the: General Government, which has been used in part payment of our war debts, any further advance has been refused until final settlement. It is very difficult to conjecture when the De partments at Washington will be ready for that final settlement. Unless you should therefore deem it desirable to change the law in relation to the volunteer aid, provision should be made now to include in our State tax the $150,000, in order to carry payments from that Fund to the middle of February next, and an additional $360,000 to cover next year's payments. I can not advise a further issue of State bonds for this purpose, as the commissioners for the negotiation of the last $200,000 found it not without difficulty to dispose of them at par, and as it seems much more advisable to raise the necessary money for this purpose now by tax, than to sell our bonds below par. 87 Up to the time that I discontinued the active duties and pay of Paymaster-General, the employees in our military offices- had received pay-rolls and other vouchers from the Paymaster- General for their salaries, but when the duties of that officer were discontinued, it was found that no provision existed by which the Secretary of State could audit the claims for salary of these clerks. I have since that time, been compelled to pay these employees from a few thousand dollars that remained subject to my draft of the $200,000 fund created for general war purposes, by chapters 239 and 307, of the Laws of 1861. This money, however, is nearly all exhausted, while the force of clerks in the Executive office, and in that of the Adjutant 87 wis. Gen. Laws, ex. sess., 1862, chap. 4, extended the benefits of the Volunteer Aid Law to all regiments raised or still to be raised within the State, and levied a special tax of $275,000 for the use Of the fund. ED. 1862] APPEAL TO PATRIOTISM General, has necessarily to be, and continues to be, pretty large, under the present and prospective great pressure of business. Provision should therefore be made for the payment of these employees. 88 You have assembled here at a dark hour in the history of our country, the recent reverses of our arms cast a gloom upon every loyal countenance ; the Union army in the East has strug gled for over a year, our troops have fought nobly and many a loyal and brave soul has expired upon the battle field. We deemed ourselves victorious but a short time ago; suddenly all is changed, our army obliged to retreat, our National Capi tal again in danger, the enemy's army in Maryland. All this, however, should not make us despond, but only kindle anew the fire of patriotism in our hearts and arouse us to new exer tions and new energy. The fortunes of war are not always on the same side. We have been too confident in the slumbering power of the North; conscious of our strength we have not called it into action soon enough. But the people of the loyal States have with wonderful alacrity responded to the recent calls of the Gov ernment for 600,000 more men. They are now being hurried to the endangered points, and while the traitorous South has exhausted its resources of men, we can send, if necessary, an other 600,000 soldiers to overwhelm and crush the rebellion. Let the Peovle of the loyal States remain united and true to our flag, our government and our constitution, and we shall not be obliged to see a dishonorable peace and dismemberment of the Union ! EDWARD SALOMON, Governor. chap. 5, authorized the Secretary of State to audit the salary claims of these clerks. ED. [143] GOVERNOR SALOiMON AN APPEAL TO THE LEGISLATURE EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MADISON, Sept. 25, 1862. To the Ho*n. the Legislature: A bill has been passed during your present session extending the benefits of the volunteer aid law to the families of all soldiers in the field now, or in regiments now being organized or hereafter to be raised for the United States service in this state. 89 I regret to say that I do not find among the bills which have passed the legislature, that adequate means have been provided to meet the very largely increased expenditure thus contemplated. It is estimated that nearly or quite $2,000 per day will be required to meet the requisitions of the laws already passed, including the extension to the new regiments which you have provided for. The tax of $275,000 which has been directed to be levied will not be sufficient to meet the necessities of the case until another tax can be levied and col lected; and if it were sufficient in amount, will not be paid in and available until considerable time has elapsed, in which there will be no money in the treasury to pay the claims aris ing under the laws referred to. There must inevitably be two months or more, during which these claims cannot be paid. The legislature, by passing these volunteer or bounty laws, has told the families of our soldiers in effect, pledged to them the faith of the state that they might expect the promised aid promptly, on proper application and verification of their claim, and those families are induced to place reliance upon the promise. Small as the amount is, it is in very many cases the sole reliance of the family for many of the necessaries of life. If the legislature, in its wisdom, shall deem it not advis able to continue the bounty, it would without doubt be a very great hardship to the families of the soldiers; but it would, , -chap. 4. ED. [144] SOLDIERS' CLAIMS in my judgment, be better than to hold out the promise and encourage the hope of obtaining the bounty, and still to neglect to furnish the means of paying it. In the former case there would at least be no hopes raised to be disappointed on applica tion to the proper officers of the state, and those officers would not, as they have been on former occasions, be burdened with the heavy task of an enormous correspondence occupied in re fusing applications, and making apologies. I trust that the legislature will not adjourn without mak ing the necessary provision of law to enable the state officers to meet promptly all claims of the families of the gallant men who are absent, periling their lives in their country's cause. 9 * JAMES T. LEWIS, Acting Governor. o The matter was referred to a joint committee, which recommended a tax levy of $150,000 and a bond issue for an additional $150,000. The Legislature, however, adjourned without further action. ED. 10 [ 145 GOVERNOR SALOMON [1862- 1862. In Legislative Recess The Governor issued the following THANKSGIVING DAY PROCLAMATION To the people of Wisconsin: Amidst the manifold vicissitudes and calamities that have befallen and surrounded us, threatening the life of our nation,, and the lives of so many of its heroic and noble sons, it pecul iarly becomes us to turn with grateful hearts to the Supreme Being for the many blessings we have enjoyed, and the afflic tions we have been spared. The horrors and devastations of war, so fiercely raging around us, have not touched the border of our State; except ing the brave men who have rallied around our country's flag in this time of peril; our citizens have been permitted to pur sue their peaceful avocations ; our harvest, though not as abund ant as Providence sometimes has pleased to grant us, has yet well compensated the labor bestowed upon it, and well filled our houses and barns; the savage tribes upon our border set tlements, so threatening at one time to our peace, have been quieted, and kept under surveillance. 91 The great cause of our nation, it is true, has not triumphed yet over its enemies, but neither has it yet failed; the enemy has been driven from the soil of the loyal States; our army has been reinforced by hundreds of thousands of brave, pa triotic and noble men ready to do battle, and, if necessary to die for the integrity of the Union; our resources and energies are unimpaired; we have reason to be hopeful for the future, and therefore thankful for the past. The loyalty, honor, and patriotism of the State of "Wiscon- Cf ante, p. 137, note 84. ED. I862 1 DRAFT RIOTS sin has been nobly sustained by her brave sons upon every field of battle where they have been called upon to vindicate our national flag. The just pride which we feel in the bravery of our noble soldiers should fill our hearts with gratitude to Almighty God, who has sustained them in their hour of trial. For these and other uncounted blessings which the infinite goodness of God has vouchsafed to us during the past year, we should thank Him from! the depth of our hearts. And! therefore, and in accordance with a time honored custom, I do hereby appoint THURSDAY,THE 27TH DAY OF NO VEMBER, 1862, AS A DAY OF THANKSGIVING AND REST, and recommend to the people of this State on that day to abstain from secular labor, and to assemble at their usual places of worship to show their grateful hearts to the benefi cent Ruler of the Universe, and to pray for a speedy sup pression of the rebellion, and for peace to our distracted coun try. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto subscribed by name, and caused the Great Seal of State to be affixed this 31st day of October, A. D. 1862. EDWARD SALOMON, Governor. ' , ,, DRAFT RIOTS REBUKED In November, 1862, the Governor addressed the following Proclamations to the people of Ozaukee and Milwaukee coun ties, wherein there had. been armed resistance to the draft: To the People of Ozaukee County: Information has reached me of a disgraceful and violent dis turbance of the public peace and forcible resistance to the draft, accompanied with personal violence to the Commissioner for drafting, and other persons, and destruction of private and GOVERNOR SALOMON ."public property in your county. 92 I have taken steps to have the perpetrators and abettors of these crimes promptly ar- : rested. They, as well as every person interfering with or re sisting the draft, will be arrested and punished according to the Proclamation of the President of the United States, of September 25th, 1862. 93 It is one of the inherent and necessary powers of every government to call upon its citizens, or subjects, to take up ut will be m'ade to tell its full weight and power under ex perienced leaders. " In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Great Seal of the State to be affixed, this 24th day of October A. D. 1863. EDWARD SALOMON. MILITARY CONTINGENT FUND EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MADISON, February 5th, 1863. To the Honorable the Senate and Assembly: Hereto annexed you will find an account of the expenditures incurred by Governor Harvey and myself, under chapters 239 and 307, of the General Laws of 1861. The vouchers for these [189] GOVERNOR SALOMON [ l86 3~ expenditures have been filed in the office of the Secretary of State. This was the only fund to which recourse could be had to defray necessary incidental expenses connected with the raising of troops and their organization. Nearly every item of the account is a just demand against the United States, and will be refunded to the State ; but in as much as the final settle ment with government must necessarily be delayed for a con siderable time and as this fund is nearly exhausted, a moderate appropriation for a military contingent fund should be made, in justice to the citizens of the State who are called upon to perform various services, for which there would otherwise be no present means of payment. 29 EDWARD SALOMON. CIVIL ACTIONS AGAINST SOLDIERS EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MADISON, March 2d, 1863. To the Honorable the Senate and Assembly: Among the bills recently laid before me for approval, was one entitled "An Act relative to the commencement and prosecu tion of civil actions against persons in the military service of the country." 30 This is substantially a re-enactment of the law exempting persons in the military service from civil pro cess, and providing for a stay of proceedings in actions already pending, limiting the time of such exemption and stay, how ever, to three years, and thus avoiding the objection made to the former law, and for which, as I understand, it was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. In its general scope and purpose this law meets with my approval; but in addition 29 See ante, p. 175, note 17. ED. so This bill became Wis. Gen. Laws, 1863, chap. 32. The recommen dations of the Governor for amendments do not appear to have been accepted. ED. [190] 1863] SUITS AGAINST SOLDIERS to the cases excepted from the operation of the law by section 4, I beg leave to call your attention to a class of cases which in my judgment should also be excepted. It often occurs that a mortgagor sells and conveys the mortgaged premises sub ject to the mortgage which he has executed, and thus parts- with all his interest in the property. Still in an action of fore closure, he would be the principal defendant, and if in army, the action could not be commenced, or if commenced, would be stayed. It seems to me that the law should not apply to such a case, but that the foreclosure should be permitted to proceed, where the mortgagor has parted with his interest in the property and where the action does not seek to make him personally liable for the payment of the deficiency arising on the sale, but is confined to a foreclosure of the right of re demption in the mortgaged premises. The real owner of the property would in such a case be the principal party in in terest adverse to the plaintiff, while he would appear simply as a subsequent purchaser in the suit, and if he was in the serv ice it might perhaps be proper to grant a stay of proceedings on his account. I would respectfully suggest that, while the law should not be made to apply to a mortgagor who has parted with his interest in the property in an action which does not seek a personal remedy against him for the debt, it might very properly be left to the courts to grant a stay of proceedings in such cases where the real party in interest, on the part of the defence, the bona fide owner of the property, is in the mili tary service of the country. As the class of cases I have mentioned is only an additional exception to the general principle embodied in the law, and which meets with my approval, I have preferred to lay the same before you in this manner rather than to return the law without my signature, and would respectfully recommend that by an additional act this further exception be made from the operation of the law. EDWARD SALOMON. [191] GOVERNOR SALOMON [ l86 3~ SUFFERING FAMILIES EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MADISON, March 14th, 1863. To the Hon. the Senate and Assembly: My attention has recently been called to a class of sufferers to whom the State should extend a helping hand. I refer to the widows and families of those of our brave soldiers who died in the service of our country, and whose families were, before they entered the army, dependent upon their labor for support. In such case, the family, after the soldier's death, receives neither State pay nor U. S. pay; both cease when his life expires in his country's cause. It is true, they are entitled to pension, and in some cases now to bounty ; but it takes a long time before they can obtain either, owing to the large number of applications ; and then the pension is only paid twice a year. In the meantime these bereaved ones mustt live. I cannot more pointedly lay the case before you than by giving you the following extract from a letter addressed to me on that sub ject by some of these innocent sufferers : "This state has made several calls for men to serve their country in this time of trouble, which calls have been cheerfully responded to by many whose families were entirely dependent upon their labor for support. Many of those brave men have died in their country's service, and their once happy homes are made desolate ; once plenty crowned their board, but now the picture is reversed. Their once happy dwelling is filled with want and wretchedness, woe and sorrow. For now many of us are left with three and four small children entirely destitute, without a home or anything to pay rent with, or even to pur chase the most common necessaries of life. Now what shall we do-? Shall we and our little ones starve ? or shall we suffer the humiliating position of paupers on the town, thus disgracing the posterity of Wisconsin's noble dead? No, never. What, then? Shall we stoop to degradation and crime? May God forbid! [192] 1863] SOLDIERS' FAMILIES Yet one of these evils must surely come upon us, unless we find some relief. As the last resort, we appeal to you. We have been promised both bounty and pension, but can get neither. Again we are told by those in whom we place confidence as officers of our government, that we may get it ere long, and we may not get it for years. Now what is to become of us? We cannot live on faith, hope or premises, unless we have something more substantial to back them. Why cannot our honorable leg islature extend the volunteer aid fund to us also?" To relieve these suffering families of our brave unfortunate soldiers, until they can receive the pension from the General Government, I recommend that the State aid of five dollars per month be by law continued to them for six months after the death, in the service, of those on whose labor they were de pendent for support, provided the payment of the pensions shall not have commenced during that time. 31 EDWARD SALOMON. si Ibid, chap. 264, provided for six months' continuance of extra pay to the families of volunteers who had died in service; such payment to cease, however, when the Federal pension should begin. ED. 13 [193] GOVERNOR SALOMON t l86 3~ MISCELLANEOUS MESSAGES EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MADISON, Feb. 7th, 1863. To the Honorable the Speaker of the Assembly: SIB On behalf and at the request of Lieut. Col. Charles Whipple, of the 19th Reg. Wis. Vol., I have the honor to pre sent you herewith a gavel, made from the hull of the memorable steamer "Merrimac", sunk in Norfolk harbor. Lt. Col. Whipple sent me two gavels with the request to pre sent one to the President of the Senate and one to the Speaker of the Assembly. Very respectfully, EDWARD SALOMON. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, March 6th, 1863. To the Honorable the Senate and Assembly: Enclosed I transmit to you a letter from Mr. J. V. Robbing, making a claim against the State for breach of a contract entered into with him by the Quartermaster General, in 1861. I referred it to the Quartermaster General for a report upon the facts in the case, which I also enclose. From this report it would seem that Mr. Robbins has a just claim ; and if, upon due investigation, the legislature should be of that opinion, I would respectfully suggest that the Quartermaster General be authorized to settle the matter with Mr. Robbins, deducting from his claim the amount due the State from him upon a matter also referred to in the accompanying papers, upon his delivering the necessary releases from himself and the other parties interested in the contract, and that the necessary ap propriation be made for that purpose. 82 EDWARD SALOMON. chap. 28*, made provision for the settlement of this claim ae recommended. ED. [194] I86 3] TOURNIQUETS EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, March 9, 1863. To the Honorable the Senate and Assembly: My attention has been called to a newly invented instrument to arrest the flow of blood through the arteries of the extrem ities in case of wounds received upon the battle-field or else where. It is called "Lambert's Elastic Tourniquet", and is, according to the testimony of scientific men, well adapted to the saving of soldiers' lives, of whom so large a number perish on battle-fields from loss of blood before any aid can be rendered them. Many of our sister States have provided, or taken steps to provide their soldiers with this important "Life Preserver"; among them the States of New Hampshire, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New Jersey and New York, as I am credibly informed. I would respectfully recommend that this matter be taken into careful consideration by you, and that, if you find the in vention sufficiently useful and beneficial, the necessary appro priation be made to furnish the soldiers from this State a sufficient number of these Tourniquets. All the information which I have upon this subject, I shall be pleased to lay before any committee to which you may refer the matter. 38 EDWARD SALOMON. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, March 12th, 1863. To the Honorable the Assembly: In compliance with your resolution, No. 78, A, I have the honor to state that Mr. R. C. Murphy, formerly Colonel of the 8th Regt. Wisconsin Volunteers, recently sent me a duplicate of a letter and accompanying documents addressed by him to the President of the United States, with a request to lay the same before the legislature, which I declined to do, not believing that 33 The Governor was authorized to furnish tourniquets for the ue of soldiers by Hid, chap. 154. ED. 1 195 ] GOVERNOR SALOMON [ l86 3~ the legislature of this state is the proper tribunal to try his guilt or innocence. At your request I now enclose to you his communication to me, accompanied by the duplicate of his letter and accompanying documents addressed to the President, and also a copy of my answer to him. This comprises all communi cations in this office touching the conduct of any Wisconsin regimental officer or officers at the surrender of Holly Springs, Miss., except the order of the War Department of January 10th, 1863, dismissing Col. Murphy from the service of the U. S., a copy of which is contained in his communication to the Presi dent. No copy of any order made by Gen. Grant touching the surrender of Holly Springs is in my possession. 84 EDWARD SALOMON. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISOX, March 17th, 1863. To the Honorable the Assembly: In answer to your resolution No. 79, A, 35 I have the honor to lay before you a report of the Adjutant General, giving you the desired information. There is no " State Armory ", pro perly so called, in the state ; the arms and military stores apper taining thereto have to be kept in such places as can be most advantageously procured for that purpose. 36 EDWARD SALOMON. . s* Colonel Murphy was dismissed from the service for permitting the surprise, capture, and destruction by Confederate cavalry under Van Dorn, of the military depot under his command at Holly Springs, Miss., where Grant had gathered a million dollars' worth of stores as a base of supplies in his attempted march from Memphis to Vick*- burg. ED. 35 The resolution called upon the Governor to furnish information relating to the quantity and character of military goods in the State. ED. ss See post, p. 275, note 76. ED. [196] 1863] THANKSGIVING 1863. In Legislative Recess The Governor issued the following THANKSGIVING DAY PROCLAMATION The people of Wisconsin have much reason to be thankful to God for the many favors and blessings they have enjoyed dur ing the past year. While the calamities and dangers of war have visited so many of our sister States, we have been per mitted to enjoy peace and prosperity within the borders of our State ; the earth has been bountiful in its productions to us, and our harvest plentiful; commerce, manufactures and all the arts and vocations of peace have flourished with unusual prosperity. And all of this has been vouchsafed to us while the nation has been, and is, in a fierce and. bloody contest for its life and in tegrity a contest in which the brave and noble sons of Wis consin have shown unsurpassed endurance, heroism and de votion to our country 's sacred cause upon so many battle fields ; and, thus bravely acting their part in the suppression of the rebellion, and assisting in driving the enemy from his strong holds, have conferred honor and renown upon themselves and our beloved State. Thanks to God who gave them such loyal and stout hearts and strong arms! Thanks to him for the success that has aceom-- panied our army within the past year, bringing nearer to us constantly a permanent national peace, unity and happiness. Now, therefore, in compliance with a time-honored custom, and conforming to a recent proclamation of the President of the United States appointing a day of National Thanksgiving, I, EDWARD SALOMON, Governor of the State of Wisconsin, do hereby appoint THURSDAY, 26th day of November, 1863, as a day of Thanksgiving and Best, and request the people of the- State of Wisconsin that, laying aside all their secular pursuits^ GOVERNOR SALOMON t l86 3~ they repair on that day to their accustomed places of worship, there to offer their gratitude to God for the blessings and favors we have been permitted to enjoy during the past year. And in that gratitude let us not omit to remember the many noble and departed heroes who have laid their lives upon the altar of our common country, to save it from destruction and ruin; nor their weeping widows, orphans, relatives and friends; nor those who have sacrificed health and limbs in this great national struggle; nor those who yet so bravely stand around the flag of the Union. Let us remember them and those that are dear to them. Let us comfort and assist them in their affliction and their struggles. In offering our Thanks, let them be mingled with Prayers for a speedy and permanent restoration of peace, unity and hap piness to our distracted country. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto subscribed my name and caused the Great Seal of the State of Wisconsin to be affixed. Done at Madison, the twelfth day of October in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three. EDWARD SALOMON. 198 Governor James T. Lewis From a photograph in possession or the Wisconsin Historical Society 1 864-66] SKETCH OF GOVERNOR LEWIS 1864-1866. James Taylor Lewis Biographical Sketch James Taylor Lewis, ninth. Governor of Wisconsin, was born at Clarendon, Orleans County, New York, October 30, 1819, the son of Shubael Lewis, a native of Massachusetts, and Eleanor (Robertson) Lewis, a native of Scotland. He was educated at larkson Academy and Clinton Seminary, both in western New York. After teaching school for a few years, he began the study of law in 1842, was admitted to the bar, and had. good opportunities to practice in his home county. Coming to Wisconsin in 1845 he settled at Columbus in Portage (now Columbia) County, where he resided until his death. He took up the practice of his profession and for a time was the only lawyer in the county. In 1846, Mr. Lewis married Orlina M. Sturges of his native place in New York. He was chosen county judge, later district attorney, and sat as a member of the Second Constitutional Convention, 1847-48. Judge Lewis was one of the organizer! of the State Historical Society in 1849, and continued his mem bership therein so long as he lived. In New York he had been a lieutenant in the Two Hundred Fifteenth Regiment of militia; in Wisconsin he was appointed colonel of the Four teenth Regiment of militia and later a brigadier-general in that service. He was elected to the State Assembly of 1852, in the autumn of that year to the Senate, and at the election of 1853 was chosen Lieutenant-Governor. At the end of his service in the last named capacity, in January, 1856, he returned to his law prac tice, and was not active politically for a number of years. Lewii had always been a steadfast Democrat, but he left that party at GOVERNOR LEWIS [1864-66 the outbreak of the Civil War. Both the Union and Republican conventions nominated him for Secretary of State in 1861, and he was elected to that office. In 1863 he was nominated for Governor by the Union-Repub lican" convention, and elected by a large majority. The war was now drawing heavily on the resources of the State, and the Governor wisely exerted himself to secure economy in the use both of money and of men. At the same time he was ener getic in supplying the troops that were called for, and in providing the best possible care for the sick and wounded soldiers. It was his privilege to proclaim the end of the war and to welcome the returning troops. He was also a strong advocate of soldiers' and sailors' orphans' homes for the care of those whose services to the State and the Union had rendered them incapable of supporting themselves or those dependent upon them. At the close of his term he declined a re-nomination and retired to private life. Governor Lewis was soon offered a foreign mission, but declined this honor as he did several other State and national offices. He thereafter rarely took an active part in political affairs, but the welfare of the State was always of interest to him, especially its University and other educa tional and benevolent institutions. He died on August 4, 1904, about a year after the death of his wife. [200] 1864] ANNUAL MESSAGE 1864. .Seventeenth Annual Legislative Session, January 13- April 4 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention on January 14, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE from which are taken the folowing extracts, relating to the war : Fellow Citizens of the Senate and Assembly: The welfare of our State being the object of our meeting here to-day, it is fitting that our thanks should first go out to Him whose care is over all His creatures, who supplies our wants, presides over our councils, and gives us wisdom to guide them, for the many blessings we are now permitted to enjoy, and that we should with devout hearts ask the continuance of them. Seldom has any people had greater reasons to be thankful. While passions, wild and terrible, have seemed to guide the councils of some of our sister States, bringing upon them the devastations of war and its concomitant evils; while disease and famine are staring them in the face, Wisconsin is quietly and calmly pursuing the even tenor of her ways; her people are enjoying the blessings of health ; her granaries are filled to overflowing, and peace and plenty reign within her borders. [Statement of funds utilized for military purposes:] Receipts into the Allotment Fund during fiscal year just closed amounted to sr $482,005 86 Disbursements during year 451,269 1$ 7 The "allotment fund" was not strictly a fund. It was rather a method for transmitting the pay or allotments of the volunteers to their families at home. ED. [201] GOVERNOR LEWIS [1864- Balance in fund September 30th, 1862 1,927 76 Balance in fund September 30th, 1863 32,664 46 The amount disbursed during the last fiscal year by the Gpv- ernor, for the benefit of sick and wounded soldiers was 13,999 91 The amount received into the War Fund during the last fiscal year, including the balance in the fund at the com mencement of the year, was 818 , 032 44 Amount disbursed from this fund during same period was 786,892 85 Balance in fund September 30th, 1863 31,139 59 The whole amount of State indebtedness, on the first day of the present month, was seventeen hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. This debt was created, pursuant to provi sions of law, by the issue of State bonds and certificates of in debtedness, the bonds bearing interest at the rate of six per cent per annum, and the certificates at the rate of seven per cent per annum. The money arising from the sale of these bonds and certifi cates, has been expended, pursuant to law, for building the State Capitol; payment of tax levied by the General Govern ment upon the property of the State, for war purposes; pay ment of bounty of five dollars per month to the families of volunteers; boarding soldiers, and preparing them for the field; caring for sick and wounded soldiers, and other war purposes. The greater proportion of this debt, having been created for war purposes, is a legitimate charge against the General Government. The General Government has already repaid a part of the money advanced by the State for carrying on the war, and, I doubt not, will eventually repay the bal ance. This money, if refunded, will be sufficient to liquidate all State indebtedness, and should be applied to that purpose. The amount paid to families of volunteers, from the com mencement of the war up to January 1st, 1864, was $1,197, 044.70. Amount paid on United States tax, $441,735.37. Amount paid for building State Capitol, from avails of bonds sold, $100,000. Amount advanced by the State, for boarding and equipping soldiers, caring for sick and other war expenses [202] J86 4] ANNUAL MESSAGE not enumerated above, and still a charge against the General Government, about $200,000. Amount still due the State from banks, on sale of war bonds during the year 1861, $173,950. *#*####* Relying as we do on the militia for defense in great and sud den emergencies, good policy would seem to require its thor ough and efficient organization. With this end in view, the militia law of last winter was doubtless enacted, but being passed hurriedly, near the close of the session, is necessarily imperfect and needs much amendment. 38 Under its provisions, however, a partial organization has been effected. By this act the militia of the State is divided into two classes. The first t'lass denominated the organized militia, intended for immedi- .ate service should occasion require, consists of four regiments and one battalion of infantry, and two batteries of artillery, snd numbers four thousand and thirty-two men. The second class, consisting of all persons subject to military duty not in cluded in the first class, is denominated the enrolled militia. The number of persons in the State belonging to this class is ninety-five thousand eight hundred and twelve. Of her volunteers in the field, Wisconsin has reason to be proud. She sent forth noble men, and nobly have they done their duty. By deeds of valor they have won the high position they now occupy. Troops from other Northern States are en titled to great credit. We yet must claim for Wisconsin soldiers the highest meed of praise. In response to the calls of the General Government, Wiscon sin had sent to the field on the first day of November last, ex clusive of three months* men, thirty-four regiments of infantry, three regiments and one company of cavalry, twelve batteries light artillery, three batteries of heavy artillery, and one com pany of sharpshooters. Making an aggregate of forty-one ss The militia law referred to, is contained in Wis. Gen. Laws, 1863, chap. 242. The desired amendments were made by Id, 1864, chap. 407. ED. [20 3 ] GOVERNOR LEWIS t l86 4~ thousand seven hundred and seventy-five men. Of this num ber sixteen thousand nine hundred and sixty-three have been lost to the service by death, discharge and desertions, leaving in the service on the first day of November last, twenty-four thousand eight hundred and twelve men. The State can never fully repay our soldiers for the sacrifice they have made and are now making. It can and should do much to aid them, how ever, by adding to their comforts in the field and in hospitals^ caring for their families, and assisting them in procuring their pay for services rendered the Government. Much trouble, delay and inconvenience has been experienced by those entitled to bounties, back pay and pensions, in obtain ing their just dues. Whether the State cannot further aid this class of persons in establishing and procuring payment of these claims, is a subject well worthy your attention. Many of our volunteers have been transferred to the Invalid Corps. 39 The families of these soldiers are equally entitled to the aid furnished by the State, with those who remain in their regiments. Provision should be made for their payment, upon proper reports being furnished from officers in command of this corps. Provision was made, at the last session of the Legislature, for the payment to the families of certain deceased soldiers, of five dollars per month for six months after the death of the soldier. I doubt not the intention of the Legislature was to ex tend this benefit to the families of all deceased soldiers residing in the State, but from the wording of the act it could only be paid to the families of soldiers who were in the service at the time of 39 The Invalid Corps was organized in 1863 to give employment to the thousands of partially-disabled volunteers in the army who were unfit for further active service in the field. To it were assigned the lighter military and civil duties connected with the provost guard, the depots of the quartermaster's and subsistence departments, the hospital service, and the garrisoning of seaboard forts. See Rebellion Records, gen. index, under "Invalid Corps." ED. [204] I86 4] ANNUAL MESSAGE its passage, and who died in the service after that date. This law should be so amended as to extend equal benefits to the families of all deceased soldiers residing in the State. While we should strive to do all in our power to protect and care for those who are entitled to our protection, we should also properly guard the Treasury against those who seek, but are not entitled to, aid from the State. Persons in affluent circumstances, having sons in the army, on whom they never depended for support, have, in some instances, sought by false representations, to obtain this bounty offered by the State. For the punishment of this class of persons, and as a safeguard against fraudulent claims upon the state treasury, stringent laws should be enacted. I submit herewith, for your informa tion upon this subject, the very able and full report of the Adjutant General, showing the condition of our State militia, of our troops in the field, and suggesting amendments to . the militia law all of which I commend to your careful considera tion. 40 Congress has very wisely provided for the establishment of an Agricultural College in our State, and has donated two hundred and forty thousand acres of land for its endowment. This land has been selected during the past year, and it is said to be of a good quality. In view of the importance of such an institution to the in terests of the State, and of the fact that unless it is established within five years from the passage of the act making the grant, the land reverts to the General Government, I feel it my duty to urge upon the Legislature the necessity of immediately mak ing provision for the location of this institution, the sale of 40 All of the recommendations contained in this and the two fore going paragraphs were enacted into law by Wis. Gen. Laws, 1864, chap. 117, which effected a complete revision of the volunteer! aid system of the State. ED. [20 S ] GOVERNOR LEWIS t l86 4~ the lands granted by Congress, and the purchase of a farm and erection of buildings thereon; in short, the necessity of com plying with the conditions of the grant in order that we may reap its benefits. The events of the last two years having so fully demon strated the want of a school within our State where military instruction may be obtained, I would also suggest the pro priety of incorporating into the organic act establishing this, college, a provision requiring that a prescribed amount of mili tary instruction shall be included in its course of study, suf ficient at least to ground its students in the rudiments of mili tary science. 41 *##*****: Complaints are made in different parts of the State cf fraudulent voting; that men who have long exercised the right of the elector and claimed the protection of the Govern ment, now in the day of the Nation's peril, being unwilling" to bear its burdens, claim to be subjects of a foreign power, and to avoid the draft bring forward proof that they were never entitled to vote, thus publishing their own wrong; that some have been in the habit of voting under assumed names; that others have voted more than once at the same election. These evils, if they exist, should be corrected. The purity and permanency of our institutions depend much upon the proper exercise of the elective franchise. The election laws should be thoroughly examined and so amended as to properly guard the exercise of this sacred right. 42 In commenting, as we have thus far, upon subjects more immediately connected with our State affairs, we are not un- A Military Instruction was established in the University by Id, 1866, chap. 114, in fulfillment of one of the requirements of the College Land Grant Act of July 2, 1862. ED. *2Wis. Gen. Laws, 1864, chap. 445, provided for the registration of voters, "to guard against the abuse of the elective franchise and to pre serve the purity of elections." Eb. [206] i86 4 ] ANNUAL MESSAGE mindful that we owe allegiance to the General Government, and have duties to perform in connection therewith. Notwithstanding peace and plenty reign within the border* of our State, we cannot lose sight of the fact that the nation is engaged in war a war of great magnitude and importance; of imm'ense importance to us as a State; of immense import ance to the world. The interests, the hopes and fears of millions now han trembling in the balance, and the position of our State may turn the scale. How important that we examine carefully the ground on which we stand, and that we are found arrayed upon the side of justice and humanity. Wisconsin is now standing side by side with all the Free States in support of the General Government; in support of law and order; in support of freedom. The important ques tion which presents itself to our mind is, are we right in our position? If we are, it is our duty to go forward, press on the war with renewed energy until victory and peace shall crown our efforts. If wrong, our first duty should be to place ourselves in a true and correct position. In judging of this matter, we may very properly ask ourselves the question, are our minds free from prejudice and passion? It is natural that the monarchs of the old world, as well as the aristocrats upon -our own soil, impressed with the dangers that threaten their tenure of place and power from the spread of our free principles, should desire the downfall of this Government, and to accomplish this end should counsel the withdrawal of our armies, and the final separation of these States. There may be those, also, in our midst whose narrow prejudices, whose love of gain or fear of personal harm, will induce them to withhold support from the Administration, favor the with drawal of our troops, and the consequent destruction of the Government. Our faith, however, in the integrity and loyalty of our people, is too strong to permit us to believe there are many of this class of persons in our State. It is true some within our borders may have arrayed themselves against the [207] GOVERNOR LEWIS [ l8 173 8T Several appropriations have heretofore been made to the Gov ernor, for military contingent expenses. The Legislature at its session in the year 1863, passed an act providing for a Military [ 222 ] i865l ANNUAL MESSAGE Comingent Fund, appropriating to the Governor the sum of three thousand dollars, and making it his duty to report to the Legislature at each session, the amount expended from said fund. 49 Seeing no necessity for the use of the fund, 1 have made no drafts upon it, and have the honor therefore to report, that the money belonging to the Military Contingent Fund, except so far as the same had been drawn by my pre decessors, remains in the State Treasury unexpended. It has been customary for the Legislature at each session to appropriate to the Governor the sum of five thousand dollars for contingent expenses. Of the money appropriated at the last session for this object, I have found it necessary to use but a small proportion. The balance unexpended and now remaining in the State Treasury being sufficient, in my judg ment, to meet these expenses for several years to come, I would recommend that no appropriation for this object be made at the present session. The amount of State indebtedness is two millions and five thousand dollars. "With the exception of one hundred thou sand dollars borrowed, and used for the purpose of erecting the State Capitol, this debt was created for war purposes, and is a legitimate charge against the General Government. Large amounts advanced by the State, for the purposes above named, have already been repaid. Vouchers for a considerable further amount, are now in the hands of the proper United States auditing officers. Others will soon be presented, and we con fidently hope and expect that the day is not far distant, when all the money advanced by the State, for war purposes, will be refunded by the General Government, and the whole debt of the State, except the hundred thousand dollars used in erecting the State Capitol, liquidated thereby. 50 Authority 49 See Wis. Gen. Laws, 1863, chap. 141. ED. eo Wisconsin's war claim against the Federal government amounted originally to' $1,742,202. By 1872 all of it had been allowed and paid, excepting a doubtful balance of $93,833. The State authorities of that [22 3 ] GOVERNOR LEWIS t l86 5- should be given to the State Treasurer to pay off any bonds outstanding against the State, before maturing, whenever they are presented, and the surplus in the State Treasury will war rant him in so doing. 51 ******** The attention of the Legislature has frequently been called to the militia law of the State. To insure a faithful execu tion of the laws an efficient military force should be organized and placed at the disposal of the Executive. The amend ments of the last two years have greatly improved our militia system ; yet it is still imperfect, and needs further amendment to make it effective. 52 Owing to the imperfections of the sys tem, want of interest among the people, as well as to the fre quent calls of the general government for men, who must neces sarily be drawn to a great extent from the State militia, the organized militia, consisting nominally of four regiments of infantry, and two batteries of artillery, is at present in a very inefficient state. The enrolled militia, consisting of all per sons subject to military duty, not included in the organized militia, numbers 82,981 men. The State has, at the present time, Ordnance, Arms, Ammu nition and Military Stores, as follows: time evidently considered this settlement satisfactory, and the account was closed. Thirty years later, however, in 1902, the matter was again opened, fo'r the State now laid claim to the amount paid in Interest and the discount sruffered in the disposal of certain bonds, the proceeds of which were used for equipping troops. In 1903 this claim was also allowed, and the State received in consequence $460,436. Two years later (1905), the State received from the Federal government a still further allowance of $727,740.18. ED. si No such authority appears 1 to' have been given. ED. 62 The militia system of the State had been completely reorgan ized by Wis. Gen. Laws. 1863, chap. 242, and Id, 1864, chap. 407. Fol lowing the recommendation of the governor, minor changes were made by Id, 1865, chaps. 323, 498. ED. [224] I86 5] ANNUAL MESSAGE Six-pounder S. B. Bronze Field Guns, with carriages 8 Twelve-pounder, Mountain Howitzer, with carriage and am munition cart \ . i Caissons for six-pounder guns 6 Muskets, Rifled Muskets and Rifles, with accoutrements and appendages 5,186 Pistols and Holsters 50 Swords and Sabres with scabbards and accoutrements 444 Muskets, Rifled Muskets and Rifles unserviceable 665 Canister and round shot for six-pounder guns (rounds) 59 Shot and shell for twelve-pounder Mountain howitzer (rounds) 100 Ball Cartridge 103,320 Pounds of Powder 25 Bars of Lead 150 Gun-caps 7, 000 Canteens 4,000 Haversacks 4,000 In addition to the above, there is on hand a large number of extra equipments, accoutrements and appendages, which are not required to make up the ''stand of arms' 7 complete. For full detailed statements of the condition of the military property of the State, and of military operations, I refer you to the able and interesting reports of the Adjutant General, Quartermaster General, and Surgeon General, herewith sub mitted. 53 To the calls of the Government for troops, no state has re sponded with greater alacrity than has Wisconsin. She has sent to the field since the commencement of the war forty-four regim'ents of Infantry, four regiments and one company of cav alry, one regiment of heavy artillery, thirteen batteries of light artillery, and one company of sharp-shooters, making an aggre gate (exclusive of hundred day men), of seventy-five thousand one hundred and thirty-three men. To this large number furnished by our young state should be added the three regi- ss These reports may be found in Wis. Mess, and Docs., 1865, pp. 443, 859, 963. ED. 15 [ 225 ] GOVERNOR LEWIS t l86 5- ments of one hundred day men, who so nobly responded to the call at a critical moment, when their services were so much needed, and whose services were of so much importance to the Government, as to call forth from the Commander-in- Chief the highest special commendation. Further provision should be made for keeping and preserv ing records of the names, and deeds of valor, of all Wiscon sin's sons who have taken part in the great national struggle in which we are now engaged. It is due to them, and to pos terity, that such records should be handed down to future time, and spread before the rising generation for their emula tion. 54 The debt of gratitude we owe to our soldiers and sailors for their great achievements, we can never fully repay. To their exertions, under the guidance of an All-wise Providence, is due the salvation of our country, and to no equal number is greater credit due, than to the soldiers and sailors of our own State. They have fought in nearly every action on land and sea, and none have fought better, none have made the last great sacrifice, the sacrifice of life itself, more willingly at their country's call than they. But the soldiers and sailors of Wis consin need no eulogy from me; with their own right arms they have written their own proud history. Their patriotism, valor, courage and endurance have never been excelled. Their praises are upon every tongue. As a State we should also pay some further tribute of respect to, and adopt some further measures to perpetuate the memory and example of, the noble heroes from Wisconsin who have fallen in defense of the lib erties of the Nation. A suitable monument should be erected at the Capital of the State, on which should be inscribed their names. I doubt not their names are registered in Heaven let them also be registered on earth. They should ever be borne in remembrance by those for whom they fought and "Wis. Gen. Laws, 18ff5, chap. 179, authorized the Adjutant-General to prepare individual records of all Wisconsin soldiers. ED. [226] 1865] ANNUAL MESSAGE died. Their families should also receive our attention. The heroic dead are gone their orphan children are still with us. Let us seek them out and cherish them as the children of that State and country for whose benefit their natural pro tector offered up his life. 55 Every effort has been made for the relief of the sick and wounded soldiers, of which the nature of the case, and the means at my disposal would admit. But so extended has been the field of military operations, and so numerous and scattered the cases, that I have found it impossible to m'eet the wants of all as fully as I would wish to have done. Much has been done by correspondence, in obtaining furloughs, transfers, dis charges, descriptive rolls, and otherwise assisting them. I have personally visited them in Hospitals, so far as time and attention to other duties of my office would permit. I have also sent agents to them, and through these means many who were lingering in Hospitals, and who could be of no further use to the Government, have been discharged and returned to their families. Many others have been provided with com forts, which have tended to soften their afflictions and ma terially aid in their speedy recovery and return to duty. Great credit is due our citizens generally for their efforts in behalf of our sick and wounded soldiers. From nearly every ham let and village all over the State, have gone forth comforts for them. To the Ladies' Aid Societies especially is great credit due for the assistance they have rendered in caring for them and their families. They have with timely aid alleviated much suffering, and have doubtless been the means of saving many valuable lives. The thanks of a grateful people, the gratitude of the brave soldier, the destitute orphan, wife and mother, are their rewards. 55 NO law was passed in 1865 relating to a soldiers' monument. Wis. Gen. Laws, 1865, chap. 416, deals with relief for soldiers' families. The Soldiers' Orphans' Home at Madison was established in 1866; see post, p. 279, note 80. ED. [ 227 ] GOVERNOR LEWIS [ l86 5~ Hospitals have been established at Madison, Prairie du Chien and Milwaukee, and Wisconsin soldiers are enjoying their benefits so far as I have been able to get them transferred or ordered to report to these Hospitals. I have urged upon the War. Department the importance of providing Hospital ac commodations, and sending all our sick and wounded soldiers into our own State, where they might receive the benefits of our bracing and invigorating atmosphere, and be accessible to their relatives and friends, whose kind care and attention would aid much in restoring them to health and usefulness. The claims of the sick and wounded soldiers should receive careful consideration at your hands. Ample provisions should be made for their wants, and for the wants of the families of all Wis consin soldiers now engaged in this great struggle. 56 I am informed that many citizens who have enjoyed the pro tection of the Government, and whose property, in some in stances, is still protected by it, have, to avoid doing their duty in the field, ignominiously fled to foreign countries. I would suggest to the Legislature the propriety of taking away from such men rights they will not aid in defending. 57 * # * * * * * Your attention is invited to the able and interesting report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction. This report con tains many valuable suggestions concerning the management of our schools, and is evidently the result of much care and d, chap. 465, appropriated to the Governor $15,000 for the care of sick and wounded Wisconsin soldiers. The three hospitals mentioned were United States general hospitals, established chiefly through the ef forts of Mrs. Harvey. See Hum, Wisconsin Women in the War, pp. 134-144. ED. 57 Wis. Gen. Laws, 1863, chap. 32, provided for stay of proceedings in civil actions against persons in military service. Upon the suggestion of the Governor this was amended by Id, 1865, chap. 362, to make it in applicable to those who deserted after having enlisted, or after having been drafted. ED. [2281 l86 5] ANNUAL MESSAGE thought. And especially would I call your attention to the views expressed therein upon the subject of Normal Schools. Our system of common schools is, perhaps, not surpassed by any; but common school systems can have but little vitality without competent teachers to carry them into execution. Many of those who have heretofore been engaged in teaching our common schools are now in the military service of the Government. Others have sought employment in different di rections, and there seems to be at this time, a special necessity for the adoption of some means to supply their places. The measure proposed by the State Superintendent of establish ing a State Normal School, at which advanced pupils from our common schools may be further educated and fitted for teachers, is worthy your careful consideration. There is no subject of more vital importance to the interests of the State and Nation than the subject of Education. As no people can be enslaved with it, so no people can become great and power ful without it. We see a deplorable instance of the want of it in the Southern States to-day. Want of general intelligence among the masses of the people of the South, is a prominent reason why they are now endeavoring to subvert this Govern ment. It has been too much the custom in those States to educate the few, while the great mass of the people have been kept in ignorance, and hence are easily deluded and led astray by designing leaders. In free governments particularly, is education the great means of self-preservation. Every man, to be a good citizen, must understand the duties of citizenship. Education, mental and moral, is the means of giving him this understanding. It is not alone useful in the school-room, at the bar, in the counting room, and at the bedside of the sick man, but is all important at the ballot-box and in the legisla tive halls. The wisest government is not the one that governs the most, that punishes the most criminals, but the one that by its judicious laws, enlightens its people and thus prevents most crime, and as a consequence punishes least. That which by educating its people avoids the necessity of punishment [229] GOVERNOR LEWIS [ l86 5~ Every forward step, therefore, in the cause of education drives a nail in the coffin of despotism, increases the strength of free governments, tends to fix more firmly in the minds of the peo ple the principles of eternal justice, and thus promote the best interests of society. #*##**** The law authorizing soldiers to exercise the elective fran chise at other places than their residence, should be thoroughly revised and amended, so as more effectually to guard against fraud and corruption. The privilege of exercising this sacred right should also be further extended, so as to include the large number who by the present law are deprived of it in conse quence of being on detached duty or confined in hospitals. 58 ******** The attention of the legislature is earnestly solicited to the subject of removing the roving bands of Indians from the north-western portion of our State. Since the depredations and murders committed by them in Minnesota, a feeling of in security has existed among our citizens in the sparsely settled north-western counties, to such an extent as in some instances, to cause them to abandon their homes. Several murders have been committed by Indians, and much property destroyed by them within our State during the last year. Their presence tends to retard settlement, and thus prevents the development of the country. Their ignorance and their wild and roving natures unfit them for a residence among civilized people. I am satisfied that the good of the State, and especially the good of our citizens residing in portions of the State frequented by them, as well as the good of the Indians themselves, demand that these natives of the forest be sent beyond the limits of Wisconsin. I have several times during the last year called the 58 Soldiers' suffrage was provided for by Id, ex, sess., 1862, chap. 11, and 1863, chap. 59. As recommended, amendments were made by Id, 1865, chap. 88. ED. [230] 1 865] ANNUAL MESSAGE attention of the officers of the General Government to Indian depredations and murders within our borders. Some action has been had, but it would seem that nothing short of re moval will allay the just fears, or meet the just demands of our people. I am aware that this is a subject coming properly within the jurisdiction of the General Government, yet may not this Leg islature do much to bring about the desired object, by me morializing Congress and making such a representation of the case, as will induce speedy action? I would recommend that the memorials be prepared upon this subject at an early day in the session, and that such other action be taken as the nature of the case would seem to demand. 59 It has seldom been the lot of the historian to record a greater calamity to any people than the calamity of civil war. When brother meets brother in civil strife, sad indeed is the spectacle. It was this against which the old hero of New Orleans and the Father of his country issued their solemn warnings. They knew full well the character of the American people. They knew full well the great sacrifice which must be made, and the great interests which would be at stake when civil war should be inaugurated. If the departed dead are cognizant of events transpiring in this world, there is no one thing upon this earth which tends more to disturb the old patriots in their graves to-day which would sooner induce them to return again to earth to take part in the affairs of men, than the civil strife which has been inaugurated by traitors to overthrow this Gov ernment. But sad as is the spectacle, deplorable as is the necessity that prompts, nay, compels all good citizens to take up the sword in defence of the Government, a still greater calamity might and would befall mankind, were we to cease to defend our rights, and thus permit the downfall of our free 59 NO such memorials were passed in 1865. Five years later how ever, as the result of a similar panic, an attempt was made to remove several roving bands of Indians; see Thwaites, Wisconsin, p. 396 ff. ED. [231] GOVERNOR LEWIS I l86 5- institutions. Inasmuch as the interests of the many are greater than the interests of the few, as the interests of the world, of our children, and the people of all coming time, are greater than the interests of the people now engaged in this struggle, would the calamity of the downfall of this Government be greater than that of the present civil strife. Duty then ad- m'onishes us to defend the Government, to draw the sword in self-defense. I will not at this time go into a discussion of the righteousness of our cause. It has already been too fully discussed, too well established, and is too well understood to require comment from me. No right thinking man, at home or abroad, denies, or attempts at this day to question, that it is our duty to sustain the Government and put down the rebellion. How then stands the case? Some one must lead in this great work. It is the people of the United States that are now im mediately interested ; they must greatly suffer if we fail. They will enjoy the blessings if the Government is preserved. Who then so largely interested, at the present time, as the people of the United States? The poeple composing this Government have Selected their Coi . ^-xander-in-chief , and said to him go for ward and do your duty , select the means and put down the rebellion. He has gone forward, has selected what he deems to be the pr'7~r means, and is striving with all his power, and all the power at his command, to accomplish the work. Few will be found I think who have the hardihood at this day to deny the integrity of the pilot now at the head of the nation. But whether they do or not, it is unquestionably true, that the chief -executive authority of this nation has been placed in pure and patriotic hands; that the great end and aim of Abraham Lincoln is the salvation of the Government and the protection of the rights of the people. But this commander-in-chief, chosen by the people, has been arraigned by the minority (and the voice of the minority should be listened to and given its due weight) ; he has been charged with committing a great error, in selecting the means, and because of this error, as they term it, they refuse to support the administration, refuse even to assist [232] 1865] ANNUAL MESSAGE in saving themselves. In viewing this question we should let our minds expand; open them wide enough to take in the whole scene before us. Men are too prone to take narrow and contracted views of this subject; some dark spot attracts their attention, heavy taxes, the draft, personal danger, loss of friends all I admit grievous to be borne, and they fix upon it such a gaze, allow their minds to be so wholly absorbed in its contemplation, that they see nothing beyond, they see nothing else. They forget that great principles are at stake, that not only the interests of this Government, but the interests of the whole world, the interests of millions yet to be, are thrown in the balance, and involved in this contest. They forget that means must be selected commensurate to the end to be accom plished. Let us try and get a more elevated position, where we can view the whole ground in all its vastness; open our minds to more enlarged and ennobling views; examine fairly and see if the means selected by the President are not the proper ones, and necessary to save and shield the nation. That the organized force of the rebels must be met with an organized force upon our side, none with any show of consist ency can question. That this involves the calling for men, the organization of armies, the expenditure of large sums of money in their organization and support, and consequent heavy taxa tion, is also beyond question. "Where then is the error? The great head and front of the offense, say the opponents of the Administration, is the President's Proclamation of Emancipa tion. "This is the rock on whjch we split." Let us look for a moment at this Proclamation. The object, as all will admit, is and should be the restoration of national authority. To this end none will deny that all proper measures, which tend to weaken the rebels and strengthen the Government, should be adopted. The question then naturally arises, is this a proper measure, and does it have that tendency ? As to the legal and constitutional right of the Government to liberate, take, and use these black men, I need only say that it has long since been conceded by those most interested in the question, living in the [ 233 1 GOVERNOR LEWIS C l86 5- rebel states. None will deny the right of Government to take the property of those in rebellion and use it against the rebels, neither will they deny the right of Government to the service of its citizens to aid in its protection, or the right to take rebels in arms, or induce them by offers of pardon to join the forces of the Government. In whatever light, therefore, you may consider the negro slaves, whether property, citizens or enemy, the Government has alike the right to take them, use proper means to get them, and use them in defense of the nation. 60 Says Patrick Henry, in speaking of our present constitution, " Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume, they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please. ' ' Again, he says : ' ' If you give power to the General Government to provide for the general defense, the means must be commensurate to the end; all the means in the possession of the people, must be given to the government which is intrusted with the public defense." 61 The views of John Quincy Adam's upon this point, coinciding with the above, are too familiar to you all to require repeating here. But ad mitting, says one, the legal right to emancipate and use the slaves, was it not bad policy and a great error to do so? This is a proper question for consideration, and it is proper that it should be answered. It was apparent to all, that the rebel States derived great strength from the labor of their slaves. They performed the manual labor of the country ,' thus leaving all the white population capable of bearing arms, at liberty to join their armies. Any measure, therefore, that would induce these slaves to leave their masters, would tend to weaken the rebellion, as their armies must have food, and if black men did not raise it, white men must. As was anticipated, thousands of black men did leave their masters and come into our lines and so Cf. Letter of Lincoln to J. C. Conkling, Aug. 26, 1863, in Rebell ion Records, serial no. 124, pp. 731-734. See post, p. 240, note 64. ED. si See W. W. Henry, Life, Correspondence/, and Speeches of Patrick Henry (New York, 1891), iii, p. 576. ED. [234] ANNUAL MESSAGE the rebel authorities are compelled to use a part of their force to-day in preventing others from doing the same thing. At this late day it will hardly be denied, that nearly two hundred thousand black men, who have left the South and joined our armies, have not only greatly weakened the rebels, but have also greatly strengthened the Government. To test this question more fully, let me ask, are there any so short sighted to-day as to desire to see those black soldiers 'who are now fighting our battles, who are now holding Southern forts, and otherwise assisting the Government, returned to their masters to raise bread for the rebel army, and their places filled T^y a draft from our own citizens? I have not the data at hand to show the actual number that have been taken from the rebels and placed in our lines by this proclamation, but that the number is large, and in proportion as it is large, is beneficial to the Government, is beyond ques tion. Another strong reason in my judgment, why this meas ure was fraught with great good, m'ay be found in its influence upon foreign nations. There is no disguising the fact that at the time this proclamation was issued, there was great dan ger of foreign intervention. Foreign nations, particularly England and France, so far as the aristocratic portions of them are concerned, would gladly see this government weakened by disunion. This they have shown in many ways. There is no question, either, that the great mass of the people of England and France are violently opposed to the institution of African slavery. While, therefore, the jealousy of these governments would naturally lead them to recognize the Southern Confed eracy, hoping to weaken us, the great mass of the people of those nations, when they saw this proclamation, and that the perpetuation of African slavery probably depended upon their recognizing the Confederacy and sustaining the rebellion, their hatred of slavery overcame the jealousy of these governments, and recognition was withheld. Had this proclamation been withheld, and this issue not been presented, the recognition of the Southern Confederacy by foreign powers would have been [2351 GOVERNOR LEWIS [ l86 5~ more than probable. 62 The following extract from a late letter of Alexander H. Stephens, Vice President of the so-called Southern Confederacy, tends strongly to confirm this view of the question. He says: "The silent sympathy of England, France, and other European powers, arises entirely from their mania upon the subject of negro slavery. Lincoln had either to witness our recognition abroad, the moral power of which alone he saw would break down the war, or make it an emanci pation war." It has been urged against this measure that the black man would not fight. Said Jackson, at New Orleans, in addressing his. negro soldiers, "I expected much from you, for I was not unin formed of those qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe." Again he says: "But you surpassed my hopes. I have found in you, united to these qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds." It is unnecessary, however, to refer to the opinions held of these men, or their deeds in the past, to refute this argument. We have the proof of their courage, valor and endurance, now before our eyes. The present contest furnishes ample proof if any more were needed, upon this point. It has also been urged that it was dishonorable for the white soldiers to fight beside the black man. I need only to say in reply to this, that "Washington, Jackson, Grant and many other great and good men fought beside them, and did not consider themselves dishonored. Thousands of our noble soldiers are fighting beside them' to-day with honor; and I strongly doubt whether the man who fails to respond to his country's call for fear of being dishonored by fighting beside the black man for fear of being dishonored by seeing a patriotic black man offer up his life on the altar of liberty will not be found want ing in the day of trial, and fail to serve his country under any circumstances. 62 On foreign relations referred to, see Rhodes, United States, Iv, p. 337 ff ED. . [2 3 6] i865l ANNUAL MESSAGE But in examining this question, ought we not to look farther than to the policy of the moment? Ought we not to look to tke future, and, if possible, so guide our action as to leave our country at the close of this war in a condition to enjoy perma- ment peace? And is not this measure calculated, by removing this exciting question of slavery, to bring about this result ; and do we not owe it to posterity, the opportunity being now clearly presented, by the act of these who have claimed the right to hold slaves, to remove this great curse from the land, and thus take off a great load which must otherwise fall upon the necks of our posterity? This right to hold slaves as a moral ques tion, it is unnecessary at this day and age of the world to ex amine. That slavery is a great moral wrong, has long since been well established. Few will be found who have now the hardihood to attempt to defend it. And the fact that there are any, is strong evidence of the corrupting and demoralizing influence of the barbarous and inhuman practice. All good men have long deplored the existence of it. John Wesley de nounced it as "the sum of all villainies." Said Washington: *' there is no man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it." Madison thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution, the idea that there could be property in man. Said John Adams: "Slavery is a crime much blacker than any African's face." Jefferson and Frank lin also deplored the existence of it. Said La Fayette: "I would never have drawn my sword in the cause of America, could I have conceived that thereby I was founding a land of slavery." "Admitting it to be wrong for man to enslave his fellow man," says one, "it does not concern us at the North. The master and his slave are alone affected thereby." In answer to this it is only necessary to point to the present re bellion. Is not the whole nation, nay, the whole world con vulsed and affected by it? But were the assertion true, is it not the duty of man to help his fellow man? "Help those that need help," is the Divine injunction. Says another, "It is a domestic institution, and States within their borders like pri- [237] GOVERNOR LEWIS [1865- vate individuals within their domicils, are protected." 'Tis true they are protected in proper acts; but no individual has the right, in his own domicil, to take away the right of his neigh bor. No individual has a right in his own domicil, to establish. a nuisance that will send out a poisonous effluvia, that will sicken and destroy the community around; and should he do so, law and justice would demand that the nuisance should be abated. But "the constitution protects slavery," says another. The constitution if it protects it anywhere, which at least admits of doubt, certainly does not protect it where this procla mation reaches; and if it does protect it elsewhere, it ought to be amended so that it should no longer protect so great a wrong. I have already discussed this question much further than I in tended, and I fear further than I should have done at this time. I will only add that in my judgment the President in thia measure, has not overstepped the bounds of the constitution or good policy, and should be sustained and supported by every lover of his country of whatever party or sect. All good and true men must say he is right. The people in their late elec tions have passed their solemn judgment upon his acts, and have declared in a manner not to be misunderstood, that he is- right. Let us, then, with a firm hand, stand by the right, re membering that God blesses those who deserve his blessing. Let us be earnest, pure and worthy, for pure men, worthy men, earn est men, working, patriotic, Godly men are what our country needs in these times, and what she must have in the council, and in the field, to insure success. We thank God we have many such in the field and State, and to them our country looks. From them she expects help, and she will not be disappointed in her ex pectations. God is working through such means to-day to save and purify the nation. The foundations of our Government are being laid upon a firmer basis, and she will yet rise higher and higher in the temple of fame. The pangs she is now suffering are not the pangs of dissolution, but the pangs of a new birth, and she will soon emerge into a higher, more beau tiful, more virtuous, and more glorious life. [238] l86 5] ANNUAL MESSAGE Amid the gloom which, has surrounded the nation, our noble; State has never faltered. She has always and promptly re sponded to the call of the General Government. There could be no mistaking the feelings of her people. Their votes and their sacrifices have declared that they stand by the Union. Their bullets and their ballots have always pointed in the same direction. Never was there a sublimer spectacle than was exhibited on the eighth day of November last, when our people, who had so largely sacrificed in human life and in property, marched to the ballot-box, and solemnly declared by their votes, that they were willing to still further sacrifice, if need be, for justice and the right. 63 "Wisconsin loves the Union, resents its wrongs, and seeks to parry every blow that is aimed at its life, let it come from whatever source it may. She is alike unwilling that old rock- bound New England should be "left out in the cold", or that the Sunny South should tear herself from its embrace. She has shown that when the cry of rebellion is heard, she adopts no timid, no vacillating course, but strikes boldly for the Union. In this great struggle she has thus far done her whole duty; she has nobly responded to the calls of the General Govern ment for men and money; as she has sacrificed and borne the burdens, so may she share the glory of aiding to save and purify this government, and make happy its people. And now, gentlemen, may the blessing of our Heavenly Father at tend you; may your acts prove salutary, and may your indus try, economy and patriotism, win for you the welcome com mendation, "well done, good and faithful servants. " JAMES T. LEWIS. January 12, 1865. es The home vote in Wisconsin was close Union 68,887, Democrat 65,598. Wisconsin soldiers, however, went overwhelmingly for Lin coln, the vote being 11,372 to 2,428. The Union majority throughout the nation was about 400t,000. ED. [ 239 1 GOVERNOR LEWIS [ l86 5~ THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, Feb. 7th, 1865. To the Honorable the Legislature of the State of Wisconsin: Article V of the Constitution of the United States provides *#*#*** I have the honor herewith to lay before you a copy of a joint resolution of Congress, approved Feb. 1st, 1865, passed pursuant to said article V, proposing to the Legislatures of the several States, an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, to be designated as article thirteen of said Con stitution, and to request your decision on said proposed amend ment. 64 Seldom has there been presented to any legislative body a more important question, or one in which the people of the United States feel a deeper interest, than is presented by this resolution. Though the last few months have been crowded with im portant events, important victories, causing the people to shout for joy, yet the announcement of no event, has sent a deeper thrill of joy to loyal hearts than will the announce ment of the adoption of this amendment. Upon its adoption hangs the destiny of nearly four millions of human beings and it may be the destiny of the nation. I trust, and doubt not, the Legislature of Wisconsin will record its decision firmly, and I hope unanimously in favor of the e* Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation had no constitutional author ity. It was intended only as a war measure, and as an announcement of future policy. The function of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution was to legalize the Proclamation, and extend its operation over the loyal as well aa the seceded states. ED. 240] 1 86s] THIRTEENTH AMENDMENT amendment. 65 Let us wipe from our escutcheon the foul blot of human slavery, and show by our action that we are worthy the name of freemen. May God in His providence grant that this contemplated amendment of the fundamental law of our land may be adopted by every state in our Union, that it may nerve the arms of our patriotic soldiers to strike still harder blows for liberty, and that it may redound to the glory of our beloved country. JAMES T. LEWIS, Governor of Wisconsin. THE SICK AND WOUNDED EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, Feb. 14th, 1865. To the Honorable the Senate: I have the honor to lay before your honorable body, a com munication, with accompanying circular, from Eben Swift, Surgeon U. S. A. and Medical Director of the Department of the North-west, relative to the establishment of permanent hos pitals or retreats, to become the homes of disabled soldiers, which I am desired to present for your consideration.* 6 The subject is one which commends itself to the sympathy of every loyal heart, and the suggestions made in reference thereto are eminently practical. I therefore trust that you will take such action in the premises as in your judgment may "be deemed appropriate and necessary. 67 JAMES T. LEWIS. ss The vote in the Assembly was 72 to 16 in favor~of adoption; in the Senate, 24 to 5. ED. 6 See Wis. Sen. Jour., 1865, pp. 210, 211. Eb. T No action appears to have been taken, relative to this communica tion. ED. 16 [ 241 ] GOVERNOR LEWIS E l86 5- EXECUTIVE OFFICE, MADISON, February 28th, 1865. To the Honorable the Legislature of the State of Wisconsin: By chapter 354 of the General Laws of 1864, the sum of ten thousand dollars was appropriated and set apart "to be paid out upon the order of the Governor of the State, for the liquida tion of all such claims as shall hereafter accrue by the author ity of the Governor, in the necessary care of the sick and wounded soldiers of "Wisconsin, and for carrying such sick and wounded into this State, when the same shall be proper and necessary." By section three of said chapter, it is provided that the Governor shall "make out and report to the Legisla ture, at its next session, the amounts so expended by him, and fully in what manner such money has been expended. " I have the honor to submit the annexed detailed statement of ex penditures under said chapter, vouchers for which are on file in this office, showing amounts expended, by whom and at what time. As to the manner of its expenditure, I have the honor to state, that seeing no more practical method of meet ing the wants of the class of persons intended to be benefitted by the appropriation, than by the appointment of agents whose duty it should be to visit and care for them, I selected a num ber of agents, giving to each certain territory, with directions to visit the fields and hospitals within prescribed limits, and to do all within their power t*> alleviate suffering and aid the sick and wounded. Section two of the chapter above alluded to, provides that "the Governor is hereby authorized to draw his order or orders upon the State Treasurer for so much money, not exceeding the sum of ten thousand dollars in all, as shall be actually neces sary, &c." By this provision it will be seen that I could in no event draw more than ten thousand dollars. I was under the neces sity, therefore, of limiting! the number of agents, and the amount to be expended by each, so as not to use in all beyond this sum. The number of agents at present employed is five, [242] THE SICK AND WOUNDED as follows: Mrs. C. A. P. Harvey, Geo. W. Sturges, E. L. Jones, W. Y. Selleck and D. Ostrander. Others have been employed during the year for short periods of time as neces sity seemed to demand, whose names also appear in the state ment hereto annexed. Mrs. C. A. P. Harvey has charge of hospitals from Memphis to New Orleans. Geo. W. Sturges has charge of hospitals at St. Louis, Paducah, Mound City, Keokuk and Cairo. E. L. Jones has charge of hospitals at Nashville, Louisville and Chattanooga. "W. Y. Selleck had, until recently, exclusive charge of hospitals at Washington, Alexandria, Philadelphia, York (Pa.), Baltimore and Annapolis; hut the armies having been largely increased in the vicinity of Washington, I deemed it necessary to appoint another agent, and have therefore appointed D. Ostrander to assist Mr. Sel leck in that department. As will be s,een by the annexed state ment the amount remaining for which I am authorized to draw is small; probably little if any more than sufficient to pay the claims already outstanding. I would therefore suggest that in case it is thought best to continue the employment of these agents, further appropriation be made soon, as I shall be under the necessity of discharging them within a short time unless further means are placed at my disposal to pay their ex penses and furnish them with means to carry on their work. 6 * I would further state that owing to the increased expenses of living and traveling, it will probably be necessary to increase the pay of these agents in order to secure their services in the future. The necessity of making larger appropriations for the future than have been made in the past, even though no larger force is employed, will therefore be apparent. We owe it to our soldiers to use all proper means to care for them and their families. Thus far no state has more fully performed its duty in this respect than has Wisconsin. The thousands of dollars e'8 The Legislature appropriated $15,000 for the care of sick and wounded soldiers; see Wis. Gen. Laws, 1865, chap. 465. ED. GOVERNOR LEWIS [ l86 5~ that are daily paid from the treasury to aid them are sufficient evidence of the truth of this statement. That the sanitary agents have been of great service in car ing for the sick and wounded soldiers from Wisconsin, there can be no doubt. The reports of these agents, published from time to time in the public prints, are also of great service to the whole people of the State, affording them information con cerning the condition and fate of their friends in field and hospital which it would be difficult for them otherwise to ob tain. I should therefore deem it unwise to dispense with the services of these agents at the present time. Of the agents at present employed, I will only remark, that they have proved themselves w r orthy. So efficient and self- sacrificing have they been so well have they performed their duties to the soldiers and the State, that I should regret very much to lose their services. Owing to present duties in my office I have been able to visit but few of the hospitals during the past year, but intend as soon as possible after the adjournment of the Legislature to visit all hospitals where Wisconsin soldiers are to be found, with a view of procuring, as far as possible, the discharge of such soldiers as can be of no further service to the Government, and desire to be discharged, the transfer to our own State of those who can be benefitted by such transfers, and of ren dering such other service to the sick and wounded as may be within my power. JAMES T. LEWIS. Proclamation The people of Wisconsin are second to none in patriotism or benevolence. No appeal for aid, in any good cause, has ever been made to them in vain. Knowing this fact, I feel that it is only necessary to call their attention to a good work, to in sure a proper response. [244] 1865] THE SICK AND WOUNDED The many sick and wounded soldiers returning from the field of battle, where they have been disabled while fighting in de fense of the nation, and rendered incapable of providing them selves a comfortable subsistence, call loudly for our sympathy and help. They need and deserve a comfortable home and place of rest. With a view of providing such a home, the Legislature of this State, at its last session, incorporated a benevolent institution to be known as the Soldiers* Home located at Milwaukee, and appropriated the sum of five thousand dollars, to aid in its support. 09 Further means are necessary to carry on this good work. To supply them it is proposed to hold a State Fair at Milwaukee, commencing on the 28th day of June next, at which all who desire, may have an opportunity of contributing some thing to aid the wounded soldier. I would recommend this enterprise to the people as worthy their aid and support, and trust they will by their attendance, and by contributing liberally of their means which have been protected by the soldier, make the Fair a success, and thus add to the f Mier 's comfort. In test ly whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 'Great Seal of the State of Wisconsin to be affixed. Done at the Capitol, in the city of Madison, this 19th day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five. JAMES T. LEWIS. GETTYSBURG CEMETERY EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, March 3, 1865. To the Honorable tlie Legislature: I have the honor to lay before you herewith the Report of W. Y. Selleck, Esq., Commissioner for the State of Wiscon- 60 See Wis. Private Laws, 1865, chap. 16. ED. [245] GOVERNOR LEWIS t l86 5~ sin, in the matter of the Soldiers' National Cemetery, at Gettys burg, Pa., with accompanying documents and lithograph de sign of monument. 70 Respectfully Your Ob'dt Serv't, JAMES T. LEWIS, Gov. of Wisconsin. STEALING RECRUITS EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, March 15, 1865. To the Honorable the Assembly: I am informed that efforts are being made by non-residents, and in some instances by our own citizens, to induce residents of "Wisconsin to leave this state for the purpose of being en listed in, and credited to, other states, thus depriving this state of credits justly its due. I would therefore recommend the passage of a law making it a penal offense to induce residents of Wisconsin, by offers of money or other means, to credit themselves to other states. 71 Very Respectfully, Your Obd't Servant, JAMES T. LEWIS, Governor of Wisconsin. The report contained a request for $2,623 as Wisconsin's share in the cost of completing the Soldiers' National Cemetery at Gettysburg. A bill appropriating the desired amount was introduced in the Assem bly, but failed to pass. In 1867 the matter was 1 again brought up, and the appropriation then made. ED. 71 A bill embodying the Governor's recommendation was introduced in the Assembly on April 1, 1865. A week later Lee surrendered at Appomattox Court House, making further action unnecessary. ED. [246 I86 5] VICTORY IN SIGHT THE SURRENDER OF LEE EXECUTIVE DEPAKTMENT, MADISON, April 10, 1865. To the Honorable the Legislature: Four years ago on the day fixed for adjournment, the sad news of the fall of Fort Sumter was transmitted to the Legis lature. To-day thank God ; and next to Him the brave officers and soldiers of our army and navy, I am permitted to transmit to you the official intelligence, just received, of the surrender of General Lee and his army the last prop of the rebellion. Let us rejoice and thank the Ruler of the Universe for victory and the prospect of an honorable peace. JAMES T. LEWIS. ! [247] GOVERNOR LEWIS I l86 5- 1865. In Legislative Recess PEACE PROCLAIMED Two days after the adjournment of the Legislature, the Gov ernor issued the following: Proclamation "The Lord reigneth, let the Earth rejoice." The God of battles has again crowned our arms with victory. Under His guidance our brave soldiers are "marching on" from conquest to conquest. Richmond has fallen! The rebel army that held it in de fiance of national authority, has been destroyed. The national honor has been vindicated, and peace and a restored Union, with all their countless blessings, are smiling through the clouds which have for the past four years surrounded us. Never before had a people such reason for rejoicing, such grand results to inspire them. For all these blessings our thanks and praises are due to our Heavenly Father. We should with grateful hearts recognize the power, wisdom and goodness of Him who gave us the vic tory, and bow in humble submission to his will. Our officers, soldiers and sailors should receive, as they justly deserve, the welcome plaudits of a grateful people, and their patriotic mothers, wives and fathers who have so nobly sacri ficed in the cause of their country, should be remembered. It is therefore recommended that THURSDAY the 20th day of the present month, be observed by the people of this State, as a day of thanksgiving, prayer and praise to Almighty God, and of general rejoicing. Let religious services mark the day, and bonfires illuminate [248] l86 5] JOY AND SORROW the night; let the drums rattle, and the loud cannons [sic] roar, and let us by public speeches and all other proper demon strations express the thankfulness and joy of our people at the triumph of our arms in the cause of justice and humanity. And in our praises and rejoicings, may we not forget "Father Abraham/' who, in the goodness of his heart, to the down trodden hath said: ''The year of jubilee has come," and to the deluded followers of Lee and Davis; "Return ye ransomed sinners home." Given under my hand and the seal of the State, in the Execu tive Chamber at Madison, this 12th day of April, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five, and of the Independence of the United States: the eighty-ninth. JAMES T. LEWIS. ASSASSINATION OF LINCOLN On April 17, 1865, the Governor issued the following : Proclamation It becomes my painful duty to announce to the people of this State the mournful and terrible intelligence of the death by assassination at Washington on the 15th instant, of Abraham Lincoln, late Chief Magistrate of the nation. No event could have plunged the nation into more profound sorrow. A great and good man has fallen a victim to the wickedest rebellion the world has ever seen. The friend of the poor, the down-trodden and the lowly, the pride of the nation is no more. As a statesman his power was felt and acknowledged. His patriotism was unquestioned. His goodness of heart was pro verbial. Because he was kind and good and loved Ms fellow men, because the people loved and delighted to honor him, hath the wicked slain him. Oh, Justice, why didst thou sleep ! [249] GOVERNOR LEWIS [1865- May this sad event, this terrible wrong, this great crime, arouse the nation to a true sense of the wickedness of those men who are seeking its destruction ; arouse every true lover of his country to do or die for the Republic. Have we great and .good men, look to see them die by the assassin's knife. Have we the poor and feeble, look to see them made the slaves of wicked and inhuman masters, or prepare to defend and main- lain the Union and assert the power and authority of the Government. In behalf of this State, I do hereby tender to the bereaved family, the heartfelt sympathy of its people. And I do recommend, as a mark of respect to the deceased, that for one hundred days from this date, all public offices, court houses and other public buildings be clad in mourning, and that during that time the people of this State wear the usual badges of mourning; and in view of this sad and unfore seen event, I do hereby modify and change my Proclamation of the 12th instant, and recommend that Wednesday, the 19th instant, be observed as a day of Fasting and Prayer, and in commemorating, by suitable ceremonies and demonstrations, the memory of our late Chief Magistrate. It is ordered that appropriate military honors be paid to the memory of the deceased. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the Great Seal of the State of Wisconsin to be affixed. Done at the Capitol, in the city of Madison, this 17th day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five. JAMES T. LEWIS. 250 5865] GRATITUDE TO THE TROOPS THANKING THE VOLUNTEERS On September 2, 1865, the Governor issued the following: Proclamation An all-wise Creator has permitted us to triumph over treason. As the smoke of battle clears away, and we behold the great work which has been accomplished by the Army of the Union; when we consider that it has stood as our bulwark in the dark est hours of the Republic, and when we remember that Wis consin's sons formed a part of this great Army, and view the honorable and important position taken by them in it the rec ord they have made, our hearts swell with pride, and we feel that the gratitude and thanks of our people are due and should be tendered to the noble men who have taken part in this, the greatest struggle the world has ever known; a struggle involv ing not alone the interests of this Nation, but the interests of all mankind; a struggle every day of which was crowded with momentous events. For the bravery which has distinguished Wisconsin soldiers in every battle in which they have been engaged, for the pa triotism displayed by them on all occasions; for the gallantry with which they have borne the Stars and Stripes and the noble manner in which they have sustained the honor of the State and Nation, I, James T. Lewis, Governor of the State of Wisconsin, do therefore in behalf of the State, hereby tender to all Wisconsin Officers and soldiers of every grade, the heartfelt thanks and gratitude of its people. And while we remember with gratitude the living, we will not forget the heroic dead. Their memories will be honored and cherished by our people. Their fame survives they will live in the hearts of their coun trymen. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto subscribed my name and caused the Great Seal of the State of Wisconsin to be GOVERNOR LEWIS affixed. Done at Madison, this 2d day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five. JAMES T. LEWIS. THANKSGIVING DAY On October 28, 1865, the Governor published the following: Proclamation Peace again smiles upon us. The work of death has ceased. The authority of the Government has been fully established, and traitors who once defied it now bow in humble submission. The accursed institution of African slavery has perished. The Union established by our fathers, cemented anew by the blood of their patriot sons sends forth a brighter and a purer light to the oppressed of other lands. The people of our State have enjoyed the blessings of health and prosperity, and the privi leges of education and Divine worship. Our territory has not been polluted by the tread of the invader. Our substance has been preserved. For those, and the many other favors and blessings which our Heavenly Father in His goodness has vouchsafed to us, in pro viding for our wants and guarding us from danger, we should thank and praise Him. While we enjoy the gift let us not forget the giver. Feeling that we should express our gratitude and thankful ness for all these favors and blessings, I, James T. Lewis, Gov ernor of the State of Wisconsin, in accordance with a time- honored custom, do hereby appoint Thursday, the thirtieth day of November A. D. 1865, a day of thanksgiving, prayer and praise to Almighty God; and do recommend to the people that they meet on that day in their usual places of worship, and "Praise God from whom all blessings flow," [252] THANKSGIVING thank Him for His goodness toward us during the year that has passed, and ask for the continuance of His favors and bless ings. Given under my hand and the Seal of the State in the Execu tive Chamber at Madison, this 28th Day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five. JAMES T. LEWIS. But on November 15 he issued the following supplementary proclamation, changing the day of Thanksgiving: Proclamation Whereas, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, has issued his Proclamation designating the first Thursday of December next as a day of National Thanksgiving, and Whereas, It is desirable that the same day may be observed throughout the State and Nation: Now, therefore, I, JAMES T. LEWIS, Governor of the State of Wisconsin, do hereby modify and change my Proclamation of the 28th ultimo, appointing Thursday the 30th instant, as a day of Thanksgiving, and do appoint the first Thursday of December next as a day of Thanksgiving and prayer. Given under my hand and the Seal of the State in the Execu tive Chamber at Madison, this 15th day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-five. JAMES T. LEWIS. NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN WISCONSIN [Entry in Executive Register:] Dec. 19, 1865. On this day the Governor issued the following Proclamation announcing the result of the canvass of returns of votes given at the General election held on the 7th day of November A. D. 1865, on the [253] GOVERNOR LEWIS [ l86 5~ question of extension of suffrage to male "persons of African blood who shall have attained the age of twenty-one years. JAMES T. LEWIS. STATE OF WISCONSIN, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. Pursuant to the provisions of Section 6, of Chapter 414, of the General Laws of the State of Wisconsin for the year 1865, I, James T. Lewis, Governor of said State, do hereby announce and proclaim to the people thereof, the following as the result of the canvass of the returns of votes given at the General Elec tion held in Said State of Wisconsin and by the several detach ments, companies and regiments of soldiers, citizens of said State of Wisconsin in the military service of the United States, on the 7th day of November, A. D. 1865, on the question of the extension of suffrage to male persons of African blood, wha shall have attained the age of twenty-one years, as appears by the certificate of the State Board of Canvassers. 72 Whole number of votes cast 102 , 179 "For extension of suffrage, No" 55 , 591 "For extension of suffrage" 46 , 588 Majority against extension of suffrage 9 , 003 In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name and caused the Great Seal of the State of Wisconsin to be affixed. Dene at Madison, this 19th day of December, A. D. 1865. JAMES T. LEWIS. 2 See post, p. 284, note 84. ED. [ 254 ] i866] MONEYS EXPENDED LEWIS'S CONTINGENT FUND MADISON, January 1, 1866. To tlie Hon. Speaker of Assembly: SIR : The act providing for a military contingent fund, and appropriating money therefor, makes it my duty to report to the legislature the amount of money expended therefrom during the lest year. I have the honor to report through you to the legislature, that I saw no necessity for the use of said fund, and have made no draft upon it. The money appropriated for said fund, except so far as the same had been expended by my predecessors, remains in the state treasury. The amount in the treasury belonging to said fund, as appears by the report of Governor Salomon, is $3,609.70. I have the honor, further, to state that the usual appropri ation of five thousand dollars to the governor, as a general contingent fund, was, at my request, omitted at the last session of the legislature, the amount remaining in said fund from the appropriation of the previous year, being ample, in my judg ment, to supply all necessary drafts upon it, The amount appropriated to said fund two years ago was.. $5,000 00 Amount refunded thereto 5 4ff $5,005 Amount drawn from said fund during the year 1864 $1,317 74 Amount drawn from said fund during the year 1865 . 1,033 26 Whole amount expended during the two years above named . 2 , 351 00 Amount still remaining in the state treasury belonging to said fund . . $2,654 4$ [255 GOVERNOR LEWIS t l866 - I would further state that soon after the last appropriation for the care of sick and wounded Wisconsin soldiers,, was placed at my disposal, I visited Washington and most of the hospital* where Wisconsin soldiers were to be found, and secured the discharge or transfer to our own state of nearly all the sick and wounded belonging to Wisconsin regiments. By these dis charges and transfers the lives of many were saved, and a large amount of m'oney was saved to the soldiers' relief fund, which it would otherwise have been necessary to use in their care. This fact, together with the closing of the war, and consequent discharge of troops at an earlier day than was anticipated at the time the appropriation to the fund last above named was made, rendered it necessary to use but a small portion of the money thus appropriated. The whole amount expended from the soldiers' relief fund since my last report to the legislature, is $4,966 91 Amount belonging to said fund unexpended and still re maining in the state treasury 22 , 050 84 Whole amount of these funds unexpended and now in state treasury 28,315 00 Vouchers for all expenditures from said funds with a full detailed statement of each item will be found in the executive office. All of which is respectfully submitted. JAMES T. LEWIS. [256 Governor Lucius Fairchild From a photograph in possession of the Wisconsin Historical Society 1866-72] SKETCH OF GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD 1866-1872. Lucius Fairchild Biographical Sketch Lucius Fairchild, tenth Governor of Wisconsin, was born at Franklin Mills, now Kent, Portage County, Ohio, on December 27, 1831, the son of Jairus Cassius Fairchild, a native of New York, and Sally (Blair) Fairchild, a native of Massachusetts, of Scotch-Irish descent. In 1834 the family moved to Cleve land, Ohio, and in 1846 to Madison, Wisconsin. Lucius 's edu cation was obtained in the schools at Cleveland, at Twinsburg Academy in Ohio, and at Prairieville Academy in Wisconsin. In 1849 he went overland to California and remained there until 1855, when he returned to Madison. He was elected clerk of the circuit court for Dane County in 1858. While holding that office he studied law and was admitted to the bar in I860. A military company named Governor's Guard was organized in Madison in 1858. Fairchild was a member, and in 1861 its first-lieutenant. This was the first company to volunteer under the President's call for three months' men, and became com pany K, First Regiment of Wisconsin Volunteers. Lieutenant Fairchild had enlisted as a private, but was made captain of the company. The regiment was sent to Virginia and took part in the skirmish at Falling Waters, the first engagement of the war in which Wisconsin troops were concerned. The President on August 5, 1861, appointed Captain Fair- child to a similar position in the Sixteenth Regular Infantry, and four days later he was appointed by Governor Randall as major of the Second Wisconsin Volunteers (three years' men). He was the first officer of the regular army to receive leave of absence to serve with volunteer troops. On August 20 he was promoted to the lieutenant-colonelcy, and ten days later, after 17 [ 257 ] GOVERNOR FAIRCHiLD [ l866 ~ Colonel O'Connor's mortal wound at the battle of Gainesville, Fairchild was advanced to the colonelcy of the regiment. The Second was part of the famous "Iron Brigade." Its new colonel led it in the campaigns and engagements of the Army of the Potomac until the battle of Gettysburg. Here he lost his left arm, and was captured; but being too weak to be moved, he was released after two days' imprisonment. On October 20 he was made a brigadier-general of volunteers. Before the war, General Fairchild was a Democrat, but had now become identified with the Republican party. While at home recovering from his wound, he was, much to his surprise, nominated for secretary of state by the Union-Republican con vention. He was reluctant to give up his military career, but accepted the nomination and resigned his commission in the belief that he could in his disabled condition be of most serv ice to the nation and the State in a civil capacity. He was elected in November, and served from January 4, 1864, to Jan uary 1, 1866. In April, 1864, he married Miss Frances Bull of Washington. In the autumn election of 1865 Fairchild was elected gov ernor, being re-elected in 1867 and 1869. In 1872 he was ap pointed United States consul at Liverpool, and in 1878 was promoted to be consul-general at Paris. He was sent to Madrid in March, 1880, to succeed James Russell Lowell as minister plenipotentiary, and remained at that embassy until December, 1881. His return to America was induced by his desire to com plete the education .of his children in the United States. Governor Fairchild was honored with various offices by the Grand Army of the Republic : in 1869 he was elected its senior vice commander-in-chief, and in 1886 commander of the Wis consin department. At the National Encampment of the last- named year he wa chosen commander-in-chief of the order. In the Military Order of the Loyal Legion he was commander of the Wisconsin commandery from May, 1884 to May, 1887, and was elected commander-in-chief of the entire order in Oct ober, 1893. [258] l8 / 2 J BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH He was ever an active friend of the State University, long served as an officer of the State Historical Society, and was un ceasing in his efforts to secure for the Society a suitable li brary building 1 . His valuable public services, official and un official, cannot all be enumerated within the limits of this neces sarily brief sketch. He died May 23, 1896. [259] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [1866- ^ y/hw-^vr *-;'* 'f 3 1866. Inaugural Ceremonies On January 1, 1866, Governor Fan-child and His fellow State officers were inaugurated in the Assembly Chamber. On this occasion, retiring-Governor Lewis delivered a FAREWELL ADDRESS in which he made the following allusion to the war: It is a source of great satisfaction to me, * * * to know that all our public institutions and interests are in good condi tion, and that our State credit has not been impaired, notwith standing the large amounts of money it has been necessary to raise and expend during the last four years. Never, during that time, have Wisconsin bonds been sold by the State for less than par; and no State has done its duty to the General Gov ernment more fully or promptly, or made a prouder record in the late war, than has Wisconsin. She sent forth noble men, and nobly did they do their duty. They fought in nearly every action and none fought better, none were more patriotic, none made greater sacrifices. The presence of over ninety thousand of her bravest sons in the Union lines at the post of danger, evinced her patriotism. The new-made graves of about eleven thousand of her best citizens, who have fallen on the field of battle, attest her sacrifices. May Wisconsin remember her heroic soldiers! It is the part of wisdom to profit by the lessons of the past. The last four years have been so crowded with important events that it would be difficult to enumerate them all ; yet, as the war has just closed, at this important epoch, as we are turning from the scenes of war and strife to the duties of peace, while we stand in a position to view the horrors of the one and the bless ings of the other, it may be well to refer to a few of the les sons those events have taught us. I trust you will not think 1 866] LEWIS'S FAREWELL me out of place in so doing; and first, I remark, they have taught us that we should be watchful of our rights and inter ests, and prevent evils if possible, or correct them while they are easily controlled. That it is much better for a people to be watchful of their rights and interests, and avoid evils, or correct them by mild and moderate means on the first appearance of wrong the first departure from the right road than it is to allow them to accumulate until some great upheaval occurs, which, while it corrects prominent evils, carries death and de struction in its course and causes great sacrifices which might, by proper forethought, have been avoided. An evil had long existed in our midst, which was allowed to fester, until, in por tions of our Union, it corrupted the very fountain of social life, resulting in ignorance, degradation, want and crime, finally cul minating in the great crime of rebellion. Force had to be met with force. War was the result, with all its evils and sacrifices. They have taught us there is a power that will eventually en force the right; that although justice may be delayed, sooner or later it will be heard ; that the great natural rights of man can not be disregarded with impunity; that slavery was a great wrong ; that our arms were weak when we attempted to defend it, but strong when we undertook to strike off its chains. They have taught us that we should rely more upon the justness of our cause and less upon our own strength, if we would succeed. That while man defends the wrong, God defends the right, and who can doubt as to the result? that we should rely more upon God and less upon man. Even when in the right, man often fails us, God, never. In the late rebellion where none, it would seem, could mistake the road, many have straggled. Many have fallen out by the way-side, many have fainted. See France and England, away from the excitement of the hour, calmly and in their sober moments, with all their boasted philanthropy, acknowledging the right, yet pursuing the wrong; guided by their selfishness rather than by their sense of justice. Yet with all the faltering and opposition of men, with all the powers of France and England and Hell combined, the shackles of the : [261] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD slave have fallen and the Union is saved. God had decreed that it should be so. God had said to the black man, "the year of jubilee has come/' and the more men and governments opposed the more certain were they, like Pharaoh's host, to be engulfed beneath the waves. They have taught us that we should, with great caution, take back to our bosoms the viper that has stung us near unto death. The people of the Southern States have done us a great wrong. They disregarded the best interests of our country by making war upon the Government, and undertaking to enslave its people. They seized our forts and arsenals, violated solemn oaths, disregarded compromises, with fire and sword, by assump tion and "bullying ill the very Capitol of the nation, sought to accomplish our destruction. They have been arrested in their mad career and now ask to be reinstated with all their former privileges. It may be for the purpose of re-enacting the bloody scenes of the past. Of this we know not. While I would not now, after all their base acts, advise harshness towards them, neither would I too suddenly and too lovingly embrace them. There is a blackness which effects evil, which lies not like the African's skin on the surface, but way down deep in the heart, that rankles there, and as an oppor tunity offers stings even its benefactor. The lessons of the past would teach us to pause, give their passions time to cool. Let our course toward them be dictated by reason and good sound judgment, not by sickly, ill-advised lenity, neither by revenge or overheated, passionate severity. Give the proper tribunals time to ascertain the full measure of their guilt, and then let justice tempered by mercy take its course. They have, as I before remarked, done us a great wrong Let them frankly acknowledge that wrong and do right. Let them bring forth fruits meet for repentance. Let them show by their works that they do not desire to return to us again to destroy; that they love and have faith in republican institutions; have faith that tnan is capable of self-government; that they abhor wrong and [262] l866 ] INAUGURAL oppression and love right and justice, and are willing to join us in the great work of removing the burdens from those that are heavy laden raising up the down trodden, the poor and the afflicted. Show by their acts that their new found faith has really made them whole. After taking the oath of office, Governor Fairchild's INAUGURAL ADDRESS was delivered as fellows: Fellow Citizens: In entering upon the discharge of the duties of the high office to which I have been so recently elected by the people, I fully appreciate its responsibilities, and in the discharge of its duties I shall earnestly endeavor to execute faithfully the trust com mitted to my care, to honestly enforce the laws of the State, to carefully exercise the closest economy, consistent with the pub lic good, in the expenditure of public money. More important duties and graver responsibilities, have de volved upon my immediate predecessors than will ever again fall to the lot of the Executive of this State. To the people it will ever be a source of proud satisfaction, that during the trials and dangers of civil strife, their chief magistrates have, by their energy, ability and experience, so managed the affairs of the commonwealth, as not only to reflect credit upon themselves, but to place the State they have so ably represented among the foremost of its sister states in rallying its forces to the defense of the Republic. With the return of peace much of the responsibility and care has passed away. The marshaling of armed forces is already a thing of the past. The great army of a million of men, the like of which the world had never seen, in a little more than [263] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD half a year has dwindled into a comparative handful. The transition from the citizen to the soldier was not half so rapid, nor half so wonderful, as has been the transition from the soldier to the citizen. The citizen soldier has become the plain citizen, and as the former has never been wanting in the discharge of his military duties, so we know that the latter will ever be equal to the responsibilities and cares of civil life. The people of this State will ever remember with pride that they have so nobly answered the calls of the general government for men. Over ninety thousand of Wisconsin sons have gone to the front, and whatever of danger union soldiers have risked, whatever privations they have endured, whatever honors they have won, the soldiers of this State have fully shared. As they were good citizens at home, so they have made good soldiers abroad; and wherever the flag of the Union has gone, there have gone Wisconsin regiments, carrying with them, and maintaining everywhere, a reputation for loyalty and bravery unsurpassed. ; Loving hands have ministered to the comfort of the sick and wounded, and loving hearts mourn the loss of over ten thousand of our brave boys, who have gone down to death in defense of their country. With the close of civil war, however, all dangers have not been averted, nor have all responsibilities ceased. Great political problems still remain unsolved, and their solu tion requires not only the exercise of the calmest judgment, and the keenest discrimination of our greatest and best public men, but also the earnest thought, the unwearied effort, and the honest purpose, of all the intelligent citizens of the Republic. Two great and important questions have already been de termined by the late war. The right of secession, so strenu ously claimed by the people of the south, and so vigorously maintained by their arms for more than four years, has been forever decided against them, and from this judgment, obtained [264] 1866] INAUGURAL by the Union army at the point of the bayonet, there is no appeal. He who shall hereafter claim for any state the right to with draw from the Union, either peaceably or forcibly, will be a bold bad man, unworthy of the high privileges bestowed upon him by the government, and undeserving of the protection of its laws. The national unity has been fully demonstrated, and the national honor fully vindicated, by the armed power of the government, and those who sought to divide and destroy the country have been compelled to bow their heads before the majesty of the law, and on bended knees ask pardon for their crime. The verdict of the American people is, that any attempt to right a fancied or real grievance, by force of arms, is treason, and they ask, as they have the right to ask, that the highest judicial tribunal in the land shall give expression to that ver dict, by a trial upon a charge of that high crime, in accordance with law, of the chief representative of the rebellion, the man who stood before the world as the acknowledged leader of the traitors. Not until Jefferson Davis shall have been tried, con victed and hung for treason, and the fact that treason is a crime which cannot be committed with impunity, shall have thus been fully demonstrated, will the people be content. The slave holding interest of the country, and that alone, had the will and the power to attempt the disruption of the Union, and, as the doctrine of secession grew out of slavery, so the desire of the slaveholder to establish that doctrine, and his power to maintain it, came from the same source. The success of one, was the success of both the failure of one, the failure of both. Slavery and treason died together; so that the American people, when they executed the judgment upon the alleged right of secession, also determined that this great republic could not and should not longer exist half slave and half free. The American people have decreed, and by force of arms [265] i GOVERNOR FAIRCHJLD [ l866 ~ Jiave demonstrated, that the Union is one and indivisible; that its people, of whatever race or color, shall be forever free. It now devolves upon us to see to it, that the freedom so established shall be something more than a mere name. It must be so broad and comprehensive as to include within its privileges and rights, all races and colors, and must be so guarded by, and hedged in with constitutional enactments, that no person, not even the highest in the land, can with im punity trample upon the sacred natural rights of the humblest citizen, whatever may be that citizens' creed or color. Congress has 'already so amended the Constitution that slavery can no longer have an existence in the land. That amendment has been ratified by three-fourths of the sovereign states of the republic, and has now become a part of the Con stitution itself. It is as enduring and as sacred as any part of that great charter of American rights; but something yet re mains to be done to make it reach, with all its beneficial effects, the class for whom it was intended. Special enactments must be passed for the benefit of the freedman, to protect him against the oppressions of his late master. Whatever he earns should be absolutely his own. His con tracts should be as sacred in the eye of the law as those of the white man, and the means of enforcing them should be placed fully within his reach. He should be admitted upon the wit ness stand, and in the jury box, and should be made to feel that he is no longer a chattel, but a man, invested with and pro tected in all the rights of manhood. Freedom is no boon to him, unless he is protected in all his rights under it, and permitted and encouraged to pursue any and all avocations for which he is qualified. That he should at once be entrusted with the right of suffrage, is a matter of great doubt in the minds of many of his best friends. There are many who think that in any event some limit should be attached to the extension of that privilege. It -cannot be expected that a slave population, whose shackles have [266] l866 J INAUGURAL been so recently stricken off, can at onee intelligently exercise this sacred and important trust. But some there are among them from whom that great privilege should not be withheld. That man among them, who in the midst of the most abject bondage, and in spite of unfriendly legislation, has so far risen above his class and condition as to be able to read and write, cannot be wholly unfit to exercise the right of suffrage. Nor should those who voluntarily took up their muskets, and fought in the Union army for the perpetuity of republican in stitutions, be held unworthy of the highest rights and dearest privileges of American citizenship. It is a matter of regret that the citizens of our own state should have again denied to the colored people in our midst the right of suffrage. 73 Time will yet modify their opinions, and this privilege will, sooner or later, be extended to that class. There can be no good reason why any man of intelligence, who is a good citizen, who pays taxes for the support of the government, is subject to military duty, and who yields a ready obedience to the laws should not be allowed an expression of his opinion at the ballot- box. If any restriction is to be placed upon that privilege, it should relate, not to the complexion of the voter, but to his in telligence and capacity. I trust the day is not far distant when the suffrage laws of all the states will be alike, and that they will be so broad and comprehensive in their provisions as to reach every man in the land who can read and write, and none others. In this land of schools and colleges no man need be disqualified under such a law, unless he chooses to be, and if he chooses to be, he will be entirely unfit to vote. "The question of negro suffrage was submitted to the people of the State in 1865 by direction of Wis. Gen. Laws, 1865, chap. 414, and was decisively defeated by a vote of 54,307 to 46,248. See post, p. 284, note 84. ED. ' [267] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD 66- In the reconstruction of those states lately in rebellion, it seems both necessary and proper that ample evidence should be required upon their part that they are disposed to yield a ready and willing obedience to the Constitution and the laws. When the Southern people arrayed themselves in arms against the government they committed treason, and forfeited all their political rights under the Constitution. Now that they ask to be re-invested with those rights, it is just and proper that the government, in granting them political power and privileges, should annex to the grant such conditions as are necessary to insure the future peace of the nation. Bach state should at least be required to ratify the amend ment to the Constitution of the United States abolishing slavery, even though the- ratification of the full number of states neces sary to make it binding has already been obtained. Each state ought also to be required to ratify further amend ments to the Constitution of the United States, forever prohib iting the payment of debts contracted in support of the rebel lion, affirming the sacredness of the national debt, forever bar ring any right of action against persons in the United States army for acts done while in the line of duty, by order of their proper officers, during the late war ; declaring all ordinances of secession, past and future, null and void; and apportioning representation in Congress upon the basis of the number of voters in each state. With these conditions faithfully carried out, and with the necessary general congressional enactments for the full pro tection of all Union men white or black, the people will be glad to again admit those states into full communion with the Union, and welcome them with open arms. The loyal people of the North will never be satisfied unless these conditions, or others equivalent thereto, are insisted upon. Anything less will be mistaken leniency, and will endanger the perpetuity of the government. I do not desire, nor do I believe, that the citizens of any of the loyal states desire to humiliate the Southern people. They [268] INAUGURAL L . / u* were our brothers, they became our enemies, they are our brothers again. Their prosperity is ours, under the same flag we must live or die as a nation. "We are all citizens of one common country, and must live together in brotherly unity. "We of the North only ask, that this final settlement of all the questions arising out of this contest, shall be upon such terms as will insure, future peace and justice to all citizens. One of the greatest evils inflicted upon the country by the war, is an immense national debt; the faith of the government is pledged for its payment, and it must and will be paid to the last dollar of principal and interest. The national honor is at stake, and the people who created the debt, in their almost superhuman effort to maintain a free government, have not only the power, but the will and the in tegrity, to fulfill their obligations to the fullest extent. Re pudiation would be a stain which could never be effaced. It would have been better to have failed in the contest, and have been blotted entirely from the nations of the earth, than, being successful, to disgrace ourselves by voluntarily ignoring the claims of those who came forward to the support of the government in its time of need. Repudiation in any form, and under any circumstances, is one of the greatest of national evils, and the worst of national sins. The power is in the hands of the President and Congress to make the victory so dearly won a lasting benefit to the coun try; and, with full confidence in their wisdom and judgment, the people await their action. If this action shall be such as to meet the expectations of their constituents, and of this I have no doubt, the results of the rebellion, which was commenced for the destruction of the government, may illustrate anew the beneficence of that Prov idence, which, overruling the designs of the wicked, out of seem ing evil still educes good. The curse of slavery removed, labor made respectable and idle ness a disgrace, among all classes, the rudiments, at least, of [269] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l866 ~ an education assured to all the children of the republic, the rights of free discussion established and guaranteed in every state and section, a new era of material progress and intellec tual development will dawn upon the country, compared with which the prosperity and greatness of the past, unprecedented as they have been, will sink into insignificance. Lucius FAIRCHILD. [270] I866 1 ANNUAL MESSAGE 1866. Nineteenth Annual Legislative Session, January 11- April 10 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention* on January 11, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE in which occurred the following passages relative to Wisconsin 's- participation in the war between the States: Gentlemen of th-e Senate and Assembly: Our first duty is to give thanks to Almighty God for all His mercies to us during the past year. The people of no nation on earth have greater cause to be thankful than have our people. The enemies of the country have been overthrown, in battle. The war has settled finally great questions at issue be tween ourselves, and there seems to be abundant reason to hope that a peace which shall never more be broken by internal strife is at length vouchsafed to us. We mourned as no people ever mourned before, when our beloved President was stricken down by the hand of the assas sin. That his mantle has fallen upon a patriot of such ap proved fidelity, and a statesman of such earnest and upright purposes as Andrew Johnson, is a subject of just congratula tion, and renews our confidence that the Divine Hand, which has thus far led our country through manifold perils, still up holds it and directs its destinies. Unlike former wars, the one through which we have just passed has not been followed by commercial stagnation. Every where the business of the country has sprung into life with more than pristine vigor. Manufacturers are pressed to the utmost limit of their power, to supply demands. A million of men have returned from the war, been disbanded in our midst and resumed their former occupations, and yet from all sides 1 GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l866 ~ we hear the surest of all signs of national prosperity, com plaints of the scarcity .,of labor. The revenues of the state for the fiscal year are estimated as follows: 7 *^ Jn; * * # # # # * * Trust funds available for war purposes $200,000 00 ******* * Due from the United States, on war claims 160, 000 00 _ ******* * - It is confidently expected that the state authorities will be able to effect a full settlement with the United States during the present -year, and that the State will be fully reimbursed for all moneys expended for war purposes, which properly belong to the General Government to pay. Vouchers for a large amount are already filed with the proper auditing offi cers at Washington, and in process of settlement, and other Touchers are now being prepared for transmittal. 75 Congress will probably enact laws during its present session, which will facilitate the final adjustment of all claims of this nature. There was received during 1865, from the United States, on account, the sum of $300,238.26. 74 The estimate of expenditures for military purposes during the fiscal year, was 1 as follows: Payment of temporary loan from the trust funds for war purposes $528,000 War expenses (extra pay to soldiers) 200,000. ED. 75 See, ante, pp. 223, 224, note 50. ED. [272] l866 ] ANNUAL MESSAGE WAR FUND The receipts of the war fund for the last fiscal year were as follows : Loans from the trust funds $818 , 000 00 From the United States 300,238 26 State tax for war purposes 200 , 000 00 Semi-annual payments on state bonds 44,677 25 Refunded items 1,413 68 Total * $1,364,329 19 Balance in fund September 30, 1864 2,173 87 $1,366,503 06 Disbursements were for Extra pay to soldiers supporting families $1,030,537 36 Transfers to other funds 208,716 75 Interest on war bonds 75,040 00 Labor in state armory 917 50 Clerk hire, printing, surgeon general, etc 25,457 58 $1,340,669 19 Balance in Fund September 30, 1865 $25 , 833 87 There has been paid out of the state treasury for war pur poses, since the beginning of the rebellion to the 1st day of January, 1866, not less than $3,900,000. There has been raised by counties, cities and towns for war purposes, up to June 1st, 1865, $7,752,505.67. Total expended by the state, $11,652,505.67, $762,403.09 of which has been reimbursed by the general government. A large sum has also been paid by localities, by tax levied last year, of which the state has no account. la consequence of this vast expenditure of money for war purposes, the bur- 18 [ 273 ] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l866 ~ dens of the people have been heavy. In all of our state affairs we should practice the strictest economy consistent with the public good. The people demand it, and will expect all in au thority to comply. Make no appropriations which are not entirely necessary, and insist that all who are empowered to expend the public money shall do so with an eye single to the public welfare. MILITARY In submitting herewith the report of the quartermaster gen eral, I wish to urge upon you the importance of providing a proper building, or buildings, for a state arsenal. The report shows that there are now in the possession of the state, ordinance, arms, ammunition, and military stores, as fol lows: Nine field pieces, fully equipped; 5,186 muskets and rifles-, with accoutrements- 481 sabers and swords; 103,300 rounds of ammunition ; 4,000 haversacks and canteens, together with nuich other property; all of which is at present stored in four differ ent places, in rooms in no way suited to its proper preserva tion, and, unless steps be taken to prevent it, will soon become unfit for use. The room now used as an armory is so small that arms are necessarily kept packed in chests, or piled up in such a way that frequent inspections are impossible. The ammunition which is, by the courtesy of United States officers in command there, now stored at Camp Randall, must be removed when that post is broken up. The state has no magazine to which it can be taken. From the lack of proper buildings in which to store such property, no requisition has been made upon the United States for the allowance of arms due to the state under the act of Congress of April, 1848. These considerations seem to render it necessary that a site should be selected, and buildings suitable for an arsenal be [274] I866 J ANNUAL MESSAGE erected at an early day. The annual rent now paid for an armory would very nearly pay the interest upon the money necessary for this purpose. Proper magazines and store rooms would be secured .to the state, and the arms and ammu nition be not only saved from ruin, but kept in readiness for immediate use, in case of any emergency. 76 The experience of the last four years should warn us that this may again become a matter of vital importance. Our militia law disappoints the expectations of those who framed it, and entirely fails to meet the requirements of the state. It does not provide us with a single regiment of efficient state troops, which could be called into use in an emergency. I doubt if any other state in the Union is so entirely defenceless. It is important that this law should be so revised and amended as to give us a thorough militia organization. 77 The adjutant general's report gives in detail the military operations of the state troops during the past year, and the support given to the general government, during the rebellion. During the past year the state has furnished 9,940 volunteers and 2,465 drafted men, making a total of 12,405. Seven new regiments only were organized from this number, the balance having been assigned to fill the ranks of old organizations in the field. The state has furnished under all calls from the general government, 52 regiments of infantry, four regiments and one company of cavalry, one regiment of twelve batteries of heavy artillery, thirteen batteries of light artillery, one company of 76 The report of the Quartermaster-General is printed in Wis. Mess, and Docs., 1866, ii, pp. 1671 ff. The Legislature made' no provision for the erection of an arsenal, and the military property of the State remained stored in the attic and vacant rooms of the capitol. ED. 77 Two amendments to the militia law of the State were passed dur ing the session of 1866; they were, ho*wever, designed only to reduce the expense of militia organization. See Wis. Gen. Laws, 1866, chaps.. 15, 31. ED. [275] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l866 ~ sharpshooters, and three brigade bands, besides recruits for the navy and United States organizations, numbering in all 91,379, of which number 79,934 were volunteers, 11,445 drafted men and substitutes. The total quota of the state under all calls during the war is 90,116. In the settlement of the accounts with the general govern ment, the state stands credited with 1,263 men, as an excess over all calls, a gratifying evidence of the devoted patriotism of the people of Wisconsin. The total military service from the state has been about equal to one in every nine of the entire population, or one in every five of the entire male population, and more than one from every two voters of the state. The losses by deaths alone, omitting all other casualties, are 10,752, or about one in every eight in the service. Immediately after the surrender of the rebel armies, measures were taken by the general government with commendable promptness, for disbanding the volunteer union forces, and orders were issued directing the muster out of all volunteers whose term of service expired on or before October 1st. My predecessor, ever mindful of the wants of those who had gone from our state, urgently requested that the provisions of that order might extend to all Wisconsin troops, that they might re turn to their homes to render the necessary assistance required to gather the crops and for other needed labor, which request has been complied with as far as the exigencies of the service would permit. There remains in the service at this date only the 4th cavalry, one battalion of four companies of the 9th Infantry, the 35th infantry, six companies of the 48th regi- -ment infantry, and the 50th regiment infantry. All other or ganizations have been mustered out and returned to their homes. BOUNTIES The men who enlisted in the United States Army during the early part of the war did not receive the same bounties from ! [276] l866 J ANNUAL MESSAGE the government which have been paid to those who entered the service at a late date. They were none the less patriotic; their service was not less hazardous and severe than those who have been better paid, and they have the right to expect that you will do whatever you can to influence the general government to do them jus tice, by giving them bounties equal to those paid to others who enlisted at a later date. All who have periled their lives in the defense of our coun try, deserve to be dealt with alike, and I am sure that you will esteem it a pleasure, as well as your duty, to give them the influence of your action. 78 In this connection, let me suggest that a bureau be estab lished for the collection of back pay, bounties and pensions, for soldiers who have been in "Wisconsin regiments, and for their families; connected with which there should also be established a system of claim agencies throughout the state, with a branch agency at Washington, these agents to report to the chief of the bureau at our capitol, which should be under the direc tion of some one of the state departments. Bounties and back pay, in many cases, go to the representatives of deceased sol diers. Pensions always go to the disabled and dependent. Those to whom they are paid are reduced to this dependence through no fault of their own. They would willingly earn their own living and dispense with all aid from the government were they able to do so. The sums they are to receive are small at best, and it seems just that the state should bear the expense of collecting them. The plan I have suggested has been tried in one of our sister states, and has been found eminently suc cessful. 79 78 A memorial urging equalization of soldiers' bounties was pre pared and presented to Congress, but had no effect. ED. 7* A bill embodying the recommendations of the Governor passed the Assembly, but it vr&a rejected in the Senate. ED. [277] t GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [1866- SOLDIERS' ORPHANS There was issued by the secretary of state in September, 1865, a circular letter to the town and city clerks throughout the state, asking those officers to inform the state department of the number of children of deceased Wisconsin soldiers in their respective towns. 367 clerks only have responded, reporting 2,874 such children; an average of nearly eight to each town. If the average is the same in the towns from which no reports have been received, there are not less than 6,000 such children in the whole state under fifteen years of age. Of those re ported, the ages of 791 are not given, 1,546 are between one and ten years of age, 517 are between ten and fourteen years of age, 20 were in the county poor houses, 87 have neither father or mother living. The fathers of these children have laid down their lives while battling for the preservation of our country. They have died, that we might live to reap the rich harvest of national pros perity, secured to us as the result of that contest, in which they bore so honorable a part. They are the children of the state, and, as such, are entitled to its fostering care and protection. The necessity of providing a suitable asylum for such of these orphans as require the protection of the state, has been appre ciated by our people, who have contributed generously for that purpose. I call your attention to the accompanying communi cation,* and earnestly recomm'end that the proposition of the *OFFICE OF SOLDIERS' ORPHANS' HOME, MADISON, Wis., Jan. 4, 1866. His Excellency, the Governor of Wisconsin: SIB: In behalf of the Executive Committee of the Soldiers' Orphans' Home, I have the* honor to submit the following information: The Soldiers' Orphans' Home was projected by Mrs. C. A. P. Harvey, who conceived the idea of converting the well known Harvey TT. S. A. General Hospital into a home for the class of children its name indicates. This lady obtained from Messrs. Marshall & Ilsley a proposition to sell the property at the price of $10,000, provided, that the General [278] l866 J ANNUAL MESSAGE executive committee be accepted, and that the Harvey Soldiers' Orphans' Home be adopted by the state as one of its benevo lent institutions. 80 / In the struggle just closed, Wisconsin's record stands among the brightest. When the first faint echoes of the distant guns at Sumter sounded in our ears, her sons flew to arms. A young and peaceful state, unused to war, almost without a militia organization, almost without the men fitted to lead her Government would donate its share* of the buildings and improvements made thereon (at a cost of about $12,000), and provided also, that it should be fitted up and furnished in readiness for the orphans of soldiers from Wisconsin who have died in the service during the late rebellion such fitting up and furnishing to be done by private con tributions, and then, as a whole, donated to the State, in which the title should be vested, all with a view to its permanent establishment under the auspices of the state, to be classed with- its other benevolent and charitable institutions. This was the ground-work upon which Mrs. Harvey made personal application to the authorities at Washington, and obtaine'd, gratuitously, the interest of the government. The plan met the hearty approval of the Secretary of War, and by his order the possession was given to Mrs. H., subject to the conditions of Messrs. Marshall & Illsley's propo sition. Under such favorable circumstances the work was undertaken by the temporary organization of a Board of Trustees, with necessary officers, who have, in conjunction with the philanthropic projector, obtained private subscriptions to the amount of $12,250, to this date?. The neces sary refitting and furnishing has been done at a cost, thus far, of about $14,500, and the "Home" is now ready to admit applicants from all parts of the state. By the accompanying circulars, etc., the details will be more fully understood. Blank applications (see form) have* been furnished to the Clerks of the Board of Supervisors for distribution to the towns, upon the return of which, it is intended to apportion the ad mission equitably throughout the State. The trustees will be pleased to afford such other information as may be desired upon application to the undersigned. JAMES T. LEWIS, President. D. WoBTHiNGTOs 1 , Secretary. so The Harvey Soldiers' Orphans' Home was projected by Mrs. Cor delia A. P. Harvey, concerning whom see ante, p. 213, note 46. The war being over, she now proposed to transform the Harvey U. S. Gen eral Hospital at Madison into a soldiers' orphans' home. She had already secured from the Federal government a cession of Its title [279] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l866 ~ few battalions, she pressed to the front with her offering of men ; and from the first skirmish in Virginia to the last struggle in North Carolina, her banners have been displayed amid the smoke of every battle, her regiments have shared the fatigues and dangers of every important expedition. When the thunder of artillery "rocked like a cradle land and sea"; when the shrieks of the wounded and the moans of the dying came borne to our ears from scores of battle-fields; when our streets were filled with pale and wounded men; when there were defeats as well as victories; when traitors grew confident and patriots grew anxious, still her men, young and old, pressed forward to the conflict. They shrank not from danger they never doubted of success. When there was mourning in so many of our homes, when its sad emblems were everywhere upon our streets and in our churches, when harassing anxiety for the danger of those they loved, filled so many hearts, and made pale so many faces, still mothers sent forth other sons, and other loving hearts bled fresh without a murmur. The plow stood almost idle in the furrow for want of hands to guide it; the grain grew over ripe, and rotted on the stalk xor want of hands to gather it; women toiled where men were wont to work, and yet our country's calls were answered. In the hour of her greatest danger, Wisconsin's sons and daughters listened only to her voice. I thank God that this was so. To protect the state from danger is always the highest duty of the citizen. With us it was a solemn duty. Not our to the buildings, and was requesting the Wisconsin Legislature for an appropriation of $10,000 with which to purchase the necessary grounds. The Legislature not only made the appropriation, but ac cepted the Home as one of its benevolent institutions. Thereafter it provided each year for about three hundred soldiers' orphans. The act incorporating the Soldiers' Orphans' Home is Wis. Gen. Laws, 1866, chap. 39. See also post, p. 301, note 98, and Hum, Wisconsin Women in the War, pp. 144-147. ED. [280] l866 J ANNUAL MESSAGE own national life alone, but the cause of freedom, and the suc cess of free institutions throughout the world depended upon! our arms. If we failed, these failed with us. If we failed, the lamp of liberty went out forever, and left the world in darkness. That we did not fail is indeed a cause of great rejoicing. That the cause of freedom triumphed brings joy to all the world. Yet for us to-day, it is a chastened triumph. Tears will mingle with our joy, sadness with our pride. Thousands, "the flower of our youth, the beauty of our Israel", have fallen in the conflict; dying that we might live. Proud of their noble sacrifice, a nation mourns their loss. Let it be your care that those whose natural guardians they were, shall not be left to want. Let it be our privilege to see that suffering and neglect be not added to their noble grief. Let the state protect their families and educate their children. This being done, those fallen heroes will need no monument other than their nation '& greatness. For all who nobly bore their part in this dread conflict a na tion's heart beats warm with gratitude. Generation after genera tion yet to come, will kneel and bless them for it. They have saved the nation's life. If anything can be added to their proud consciousness of duty nobly done, let them dwell with satisfaction on the glori ous future they have made possible for our country, when a hundred millions of free and happy people shall owe a proud allegiance to that flag they have so gallantly defended. Lucius FAIRCHILD. January 11, 1866. 281 ] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD t l866 ~ SPECIAL MESSAGES EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, January 18th, 1866. To the Honorable the Legislature: I herewith transmit for your consideration a communication from A. A. Biggs, Esq., president of the board of trustees of the Antietam national cemetery. The trustees report that one hundred and twenty-five Wisconsin soldiers who fell in the battle of Antietam, are buried in the cemetery. They ask our state to contribute its share of the money neces sary to a completion of their work. It seems proper that Wisconsin should honor herself by hon oring the burial place of her gallant sons. 81 Lucius FAIRCHILD. MADISON, January 25th, 1866. To the Legislature: I herewith transmit the report of W. Y. Selleck, Esq., com missioner for Wisconsin to represent this state in the board of managers of the soldiers' national cemetery, at Gettysburg, Pa. I am informed that the amount of money now asked for from this state, as her share of the sum necessary for the com pletion of the cemetery, is all that the board ever intend to ask of her. After the action already taken by the state in this matter, good faith requires that the contribution should be promptly paid. 82 Lucius FAIRCHILD. si The Legislature took no action regarding this matter. ED. ss The report of Commissioner Selleck contained a request for a flnal appropriation of $2,526 toward the project of the Gettysburg National Cemetery. The desired sum waff granted in 1867. ED. [282 I866 J NEGRO SUFFRAGE EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, March 1, 1866. To the Honorable the Assembly: I herewith transmit the report of the surgeon general of the state requested by resolution No. 68, adopted by the assembly. 83 Lucius FAIECHILD. NEGRO SUFFRAGE ASSURED [Entry in Executive Register:] 2d April, 1866. On this day the Governor issued the following Proclamation Whereas, under the provisions of Chapter 137 of the Gen eral Laws of 1849 the electors of this state did in that year vote upon the question of extension of the right of suffrage to the Colored men residing in this state ; and Whereas upon the canvass of the returns of said election by the state board of Canvassers it appeared that there were (5,265) five thousand two hundred and sixty five votes cast in favor of and (4,075) four thousand and seventy five votes cast against such extension of the right of suffrage to colored persons; and Whereas, the Supreme Court of the State of Wiscbnsin did on the 27th day of March A. D. 1866 decide that by that vote Sec tion 2 of Chapter 137 of the General Laws of 1849 was adopted. Therefore, I, Lucius Fairchild, Governor of the State of Wisconsin do proclaim, for the information of the people, that the said section 2 of Chapter 137 of the General Laws of 1849, as follows, Section 2. Every male colored inhabitant of the age of twenty one years or upwards who shall have resided in this state for one year 83 The report, which may be found in Wis. Assem. Jour,, 1866, p. 426, contains a discussion of operations at the close of the war. ED. [283] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l86 7~ next preceding any election shall be deemed a qualified elector at such election and eligible to hold any office in the state, subject however to the regulations contained in sections 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, of the Constitu tion of this State. is by the decision of the Supreme Court aforesaid declared to be a valid law and in full force. It is with great satisfaction that I announce this decision to the people, for by it the high est judicial tribunal of the State has declared that no citizen of this State is now debarred the privilege of the ballot box by reason of the color of his skin. 84 fi* The question of negro suffrage was submitted to the people of Wisconsin in 1847, together with their first State Constitution. It was decisively defeated by a vote of 14,615 to 7,664. The opposition came from the mining district of southwestern Wisconsin, where Southern influence predominated, and from the German element in the State, which had been rendered hostile by the attempt made in the Constitutional Convention of 1846 to combine the question of negro suffrage with that of foreign suffrage. The growth of free-soil sentiment in the State, however, and the fact that a large proportion of those voting on the Constitution failed to vote on this particular measure, influenced the Legislature of 1849 to re-submit the question. It accordingly passed a law (Wis. Gen. Laws, 1849, chap. 137, sec. 2), providing that negro suffrage should be in force, if, at the next election for State officers, it received a favorable majority. Little interest was shown in the matter at this election. The law receiving 5,265 votes for, to 4,075 against, it appeared that negro suffrage had been accepted. The State Board of Canvassers, however, decided that the proposition had been defeated; for although it had received a major ity of the votes cast on that subject, it had not received a majority of all the votes cast at the election. This decision was generally ac ceptable to the people of the State, and held for seventeen years. The question of negro suffrage was in the meantime submitted to vote twice more, and each time was defeated. In 1866, however, the State Supreme Court handed down a decision in the case of Gillespie vs. Palmer et al (20 Wis., p. 572), reversing the decision of the State Board of Canvassers, and declaring the law of 1849 in full force. See Winslow, Story of a Great Court, pp. 246-249. ED. [284] *866] NEGRO SUFFRAGE In testimony whereof I have hereunto subscribed my name and caused the Great Seal of the State of Wisconsin to be .affixed. Done at Madison, this 2d day of April, A. D. 1866. Lucius FAIRCHILD. [285] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l866 ~ 1867. Twentieth Annual Legislative Session, January 10- April 12 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention on January 10, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE in which occurred the following references to the War between the States: Gentlemen of the Senate and Assembly: WAK EXPENSES The receipts of the war fund during the fiscal year were: Semi-annual payment on state bonds $12,604 31 Refunded items 319 67 Loan from trust funds 135,000 00 Total $147,923 98 Balance, Sept. 30, 1865 $25,833 87 The disbursements amounted to $172,166.17, of which $153,- 125.59 were paid to soldiers' families. There has been ex pended from the soldiers' relief fund the sum of $390.82 dur ing the past year. As no further necessity exists for this fund, authority should be given for its transfer to the general fund. Over $4,000,000.00 have been expended from the state treas ury for war purposes, since April, 1861. At least $8,000,000.00 have been expended by cities, counties and towns throughout the state, for the same purpose, making a total expenditure on account of the war of about $12,000,000.00, which does not in- [286! ANNUAL MESSAGE elude the millions contributed by our citizens for charitable purposes connected with the war. Large sums have, in like manner, been expended by each of the other loyal states. In my judgment justice demands the reimbursement, by the general government, of these states for such expenditures, to the end that the people of the whole country may bear their equitable share of the burden. I respectfully recommend that, by memorial to Congress, you ask this reimbursement. 85 No payments have been made by the United States to this state, during the past year, in liquidation of war claims here tofore presented. Vouchers for the expenditure of an additional sum of $33,- 078.45 have been filed with the auditing officers at Washington. It is not probable, however, that any further sums will be realized on these claims until Congress directs their payment. 8 * ******** The wants of the soldiers' orphans throughout the state, made it necessary to open the "Home" before provision could be made for its organization under state control. It was -accord ingly opened January 1st, 1866, the necessary means being furnished, in great part, by private subscription. The amount received from such subscriptions was $12,834.69. The amount expended for repairs, furniture, and current expenses was $21,- 106.67. The $8,271.98 expended in excess of the amount re ceived from contributions, was generously advanced by Samuel Marshall, Esq., treasurer under the temporary organization. The state has had the benefit of this sum, and should refund it 85 In response to this recommendation the Legislature prepared a joint resolution endorsing the plan of Congressman James G. Elaine, whereby each loyal State should receive a payment of $52 for every soldier which it had furnished for the three-year term of service. The matter received but slight consideration in Congress. See Wis. Gen. Laws, 1867, Jt. Res. no. 19. ED. so See ante, pp. 223, 224, note 50. ED. [287] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD io Mr. Marshall. The property was purchased by the state for $10,000.00, and the Home became a state institution March 51st, 1866, since which time the trustees have received for its .support $25,000.00 from the state, and $404.75 from other sources. Amount expended during the fiscal year $17,460.20. Balance on hand September 30th, 1866, $7,944.07. On the 1st day of January, 1867, 298 children had been received into the Home, of whom 57 have been removed by parents and guar dians, and 5 have died, leaving the number of inmates on that day 236. An additional building is needed for school purposes, for the erection of which an appropriation of $10,000.00 is asked by the trustees. It being of the utmost importance that every facility should be given for the education of these children, I recommend that this appropriation be made. 87 The erection of such a building, in addition to its importance to the educational interests of the home, will materially increase its capacity for usefulness. It can now accommodate 300, and the trustees con fidently expect that by April next it will be full. Should this recommendation receive your concurrence, an additional ward will be made of the room occupied by the school, thereby pro viding for at least fifty more. It is thought that the Home will then accommodate all of the really destitute soldiers 7 orphans in the state who will ever apply for admission. The trustees also ask an appropriation of $40,000.00 for current expenses this year. No state in the Union has made better provision for the care and maintenance of the orphans of its soldiers, than has Wis consin. What has been thus nobly begun must be generously continued. These children, to whom we owe so much, cannot be the objects of charity from the state. They are the beloved wards of the state, and when it provides for them a home and an education, it pays but little of the debt it owes them. Noth- 87 The Legislature made two appropriations, aggregating $40,000, for the current expenses of the institution. The appropriation for a school building was delayed until the next year. ED. [288] ANNUAL MESSAGE ing should be left undone which will contribute to their present happiness and future success. They have thus far progressed in their studies with commendable rapidity, and evince a zeal which proves their appreciation of the advantages which you are extending to them. I am confident that the institution has been ably managed in all its departments, and that the children have received that parental care which belongs to them. I need not commend them to your care, for each one of them, I know, has a place in your hearts. MILITARY During the past year all Wisconsin volunteer soldiers have been mustered out and discharged from the United States serv ice, and have returned to peaceful avocations, enjoying with their comrades the proud consciousness that their duty to their country has been performed in such a manner as to reflect great credit upon the nation, the state, and themselves. The glorious record of her soldiers has made Wisconsin honored among the sisterhood of states. We can never forget the serv ices of these gallant men, and should never hesitate to do them honor. To testify in part the esteem in which the people hold the rank and file of their army, I am promoting by brevet for conspicuous gallantry on specified occasions, those enlisted men who are properly recommended by comrades personally cog nizant of the facts. By a general system of brevets, the na tional government has precluded the state from thus reward ing its officers, and to extend such commissions to the tens of thousands who served long and faithfully in the ranks would, by the number required, destroy their value. I have therefore thought it necessary to confine these compliments to those to whom fortunate circumstances gave opportunity for the display of distinguished gallantry. I again call attention to the unsatisfactory condition of the state militia. The law should be so amended as to provide the 19 [ 289 ] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [1867- state with at least ten companies of thoroughly organized troops. The state should not be allowed to remain longer entirely de fenseless. You are referred to the report of the Adjutant General for valuable suggestions upon this subject. 88 NATIONAL CEMETERIES On the battle fields of Gettysburg and Antietam, beautiful cemeteries have been prepared into" which the remains of the Union dead have been gathered. The expense of thus remov ing from the neighboring fields where they fell, to their last resting place, the remains of our heroes, of erecting suitable monuments to their memory, and of inclosing and ornamenting the grounds, is to be borne by each loyal state in proportion to the number of its sons there buried. There is still unpaid of the sum equitably due from Wiscon sin to the Gettysburg association $2,526.36, and to the An tietam association $3,344.88. These sums will, it is estimated, cover our proportion of the entire expense of fully completing the cemeteries. 89 We honor ourselves by honoring those who fell in our de fense, and should deem it a privilege to do our full share in such a work. AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES I herewith transmit for your consideration an attested copy of a resolution of Congress, proposing to the legislatures of the several states, a fourteenth article to the Constitution of the United States. This resolution has for many months been ss The Adjutant-General's report is printed in Wis. Mess, and Does., 1867, ii, p. 687 ff. The Legislature took no action on the Governor's recommendations. ED. 8 The Legislature made the desired appropriation to the Gettysburg association. The Antietam appropriation was not acted on. ED. [290] l86 / 7 ] ANNUAL MESSAGE before the people, and during that time its several sections have been made the subject of earnest discussion. The people of this state are thoroughly familiar with its provisions, and with a full understanding of them' in all their bearings, have by an overwhelming majority declared in favor of its immediate rati fication. It has formed the basis of the campaigns, and been made the issue of the late elections, in every northern state, and most of you are here to-day, because your constituents knew that you deemed this amendment just and necessary.* The people of the other loyal states have declared with like emphasis in its favor. I need therefore urge upon you no extended argu ment in support of it. Notwithstanding the fact that this amend ment will unquestionably be ratified by the legislatures of more than two-thirds of the states whose practical relations to the Union have never been suspended, it is the deliberate voice of the loyal masses, that before those who were so lately seeking the nation 's life shall be reclothed with the political rights which they forfeited by their treason, they must assent to the pro posed amendment with all its guarantees, securing to all men equality before the law; a representation based upon popula tion, but excluding from computation all classes who are de prived of political privileges, except for participation in rebel lion or other crimes; the disqualification for office of all who added to the crime of treason that of perjury, until such dis qualification is removed by Congress; the eternal repudiation, state and national, of the rebel debt, with all claims for loss and emancipation of slaves; and the sanctity of the Federal debt, placing forever beyond the reach of traitor and demagogue, that due to our disabled soldiers, and to the widows and orphans of our fallen. This declaration of the people has been made temperately through the ballot-box, at a peaceful election, but it has been made with a firm voice, not to be misunderstood, and PO The Fourteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution wai ratified In the Wisconsin Assembly by a vote of 69 to 10; In the Senate by 22 to 10. ED. [291] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD from it there lies no appeal. This demand is not made with a desire to appropriate to ourselves undue political power, or to oppress or humiliate the Southern people. It is made because in view of the terrible events of the past five years, we deem these guarantees necessary to the life of the nation, and we insist that those who saved that life have an undeniable right to demand all guarantees essential to its future preservation. The course pursued by the North ought long since to have convinced all men who are willing to be convinced, that we heartily desire to live with the Southern people upon terms of brotherly love, all laboring together for the good of our common country, and that we desire to enforce no terms which can be considered harsh or unkind. We have shown no vindictiveness in the past. We will cherish no hatred in the future. While the war was still raging, they were again and again implored to desist, with the assurance of pardon and restoration of the rights which they had forfeited. With the damnable and re volting scenes of Andersonville, Belle Isle, Salisbury and Fort Pillow, they answered our entreaties. And later, when we had wrested from them their arms and paroled their armies, we, who had suffered outrage and insult at their hands, who had seen our flag fired upon and dragged in the dust, our brothers killed by hundreds of thousands, and our land filled with widows, orphans and disabled men, we upon whom they had heaped a monster debt, still offered them terms. With the massacres of Memphis and New Orleans before our eyes, and with the blood of thous ands of Union men murdered because they were Union men crying aloud to us for vengeance, we continued to offer them full restoration of political rights upon the terms embodied in this resolution. It was hoped that the sober, second thought of the now ruling class at the South would lead to the acceptance in good faith of these terms. Events have proved that the hope was without foundation. They have been rejected so far as they have been acted upon, except by the people of Tennessee ; rejected, too, with scorn and abuse of the government, and with bitterest denunciation against our people. [292] ANNUAL MESSAGE As the people of the South were impelled by a mysterious but All-wise Providence to rebel against the government, that they might perpetuate in their midst the hideous crime of human slavery, and thus struck the blow which finally set free all who were in bondage there, so now that same Providence impels them to force the people of the North to do that which, but for their desire to conciliate, they would long since have done their whole duty. There is a time when " mercy to the criminal is cruelty to the state. " Gentlemen, that time has come. The day of compromise has passed, and passed forever. The day for doing that which is right in itself has come, and until we have done the right, and done it few all time, we have shamefully failed in our duty, not only to the world and to ourselves, but to the five hundred thousand brave men who gave their lives so freely that liberty might live. In my opinion, it is the duty of Congress, the only remaining hope of loyalty and justice at the South, to provide for the future establishment of local governments over those portions of the South lately in rebellion, which have refused their assent to this amendment, such governments to be based upon impartial, loyal suffrage. In this I advocate no disregard of the Constitution. I yield to no man in my reverence for that instrument. The fact that illegal local governments have been in operation there since the cessation of hostilities, forms no bar to the right of Congress to establish legal ones. Let Congress act, and the loyal people will sustain it, be the consequences what they may. No other course will settle our troubles beyond the possibility of a recurrence, and insure justice to the Union ists of that section. The safety of our country and the fulfill ment of our pledges alike demand it. "We have pledged our honor that we would stand by and protect those who were loyal at the South during the struggle just ended. It were better to have failed in the contest, than now to coldly turn our backs upon those who were "faithful found among the faithless.*' We should deserve to be wiped out from among the nations of the earth, did we do this. [293] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l86 7~ I am firm in the faith that with proper action on the part of Congress, the day of settlement is at hand. Let the people stand fast in the position they have taken, and it must soon come. Would that my voice could reach all loyal men in the land, to tell them to be of good cheer, for the day is not far distant when our beloved country will be, in all its sections, a land of freedom in fact as well as in name ; free in speech, free in press, and free in ballot. May God speed the coming of that happy day ! Lucius FAIRCHILD. EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, MADISON, January 10th, 1867. [ 294 J I868 1 ANNUAL MESSAGE 1868. Twenty-first Annual Legislative Session, January 9- April 11 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention on January 9, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE in which he referred as follows to the war between the States : To the Legislature: ******** It is estimated that not more than $10,000 remain due to soldiers on account of extra pay. The war fund, as a distinct fund, is no longer necessary. I therefore concur in the recom mendation of the Secretary of State, that it be closed and all claims growing out of the war be hereafter paid from the gen eral fund. 91 Persistent efforts have been made to secure a final settlement of the claim of the state against the general government on account of expenses incurred in connection with the war, but up to this time such settlement has not been effected. In addi tion to the sums heretofore paid $131,437.24 have been allowed the state during the past year, leaving unadjusted accounts to the amount of about $248,000.00. It is possible that a portion of the claim will finally be disallowed by the treasury depart ment under the strict rules which govern in the settlement of such accounts. Should this prove true, recourse must be had to Congress for relief. The claim is in every respect a just and correct one, and I do not doubt its ultimate liquidation by the iThe report of the Secretary of State on the war fund may be found in Wis. Mess and Docs., 1868, pp. 8, 9. His recommendation was adopted in Gen. Laws, 1868, chap. 148. ED. [295] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l868 ~ government, in the defense and support of which Wisconsin made the disbursements which form its basis. 92 There was expended from the Governor's contingent fund during the past year $1,163.17, leaving a balance of $2,310.74 in the fund. Of the appropriation of $500. 00> made last winter for the support, at the Chicago charitable eye and ear infirmary, of indigent Wisconsin soldiers suffering from diseases of the eye or ear, contracted while in the service, there has been expended $391.04. ******** The Soldiers' Orphans' Home is filled to its utmost capacity, an average of 280 children being present. Frequent applica tions for admission are made which must be denied. It is the opinion of the trustees, that if a school building should be erected, all who will desire admission can be accommodated. The state should furnish a home for all such children as need it, and I trust such an arrangement as will insure the desired re sult will be promptly made. Left by the patriotism of their fathers in the defence of our common country, with none to care for and protect them, it is the duty, and a pleasant one, of the state to assum'e their guardianship: and until the people cease to hold in grateful recollection the gallant deeds of those who died maintaining our nation's honor, they will gladly provide these helpless orphans with homes and education. I need not commend them to your kindly care. 93 MILITIA There has been no material change in the state militia during the past year. A few independent companies have been organ- 92 See ante, pp. 223, 224, note 50. ED. 3The Legislature appropriated $12,000 for the erection of a school building, and $40,000 for current expenses. ED. [296] l868 ] '.V, ANNUAL MESSAGE ized and manifest considerable spirit. Our militia law is so defective as to be nearly a dead letter, but until Congress de cides whether or not it will provide for a national militia sys tem, it is best to defer action upon the subject. The Adjutant General has published in his report as complete a list as is now possible of the names and places of burial of Wisconsin soldiers who died in the service. 94 This will give important information to the friends of the deceased soldiers, and will very materially lessen the correspondence of the office. "Within three months the records of the Adjutant General's office will be completed, and the necessity of supporting it, as a distinct office, no longer existing, it will then be dispensed with, and the records will be placed in charge of the Governor's secretary. ******** The work of reconstruction is progressing as rapidly and as satisfactorily as could be expected when we consider that a great majority of those who were leading traitors are opposing the pacification of the country upon any basis which will not insure to them full control of the states lately in rebellion, and place under subjection to them the Union men of that section. 95 Such have constantly sought since the cessation of hostilities to save from the ruins of their crushed confederacy some of the pernicious principles upon which it was founded, and have seemed resolved to accept no terms which the government might offer. They have opposed, and still bitterly oppose, all schemes of reconstruction unless of their own dictation. When the war was ended, and the paroled armies of treason had returned to their homes, the people of the North had a right to expect from them obedience to and acquiesence in the laws of the land. In this just expectation they have been continually disappointed. Those who sustained this Union and who gave to its support freely of their blood and treasure, have some rights which * This report is found in Wis. Mess, and Docs., 1868, p. 470 ff. ED. 95 For the history of reconstruction in the South, see Rhodes, United States, vi, vii. ED. [297] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD t l868 ~ traitors are bound to respect, and which will be enforced. They have a right to an early restoration to the Union of the states lately in rebellion upon a basis of equal and exact justice to all men. They have a right to demand that the local govern ments of those states shall be placed in the hands of men who are neither forsworn nor unrepentant of their treason; that Union men of every grade and condition shall receive that pro tection to which they are entitled, and without which this gov ernment would be but a stupendous farce. They are satisfied with the congressional plan of reconstruction now being carried out, and will not materially change it, because it guarantees these rights, and because they believe its main features essential to the future safety of the Republic. The principles which underlie it cannot be successfully opposed, and those at the South who are so bitterly hostile to them' are proving themselves entirely unworthy of the generous forbearance received by them at the hands of a people whom they have so deeply injured. Nothing is demanded in a spirit of anger or revenge. Seeking the safety of the nation, we demand only what is deemed es- sential*to its future peace, and to the perpetuity of our free institutions. No one asks the permanent disfranchisement of any class of people at the South, but simply that those, who by their position and education, controlled the Southern masses and led them into rebellion against the government, and who are responsible for all the precious blood which has been shed, and the lives which have been sacrificed, shall not be permitted to regain their former political power until they indicate by their action a willingness to acquiesce in the principles which pledge to all men equality before the law, and ample protection in the enjoyment of all the rights which belong to men and citi zens. Early restoration to all forfeited privileges is within their grasp. Let them, embittered no longer by sectional rancor and defeated partizanship, join hands with the people of the North in redeeming the nation's pledges, and in placing the Republic upon a basis of justice and right which shall endure through the coming ages, and gladly will all extend to them the [298] i868] ANNUAL MESSAGE hand of friendly, hearty welcome. Strong in the consciousness of being right, and in the full faith that ultimately the right must and will prevail, united by an honest devotion to the best interests of the entire country, and unfaltering in the holy de termination to hand down to posterity, without a stain, and stronger than ever before, the government which the Fathers gave them, the Union men of this land, North and South, will stand firm and undismayed until the great work is done, and harmony reigns once more throughout our whole domain. Lucius FAIRCHILD. EXECUTIVE CHAMBEB, January 9th, 1868. DESERTERS EXECUTIVE DEPAKTMENT, MADISON, January 25th, 1868. To the Honorable the Assembly of Wisconsin: In response to resolution No. 31, A, requesting me to furnish to the Assembly copy of all correspondence had with the Secre tary of "War or with any other officer or department of the Gen eral Government "in regard to residents of this state who have been reported as deserters from the United States Military Service," I have the honor to transmit herewith to your honor able Body, copy of letter addressed by me to Gen'l. U. S. Grant, Secretary of War, ad interim, upon the subject indicated, with copy of endorsements made thereon by the Department at Washington. 96 Lucius FAIRCHILD. e The correspondence related to "Wisconsin soldiers who had been reported as deserters from the army or from the draft, and who by Act of Congress were declared to have forfeited their rights of citizen ship. The Governor protested that the list contained the names of many Wisconsin soldiers who had served honorably, and who hiad been reported as deserters only through the carelessness and neglect of regimental officers. See Wis. Assem. Jour., 1868, p. 158. ED. [299] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [1869- 1869. Twenty-second Annual Legislative Session, January 13-March 11 The two Houses of the Legislature met in Joint Convention on January 14, and the Governor read thereto in person his ANNUAL MESSAGE in which he made the following references to matters growing out of the War between the States: To the Legislature: ******** The efforts to secure a final settlement of the claim against the Federal government on account of expenses incurred in connection with the war, have not ceased. Explanations have been made answering the objections of the auditing oncers at Washington, so far as is now possible, and it is confidently ex pected that a large portion of the claim will be allowed during this year. 07 ******** Upon the Soldiers' Orphans' Home are fixed the warm affections of those who loved the cause for which our army fought. The trustees are endeavoring to have the institution so conducted as to render it as much like a "home" as is possible, and will spare no pains in that direction. By the re moval of the school to the new building, completed last month, the capacity of the institution is increased to 300. Contrary to our expectations there are many applications for admission on file, which, for want of room, must be denied. This ought not to be. No orphan of a Wisconsin soldier should be al lowed to suffer. The people are anxious and willing to expend 97 See ante, pp. 223, 224, note 50. ED. [300] I86 9] ANNUAL MESSAGE any sum of money necessary to prevent it, feeling that in so doing they are paying but a tithe of the debt due to the chil dren of those who fell while defending the Union. Arrange ments should be made immediately for the care and education of all such as require it. There was appropriated in 1868 for current expenses, and payment of deficiency $40,000. 98 ##*####* It is a source of satisfaction that the mode and terms of re construction of the states lately in rebellion have been so wisely determined upon by Congress and that such determination, em bodied in the laws relating thereto, has received the solemn sanction of the people at the ballot box, and now has been sup plied, by the popular voice, the only element wanting to the happy consummation of reconstruction, an executive ready and willing to enforce obedience to the laws in all sections, and se cure to every person, of whatever grade, hue, or condition, the rights which are inseparable from freedom. "We may now con sider the most important issues growing out of the rebellion as substantially settled. There is every warrant for the hope that the people of the South, yielding to the properly expressed will of the majority, will now, and henceforth, render a complete s The Soldiers' Orphans' Home was maintained by the State until the autumn of 1874, when it was closed under direction of "Wis. Gen. Laws, 1874, chap. 72, and the buildings turned over to the University of Wisconsin to be used as a medical college. The regents 1 of the University decided, however, that the buildings were unsuited to the purposes' of a medical college, and in 1876 secured authority from the Legislature to dispose of them. The orphans in the institution at the time when it was closed were either returned to their guardians or entered private homes. An allowance of $5 per month per child was granted to their guardians by the State, until they should attain the age of fourteen. During the nine years of its existence, the Home had received from the State a total of $280,000. It had maintained a total of 683 or phans, to whom it had furnished the opportunities of a home and a common school education. ED. [301] GOVERNOR FAIRCHILD [ l86 9~ obedience to law, and that persecution of freedmen, that mur der and social ostracism of loyalists, organized rapine and law lessness will vanish from that section forever. Should we, how ever, be disappointed in this just expectation, should the spirit of rebellion and passion continue to show itself, we may rest assured that neither sympathy with treason nor imbecility will rule in the executive councils, but, that the entire power of the nation will be vigorously used to vindicate the majesty of the nation's laws. Further difficulty we would avoid; we desire, and will have perfect peace, and if the Southern men will meet us in that spirit, friendship will come with it. Let the people of the South, no longer falsely regarding us as their enemies, leave the "lost cause " where the fate of battle left it, let them not only permit, but invite immigration, afford protection and encouragement to every department of industry, apply them selves assiduously to the arts of peace, and speedily repair the ravages of war by developing the almost boundless resources of their beautiful country. Let them join hands with us of the North, in brotherly grasp, banishing all prejudice and hatred, and heartily co-operate with us in the noble and patriotic en deavor to contribute to the honor, peace, glory and welfare of the whole of our common country. * * Lucius FAIRCHILD. EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, January 14, 1869. FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, MADISON, March 5, 1869. To the Honorable the Legislature: I have the honor to lay before your honorable body here with, a copy of a communication this day received at this de partment from the Honorable William H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States, transmitting a certified copy of "a [302] 1869] FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States", and also the copy of the resolution therein re ferred to. It gives me pleasure to transmit the same thus early to your Honorable body for your action thereon, and I trust that your ratification of this most proper and necessary amendment will be so prompt and decisive as to fully reflect the sentiments of your constituents, the people of Wisconsin." Lucius FAIRCHILD. 99 This was the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution, extending the franchise to the negro race. It was ratified in the Assem bly by a vote of 62 to 29; in the Senate, by 15 to 11. ED. 303] INDEX ADAMS, John, cited, 237. Adams, John Quincy, elected president, 57; cited, 234. Agriculture, premiums for, 30, 31; in 1862, 154. Alabama, resolution from, 45. Alexander III, frees serfs, 22. Alexandria (Va.), sanitary agent at, 243. Alban, Col. James S., 78, 95. Allen, Col. Benjamin, 78, 95. Allison, William B., 155. Allotment system, described, 98, 99; operation of, 175, 176; fund, 201,. 222. Alma (Wis.), post-office at, 108. Andersonville prison, 292. Annapolis (Md.), sanitary agent at, 243. Antietam National Cemetery, 282, 290. Appomattox Court House (Va.), Lee surrenders at, 246-249. Arkansas, resolution from, 45. Arsenal, recommendations for, 100, 274. BAD Ax Volunteers, organized, 73. Baker, Capt. Milo M., 73. Baltimore (Md.), Wisconsin troops at, 85; sanitary agent, 243. Barstow, Gov. William A., 2; commands cavalry, 95. Bartlett, M. D., sanitary agent, 212, 214. Bashford, Gov. Coles, 2, 46. BATTLES: Bull Run, reverse at, 135. Cedar Mountain, reverse at, 135. Corinth, Wisconsin troops at, 124. Falling Waters, Wisconsin troops at, 94, 257. Fort Pillow, 153. Gainesville, Wisconsin troops at, 258. 20 [ 305 ] INDEX BATTLES (continue'd) Gettysburg, Wisconsin troops at, 258. Harpers Ferry, reverse at, 135. Island No. Ten, 153. Memphis, 153. Murfreesboro, 176. New Orleans, 153. Port Hudson, 153. Shiloh, Wisconsin troops at, 90. Vicksburg, 153. Beardsley, J. W., Assembly speaker, 80. Bell, George, 108. Belle Isle (Va.), prison at, 292. Belleville (Wis.), troops from, 73. Beloit (Wis.), troops from, 50, 52. Belvidere (Wis.), inhabitant, 108. Berdan's Sharpshooters, Wisconsin troops in, 95; volunteer aid for, 74, .75. Biggs, A. A., letter from, 282. Black, Thomas, letter from, 108. Elaine, James G., bounty bill of, 287. Bonds, war. See Finances. Boston (Mass.), draft in, 183. Bouck, Capt. Gabriel, 52. Bounties, for recruits, 159, 161, 187, 188, 202, 204, 246, 276, 277. Bowen, Mrs. Clara, letter from, 107. Brehl, Sophie, letter from, 108. Britt, , 127. Britton, Capt. William B., 73. Britt's Landing (Tenn.), 127, 129. Brodhead, Edward H., state agent, 120. Brown, John, at Harpers Ferry, 25. Bryant, Col. George E., 94. Buchanan, Pres. James, approves amendment, 47. Buffalo County (Wis.), 108. Bull, Miss Frances, marries, 258. CAIRO (111.), 59, 90, 120; Harvey at, 128; sanitary agent, 243. Callis, Capt. John B., 73. [306] INDEX Camp Randall (Wis.), named, 2; troops at, 82, 95; prisoners at, 165, 166; equipment, 65, 66, 274; conditions at, 180, 181. Camp Sigel (Wis.), Wisconsin troops at, 95. Camp Tredway (Wis.), Wisconsin troops at, 95. Camp Utley (Wis.), Wisconsin troops at, 95. Camp Wood (Ky.), Wisconsin troops at, 109. Camp Wood (Wis.), Wisconsin troops at, 95. Carroll College, established, 1; -graduate, 257. Chadwick, P. E., Causes of the Civil War, 25. Chapin, Col. A. R., 94. Charleston (S. C.), 63. Chattanooga (Tenn.), sanitary agent at, 243. Cherry, W. N., 129. Chester, Rev. Arthur T., marries, 91. Chicago (111.), 120; sanitary commission, 174. Chicago and Northwestern Railway, 120. Chinese sugar cane, in Wisconsin, 30, 31. Chrystie, Capt. Alexander, 73. Cincinnati (Ohio), 59, 120, 127; Wisconsin troops at, 125. Clark, Dr. R. B., 119. Cleveland (Ohio), conference of governors at, 2. Clinton (Wis.), Harvey at, 89, 91. Cobb, Col. Amasa, 94. Colonization, recommended, 22-25. Columbia County (Wis.), Lewis at, 199. Columbus (Wis.), Lewis at, 199. Commerce, in 1863, 153, 154. Compromise, conference attempts, 45. Conference of governors, Randall at, 2. Congressional Globe, 1863, 153. Conkling, J. C., letter to, 234. Coon, Col. S. Park, 94. Corson, R. R., sanitary agent, 212. Courts, policy of federal, 12, 13, 101, 209; Dred Scott decision, 19; Wis consin Supreme, 125, 126; decisions of, 166, 283, 284; Second Judi cial Circuit, 2. See also United States and Wisconsin. Crawford County Volunteers, organized, 73. Crittenden, John J., proposes amendments, 45. [307] INDEX Cumberland, Army of, Wisconsin troops in, 214. Cutler, Col. Lysander, 94. DANE County (Wis.), 257. Daniels, Col. E., commands cavalry, 95. Davenport, George E., sanitary agent, 213. Davis, George B., Military Laws of the United States, 4. Davis, Jefferson, 265. Dawes, Capt. William J., 73. Democratic party, in 1860, 101; in 1863, 166; in 1864, 239; divided, 2; member of, 114, 199. Dennet, Capt. , 73. Dennison, William, postmaster-general, 3. Deserters, disfranchised, 299. De Soto (Wis.), troops from, 73. Dill, Col. Daniel J., at Camp Randall, 180, 181. Doolittle, James R., 155. Doran, Col. John L., 78, 95. Draft, necessary, 136, 137; execution of, 183-189, 217-220; in 1862, 159-168; riots, 115, 147-151, 165, 166, 179, 180, 184, 185. Dred Scott decision, 19. Druecker, John, rioter, 166. "Dunleith", Mississippi steamboat, 90. EAU CLAIRE (Wis.), troops from, 73. Education, report concerning, 228-230. Elliot, Gen. W. L., at Camp Randall, 166; letter to, 181. Elmira (N. Y.), Randall at, 3; Wisconsin soldiers, 85. Ely, Capt George B., 52. Emancipation Proclamation, 178, 232-236, 240. See also Lincoln and Slavery. England, policy of, 235, 236, 261. Erie Canal, enlargement, 153-155. Estee, Capt. Stephen, 73. PAIRCHILD, Cassius, state agent, 86. Fairchild, Jairus Cassius, 257. Fairchild, Gov. Lucius, inaugural address, 263-270; annual message^ first, 271-281; second 286-294; third, 295-299; fourth, 300-302; special messages, 282, 283, 299, 302, 303; proclamation, 283-285; biography, 257; portrait. [308] INDEX Fairchild, Sally Blair, 257. Fennimore (Wis.), troops from, 73. Finances, review of, 155-157, 201-203, 222-224, 260, 272-274, 286, 295, 296; recommendations for, 47, 48, 105, 106, 122, 123; military funds, 93, 174, 175, 189, 190, 255, 256; war expenditures, 55, 64- 69, 74, 75, 80-88, 93, 94, 96, 141-143; war bonds, 48, 67, 68, 81- 84, 93, 105, 106, 110-113, 142, 202, 273. War claims, see United States and Wisconsin. Finnicum, Capt. Mark, 73. Fiske, John, The Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, 153. Fitchburg (Wis.), troops from, 73. Flax, grown in Wisconsin, 31. Folwell, W. W., Minnesota, 171. Fond du Lac (Wis.), troops from, 52; troops at 95. Ford, P. L., Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 24. Fort Pillow (Tenn.), prison at, 292. Fort Sumpter, fall of, 48, 208, 217. Fosdick, Capt. John S., 120, 128, 129. Foster, Capt. J. F., 73. Fox Lake (Wis.), troops from, 73. Fox and Wisconsin River Improvement, recommendations for, 153-155. France, policy of, 235, 236, 261. Franklin, Benjamin, attitude toward slavery, 237. Fugitive Slave Law, enacted, 209; obstructed, 41, 42. See also Personal Liberty Laws. GENESEE (Wis.), inhabitant, 107. Georgia, resolution from, 45. Germans, in Wisconsin regiment, 71; on negro suffrage, 284. Gettysburg (Pa.), Soldiers' National Cemetery at, 214, 215, 245, 246. 282, 290. Grand Army of the Republic, Fairchild in, 258. Grant, Gen. Ulysses S., 236; at Holly Springs, 196; letter to, 299. Grant County (Wis.), troops from, 52. Green, Capt. James H., 73. Greenbush (Wis.), troops from, 73. Greenfield (Wis.), post-office at, 109. 309] INDEX HABEAS corpus, extended to fugitives, 41, 42; suspended, 166. Halleck, Maj. Gen. Henry W., 117. Halsted, L. C., state surgeon, 211. Hamilton, Col. C. S., 94. Harpers Ferry (Va.), John Brown at, 25; Wisconsin troops, 94. Harris, Col. C. L., 94. Harrisburg (Pa.), Wisconsin soldiers at, 85. Harvey, Mrs. C. A. P., sanitary agent, 212-214, 243; establishes hos pitals, 228; Orphans' Home, 278-280; biography, 91. Harvey, Gov. Louis P., 84; messages, first annual, 92-103; special, 103-106, 109-113; expenditures of, 189; letter to, 106; death, 90, 91, 113, 114, 116, 119-121, 127-129; biography, 89-91. Harvey, J. S., 120; at Paducah, 124. Hastings, Samuel D., state treasurer, 85; letter from, 106, 107. Heg, Col. H. C., 78, 95. Henry, Patrick, cited, 234. Henry, W. W., Life of Patrick Henry, 234. Hertzberg, Capt. E. F., 73. Hill, , state agent, 86. Holton, James, disbursing officer, 51, 52, 64; assistant quartermaster general, 82. Holly Springs (Miss.), surrender of, 196. Horicon (Wis.), troops from, 50. Hospitals, northern, 172-174, 214, 241; Wisconsin wounded in, 182, 227, 228, 243, 244. Howe, Col. Frank E., sanitary agent, 212, 213. Hubbell, Judge Levi, resigns, 2. Hurlbut, Edwin, sanitary agent, 86. Hum, Ethel A., Wisconsin Women in the War, 214, 228, 280. Hyde, Lieut. , 73. ILLINOIS, resolution from, 45; quota, 61; Agricultural Society, 154. Illinois Central Railroad Company, letter from, 154. Ilsley, Charles L., aids Orphans' Home, 278, 279. Imphee, in Wisconsin, 30, 31. Indians, cause massacre, 137-139; panic, 138, 139, 146, 170, 171; in Wisconsin, 230, 231. Indiana, resolution from, 45; 29th Infantry, 120, 128, 129. Invalid Corps, Wisconsin troops in, 204. [310] INDEX Iowa, congressman, 155. Irish, in Wisconsin regiment, 78, 95. Iron Brigade, record, 170; Wisconsin troops in, 258. JACKSON, Andrew, cited, 236. James, R. G., state surgeon, 211. Janesville (Wis.), troops from, 52, 73; troops at, 95. "January", Mississippi steamboat, 90. Jefferson, Thomas, cited, 23, 24, 38, 237. Johnson, Pres. Andrew, 271; appoints Randall, 3; proclamation, 253. Johnston, Alexander, "Personal Liberty Laws", in J. J. Lalor, Cyclo- poedia of Political Science, 41. Jones, E. L., sanitary agent, 243. KANSAS, slavery question in, 8-11, 25. Kansas-Nebraska Act, enacted, 8. Kemp, Nicholas, rioter, 166. Kenosha (Wis.), troops from, 50; Harvey at, 89. Keokuk (Iowa), relief expedition to, 124; sanitary agent at, 213, 243. Kingston Guards, organized, 73. LA CROSSE (Wis.), troops from, 52, 73. La Crosse and Milwaukee Railroad Company, bribes legislature, .46. "Lady Pike", Mississippi steamboat, 120, 127, 128. La Fayette, Marquis de, cited, 237. Lambert, , invents tourniquet, 195. Lamott, Capt. , mustering officer, 130. Lancaster (Wis.), troops from, 73. Lee, Gen. Robert E., in Maryland, 135; surrenders, 246-249. Lewis, Eleanor Robertson, 199. Lewis, Gov. James T., military vote for, 208; annual messages, 201-211, 221-239; special messages, 144, 145, 211-215, 240-244, 255, 256; proclamations, 216-220, 224, 248-254; farewell address, 260-263; letter from, 278, 279; letter to, 107-109; biography, 199. Lewis, Shubael, 199. Lincoln, Pres. Abraham, 3, 60; vote for, 239; elected, 39-41, 57; com munications to, 46, 174, 195, 196; calls for troops, 48, 50, 54, 80, 84, 117, 126, 135, 136, 158, 159, 185, 257; administration, 177-179; INDEX Lincoln (continued) appointments, 98, 99, 175; policy, 101, 102, 131; suspends habeas corpus, 166; proclamations, 148, 149, 165, 166, 188; Emancipation Proclamation, 232-236, 240; assassinated, 249, 271. Lodge, H. C., The Federalist, 12, 37. Louisville (Ky.), Wisconsin troops at, 94; sanitary agent, 243. Lovell, Col. Charles S., provost marshal general, 219. Low, Jacob, sanitary agent, 213. Lowell, James Russell, Fairchild succeeds, 258. Loyal Legion, Fairchild in, 258. LAKES: Erie, 154; Superior, iron near, 100. Me KEE, Capt. David, 52. Me Pherson, E., History of the Rebellion, 45. Madison (Wis.), 2, 52, 53, 90; troops from, 50, 52; Fairchild at, 257; hospital at, 228; cemetery, 91; Soldiers' Orphans' Home, 279; State Journal, 182. Maloney, Col. M., 94. Manitowoc (Wis.), Salomon at, 114. Manitowoc County (Wis.), draft in, 162, 163, 168. Marshall, Samuel, aids Orphans' Home, 278, 279, 287, 288. Maryland, resolutions from, 131; Lee in, 135, 143. Massachusetts, resolution from, 45. Mellen, William P., 120, 121; letter from, 129. Memphis (Tenn.), sanitary agent at, 212, 213; Mrs. Harvey, 243; massacre, 292. "Merrimac", sunk, 194. Michigan, resolution from, 45. . Militia, organized, 2; condition, 15, 224, 225; recommendations relating to, 4, 5, 27-30, 32, 136-139, 170, 171, 275, 297; Lewis in, 199; Gover nor's Guard, 257; law, amended, 203, 205, 224; vetoed, 132-134. Miller, Andrew, 108. Mills, Simeon, paymaster general, 65-67, 93. Milwaukee (Wis.), 51, 52, 64-66, 82, 109, 120; troops from, 50, 73; troops at, 95; military camp, 71, 94; naval depot, 100; hospital, 228; Soldiers' Home, 245; Second Judicial Circuit, 2; Salomon at, 114. Milwaukee County (Wis.), divided, 1; draft riot, 115, 149-151. Milwaukee and Prairie du Chien Railway, 120. Mineral Point (Wis.), troops from, 52. Miners, furnish troops, 52. INDEX "Minnehaha", Mississippi steamboat, 90. Minnesota, resolution from, 45; Indian massacre in, 137-139, 171, 230, Mississippi, Army of, Wisconsin soldiers in, 124. Missouri, 59; Wisconsin troops in, 95. Missouri Compromise, repealed, 7, 8, 11, 25, 209. Monroe County Bank, 93. Mound City (Kans.), sanitary agent at, 243. Murphy, Col. R. C., 94; dismissed, 195, 196. NASHVILLE (Tenn.), sanitary agent at, 212, 214, 243. Nebel, Elise, marries, 114. Neenah (Wis.), troops from, 73. Negroes, free, 20-22, 24, 41, 42, 266, 267; in Union army, 236; popu lation, 16, 21. See also Suffrage and Slavery. New Jersey, resolution from, 45. New London (Wis.), troops from, 73. New Orleans (La.), 236; sanitary agent at, 213; Mrs. Harvey, 243; massacre, 292. New York (City), Wisconsin troops at, 125; sanitary agent, 173, 212, 213; draft in, 183. New York (State), resolution from, 45; bounties, 159. Nicolay, J. G. and Hay, J., Works of Abraham Lincoln, 148. Noble, Lieut. Gov. Butler G., special message, 47; proclamation, 78, 79. Norfolk (Va.), 194. North Carolina, letter from, 46. O'CONNOR, Col. Edgar, at Gainesville, 258. Ohio, resolution from, 45. Orff, Capt. Henry, 73. Orphans' Home, soldiers', established, 227, 278-281, 287-289; conduct of, 296, 300, 301. Oshkosh (Wis.), troops from, 52. Ostrander, D., sanitary agent, 243. Oxford (Wis.), inhabitant, 108. Ozaukee County (Wis.), draft riot in, 115, 147, 148, 150, 152, 165, 166, 179, 180, 184, 185. PADUCAH (Ky.), 128; sanitary agent at, 243. Paine, Col. Halbert E., 94; disbursing officer, 52. [ 313 ] INDEX Paxson, Frederic L., The Last American Frontier, 137. Peace, conference attempts, 45. See also Compromise. Pennsylvania, resolution from, 45. Pensions, United States, 192, 193, 204. Perkins, Capt. John E., 73. Perrine, Cordelia A., marries, 89. Perry, Capt. Charles, 73. Personal Liberty Laws, upheld, 41, 42. Philadelphia (Pa.), draft in, 183; sanitary agent at, 173, 212, 214, 243. Pittsburg (Ohio), 59. Pittsburg Landing (Tenn.), Harvey at, 90, 128; Wisconsin troops, 124. Polleys, J. W., 82. Pors, William A., violence to, 147, 148; petition from, 184, 185. Portage (Wis.), troops from, 52, 73. Portage County. See Columbia County. Potomac, Army of, Wisconsin troops in, 258. Prairieville. See Waukesha. Prairieville Academy. See Carroll College. Prairie du Chien (Wis.), troops from, 73; hospital at, 228. Prairie du Sac (Wis.), troops from, 73. QUENTIN, Charles, death, 121. Quincy (111.), sanitary agent at, 213. Quiner, E. B., Military History of Wisconsin, 148, 150. RACIXE (Wis.), 119; troops from, 52; troops at, 95. Randall, Gov. Alexander W., appointments, 103, 257; appropriation to, 93; annual messages, 4-26, 29-44; special messages, 27, 28, 45-48, 53-74, 80-88; proclamations, 48-53, 74-78; biography, 1-3. Randall, Phineas, 1. Randall, Sarah Beach, 1. Randolph, Lieut. Julius F., 52. Rayner, B. L., Life and Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 23. Rebellion Records, 49, 136, 204, 234. Reconstruction, programme for, 262-270, 291-294, 297-299, 301, 302. Republican party, in 1858-59, 2; 1860, 101; 1861-63, 90, 114, 200, 208; 1864, 239. Rhodes, J. F., United States, 5, 7, 11, 20, 25, 236, 297. [314] JNbEX Richardson, J. D., Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 48. Richmond (Va.), fall of, 248. Riddell, G., state surgeon, 211. RIVEKS: Fox, U. S. armory on, 100. Hudson, 154. Mississippi, 59, 60, 154; opening of, 153. Ohio, 59. Tennessee, 127; accident on, 113, 116, 119; Wisconsin soldiers on, 124. Rock County (Wis.), delegate from, 89. Robbins, J. V., claim of, 194. Rome, Randall at, 3. Rourke, Capt. John, furnishes escort, 120. Ruggles, Gen. George D., letters from, 130. Russia, frees serfs, 22. ST. DOMINGO, revolution in, 24. St. Louis (Mo.), 59; Wisconsin troops at, 94, 105, 125; sanitary agent, 212, 213, 243; Sanitary Commission, 174. Salisbury (N. C.), prison at, 292. Salomon, Charles, 114. Salomon, Christopher, 114. Salomon, Dorothea (Klussman), 111. Salomon, Gov. Edward, letter to, 103, 127; letter from, 212; contingent fund, 255; annual message, 152-179; special message, 119-127, 130-143, 179-185, 189-196; proclamations, 116-118, 146-151, 185- 189, 197, 198; suit against, 166; biography, 141. Salomon, Col. Frederick, 94, 114. Sanborn, J. B., "Story of the Fox- Wisconsin Improvement", 151. Sanders, Col. Horace T., 95; sanitary agent, 83. Sanitary agents, 84-88, 91, 97, 103, 120, 124, 172-174, 181, 182, 212-214, 227, 242-244. Savannah (Tenn.), 129; Harvey at, 90, 113, 119, 127, 128. Scandinavians, in Wisconsin regiment, 78, 95. Schurz, Carl, statesman, 2. Secession, 26, 32-45, 56, 101, 208-210; defeated, 264, 265, 26S. Selleck, W. Y., sanitary agent, 212, 213; report of, 214, 245, 246, .282. Seward, William H., letter from, 302. Shanran, Mrs. Mary, 109. [315] INDEX Shaw, , 107. Sheboygan County Independents, organized, 73. Sherman, Gen. William T., Memoirs, 118. Sholes, C. L., state agent, 103. Shopiere (Wis.), Harvey at, 89. Singleton, , recovers Harvey's body, 120, 128, 129. Sioux. See Indians. Slavery, agitated, 2; review of, 5-26, 209, 210, 261-233; causes war, 39-13, 102, 103; Emancipation Proclamation, 178, 232-239, 210; abolition, 240, 241, 252, 265, 266, 268, 269. See also Colonization, and Negroes. Slave trade, reopened, 19, 20. Smith, George C., sanitary agent, 212, 213. Smith, Perry H., 120. Smith, T. C., Parties and Slavery, 5. Soldiers' Home, established, 244, 245. South Carolina, secedes, 43. Southport. See Kenosha. Southport Academy, Harvey at, 89. Southport American, editor, 89. Sparks, Jared, letter to, 24. Spring, L. W., Kansas, 11. Stanton, Edwin M., secretary of war, 138; policy, 140. Starkweather, Col. J. C., at Falling Waters, 94. State agents. See Sanitary agents. States rights, Randall discusses, 5-13, 16-19, 32-44. Stephens, Alexander H., cited, 236. Stevens, Rev. J. D., sanitary agent, 213. Sturges, George W., sanitary agent, 212, 213, 243. Sturges, Orlina M., marries, 199. Suffrage, abuse of, 206; foreign, 284; negro, 1, 253, 254, 266, 267, 283- 285, 302, 303; soldiers', 140, 141, 208, 230, 239. Sugar, in Wisconsin, 30, 31. Sugar River Rifles, organized, 73. Sullivan, Patrick, memorial from, 131. Swift, Medical Director Eben, letter from, 241. TARIFF, reduction of, 209. Taxation, federal, 97-99, 155, 156; state, 156, 157. 273, 274. [316] INDEX Tennessee, resolution from, 45; Harvey in, 120; Wisconsin troops, 116; accepts amendment, 292. Territories, slavery in, 6-10, 17-19, 39-41. Texas, resolution from, 45. Thomas, Helen M., married, 3. Thwaites, Reuben G., Wisconsin, 171, 231. Tourniquets, for wounded, 195. Trakat, Julius, volunteer, 108. Trakat, J. H., letter from, 108. Trakat, Mary J., relief for, 107. Trowbridge, Capt J. M., mustering officer, 130. UNION party, in 1861, 90; 1861-63, 200; 1863, 258. United States, 100; taxes, 97-99, 155-156; war claim against, 93, 98, 109, 110, 141, 142, 155, 156, 176, 184, 185, 202, 203, 223, 224, 272, 273, 287, 295, 296, 300; cession from, 279, 280; Constitution amended, 45, 47, 240, 241, 266, 268, 290, 291, 302, 303; Supreme Court, 13, 19, 209; 16th Infantry, 257. VAN DEUTSCH, Capt. Gustav, commands cavalry, 95; aid for, 74, 75. Van Dor, Col. Joseph, 94. Van Dora, Gen. Earl, surprises Holly Springs, 196. Van Vechten, Mary C., married, 1. Vicksburg (Miss.), Mrs. Harvey at, 212. Virginia, divided, 9; slavery in, 16; resolution from, 45. Volunteers, from Wisconsin, 48-50, 52, 54, 61, 74, 75, 78, 94-96, 117, 118, 126, 140, 143, 158-170, 186-189, 203, 204, 225, 226, 260, 264, 275, 276; suits against, 190, 191; aid for dependent families, 74, 75, 93, 97, 104-109, 126, 141, 142, 144, 145, 156, 157, 192, 193, 2~02, 204, 205, 222, 228, 273, 282; thanks to, 251, 252; brevets for, 289. See also Wisconsin. WADSWORTH, Commissary Gen. E. R., 82; sanitary agent, 124. Walker, Capt. William, 120, 128. Washburn, Col. Cadwallader C., 95, 130. Washington, George, 236, 237. Washington (D. C.), capital, 139, 142, 143, 272, 287; peace conference at, 45; endangered, 135; Wisconsin troops at, 94; sanitary agent, 173, 212, 214, 243. [317] INDEX Waterloo (Wis.), troops from, 73. Waterloo. See Shopiere. Watsoii, W. H., private secretary, 84. Waukesha (Wis.), Randalls at, 1; Assembly district, 2. Waukesha County (Wis.), organized, 1; inhabitants, 107. Wesley, John, cited, 237. West Bend (Wis.), inhabitant, 107. Wheeler, Capt. Calvin J., 73. Whig, party, 2; paper, 89. Whipple, Lieut. Col. Charles, presents memento, 194. Winslow, J. B., Story of a Great Court, 13, 166, 284. Wisconsin, organized, 9; first constitutional convention, 1, 284; second constitutional convention, 89, 199; constitution, 9, 27; Supreme Court, 13, 125, 126, 166, 283, 284; war policy, 118; women in war, 51, 52, 227; war claims against, 130, 131, 194; state fair, 245; regiments, 1st Infantry 49, 50, 54, 55, 65, 66, 93, 94, 109, 257; 2nd Infantry, 52, 65, 66, 94, 257, 258; 3rd Infantry, 65, 66, 94; 4th Infantry, 65, 66, 94; 5th Infantry, 94; 6th Infantry, 94; 7th In fantry, 94; 8th Infantry, 94, 195; 9th Infantry, 95, 108; 10th In fantry, 94, 108; llth Infantry, 94; 12th Infantry, 95; 13th Infantry, 95; 14th Infantry, 95, 105; 15th Infantry, 78, 95, 105; 16th In fantry, 78, 95, 105; 17th Infantry, 78, 95; 18th Infantry, 78, 95; 19th Infantry, 95, 131, 194; 20th Infantry, 117, 126, 161; 25th In fantry, 180; 27th Infantry, 161, 183; 30th Infantry, 180; 31st In fantry, 161, 183; 35th Infantry, 186, 187; 1st Cavalry, 95, 130; 2nd Cavalry, 95, 130; 3rd Cavalry, 95, 130; 5th Battery, 211; 7th Bat tery, 211; 10th Battery, 211; llth Battery, 120; Assembly Journal, 1858, 4; 1860, 28; 1861, 46; 1864, 211, 214; 1866, 283; 1868, 299; Senate Journal, 1858, 4, 5; 1860, 20, 27; 1861, 46, 48; 1862, 42, 67, 68, 83, 84, 103; 1863, 180, 181; 1864, 212; 1865, 241; Messages and Documents, 93; 1862, 68; 1863, 171; 1865, 225; 1866, 275; 1867, 290; 1868, 295, 297; Executive Register, 116; Legislative Manual, 140; General Laws, 1849, 284; 1851, 4; 1857, 4; 1858, 4; 1861, 46, 48, 54, 80, 93; 1861, extra session, 62, 64, 67, 68, 83, 93; 1862, 42, 97, 99, 100, 106, 109, 113, 123, 126, 171; 1862, extra session, 140, 142-144, 230; 1863, 155, 157, 162, 165, 174-176, 185, 190, 193-195, 203, 223, 224, 228, 230; 1864, 203, 205, 206, 224; 1865, 224, 226-228, 230, 243, 267; 1866, 157, 206, 275, 280; 1867, 287; 1868, 295; 1874. 301; Private Laivs, 1865, 245; Revised Statutes. 1849, 13; 1858, 4, [318] INDEX Wisconsin (continued) 27, 42, 162; Agricultural Society Transactions, 31. See also, Finance, Militia, United States, Volunteers. Wisconsin Aid Society, at Washington, 173. Wisconsin Historical Society, 259; organized, 199. Wisconsin University, 2, 200, 259; regents, 90, 114, 115; in 1862, 157; land grant, 205, 206; buildings for, 301; Report of Regents, 1862, 157. Wolcott, E. B., state agent, 124; surgeon general, 120, 211. Wolf River Rifles, organized, 73. Women in war. See Wisconsin. Wood, Col. D. E., 95. Worthington, D., 279. Wounded and sick, 90, 116, 123-125, 171-174, 256, 296. See also Sani tary agents and Hospitals. YORK (Pa.), sanitary agent at, 243. Young, Capt. William C., 73. [3*9 THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW RENEWED BOOKS ARE SUBJECT TO IMMEDIATE RECALL LIBRARY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, DAVIS Book Slip-55rn.-10,'68(J4048s8)458 A-31/I N9 584863 F576 Wisconsin. Governor. W4 Civil war messages and proclamations of Wisconsin war governors. LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DAVIS