A A 3 9 4 i 2 : 4 ; : THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES THE JBBET CLASSICS—I SIR JAMES MELVILLE OF HALHILL MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN LIFE 3IEM0IRS OF HIS OWN LIFE SIR JAMES MELVILLE of Halhill Ornamented lyJvfattinTravers at ^lAfountVernon Street. Boston , Afiotis. Made hi Great Britain. M I N BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE SIR JAMES MELVILLE (1535-1617) of HALHILL, was the third son of Sir James Melville of Raith. At the age of fourteen he was appointed page to Mary, Queen of Scots, in France. Three years later he entered the train of the Constable of France, under whom he saw service against the Emperor and was wounded at the Battle of St. Quentin, 1557. In 1559 he was sent by Henry II. of France as secret agent to Scotland, with the purpose of discovering the supposed designs of James Stuart, Queen Mary's half-brother (and later regent of Scotland), against the throne. He returned to France ; but after various other missions he finally came back to Scotland and settled at the Court of Queen Mary, by whom he was appointed Privy Counsellor and Gentleman of the Bedchamber. He was also employed by the Queen as envoy to the court of Queen Elizabeth in the matter of the Darnley marriage negotiations. Thereafter during the troublous period of the Rizzio and Darnley murders, until after tlie Battle of Carberry Hill, he maintained a neutral position between the Queen and the rebellious Protestant nobles, but after Queen Aiary's confinement he threw in his lot with the Regent's party. Later, on the personal accession to the Throne of James VI., he was again appointed Privy Counsellor and Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and was knighted. However, on the succession of James VI. to tlie English throne in 1603 Melville declined to follow h'is Sovereign to England and retired to his estate of Halhill, in Fife, where he remained until his death on 13th November, 1617. BIBLIOGRAPHY The " MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN LIFE " were first published in 1683 in London. A second edition appeared in 1735, a third in 1751, while in 1827 the Memoirs were re- printed privately for the Bannatyne Club from the original MSS. The present edition has been reprinted from that of 1735, with, however, many corrections and emendations suggested by the 1827 edition. r TSOftW OF 1 6th century politicians and diplomats none had such a peculiar range of experience or variety of acquaintance as Sir James Alelville. He was never a resident ambassador, like his brother Sir Robert in London, nor did he merely serve one court in different countries. He had been the agent of different courts. And his patrons, too, had been diversified in character. Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was neither strict Catholic nor proper Protestant ; though condemned for a heretic at Rome he kept the favour of Catherine de Medicis and so has been called an " amphibious creature." Melville thought the Bishop had been divinely inspired to befriend him, but he was not quite the sort of channel one would expect. Anne, Duke of Montmorency, Melville served in his day of opposition to the family of Guise ; as a soldier the Constable was a " French Fabius," and as a politician so far the same, a temporiser. Equal in Melville's admiration was his next patron Frederick, Elector Palatine, the most sympathetic figure among the German Protestant princes, but more Calvinist than Lutheran, another amphibian. It is from an official source that we learn how Frederick's last com- mission to him was to confer with the rulers of France on the religious situation in that country. Other t>'pes like Catherine de Medicis with her " Italian tricks," Maximilian the future Emperor, who was particularly anxious to keep him, and Anthony de Bourbon, King of Navarre, came within the circle of Melville's special activities. In the early summer of 1559 Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, the English ambassador in Paris, wrote of him as " well liked by the Constable," and later on informed Cecil that " Though he had talked with many men of divers nations, finds none so trusty as James Melvijle ... the Constable's servant, a man of good capacity," urging that an effort should be made to use him in the service of Queen Elizabeth. This seems to have been done, on that Queen's own instruction, while he was with the Elector Palatine. It was thus as a highly " ex- perimented " politician that he tried to restrain Queen Mary, fenced in diplomacy with Elizabeth, and lectured the self- suflficient James VI. Such a man was obviously in a unique position to make a contribution to the history of his time. The fate of his Memoirs was somewhat akin to that of their author. In the form which follows they were first issued in London (1683), and within a dozen years a French translation appeared in Holland, followed by a reprint in vii INTRODUCTION France, another in Holland, and by a new improved French version as late as 1745. There was no publication in Scotland till 1735. Melville does not write as a systematic historian. He professes merely to supply the historian proper with " parentheses " on matters in which he himself was directly concerned, or which came under his own personal observation. The opening section of his book is not on this footins;. When James V. died Melville was only seven years old. But Sir James Grange, the Treasurer, who has so prominent a part, was his brother-in-law. That Melville prefaces a lesson or moral need not rouse any suspicion in the reader. He is not tied to it, though it certainly directs his interest ; and it is anyhow neither subtle nor new. He had started out with what, quoting fiom a kindred spirit, he calls " the daft opinion," that in his political service he could " stand by honesty and virtue," and so would inevitably achieve prefer- ment and prosperity. He secured neither to the extent which he thought jus ified ; but that is a very old story. As Renan has said, " History is the opposite of virtue rewarded." Nevertheless Melville kept to his straight groove, because it was his " duty," or, as he puts it with more psychological frankness, because it was his " nature " to do so. This unbending quality probably brought him some reputation of being perverse or unp'easant. He would be neither corrupted nor cajoled, and, as Bothwell said of him, he " had a pin for every bore." A letter exists from him to Thomas Randolph, dated March, 1572, in which he already adopts the tone of one who has withdrawn from the political world and its " combersome occupations," and signs himself, " Your crabit auld and constand affectioned frend." A man who confesses to being " crabit " or cross-grained is rarely so in essence, but one of Melville's disposition lays himself open to the taunt. A result of Melville's outlook is that he is concerned with personalities and their interactions, with personal motives and impulses of character, not so much with massive general factors. He was himself a Protestant and a devout one — he may even be called a puritan. The more strange, then, the small part which the reformed Kirk plays in his narrative. He has much to say about the treatment of the Danish mission to James VI., but never a word about prelacy or the conflict of spiritual and se ular jurisdictions. Possibly these finer issues did not come within his scope. He was not of enthusiastic temper or absolute in any- thing except personal integrity ; but always for clemency and a generous accommodation in party oppositions. He may have preferred, as in the case of the Reformation war in Scotland, to leave the conflict of King and clergy to those who would write viii INTRODUCTION its history. More probably, however, he is open to Gladstone's critical comment upon Alacaulay, that he dealt with religious matters from the political point of view. This is certainly the tone of his few allusions to the ecclesiastical debate. The niinisters were dissatisfied, they influenced the country', and out of this came «:rouble, while the need of the country was peace. Therefore Melville argued that, just as the banished noblemen should be restored to tl.eir lands and honours, so the ministers should have their former privilege of free Assemblies, both policies being conducive to " peace in the countrj- " and " his Majesty's interest." This satisfying of the Church was purely pragmatist, making no account of the ecclesiastical principle at "take. It is to be feared that Melville was among those whom another of his surname in 1583 called the " Machiavellians of the Court," that is, the men who placed the interests of the kingdom before the articles of the Church. In truth there is much of the realistic Machiavelli manner in his Memoirs. Nor did he find it necessary to seek a clue in their religious preferences to the rabbling politics of the Scottish nobility. They were simply at the old game of one party forcing the occasion to enlarge their power and so their property and status, while the other, as the probable victims, defended what they had. It was not religion that differenced the supporters of the exiled Queen Mary from those of the boy-King, not even, he says, the cause represented by either figure, but " their own partialities of ambition, greediness and vengeance." One main reason for all this was tliat the Scottish nobility was too numerous for the countn.' ; yet James VI. kept adding to their number, in which Melville warned him that he was " not well-advised." In Scotland, indeed, as in other countries, religion had become so entangled with politics, in the modern sense, that no clear separation was possible. Melville had experienced the same com- plication elsewhere, in France for example. He had served under rulers of different shades of religious opinion, most of whom were ready to shift or adapt their convictions when a political end was to be ser\'ed. It was not unity of religion but loyalty to the sovereign that was being made the test of citizenship. The monarch was becom'ng hedged wiih divinity. Melville reminds Mary that " Princes are called divine persons," and quoted for James VI. the passage from Plutarch, that " the Prince is God's placeholder." It is characteristic, however, that he makes the relation a reason for fuller responsibility ; it is not merely a natural fact independent of the use to which it is put. If Divine Right was to become a highly congenial notion to James, his mother had been more set upon its implication of indefeasible hereditary right of succession in hereditary monarchies. On the whole, too, this was the principle generally favoured in England. The union of the kingdoms was Melville's great political idea, an hereditary cause, it might be said, since ix INTRODUCTION his father had lost life and estates on a charge of favouring English interests. His English friend, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, in Melville's favourite figure of speech (very common at the time), " shot at the same mark," and Throckmorton's letter to Queen Mary, as given in the Memoirs, puts the situation very clearlv. But it was just these conditions which made it inopportune for Elizabeth and her ministers definitely to recognise the Scottish claim. There were those in England to whom Mary was already their Queen de jure, because of the circumstances of Elizabeth's birth and religion. Mary was an uncertain factor, and it might become hard for her supporters to draw the line. Melville him- self shows how serious the situation became, yet is strangely oblivious of the fact that Elizabeth would defend herself and could not be over nice in doing so. There was a party, too, who cast their eyes elsewhere for a successor. For these reasons the policy of the English court was " suspense," no commitment, and meantime to counter any action on Mary's part that might strengthen her hands. Therefore Melville could brand Elizabeth as a dissimulator and Cecil as a mischief-maker working with tools like his friends Thomas Randolph and Henry Killigrew, and Mr. Wotton, whose character Melville could estimate from an earlier experience of him in France. With the execution of Mary in 1587 this phase passed, but the succession was still unsettled and other claimants could be discussed. Melville, who was far-sighted in his policy, accordingly warned James VI. that, as Queen Mary had been too insistent in pushing her claim, he in turn was imperilling it by favouring reckless advisers and so making " storms " certain. The honest men in England had not approved the stratagems of William Cecil, and it was Melville's solemn judgment on two occasions that there were as many honest men in that country as in any other of the same size in Europe. The days of the " auld enemy of England " were over. II. Melville composed his work from " sundry parcels " of " written Memorials " which he had prepared from time to time in connection with services upon which he had been employed. It was intended for the edification of his sons, and there is no evidence that he anticipated publication. The con- nections are sometimes clumsily made and some matters of chronology not precisely accurate. Thus the State document, which he prepared for James VI. and inserted c. 1590, not only contains matter which he explains had been drafted before that date but in its last section deals with events not earlier than the year 1596. Again D'Elboeuf's failure in 1559, which is men- tioned in Montmorency's commission to Melville, is of a date INTRODUCTION several months later than the commission in question. These and a few others are clear lapses, but even scrupulous modern historians, with all their advantages, have occasionally failed as badly, and the material value of the work is not of a kind to be affected thereby. Melville has a picturesque manner of e.xpression, occasionally flavoured with a sardonic humour. He describes the Earl of Morton at Lochleven as occupying his time in making straight the paths of his garden and devising crooked paths in his mind. As a candid friend he informed the Regent ]\lurray that he was like an unskilful player at tennis, running ever after the ball instead of marking where it would probably light — that is, exerting himself much to little effect. Murray was to Melville neither the hero of one set of historians nor the base fellow of another, but a com- placent personage who reflected and was directed by the men with whom he was for the time associated. His eye for significant detail and his orderly mind are shown in the story of his w-arlike experiences. Limited as these were, tliey are a graphic commentary' on the military methods of the time. Picardy had been his school of war, and names on that battlefield of the ages, once again inade sorrowfully familiar, pass before us in his pages, St. Quentin, Dinant and La Fere. At the last place he ended his military career in a flight, of which he had ss little reason to be ashamed as Horace had in his parallel case. His details of the incident are of the nature dear to the writers of historical romances. Other such details appear in the humorous experiences on his journey to Paris as a boy. Rich, too, in historic atmosphere is the episode, in O'Dogherty's dark tower, of the Bishop of Valence, the chief's daughter and the two friars, when the lady of no importance licked up the price- less balm of Egypt and O'Dogherty's daughter would have married the lad of fourteen setting out to make his fortune. These are not " unconsidered trifles " ; they are the historic properties of the piece. One may observe further the ready resort to poison as an explanation of untoward happenings ; the " Italian posset," like the coarser dagger stroke, was a form of political strategy. That Mslville is pictorial or dramatic was not for him a matter of literary contrivance ; such was his spontaneous mode of ex- pression, arising from the clear and concrete quality of his vision of men and events. But his manner varies. The greatness of mind and smallness of nature that made up George Buchanan are defined on the scale but with the clean cutting of a cameo. In some cases he is content with a significant moment or incident. Ilis so with the Earl of Bothwell, whom we see through Melville's eyes in his bearing and conversation at supper in Holyrood on the eve of his marriage. It is the most intimate presentation we possess of that disastrous personality. Of Mary, too, we are left mainly with impressions. She is in the first phase a stately, reasonable figure ; then a distracted, tearful victim. Up to the time of Bothwell's sudden ambition she had borne herself, in xi INTRODUCTION Melville's judgment, honourably and discreetly, "abhorring all vice and vicious persons." Walking vs'ith her in conveisation through the street of Stirling he had brought her to a " victory over herself " in consenting to pardon the Riccio murderers. He thought that, if she had been less summarily treated, " process of time " would have undone the Bothwell infatuation. It is worth noting that he remarks how " the false counterfeit letters and alleged practices against the State " proposed to be devised for James VI. had been already " craftily and deceitfully alledged upon his mother." Evidently he did not believe in the authen- ticity of the Casket Letters. Queen Elizabeth knew from her agents of Melville's career and reputation. But, if she thought to glamour or mislead him at the time of his missions on behalf of Mary, she did not know the man. The portions of the Memoirs dealing with these interviews are extraordinarily vivid and significant. Public men of the i6th century had a doleful habit of deliberately seeking to relieve the tension of serious business by dropping into " merry purposes." The form of Elizabethan tragedy, into which comic scenes are thrust, may have risen out of this convention. Melville's" merry purpose " by order resulted in the fencing between Elizabeth and himself as to the respective beauties and accomplishments of the two Queens, which has often been quoted. It was Elizabeth's game to foil and blurt this sage gentleman of twenty- nine ; on the contrary he divined her thoroughly. To Melville, also, we owe the stiiking picture of Elizabeth's womanly chagrin at the birth of Mary's son, when the bitter reflection burst from her that " she was but a barren stock." " Your spirit cannot endure a commander," Melville told her when she spoke of marriage ; as little could she endure the defeat of foitune that followed thereupon. The Memoirs preserve for us the extraordinary incident at a state banquet on the occasion of the baptism of the infant James, when that " French knave Bastian " devised the Masque of the Satyrs " with long tails." Certain of the English gentlemen present at once saw in this an allusion to the old mediaeval slander about the English having tails, and angrily blotted the spectacle from their eyes by sitting down upon the bare floor behind the table, when the Queen and Lord Bedford, their chief, had much ado to appease their vyfounded feelings. We need not be surprised to find the wise and learned Sir James fully possessed of a belief in witchciaft and the black arts generally. He relates the influence of Scottish and Danish witches upon the weather as gravely as if he were discussing a barometric depression. This was all in the fashion of the age. Familiar spirits, astrology, necromancy and the like were as- sociated with mathematics and the natural sciences. Witchcraft could not be purged even by fire ; there were visions about and prophecies, of which he gives samples ; oracles spoke from xii JNTRODUCTION strange shrines, like Morton's mistress. Melville thought pos- terity would hardly credit the satanic " tricks and tragedies " of the time. Alack ! superstitions never die ; they merely change costume. But the interest of the Memoirs cannot be divided. They are a lively, personal view of a lively and critical period by one deeply versed in court politics in various countries. Melville is never overbearing or loud or unreasonable in judgment ; he is hot upon nothing but the little reward that falls to an honest counsellor and the wisdom of a magnanimous spirit in public affairs. W. MACK AY MACKENZIE. THE AUTHOR TO HIS SON Dear Son, SEEING thou hast shewn thy self so willing to satisfy my expectations of the following and observing many of my former precepts during thy younger years, I grant now unto thy request the more gladly, to put in writing, for thy better memory', several passages which thou hast heard me rehearse concerning the life I did lead during my peregrination through the most part of Europe, from the age of fourteen years till this present hour, together with the prosperous success, and hard accidents happened to me ; hoping that thou wilt be so wise as to help thy self in time by my faults, and not to wait upon the hurtful experience of the common so^t, seeing no man can shew the right way better than he who hath oft-times chanced upon by- roads ; assuring thee, that, next unto the special favour of God, nothing stood me in so much stead as the early embracing of unbought experience, by observing the stumbling errors of others. Neither did I ever find any thing more dangerous than the frequent slighting to notice any seen example, which was always accom- panied with over late repentance. The most part of things which I purpose to set down presently, are certain old written memorials which were lying beside me in sundry parcels, treating of matters wherein I have been employed my self by sundry princes, or which I have seen or observed being in their countries (as the purposes of themselves will declare) to ser\e for an example of life, and better behaviour to thee and thy brother, concerning the service of princes, and meddling in their affairs ; which I could not eschew, for I sought them not, but they me. I enforced my self to serve them more carefully, diligently and faithfully than any of my companions, whereby I won greatest favour with those who were wise, grave, aged and experimented ; as with the prince elector Palatine, and the old duke of A'lontmorancy constable of France, who had the whole rule and government of the country under King Henry II. his master and mine ; who were so constant, that their favour lasted so long as I remained in their service ; not without extream and dangerous envy of such of my companions as were naturally inclined to that vile vice, whom I took great pains by patience, presents and humility to gain ; obligmg them by that carriage to lay aside part of their malice. But when it chanced me after to XV THE MEMOIRS OF serve princes of youngei years and of less experience, at the first by the like diligence, care and fidelity, I obtained their favour above the rest of their servants ; yet at length they were carried away by the craft and envy of such as could subtilly creep into their favour, by flattery, and by joining together in a deceitful bond of fellowship, every one of them setting out the other, as meetest and ablest for the service of their prince, to the wreck of him and his country ; craving the prince to be secret, and not to communicate his secrets to any but their society. Thus the prince's good qualities being smother'd with such a company, were commonly led after the passions and particularities of those, who shot only at their own marks : Some of them continually possessing his ear, and debarring therefrom all honest, true and plain speakers. So that no more hope could be left of a gracious government, nor place for good inen to help their prince and country, wherethrough fell out many foul, strange and sad ac- cidents, as may be afterwards seen and read : princes misused and abused, their country robbed, their best and truest servants wrecked, and the wicked instruments at last perished with all their high and fine pretences ; others, ay, such-like, succeeding in their place, never one taking example to become more tem- perate and discreet, because of the destruction of those who went before them ; but as highly and fiercely following their greedy, vain and ambitious pretences, obtaining the like tragical reward. For my part, albeit I had seen, and oft-times read of the wreck and backward rewards of all such true, faithful servants and counsellors, as were most careful of the weal and safety of their prince, in resisting and gainstanding the devices of the wicked sort ; and sometimes minding the prince not to suffer himself to be led by those who commit so many wrongs and errors at their appetite, yet I left not off from what I thought my duty, neither for fear nor danger, to oppose my self continually to the false fetches of such minions, until, I must confess, rather following the extremity than the right midst, I lost my credit with the prince, and tint my reward, reposing over-much trust upon their con- stancy and my good service, which hath been oft an hurtful opinion unto honest men. With over-late repentance I was compelled to lament, as did monsieur de Boussie when he was left and misliked by his master, crying out, " Alas ! wherefore should men be earnest to surpass their neighbours in worthiness and fidelity ; seeing that princes who get the fruit of our labours, like not to hear of plainness, but of pleasant speeches, and are easily altered without occasion upon the truest servants ? " I perceive well that to continue in their favour, they should not be served with uprightness, but with wyliness ; and instead of using free language for their honour and preservation, their servants should frame and accommodate themselves to their pleasure and will ; which may be easily done by the dullest sort of men : But my daft opinion was, that I might stand by honesty and xvi SIR JAMES MELVILLE virtue ; which I find now to be but a vain imagination, and a scholastical discourse, unmeet to bring men to any profitable preferment : And yet my nature will not suffer me to proceed by any other means, I being of the same mind and nature, and, by a just call and command, first of the Queen his Majesty's mother, and afterward of himself, having more matter and greater warrant than many others, as well to admonish, advertise and reprove the prince to gainstand all evil instruments, took the more freedom, finding my self thereto in dut>' obliged, against the rule given by Seneca to Lucullus, saying, " If thou desirest to be agreeable to great princes, do them many services, and speak to them few words." Plato was of the same opinion, the favour of princes being obtained with great pain and travel, and retained with great difficulty ; therefore should the wise courtier be careful of offending them, either by gesture, word or deed : For being once in disgrace with them, they may well forgive, but they shall never be so great with them again, do what they will. Sometimes a man may discreetly put the prince in remembrance of his long and good service ; but cast not up thy service, nor be importunate in demanding rewards : Therefore be not so audacious as to find fault with thy prince's proceedings, nor to give advice unrequired, or advertisements without good grounds of being credited ; for princes notice not any thing but what is told them by their favourites and minions, who commonly seem to allow and take pleasure of whatsomever recreation they find the prince inclined to ; not as by way of flattery, but as by way of yielding, and jleaving their own pleasure to take pains to please the prince ; -they never appear miscontent, although he do not reward them in due time ; they never challenge him of breach of promise, in case he break it. In many of these rules I confess I have overshot my self, for too great servency towards the prince's senice, having never minded my own particular advancement and profit : For otherwise I should have, at the earnest desire of the house of Guise, my old and great acquaintances while I was residing at the court of France, tittled in the Queen's ear, that her rebellious subjects, who had at their own hands, without her authority, changed religion, should have been exemplarily punished as rebels and traitors That if she condescended to acquiesce to the establishing the reformed religion, it would be constructed as meanness of spirit, and that she wanted authority to curb such a mutinous people : That it was below her, at the arrogant desire of her nobility, and to remove the idle jealousies of her other subjects, to lay aside Riccio, as being derogatory from her honour, that she could not have liberty to keep about her what servants she pleased : seeing hence there might be ground to alledge there were other bad designs to follow, when in the first place they desired to separate from her such as they knew would be most trusty to her, and in whom she could most confide. This kind of language would probably have most suited her Majesty's B xvii THE MEMOIRS OF humour, and would have procured to my self great bribes from Riccio and his popish friends for my reward. But I thought it was more the part of a true friend to her Majesty, to acquaint her, that seeing hei subjects had now embraced the protestant religion, lookmg upon the popish principles as damning, it was not her interest to do any thing that could give them any jealousy that she intended to alter their religion ; that as the entertaining of Riccio gave to all such some apparent ground of harbouring such ap- prehensions, he being a known enemy to their religion ; that having so much of her favour, he would undoubtedly use his endeavours to perswade her to re-establish that religion which she her self professed ; so it gave just ground of discontent to the nobility, who would look upon any extraordinary honour confer'd by her Majesty upon a stranger, as highly prejudicial to them, who were as willing and able to serve her as he could be ; and reflecting upon their loyalty, as if she had more trust to place in a stranger than in her own native countrymen and born subjects. Had I not more regarded my princess her interest than mine own, I should have accepted the large offers made me by the earl of Both well, when he desired me to subscribe with the rest of his flatterers that paper wherein they declared it was her Majesty's interest to marry the said earl ; but I chose rather to lay my self open to his hatred and revenge, whereby I was afterward in peril of my life ; and tell her Majesty, that those who had so advised her, were betrayers of her honour for their own selfish ends, seeing her marrying a man commonly judged her husband's murderer, would leave a tash upon her name, and give too much ground of jealousy, that she had consented to that foul deed. I wanted not fair offers from Randolph and Killegrew, residents here from the court of England, if I would have in so far complied with their designs, as not to have divulged what I perceived to be their drifts, which I could not conceal, finding them so destructive to the kingdom. I had the fair occasion of making a large fortune to my self, if I would have gone along with the earl of Arran, by counselling the King's Majesty to follow his violent advices ; but finding them so far contrary to his interest, I did think my self engaged to warn his Majesty, that he was a dangerous man who gave him such advices ; that if he followed the same, he would run himself upon inevitable precipices ; that his Majesty's hearkning to the duke of Lenox and him, the one a papist, the other a wicked and ungodly man, would breed jealousies in his subjects minds, which might produce dangerous effects. This freedom, and many times the like, I took ; which though his Majesty accepted in good part, yet I thereby contracted my store of enemies : But it was always my principle, rather to hazard my self by plain speech when it was necessary, than to expose my master to danger by silence or base flattery. And though the common practice, which I mentioned ere while, may seem to thrive in some courts for a time ; yet under grave and wise princes, xviii SIR JAMES MELVILLE and at long-run, the honest maxims will prove most acceptable and safe : Therefore I willingly opened these things to thee, that thou niayst as well know what is usually done, as what ought to be. There is a certain discretion to be used, that is free both from sawciness and assentation ; and a man may many times, if he skill it aright, give his prince good counsel, contrary to his inclina- tions, yet without incurring his displeasure. This thou oughtest to study, if ever thou be called to publick affairs ; and though thou mayst bend with the necessity of some accidents, and yield to the times in some things, though not going just so as thou wouldst have matters to go ; and humour the prince in an ordinary business, to gain opportunity of doing greater good to him and thy countr^^ at a more lucky season ; yet be sure that thou never engage in any disloyalty, cruelt>% or wickedness, nor suffer any thing to pass that thou seest will tend to his ruin or grand pre- judice, without noticing it to him in some humble manner : And though for that time it be disrelishing or slighted, yet when he sees the effects follow* that thou admonishedst him of, he will love thee the better, and rather hearken to honest advice for time future : And withal thou wilt obtain the favour and blessing of Almighty God, whom thou must at all times endeavour faithfully and uprightly to serve, if ever thou expectest bliss in this or the other world ; to whose gracious Providence I commit thee, with the hearty well wishes and benison of Thy dearly loving father, JAMES MELVILLE. THE MEMOni§ OF SIR JAMES MELVILLE KING HENRY VIII. of England being discontent with the Pope, for refusing to grant the divorce from his wife^ Queen Katharine of Castile ; for revenge he looked through his fingers at the preachers of the reformed religion,, who had studied in Dutchland under Martin Luther, and were lately come to England. In process of time the hatred betwixt the King and the Pope came to so great a length, that he proclaimed himself "Head of the kirk of England," and discharged S. Peter's pennies to be paid from that time forth ; with a strict command to all his subjects no manner of way to acknowledge the Pope. He obtained the said divorce from his own clergy, marrying another ; which occasioned to him the hatred of the Pope, the Emperor and King of Spain, and all their assistants. He again desiring to strengthen himself at home, conjecturing the probability of a combination against him, found it his interest to entertain a strict amity with James V. of Scotland his nephew : for he was determined to unite this whole isle in one religion, and in one empire, failing of heirsmale procreate of his own body ; having then but one daughter called Mary with the divorced Queen, which daughter he declared to be a bastard. Upon which con- sideration ambassadors are sent thither, inviting that King to a conference at York, whither Henry offered to come and meet him ; alledging by such an interview, matters might be more effectually condescended upon conducing for the mutual interest THE MEMOIRS OF of both kingdoms than could be expected from the endeavours of ambassadors to be employed in that affair. King James having seriously considered the overture, and advised thereabout with his council ; upon their deliberation and advice, returns his resolution to attend his uncle, time and place appointed. With which answer the ambassadors highly satisfied, return to their master, who rejoiced exceedingly at so happy a success of that matter. Whereupon great preparations are made at York, for the entertainment of his nephew with the greater solemnity. The clergy of Scotland, sworn clients to the Pope, having had several consultations hereanent, were alarmed with this proposal, and the account they had of the King's resolution to comply therewith ; through an apprehension that the uncle's perswasion might oblige the nephew to trace his footsteps in overturning popery in Scotland, as he had done in England. They therefore resolve to use the utmost of their endeavours for preventing the said intended interview. They addressed themselves to such as were minions for the time, who had most of his Majesty's ear. These they corrupted with large bribes, to disswade the King therefrom. These having joined with such of the clergy who were most in favour with the King, used many perswasions, telling him how King James I. was retained in England ; of the old league with France ; that upon this consideration it would be prejudicial to his interest to keep that meeting, seeing the French would not take it well, neither the Emperor, who was highly incensed against Henry. They told him of the Pope's interdicting him, and what a great heresy was lately risen up there, and had infected not only the greatest part of the kingdom, but the King himself. And also that many of the nobility and gentry of Scotland were likewise favourers of the said heresies ; and that it was fit that timeously he should prevent the spreading thereof, seeing the same would contribute much for his advantage, while he might enrich himself by their estates ; the names of whom they gave up in a sheet of paper : which the King put in his pocket, thinking it a very profitable proposition, and therefore with all diligence to be executed. The Laird of Grange had been lately made Treasurer, and was in great favour with the King. He had not yet discovered himself to be a favourer of the evangel, but the King esteemed him true, and desirous to advance his profit, and very secret ; therefore he thought fit to make him privy to this profitable over- ture. He shewed unto him the written roll of the noblemen and barons names who were given up to be burnt for heresy, telling him what great advantage he would make thereby. Whereat the Laird of Grange began to smile, and the King to enquire whereat he did laugh. The Treasurer desired liberty from his Majesty to tell him the truth. Whereat the King drew out his sword, saying merrily SIR JAMES MELVILLE to him, " I shall slay thee if thou speak against my profit." Then he put up his sword, commanding him to shew him what reasons he could alledge against the prelates proposition. The Treasurer declared what troubles his Majesty had been tossed in during his minorit\', for the government, first between the Queen his mother and the Lords, then betwixt divers factions of the Lords : how that he had been couped from hand to hand, sometimes kept against his will as captive, sometimes besieged, sometimes brought to battle against his will by the Douglasses to fight against the Earl of Lenno.K and his best friends, who were slain coming to relieve him ; the prelates being partners for their ambition, sometimes with one faction, sometimes with another : and how that they could never agree among themselves, nor let his Majesty take rest, until the Duke of Albany was chosen Governor, and brought out of France ; who had enough to do also : for he would have fain done pleasure to France, and raised a great many Scotsmen to enter England, who were making wars in France. But he got a lebuke when he was at the border : for they would march no further, alledging, That the King was but young, and sister's son to King Henry : that they saw no reason to enter into war with England, to endanger their King and country to serve France, being the King his father had to no purpose lost his life in their quarrel, having entered into England with an army against his good -brother, whereby the ■whole country was endangered. After that this Duke retired himself, your Majesty took the Government in your own hands at the age of thirteen years. Yet they clapped again about you, and kept you two years as captive. And now you are but lately come to your liberty ; and your country is not yet so well settled as were needful, albeit your Majesty hath done very much in so short space as to settle the highland islands and the borders. It were a dangerous thing, if your nobility should get intelligence that some greedy fetches should be put in your head, under pretext of heresy, to spoil them of their lives, lands and goods. Wherein you may endanger your own estate at the instance of those whose estates are in peril, who would hazard you and yours, to save their own. The prelates I mean, who fear that your Majesty, at the example of the King of England, of Denmark, and several princes of the empire, will make the like reformation among them. Therefore they have no will of your familiarity with the King of England, nor that your estate should be so settled that your Majesty might put order to the abuses of the kirk. Did not one of your predecessors, called S. David, give the most part of the patrimony of the crown to the Kirk, erecting the same into bishopricks, and rich abbacies ? whereby your Majesty is presently so poor, and the prelates so rich, so prodigal, so proud, that they will suffer nothing to be done without them ; and are also so sworn to the Pope of Rome, when they get their benefices confirmed, that the ought not to be credited in any THE MEMOIRS OF thing that toucheth the Pope's profit or preferment. The Venetians, the wisest people in Europe, will not suffer any prelate, albeit he be a boin man of the town, to abide or stand in their council-house, when they are at council, because they know them to be so strictly sworn to the Pope. Then he declared the gross abuses of the Roman kirk, and the ungodly lives of the Scots prelates, which the King and the whole country might see. Therefore, saith he, if your Majesty would be well and be rich, you may justly take home again to the profit of the crown all vacant benefices by little and little, as they may fall by decease of every prelate. He told his Majesty, anent his promise to the ambassador of England, there would come great trouble and wars if it were not kept. For King Henry VHI. was a courageous prince, and high conceited ; and appeared to have for the time an upright meaning, his occasions pressing him thereto ; having so great turns in hand, and so many enemies, without succession saving the foresaid daughter ; being corpulent and fat, there was small hopes of his having any heirs : that therefore it was his interest to be in a good understanding with him, being his eldest sister's son, nearest of blood, and ablest to maintain and unite the whole isle of Britain. As for the retaining King James I. in England, that was a far different case : it was not the like time ; he was not the King's sister's son, nor his apparent heir. And what hard success the King his father had, for making war against the King of England his good-brother, was too manifestly felt by the whole subjects. And little better to be looked for, in case a new unnecessary war be made, for your Majesty staying away from the intended meeting at York. The King took such delight in this language, that he deter- mined to follow the advice given therein. And at his first meeting with the prelates, who had then very great rule in the country, he could not contain himself any longer, when they came hoping to see their plots put in execution. After many sore reproofs, that they should have advised him to use such cruelty upon so many noblemen and barons, to the peril of his own estate : " Wherefore," said he, " gave my predecessors so many lands ' and rents to the kirk ? Was it to maintain hawks, dogs and *' whores to a number of idle priests ? The King of England " burns, the King of Denmark beheads you ; I shall stick you " with this whingar." And therewith he drew out his dagger, and they fled from his presence in great fear. The King resolved fully to keep his promise with his uncle the King of England, thinking it both his honour and advancement so to do. The prelates of Scotland, thinking themselves far out-shot, and thereby in a dangerous condition, consulted together how to bring the King again to their opinion. They resolved in the first place to offer to pay to him yearly out of the rents of the kirk, 50000 crowns to maintain hired soldiers, besides the ordinary SIR JAMES MELVILLE subjects which obey the proclamation, in case the King of England should make wars against Scotland because of the King's not keeping the appointment at York. They thought this would be an allurement to the King, who liked well to be rich. Yet they concluded, that unless the matter were proponed and favourably interpreted to his Majesty by such as had his ear, that would not do the business. They bestowed therefore largely of their gold to his familiar servants, and further promised unto Oliver Sinclair, that they should cause him to be advanced to great honours, and to be made lieutenant of the whole army against England, in case that King Henry would intend wars against Scotland : which they affirmed he would not, nor durst not, having already so many irons in the fire. This was communicated by the prelates to the minions at court, and chearfully condescended to by them, who had by flattery gained greatest favour ; and chiefly by drawing of fair maidens to the King, and striving to be the first advertisers whose daughter she was, and how she might be obtained ; and likewise of mens wives. They waited a convenient time w'hen the treasurer should be absent, who was a stout bold man ; therefore they durst not speak in his presence : for he always offered by single combat and at the point of the sword to maintain what he spoke. At this time he was absent from court ; for the King had given the ward and marriage of Kelly in Angus to his second son, and he was gone there to take possession thereof. In his absence then this was proponed to the King, and so backed by Oliver Sinclair, and such of the clergy as had been best acquainted with his Majesty, as he was induced to give ear thereto, they having added several other perswasions, at such times as they brought unto him fair maidens, and mens wives. Then they took occasion, in the next place, to shew his Majesty that the Laird of Grange his Treasurer was also become a heretick, and that he had always a New Testament in English in his pouch ; and likewise that he was become so proud and puffed up by his Majesty's favour, that no man might abide him ; and that he was so extreme greedy, that he was unmeet to be Treasurer, and too bold to have procured for his second son the rich ward and maniage of Kelly, worth 20000 pound. The King answered, " That he esteemed him to be a plain frank gentleman ; that he loved him so well he would give him again the said ward and " marriage for a word of his mouth." The Prior of Pittenweem replied and said, " Sir, the heir of Kelly is a lusty fair lass, and " I da'e pledge my life, that if your Majesty will send for her *' presentlv, that he shall refuse to send her to you." The King affirming still the contrary, there was a missive written. And the prelates and their faction devised, that the said Prior of Pittenweem should carry the letter, and bring over the maiden-heir of Kelly to the King. But the Treasurer, who knew him to be his deadly enemy, refused to deliver her THE MEMOIRS OF to him : alledging the said Prior to have been all his days a vile whoremaster, having deflowered divers maidens : therefore he thought him an unfit messenger. Who was so glad as he, to retvirn with this backward answer ? He and his associates kindled up the King in so great choler against the Treasurer, handling the matter so finelv and hotly, that they obtained a warrant to charge the Treasurer' to ward within the castle of Edinburgh : which they forgot not to do, at his first coming to court. He again guessed that leesings would be made against him, therefore used great diligence to be with the King : and notwithstanding of their charge, past pertly in to his Majesty, who was at his supper in Edinburgh. But the King looked down upon him, and would not speak to him, nor know him. He nevertheless steps forward, and said, " Sir, what offence have I done, who had so much of your favour when I parted from you with your permission ? " The King answered, " Why did you refuse to send me the maiden whom I wrote for, and gave despiteful language to him I sent for her ? " " Sir," said he, " there is none about your Majesty dare avow any such thing in my face. As for the maiden. I said to the Prior of Pittenweem,' that I was well enough to be the messenger myself to convey her to your Majesty ; but thought him unmeet, whom I knew to be a forcer of women, and the greatest deflowerer of wives and maidens in Scotland." The King said, " Hast thou then brought the gentlewoman with thee } " " Yes, Sir," said he. " Alas ! " saith the Kmg, " they have set out so many leesings against thee, that they have obtained of me a warrant to put thee in ward ; but I shall mend it with a contrary- command." Then said the Treasurer lamentingly, " Mv life, Sir, or warding is a small matter ; but it breaks my' heart "that the world should hear of your Majesty's facilitv." For he had heard, that in his absence they had caused the King to send to Eneland, and give over the intended meetmg at York. Whereat the King of England was so offended, in that he had been so publickly scorned and affronted, that he sent an army to Scotland to destroy it with fire and sword. Albeit the King liked nothing of this war, he was still kept in hope that it would tend to his great honour and advantage, and that England had so much to do as would busy them elsewhere ; so that they would soon repent them, and be compelled to sue for peace ere it was long. In the mean time their gold was made ready, the more to encourage the King, and large promises of much more, in case the war continued. . The King was engaged to raise an army to defend his country and subjects, who went to that war to shew their obedience, much against their hearts. But when they perceived Oliver Sinclair raised up upon mens shoulders, and proclaimed lieutenant over the whole army at Solway Sands ; the lords, in despite that the court and country should be governed by such mean men as were pensioners to the prelates, refused to fight under such a lieutenant, 6 SIR JAMES MELVILLE but suffered themselves all to be taken prisoners. So the whole army being overthrown, the King took thereat great displeasure. There was great murmurings in the countr\-, that for pleasuring the prelates the kingdom should be thus endangered. The report whereof, and the justness of the complaint, m^ade the King burst out with some language against them who had given him so bad advice. Which was carried over soon to their ears : and they fearing the effects of his displeasure, caused him to be poisoned, having learned that art in Italy, called an Italian Posset. The Cardinal David Beaton w-as with his IMajesty in the time of his death, and caused to be written the form of a testament at his own pleasure, being dictated by himself ; which upon that reason was afterward annulled. The King of England could not forget this injury and displeasure done him of the King's breaking of his promise. He was much troubled at his death. H's wars were rather to have moved the estates, of Scotland to know that his favour and friendship had been better for them than his feud. He was still in hope to have gained him with consent and advice of the best of his subjects to have joined in a bond offensive and defensive. For he had received information of the King's worthy qualities and rare natural endowments, and entertained a marvellous great love and liking of him ; thinking he could not have left the kingdom in a better hand, than to his own sister's son, nearest in blood unto him, and meetest of any to build up a fair monarchy, to be first begun (in a manner) in his own person ; in respect that for his time, which he looked would be but short, his nephew would have been but his Coadjutor and Lieutenant under him ; and after him possess the whole under one religion, one law, and one head ; and thought that thereby France should never afterward have the occasion of stirring up the one country against the other ; and that the Pope should be secluded from gathering up such sums of silver from his subjects, for confirmation of benefices, or for bulls, or dispensations : for his wrath and vengeance against the Pope was exceeding great, who had made him many promises, and had broken them all ; fearing, as said is, to offend the Emperor, who was so great and mighty a Prince. Therefore the King of England seeing he had now altogether lost the hopes of the Scots alliance and concurrence, he compelled the gentlemen of England to exchange their lands, with the lands of abbeys, cloisters, and other temple lands, giving them more than their own ; that so the said lands should never return to the kirk, without a manifest rebellion, or a dangerous subversion of the whole state of the kingdom. And to be revenged upon the said Cardinal David Beaton, who he thought had disappointed him of all the hope he had of Scotland, he dealt with Sir George Douglas and the Earl of Angus, who were but lately returned out of England, where they had resided during the time of their banishment, till the death of King James V. THE MEMOIRS OF These two brothers appearing to be of the reformed religion, perswaded Norman Lesly master of Rothes, the young Laird of Grange, and John Lesly of Parkhill, who had been persecuted by the said Cardinal for religion, after he had taken their preacher Mr. George Wishart, and burnt him at St. Andrew's : these, I say, were easily stirred up to slay him, whom they were perswaded to be an enemy to the true religion, to the welfare of the country, and to themselves in particular. This proud Cardinal was slain then in his castle at St. Andrew's ; and so ended all his practices, having obtained nothing but vain travel for his pretences, and sudden death : having been the occasion of the death of a worthy King, who was inclined to justice, and gave no credit to his officers in their two special points, to reward and punish. For whoever did him good service, he would see them rewarded, yea albeit they chanced to be absent. And as to punishing of evil-doers, so soon as he had heard the complaint, he leaped upon his horse, and did ride to the parties himself, with a few company, ere they could be aware of him ; and he would see sharp execution. So that he was deservedly both loved and feared. He was very courageous, well favoured and shapen, of a middle stature, very able of body. But evil company fell about him entring out of childhood into furious youth, enticing him to harlotry, striving who should spy out for him the fairest maidens, and likewise at length mens wives. With them he abused his body, to the offence of God and divers good subjects. For which he was not left unpunished : for he had but two young sons, and tliey died both within eleven hours ; so that at his decease he had but one daughter, called Mary, born when he was upon his death-bed. King Henry VHL of England having only one son, called Edward, he and the estates of both countries desiring still this whole isle of Britain to be united in one monarchy, made a contract of marriage between the said two ; which was afterward broken upon our part, her Majesty being transported into France by the west seas. Whereupon ensued great war between the two kingdoms ; which was afterwards agreed upon this condition. That Edward should marry Elizabeth eldest daughter to Henry n. of France, and Francis his son should marry our queen. My lord Hamilton was advanced to the government of the country by the Laird of Grange treasurer, Mr. Henry Balnaves, and others that were of the reformed religion, when as he appeared to be a true gospeller. But he had been afterward soon altered by the Abbot of Paisley his bastard-brother, and became a great persecutor of God's word, and had been by the perswasions of the said Abbot and Cardinal easily drawn to break the said contract of marriage made between King Edward and our Queen. After that the young Queen came to France, there was great disputing whether the marriage with the Dauphin should take effect or not. For at that time there were two factions in the 8 SIR JAMES MELVILLE French court : first, the brethren to the house of Guise, as the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain, brothers to our Queen- dowager, and uncles to our young Queen Mary, pressed earnestly to set forward the said marriage with France : the old Constable Duke of Montmorancy was of opinion, that it was meetest to give her in marriage to some Duke or Prince in France, and to send them both home to Scotland to keep that country in good obedience ; because when princes are absent, and far from their own, ruling their countries by lieutenants, most commonly the subjects of such countries use to rebel : which if Scotland should do, it would be hard and costly to get them reduced ; and thereby, instead of making France the better of the marriage with the Dauphin, it might make it to be in a far worse case. The house of Guise again desiring to have their sister's daughter Queen of France, to augment their reputation and credit, alledged it would be both honourable and profitable to the crown of France to have this addition ; and that there were revenues in abundance to maintain garrisons within the kin