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THE LIBRARY
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THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
THE JBBET CLASSICS—I
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
OF HALHILL
MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN LIFE
3IEM0IRS OF
HIS OWN LIFE
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
of Halhill
Ornamented lyJvfattinTravers
at ^lAfountVernon Street. Boston , Afiotis.
Made hi Great Britain.
M
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BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
SIR JAMES MELVILLE (1535-1617) of HALHILL, was the
third son of Sir James Melville of Raith. At the age of fourteen
he was appointed page to Mary, Queen of Scots, in France. Three
years later he entered the train of the Constable of France, under
whom he saw service against the Emperor and was wounded at
the Battle of St. Quentin, 1557. In 1559 he was sent by Henry II.
of France as secret agent to Scotland, with the purpose of
discovering the supposed designs of James Stuart, Queen Mary's
half-brother (and later regent of Scotland), against the throne. He
returned to France ; but after various other missions he finally
came back to Scotland and settled at the Court of Queen Mary,
by whom he was appointed Privy Counsellor and Gentleman of
the Bedchamber. He was also employed by the Queen as envoy
to the court of Queen Elizabeth in the matter of the Darnley
marriage negotiations. Thereafter during the troublous period
of the Rizzio and Darnley murders, until after tlie Battle of
Carberry Hill, he maintained a neutral position between the
Queen and the rebellious Protestant nobles, but after Queen
Aiary's confinement he threw in his lot with the Regent's party.
Later, on the personal accession to the Throne of James VI., he
was again appointed Privy Counsellor and Gentleman of the
Bedchamber, and was knighted. However, on the succession
of James VI. to tlie English throne in 1603 Melville declined to
follow h'is Sovereign to England and retired to his estate of Halhill,
in Fife, where he remained until his death on 13th November,
1617.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
The " MEMOIRS OF HIS OWN LIFE " were first
published in 1683 in London. A second edition appeared in
1735, a third in 1751, while in 1827 the Memoirs were re-
printed privately for the Bannatyne Club from the original MSS.
The present edition has been reprinted from that of 1735, with,
however, many corrections and emendations suggested by the
1827 edition.
r TSOftW
OF 1 6th century politicians and diplomats none had such a
peculiar range of experience or variety of acquaintance as
Sir James Alelville. He was never a resident ambassador,
like his brother Sir Robert in London, nor did he merely serve one
court in different countries. He had been the agent of different
courts. And his patrons, too, had been diversified in character.
Jean de Montluc, Bishop of Valence, was neither strict Catholic
nor proper Protestant ; though condemned for a heretic at Rome
he kept the favour of Catherine de Medicis and so has been called
an " amphibious creature." Melville thought the Bishop had
been divinely inspired to befriend him, but he was not quite the
sort of channel one would expect. Anne, Duke of Montmorency,
Melville served in his day of opposition to the family of Guise ;
as a soldier the Constable was a " French Fabius," and as a
politician so far the same, a temporiser. Equal in Melville's
admiration was his next patron Frederick, Elector Palatine, the
most sympathetic figure among the German Protestant princes,
but more Calvinist than Lutheran, another amphibian. It is
from an official source that we learn how Frederick's last com-
mission to him was to confer with the rulers of France on the
religious situation in that country. Other t>'pes like Catherine
de Medicis with her " Italian tricks," Maximilian the future
Emperor, who was particularly anxious to keep him, and Anthony
de Bourbon, King of Navarre, came within the circle of Melville's
special activities. In the early summer of 1559 Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton, the English ambassador in Paris, wrote of him
as " well liked by the Constable," and later on informed Cecil
that " Though he had talked with many men of divers nations,
finds none so trusty as James Melvijle ... the Constable's
servant, a man of good capacity," urging that an effort should be
made to use him in the service of Queen Elizabeth. This seems
to have been done, on that Queen's own instruction, while he was
with the Elector Palatine. It was thus as a highly " ex-
perimented " politician that he tried to restrain Queen Mary,
fenced in diplomacy with Elizabeth, and lectured the self-
suflficient James VI. Such a man was obviously in a unique
position to make a contribution to the history of his time.
The fate of his Memoirs was somewhat akin to that of
their author. In the form which follows they were first
issued in London (1683), and within a dozen years a French
translation appeared in Holland, followed by a reprint in
vii
INTRODUCTION
France, another in Holland, and by a new improved French
version as late as 1745. There was no publication in Scotland
till 1735.
Melville does not write as a systematic historian. He professes
merely to supply the historian proper with " parentheses " on
matters in which he himself was directly concerned, or which
came under his own personal observation. The opening section
of his book is not on this footins;. When James V. died Melville
was only seven years old. But Sir James Grange, the Treasurer,
who has so prominent a part, was his brother-in-law. That
Melville prefaces a lesson or moral need not rouse any suspicion
in the reader. He is not tied to it, though it certainly directs his
interest ; and it is anyhow neither subtle nor new. He had
started out with what, quoting fiom a kindred spirit, he calls
" the daft opinion," that in his political service he could " stand
by honesty and virtue," and so would inevitably achieve prefer-
ment and prosperity. He secured neither to the extent which he
thought jus ified ; but that is a very old story. As Renan has
said, " History is the opposite of virtue rewarded." Nevertheless
Melville kept to his straight groove, because it was his " duty,"
or, as he puts it with more psychological frankness, because it was
his " nature " to do so. This unbending quality probably brought
him some reputation of being perverse or unp'easant. He would
be neither corrupted nor cajoled, and, as Bothwell said of him,
he " had a pin for every bore." A letter exists from him to
Thomas Randolph, dated March, 1572, in which he already
adopts the tone of one who has withdrawn from the political
world and its " combersome occupations," and signs himself,
" Your crabit auld and constand affectioned frend." A man who
confesses to being " crabit " or cross-grained is rarely so in essence,
but one of Melville's disposition lays himself open to the taunt.
A result of Melville's outlook is that he is concerned with
personalities and their interactions, with personal motives and
impulses of character, not so much with massive general factors.
He was himself a Protestant and a devout one — he may even be
called a puritan. The more strange, then, the small part which
the reformed Kirk plays in his narrative. He has much to say
about the treatment of the Danish mission to James VI., but
never a word about prelacy or the conflict of spiritual and se ular
jurisdictions. Possibly these finer issues did not come within his
scope. He was not of enthusiastic temper or absolute in any-
thing except personal integrity ; but always for clemency and a
generous accommodation in party oppositions. He may have
preferred, as in the case of the Reformation war in Scotland, to
leave the conflict of King and clergy to those who would write
viii
INTRODUCTION
its history. More probably, however, he is open to Gladstone's
critical comment upon Alacaulay, that he dealt with religious
matters from the political point of view. This is certainly the
tone of his few allusions to the ecclesiastical debate. The
niinisters were dissatisfied, they influenced the country', and
out of this came «:rouble, while the need of the country was peace.
Therefore Melville argued that, just as the banished noblemen
should be restored to tl.eir lands and honours, so the ministers
should have their former privilege of free Assemblies, both policies
being conducive to " peace in the countrj- " and " his Majesty's
interest." This satisfying of the Church was purely pragmatist,
making no account of the ecclesiastical principle at "take. It is
to be feared that Melville was among those whom another of his
surname in 1583 called the " Machiavellians of the Court," that
is, the men who placed the interests of the kingdom before the
articles of the Church. In truth there is much of the realistic
Machiavelli manner in his Memoirs.
Nor did he find it necessary to seek a clue in their religious
preferences to the rabbling politics of the Scottish nobility.
They were simply at the old game of one party forcing the occasion
to enlarge their power and so their property and status, while the
other, as the probable victims, defended what they had. It
was not religion that differenced the supporters of the exiled
Queen Mary from those of the boy-King, not even, he says, the
cause represented by either figure, but " their own partialities
of ambition, greediness and vengeance." One main reason for
all this was tliat the Scottish nobility was too numerous for the
countn.' ; yet James VI. kept adding to their number, in which
Melville warned him that he was " not well-advised."
In Scotland, indeed, as in other countries, religion had become
so entangled with politics, in the modern sense, that no clear
separation was possible. Melville had experienced the same com-
plication elsewhere, in France for example. He had served under
rulers of different shades of religious opinion, most of whom
were ready to shift or adapt their convictions when a political end
was to be ser\'ed. It was not unity of religion but loyalty to the
sovereign that was being made the test of citizenship. The
monarch was becom'ng hedged wiih divinity. Melville reminds
Mary that " Princes are called divine persons," and quoted for
James VI. the passage from Plutarch, that " the Prince is God's
placeholder." It is characteristic, however, that he makes the
relation a reason for fuller responsibility ; it is not merely a
natural fact independent of the use to which it is put.
If Divine Right was to become a highly congenial notion
to James, his mother had been more set upon its implication
of indefeasible hereditary right of succession in hereditary
monarchies. On the whole, too, this was the principle generally
favoured in England. The union of the kingdoms was Melville's
great political idea, an hereditary cause, it might be said, since
ix
INTRODUCTION
his father had lost life and estates on a charge of favouring English
interests. His English friend, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, in
Melville's favourite figure of speech (very common at the time),
" shot at the same mark," and Throckmorton's letter to Queen
Mary, as given in the Memoirs, puts the situation very clearlv.
But it was just these conditions which made it inopportune for
Elizabeth and her ministers definitely to recognise the Scottish
claim. There were those in England to whom Mary was already
their Queen de jure, because of the circumstances of Elizabeth's
birth and religion. Mary was an uncertain factor, and it might
become hard for her supporters to draw the line. Melville him-
self shows how serious the situation became, yet is strangely
oblivious of the fact that Elizabeth would defend herself and
could not be over nice in doing so. There was a party, too, who
cast their eyes elsewhere for a successor. For these reasons the
policy of the English court was " suspense," no commitment,
and meantime to counter any action on Mary's part that might
strengthen her hands. Therefore Melville could brand Elizabeth
as a dissimulator and Cecil as a mischief-maker working with
tools like his friends Thomas Randolph and Henry Killigrew,
and Mr. Wotton, whose character Melville could estimate from
an earlier experience of him in France. With the execution of
Mary in 1587 this phase passed, but the succession was still
unsettled and other claimants could be discussed. Melville, who
was far-sighted in his policy, accordingly warned James VI. that,
as Queen Mary had been too insistent in pushing her claim, he
in turn was imperilling it by favouring reckless advisers and so
making " storms " certain. The honest men in England had not
approved the stratagems of William Cecil, and it was Melville's
solemn judgment on two occasions that there were as many
honest men in that country as in any other of the same size
in Europe. The days of the " auld enemy of England "
were over.
II.
Melville composed his work from " sundry parcels " of
" written Memorials " which he had prepared from time to
time in connection with services upon which he had been
employed. It was intended for the edification of his sons, and
there is no evidence that he anticipated publication. The con-
nections are sometimes clumsily made and some matters of
chronology not precisely accurate. Thus the State document,
which he prepared for James VI. and inserted c. 1590, not only
contains matter which he explains had been drafted before that
date but in its last section deals with events not earlier than the
year 1596. Again D'Elboeuf's failure in 1559, which is men-
tioned in Montmorency's commission to Melville, is of a date
INTRODUCTION
several months later than the commission in question. These and
a few others are clear lapses, but even scrupulous modern historians,
with all their advantages, have occasionally failed as badly, and the
material value of the work is not of a kind to be affected thereby.
Melville has a picturesque manner of e.xpression, occasionally
flavoured with a sardonic humour. He describes the Earl of
Morton at Lochleven as occupying his time in making straight
the paths of his garden and devising crooked paths in his mind.
As a candid friend he informed the Regent ]\lurray that he was
like an unskilful player at tennis, running ever after the ball instead
of marking where it would probably light — that is, exerting himself
much to little effect. Murray was to Melville neither the hero
of one set of historians nor the base fellow of another, but a com-
placent personage who reflected and was directed by the men
with whom he was for the time associated.
His eye for significant detail and his orderly mind are shown
in the story of his w-arlike experiences. Limited as these were,
tliey are a graphic commentary' on the military methods of the
time. Picardy had been his school of war, and names on that
battlefield of the ages, once again inade sorrowfully familiar, pass
before us in his pages, St. Quentin, Dinant and La Fere. At the
last place he ended his military career in a flight, of which he had
ss little reason to be ashamed as Horace had in his parallel case.
His details of the incident are of the nature dear to the writers
of historical romances. Other such details appear in the
humorous experiences on his journey to Paris as a boy. Rich,
too, in historic atmosphere is the episode, in O'Dogherty's dark
tower, of the Bishop of Valence, the chief's daughter and the two
friars, when the lady of no importance licked up the price-
less balm of Egypt and O'Dogherty's daughter would have married
the lad of fourteen setting out to make his fortune. These are not
" unconsidered trifles " ; they are the historic properties of the
piece. One may observe further the ready resort to poison as an
explanation of untoward happenings ; the " Italian posset,"
like the coarser dagger stroke, was a form of political strategy.
That Mslville is pictorial or dramatic was not for him a matter
of literary contrivance ; such was his spontaneous mode of ex-
pression, arising from the clear and concrete quality of his vision
of men and events. But his manner varies. The greatness of
mind and smallness of nature that made up George Buchanan
are defined on the scale but with the clean cutting of a cameo.
In some cases he is content with a significant moment or incident.
Ilis so with the Earl of Bothwell, whom we see through Melville's
eyes in his bearing and conversation at supper in Holyrood on the
eve of his marriage. It is the most intimate presentation we
possess of that disastrous personality. Of Mary, too, we are left
mainly with impressions. She is in the first phase a stately,
reasonable figure ; then a distracted, tearful victim. Up to the
time of Bothwell's sudden ambition she had borne herself, in
xi
INTRODUCTION
Melville's judgment, honourably and discreetly, "abhorring all
vice and vicious persons." Walking vs'ith her in conveisation
through the street of Stirling he had brought her to a " victory
over herself " in consenting to pardon the Riccio murderers.
He thought that, if she had been less summarily treated, " process
of time " would have undone the Bothwell infatuation. It is
worth noting that he remarks how " the false counterfeit letters
and alleged practices against the State " proposed to be devised
for James VI. had been already " craftily and deceitfully alledged
upon his mother." Evidently he did not believe in the authen-
ticity of the Casket Letters.
Queen Elizabeth knew from her agents of Melville's career and
reputation. But, if she thought to glamour or mislead him at the
time of his missions on behalf of Mary, she did not know the man.
The portions of the Memoirs dealing with these interviews are
extraordinarily vivid and significant. Public men of the i6th
century had a doleful habit of deliberately seeking to relieve the
tension of serious business by dropping into " merry purposes."
The form of Elizabethan tragedy, into which comic scenes are
thrust, may have risen out of this convention. Melville's" merry
purpose " by order resulted in the fencing between Elizabeth
and himself as to the respective beauties and accomplishments
of the two Queens, which has often been quoted. It was
Elizabeth's game to foil and blurt this sage gentleman of twenty-
nine ; on the contrary he divined her thoroughly. To Melville,
also, we owe the stiiking picture of Elizabeth's womanly chagrin
at the birth of Mary's son, when the bitter reflection burst from
her that " she was but a barren stock." " Your spirit cannot
endure a commander," Melville told her when she spoke of
marriage ; as little could she endure the defeat of foitune that
followed thereupon.
The Memoirs preserve for us the extraordinary incident at
a state banquet on the occasion of the baptism of the infant
James, when that " French knave Bastian " devised the Masque
of the Satyrs " with long tails." Certain of the English gentlemen
present at once saw in this an allusion to the old mediaeval slander
about the English having tails, and angrily blotted the spectacle
from their eyes by sitting down upon the bare floor behind the
table, when the Queen and Lord Bedford, their chief, had much
ado to appease their vyfounded feelings.
We need not be surprised to find the wise and learned Sir
James fully possessed of a belief in witchciaft and the black arts
generally. He relates the influence of Scottish and Danish
witches upon the weather as gravely as if he were discussing a
barometric depression. This was all in the fashion of the age.
Familiar spirits, astrology, necromancy and the like were as-
sociated with mathematics and the natural sciences. Witchcraft
could not be purged even by fire ; there were visions about and
prophecies, of which he gives samples ; oracles spoke from
xii
JNTRODUCTION
strange shrines, like Morton's mistress. Melville thought pos-
terity would hardly credit the satanic " tricks and tragedies "
of the time. Alack ! superstitions never die ; they merely change
costume.
But the interest of the Memoirs cannot be divided. They are a
lively, personal view of a lively and critical period by one deeply
versed in court politics in various countries. Melville is never
overbearing or loud or unreasonable in judgment ; he is hot
upon nothing but the little reward that falls to an honest counsellor
and the wisdom of a magnanimous spirit in public affairs.
W. MACK AY MACKENZIE.
THE AUTHOR TO HIS SON
Dear Son,
SEEING thou hast shewn thy self so willing to satisfy my
expectations of the following and observing many of my
former precepts during thy younger years, I grant now
unto thy request the more gladly, to put in writing, for thy better
memory', several passages which thou hast heard me rehearse
concerning the life I did lead during my peregrination through
the most part of Europe, from the age of fourteen years till this
present hour, together with the prosperous success, and hard
accidents happened to me ; hoping that thou wilt be so wise as
to help thy self in time by my faults, and not to wait upon the
hurtful experience of the common so^t, seeing no man can shew
the right way better than he who hath oft-times chanced upon by-
roads ; assuring thee, that, next unto the special favour of God,
nothing stood me in so much stead as the early embracing of
unbought experience, by observing the stumbling errors of others.
Neither did I ever find any thing more dangerous than the frequent
slighting to notice any seen example, which was always accom-
panied with over late repentance.
The most part of things which I purpose to set down presently,
are certain old written memorials which were lying beside me in
sundry parcels, treating of matters wherein I have been employed
my self by sundry princes, or which I have seen or observed being
in their countries (as the purposes of themselves will declare) to
ser\e for an example of life, and better behaviour to thee and thy
brother, concerning the service of princes, and meddling in their
affairs ; which I could not eschew, for I sought them not, but
they me. I enforced my self to serve them more carefully,
diligently and faithfully than any of my companions, whereby
I won greatest favour with those who were wise, grave, aged and
experimented ; as with the prince elector Palatine, and the old
duke of A'lontmorancy constable of France, who had the whole
rule and government of the country under King Henry II. his
master and mine ; who were so constant, that their favour lasted
so long as I remained in their service ; not without extream and
dangerous envy of such of my companions as were naturally
inclined to that vile vice, whom I took great pains by patience,
presents and humility to gain ; obligmg them by that carriage to
lay aside part of their malice. But when it chanced me after to
XV
THE MEMOIRS OF
serve princes of youngei years and of less experience, at the first
by the like diligence, care and fidelity, I obtained their favour
above the rest of their servants ; yet at length they were carried
away by the craft and envy of such as could subtilly creep into
their favour, by flattery, and by joining together in a deceitful
bond of fellowship, every one of them setting out the other, as
meetest and ablest for the service of their prince, to the wreck of
him and his country ; craving the prince to be secret, and not to
communicate his secrets to any but their society. Thus the
prince's good qualities being smother'd with such a company,
were commonly led after the passions and particularities of those,
who shot only at their own marks : Some of them continually
possessing his ear, and debarring therefrom all honest, true and
plain speakers. So that no more hope could be left of a gracious
government, nor place for good inen to help their prince and
country, wherethrough fell out many foul, strange and sad ac-
cidents, as may be afterwards seen and read : princes misused and
abused, their country robbed, their best and truest servants
wrecked, and the wicked instruments at last perished with all
their high and fine pretences ; others, ay, such-like, succeeding
in their place, never one taking example to become more tem-
perate and discreet, because of the destruction of those who went
before them ; but as highly and fiercely following their greedy,
vain and ambitious pretences, obtaining the like tragical reward.
For my part, albeit I had seen, and oft-times read of the wreck
and backward rewards of all such true, faithful servants and
counsellors, as were most careful of the weal and safety of their
prince, in resisting and gainstanding the devices of the wicked
sort ; and sometimes minding the prince not to suffer himself
to be led by those who commit so many wrongs and errors at their
appetite, yet I left not off from what I thought my duty, neither
for fear nor danger, to oppose my self continually to the false
fetches of such minions, until, I must confess, rather following the
extremity than the right midst, I lost my credit with the prince,
and tint my reward, reposing over-much trust upon their con-
stancy and my good service, which hath been oft an hurtful
opinion unto honest men. With over-late repentance I was
compelled to lament, as did monsieur de Boussie when he was
left and misliked by his master, crying out, " Alas ! wherefore
should men be earnest to surpass their neighbours in worthiness
and fidelity ; seeing that princes who get the fruit of our labours,
like not to hear of plainness, but of pleasant speeches, and are
easily altered without occasion upon the truest servants ? " I
perceive well that to continue in their favour, they should not be
served with uprightness, but with wyliness ; and instead of using
free language for their honour and preservation, their servants
should frame and accommodate themselves to their pleasure
and will ; which may be easily done by the dullest sort of men :
But my daft opinion was, that I might stand by honesty and
xvi
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
virtue ; which I find now to be but a vain imagination, and a
scholastical discourse, unmeet to bring men to any profitable
preferment : And yet my nature will not suffer me to proceed
by any other means, I being of the same mind and nature, and, by
a just call and command, first of the Queen his Majesty's mother,
and afterward of himself, having more matter and greater warrant
than many others, as well to admonish, advertise and reprove the
prince to gainstand all evil instruments, took the more freedom,
finding my self thereto in dut>' obliged, against the rule given by
Seneca to Lucullus, saying, " If thou desirest to be agreeable to
great princes, do them many services, and speak to them few
words." Plato was of the same opinion, the favour of princes
being obtained with great pain and travel, and retained with great
difficulty ; therefore should the wise courtier be careful of
offending them, either by gesture, word or deed : For being once
in disgrace with them, they may well forgive, but they shall never
be so great with them again, do what they will. Sometimes
a man may discreetly put the prince in remembrance of his long
and good service ; but cast not up thy service, nor be importunate
in demanding rewards : Therefore be not so audacious as to find
fault with thy prince's proceedings, nor to give advice unrequired,
or advertisements without good grounds of being credited ; for
princes notice not any thing but what is told them by their
favourites and minions, who commonly seem to allow and take
pleasure of whatsomever recreation they find the prince inclined
to ; not as by way of flattery, but as by way of yielding, and
jleaving their own pleasure to take pains to please the prince ;
-they never appear miscontent, although he do not reward them in
due time ; they never challenge him of breach of promise, in case
he break it. In many of these rules I confess I have overshot my
self, for too great servency towards the prince's senice, having
never minded my own particular advancement and profit : For
otherwise I should have, at the earnest desire of the house of
Guise, my old and great acquaintances while I was residing at
the court of France, tittled in the Queen's ear, that her rebellious
subjects, who had at their own hands, without her authority,
changed religion, should have been exemplarily punished as
rebels and traitors That if she condescended to acquiesce to the
establishing the reformed religion, it would be constructed as
meanness of spirit, and that she wanted authority to curb such a
mutinous people : That it was below her, at the arrogant desire
of her nobility, and to remove the idle jealousies of her other
subjects, to lay aside Riccio, as being derogatory from her honour,
that she could not have liberty to keep about her what servants she
pleased : seeing hence there might be ground to alledge there
were other bad designs to follow, when in the first place they
desired to separate from her such as they knew would be most
trusty to her, and in whom she could most confide. This kind
of language would probably have most suited her Majesty's
B xvii
THE MEMOIRS OF
humour, and would have procured to my self great bribes from
Riccio and his popish friends for my reward. But I thought it
was more the part of a true friend to her Majesty, to acquaint her,
that seeing hei subjects had now embraced the protestant religion,
lookmg upon the popish principles as damning, it was not her
interest to do any thing that could give them any jealousy that she
intended to alter their religion ; that as the entertaining of Riccio
gave to all such some apparent ground of harbouring such ap-
prehensions, he being a known enemy to their religion ; that
having so much of her favour, he would undoubtedly use his
endeavours to perswade her to re-establish that religion which
she her self professed ; so it gave just ground of discontent to the
nobility, who would look upon any extraordinary honour confer'd
by her Majesty upon a stranger, as highly prejudicial to them,
who were as willing and able to serve her as he could be ; and
reflecting upon their loyalty, as if she had more trust to place in a
stranger than in her own native countrymen and born subjects.
Had I not more regarded my princess her interest than mine own,
I should have accepted the large offers made me by the earl of
Both well, when he desired me to subscribe with the rest of his
flatterers that paper wherein they declared it was her Majesty's
interest to marry the said earl ; but I chose rather to lay my self
open to his hatred and revenge, whereby I was afterward in peril
of my life ; and tell her Majesty, that those who had so advised
her, were betrayers of her honour for their own selfish ends,
seeing her marrying a man commonly judged her husband's
murderer, would leave a tash upon her name, and give too much
ground of jealousy, that she had consented to that foul deed. I
wanted not fair offers from Randolph and Killegrew, residents
here from the court of England, if I would have in so far complied
with their designs, as not to have divulged what I perceived to be
their drifts, which I could not conceal, finding them so destructive
to the kingdom. I had the fair occasion of making a large fortune
to my self, if I would have gone along with the earl of Arran, by
counselling the King's Majesty to follow his violent advices ;
but finding them so far contrary to his interest, I did think my
self engaged to warn his Majesty, that he was a dangerous man
who gave him such advices ; that if he followed the same, he
would run himself upon inevitable precipices ; that his Majesty's
hearkning to the duke of Lenox and him, the one a papist, the
other a wicked and ungodly man, would breed jealousies in his
subjects minds, which might produce dangerous effects. This
freedom, and many times the like, I took ; which though his
Majesty accepted in good part, yet I thereby contracted my store
of enemies : But it was always my principle, rather to hazard my
self by plain speech when it was necessary, than to expose my
master to danger by silence or base flattery. And though the
common practice, which I mentioned ere while, may seem to
thrive in some courts for a time ; yet under grave and wise princes,
xviii
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
and at long-run, the honest maxims will prove most acceptable
and safe : Therefore I willingly opened these things to thee, that
thou niayst as well know what is usually done, as what ought to be.
There is a certain discretion to be used, that is free both from
sawciness and assentation ; and a man may many times, if he
skill it aright, give his prince good counsel, contrary to his inclina-
tions, yet without incurring his displeasure. This thou oughtest
to study, if ever thou be called to publick affairs ; and though
thou mayst bend with the necessity of some accidents, and yield
to the times in some things, though not going just so as thou
wouldst have matters to go ; and humour the prince in an ordinary
business, to gain opportunity of doing greater good to him and
thy countr^^ at a more lucky season ; yet be sure that thou never
engage in any disloyalty, cruelt>% or wickedness, nor suffer any
thing to pass that thou seest will tend to his ruin or grand pre-
judice, without noticing it to him in some humble manner : And
though for that time it be disrelishing or slighted, yet when he
sees the effects follow* that thou admonishedst him of, he will love
thee the better, and rather hearken to honest advice for time
future : And withal thou wilt obtain the favour and blessing of
Almighty God, whom thou must at all times endeavour faithfully
and uprightly to serve, if ever thou expectest bliss in this or the
other world ; to whose gracious Providence I commit thee, with
the hearty well wishes and benison of
Thy dearly loving father,
JAMES MELVILLE.
THE MEMOni§ OF
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
KING HENRY VIII. of England being discontent with the
Pope, for refusing to grant the divorce from his wife^
Queen Katharine of Castile ; for revenge he looked
through his fingers at the preachers of the reformed religion,,
who had studied in Dutchland under Martin Luther, and were
lately come to England. In process of time the hatred betwixt the
King and the Pope came to so great a length, that he proclaimed
himself "Head of the kirk of England," and discharged S. Peter's
pennies to be paid from that time forth ; with a strict command to
all his subjects no manner of way to acknowledge the Pope. He
obtained the said divorce from his own clergy, marrying another ;
which occasioned to him the hatred of the Pope, the Emperor
and King of Spain, and all their assistants. He again desiring to
strengthen himself at home, conjecturing the probability of a
combination against him, found it his interest to entertain a
strict amity with James V. of Scotland his nephew : for he was
determined to unite this whole isle in one religion, and in one
empire, failing of heirsmale procreate of his own body ; having
then but one daughter called Mary with the divorced Queen,
which daughter he declared to be a bastard. Upon which con-
sideration ambassadors are sent thither, inviting that King to
a conference at York, whither Henry offered to come and meet
him ; alledging by such an interview, matters might be more
effectually condescended upon conducing for the mutual interest
THE MEMOIRS OF
of both kingdoms than could be expected from the endeavours of
ambassadors to be employed in that affair.
King James having seriously considered the overture, and
advised thereabout with his council ; upon their deliberation and
advice, returns his resolution to attend his uncle, time and place
appointed. With which answer the ambassadors highly satisfied,
return to their master, who rejoiced exceedingly at so happy a
success of that matter. Whereupon great preparations are made
at York, for the entertainment of his nephew with the greater
solemnity.
The clergy of Scotland, sworn clients to the Pope, having
had several consultations hereanent, were alarmed with this
proposal, and the account they had of the King's resolution
to comply therewith ; through an apprehension that the uncle's
perswasion might oblige the nephew to trace his footsteps in
overturning popery in Scotland, as he had done in England.
They therefore resolve to use the utmost of their endeavours
for preventing the said intended interview. They addressed
themselves to such as were minions for the time, who had most
of his Majesty's ear. These they corrupted with large bribes,
to disswade the King therefrom. These having joined with
such of the clergy who were most in favour with the King, used
many perswasions, telling him how King James I. was retained
in England ; of the old league with France ; that upon this
consideration it would be prejudicial to his interest to keep that
meeting, seeing the French would not take it well, neither the
Emperor, who was highly incensed against Henry. They told
him of the Pope's interdicting him, and what a great heresy was
lately risen up there, and had infected not only the greatest part
of the kingdom, but the King himself. And also that many
of the nobility and gentry of Scotland were likewise favourers
of the said heresies ; and that it was fit that timeously he should
prevent the spreading thereof, seeing the same would contribute
much for his advantage, while he might enrich himself by their
estates ; the names of whom they gave up in a sheet of paper :
which the King put in his pocket, thinking it a very profitable
proposition, and therefore with all diligence to be executed.
The Laird of Grange had been lately made Treasurer, and
was in great favour with the King. He had not yet discovered
himself to be a favourer of the evangel, but the King esteemed
him true, and desirous to advance his profit, and very secret ;
therefore he thought fit to make him privy to this profitable over-
ture. He shewed unto him the written roll of the noblemen
and barons names who were given up to be burnt for heresy,
telling him what great advantage he would make thereby.
Whereat the Laird of Grange began to smile, and the King to
enquire whereat he did laugh.
The Treasurer desired liberty from his Majesty to tell him
the truth. Whereat the King drew out his sword, saying merrily
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
to him, " I shall slay thee if thou speak against my profit." Then
he put up his sword, commanding him to shew him what reasons
he could alledge against the prelates proposition.
The Treasurer declared what troubles his Majesty had been
tossed in during his minorit\', for the government, first between
the Queen his mother and the Lords, then betwixt divers factions
of the Lords : how that he had been couped from hand to hand,
sometimes kept against his will as captive, sometimes besieged,
sometimes brought to battle against his will by the Douglasses
to fight against the Earl of Lenno.K and his best friends, who
were slain coming to relieve him ; the prelates being partners
for their ambition, sometimes with one faction, sometimes with
another : and how that they could never agree among themselves,
nor let his Majesty take rest, until the Duke of Albany was chosen
Governor, and brought out of France ; who had enough to do
also : for he would have fain done pleasure to France, and raised
a great many Scotsmen to enter England, who were making
wars in France. But he got a lebuke when he was at the border :
for they would march no further, alledging, That the King was
but young, and sister's son to King Henry : that they saw no
reason to enter into war with England, to endanger their King
and country to serve France, being the King his father had to
no purpose lost his life in their quarrel, having entered into
England with an army against his good -brother, whereby the
■whole country was endangered. After that this Duke retired
himself, your Majesty took the Government in your own hands
at the age of thirteen years. Yet they clapped again about you,
and kept you two years as captive. And now you are but lately
come to your liberty ; and your country is not yet so well settled
as were needful, albeit your Majesty hath done very much in
so short space as to settle the highland islands and the borders.
It were a dangerous thing, if your nobility should get intelligence
that some greedy fetches should be put in your head, under
pretext of heresy, to spoil them of their lives, lands and goods.
Wherein you may endanger your own estate at the instance of
those whose estates are in peril, who would hazard you and
yours, to save their own. The prelates I mean, who fear that
your Majesty, at the example of the King of England, of Denmark,
and several princes of the empire, will make the like reformation
among them. Therefore they have no will of your familiarity
with the King of England, nor that your estate should be so
settled that your Majesty might put order to the abuses of the
kirk. Did not one of your predecessors, called S. David, give
the most part of the patrimony of the crown to the Kirk, erecting
the same into bishopricks, and rich abbacies ? whereby your
Majesty is presently so poor, and the prelates so rich, so prodigal,
so proud, that they will suffer nothing to be done without them ;
and are also so sworn to the Pope of Rome, when they get their
benefices confirmed, that the ought not to be credited in any
THE MEMOIRS OF
thing that toucheth the Pope's profit or preferment. The
Venetians, the wisest people in Europe, will not suffer any prelate,
albeit he be a boin man of the town, to abide or stand in their
council-house, when they are at council, because they know them
to be so strictly sworn to the Pope. Then he declared the gross
abuses of the Roman kirk, and the ungodly lives of the Scots
prelates, which the King and the whole country might see.
Therefore, saith he, if your Majesty would be well and be rich,
you may justly take home again to the profit of the crown all
vacant benefices by little and little, as they may fall by decease
of every prelate.
He told his Majesty, anent his promise to the ambassador
of England, there would come great trouble and wars if it were
not kept. For King Henry VHI. was a courageous prince, and
high conceited ; and appeared to have for the time an upright
meaning, his occasions pressing him thereto ; having so great
turns in hand, and so many enemies, without succession saving
the foresaid daughter ; being corpulent and fat, there was small
hopes of his having any heirs : that therefore it was his interest
to be in a good understanding with him, being his eldest sister's
son, nearest of blood, and ablest to maintain and unite the whole
isle of Britain. As for the retaining King James I. in England,
that was a far different case : it was not the like time ; he was not
the King's sister's son, nor his apparent heir. And what hard
success the King his father had, for making war against the
King of England his good-brother, was too manifestly felt by
the whole subjects. And little better to be looked for, in case
a new unnecessary war be made, for your Majesty staying away
from the intended meeting at York.
The King took such delight in this language, that he deter-
mined to follow the advice given therein. And at his first meeting
with the prelates, who had then very great rule in the country,
he could not contain himself any longer, when they came hoping
to see their plots put in execution. After many sore reproofs,
that they should have advised him to use such cruelty upon so
many noblemen and barons, to the peril of his own estate :
" Wherefore," said he, " gave my predecessors so many lands
' and rents to the kirk ? Was it to maintain hawks, dogs and
*' whores to a number of idle priests ? The King of England
" burns, the King of Denmark beheads you ; I shall stick you
" with this whingar." And therewith he drew out his dagger,
and they fled from his presence in great fear. The King resolved
fully to keep his promise with his uncle the King of England,
thinking it both his honour and advancement so to do.
The prelates of Scotland, thinking themselves far out-shot,
and thereby in a dangerous condition, consulted together how
to bring the King again to their opinion. They resolved in the
first place to offer to pay to him yearly out of the rents of the kirk,
50000 crowns to maintain hired soldiers, besides the ordinary
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
subjects which obey the proclamation, in case the King of England
should make wars against Scotland because of the King's not
keeping the appointment at York. They thought this would
be an allurement to the King, who liked well to be rich. Yet
they concluded, that unless the matter were proponed and
favourably interpreted to his Majesty by such as had his ear,
that would not do the business. They bestowed therefore
largely of their gold to his familiar servants, and further promised
unto Oliver Sinclair, that they should cause him to be advanced
to great honours, and to be made lieutenant of the whole army
against England, in case that King Henry would intend wars
against Scotland : which they affirmed he would not, nor durst
not, having already so many irons in the fire.
This was communicated by the prelates to the minions at
court, and chearfully condescended to by them, who had by
flattery gained greatest favour ; and chiefly by drawing of fair
maidens to the King, and striving to be the first advertisers
whose daughter she was, and how she might be obtained ; and
likewise of mens wives. They waited a convenient time w'hen
the treasurer should be absent, who was a stout bold man ;
therefore they durst not speak in his presence : for he always
offered by single combat and at the point of the sword to maintain
what he spoke. At this time he was absent from court ; for the
King had given the ward and marriage of Kelly in Angus to
his second son, and he was gone there to take possession thereof.
In his absence then this was proponed to the King, and so backed
by Oliver Sinclair, and such of the clergy as had been best
acquainted with his Majesty, as he was induced to give ear thereto,
they having added several other perswasions, at such times as
they brought unto him fair maidens, and mens wives. Then
they took occasion, in the next place, to shew his Majesty that
the Laird of Grange his Treasurer was also become a heretick,
and that he had always a New Testament in English in his pouch ;
and likewise that he was become so proud and puffed up by
his Majesty's favour, that no man might abide him ; and that
he was so extreme greedy, that he was unmeet to be Treasurer,
and too bold to have procured for his second son the rich ward
and maniage of Kelly, worth 20000 pound. The King answered,
" That he esteemed him to be a plain frank gentleman ; that
he loved him so well he would give him again the said ward and
" marriage for a word of his mouth." The Prior of Pittenweem
replied and said, " Sir, the heir of Kelly is a lusty fair lass, and
" I da'e pledge my life, that if your Majesty will send for her
*' presentlv, that he shall refuse to send her to you."
The King affirming still the contrary, there was a missive
written. And the prelates and their faction devised, that the
said Prior of Pittenweem should carry the letter, and bring over
the maiden-heir of Kelly to the King. But the Treasurer,
who knew him to be his deadly enemy, refused to deliver her
THE MEMOIRS OF
to him : alledging the said Prior to have been all his days a vile
whoremaster, having deflowered divers maidens : therefore he
thought him an unfit messenger. Who was so glad as he, to
retvirn with this backward answer ? He and his associates kindled
up the King in so great choler against the Treasurer, handling the
matter so finelv and hotly, that they obtained a warrant to charge
the Treasurer' to ward within the castle of Edinburgh : which
they forgot not to do, at his first coming to court. He again
guessed that leesings would be made against him, therefore used
great diligence to be with the King : and notwithstanding of
their charge, past pertly in to his Majesty, who was at his supper
in Edinburgh. But the King looked down upon him, and would
not speak to him, nor know him. He nevertheless steps forward,
and said, " Sir, what offence have I done, who had so much of
your favour when I parted from you with your permission ? "
The King answered, " Why did you refuse to send me the maiden
whom I wrote for, and gave despiteful language to him I sent for
her ? " " Sir," said he, " there is none about your Majesty dare
avow any such thing in my face. As for the maiden. I said to
the Prior of Pittenweem,' that I was well enough to be the
messenger myself to convey her to your Majesty ; but thought
him unmeet, whom I knew to be a forcer of women, and the
greatest deflowerer of wives and maidens in Scotland." The
King said, " Hast thou then brought the gentlewoman with
thee } " " Yes, Sir," said he. " Alas ! " saith the Kmg,
" they have set out so many leesings against thee, that they have
obtained of me a warrant to put thee in ward ; but I shall mend
it with a contrary- command." Then said the Treasurer
lamentingly, " Mv life, Sir, or warding is a small matter ; but it
breaks my' heart "that the world should hear of your Majesty's
facilitv." For he had heard, that in his absence they had caused
the King to send to Eneland, and give over the intended meetmg
at York. Whereat the King of England was so offended, in that
he had been so publickly scorned and affronted, that he sent an
army to Scotland to destroy it with fire and sword. Albeit the
King liked nothing of this war, he was still kept in hope that it
would tend to his great honour and advantage, and that England
had so much to do as would busy them elsewhere ; so that they
would soon repent them, and be compelled to sue for peace ere
it was long. In the mean time their gold was made ready, the
more to encourage the King, and large promises of much more,
in case the war continued. .
The King was engaged to raise an army to defend his country
and subjects, who went to that war to shew their obedience, much
against their hearts. But when they perceived Oliver Sinclair
raised up upon mens shoulders, and proclaimed lieutenant over
the whole army at Solway Sands ; the lords, in despite that the
court and country should be governed by such mean men as were
pensioners to the prelates, refused to fight under such a lieutenant,
6
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
but suffered themselves all to be taken prisoners. So the whole
army being overthrown, the King took thereat great displeasure.
There was great murmurings in the countr\-, that for pleasuring
the prelates the kingdom should be thus endangered. The
report whereof, and the justness of the complaint, m^ade the King
burst out with some language against them who had given him
so bad advice. Which was carried over soon to their ears : and
they fearing the effects of his displeasure, caused him to be
poisoned, having learned that art in Italy, called an Italian
Posset. The Cardinal David Beaton w-as with his IMajesty in
the time of his death, and caused to be written the form of a
testament at his own pleasure, being dictated by himself ; which
upon that reason was afterward annulled.
The King of England could not forget this injury and displeasure
done him of the King's breaking of his promise. He was much
troubled at his death. H's wars were rather to have moved the
estates, of Scotland to know that his favour and friendship had
been better for them than his feud. He was still in hope to have
gained him with consent and advice of the best of his subjects
to have joined in a bond offensive and defensive. For he had
received information of the King's worthy qualities and rare
natural endowments, and entertained a marvellous great love and
liking of him ; thinking he could not have left the kingdom in a
better hand, than to his own sister's son, nearest in blood unto
him, and meetest of any to build up a fair monarchy, to be first
begun (in a manner) in his own person ; in respect that for his
time, which he looked would be but short, his nephew would
have been but his Coadjutor and Lieutenant under him ; and
after him possess the whole under one religion, one law, and one
head ; and thought that thereby France should never afterward
have the occasion of stirring up the one country against the
other ; and that the Pope should be secluded from gathering up
such sums of silver from his subjects, for confirmation of benefices,
or for bulls, or dispensations : for his wrath and vengeance against
the Pope was exceeding great, who had made him many promises,
and had broken them all ; fearing, as said is, to offend the
Emperor, who was so great and mighty a Prince. Therefore the
King of England seeing he had now altogether lost the hopes of
the Scots alliance and concurrence, he compelled the gentlemen
of England to exchange their lands, with the lands of abbeys,
cloisters, and other temple lands, giving them more than their
own ; that so the said lands should never return to the kirk,
without a manifest rebellion, or a dangerous subversion of the
whole state of the kingdom. And to be revenged upon the said
Cardinal David Beaton, who he thought had disappointed him
of all the hope he had of Scotland, he dealt with Sir George
Douglas and the Earl of Angus, who were but lately returned out
of England, where they had resided during the time of their
banishment, till the death of King James V.
THE MEMOIRS OF
These two brothers appearing to be of the reformed religion,
perswaded Norman Lesly master of Rothes, the young Laird of
Grange, and John Lesly of Parkhill, who had been persecuted
by the said Cardinal for religion, after he had taken their preacher
Mr. George Wishart, and burnt him at St. Andrew's : these, I
say, were easily stirred up to slay him, whom they were perswaded
to be an enemy to the true religion, to the welfare of the country,
and to themselves in particular.
This proud Cardinal was slain then in his castle at St. Andrew's ;
and so ended all his practices, having obtained nothing but vain
travel for his pretences, and sudden death : having been the
occasion of the death of a worthy King, who was inclined to
justice, and gave no credit to his officers in their two special points,
to reward and punish. For whoever did him good service, he
would see them rewarded, yea albeit they chanced to be absent.
And as to punishing of evil-doers, so soon as he had heard the
complaint, he leaped upon his horse, and did ride to the parties
himself, with a few company, ere they could be aware of him ;
and he would see sharp execution. So that he was deservedly
both loved and feared. He was very courageous, well
favoured and shapen, of a middle stature, very able of body.
But evil company fell about him entring out of childhood into
furious youth, enticing him to harlotry, striving who should spy
out for him the fairest maidens, and likewise at length mens wives.
With them he abused his body, to the offence of God and divers
good subjects. For which he was not left unpunished : for he
had but two young sons, and tliey died both within eleven hours ;
so that at his decease he had but one daughter, called Mary, born
when he was upon his death-bed.
King Henry VHL of England having only one son, called
Edward, he and the estates of both countries desiring still this
whole isle of Britain to be united in one monarchy, made a contract
of marriage between the said two ; which was afterward broken
upon our part, her Majesty being transported into France by the
west seas. Whereupon ensued great war between the two
kingdoms ; which was afterwards agreed upon this condition.
That Edward should marry Elizabeth eldest daughter to Henry
n. of France, and Francis his son should marry our queen.
My lord Hamilton was advanced to the government of the country
by the Laird of Grange treasurer, Mr. Henry Balnaves, and others
that were of the reformed religion, when as he appeared to be a
true gospeller. But he had been afterward soon altered by the
Abbot of Paisley his bastard-brother, and became a great
persecutor of God's word, and had been by the perswasions of
the said Abbot and Cardinal easily drawn to break the said contract
of marriage made between King Edward and our Queen.
After that the young Queen came to France, there was great
disputing whether the marriage with the Dauphin should take
effect or not. For at that time there were two factions in the
8
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
French court : first, the brethren to the house of Guise, as the
Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorrain, brothers to our Queen-
dowager, and uncles to our young Queen Mary, pressed earnestly
to set forward the said marriage with France : the old Constable
Duke of Montmorancy was of opinion, that it was meetest to give
her in marriage to some Duke or Prince in France, and to send
them both home to Scotland to keep that country in good
obedience ; because when princes are absent, and far from their
own, ruling their countries by lieutenants, most commonly the
subjects of such countries use to rebel : which if Scotland should
do, it would be hard and costly to get them reduced ; and thereby,
instead of making France the better of the marriage with the
Dauphin, it might make it to be in a far worse case. The house
of Guise again desiring to have their sister's daughter Queen of
France, to augment their reputation and credit, alledged it would
be both honourable and profitable to the crown of France to have
this addition ; and that there were revenues in abundance to
maintain garrisons within the kin<Tdom, to hold the subjects under
obedience, building citadels, and having the whole strength in
their hands. Herein they prevailed, she being married unto the
Dauphin.
John de Monluck Bishop of Valence was sent ambassador from
France to the Governor and Queen-mother, sister to the Duke of
Guise. And when the said ambassador was to return to France,
it pleased the Queen-mother to send me with him, to be placed
page of honour to the Queen her daughter, I being then fourteen
years of age But the said Bishop went first to Ireland coin-
manded thereto by the King his master's letter, to know more
particularly the motions and likelihood of the offers made by
Oneel, Odonell, Odocart and Callock, willing to shake off the yoke
of England, and become subject to the King of France, providing
th;^t he would procure the Pope's gift of Ireland, and then send to
their help 2000 Hacbutiers, 200 light horsemen, and four cannon.
We shipped for Ireland in the month of January, and were
stormsted by the way in a little isle called Sandisle, before Kintire,
where we were compelled to tarry seventeen days by reason of the
storm. Thence we hoised sail towards Ireland ; but the storm
was yet so extremely violent, that with great danger of the ship
and our lives we entered in at the mouth of Lochfeul in Ireland
upon Shrove-Tuesday, in the year 1549 : for the skipper and
mariners had lost all hopes of safety, having left their pnchors
behind them the night before. Ere we landed, we sent one George
Paris, who had been sent to Scotland by the great Oneel and his
associates ; who landed at the house of a gentleman who had
married Odocart's daughter, dwelling at the side of a lake ; who
came to our ship, and welcomed us, and convoyed us to his hou^e,
where we rested that night.
The next morning Odocart came there, and convoyed us to his
house, which was a great dark tower, where we had cold chear.
THE MEMOIRS OF
as herring and biscuit ; for it was Lent. There finding two
English gray friars who had fled out of England (for King Edward
VI. was yet alive) the said friars perceiving the Bishop to look very
kindly to Odocart's daughter, who fled from him continually ;
they brought to him a woman who spoke English, to ly with him.
Which harlot being kept quietly in his chamber, found a little
glass within a case standing in a window ; for the coffers were all
wet with the sea-waves that fell into the ship during the storm.
She believing it had been ordained to be eaten, because it had an
odoriferous smell, therefore she licked it clean out ; which put
the bishop into such a rage, that he cried out for impatience,
discovering his harlotry and his choler in such sort as the friars
fled, and the woman followed. But the Irishmen and his own
servants did laugh at the matter ; for it was a vial of the most
precious balm that grew in .-T^'gypt.which Solyman the Great Turk
had given in a present to the said bishop, after he had been two
years ambassador for the King of France in Turky, and was
esteemed worth 2000 crowns.
In the time that we remained at Odocart's house, his young
daughter, who fled from the bishop, came and sought me where-
ever I was, and brought a priest with her who could speak English,
and offered, if I would marry her, to go with me where-ever I
pleased. I gave her thanks ; but told her that I was but young,
and had no estate, and was bound for France.
Now the ambassador met in a secret part with Oneel and his
associates, and heard their offers and overtures. And the patriarch
of Ireland did meet him there, who was a Scotsman born, called
Wauchop, and was blind of both his eyes, and yet had been divers
times at Rome by post. He did great honour to the ambassador,
and convoyed him to see St. Patrick's purgatory, which is like an
old coal-pit which had taken fire, by reason of the smoke that came
out of the hole.
From Odocart's house we went to a dwellingplace of
the bishop of Roy, not far from the narrow frith that runs
through Lochfeul to the sea. The said Irish bishop had been
also at Rome. And there we rested other three weeks, waiting
for a high-land bark which James Machonel should have sent
from Kintire with his brother Angus, to carry us back to Dum-
barton. Which being come for us, we parted to a castle which
the said Machonel had in Ireland ; and from that we imbarked,
and rested a night in the isle of Jura, and the next night in the isle
of Bute. But by the way we lost our rudder, and were in great
danger when we came to Kintire. James Machonel did treat us
honourably, and told the bishop that he was the welcomer for
my sake, because he had been kindly used by my father when he
was warded in the castle of Dunbar, during the time that my
father was captain thereof ; of whom we had made an honourable
report to the bishop : which occasioned him the more kindly to
notice me. After he had caused us to be landed at Dumbarton,
10
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
•we went straight to Stirling ; where, after eight days, the
ambassador took leave of the Queen, and went again to Dum-
barton, where there were two French ships, that had brought
silver to Scotland to pay the French soldiers in service, there
ready to receive us. So sailing by the Isle of Man along the south
coast of Ireland, we landed at Conquet in Britany eight days after
our imbarking, not without some danger by the way, both from
English ships, and a great storm ; so that once at midnight the
mariners cried that we were all lost. At Brest in Britany the
bishop took post toward the court of France, which was in Paris
for the time : and because I was young, and he supposed I was
not able to endure the toil of riding post, he directed tvvo Scottish
gentlemen, whose fathers he had been acquainted with in Scotland
to be careful of me by the way. And we bought three little nags
to ride to Paris. He desired the two brothers to let me want for
nothing by the way ; which he would recompence at the next
meeting. He left with me as much money as would buy a horse,
and bear my expence upon the road to Paris.
Now we three enquired after other company, and found other
three young men, the one a French man, the other a Britone, and
the third a Spaniard, who were to ride the same way. We were
all six lodged in one chamber at the first inn we did quarter at,
in which were three beds ; the two Frenchmen had one bed, the
two Scots another, the Spaniard and myself the third. I over-
heard the two Scotsmen discoursing together, that they were
directed by the bishop to let me want for nothing ; therefore,
says the one to the other, we will pay for his ordinary all the way,
and shall account twice as much to his master as we disburse,
when we come to Paris, and so shall gain our own expense. The
two Frenchmen, not thinking that any of us understood that
language, were saying to themselves, these strangers are all young
and know not the fashion of the hostlaries ; therefore we shall
reckon with the host at every repose, and shall cause the strangers
to pay more than the custom is, and that way shall save our own
charges : and accordingly the next day they went to put it in
execution. But I could not forbear laughing in my mind, having
understood so much French as to know what they were aiming at ;
wherewith I acquainted the young Spaniard, and so we were
upon our guard : yet the two Scotsmen would not consent that I
should pay for my self, hoping that way to beguile the bishop ;
but the Spaniard and I wrote up every day's accompt. By the
■way riding through a wood, the two Frenchmen lighted off their
horses, and drew out their swords, having appointed other two
to meet them. But beholding our countenance, and seeing that
we were making for our defence, they made a sport of it, alledging
that they had done it to try^ if we would be afraid, in case we should
be assaulted by the way. But these two rogues that met us, left
us at the next lodging. And when we came to Paris, the two
Scotsmen never obtained payment of the bishop for that they had
II
THE MEMOIRS OF
disbursed, because of their intended fraud. We were thirteen
days in riding betwixt Brest and Paris, where we arrived in the
month of April.
Within a month after our arrival at Paris, the bishop of Valence
was sent to Rome : and because he took post, he left me behind
him, having tabled me in a very good ordinary, and agreed with
masters to teach me the French tongue, and to dance, fence, and
play upon the lute. I know not why he did not present me to the
Queen, as he had engaged : albeit afterward he said that he was
minded to make me his heir.
The cause why he was at this time sent to Rome was this :
Pope Paul III. had exchanged some lands belonging to the Church,
for Parma and Placentia, two towns appertaining formerly to the
dutchy of Milan, and gave them to his son Pierre Louis Farnese ;
who married his eldest son Octavio to the bastard daughter of the
Emperor Charles V. The said Pierre Louis being murdered for
his detestable vices, the next Pope, Julius, pretended to bring again
the said two towns to the church, instead of the church-lands that
had been exchanged for them ; compelling the duke Octavio
(finding himself unable to withstand the Pope's forces) to put the
said towns into the King of France's custody ; for he was in as
great fear of the Emperor his father-in-law, who had gotten
possession of the dukedom of Milan : and for that effect he sent
his brother the duke of Casters to France ; to whom King Henry
of France gave his bastard daughter in marriage ; the King of
France being as earnest to have an estate in Italy, as the Emperor
was to hinder him from it, by reason of Milan and Naples, to which
the King claimed a right, though the Emperor had thern in
possession. Therefore, so soon as he did see the French garrison
within the town of Parma, he took part with the Pope. Which
made the King of France endeavour to make a peace with King
Edward VI. of England, by the means of the duke of Northumber-
land, who had a strict friendship with France, having a hidden
mark of his own that he shot at, as his proceedings afterwards
declared. The peace with England being concluded, that King
Edward should marry Elizabeth eldest daughter to Henry
11. of France ; and that he should give his consent that the Queen
of Scotland, who was betrothed to him, should be married with
Francis Dauphin of France, in which peace Scotland was also
comprehended ; the bishop of Valence was sent to Rome to
endeavour to oblige the Pope to desert the Emperor. But he
returned without obtaining success in his expedition : which was
the cause that the dealing betwixt the King of France and Onecl
in Ireland ceased. And in the mean time the King of France
emits a proclamation, forbidding his subjects to send to Rome for
any bulls, or confirmation of benefices : which, together with the
agreement with England, put the Pope in great fea. that France
would become protestants in despight, as Henry VIII. had lately
done before. He was the more confirmed in this opinion, because
12
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
an army was shortly after made ready to pass into Germany, to
the aid of the protestant princes, where King Henry himself
did in person lead 50 thousand men. For then many of the
Germans were becoiiie protestants, occasioned at firat by the
insolent avarice of the Pope, and the shameless proceedings of his
selling of pardons ; and by the zeal and boldness of Martin Luther,
who being persecuted, was maintained and assisted by the good
duke Frederick the elector of Saxony, the landgrave of Hesse, and
other princes of the empire. Whereupon the Emperor Charles V.
took occasion, under pretext of maintaining the catholick
Roman religion, to pretend to bring the empire and all the
dominions thereof as patrimony to him and his posterity : and
therefore abandoned his son-in-law the duke Octavio to the Pope's
discretion, for to obtain the greater assistance from him against
the Germans. Which design the Emperor had once brought near
to pass : for after he had vanquished the piotestants in battle, and
taken prisoner duke John Frederick, he passed through the most
part of the provinces and free towns of Dutchland, and took from
them their liberties, placing officers at his pleasure, and receiving
from them of gifts and ransoms 160000 crowns, and 500 piece of
artillery. Yet he doubted the Landgrave who was a valiant
prince, and chanced to be absent from the said battle ; therefore
he dealt with duke Maurice, godson to the said landgrave, to
persuade his god-father to come in, under assurance and promise :
which the Emperor broke, retaining the said landgrave captive
upon the subtlety of a syllable.
This duke Maurice was cousin to the captive duke of Saxony,
and had obtained the electorate of Saxony, which the Emperor
took from his cousin, and gave to him. Whereupon he, as a fine
courtier, assisted the Emperor, helping him greatly in his victories
against his country and friends, for his own promotion. But when
the landgrave called him shelm, pultroon, traitor, and deceiver of
him whose daughter he had married, he made earnest suit to the
Emperor for the liberty of his godfather ; though in vain, the
Emperor alledging no promise to have been broken to the said
landgrave, causing the letter of promise and pacification to be
read in his presence in the Dutch tongue, wherein was a written
word which admitted of two diverse interpretations ; to wit, this
word Enig was interpreted by the Empe.'-or perpetual, and by the
landgrave and duke Maurice it was taken for null or none. But
they could not help themselves ; for the landgrave was two years
so straitly kept by the Spaniards, that oft in the night they held a
lighted candle to his face, to be assured that he was sleeping, and
vexed him so that through despight he would spit in their faces,
crying out continually against Maurice : who was not sleeping,
but had sent secretly to the King of France, declaring how not
only his godfather and he were so abused and deceived by the
Emperor ; but that he had begun already to rob the empire of its
liberties, to change the state thereof to a monarchy, against the
C 13
"THE MEMOIRS OF
oath and promise made at the election and his coronation ; and
that under pretext to suppress heresy, he was so assisted by the
Pope, that he was Uke to prevail ; intreating the King not to
suffer them who were his friends to be so oppressed, seeing it
was no ways his interest that his competitor should grow so great,
seeing thereby he should be the more in a capacity to annoy him
at his pleasure. Whereupon the said King took occasion to levy
an army, and to convey the same into Almaign ; and appearing
to seek their liberty, he possessed himself in his way of
Metz, Toul and Verdun, three great imperial towns and
bishopricks.
In the mean time duke Alautice lay at the siege of Magdeburg
lieutenant for the Emperor, giving not the least ground of
suspecting him discontent for the landgrave's retention, but
rather endeavouring to make appear how far he was obliged to
the Emperor, who had so highly advanced him ; like a fine
courtier, evidencing publickly his resolutions of setting forward
his master's interest, and executing all his commands, whether
they should be right or wrong.
Yet the duke of Alva alledged in secret counsel with the
Emperor, that Maurice lingred too long at the siege of the said
town : and that it was to be suspected, that he was offended at the
usage his godfather did meet with. But Granvil bishop of Arras,
on the contrary, said, that such drunken Dutch heads needed not
be suspected, especially seeing two of the said duke's counsellors
were pensioners to his sacred Majesty, and advertised him con-
tinua'ly of ail the duke's most secret deliberations. Yet they
thought expedient to send for the duke, to see if he would presently
obey, or pretend some excuse.
But duke Maurice had as much subtlety as any Spaniard of the
Emperor's cojncil, having had intelligpnce that the Emperor had
bribed tv/o of his secretaries ; vet he gave not tne least ground to
conjectuic that he knew any thing thereof, appearing to do nothing
without them, deliberating all his enterprises in their presence ;
whereby the Emperor was deluded, so as to expect no harm from
him. And when the Duke was sent for, he took post immediately
for *-he court, taking in his company one of the secretaries whom
he knew to be the Emperor's pensioner, whom he sent before to
shew the Emperor that he was following at leisure, by reason of a
pain he 'nad taken in his side, occasioned with riding post.
But the duke had secretly commanded his lieutenant to bring
up the whole anny with all diligence, and to march night and day.
So that he surprised the Emperor ere he had received the least
notice thereof : for he was compelled to rise from supper, and
fly forth of Inspruck with torch-light ; and so clearly out of
Dutchland, that he never set foot within it again.
This done, he sent to the King of France, who was with his
army beside Strasburgh, giving him great thanks for his pains,
advertismg him of the Emperor's flight, intreating him to return
14
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
home with his army ; for Maurice was dissatisfied that he had
taken three of the imperial towns : and in the mean time he
hasted through the whole country', restoring the free towns to
their former liberty and privileges.
The Emperor again fearing to be compelled, set at Iibert^' the
duke of Saxony and the landgrave of Hesse. Finding him-
self frustrate of his expectation, and understanding that duke
Maurice had a great grudge against the King for taking
fradulently the three aforesaid towns from the empire, he
dealt with Maurice secretly, allowing all that he had done :
and so both being reconciled, they together laid siege to the
to\\-n of Aletz, though in vain. Whereby may be observed how
dangerous it is in civil dissentions, to hiring in great companies
of strangers to support any of the parties. It may appear
impertinent for me to write thus much of the affairs of Dutch-
land, being myself but young for the time, and not present in
the French army. But afterward, when I was in Germany, I
had this account from the good Elector Palatine ; so that none
could attain to more certain information thereof.
The bishop of Valence was at this time at Paris. He was
desirous to have some knowledge in the mathematicks , and for
that effect he found out a great scholar in divers high sciences,
called Cavatius. This Cavatius took occasion frequently in
conference to tell him of two familiar spirits that were in Paris
waiting upon an old shepherd, who in his youth had sers-ed a
priest, and who at his death left them to him. The bishop, upon
the King's return from Germany, introduced the said Cavatius
to the King ; who, to verify what he had said, offered to lose his
head in case he should not shew the two spirits to his Majesty,
or to any he should send, in the form ot men, dogs, or cats. But
the King would not see them, and caused the shepheid to be
burnt, and imprisoned the said Cavatius.
The bishop had another learned man ^o his master,
called Taggot, who had been curious in sundry sciences,
and knew by the art of palmistry, as he said to me himself,
that he should die before he attained to the age of twenty
eight years. Therefore, said he, I know the true religion to be
exercised at Geneva ; there will I go, and end my life in God's
service. Whither accordingly he went, and died there, as I was
afterwards informed.
At this time the bishop of Valence being at court in St. German's
he was resolved to have presented me to the Queen. But in the
interim, captain Ninian Cockburn, then one of the Scots guard,
had obtained liberty to visit his friends in Scotland, and was lately
returned. This man was a busy meddler, and had been some-
times entertained about my father's house. He finding that I
could speak French, told me that he had a matter of consequence
to impart to the constable ; and intreated that I would go along
with him to be his interpreter, because he had not the French
15
THE MEMOIRS OF
tongue. But he would not acquaint me with the matter till he
was in the constable's presence.
We attended till one day after dinner, when he was to give
audience to divers ambassadors. He commanded us to wait at
his chamber door till two after noon ; which hour he failed not
to keep, after he had heard the ambassadors, and made report to
the King of their demands, and advised him what to answer. We
two were brought into his cabinet, where he was alone with a
secretary. Then the captain began to declare, how that in his
late being in Scotland, bishop John Hamilton, whole guider of the
governor his brother, had been dangerously sick, so that his speech
was lost without all hope of recovery ; that the Queen dov/ager
of Scotland had taken occasion hereof, to prevail with the governor
so effectiially, that he had resigned the government to her, she
being made Queen-regent : and willing me to shew the same to
the constable. But I required to know what further he had to say ;
then he proceeded to shev/, that whea the bishop of St. Andrew's
had recovered his speech and health by the help of Cardanus an
Italian magician, he cursed and cried out, that the governor was a
very beast for quitting the government to her, seeing tnere was
but a skittering lass between him and the crovm. But I blushed
when the captain pulled upon me to tell these very words to the
constable. He perceived how loath I was to rehearse it ; at last
he pressed me. I told him I did not think it worthy to be com-
municated to his lordship. He asked my name, and caused his
secretary to write it up, and enquire if I was of kin to the captain :
who said in bad French, that I was his sister's son. The constable
enquired of me, if that was truth. I told him I had no relation
to him at all. Then he desired to know with whom I was in that
country. I answered his lordship, tnat the bishop of Valence had
commission from the Queen-regent of Scotland, to place me her
daughter's page. He desired to know if I would remain with
hiin, in case he procured the bishop's consent. I answered, that
I should think myself much honoured, by being in the company
of a person so famous in Europe as he was ; but that I believed
he durst not dispose of me, in respect of the promise he had given
to the Queen-regent. He ansv/ered, that he could present me
when he pleased to the Queen , but if I would be satisfied to stay
with him, he would not fail to advance me. I expressed myself
much obliged to his lordship, that he had so far taken notice of me,
and willing, if he procured the bishop's consent.
The constable failed not, at his first rencounter with the bishop,
to enquire concerning me, and expressed his desire to have me in
his service. To which the bishop acquiesced, and acquainted me
therewith that same night, that the constable was the best master
in France, and would not fail to promote me. Whereupon I
entered into his service in the year 1553.
I grant these trifles are not worthy to be here inserted, were
it not to testify God's gracious goodness to the posterity of the
16
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
faithful. As David obseives in liis Psalms, " I have been young,
and now am old, yet I never see the just abandoned." For it
was God that moved the Queen regent's heart to take two of my
brothers into her service, and to send me into France to be placed
with her daughter our Queen ; who also moved the bishop to be
so kind to me, that if I had been his own son, he could not have
had more affection for me ; and the same God moved the
constable's heart to desire me.
In the year 1553, in tie month of May, the constable of France
raised a great army ; and being the King's lieutenant, led them
first to Amiens in Pitardy. For when the King of France wcs in
Dutchland with his army, as he gave out, to help the princes of
the empire ; Mary Queen of Hungary, then a widow, sister to the
Emperor, and regent of Flanders, entered with an army into
Picardy, and burnt the King's palace of FouL.nbrey, with divers
other little towns and villages ; thinking thereby to divert the
King, that he should have come back to defend his own bounds.
Thus they entered into hot wars ; and the King in his return
besieged several towns, and took them.
Therefore the Emperor, in the spring-time of that same year,
entered in person with a great army into Picardy, and won Tirruan
and Hedin, and burnt divers burghs and villages ; which caused
the constable to go with his army to resist him. The two armies
being encamped seven leagues asunder, the constable was ad-
vertised by a spy, that all the Emperor's horsemen were to come
in the night to assault the French camp. Therefore he, to shun
that surprise, marched all night forward toward the enemy with
all hib forces horse and foot ; whereby he surprised those •who
thought to have found him in bed, and gave them the overthrow.
Many were killed, and some taken ; among the rest the duke of
Arescot, leader of those designed for that enterprise, was taken
prisoner.
After this victory. King Henry W. came to the camp himself.
The Emperor retiring toward the town of Valencien, the King's
camp following always upon his wing, making divers days journeys
before he came tc the said Valencien ; where the Emperor had
set down his camp without the town upon an hill, making trenches
round about the same. Where the King presented him battle,
waiting in vain a whole day, to see if he might be provoked to
come jforth : and for that effect sent 2 number of Enfans pcrdus
to his trenches, to bring on the skirmish ; where the Emperor
sent out some companies of horsemen, v,ho were soon beat back
within their foot. In the meantime the Emperor caused his
whole artillery to fire at our camp, though net much to our
prejudice. We were advertised that the Emperor was determined
not to hazard battle ; for he began to believe that fortune favoured
no more his old age. Therefore, when night drew near, the King
retreated to St. Quintine ; where the constable fell deadly sick,
being then in his great climacterick. Then both the armies were
17
THE MEMOIRS OF
sent to their winter garrisons ; the Emperor went to Bruxels, and
the King to Paris, and the constable to his palace at Chantilly, to
recover his health.
During this winter there was a great convention between Calais
and Ardres, where caidinal Pool was appointed mediator by the
Pope, to agree the two great princes, but without any effect.
Therefore the next spring the King went first into the field with
his army, in the year 1554, as the Emperor had done the year
before : at which time I was made his pensioner, by the constable's
means. His Majesty besieged and took first Marienburgh, a
gallant town and of great strength. He took also Bouvines, and
at length Dinan. But the castle of Dinan, situated upon a high
rock, was stoutly defended by a Spanish captain ; who at length
coming forth to speak with the constable about composition, was
retained ; and the men of war came forth with their bag and
baggage. Few or none of the soldiers who came forth of Dinan,
but were hurt either with skelves of stanes by the force of our
battery, or were burnt with the firebrands that they did roll down
the steep hill whereupon the wall was built. And thrice they
repulsed our French footmen : eleven banner-bearers whereof
went up to the breach, to wit, first, one with the ensign in his hand,
not followed with his company ; who was killed, and fell tumbling
down the hill. Then another soldier, to win the office, took up
the ensign, and went up likewise to the head of the wall ; who was
also killed. Then the third, and all the eleven one after another,
lost their lives, not at all assisted by their companies ; notwith-
standing that the constable my mastei stood by, crying and
threatening in vain : for which he degraded their captains, and
brake their companies. There was a Scotsman, brother to
Barnbougle, called Archibald Moubray, who with his drawn
sword ran up to the head of the wall, and returned safe : but he
got no reward, though I used all my endeavours for him. Thus
many are readier to punish faults, than to reward good deeds.
After this the King entered far into the low countries, burning
and carrying away great booties. But so soon as the Emperor
could convene any forces together, our armjf began to reti e home-
ward. Then the Emperor sent 5000 horsemen, to see if they
might perceive any occasion of advantage ; which they frequently
essayed, assailing our rear-guard at the passing over a little water.
At Vv'hich time the constable staid behind himself ; and turning
his face toward them, he withstood their charge stoutly with the
French footmen and some light horsemen, until the whole army
had passed over the said water, not far from Cambray. So the
Emperor's horsemen followed no further at that time, believing
that the King was resolved to return to France, and dismiss his
army for that year. But the King drew along the frontier toward
a place of great strength called Renty, where he planted his camp,
and besieged the said place ; which I heard the constable promise
to deliver to the King in eight days. Which promise was not
18
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
performed, for the Emperor came in person with his army for
the relief thereof. Which army the constable rode out to meet
with the whole French horsemen, leaving the foot at the siege :
for he had great intelligence, and had heard where the Emperor
was resolved to encamp, marching along a great height, which had
a steep towards the part where our camp lay ; but it was easy to
ride up and down at the side thereof : where our horsemen did
ride, and the Emperor sent down some on horseback to skirmish.
At which tinie Norman Lesly master of Rothes won great reputa-
tion : for with thirty Scotsmen he rode up to the hill upon a fair
grey gelding. He had above his coat of black velvet his coat of
armour, with two broad white crosses, the one before, and the
other behind, with sleeves of mail, and a red bonnet upon his head,
whereby he was known and seen afar off by the constable, the
duke of Anguien, and the prince of Conde : V.'here, with his
thirt^', he charged upon si.vtv of their horsemen with culverincs,
followed but with seven of his number. He, in our sight, struck
five of them from their horses with his spear before it brake :
then he drew hi? sword, and ran in among them, not valuing their
continual shooting, to the admiration of the beholders. He slew
divers of them, and at length, when he saw a company of spear-
men coming down against him, he G'a^ e his horse the spurs, who
carried him to the constable, and ihere fell down dead ; for he
had many shots : and worthy Norman was also shot in divers
parts, whereof he died fifteen days after. He was first carried to
the Kinc's own tent, where the duke of Anguien and prince of
Cond^ told his Majesty that Hector of Troy was not more valiant
tjian the said Norman : wliom the said King would see dressed
by his own chirurgeons, and made great moan for him. So did
the constable, and al' the rest of the princes : but no man made
more lamentation than the laird of Grange, who came to the camp
the next day after, from a quiet road whither he had been
commanded.
Now the Emperor sat do-wn his camp two mJIes fiom Renty,
and in an instant entrenched the whole camp round about, save
only the face of the steep hill that looked towards our camp.
All that night there were many upon the watches of both armies,
for every nian looked for a battle the next day following, and
therefore the Emperor, lii;e an old experienced captain, seized
upon a MOod in the night-time, that lay upon a hillside between
the two camps ; which was not only a great advantage to h:m,
but compelled the most part of our arrny to stand m arms all
night ; whereby they were rendered the more unable against the
next day, wanting the refreshment of rest ; and then the place of
battle was a plain valley that lay under the said wood. The next
morning early, after every man had said their prayers, and taken
a little refreshment, we placed our army in good order of batte
under the said hill and wood. The King himself that day com-
manded the battle ; but he desired the constable to abide with
19
THE MEMOIRS OF
him, to give counsel as occasion would fall out. The duke of
Guise led the vantsuard, and the marshal of St. Andr*^ the rear-
guard. First, so many of our French foot as are called Enfans
perdus were led along the hill and wood, beginning to skirmish
with the Spaniards who were within the wood ; who had so gruat
advantage, being covered with bushes and tree.-, that they com-
pelled our foot to retire fearfully. Which well-favoured beginning
the Emperor might well perceive from the hih whereupon he was
encamped ; therefore, like a skilful captain, he took the occasion
to hazard a good part of the vantguard with seven field-pieces,
who by his direction came forward ; the Spaniards with theit
fir^-arms through the wood ; rooo Imce-knights with bright
corslets along the hill-side, with long pikes ; the count of
Swaertsenburg with all his reiters at the hill-foot, and the whole
light horsemen of the Emperor's army upon his right hand. At
which time our foot, who were appointed to skirmish with the
Spaniards, retired more and more ; as also our light horsemen
in the valley drew aside, and gave too great place to the Emperor's
vantguard : M'hich when it came where Monsieur de Tavanes and
Monsieur de Lorge stood with their companies, seeing them make
for defence, they marched more coldly. The duke of Guise in
the meantime said, that he would ride back to the battle, and
obtain the King's command before he would charge upon the
enemy. But Monsieur de Lorge, who was an old captain, alledged
that there was no time to take counsel ; for the enemy, said he,
will be as soon at the King as you : therefore it was resolved to
charge courageously upon the enemy. Which being done, and a
little rencounter made, the reiters shot off all theii pistols ; and
finding themselves not backed, nor followed with the rest of the
Emperor's army, as they alledged was promised unto them, thsy
gave b'^.ck and fled, being pursued by our horse, who slew several
of the Dutch foot, and some of the Spaniards ; for the wood was
their relief ; but the horse all escaped within the ramparts of the
Emperor's camp. Their f^cH-pieces were taken, and many
Spaniards made prisoners. Therefore we called it a won battle,
and marched forward, possessing the ground where the fight was,
and set down our t,amp the same night hard beside the Emperor's :
who seemed not that he had lost anything, but remained stedfastly
within his trenches. All that night the army for the most part
was upon the watch, and the nevt day the armies looked peaceably
one upon another : for we would not hazard to chai-ge them within
their fort ; and they staid for twelve thousand fresh men that were
coming to their aid. But in the evening they discharged all their
cannon, which overthrew part of our tents , and we again dis-
charged all our cannon at them, and did laugh t^ see the bullets
light and lebound among them. Yet the same night, without
trumpet or beating cf drum w? raised our whole army, and retired
home to ojr own town of Montreal, and left Renty unwon,
alledging that we had won a battle, which was better, and that we
20
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
wanted horse-meat in the beginning of winter. But the Emperor
suffered u? patiently to pass away, not appearing to understand
that he knew anything of our retreat, being content that he had
preserved Renty from being taken.
After this, the Emperor being aged, and finding himself vexed
with the gout and gravel, he thought fit to leave the world und
retire himself to a monastery of monk? in Spain. But first he
made means with the princes of the empire, to eiei;t his sen Philip
to be Emperor ; which they altogether refused, thinking him too
mighty, and the more in a capacity to subdue their liberties, as
his father had attemp ed to do before ; but they were content
to chuse his brother Ferdinand, who was Kiag of Boh-^mia and
Archduke of Austria : which dominions lay nearest the Turks.
The said Ferdinand having also some lands in Hungary, would
be compelled to defend his own lands, and that way would be
content with less contribution from the estates of the empire.
He gave over to his son Philip his other kingdoms and dominions
that he had in Spain, Italy and the Low Countries. And for the
establishing his said son's estate, he drew on a treaty of truce for
the space of five years with France : which was agreed upon, and
sworn between the parties. But the said truce was soon broken
at the persuasion of" Pope Paul IV. who, intending to bring back
again to the church some church-lands that his predecessors had
disposed to their friends, as the common custom of Popes is :
the one Pope dispones to his bastards or nephews ; the next Pope
revokes the lands, pretending the same to be for the good of the
church, and gives them again to his kindred and friends. But
those who had the lands that Pope Paul IV. claimed were a great
clan in Italy, called Colonois, who were dependers upon the King
of Spain and were under his protection ; and would not grant to
give over any of their possessions unto the Pope, neither for his
cursing, threatening or bragging, but stood in their own defence.
Whereof the Pope impatient, put on by two of his nephews, sent
the one of them to France, called the cardinal Carafl. The said
legate had born before him a hat upon the point of a sword, both
hat and sword to be presented to the King of France ; the sword
as an assured token of victory, and the hat as a token of triumph :
requiring the King as eldest son of the catholick church at Rome,
to send an army to Italy, to help the Pope's holiness to recover
again to the kirk such lands as were wrongfully with-holden from
the same, by the said race of the Colonois ; and to take away all
scrupulositv from the King's conscience, by reason of his oath
and sacrament at the closing up of the truce with the King of
Spain, he the said cardinal, as legate from God's vicar, having
pov,-er, would give him full absolution, he having power to bind
and loose : alledging moreover, that in doing so dutiful an office
for the kirk, the king would reap a great advantage to himself,
seeing he might thereby be put in possession of the kingdom of
Naples by the forces of the Pope ; who should join with the Kmg's
21
THE MEMOIRS OF
army, after he had helped the kirk to recover her lands from them,
who were maintained in the possession thereof by his competitor
the King of Spain.
The duke of Guise, and the cardinal of Lorrain his brother,
embraced this proposition very earnestly : for the duke expected
to be made Viceroy of Naples, whereby he might the more easily
sometime make his brother Pope. But the old constable my
master was utterly against the breaking of the peace. Yet the
two ambitious brothers prevailed, persuading the King, that as the
constable's age required rest, so the King, being in the flower of
his years, ought not to let slip so fair an occasion to recover again
the kingdom of Naples to the crown of France.
Thus a great army was prepared, and sent into Italy under the
conduct of the duke of Guise ; and likewise the king's lieutenant
in Picardy entered in upon the King of Spain's dominions with
fire and sword, so unexpected by those of the Low Countries,
that some of the French light horsemen entered upon horseb.^ck
wnthin one of their kirks upon a Sunday, and snatched the chalice
out of the priest's hands when he was mumbling his mass.
The King of Spain took this breach of the peace heavily to
heart , and both assisted the Colonois against the Pope's forces
more earnestly than he would have done, and also prepared a sreat
army against the next spring to invade the frontiers of Picardy in
France.
In the meantime that the duke of Guise with his French army
was in Italy, the Pope took occasion hastily to compound with the
Colonois ; who finding themselves like to be straitned before the
King of Spain's forces could be ready to support them, gave the
Pope part of his desire, he securing to them the rest.
But the duke of Guise judged himself greatly disgraced by the
Pope's guile, and disappointed as to the expectations he had of the
preferment to the kingdom of Naples, when he understood that
the Pope was agreed without him, and that instead of concurring
and helping him to conquer the kingdom of Naples, according to
his engagement, he plainly refused ; pretending that the winter
w^as near at hand, and that it was by far more fitting, that all
Christian princes were agreed among themselves to make war
against the Great Turk. So ihat all the favour the duke of Guise
had, by undertaking this journey into Italy, was to get a kiss of the
Pope's foot ; which occasioned great anger in the King of France,
both at the one and the other. Then, for the space of two months,
every man at the court of France had liberty to speak ill of the
Pope ; who at that instant agreed with the King of Spain by the
mediation of that same cardinal CarafF, who had cariied the sword
and hat a little before to the King of France. Which cardinal
was afterwards strangled by the next Pope, Pius IV. for practising
to bring the great Turk into Italy against the Christians ; which
he at his death confessed he had, for his own greatness. This I
understood afterward, being at Ronne.
22
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Now to return to the duke of Guise's army abandoned by the
Pope : he returned to France with the loss of the most part, dead
for hunger, and weakned b\' sickness, and slain by the Spaniards,
who waited at their heels al! the way. Before the duke of Guise's
coming home to France, the King of Spain was entered upon the
frontiers of France with a great army of thousand men :
whom to resist, the constable my master was sent with sixteen
thousand. The day before he took leave of the King at Rheims
in Champaigne, riding to the hunting, there came a man in grave
apparel fo'lowing him on foot, crying for audience for God's sake.
Whereupon the constable staid, willing him to speak. Who raid,
" The Lord says. Seeing that tliou wilt not know me, I shall like-
wise not know thee ; thy glory shall be laid in the dust." This
strange language put the constable in such a rage, that he stiuck
the poor man in the face with the horse-rod which was in his
hand, and threatned to cause him to be hanged. The man
answered, " That he was willing to surTer what punishment he
pleased, seeing he had performed his commission." The duke
of Nevers perceiving the constable tioubled, drew near, desiring
to know the cause. The constable told him that such a knave had
been preaching to him of God. Then the dulce did also threaten
the poor man. But as they did ride forward after the king, I
staid behind, and asked the man what had moved him to use such
strange language towards the constable ; he answered, " That
the spirit of God gave him no rest till he had discharged his mind
of that commission given him by God."
Now the Spanish army above mentioned was led by Emmanuel
Duke of Savoy along the frontiers of France, who at last planted
his camp about the town of St. Quintin. Whither the constable
sent the Admiral of Chastillon his sister's son, to defend the same,
and lodged his camp at La Fer, five leagues from the town of St.
Quintin, which was not sufhciently furnished with men and
munition : wherefore he essayed the next day, in vain, to put in
it more companies, under the conduct of Monsieur d'Andelot
brother to the said Admiral. After the preparation of two days,
he marched forward with his whole army toward St. Quintin,
carrying with him eighteen cannons, with some boats that are
commonly in camps, to pass the army over riveis and waters.
For there was a little loch upon the south-west side of the town,
in the which the said boats were set. And Monsieur d' Andelot
first with 300 entred the town that way ; but so soon as it was
perceived, the enemy stopped the rest from entring.
But so soon as the Duke of Savoy was coming with his whole
armv towards us, the constable alledging that he had furnished St.
Quintin sufficiently, drew homev/ards towards La Fer in good
order, intending to eschew battle if he could, the other being more
powerful than he. His intention was to pass and besiege Calais ;
but the whole horsemen of the enemy were hard at us, against the
time we had travelled four miles ; where the constable stopped
23
THE MEMOIRS OF
a little time. At length he said that these horsemen came to stay
us till the foot were advanced. Therefore he thought best to pass
forward to a narrow post betwixt a wood and a village, there to
give them battle if he could not escape them. In the meantime
marshal St. Andre, a great man for that time, gave unhappy
advice that all the French serv^ants who were on horseback should
retire from among the men at arms, lest they should be an impedi-
ment to them who were to fight, there being as many servants
as were masters. They were glad to get them out of
the press, spurring their horse with speed homewards,
intending to stay upon some hill to behold the combat. The
enemy perceiving so great a number of horsemen as they thought
flying, in the very instant took occasion to charge upon our light-
horsemen. Whereupon the constable, being in a valley between
two hills, marching toward the strait part, where he intended to
stay, spurred forward up the little hill that he might see how to
resist, and put order to the battle ; which gave an hard appre-
hension to others that he was flying. But when he turned on
the top of the hill to behold the onset, no man would tarry with
him for any command. Though he always cried. Return, Return,
their heads were homewards, and their hearts also, as appeared.
Then his master of the horse bringing him a Turkey speedy horse
to run away with the rest, he answered in anger, " That it was
against his profession and occupation to fly " ; addressing himself
fearlesly against the greatest troop of enemies, saying, " Let all
true servants to the King follow me " : Though only threescore
gentlemen accompanied him, who were all overthrown in an
instant. The constable desired to be killed ; but the master of
the horse cried continually, " It is the constable, kill him not."
But before he was known he was shot through the thigh, and then
was taken prisoner. I being hurt by a stroke Upon the head, was
again mounted by my servant upon a Scots gelding, which carried
me through the enemies, who were all betwixt me and home.
Two of them struck at my head with swords, because my head-
piece was strucken off in the first rencounter. These two were
standing betwixt us and home, to catch prisoners in a narrow
strait. But my horse ran through them against my wili, and
through the village, for the field between it and the wood was full
of smoke of the culverins. There most of our foot were slain.
The leaping over a dike separated me from the two, and so being
past the said village there was room enough to escape. So I
came safe to La Fer, where I did meet with Mr. Henry Killegrew
an English Gentleman, m.y old friend, who held my horse till I
sat down in a barber's booth to be dressed of the hurt in my head.
In the meantime a proclamation was made that no man should
remain within the town, but the ordinary garrison, because the
governor thereof looked for a siege.
By the loss of this battle, the town of St. Quintin, and several
other towns were lost : whereby the King of France found himself
24
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
reduced to so great straits, that he was compelled to accept of a
very hurtful peace at Cambray ; where I was for the time with
my master the constable, yet a captive.
With the said constable was adjoined in commission, the
cardinals of Lorrain and Chastillon, the marshal of St. Andre, the
bishop of Orleans, and the secretary 1' Aubespine. For the King
of Spain were, the duke of Alva, prince of Orange, and cardinal
Granvel. For Queen Mary of England were commissioners,
William Bishop of Ely, and doctor Wotton. The commissioners
made peace betwixt France, Spain, England and Scotland. The
constable was much for the peace : the cardinal of Lorrain
desired the continuance of the wars. For by the peace, the
constable would get leave to come home, to guide the King and
court again, as he had formerly done. By the continuance of the
wars, he would remain still prisoner, leaving the government of
the King and court of France to the cardinal and the duke of
Guise his brother. Spain, that was victorious, took advantage
of their strife and emulation. France and England lost by
the said peace. The King inclined most to the constable's
counsel. England appeared desirous that Calais should
be restored, believing that the King of Spain would not
agree till they had satisfaction of their demands. Yet they were
frustrate of their expectations. At length perceiving the two
great Kings careless of their satisfaction, they appeared content
with a scornful mean (albeit it was not) cast in by the cardinal
of Lorrain, to wit, that Calais should be restored to them at the
end of eight years, or else 500,000 crowns. And for payment
of the said sum, in case the said town was not renderd unto them
at the end of the time specified, that in the meantime they should
have three great men of France, to be kept as pledges for the
restitution of the said town. Now the English commissioners
knew that nothing of this would be kept, nevertheless they
appeared content finding themselves abandoned by Spain. So
the peace being concluded, Spain obtained all their desires ; the
constable obtained liberty ; the cardinal of Lorrain could not
mend himself, no more than the English commissioners.
However the said cardinal took this advantage of the said peace,
that the first article of the peace obliged all of them to leave their
partialities, and join together to suppress the great number of
hereticks, v^^ho were so increased through all their dominions,
that it was thought hard enough to the Pope, the Emperor, the
Kings of Spain and France, together with the Queen of Scotland,
to reduce them again to the catholic faith. The said cardinal
proposed to himself another advantage, wherewith to recompence
his losses : for he thought at the end of eight years, when England
would look either to get Calais restored again to them, or else the
sum above specified, he would cause his sister's daughter the
Queen of Scotland, to be proclaimed righteous Queen of England,
and alledge that Queen Elizabeth was but a bastard. And that
25
THE MEMOIRS OF
way he thought not only Calais but all England should appertain
to the Queen of Scotland. As for the pledges, he resolved such
men should be chosen that France would make little account of.
After the concluding of this peace, ambassadors were sent to
Flanders and England. The cardinal of Lorrain out of France,
to take the King of Spain's oath, and to swear for the King of
France his observation thereof. The secretary Dardois also was
sent out of France, to do the like in the name of the dauphin of
France, and the Queen of Scotland his spouse, giving them this
new stile, " In the name of Francis and Mary King and Queen
of Scotland, England, and Ireland, dauphin and dauphiness of
Viennois." Whereat the duke d' Alva and cardinal Granvel
smiled, saying, " This will breed some business ere it be long."
The cardinal of Lorrain shortly after caused to be renewed all the
Queen of Scotland's silver vessels, and engraved thereon the arms
of England. The marshal Montmorancy, my master's eldest son,
was sent to England to swear the peace, and to take the Queen of
England's oath. So soon as Sir Nicholas Throgmorton under-
stood of this new stile and arms, usurped by the Queen of Scotland,
to which he said she had no right, he being ambassador from the
Queen of England to France, complained thereof to the King and
council of France, though he got but Dutch excuses ; alledging
that in Dutchland all the princes brothers, cousins, or childien,
are stiled princes or dukes of that same house. The constable
advised the King to commission me to swear the peace in
Scotland. But the cardinal of Lorrain alledged Monsieur
Bettancourt master of the household to the Queen regent was
meeter ; because the instructions tended to declare unto the
Queen regent, how that the first and principal article of the peace,
was that the Pope, the Emperor, the Kings of Spain and France,
should join together to reduce again the most part of Europe to the
Roman catholick religion, and to pursue and punish with fire
and sword all hereticks who would not condescend to the same ;
desiring the Queen regent to do the same in Scotland ; and to
begin in time, before the heresy should spread any further ;
which was already too far spread by her gentle forbearance, as
had been reported to the King of France ; praying her diligently
to take course therein without fear, or respect of persons, seeing
that no country of itself was able to withstand the whole forces
of so many confederate catholick great princes.
It is above declared, that all those prelates who had great rule
and authority for the time, had assisted the Queen regent in
breaking the contract of marriage with England, and transporting
the young Queen to France. But the archbishop of St. Andrew's
began to think, that in case the young Queen died without
succession to her body, the earl of Arran his nephew might the
easilier be crowned, the governor his father being already in
possession, was against the transporting the crown-matrimonial
to France. And he having for the time the guiding both of the
26
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
governor his brother, and of the countn,', drew easily the most
part of the clergy upon his side. Whereupon the Queen dowager
was compelled to address herself to a contrary faction to be the
more in a capacity of compassing her design ; to wit, to the
nobility and barons, who were become professors of the reformed
religion, conniving at their secret preaching, for further in-
gratiating herself with them : whereby the protestants so
increased, that the most part of the country became professors
of the reformed religion. And such as had upon that account
been formerly banished, as upon account of the slaughter
of the cardinal, were called home to fortify the faction
that most furthered her designs. In the meantime the bishop
of St. Andrew's fel! sick, so that he lost his speech and was given
over for dead. The Queen dowager looks upon this as a fit
opportunity- of wresting tlie government out of the lord Hamilton's
hands, ha\-ing the concurrence of the lords that were protestants,
and their dependents, who were not a little incensed at the said
governor, because he had been so influenced by his brother, as
by his counsel to endeavour the ruin of their religion. And the
ways they took became effectual, he having been at last induced
to resign the government into the Queen's hands, who thereupon
was declared regent.
The protestants were thus at this time her best friends, and by
the diligent preaching of the preachers, they were increased to
so great a number, that she judged it would prove a dangerous and
difficult matter to compel them to desert their principles. But
the instructions which Bettancourt brought to her, and to
Monsieur d' Osel lieutenant in Scotland for the King of France,
and to all others who had greatest credit about her Majesty, were
so strict, and mixed with some threatenings, that she determined
to follow them. She therefore issued out a proclamation a little
before Easter, commanding every man great and small to observe
the Roman cathoHck religion, to resort daily to the mass, that
all should make confession in the ear of a priest, and receive the
sacrament. By word of mouth she acquainted several of the
protestant lords, that they behoved to desert their principles ;
she shewed to them the commission that was sent her out of
France, and the danger that would follow thereupon if not
obeyed .
When the nobility and states of the country perceiving her to
be in earnest, finding themselves also threatened by Monsieur
d' Osel, they left the court : and consulting together what was
meetest for them to do, they sent unto her majesty the earl of
Argile, and lord James prior of St. Andrew's, to shew her majesty
in name and behalf of the rest, how that they had been permitted
by her majesty to keep their own ministers of a long time, some-
times secretly, and sometimes openly. That by her tolerance,
their religion had taken such root, and the number of the
protestants so increased, that it was a vain hope to believe they
27
THE MEMOIRS OF
could be put from their religion, seeing they were resolved as
soon to part with their lives as to recant.
The Queen-regent did as much disrelish this kind of language
as they had done her proclamation, so that she began to persecute
and they to stand to their own defence, binding themselves
together under the name of the congregation. Therefore they
brake down images, kirks and cloisters.
The Queen-regent sent to France, advertising her daughter
and her husband of these disorders, requiring help and forces to
suppress this in time, or else all would be lost : declaring that she
had ground of fear, that my lord James prior of St. Andrew's,
natural son to James V. would under pretext of this new religion
usurp the crown of Scotland, and pluck it clean away from the
queen her daughter, unless sudden remedy were apphed thereto.
Upon this advertisement, some of the council of France advised
presently to raise a great army for reducing of Scotland ; but the
constable counselled the King, whose pensioner I was for the
time, to send me into Scotland. The King first gave me his
commission by word of mouth ; and then the constable his chief
councellor, directed me at length in his majesty's presence, as
followeth :
" Your native Queen (saith he) is married here in France unto
" the dauphin, and the King is informed by the cardinal of
" Lorrain, that a bastard son to James V. called prior de St.
" Andre, pretends under colour of religion, to usurp the kingdom
" unto himself. His majesty knows that I was ever against the
" said marriage, fearing thereby to make our eld friends our new
" enemies, as is like to come to pass this day : but I gave too
"■ great place to the house of Guise to deal in the affairs of Scotland,
" because the Queen-regent is their sister. But now seeing their
" violent proceedings are like to occasion the loss of the kingdom
" of Scotland, I must needs meddle and put to my helping hand,
" as having better experience of the nature of that nation than
" apparently they have. I assure you that the King is resolved
" to hazard his crown and all that he hath, rather than that your
" Queen be robbed of her light, seeing she is now married unto
" his son. And he resolves to send an army to Scotland for that
" effect, though he would gladly shun the trouble thereof, if it
" were possible. For now after his Majesty hath had wars long
" enough with his old enemies, and hath agreed with them upon
" very rational considerations, he is loath to enter again into a
" new unnecessary war with his old friends ; seeing there is
" probable ground of conjecture, that it is not their default, but
" that the same is occasioned by the harsh usage they meet with.
" I hear that Monsieur d' Osel is cholerick, hasty, and too
" passionate. Such are not qualified to rule over remote and
" foreign countries. I have also intelligence, that the Queen-
" regent hath not kept all things promised unto them. The
" king my master is not so rash, as readily to believe that Scotland,
28
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" who had kept so long friendship with France, would now so
" slightly break their old band, and abandon their duty to their
" lawful prince. The king is well acquainted with the incon-
" veniencies which may arise upon so distant and beyond-sea
" wars. He knows what charge it is to furnish our ships, which
" perchance may be thrice victualled ere they make sail, by reason
" of contrary winds, and that your seas are very dangerous. The
" marquiss d' Elbeuf was driven upon the coast of Noiway,
" when he thought to have landed in Scotland ; so that his voyage
" did no good, tho' his preparations for the same were very
" expensive. Though our army were well landed in Scotland,
" how oft might they stand in need of supply, when we, by reason
" of these and several the like difficulties, will not be able to help
" them, whereof we have too good experience when Monsieur de
" Lorge was there.
" I have brought you up from a child ; I understand that you-
" are come of an honourable family ; I have assured the King
" that I have had good proof of your honesty, so that his majesty
" is well minded toward you, at whose hand I hope you shall
" deserve a good reward : this is a commission of a far greater
" importance than that which Bettan court carried : for the King
*' will stay or send his army according to your report. Give it
" out that you are only come home to visit your friends. Let
" neither the Queen-regent nor d' Osel know of your commission
" wherein you are employed by the King, who is now your best
" master.
" First, try diligently and perfectly well, whether the said prior
" pretends to usurp the crown of Scotland to hiniself, or if he be
" moved to take arms only for conscience sake, in defence of his
" religion, himself, his dependents and associates. Next, try
" what promises are broken to him and them ; by whom, and at
" whose instance. Thirdly, if they desire another lieutenant
" in place of d' Osel.
" If it be only religion that moves them, we must commit
" Scotsmens souls unto God ; for we have difficulty enough to
" rule the consciences of Frenchmen. It is the obedience due
** unto their lawful Queen with the body that the King desires.
" If any promise be made to them, and not kept, the King nor I
' are not to be blamed. If they desire any other lieutenant in
" place of d'Osel, the King will send one, who I hope shall please
"them."
After that the constable had ended his instructions, the King
laid his hand upon my shoulder, and said. Do as my cousin hath
directed you, and I shall reward you. So I kissed his Majesty's
hand ; and taking my lea^'e, I went through England, and '^ound
the Queen-regent within the old tower of Faulkland ; because
that same day her army under duke Hamilton and Monsieur
d' Osel was ranged in battle upon Cowper Muir, against the lords
of the congregation : at what time her Majesty made a hard
D 29
THE MEMOIRS OF
complaint i;nto me of her disobedient subjects. And even as I
was speaking with her, tae duke and Monsieur d' Osel returned
from the said Muir without battle. Whereat the Queen was
much offended, thinking they had lost a very fair occasion.
I laid myself wholly out to be informed, if my lord James
intended, as was reported of him, to make himself King. Mr.
Henry Balnaves was then in great credit with him, and loved me
as I had been his own son, by reason of some acquaintance I had
with him in France, and small services I had done him there,
during his banishment. He first acquainted me fully, so far as
he knew, of my lord James's intention, and encouraged me to be
plain with the said lord James, assuring me of secresy and honest
and plain dealing. He was a godly, learned, wise and long
experimented counsellor. He went with me to the said lord
Prior, having shewn him my commission, which was verv ac-
ceptable to him ; he delayed not to advise with any other of his
counsel, what answer he should give me ; but instantly and
plainly told me his mind, in presence of the said Mr. Henry.
First, he declared what acceptable service he and his associates
had done to the Queen-regent, chiefly of late, when the bishop
of St. Andrew's had drawn the most part of the clergy against the
transporting the crown-matrimonial to France ; albeit he had
been mainly instrumental of sending the Queen thither, and in
persuading the governour his brother to break the contract of
marriage with Edward of England. He told what liberty of
conscience her Majesty had granted unto them, until the time that
the master of her household Monsieur Bettancourt returned from
France with the news of the peace ; and that, though since that
time she had changed her behaviour and countenance toward him
and those who had done her best service, he knew well enough
that it proceeded not from her own nature, but was occasioned by
the persuasions and threatnings of her brother and friends in
France. And further he rehearsed unto me all her and their
former proceedings, whereof mention is made already, affirming
still his good-will to her Majesty's service. And he further
declared, that the more effectually to remove all suspicions from
his sovereign and her husband of his designed usurpation, he was
content to banish himself perpetually ou* of Scotland, if it would
please the Queen and the King of France to grant him and his
associates such liberty as the Queen-regent had permitted them
till the home-coming of Bettancourt ; providing that his rents
might come to him to France, or any other country where he
should reside : and for security hereof, he offered that sufficient
pledges of the noblemens sons in Scotland should be sent to
France ; so that no King nor Queen of Scotland did ever receive
more chearful obedience than her Majesty should do, notwith-
standing of her absence.
With this answer I took my journey through England to France ;
and at Newcastle fell in company with an Englishman, who was
30
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
one of the gentlemen of the Queen's chamber ; a man well skill'd
in the mathematicks, necromancy, astrologA', and was also a good
geographer ; who had been sent by the council of England to the
borders, to draw a map of such lands as lay between England
and Scotland ; which part was alledged to be a fruitful soil,
though at that time it served for no other purpose but to be a
retreat to thieves. For Queen Elizabeth of England was lately
come to the crown, and had been advised by her council to this
course, as tending not only to the enlarging of her bounds, but
rendring these parts civil. I know not the reason why they
followed it not, though I conjecture that the variance which fell
out between the two kingdoms hindred it. The Englishman
and I by the way entred into great familiarity, so that he shewed
me sundry secrets of the country, and of the court. Among other
things, he told me, that King Henry VIII. had in his life-time
been so curious as to enquire at men called diviners, or necro-
mancers, what should become of his son King Edward VI. and
of his two daughters IVIar>- and Elizabeth : that answer was made
unto him again, that Edward should die, having few days, and no
succession ; and that his two daughters should the one succeed
the other : that Mary, his eldest daughter, should marry a
Spaniard, and that way bring in many strangers to England ;
which would occasion great strife and altercation : that Elizabeth
ohould reign after her, who should marry either a Scottishman
or a Frenchman. Whereupon the King caused to give poison
to both his daughters : but because this had not the effect he
desired (for they finding themselves altered by vehement vomitings
and purgings, having suspected poison, had taken remedies) he
caused to proclaim them both bastards. But the women that
attended about Queen Mary alledged that her matrix was con-
sumed : for she was several times supposed to be with child to
King Philip of Spain, yet brought forth nothing but dead lumps
of flesh. Therefore, to be revenged upon her father, the English-
man told me, that she had caused secretly in the night to take up
her father's bones, and burn them. This the honest gentleman
affirmed to be truth, though not known to many. He was a man of
great gravity, about fifty years of age. When he came to London,
he shewed me great kindness, and made meapresent of some books.
Upon my return to France, I found a great change. King
Henry II. being hurt in the head with a shiver of a spear by the
count of Montgomery, at the triumphal justings of his daughter's
marriage with the King of Spain, died eight days after at Paris.
And the constable my master was commanded to retire him from
court to his house, by the new King, Francis II. husband to our
sovereign ; who was wholly guided by the duke of Guise, and the
cardinal of Lorrain, competitors to the said constable in court-
emulation. Which occasioned that my voyage, and the answer
I had got, was all in vain ; for the house of Guise were the chief
instruments of all the troubles in Scotland.
31
THE MEMOIRS OF
When I did shew the constable at his house the answer of my
commission, which was according to his heart's desire, the tears
came over his cheeks, crying, " Alack for the loss of the King my
good master, that he should not have seen before his death
Scotland recovered again, which he esteemed lost : seeing you
are thereby also frustrate of a good reward, which this your
service merited. Now I have not such interest as I formerly
had to advance you ; but if you will take such part as I have, you
shall be very welcome." I answered, that as I had been with
him in his prosperity, I would not desert him in his adversity.
Now there was no more appearance of concord betwixt the
Queen-regent and the congregation in Scotland. For the King
of France was raising men to send thither. The congregation
again sought help from England ; which they obtained the rather,
because the English ambassador resident in France had advertised
his mistress, how that the Queen of Scotland and her husband had
taken the stile of England and Ireland, and also had engraven the
arms thereof upon their silver plate.
The Queen-regent and Monsieur d' Osel with his Frenchmen
inclose themselves within Leith ; which they did fortify to receive
the French supply which was daily expected. At length those
who were besieged made a sally, caused the congregation to fly,
and took their artillery, till an army from England came under the
conduct of the duke of Norfolk. At which the Queen-regent
being indisposed by the sea air at Leith, retired herself to the
castle of Edinburgh ; where she took sickness, and died, during
the time that Leith was besieged both by Scotland and England :
regretting that she had occasioned to herself and the kingdom so
much unnecessary trouble, by following the advice of her French
friends.
During the siege of Leith, all Scotsmen who were in France
Vv-ere detested ; and divers of them upon suspicion made prisoners.
Which obliged me to repair from the constable's house to the
court, to require licence from the Queen my sovereign to visit
other countries, whereby I might be rendered more able afterward
to do her Majesty agreeable service : which she granted, and
presenting me to the King her husband, I had a kiss of his hand,
and so took my leave.
The constable my good master recommended me to the elector
Palatine, advising me to remain at his court to learn the Dutch
tongue. I was courteously received by the said prince elector ;
and obtained such favour at his hands, that he obliged me to
attend at his court as one of his servants. So soon as he heard
of the death of King Francis IL King of France, who died at
Orleans, I was sent to condole for the said King's death, as the
custom of princes is, and rejoice with the new young King Charles
IX., also to comfort our Queen and the Queen-mother. The
King's death made a great change : the Queen-mother was glad
at the death of King Francis her son, because she had no guiding
32
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
of him, he being wholly counselled by the duke of Guise and the
cardinal his brother, the Queen our mistress being their sister's
daughter ; so that the Queen-mother was much satisfied to be
freed of the government of the house of Guise ; and for this
cause she entertained a great grudge at our Queen. In the mean
time, the King of Navar and Prince of Conde, who were im-
prisoned, and should have been executed three days after, the
scaffold being already prepared, were by the Queen -mother set
at libertj'. The constable also having been charged to come to
court, expected no better measure : he therefore gave it out that
he was sick ; being carried in a horse-litter, and making little
journeys, he drew out the time so long by the way, that in the
mean time the King died. Whereof being informed, he leaped
on a horse, and came frankly to court, and like a constable com-
manded the men of war who were upon the guards. The duke
of Guise and his brother were commanded out of the town.
The Queen-mother was glad at the constable's coming, seeing
she found herself by his authority and friendship with the King
of Navar the more in capacity to drive the house of Guise from
court.
The estates were convened at Orleans, and for the time the
King of Navar fell to be tutor and governor to the young King
and the country. But the Queen-mother knowing his faculty,',
hand-led the matter so finely by the constable's help, that the King
of Navar procured from the three estates that the Queen-mother
should be regent of the realm : to whom he rendered up his place,
being satisfied to be but her lieutenant. She having attained this
great point, caused the estates to require, that an account should
be made to them, by the duke of Guise, the marshal de St. Andre,
and the cardinal, of their intromission with the King's rents, and
affairs of the King and country. Whereupon they left the court,
binding themselves together to defend themselves against the
Queen-mother's malice : for, in effect, she was a deadly enemy
to all of them who had either guided her husband or her eldest
son.
I was all this time at Orleans, where I might see this change,
and had great favour of the King of Navar for the elector Palatine's
sake, who was his great friend. The Queen-mother also highly
esteemed the said prince elector, dispatching me with great thanks,
and a gift worth a thousand crowns.
Our Queen in the mean time seeing her friends in disgrace,
and knowing herself not to be much liked, she left the court, and
was a sorrowful widow, when I took leave of her at a gentleman's
house four miles from Orleans. So I returned to Dutchland,
with many instructions from the Queen-mother and King of
Navar. For she appeared to be inclined to profess publickly the
reformed religion, thinking it the meetest way to retain the govern-
ment and guiding of the King of Navar ; that being the only
faction which appeared able to gainstand the house of Guise,
33
THE MEMOIRS OF
who were banded with the Pope and King of Spain. The said
Queen-mother Hkewise entertained some resolutions of joining
with the protestant princes of Dutchland, and with the Queen of
England, count Egmont prince of Orange, count Horn, and such
as had in the Low Countries embraced the reformed rehgion, or
stood up for the Hberty of their country.
I bemg returned to Dutchland received news out of England
from Mr. Killegrew my old friend, that the peace was concluded
in Scotland at the siege of Leith : that the Frenchmen were to be
carried to France in the Queen of England's ships : that the Queen
of Scotland was to lay aside the arms of England : and the con-
gregation to have the free exercise of their religion. I leave all the
proceedings in the wars in Scotland to be declared by such as
were present, who will probably write that whole history : I shall
only touch such things as I myself was employed in, which I did
see with my eyes, and hear with my ears, which may serve for
little parentheses to historiographers, who had not the occasion
of being so well therewith acquainted.
Our Queen, then dowager of France, retired herself by little
and little further and further from the court of France, that it
might not appear that she was any way compelled thereto, as of a
truth she was by the Queen-mother's rigorous dealing, who
alledged that she had been despised by her daughter-in-law,
during the short reign of King Francis II. her husband, at the
instigation of the house of Guise.
Monsieur de Martigues, Monsieur d' Osel. la Brosse, the
bishop of Amiens, and such other Frenchmen as were lately
carried out of Scotland in the English ships, resorted to our Queen,
and declared unto her the whole progress of affairs, and the state
of the kingdom. These, as well as the rest of her friends, advised
her to return to Scotland (encouraging her with the hopes of
succeeding to the crown of England) rather than to endure the
Queen-mother's disdain in France : desiring her, as most con-
ducing for her interest, to serve the time, to accommodate herself
discreetly and gently to her own subjects ; to be most familiar
with my lord James, prior of St. Andrew's, her natural brother ;
and with the earl of Argile. who had married lady Jean Stuart,
her natural sister ; and to use the secretary Lidington and the
laird of Grange most tenderly in all her affairs ; and, in sum,
to repose most upon those of the reformed religion. Thus, those
who were a little before cruelly persecuted, are now to be esteemed
for chiefest and truest friends. Thus can God by his divine
providence renverse the finest practices and pretences of mighty
rulers and potentates, and turn all to the best to such as serve him
with a sincere heart : as, on the other hand, God abhorreth such
subjects as hypocritically, under pretext of religion, take occasion
to rebel against their native princes, for ambition, greediness, or
any other worldly respect.
The prior of St. Andrew's being advertised of the Queen
34
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
his sovereign's deliberation to return to Scotland, and to
use his and his friends advice ; he goeth himself to France,
requesting her Majesty to return to her own, promising to
serve her faithfully to the utmost of his power : and returns
again to Scotland, to prepare the hearts of her subjects against her
home-coming. After this, her Majesty went to Janville, the duke
of Guise's dwelling-place, about the marches of Lorrain, and at
length went to visit the duke of Lorrain at Nancy ; where I
chanced to come shortly after, in company of the duke Casimir
second son to the elector Palatine. But the Queen was already
parted from the court of Lorrain toward Janville ; whither I took
occasion to go to tender to her Majesty the offer of my most humble
and dutiful service. And the said duke Casiniir, understanding
that I w^as to ride thither, did write a very kind letter to her
Majesty, comforting her the best he could, offering his service in
case any in France should wrong or injure her, and that he would
bring to her aid upon her letter loooo men. Her Majest^' was
much refreshed with this friendly offer ; and she was pleased to
give me thanks for the demonstrations I had given of being entirely
de\oted to her interest, shewing me she had been made acquainted
therewith while I was at the court of France. She desired me
earnestly, when I resolved to retire out of Germany, to come
home and serve her Majesty, with very friendly and favourable
offers. So I returned back to the duke Casimir, who was about
contracting a marriage with the duke of Lorrain's eldest sister :
which took not effect, because the old dutchess her mother,
who was King Christieri^us daughter of Denmark, begotten upon
the Emperor Charles's sister who also lost the kingdom of
Denmark, pretending to make it hereditable, whereas it was
elective (the said King Chiistiemus was kept in prison, till his
death) ; this dutchess [I say] his daughter alledged, that the
kingdom of Norway appertained unto her, as heir unto her father,
and that the said Kingdom was hereditary unto her father,
albeit Denmark was not ; and intended then to marry her eldest
daughter unto Frederick King of Denmark, and to give over with
her said daughter the kingdom of Norway. But the said dutchess
offered unto duke Casimir her second daughter ; which he refused,
and dealt with his father to send me unto England, to propose
marriage for him unto the Queen of England. But I refused to
undertake that commission, having ground to conjecture that she
would never marry, upon the reflexion I made upon that story
one of the gentlemen of her chamber had told me . seeing the
knowing herself unable for succession, I supposed she would
never render herself subject to any man. The said duke was
very much displeased at me, because I refused.
About this time the cardinal of Lorrain being at Trent, took
occasion to visit the old Emperor Ferdinand at Inspruck his
dwelHng-place, not far from Trent. And there the said cardinal
proposed two marriages, first the King of France Charles IX. to
35
THE MEMOIRS OF
the eldest daughter of Maximilian son to Ferdinand, lately chosen
King of the Romans, and coadjutor to the empire. Then he
proposed the Queen of Scotland dowager of France to Charles
archduke of Austria, brother to the said Maximilian.
The Queen was by this time returned to Scotland, and apparently
had been advertised by the said cardinal, that he had proposed
the said marriage, and it seems she had relished the overture.
Her Majesty returning was gladly welcomed by the whole
subjects. For at first, following the counsel of her iriends, she
behaved herself humanely to them all, committing the chief
handling of her affairs unto her brother the prior of St. Andrew's,
whom afterward she made earl of Murray, and to the secretary
Lidington, as meetest, both to hold the country at her devotion,
and also to beget a strict friendship between her Majesty and the
Queen of England. For my lord Murray had great credit with
my lord Robert Dudley, who was afterward made earl of Leicester.
And the secretary Lidington had great credit with the secretary
Cecil. So that these four made a strict and sisterly friendship
between the two Queens, and their countries. So that there
appeared outwardly no more difference, but that the Queen of
England was the elder sister, and the Queen of Scotland the
younger, whom the Queen of England promised to declare second
person, according to her good behaviour. So that letters and
correspondence past weekly betwixt them ; and at first there
appeared nothing more desired by either of them, than that they
might see one another, by a meeting at a convenient place, whereby
they might also declare their hearty and loving minds each to
other : for our Queen was so nettled with the hard usage she had
met with from the Queen-mother of France, who had likewise
hardly used all her friends of the house of Guise, that she was the
more earnest to make friendship with her, and vv'ith such whom
she knew that Queen liked worst. The two Queens this way
keeping on their outward friendship for a while, with the plain
and honest meaning of our Queen, as I afterward did perfectly
know ; there came a letter to me out of Scotland from the secretary
Lidington, at the Queen's command, desiring me to make myself
acquainted with the archduke Charles of Austria, youngest brother
to Maximilian then King of the Romans, and Emperor in effect ;
for the Emperor Ferdinand his father had nothing but the name,
by reason of his age. I was desired to inform my se f concerning
his religion, his rents and his qualities, his age and stature, and
desired to send home word, and therewith to send his picture, if
it could be done. It was thought I might obtain the occasion
thereof by means of the elector Palatine my master, for the time
greatest in favour with the Emperor Maximilian.
Now my lord elector being at an imperial convention holden
at Ausburg, had of his own head enquired of Maximilian, what the
cardinal of Lorrain's business had been with his father Ferdinand
when he came to see him from Trent : for the good elector was
36
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
afraid it had been about some matters of religion. For Ferdinand
was a devout catholick, and Maximilian appeared to be a zealous
protestant : for he was but lately chosen King of the Romans at
Frankfort, not without difficulty. Being himself one of the seven
electors as King of Bohemia, he was to sue six electors for their
votes ; to wit, the elector Palatine, the duke of Saxony, and the
duke of Brandenburg, three protestant princes ; and three bishops,
Mcntz, Triers and Cologne, catholicks. Both these factions were
put in hope, that being Emperor he would declare himself of their
principles. In the meantime he used secret preachings, to please
the protestants : but he went openly to the mass, whereby the
bishops thought themselves assured of him. But the good elector
Palatine believed firmly, that after his father's death he would
declare himself a plain protestant. Thus he won both parties to
make him Emperor. He told the elector Palatine at the convention
in Ausburg, that the cardinal of Lorrain had proposed two
marriages to the Emperor his father : the one was, Charles young
King of France to his own eldest daughter ; the other was, the
Queen of Scotland, dowager of France, to his brother the arch-
duke Charles. The elector enquired how he relished these t\vo
marriages. He answered he could not but like well of them,
seeing he was not to expect a better match to his daughter than the
King of France, nor to his brother than the Queen of Scotland,
who the cardinal also alledged had right to the crown of England.
The elector said, that since he was pleased with the overture of
marrying his brother to the Queen of Scotland, that he had a
Scottish gentleman with him, who could be a good instrument to
bring forward the said marriage.
Whereupon Maximilian desired to speak with me ; and because
for the time I was in the country of Hesse, he desired him to send
me to him upon my return. Which the elector did, and sent with
me one of his council, called Monsieur Zuligur, joining us in one
commission. When we had given account of our said commission,
my companion told the Emperoi, that I had a particular with his
majest\% and so retired himself, leaving me alone in the chamber :
where I presented a letter to him, written with the elector's own
hand in Dutch, signifying that I was the Scotsman whom he
promised to send unto him. After he had read the writing, he
did shew me the part wherein the elector assured him that I would
shew him the truth of all such things as I knew, which he would
ask of me, saying, you are much obliged to the elector Palatine,
for he hath given me a very good character of you. I pray you,
says he, tell me how long you have been in his company. I said,
more than three years. He inquired why I did not answer in
Dutch. I answe.'-cd, because I had the French more farniliar,
and knew that no language could come wrong to his majesty.
For he could very promptly speak good Latin, Italian, Spanish,
Sclavonian and French. Then he enquired again in French, how
I came to the elector Palatine. I told him, that being brought up
37
THE MEMOIRS OF
at the court of France with the constable, there had fallen out
some variance between France and Scotland, partly occasioned
from difference in religion, and partly from other particulars,
whence proceeded a general dislike at the court of all Scotsmen
at that time in France, some being upon suspicion imprisoned,
others look'd down upon ; the consideration whereof hastned
my prosecuting a former intention I had deliberated upon, of
visiting other countries : that being minded to begin at Dutch-
land, the constable of France had by his letter addressed me to
the elector Palatine. He enquired how long I had remained with
the constable. I answered, nine years. He said, I was happy who
had been so long in company with two of the wisest men in
Europe, and was pleased to say that he was glad of the occasion
of being acquainted with me. He began more particularly to
shew unto me the cause why he desired to speak with me, enquiring
concerning the estate of Scotland, of the late troubles with France,
of the agreement new made, what great men had the greatest
interest, and all the noblemens names who had assisted both
parties. He proceeded to enquire further, what help England
had made unto Scotland during the troubles with France ; if
they were bandied together ; if their friendship continued ; and
of the Queen's title to England ; if the nobility of Scotland would
concur to advance her to the crown of England ; if they would
think it the interest of Scotland to have the two kingdoms joined
in one, seeing it was to be supposed, that the Queen or Prince
would certainly chuse to dwell in the best country ; and thereby
would be further from them. These and several other things he
inquired, and I answered as I thought most pertinent. When
he had heard my returns, he was pleased to say it was not the least
good office that my lord elector had done him, in sending me to
him, and gave me thanks that I had been at the pains to come.
If Charles my brother, says he, were so happy as to obtain your
Queen in marriage, no man shall have more credit with him than
you. He desired me to abide with him some time, that he might
discourse with me at more length. So I tarried with him twenty
days with very favourable entertainment ; and discoursing with
me several times, he put me in hope that his brother Charles
would be shortly at home : and gave me an account of such news
as came to him from all countries. It was he who first told me
of the death of the duke of Guise, killed by Poltrot at the siege of
Orleans. He appeared to be very glad at the death of that gallant
warrior, though I could not conjecture for the time what could
move him. By frequent conference with him, I suspected that
he would be an enemy to the marriage of his brother with our
Queen : but, to get some further trial thereof, I requested my
companion Monsieur Zuliger to drink himself merry with some of
his secretaries, and then to cast in the purpose of the marriage of
our Queen with duke Charles, whether or no it was desired or
relished by the Emperor. The said secretary shewed him plainly,
38
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
that he was against any such preferment to his brother, whereby
he might become king "both of Scotland and England, by reason of
an essay that the emperor Charles V. had made once, to divide his
dommions_ among the three sons of Ferdinand his brother, failing
heirs of Kmg Philip his son, who then had but one son, Don
Carlo, sickly, and of a tender weak complexion ; whom he after-
wards himself killed secretly in prison, suspecting him to be of the
reformed religion, and to keep intelligence with the princes of
Flanders who professed the same. And Maximilian hoped to
succeed to the whole, failing heirs of the said King Philip, as
having married the said Philip's sister, and having by her manv
children of his own, whom he rather desired to be preferred than
his own brother. For in case the archduke Charles had been
made King of Scotland and England, he thought thereby he
would have the fitter occasion of usurping the Low Countries,
upon the pretext of some old right.
Having understood this, I would wait no longer but pressed
daily for my dispatch, that I might return to my lord elector :
and the emperor again used great intreaties to oblige me to stay
with him, promising to advance me if I would enter into his
service ; but finding no inclination in me to comply with his
desire therein, he at length willed me to stay with him but half a
year. But I humbly excused myself, pretending that I behoved
to be shortly in Scotland ; which moved him the more earnestly
to desire me to stay with him : which because I would not grant
to do, I found he was discontent. One night late after supper
he parted in a boat towards the town of Lintz, and sent his secre-
tary unto me, excusing himself that he did not meet with me before
parting, seeing an urgent occasion called for his speedy departure :
and seeing I was to return to Scotland, he had written a letter to
the Queen in my favour, which the secretary delivered unto me.
I told the secretary that I had not yet seen Italy, and that I was
purposed first to visit Rome, Venice, Florence, and the most
remarkable cities there, ere I returned to Scotland : upon which
account, at first I refused the said letter ; but he answered there
was no danger how long it was undelivered, seeing there was
nothing therein contained but what concerned myself.
The town of Ausburg being the nearest port of Germany to
Venice, I agreed with Alonsieur Zuliger to return toward my loid
elector, and thence I took my journey towards Venice and Rome :
and came back through all the fairest cities of Italy, and through
Switzerland to Heidelberg, where the prince elector kept his
court.
I have above declared how that the duke of Guise was slain by
Poltrot at the siege of Orleans. It was after the battle of Dreux,
in the which both the chieftains were taken : the prince of Conde
for those of the religion, and the constable for the King. The
Queen-mother incontinently made the peace, far against the mind
of Madam de Guise, who earnestly requested her not to make the
39
THE MEMOIRS OF
peace so suddenly, lest it should be thought that the duke of Guise
had only had hand in the wars. But nevertheless the Queen-
mother went fox'ward with the peace, changing the prince of
Conde for the constable, making them both good instruments of
the agreement.
The peace being made, the Queen-mother began to think upon
a wife for her son King Charles. For that effect, she sent unto
the prince Palatine a secretary called Monsieur Mylot, shewing
unto him that the King her son was very desirous to marry
Maximilian's eldest daughter : intreating him as a trusty friend
to propose the matter as of his own head, as a steadable alliance,
conducing for the weal of the empire ; and to send her the picture
of the princess, which she thought fit to be done upon same
considerations, before she would proceed more publickly. Which
affair he went about most diligently, and he was pleased to send
me with the answer and picture, with a congratulation of the late
made peace.
At my coming to the court of Franca, which was at Paris for the
time, the constable would needs be my convoy to the young King
and Queen-mother, who had a misliking of the said constable for
the time, because he had brought in the admiral to Paris against
her will, who was accused to have promised reward unto the
foresaid Poltrot, to kill the duke of Guise. The admiral again
desired to come before the privy council to purge himself, offering
to undergo his trial. But the Queen-mother desired not these
animosities among the great men to be removed, but rather wished
that their hatred might continue, and their contentions increase,
as having laid her plot to secure her own greatness by the means
of their strife, as was after manifestly seen. For during their
divisions, the duke of Guise, King of Navarre, prince of Conde,
the constable, the marshal de St. Andre, with the most notable
great men of France, were all slain. And because the said
admiral escaped during the wars, the peace was made for the third
time ; and under the covert of marriage of the young King of
Navarre, who was afterward King of France, the said admiral
was barbarously murdered with all that remained of the worthiest
noblemen and captains of France. But to return to the purpose :
the constable and admiral were at court at that time against the
Queen-mother's will, where the admiral was declared innocent of
the duke of Guise's slaughter. And at that time the constable
determined to abide at court, and to maintain himself in his office
of great master, by the authority of his great office of the con-
stabulary, assisted by the force of his friends ; foi he sufficiently
understood the Queen-mother's Italian tricks. Therefore, to
win credit, he presented me to the young King, and sat down upon
a stool by him and the Queen his mother, and held his bonnet
upon his head, taking upon him the full authority of his great
office, to the Queen-mother's great discontent ; whereat she was
so impatient, that she turned away her face when I was declaring
40
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
mj' commission. After the delivery of my letters of credence to
the King and her, %vhich the King was very glad to hear, being
thereby put in hope tliat the marriage would take effect ; he was
so desirous to see the picture of that young princess, that he cut
the thread himself that bound on the wax-cloth about the said
picture. In the meantime I retired me forth of the chamber ;
and was earnestly sought after the rest of the day, but could not
be found, until the constable and admiral came to their chamber
at even ; who enquiring of me the cause of my retiring, I re-
membered the constable, in what a rage the Queen-mother was
when I delivered my commission ; and that I found myself
obliged in honour to stand upon the reputation of my master, who
was a free prince. Whereupon they appeared well satisfied,
approving what I had done ; but withal they told me, that they
were the cause of that bad humour the Queen-mother had been
in, and that she had made a proclamation, that all ambassadors
should address themselves to the King, and her as regent. There-
fore they advised me to go the next day to see her at dinner,
assuring me that she would not fail to call for me, and enquire the
cause of my absenting before I had told out my commission ;
and he instructed me what I should say in answer. So soon as
her Majesty perceived me, she desired me to stay till she had
dined, telling me that she would send for her son the King to
come to her chamber, to hear out the rest of my commission.
The King being come, the chamber was voided, and her
]\Iajesty first enquired why I told not out the rest of my com-
mission the day before ? I answered, as I had been instructed,
how that it appeared to me for the time, she desired not so many
auditors, and that I stayed upon her better opportunity ; which
answer she appeared much to relish, desiring me when at any
other time I should be sent again, to address myself only to the
King, and to her, and to no other. I answered, that among ail
the King's ser\'ants I was best acquainted with the constable,
and therefore had made him my convoy to both their Majesties.
No, says she, I find no fault that you addressed yourself to him ;
yet I knew she entertained a mortal hatred against him. So after
I had ended the declaration of my whole commission, first con-
cerning the congratulation of the peace, and then made excuses
in the name of the confederate princes of the empire for sending
help to the prince of Conde during the wars for religion, with a
request to keep the said peace inviolate, and to make such laws
of oblivion, as were wont to be done among the Greeks and
Romans, after such civil dissentions. And then I gave a full
account, how my lord elector had proceeded with Maximilian,
and what his answer was. All the time that I spoke, she re-
membered the King to take good notice, saying, he was much
obliged to that good prince, that took such pains for his marriage
and the weal of his kingdom. Then she drew me aside, entering
into a particular discourse with me, telling me that she hoped I
41
THE MEMOIRS OF
would not make too long stay in Dutchland, but resolve to spend
some of my time in the court of France, seeing it was there I had
been brought up. For albeit, she said, she had several who could
speak Dutch, yet there was none about her, who were so familiar
with the princes of the empire as I was, or had such favour and
credit, as she understood I had, to do the King and her service.
Therefore she offered to make me a gentleman of the King's
chamber, to provide me with an honourable pension, to advance
me to offices and honours, as if I had been a Frenchman born ;
and that she would employ me not only to Germany, but also to
England and Flanders. I gave her Majesty many thanks, taking
her offer to my consideration. In the mean lime that I was
waiting upon my dispatch, the admiral's death was conspired by
the brother and friends of the duke of Guise, to be executed by
captain Charray, in great favour with the Queen-mother as chief
captain of her guard, commanding joo hacbutiers Gascons.
The said enterprise being discovered to the constable by the old
dutchess of Ferrara, daughter to King Lewis XII. mother to the
widow dutchess of Guise. The constable went to his house, four
leagues from Paris ; and the next day after the said captain Charry
was slain upon the streets of Paris, by Monsieur Chattelier the
admiral's friend ; which put the Queen and all the court into a
fear and firm opinion that the deed was done by the constable's
and admiral's direction. But the admiral purged himself ; the
constable was sent for, and many requests made to him to settle
and establish quietness in the court and city.
While I was yet at Paris undispatched, I received letters from
the earl of Murray and Lidington at the Queen's command,
calling me home to be employed in her Majesty's service, in some
of her affairs of consequence ; which I presupposed to be con-
cerning her marriage. Whereupon I determined to obey my
Queen's commands, and immediately after my return to Germany,
to prepare for a journey to Scotland ; though this resolution of
mine was far contrary to the mind of the constable, admiral and
prince Palatine. But his son duke Casimir took occasion to
desire me to present his picture to Queen Elizabeth. I have
said already that he was very dissatisfied, because I refused to
go to England to propose marriage for him to the Queen, he
having been encouraged thereto by the vidame of Chartes, lately
come hither from the court of England, who thought himself so
familiar with that Queen, that he sent an Italian gentleman of
his, to propose that marriage, as he alledged, at the instance of
the elector Palatine, to whom the Queen gave a general answer,
desiring the young prince to come into England, either openly,,
or privately disguised, and declaring that she would never marry
man till she might first see him. Notwithstanding hereof I still
dissuaded his father from sending him, alledging that he would
be very chargeable to him, and that he would reap nothing but
scorn in recompence. Whereat the young prince was so moved
42
SIR "JAMES MELVILLE
that he left the court for three days. But the good prince his
father sent for him, threatning to discountenance him if he
became not my friend. Whereupon \ve agreed, that at this time
I should carry with me his picture, and present it to the Queen of
England in my return to Scotland, seeing I was so averse from his
going thither in person. Which I was satisfied to do, providing
that I might also carr^' along with me, the picture of his father
and mother, and of all the rest of his brothers and sisters, together
with a familiar letter from the elector, w-hereby I might have the
more easy access, and fitter opportunits' to bring in the purpose .
of the pictures, as by accident hoping that she would desire to see
them, especially the picture of the said young duke.
So having obtained my desire, I parted from Heidelberg,
where the elector held his court for the time, who gave me a
commission to the Queen of England ; to wit, an answer to her
demanded alliance, offensive and defensive, with the protestant
princes of Germany, which formerly had been but obscurely
answered unto her ambassador Sir Henry Knolls, at the dyet
imperial holden at Francfort in the year 1562 ; excusing himself,
and the rest of the princes his confederates, who had but lately
chosen Maximilian to be King of the Romans, and coadjutor to
the Emperor his father, seeing he had promised unto them to
declare himself openly a protestant, so soon as he durst, after the
decease of his old father Ferdinand : and in the meantime had
their promise to keep correspondence with him, and to make no
league with any foreign prince without his consent and knowledge.
And that if they had done otherwise, he might perchance have
taken occasion thereupon, to lay the blame upon them in case he
did not as he had promised. For they began to fear and doubt
of his upright meaning in reference to religion, and yet thought
not fit upon their part to give him any ground to lay the blame
upon them. But in case he kept not his promise after the decease
of Ferdinand, they should then presently make such alliance with
her as she had required, which they durst not for the time discover
unto her ambassador, requesting her Majesty to keep this secret
to herself.
She appeared satisfied with this excuse, promising to discover
it to none of her council ; but she lamented that the princes of
Germany were so slow and tedious in all their deliberations.
Whereupon I began to praise them for their truth, constancy,
religion, ardour and quick execution, after they had concluded
any weighty matter. But I set out most specially the elector
Palatine's humanity, his treating of strangers, upholding of
universities, and how he was the mouth of his confederates to
deal with all other neighbour princes. She answered that I had
reason to speak so concerning him, for he had written very much
in my favour, regretting that the inclinations I had to serve my
native Queen, had obliged me to leave him, though he would
gladly have retained me with him a longer space. I told her
43
THE MEMOIRS OF
Majesty what a great trouble it was to me to resolve to leave the
service of so worthy a prince ; that no consideration could have
engaged me thereunto, other than that duty I owed to my
sovereign, who had commanded me to attend her affairs. That
for the better remembrance of him, I desired to carry home with
me his picture, and the pictures of all his sons and daughters. So
soon as she heard me mention the pictures, she inquired if I had
the picture of the duke Casimir, desiring to see it. And when I
alledged I had left the pictures in London, she being then at
Hampton-Court, and that I was ready to go forward on my
journey, she said I should not part till she had seen all the pictures.
So the next day I delivered them all to her Majesty, and she desired
to keep them all night, and she called upon my lord Robert Dudley
to be judge of duke Casimir's picture, and appointed me to meet
her the next morning in her garden, where she caused to deliver
them all unto me, giving me thanks for the sight of them. I again
offered unto her Majesty all the pictures so she would permit me
to retain the elector's and his lady's ; but she would have none of
them. I had also sure information, that first and last she despised
the said duke Casimir. Therefore I did write back from London
to his father and him in cypher, dissuading them to meddle any
more in that marriage : and received great thanks afterward from
the said young duke, who immediately married the elector of
Saxony's eldest daughter. Albeit this may appear something
from the purpose of the Queen our sovereign, yet it brings me
home to her Majesty with some proposals of marriage to herself.
For the Queen of England entertained me very familiarly, shewing
me the sisterly love that was betwLxt her and the Queen our
sovereign, how careful she was of her welfare, how desirous to
see her well settled in her own country with her subjects, and also
well married. That she was resolved to propose two persons for
fit husbands unto her, whereby their amity might best stand and
increase, hoping that she would not marry without her advice,
promising upon her faith to write to me so soon as I was arrived
at Scotland, with her own hand, that I might be a good instrument
to move the Queen my mistress to accept either the one or the
other. Now though she forgot to write unto me about it, yet
she sent instructions to Mr. Randolph, to propose my lord Robert
Dudley as a very meet husband for our Queen. I supposed that
my lord Robert, afterward earl of Leicester, had dissuaded her
from employing me in that matter, seeing Mr. Randolph was
there already, her Majesty's agent.
Now the Queen my mistress, to keep promise and cor-
respondence with the Queen of England, had sent and advertised
her of the proposal made to her of a marriage with the archduke
Charles, requiring her friendly advice and consent therein.
The Queen of England answered her by her agent Mr. Thomas
Randolph, as followeth ; for after a little preface, he declares,
and gives in by writing, this to be the Queen his Mistress's mind :
44
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" The Queen my sovereign (said he) hath not only deeply
' advised about that proposal of marriage with your Majesty,
' but hath also thought it necessary by me to shew you what she
' thinketh both nieet and unmeet to be considered, and seemingly
' to her by way of friendship to declare, as a dear sister who
' intends your Alajesty's honour, and as a loving friend who is
' careful of your welfare.
" Three special things her Majesty thinlis fit to be considered
' in marriage.
" First, The mutual contentment betwixt both parties in
' respect of their private personages, so that their love each
' towards another may continue as well before God as man.
" Secondly, That the person may be such as your Majesty,
' being a Queen of a great realm and multitude of people, may be
' sure of an advantageous alliance, such as cannot be prejudical
' to your countr>''s interest."
" Thirdly, She thinks fit that the choice be such, that the
' amity which is now so strict betwixt the Queen's Majesty and
' your highness, not only for your own persons, but with both
' realms, may be continued, and not dissolved or diminished.
' Then he declares at length, how that he doubts not but that her
' Majesty, who was once already married, will know how con-
' siderately to ponder the match, that it may be meet for herself
' and her subjects : but as to what belonged unto the Queen his
' sovereign, it merited to be well considered.
" It is true that the seeking out a husband to your Majesty is
honourable and expedient ; a thing that her Majesty relisheth
much in your highness, albeit hitherto she hath not found such
disposition in herself, remitting her heart and mind in that
affair to be directed by the Almighty God.
" But this herein her Majesty considereth, that to seek out
such a husband, as is sought for by your friends, in the
Emperor's lineage, will certainly procure at last some mis-
understanding, and give apparent occasion of dissolving the
concord that is now betwixt the two nations, and an interruption
of such a course, as otherwise might be taken to further and
advance such a title as your highness hath to succeed to her
Majesty, to the crown of England, if she should depart without
issue of her body.
" Then he useth some unfit persuasions and menaces,
threatning that some in England were going about with
practices to set forward their pretended right, to her Majesty's
prejudice ; which she, by her discreet behaviour and conformity
to his mistress's pleasure, might prevent ; by moving her
thereby, not only to proceed in the inquisition after your
Majesty's right, and with her power to further the same, but
also to hinder that which appears to be to the contrary.
" And now, if your Majesty would know what kind of marriage
would best content her and her realm ; such a one as would
45
THE MEMOIRS OF
' breed no jealousy nor trouble betwixt your Majesties and your
' countries, as did the marriage with the French King ; but
' rather it is to be wished, that there might be found out some
' nobleman of great birth in England, who might be agreeable
' to you ; with whom her Majesty would more readily and more
* easily declare, that she inclines that failing of children of her
* own body, you might succeed to her crown : otherwise I do
' plainly tell you, that my sovereign can promise nothing in that
' matter tending to your satisfaction."
These were Mr. Randolph's first instructions and propositions
unto the Queen, concerning her marriage with the archduke
Charles. But he had a secret commission to my lord of Murray
and secretary Lidington, to propose my lord Robert Dudley ;
and he desired me also to set forward his marriage with the Queen,
as meetest of all other.
By this kind of procedure it was apparent, that the Queen of
England did not relish this proposal of marriage of the archduke
Charles to our Queen. She gave a farther and more clear
demonstration thereof a little after, by sending the earl of Sussex
to the Emperor's court, as well to congratulate his coronation, as
indirectly to draw on the marriage of the archduke Charles with
herself : and she was put in hope that it would take effect. Yet
this design was not so secretly managed, but our Queen was
thereof advertised, by some of her friends in England. And
from hence arose inw-ard griefs and grudges between the two
Queens, which within a little time bursted forth, occasion thereof
being given by the Queen of England : for in a familiar letter to
our Queen, she appeared therein to give her, as formerly, a
friendly advice ; which our Queen thought but double dealing,
remembring as well her late dissuading answer from the marriage
of the archduke Charles, as her late practices in the Emperor's
court. The Queen of England's letter was written at the desire
of some of the house of Hamilton : for after that Mr. Randolph
had spoken, as is above mentioned, against the marriage of the
Queen with the archduke Charles, and he alledged that some
noblemen in England would be fitter matches for her ; he pro-
ceeded so far with my lord of Murray and secretary Lidington,
as to say, what would you think of my lord Robert Dudley for
your Queen .'' But finding small account to be made of him,
he advertised the Queen his mistress thereof. Whereupon
liberty was granted to Matthew earl of Lenox, who dwelt then
in England, to go to Scotland, as desirous to see the Queen, and
take course in some of his own affairs. Now his eldest son, my
lord Darnly, was a lusty young prince, and apparently was one of
the two that the Queen of England had told me that she had in
her head to offer unto our Queen, as born within the realm of
England. But to return unto the letter written by the Queen of
England unto our Queen : she would appear therein to be very
careful for the Queen her sister's quiet estate and government,
46
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
desiring her to take heed, that in shewing pleasure to the earl of
Lenox, she did not displease the house of Hamilton, seeing therehy
trouble and strife might arise in her country. Sundry other such
purposes she had, which at some time would not have been taken
in ill part ; but now all advices given by the Queen of England
were misconstructed, partly because of her being instrumental in
hindring the marriage with prince Charles, and partly because
David Riccio, lately admitted to be her French secretary, was not
very skilful in inditing French letters, which she did write over
again with her own hand. The answer then that our Queen did
write unto the said letter, declared some suspicions and anger to
have been taken ; and these she manifested in some harsh ex-
pressions, which were constructed by the Queen of England as
a violation of their former familiarity and sisterly correspondence,
which had been ever kept up since the Queen's return out of
France. Whereupon ensued so great a coldness, that they left
off for a considerable time from writing each to other, as they had
formerly done weekly by post. So that the Queen resolved to
send me to England, to renew their outward friendship ; for in
their hearts from that time forth there was nothing but jealousies
and suspicions. The Queen my mistress thought, that if their
discord continued, it would cut off all correspondence between
her and her friends in England : and that Queen had no inclination
for war, but b^' all means possible desired to shun trouble, or any
occasion of expences, the King of Spain and she being already
entred into controversy : for he judged her a fomenter of the
troubles in Flanders and the Low Countries ; and not without
reason. For she thought herself abandoned by the King of Spain
at the late peace made at Cambray ; and her chief counsellors
thought it convenient for the interest of England, that factions
should be nourished in France, Flanders, Scotland and Spain.
At my home-coming to Scotland, I found the Queen's Majesty
at St. Johnston, in the year of God 1564, the 5th day of May.
I was very favourably received by the Queen's Majesty, and
presented unto her letters from the Emperor Maximilian, the
elector Palatine, the duke of Lorrain, and cardinal of Lorrain,
and duke of Aumale, all in my favours. After that I had at length
informed her that I found Maximilian was against the marriage
of his brother Charles ; she likewise understanding the Queen
of England's part therein, as is above specified, she altogether
laid aside any further thoughts of the marriage with the archduke
Charles. And whereas she had once resolved to have sent me to
Germany, she takes another resolution, intending that I should
be sent to England : though I was not yet resolved in settling
myself in Scotland, seeing small probability of advantage, and
greater appearance of troubles and disorders, than I could ever
imagine to find at my home-coming : and I was somewhat loath
to lose the occasion and offers of great preferment that had been
made to me in France and other parts. But I found the Queen
47
THE MEMOIRS OF
my sovereign so urgent, and of herself well inclined, and endowed
with so many princely virtues, that I could not find in my heart
to leave her, requiring so earnestly my help and assistance, to
draw the hearts of her subjects to her, which were alienated upon
account of difference in religion. I knew she stood in need to
gain friends, and that it was much her interest to keep corres-
pondence with the Queen of England ; so that I resolved rather
to serve her my native Queen for little profit, than any other
prince in Europe for great advantage. I found her naturally
more liberal than her revenues allowed her : for she not only
settled upon me in pensions looo merks yearly out of her revenues
in France, but she also offered me her heritage of her lands in
Auchtermuchtie ; which I refused to accept, alledging I could
better want it than she : though another hearing of so liberal
an offer, a little after sought and obtained it.
Thus I was engaged to resolve to wait upon her commands,
and to lay aside all hope of any other preferment in France and
other countries, albeit for the time I had no heritage but my
service. So within a few weeks I was dispatched to England,
with these following instructions out of the Queen's own mouth,
to deal with the Queen of England, with the Spanish ambassador,
and with my lady Margaret Douglas, and with sundry friends she
had in England of different opinions. The general instructions
were written with the secretary Lidington's own hand, subscribed
by her Majesty as follows :
Instructions to our familiar servitor James Melville , presen tly directed
to our dearest sister the Queen of England.
Given at Edinburgh, the 28th of September, 1564.
" V N the first, after that you have presented our letters and our
I " commendations in most heart^'^ manner, you shall declare
M. " unto our good sister, that having been upon my progress
" towards the northmost parts of our realm this t^-vo months,
" during which time we have had neither letter nor other ad-
" vertisement from our good sister : therefore, for continuation
" of the mutual intelligence betwixt us, by all good offices of
*' amity, v/e resolved to direct you towards her, to visit her on our
" behalf, to inform her of our health and good estate, that at your
" return you may be able to report the lil^e of her unto us, she
" being the person in the world to whom, next ourself, we wish
" most good luck and prosperity.
" Item, That by letters of my lord Robert to Lidington, as also
" of her secretary to our brother Murray and to Lidington, we
" have perceived that our said good sister finds some fault with
" our letters written to her in answer of her's in the earl of Lenox's
" matter, as if we had taken her motion therein in evil part. We
48
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" are most sorry that our letters have been so interpreted ; for
" of a truth we had no other meaning of her in that matter, than
" that her advertisement came from a friendly mind, and was both
" wordiy of thanks, and to be answered with the lilce good-will,
" as we believe we did in our letter, albeit we remember not
" presently die very words or substance thereof. For we use
" not to reserve any copy of our familiar letters written with our
" own hand, whereof we now repent because of that letter : for
" if we had any copy thereof, we might now clear ourselves of
" that doubt, viz. : What words therein could give her ground
" of offence. Therefore you shall pray her in our name, to let
" you see in that letter v.hat words they are which have offended
" her ; that you thereupon declaring my meaning, may put her
" out of any such suspicion. It is true, at the receipt of the letter,
" we were somewhat offended, and judged we had good cause,
" seeing it appeared that our nobility were grieved v/ith our
" licence granted to the earl of Lenox, that his coming was like
" to distuib the peace and quiet of our realm. Our brother and
" Lidington shew unto us, that they perceived by their secretaries
" letters, that they were also thought partakers in this matter ;
" and that they mistaking also his coming, desired the stay thereof
" to be procured by these indecent means : though they protested
" the contrary unto us, and indeed we have better proof of their
" fidelity toward us, than that we can suspect any such double
" dealing from their hands, they being so far obliged to us, and so
" much intrusted by us. We thought ourselves little indebted
'■' to that person, whosoever he was, that made such report of our
" subjects, that they would make known their grievances to any
" other than ourselves.
" These and the like considerations moved us to great choler,
" which probabh/ might have occasioned us to write the more
" freely, and that we were not curious to cover our passions,
" writing to her with whom we esteemed ourselves so familiar,
" that we had ground to believe she would take all in good part
" that proceeded from us, especially what was no ways designed
" for her offence. Therefore you shall pray her to put away
" all such opinions, if she have conceived any : and if there be
" any word in our letter having two senses, so that any one may
" be misconstrued, and so give to her occasion of offence ; intreat
" that she will rather interpret the same to the gentlest signification,
" and not take it in the worst sense. And tlien I doubt not but
" the whole letter shall appear to her as it was by us conceived
" and directed, that is, from one dear friend to another.
" We have further hereupon imparted our mind to you by
" mouth, which you may enlarge as occasion requires.
" You may desire her to give you an answer conform to the
" substance of Lidington's letters, v.ritten to my lord Robert and
" Mr. Cecil ; especially concerning the drawing on another
" meeting of men of credit, fully instructed with both our minds,
49
THE MEMOIRS OF
and to deal so plainly and frankly as all suspicion may have an
end.
" You must also inform yourself diligently concerning the
proceedings and intentions of this present parliament, of all
such as can give you any knowledge therein ; for what cause it
is called ; what is to be treated in it ; how long it will sit.
Endeavour to inform yourself, if anything touching us will be
therein handled. You may say to that Queen, as out of your
own head, that your mistress expects that she will suffer nothing
to be treated therein that may directly or indirectly tend to our
prejudice, we not being by her forev/arned thereof. She
knows, that as well our self, as our ministers, whom we have
at any time directed to these parts, have ever depended upon
her only advice, and followed the same in all points. And seeing
the special matter moved in the beginning of the last parliament
was the establishing of the succession, and that it was probable
that the subjects would yet be earnest to be at a certainty in that
point : and if she omits so good an occasion of doing something
for us, whereby the world may understand that she useth us and
esteems us as her next cousin and only sister, the world will
think that her amity is not so great, as we take it to be. And
such as envy our familiarity, and would have it broken, will
hence take occasion to speak, that our friendship is rather in
words than deeds.
MARIE R.
Being arrived at London, I lodged near the court which was at
Westminster. My host immediately gave advertisement of my
coming ; and that same night her Majesty sent Mr. Hatton,
afterward governor of the Isle of Wight in her name to welcome
me, and to shew me, that the next morning she would give me
audience in her garden at eight of the clock. She had been
advertised by the earl of Bedford governor of Berwick, that I
was upon the way. That same night I was visited by Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton, one of my old and dearest friends by long
acquaintance ; first during his banishment in France, in the
reign of Queen Mary ; and afterward while he was ambassador
in France for this Queen, where I was for the time pensioner
to King Henry II. and servant to the constable. This Sir
Nicholas was my dear friend, and had procured a pension for me
from his mistress, to help to entertain me on my travels, when I
had willingly banished my self the court of France, so long as
there were civil wars between France and Scotland. He was a
devout friend to the Queen my mistress, and to her right and title
to the succession to the crown of England. From him I had full
information of affairs, and friendly advice how to proceed with the
Queen, and every courtier in particular : for he was a special
instrument of helping my lord of Murray and secretary Lidington,
50
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
to pack up the first friendship betwixt the two Queens ; and
betwixt the earl of Murray and lord Robert ; and between the
two secretaries. Albeit he had no great kindness either for my
lord Robert or secretary Cecil, yet he knew that nothing could be
done without them. Among other counsels, he gave me advice
to use great familiarity with the ambassador of Spain, in case I
found the Queen his mistress hard to be dealt with ; alledging
that it would be a great spur to move the Queen of England, to
give our Queen greater, and more speedy contentment in her
desire, than yet she had done.
The next morning Mr. Hatton, and Mr. Randolph late agent
for the Queen of England in Scotland, came to my lodging, to
convoy me to her Majesty, who was, as they said, already in the
garden. With them came a servant of my lord Robert's, with a
horse and footmantle of velvet laced with gold for me to ride upon.
Which servant, with the said horse, waited upon me all the time
that I remained there. I found her Majesty walking in an alley.
And after I had kissed her hand, and presented my letter of
credence, I told her Majesty in French the effect of my commission,
as near to the aforesaid instiuctions as I could ; and sometimes
being interrupted by her demands, I answered as I judged most
pertinent. The reason why I spoke French was, that being but
lately come home, I could not speak my own language so promptly
as was requisite. Her first demand was concerning the letter that
the Queen had written to her with such despiteful language, that
she thence conjectured all friendship and familiarity to have been
given up : which had made her resolve never to write any more,
but another as despiteful which she took out of her pocket to give
me to read, she having had it already written to shew it me. She
told me she had hitherto delayed to send it, because she thought
it too gentle, till she had written another more vehement, for
answer to the Queen's angry bill. For my part, I appeared to
find such hard interpretation to be made upon the Queen's loving
and frank dealing very strange. I told her Majesty, that my
mistress could not call to mind, what words they were which had
given her such offence. Whereupon she brought forth the
Queen's letter, giving it me to read. Which when I had perused,
I said I could find therein no offensive word, when I considered
the familiarity had formerly been betwixt them : alledging, that
albeit her Majesty could speak as good French as any who had not
been out of the country, that yet she was out of use of the French
court language, which was frank and short, and had frequently
two signiifications, which familiar friends took always in the best
part : ^intreating her Majesty to tear the angry letter, which she
thought to have sent in answer. And in revenge of the Queen's,^
I protested, that I should never let her Majesty know that her
true plain meaning had been so misconstrued. Having tossed
some words upon this matter, she being desirous of an honest
colour or pretext, she appeared the more readily satisfied in that
51
rHE MEMOIRS OF
point. For the fear she had, that friendship and correspondence
should ahogethcr break off, our Queen being the first seeker to
renew and continue the same, by sending me thither, thereby-
evidencing that she did not stand upon ceremonies with her elder
sister, in my presence then she did rent her angry letter, with
promise of such friendly and frank dealing in times coming, as
all her good sister's dealings and proceedings should be interpreted
to the best.
Thus the old friendship being renewed, she enquired if the
Queen had sent any answer to the proposition of marriage made
to her by Mr. Randolph, I answered, as I had been instructed,
that my mistress thought little or nothing thereof, but expected
the meeting of some commissioners upon the borders, with my
Jord of Murray and the secretary Lidington, to confer and treat
upon all such matters of greatest importance, as should be judged
to concern the quiet of both the countries and satisfaction of
both their Majesties minds. For seeing your Majesty cannot
so soon find the opportunity of meeting betwixt your selves,
so much desired, which in itself is not so expedient until
all other jealousies be first removed, and all former doubts
cleared by your most trusty and familiar counsellors, the Queen
my mistress, as I have said, is minded to send for her part my
lord of Murray and the secretary Lidington, and expects that
your Majesty will send my lord of Bedford and my lord Robeit
Dudley. She answered, it appeared that I made but small
account of my lord Robert, seeing that I named the earl of Bedford
before him : but said that ere long she would make him a far
greater earl, and that I should see it done befoie my returning
home. For she esteemed him as Iier brother and best friend,
whom she would have herself married, had she ever minded to
have taken a husband. But being determined to end her life in
virginity, she wished that the Queen her sister might marry him,
as meetest of all other with whom she could find in her heart to
■declare her second person. For being matched with him, it
would best remove out of her mind all fears and suspicions, to be
ofi:"ended by any usurpation before her death. Being assured that
he was so loving and trusty, that he would never permit any such
thing to be attempted during her time. And that the Queen my
misti-ess might have the higher esteem of him, I was required
to stay till I should see him made earl of Leicester, and baron of
Denbigh ; which was done at Westminster v^'ith great solemnit>%
the Queen herself helping to put on his ceremonial, he sitting
upon his knees before her with a great gravity. But she could
not refrain from putting her hand in his neck, smilingly tickling
him, the French ambassador and I standing by. Then she
turned, asking at me, " How I liked him ? " I answered, that as
he was a worthy servant, so he was happy who had a princess
who could discern and reward good service. Yet, says she, you
like better of yonder long lad, pointing towards my lord Darnly,
53
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
who as nearest prince of the blood, did bear the sword of honour
that day before her. My answer was, that no woman of spirit
would make choice of such a man, who more resembled a woman
than a man. For he was handsome, beardless and lady-faced.
And I had no will that she should think that I liked him, or had
any eye or dealing that way. Albeit I had a secret charge to deal
with my lady Lenox, to endeavour to procure liberty for him to
go to Scotland (where his father was already) under the pretext
of seeing tlie countn,', and conveying the earl his father back again
to England. Now I found the Queen of England was determined
to treat with my sovereign, first concerning her marriage with the
earl of Leicester, and for that effect she promised to send com-
missioners unto the borders. In the meantime I was very
favourably and familiarly used. For during nine days that I
remained at the court, it pleased her Majesty to confer witli me
every day, and sometimes thrice in a day, in the morning, after
dinner and after supper. Sometimes she would say, that seeing
she could not meet with the Queen her good sister to confer with
her familiarly, that she was resolved to open a good part of her
inward mind to me, that I might shew it again unto the Queen.
She told me she was not so much offended with the Queen's
angry letter, as that she seemed so far to disdain the marriage of
my lord of Leicester, which she had caused Mr. Randolph to
propose to her. I answered, that it was probable he had let fall
something thereof to my lord of Murray and Lidington, but that
he had never proposed the matter directly to herself, and that as
well her Majesty, as those who were her most fam.iliar counsellors,
could conjecture nothing thereupon, but delays and driving off
time concerning the declaring of her to be second person, v.'hich
would be clearly tried at the meeting of the commissioners above
specified. She replied, that the trial and declaration thereof
v.ould be hasted forward according to the Queen's good behaviour,
and applying herself to follow her pleasure and advice in her
marriage. And seeing the matter concerning the said declaration
v.-as so weight^% and of so much import, she had ordered some of
the best lawyers in England, diligently to search out who had the
best right ; and she heartily wished it might be found to be her
dear sister, rather than any other. I said, I was very confident
that her Majesty was ingenuous in that declaration, and that my
mistress expected no other at her hand : but I lamented, that
even the wisest princes did not sufficiently pry into the hidden
designs of their familiar counsellors and servants, except it were
such an honourable and rare prince as Henry VIIL her Majest5''s
father of happy memory, who of his own head was determined
to declare his sister's son. King James V. heir apparent to the
crov/n of England, failing heirs to be gotten of his own body,
while her Majesty was not yet born, but only her sister Queen
Mar>-, and that for the earnest desire he had to unite this whole
island. She said she was glad he did it not. I said, that then
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he had but one daughter, and expected no more children, and yet
he had not so many suspicions in his head as your Majesty hath,
though you are certainly convinced you will never have any
children, seeing your Majesty declares yourself resolved to die a
virgin. Yes, says she, I am resolved never to marry, if I be not
thereto necessitated by the Queen my sister's harsh behaviour
toward me. I know the truth of that, madam, said I ; you need
not tell it me. Your Majesty thinks, if you were married, you
would be but Queen of England ; and now you are both King and
Queen. I know your spirit cannot endure a commander. She
appeared to be so affectionate to the Queen her good sister, that
she expressed a great desire to see her. And because their so
much, by her, desired meeting could not be so hastily brought to
pass, she appeared with great delight to look upon her Majesty's
picture. She took me to her bed-chamber, and opened a little
cabinet, wherein were divers little pictures wrapt within paper,
and their names written with her own hand upon the papers.
Upon the first that she took up was written, " My Lord's pictuie."
I held the candle, and pressed to see that picture so named. She
appeared loath to let me see it ; yet my importunity prevailed for a
sight thereof, and found it to be the earl of Leicester's picture.
I desired that I might have it to carry home to my Queen ; which
she refused, alledging that she had but that one picture of his. I
said, your Majesty hath here the original ; for I perceived him
at the farthest part of the chamber, speaking with secretary Cecil.
Then she took out the Queen's picture, and kissed it ; and I
adventured to kiss her hand, for the great love therein evidenced
to my mistress. She shewed me also a fair ruby, as great as a
tennis-ball. I desired that she would either send it, or my lord
Leicester's picture, as a token unto the Queen. She said, if the
Queen would follow her counsel, that she would in process of
time get all she had ; that in the meantime she was resolved in a
token to send her with me a fair diamond. It was at this time
late after supper ; she appointed me to be with her the next
morning bj- eight of the clock, at which time she used to walk
in her garden. She enquired several things of me relating to this
kingdom, and other countries wherein I had travelled. She
caused me to dine with her dame of honour, my lady Strafford
(an honourable and godly lady, who had been at Geneva banished
during the reign of Queen Mary) that I might be always near her,
that she might confer with me. I had formerly been acquainted
with my lady Strafford, as she passed through France. I had
good intelligence from her and my lady Throckmorton. At
divers meetings we had divers purposes. The Queen my mistress
had instructed me to leave matters of gravity sometimes, and cast
in merry purposes, lest otherwise I should be wearied, she being
well informed of that Queen's natural temper. Therefore, in
declaring my observations of the customs of Dutchland, Poland
and Italy, the busking of tlie women was not forgot, and what
54
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
countn,' weed I thought best becoming gentlewomen. The Queen
said she had cloaths of every sort ; which every day thereafter,
so long as I was there, she changed. One day she had the English
weed, another the French, and another the Italian, and so forth.
She asked me which of them became her best. I answered, In
my judgment, the Italian dress : which answer I found pleased
her well ; for she delighted to shew her golden coloured hair,
wearing a caul and bonnet as they do in Italy. Her hair was more
reddish than yellow, curled in appearance naturally. She desired
to know of me, what colour of hair was reputed best ; and whether
my Queen's hair or her's was best ; and which of the two was
fairest. I answered, The fairness of them both was not their
worst faults. But she was earnest with me to declare which of
them I judged fairest. I said. She was the fairest Queen in
England, and mine the fairest Queen in Scotland. Yet she
appeared earnest. I answered. They were both the fairest ladies
in their countries ; that her Majesty was whiter, but my Queen
was very lovely. She enquired which of them was of highest
stature. I said. My Queen. Then, saith she, she is too high ;
for I myself am neither too high nor too low. Then she asked
what kind of exercises she used. I answered. That when I
received my dispatch, the Queen was lately come from the High-
land hunting : that when her more serious affairs permitted, she
was taken up with reading of histories : that sometimes she
recreated herself in playing upon the lute and virginals. She
asked if she played well. I said, reasonably for a Queen.
That same day after dinner niy lord of Hunsdean drew me up
to a quiet gallery, that I might hear some musick (but he said that
he durst not avow it) where I might hear the Queen play upon
the virginals. After I had hearkned a while, I took by the tapistry
that hung before the door of the chamber, and seeing her back
was toward the door, I entred within the chamber, and stood a
pretty space hearing her play excellently well. But she left off
immediately, so soon as she turned her about and saw me. She
appeared to be surprised to see me, and came forward, seeming
to strike me with her hand ; alledging she used not to play before
men, but when she was solitary, to shun melancholy. She asked
how I came there. I answered. As I was walking with my lord
of Hunsdean, as we passed by the chamber-door, I heard such
melody as ravished me, whereby I was drawn in ere I knew how ;
excusing my fault of homeliness, as being brought up in the court
of France, where such freedom was allowed ; declaring myself
willing to endure what kind of punishment her Majesty should be
pleased to inflict upon me for so great an offence. Then she sat
down low upon a cushion, and I upon my knees by her ; but with
her own hand she gave me a cushion, to lay under my knee ;
which at first I refused, but she compelled me to take it. She
then called for my lady Strafford out of the next chamber ; for
the Queen was alone. She enquired whether my Queen or she
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played best. In that I found myself obliged to give her the praise.
She said my French was good, and asked if I could speak Italian ;
which she spoke reasonably well. I told her Majesty I had no
time to learn the language perfectly, not having been above t-^'o
months in Italy. Then she spake to me in Dutch, which was not
good ; and would know what kind of books I most delighted in,
whether theology, history, or love matters. I said, I liked well of
all the sorts. Here I took occasion to press earnestly my dispatch.
She said I was weary sooner of her company, than she was of
mine. I told her Majesty, That though I had no reason of being
weary, I knew my mistress her affairs called me home : yet I was
stayed two days longer, till I might see her dance, as I was after-
ward informed. Which being over, she enquired of me, whether
she or my Queen danced best. I answered. The Queen danced
not so high, and disposedlj' as she did. Then again she wished,
that she might see the Queen at some convenient place of meeting.
I offered to convey her secretly to Scotland by post, clothed like
a page ; that under this disguise she might see the Queen, as
James V. had gone in disguise to France with his own ambassador,
to see the duke of Vendome's sister, who should have been his
wife : telling her, that her chamber might be kept in her absence,
as though she were sick : that none needed to be privy thereto,
except my lady Strafford, and one of the grooms of her chamber.
She appeared to like that kind of language, only answered it with
a sigh, saying, Alas I if I might do it thus. She used all the means
she could to oblige me to persuade the Queen of the great love
she did bear unto her, and that she was fully minded to put away
all jealousies and suspicions, and in times coming to entert;?in a
stricter friendship than formerly. She promised that my dispatch
should be delivered to me very shortly at London, by secretary
Cecil : for now she was at Hampton-Court, where she gave me
my answer by mouth herself, and her secretary by writing.
The next day my lord of Leicester desired me to go down the
river in his barge with him to London. He had in his company
Sir Henry Sidney deputy of Ireland. By the way my lord entred
familiarly into discourse with me, alledging that he was well
acquainted with my lord of Murray, Lidington, and my brother
Sir Robert ; and that he was by report so well acquainted with
me, that he durst, upon the character he had heard of me, desire
to know what the Queen my mistress thought of him, and the
marriage that Mr. Randolph had proposed. Whereunto I
answered very coldly, as I had been by my Queen commanded.
Then he began to purge himself of so proud a pretence, as to marry
so great a Queen, declaring he did not esteem himself worthy to
wipe her shoes ; declaring that the invention of that proposition
of marriage proceeded from Mr. Cecil, his secret enemy. For
if I, says he, should have appeared desirous of that marriage, I
should have offended both the Queens, and lost their favour. He
intreated me to excuse him at her Majesty's hands, and to beg,
S6
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
\ n his name, that she v.ould not impute that matter to him, but
to the maHce of his enemies.
Being landed at London, our dinner was prepared by the earl
of Pembroke ; who being great master, yet humbled himself so
far as to serve the said table, as master of the household himself.
He was a devout friend to my Queen's title of succeeding to the
crown of England.
After dinner, I took leave of the French ambassador, and the
Spanish, having received divers advertisements from them. My
lord of Leicester, beside what he had spoke to me, did write to my
lord of Murray to excuse him at the Queen's hands. The day
appointed I received my dispatch from secretary Cecil, together
with a letter of credit, and a more ample declaration of the Queen's
mind touching the same answers she had made me herself. He
gave me also a letter to secretary Lidington. For, as is above
said, secretary Cecil and Leicester, my lord of Murray and secre-
tary Lidington ruled both Queens, and as yet kept good cor-
respondence together. When I took my leave, secretary Cecil
conveyed me through the close to the outer gate of the palace,
where he himself put a fair chain about my neck. My lady
Lenox and Sir Nicholas Throckmorton sent many good advices to
the Queen, to be followed according as occasion offered. My
lady Lenox sent also tokens to the Queen, a ring with a fair
diamond : she sent an emerald to my lord her husband, who was
yet in Scotland ; a diamond to my lord of Murray, a watch set
with diamonds and rubies to the secretary Lidington ; a ring
with a ruby to my brother Sir Robert. For she was still in good
hope, that her son my lord Darnly would come better speed
concerning the m.arriage of our Queen, than the earl of Leicester.
She was a very wise and discreet matron, and had many favourers
in England for the time.
At my return, I found the Queen's Majesty still at Edinburgh.
To whom I declared at large my manner of proceeding with the
Queen of England, and gave her Majesty her answers to the special
heads of my instructions in writing.
Her Majesty answered to the first, " That whereas the Queen
thought the time very long since she received either word or
writ from her, whereby she might understand of her good
estate, and had sent me thither to visit her in her behalf ; that
she thought the time as long, albeit she had conceived some
displeasure concerning the angry letter : which was the greater,
in respect it appeared that she disdained the offer of the best
good she had to give, to wit, the man whom she esteemed as her
brother. And whereas she had sent me to visit her, she \vas
more satisfied w^ith my coming, than she would have been with
any other, being formerly of her acquaintance, with whom she
could the more familiarly declare her inward mind to the Queen
my mistress, seeing she could not meet with herself so soon as
she desired : as I might declare how familiarly she had conferred
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' with me, acquainting me with all her inward griefs and desires,
' and how well she was satisfied, and how willing to continue all
' good offices of amity ; and that she would for that effect send
' shortly down to the border commissioners who were named by
' herself, to meet with my lord of Murray and Lidington.
" As for the parliament, it was yet in doubt v/hether it held or
' not. If it held, the Queen should get no hurt in her right,
' neither directly nor indirectly, but she should be forewarned
' in due time."
Then I shewed her Majesty at length of all other purposes that
fell out occasionally betwixt that Queen and me, together with the
opinions and advertisements of divers of her friends in England ;
as well catholicks as protestants. I gave her, at the desire of the
Spanish ambassador, the intimation of his King's good-will
towards her.
Her Majesty was very glad that matters were brought again
to this pass between her and the Queen of England, having thereby
occasion of getting intelligence from a great number of noblemen,
and others her friends in England. For she was also afraid,
that the blame of the discord would have been laid upon her, if
it had continued.
After that her Majesty had at great length understood all my
management and proceedings in England, she enquired whether
I thought that Queen meant truly toward her inwardly in her
heart, as she appeared to do outwardly in her speech. I answered
freely. That in my judgment, there was neither plain dealing, nor
upright meaning ; but great dissimulation, emulation and fear,
lest her princely qualities should over soon chace her from the
Kingdom, as having already hindred her marriage with the arch-
duke Charles of x^ustria. It appeared hkewise to me, by her
offering unto her, with great appearing earnestness, my lord of
Leicester, whom I knew at that time she could not want.
Shortly after my lords of Murray and Bedford met near Berwick
to treat concerning the marriage with Leicester, with slenderer
offers and less effectual dealing than was expected. But the said
earl of Leicester had written such discreet and Vi^ise letters unto
my lord of Murray for his excuses, that the Queen appeared to
have so good liking to him, as the Queen of England began to
suspect that ihe said marriage might take effect. Her appre-
hensions of this occasioned the lord Darnly's getting more readily
licence to come to Scotland, in hope that he being a handsome
lusty youth, should rather prevail, being present, than Leicester
who was absent. Which licence was procured by the means of
the secretary Cecil, not that he was minded that any of the mar-
riages should take effect, but with such shifts to hold the Queen
unmarried so long as he could. For he persuaded himself, that
my lord Darnly durst not proceed in the marriage without consent
of the Queen of England first obtained to the said marriage, his
58
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
land lying in England, and his mother remaining there. So that
he thought it lay in the Queen his mistress her own hand, to let
that marriage go forward, or to stay the same at her pleasure.
And in case my lord Darnly should disobey the Queen of England's
command, to return upon her call, he intended to cause forfault
him, whereby he should lose all his lands, rights and titles that he
had in England.
The Queen's Majesty-, as I have said before after her returning
out of France to Scotland, behaved herself so princely, honourably
and discreetly, that her reputation spread itself in all countries.
She was determined, and of herself inclined to continue so unto
the end of her life, desiring to entertain none in her company,
but such as were of the best conversation, abhorring all vice and
vicious persons. In this her resolution she desired me to assist
her, b> affording her my good counsel, what way was most effectual
to ingratiate herself with her subjects : and in c>-!se she (being yet
young) might forget herself by any unseemly gesture or misbe-
haviour, that I would warn her thereof, by admonishing her to
forbear, and timeously reform the same. Which commission I
did at first altogether refuse to accept of, saying, That her virtuous
actions, her natural judgment, and the experience she had learned
in the court of France, had instructed her so well, and Qualified
her so abundantly to be an example to all her subjects and servants
that she needed none to admonish her. Put she would not leave
it so, but said she knew she had committed divers errors, upon
no ill meaning, only for want of the admonition of loving and
concerned friends ; because that the gieatest part of courtiers
commonly flatter princes, lo insinuate for their favour, and will
not tell them the truth, fearing thereby to disoblige them. There-
fore she adjured and commanded me to accept that charge ; which
I said was a very ruinous commission, begging her Majesty to
la> that burden upon her brother my lord of Murray, and the
secretary Lidington. She answered, she would not take it in so
good part from them, as from me. I said, I was afraid that
through process of time it would cause me to lose her favour.
She said, it appeared I entertained an ill opinion of her constancy
and discretion ; which opinion she doubted not but I would alter,
after I had undertaken and practised that friendly and familiar
charge. In the meantime she made me pi ivy to all her most
urgent affairs, but chiefly to her dealings with any foreign nation.
She shewed unto me all her letters, those which she received from
other princes. She desired me to write in her favour to such
princes as I had been acquainted with, and to such foreign
counsellors as I knew to be eminent men. In which letters I
did not omit to set out her virtues. I used to shew to her their
returns, which ordinarily gave me an account of the most re-
markable occurrences of those countries, to her Majesty's great
contentment : for she was of a quick spirit, curious to know and
get intelligence of the state of other princes. She was something
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THE MEMOIRS OF
sad when solitary, and was glad of the company of such as had
travelled to other kingdoms.
Now there came here in company with the ambassador of
Savoy, one David Riccio of the country of Piedmont, who was a
merrj' fellow, and a good musician. Her Majesty had three
valets of her chamber who sung three parts, and wanted a bass to
sing the fourth part. Therefore they told her Majesty of this
man, as one fit to make the fourth in concert. Thus he was
drawn in to sing sometimes with the rest ; and afterward v/hen
her French secretary retired himself to France, this David obtained
the said office. And as he thereby entred in greater credit, so
he had not the prudence how to manage the same rightly : for
frequently in presence of the nobility', he would be publickly
speaking to her, even when there was greatest conventions of
the states. Which made him to be much envied and hated,
especially when he became so great, that he presented all signatures
to be subscribed by her Majesty : so that some of the nobility
would frown upon him ; others would shoulder and shoot him
by, when they entered the Queen's chamber, and found him
always speaking with her. For those who had great actions of
law, new infestments to be taken, or who desired to prevail against
their enemies at court, or in law suits before the session, addressed
themselves to him, and depended upon him, whereby in short
time he became very rich. Yet he wanted not his own fears,
therefore he lamented his estate to me, asking one day my counsel
how to behave himself. I told him that strangers were commonly
envied, when they meddled too much in the affairs of other
countries. He said he being secretary to her Majesty in the
French tongue, had occasion thereby to be frequently in her
Majesty's company, as her former secretary used to do. I
answered again, that it was thought that the greatest part of the
affairs of the country passed through his hands, which gave
offence to the nobility. I advised him, in their presence to retire
from the Queen, giving them place : and that he might desire the
Queen to permit him to take that way. I told him for an example,
how I had been in so great favour with the elector Palatine, that
he caused me to sit at his own table, and that he used frequently
to confer with me in presence of his whole court ; whereat divers
of them took great indignation against me : which so soon as I
perceived, I requested him to permit me to sit from his own table
with the rest of his gentlemen, and no more to confer with me
in their presence, but to call me by a page to his chamber, when he
had any service to command me : seeing otherwise he would
prejudge himself and me, both by giving ground of discontent to
his subjects, in too much noticing a stranger, and so expose me
to their fury. Which I obtained, and that way my master was
not hated, nor I any more envied. I advised him to take the like
course, if he was resolved to act as a wise man. Which counsel
he said he was resolved to follow ; but afterward told me that the
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Queen would not suffer him, but would needs have him carry
himself as formerly. I answered, that I was sorry for the incon-
veniencies that might follow tliereupon. And afterward finding
the envy against Riccio still to increase, and that by his ruin,
which I did foresee to be inevitable, her Majesty might incur
displeasure, and her affairs be prejudged, seeing I clearly per-
ceived that the extraordinary favour she carried to that man, did
much alienate the hearts of her own subjects from her : I re-
membred her Majesty's command lately laid upon me, when
she particularly enjoined me, to forewarn her of any circumstance
to be observ'cd in her carriage, which I thought could tend to her
prejudice. I had before this time taken some such freedom, in
desiring her to desist from some things which I knew were
dissatisfactory to her subjects ; and upon my acquainting her
Majesty therewith, she had been pleased to reform them. The
reflexion hereupon encouraged me the more chearfully, in hope
of the like success, to forewarn her Majesty of the inconveniencies
I did clearly foresee would inevitably follow, if she in time did
not alter her carriage to Riccio. Therefore upon the first
opportunity, I took occasion to enter with her Majesty upon this
discourse, in most humble manner representing what I did upon
rational considerations conjecture would be the consequences
of the too publick demonstrations of favour she gave to Riccio
a stranger, and one suspected by her subjects to be a pensioner of
the Pope. That though they were resolved not to challenge her
Majest\''s religion, though contrary to theirs, allowing her liberty
of conscience ; yet it was not to be supposed, but the too much
owning of Riccio, a known minion of the Pope, would give ground
of suspicion, that some design to the prejudice of the established
religion would be by him contrived. That to prevent this, her
subjects would find themselves obliged to use all their endeavours
to ruin a man, and a stranger from whom they could expect no
good office, as being a known enemy to their religion : for the
nobility would certainly take it as an high affront upon them, to
see her so visibly more countenance a stranger than them her
native subjects. I told her Majesty very freely what advice I
had given to Riccio. She answered me, that he meddled no
further than in her French writings and affairs, as her other French
secretary had done formerly. And that whoever found fault
therewith, she would not be so far restrained, but that she might
dispense her favours to such as she pleased. I remembred her
Majesty what displeasure had been procured to her, by the rash
misbehaviour of a French gentleman called Chattellier, who
transported to miscarry himself by her affability, had thereby
highly injured her Majestj'. I told her Majestj' that a grave and
comely behavior toward strangers, not admitting them to too much
familiarity, would bring them to a more circumspect and reverend
carriage. I told her how necessary it was, that she particularly
noticed all her actings, seeing those of her subjects, who were
F 6i
THE MEMOIRS OF
not of her religion, were easily alarmed with any thing which
could be therein misrepresented. That if their hearts were once
lost, there would be great difficulty of regaining that place in
theit affections, which yet they found her due as their sovereign
princess. She thanked me for my continual care evidenced in
this free advice, and engaged to take such order in reference
thereto as the case required.
I have already told, how that my lord Damly was advised to ask
licence to come into Scotland. At his first coming he found the
Queen at Wemyss, making her progress through Fife. Her
Majesty took very well with him, and said, that he was the pro-
perest and best proportioned long man that ever she had seen ;
for he was of a high stature, long and small, even and straight.
He had been from his youth well instructed in all honest and
comely exercises. After he had haunted court some time, he
proposed marriage to her Majesty, which proposal she at first
appeared to disrelish, as that same day she herself told me, and
that she had refused a ring which he then offered unto her. I
took occasion freely hereupon to speak in his favours, and to
convince her Majesty, that no marriage was more her interest
than this, seeing it would render her title to the succession to the
crov/n of England unquestionable. I know not how he came to
fall in acquaintance with Riccio, but I found he also was his great
friend at the Queen's hand, so that she took ay the longer the
better liking of him, and at length determined to marry him.
This being made known to the Queen of England, she sent and
charged him to return . She also sent her ambassador Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton to Scotland, to dissuade the Queen from marrying
him ; and in case the Queen would not follow her advice, to
persuade the lords, and so many as were of the protestant religion,
to withstand the said marriage, till the said lord Darnly should
subscribe a bond to maintain the reformed religion, which he
had ever professed in England.
The Queen, again perceiving the Queen of England's earnest
opposition to all the marriages that offered unto her, resolved to
delay no longer. But my lord duke of Chastelherault, my lords
of Argile, Rothes, Murray, Glencairn, and divers others lords
and barons withstood the said marriage : who after they had made
an essay to take the lord Darnly in the Queen's company at the
raid of Baith, and as they alledged, to have sent him to England ;
failing in this their enterprize, they took them to the fields, to her
Majesty's great dissatisfaction and heart-breaking. Her Majesty's
forces were sooner ready than theirs, so that she pursued them
here and there, whereby they were so straitned that they could
never have the opportunity of drawing together. And at length
they were compelled to flee unto England for refuge, to her, who
by her ambassadors had promised to hazard her crown in their
defence, in case they were driven to any strait because of appearing
against the said marriage : though this was expresly denied
62
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
them, when coming to demand help. For when they sent up
my lord of Murray to that Queen, the rest abiding at Newcastle,
he could obtain nothing but disdain and scorn ; till at length he
and the abbot of Kilwinning, his companion in that message,
were persuaded to come and confess unto the Queen upon their
knees, and that in presence of the ambassadors of France and
Spain, that her Majesty had never moved them to that opposition
and resistance against their Queen's marriage. For this she had
desired, to satisfy the said ambassadors, who both alledged in
their masters names, that she had been the cause of the said
rebellion, and that her only delight was to stir up dissention
among her neighbours. Yet by this cunning she overcame
them : for she handled the matter so subtilly, and the other two
so cowardly, in granting her desire contrary to what was truth,
being put in hopes of relief if they would so far comply with what
was judged her interest for the time, that she triumphed over the
said ambassadors for their false alledgeance. But unto my lord
of Murray and his neighbour she said. Now you have told the
truth ; for neither did I, nor any in my name stir you up against
your Queen : for your abominable treason may serve for example
to my own subjects to rebel against me. Therefore get you out
of my presence ; you are but unworthy traitors. This was all the
reward they procured at her hands ; and had not some of the
Protestants in her kingdom, who favoured them upon account
of their religion, interposed what they could with her, they would
not have been permitted, during their banishment, to have re-
mained within her dominions ; although a little before she had
promised to give them what assistance they demanded to the
uttermost of her power, upon condition that they would please her
so far, as to sit down upon their knees in presence of the said
ambassadors, and make the foresaid false confession. And as
for secret help, she gave them none ; only they obtained a small
contribution among some of their own religion there, who were
their friends, which was distributed among them at Newcastle,
where they remained comfortless, and in great trouble.
The Queen, finding the shifts the court of England made to
delay her marriage with any msn proposed, hasted forward her
marriage with my lord Darnly ; which was solemnized in the
palace of Holy-rood-house, within the Queen's chapel, at the
mass ; wherein Riccio was no small instrument. Scotland being
by this time almost wholly of the reformed religion, took a dislike
of the King because of this, he having formerly professed the
reformed religion in England. Hence were occasioned rumours,
that there was some design on foot for planting again in Scotland
the Roman catholick religion, there being ground of suspicion
that Riccio was a pensioner of the Pope's. And at this same time
the Pope sent 8000 crowns in gold to be delivered to our Queen,
which augmented these suspicions. But the ship wherein the
said gold was, did shipwreck upon the coast of England, within
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the earl of Northumberland's bounds ; who alledged the whole
to appertain to him by just law, which he caused his advocate to
read unto me (when I was directed to him for the demanding
restitution of the said sum) in the old Norman language ; which
neither he nor I understood well, it was so corrupt. But all my
intreaties v/ere ineffectual, he altogether refusing to give any part
thereof to the Queen, albeit he was himself a catholick, and other-
wise professed secretly to be her friend.
After that the Queen's Majesty had married my lord Darnly,
she did hina great honour herself, and desired every one who
expected her favour to do the like, and to wait upon him : so that
for a little time he was well accompanied ; and such as sought
favour by him sped best in their suits. But because he had
married without advice of the Queen of England, my lady Lenox
his mother was committed to the Tower of London, where she
was kept for a long time.
All this time I attended still upon the Queen, but with less
familiarity than formerly. And seeing my service for the time
no more needful, humbly begged liberty of the Queen to return
to France, and other places, where I had spent the greatest part
of my life. But this her Majestj* absolutely refused to grant,
expressing some desire to know what could move me to desert
her service. I said the time was full of suspicions, and that I was
confident I could do her more service abroad than at home, as
matters had fallen out. She answered, that she knew I could
do her more service at home, than any servant she had, if I pleased ;
but that I had left off using my wonted freedom with her, in giving
her my opinion of her proceedings. I told her Majesty, I was
somewhat apprehensive that my opinions would be unpleasant
to her. But she affirmed the contrary, telling me that I had
enemies, who used their endeavours to imprint a bad character
of me in the King, as if I had been a favourer of the earl of Murray ;
which she had put out of the King's head, as being better
acquainted with my nature and conditions ; saying, That she
knew well that I had a liking to the earl of Murray, but not to
his actings of taking up arms against her : that she was assured
that I loved her ten times better than him. She said moreover,
that if any did endeavour to misrepresent her as much to me, that
she wish'd I should give them no more credit against her, than she
had done or should do against me. She advised me to wait
upon the King, who was but young, and give him my best counsel,
as I had formerly done to her, which might help him to shun
many inconveniencies. And she gave me her hand, that she
would take all in good part whatever I did speak, as proceeding
from a loving and faithful servant ; desiring me also to befriend
Riccio, who was hated without a cause. The King also told me
who they were who had spoken to him in my prejudice ; and said
they were known to be such common liars, as their tongue was
no slander. By these and such like means, the Queen's Majesty
64
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
obliged me more and more to be careful to be serviceable to her.
And I judged myself engaged, as the greatest demonstration I
could give of my being faithful to hei, to give her my opinion
what use she might make for her own advantage of the harsh
usage the earl of Murray and his associates had received in
England ; how uncourteously that Queen had used them before
the French and Spanish ambassadors, she having broken all her
fair promises unto them.
First I told her Majest>', that ever since her return to her own
country-, she had been endeavouring to get her nobility and whole
subjects entirely affected to take part with her in all actions what-
soever, and chiefly against England, in case she might have
occasion of employing them ; though she could never hitherto
obtain her desire, because of the secret bond and promise was
made among them, when the English army was at the siege of
Leith, helping to put the Frenchmen out of Scotland. Now,
said I, Madam, the occasion is offered, whereby your Majesty
may bring your desired intention to pass, if you could find in
your heart either to pardon the earl of Alurray and his associates,
or at least to prolong the parliament wherein they are to be
forfaulted, until your Majesty may duly advise and see, whether
it will be more your interest to forfault them, or give them ground
of hope of obtaining your pardon, according to their carriage for
the future. To this she answered, Now, when they could do no
better, they sought her ; but when she sought their concurrence^
such as subjects owe to their native prince, they would not hear
her : no more would she now notice their suits. I said, when-
soever they were to make their suits, it should not be by me \
but this I propose of myself to your Majestj', who can chuse the
best, and leave the worst in all accidents ; seeing it is no little
matter to gain the whole hearts of all your subjects, and also of a
good number in England who favour them and their religion, who
would admire such princely virtues. When they should see so
pregnant a proof of your Alajesty's being able to master your
own passions and affections, all will then conclude that you were
most worthy to reign over kingdoms, finding you so ready to
forgive, and so loath to use vengeance, especially against subjects
already vanquished, and not worthy of your wrath. If your
Majesty consider seriously, clemency at such a time will be found
most convenient, and that part of justice called equity more
profitable than rigour : for extremity frequently brings on
desperate enterprizes. At this her Majesty entred into choler,
saying, I defy them ; what can they do, or what dare they do ?
Madam, said I, with your Majesty's pardon, my proposition is,
in obedience to your own commandment, to shew you my opinion
at all times for the weal of your affairs. Then she said she thanked
me, granting that it was a good advice, and necessary to be done,
if she could in so far command herself ; but that yet she could not
find in her heart to have to do with any of them upon divers
65
THE MEMOIRS OF
considerations : intreating me nevertheless to continue giving
her my advice at all occasions ; for albeit she did not follow this,
she might perchance do better at another time. I answered,
that it was only the consideration of her interest that made me
appear so concerned : many noblemen being banished, and so
near as Newcastle, having many other noblemen at home of their
kindred and friends, so malecontent as I knew them to be for the
time, made me fear some attempt towards an alteration. For
I told her, I had heard dark speeches, that we should hear news
ere the parliament was ended. Her Majesty answered, that she
likewise wanted not advertisements of the like rumours ; but that
our countrjmien were talkative. I used the same freedom with
Riccio ; for then he and I were under great friendship. But
he evidenced a disdain at all danger, and despised counsel ; so
that I was compelled to say, I feared over late repentance.
You have heard that Sir Nicholas Throckmorton was one of
the two English ambassadors who were sent hither to stay the
marriage, and to make many promises in his mistress's name to
so many as would resist the same ; which promises were after-
ward denied by the Queen of England, and by Mr. Randolph.
But Sir Nicholas Throckmorton stood neither in awe of Queen or
council, to declare the verity, that he had made such promises to
them in her name : whereof the counsellors and craftiest courtiers
thought strange, and were resolving to punish him for avowing
the same promise to be made in his mistress's name, had not he
wisely and circumspectly obtained an act of council for his warrant,
which he offered to produce. And the said Sir Nicholas was so
angry that he had been made an instrument to deceive the Scots
banished lords, that he advised them to sue humbly for pardon at
their own Queen's hand, and to engage never again to offend her,
for satisfaction of any prince alive : and because as they were
then stated they had no interest, he penned a persuasive letter,
and sent unto her Majesty, as followeth :
•' "^ /"OUR Majesty hath in England many friends of all degrees
\f " who favour your title ; but for divers respects. Some
JL " for very conscience sake, being persuaded, that in law
'' your right is best : some for the good opinion they have con-
" ceived, by the honourable report they have heard, of your
" virtues and liberality ; the consideration whereof engageth
" them to esteem your Majesty most worthy to govern : some
" for factions, who favour your religion : some for the ill-will
" they bear to your competitor, seeing their own danger if lady
" Katharine should come in that place.
" Of these some are papists, some protestants ; and yet however
" they differ among themselves in religion or other particulars,
" they are both of one mind for the advancement of your title.
" Your Majesty hath also divers enemies, for various respects,
66
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" not unlike to the other, whose study hath ahvays been and will
" be, unless they be made friends, to hinder any thing that may
" tend to your advantage. In one point all concur, both friends
" and enemies, yea the whole people, that they are most desirous
" to have the succession of the crown declared and assured, that
" they may he at a certainty ; only the Queen herself is of a
" contrary opinion, and would be glad the matter should always
" be in suspense.
" Your un-friends have done what they could, to take the
" advantage of the time, to your prejudice ; and for that end
" pressed the holding of the parliament, which was before con-
" tinued till October last : knowing assuredly, tliat if the parlia-
" ment held, the succession of the crown would be called in
" question. And they thought the time served well for their
" purpose, when there was division and trouble in your own
" realm, and no good understanding betwixt you and the Queen
" of England. And her subjects your friends, for eschewing that
" inconvenience, and winning of time to give your Majesty place
" to work, and remove all impediments so far as wisdom may,
" have found the means to drive it off till the next spring. Now
" their advice is, that in the mean time your Majesty endeavour
" by wisdom to assure yourself of the whole votes, or at least of
" the best and most considerable of the parliament, whenever the
" matter shall be brought in question. Which may be done, by
" retaining the hearts of those who have gained already, recovering
" of those who are brangled, winning of the neutrals, and so many
" of your adversaries as may be gained : for it is not to be supposed
" that all can be won, who are already so far addicted to the
" contrary faction ; but when the cause of their aversion is
" removed, the effect will cease.
" Generally your Majesty will do well to forbear any act that
" will offend the whole people, and use such means as will render
" you most acceptable to them. Strangers are universally sus-
" pected to the whole people ; against which your Majesty hath
" in your marriage wisely provided, by abstaining to match with
" a foreign prince. So do they advise your Majesty to abstain
" from any league or confederacy with any foreign prince that may
" offend England, till you have first essayed v.^hat you can purchase
" by the benevolence of the born subjects thereof. Not that they
" would desire your Majesty to forfeit your friendship with
" France and Spain ; but rather that you should wisely entertain
" them both to remain at your devotion, in case afterward you
" have need of their favour. Nevertheless it is their wish, that
" the same may rather remain in general terms, as heretofore,
" than that you proceed to any special act which may offend
" England, which you cannot with honour bring back again when
" you would. As many of our adversaries as are addicted to the
" contrary faction for hatred of your religion, may be gained
" when they see your Majesty continue in the temperance and
67
THE MEMOIRS OF
moderation you have hitherto used within your own realm in
matters of religion, without innovation or alteration. As many
as by misreports have been carried to the contrary faction,
.may by true report be brought back again, when they shall
(hear of your clemency used towards your own subjects ; which
{virtue in princes, of all others, most allures the hearts of people
to favour even their common enemies. As many as can deal
warily and discreetly with your friends of both the religions,
and are onlj' addicted for conscience sake to my lady Katharine,
being persuaded of the preference of your title in law, may be
gained to your Majesty by contrary persuasions, and by ad-
ducing of such reasons and arguments as may be alledged for
proof of your good cause, v/hereof there are abundance to be
had. Some your Majesty will find in England, who will hazard
as far as they dare to serve your turn in this behalf. But
because it is so dangerous to men to deal in, and may endanger
lives and lands if they be seen earnest meddlers, travelling in
that point so as would be necessary, it will require such instru-
ments of your own when time comes, who may boldly speak
without danger, and with whom the subjects of England dare
freely communicate their minds, and enter into conference.
If any be afraid of your Majesty, thinking that you have an ill
opinion of them, the assurance by a trusty minister of your good-
will, whom they may credit, will quickly put them out of doubt,
and make them favourable enough. They who are constantly
yours, are easily retained at your devotion. Those who here-
tofore have born any favour, and by the late occurrences are any
ways brangled, will be brought home again, when they shall
see your Majesty, now when it is fallen in your hands to use
rigour or mercy as you please, rather incline to the most plausible
part, in shewing your magnanimity*, when you have brought
your subjects to submission and gentleness, as the good pastor
to reduce his sheep that were gone astray, home again to the
fold. Those who are yet neutrals, by the same means and true
information of your interest by law, may all be won to your
side. This done, when the matter comes in question, your
friends will earnestly press your interest at this parliament,
and you will v/ithout controversy bear it away.
" This device, in so far as concerns your reconciliation with
your subjects, is not a fetch for their favour, but is thought
expedient for your service by many who have no favour for
them, and are different from them in religion. For it will
bring the Queen of England greatly to favour you, when she
shall see such an union in your own kingdom, of the head and
whole members together. She will not know hov,' to disturb
your Majesty's estate, especially when the reconciliation takes
effect in the hearts of the subjects in England, who v.ill think
themselves in an hnppy condition, if they should come under the
government of so benign a princess, who can so readily forgive
68
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" great offences. For albeit it must be acknowledged, that my
" lord of Murray hath by his inconsiderate carriage given your
" Majesty great ground of offence, yet it is hard to persuade the
" protestants, that your quarrel against him hath any other
" foundation, than that he differs from you in religion. Upon
" this ground, they find themselves engaged to espouse his quarrel.
" If then they perceived your Majesty graciously inclined to take
" him again into favour, and forgive what is bypast, the protestants
" in England would doubtless declare themselves more affectionate
" to your interest, when they shall see more of their own religion
" so clemently handled. And tliat your Majesty may have
" experience, that it is your advancement your friends would by
" this means procure, and not the advantage of those with whom
" your Majesty is offended, a middle way may be followed, as is
" frequently used in such like cases, where not only the multitude
" is spared, but the chief authors are preserved. It may please
" your Majesty to cause a letter to be penn'd in good terms and
" form, and publish the same by proclamation, declaring the
" just cause of your anger against all of them ; and that yet, for
" declaring your own good nature above their deservings, you are
" content to remit the whole, except such principals as you please
" to reserve and except by name from the general pardon : and
" that with whom you will not take such severe order as you might
" m law, till you have further trial and experience of their
" penitence. The persons so to be nominated and excepted
" shall depart out of England, to what country pleaseth your
" Majesty-, there to remain during your pleasure. In this mean
" time, if your Majestj' find that this benign usage of yours shall
" produce such fruit as is here spoken, your Majesty may furdier
" extend your favour, as you find convenient and profitable for
" yourself. For your Majesty hath still the crimes lying above
" their heads. In the mean time, all who favour them in England
" will plead in their cause with your Majestv', so far as their power
" extends, as if they were agents for your Majesty. They will
" in no ways, if they can eschew it, be again in the Queen of
" England's debt, neither by obtaining of any favour at your hand
" by her intervention, nor yet for any support in the time of their
" banishment. But rather' it may please your Majesty, that their
" charges be allowed them off their own lands. By following
" this advice, which in no ways can be prejudicial to your Majesty,
" but v.ill much conduce for your interest, you may recover the
" greatest part of the bishops of England ; many of the greatest
" nobility and gentlemen, who were yet neutral."
Their names were declared to her Majesty in cypher, by whose
means he alledged her Majesty should obtain so great an interest
in England, that albeit that Queen would appear against her, she
needed not to care. For in sending but looo men of her own, out
6g
THE MEMOIRS OF
of four parts of England a sufficient number should join with
them, by whose forces, without any strangers, her Majesty should
obtain the thing which is wrongfully refused and retained.
When her Majesty had seriously pondered this discourse, it
had great influence upon her, to move her to follow the desire
thereof, as well for the good opinion she had of him who sent it,
as being of her own nature more inclined to mercy than rigour ;
she being also wise, and being convinced that it tended to the
advancement of her affairs in England. .She was therefore fully
resolved to have followed the advice thereof, and to prolong the
parliament which had been called to forfault the lords who had
fled. Riccio appeared also to have been gained for counselling
her hereto. My lord Murray had sued to him very earnestly,
and more humbly than could have been believed, with the present
of a fair diamond inclosed within a letter, full of repentance and
fair promises, from that time forth to be his friend and protector.
Which the said Riccio granted to do with the better will, that
he perceived the King to bear him little good will, and to frown
upon him.
Following this advice and advertisement given by Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton, thf Queen's Majesty sent my brother Sir Robert
Melville, to remain her ambassador in ordinary at the court of
England, to be ready at all occasions in case any thing were treated
at the parliament, concerning the succession, and to pursue the
design laid down by Sir Nicholas and her other friends in England.
In this mean time, there was a French gentleman sent home
here, called Monsieur de Villamonte, with a commission to treat
with the Queen, that in no ways she should shew any favour to the
protestant banished lords ; because that all catholick princes
were bandied to root them out of all Europe : which was a device
of the cardinal of Lorrain, lately returned from the council of
Trent. He had caused the King of France to write earnestly to
that effect. Which unhappy message occasioned divers tragical
accidents. For the Queen was loath to offend her friends in
France of the house of Guise, albeit she would have done little at
that time by her own pleasure to satisfy the King of France, who
was but young and only guided by his mother, whom she had no
good cause to like well of. But Riccio was thought also not to
think fit to offend so many catholick princes confederated, and
especially the Pope with whom he had secret intelligence. Hereby
the Queen was again induced to hold the parliament to forfault
the banished lords, against her own intention and her former
deliberation. Now there were a number of lords at home, friends
to the lords who were banished, as the earl of Morton, the lord
Ruthven, the lord Lindsay, and divers other gentlemen who
favoured them only for their religion. Some of them were
discontent that their friends should be forfaulted ; others had
special reasons inducing them to fear the sitting of that parliament.
Especially the earl of Morton and his dependers feared a re-
70
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
vocation that was alledged to be made at the said parhament, to
bring back again to the crown divers great dispositions given out
during the Queen's minorit^', and some benefices which had been
taken by noblemen at their own hands during the civil wars under
pretext of religion. These and such considerations moved them
to consult together how to get the parliament stayed, and to make
a change at court. The earl of Morton had a craft^' head, and had
a cousin called George Douglas, the natural son to the earl of
Angus, who was father to dame Margaret Douglas countess of
Lenox, the King's mother. The said George was continually
about the Iving, and bv his mother's and brother's means, put
in his head such suspicions against Riccio, that the King was
prevailed with to give his consent to his slaughter. This the lords
of Morton, Lindsay, Ruthvcn and others had devised, to become
that way masters of the court, and so to stop the parliament.
The King was yet very young, and not well acquainted with the
nature of this nation. It was supposed also, that the earl of Lenox
knew of the said design. For he had his chamber within the
palace, and so had the earls of Athole, Bothwell and Huntly, who
escaped by leaping over a window towards the little garden where
the lions were lodged. This vile act was done upon a Saturday at
six a-clock at night, when the Queen was at supper in her closet.
A number of armed men entred within the court, before the
closing of the gates, and took the keys from the porter. One
part of them went up through the King's chamber, conducted
by the lord Ruthven and George Douglas ; the rest remained
without with dra^^"n swords in their hands, crving, A Douglas,
A Douglas. The King was before gone up to the Queen, and was
leaning upon her chair, when the lord Ruthven entred with his
helmet upon his head, and George Douglas and divers others
with them, so rudely and irreverently, that the table, candles,
meat and dishes were overthrown. Riccio took the Queen about
the waist, cr^'ing for mercy ; but George Douglas plucked out
the King's dagger and struck Riccio first with it, leaving it sticking
in him. He making great shrieks and cries, was rudely snatched
from the Queen, who could not prevail either with threats or
intreaties, to save him. But he was forcibly drawn forth of the
closet and slain in the outer hall, and her Majesty kept as a captive.
That same night the earl of Athole, the laird of TuUibardine, and
secretary Lidington, and Sir James Balfour were permitted to
retire themselves out of the palace, and were in great fear of their
lives. The next morning being Sunday, I was let forth at the
gate, and passing through the outer close, the Queen being looking
forth at a window, cried unto me to help her. I drew near, and
assured her cf all the help that lay in my power. She desired me
with all haste to go to the provost of Edinburgh, and desire him
to convene the town to relieve her out of these traitors hands.
But run fast, says she, for they will stay you. As this word was
spoken, one Mr. Nisbet, master of the household to the earl of
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THE MEMOIRS OF
Lenox, was sent with a company to stay me. To whom I gave
good words, saying, that I was only going to sermon at St. Giles's
church. But I went in haste to the provost, and told him my
commission from the Queen. He answered. That he had another
commandment from the King ; but that he should draw the
people to the tolbooth, and see what they would do, though he
expected no help from their hands, because the most part of them
were so discontent with the present government, that all desired
a change. Yet he convened them, though in vain. Which
backwardness of theirs I did intimate to her Majesty, by one of her
ladies, whom she sent again unto me, to tell me that she supposed
my lord of Murray and his associates, who were yet banished,
remaining at Newcastle, would be sent for by those who were
about her : willing me at his coming to persuade him not to join
with those who had so highly affronted her, but to hold himself
free, and be her friend in this strait ; which doing should be his
great advantage, and purchase her love and favour for ever.
Which commission I did not fail to execute at his coming upon
Mondaj' ; but he was more moved at his meeting with her Majesty,
who embraced and kissed him, alledging that if he had been at
home, he would not have suffered her to have been so un-
courteously handled. Which so much moved him, that the
tears run from his eyes. He knew sufficiently well that it was
not for his cause, but for their own particular ends, that the
greatest part who had made that enterprize had therein engaged ;
which made him the less concerned in them. Yet he and his
company resolved to keep the day, against which they were
summoned to the parliament.
In the mean time, the King repented himself of his accession
to that affair, whereupon her Majesty took occasion to persuade
him to abandon those lords, who had committed so odious a
crime, as to hazard her life, together with his child which was in
her belly. That nevertheless she was resolved to forgive them,
and give them what security thereupon they would demand.
The lords seeing the King drawn from them, and my lord of
Murray not so frank for them as they expected, were necessitated
to do the next best, and consented that a pacification should be
penned, which was divers times written over, to put in and out
certain heads and clauses, to drive time until the writing might
appear plausible. Her Majesty caused the King to advise them,
to discharge the guard that kept her, that so the security might be
subscribed she being at liberty ; seeing otherwise it would not
avail them in law, if there were the least appearance of restraint
upon her, during the time thereof. So upon Tuesday they went
all to their rest ; but the Queen, King, Traquair and Arthur
Areskine master of the horse for the time, went out of Holy-
rood-house at midnight toward the castle of Dunbar, and left
word with one of her ladies to me, that I should be earnest to keep
the earl of Murray from joining with the other lords. Who the
72
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
next morning found themselves greatly disappointed, being left
without any appearance of a pacification. In the mean time, I
used my endeavours very effectually to keep my lord Murray
from joining with the late offenders. I engaged to him, that in so
doing, I should procure a pardon to him and all his followers.
They on this manner being destitute of all assisters, were compelled
to flee unto England to Newcastle, where in a manner they might
find the other lords nests yet warm.
A few days before my lord duke, my lords of Argile, Glencaim
and Rothes had obtained their pardons : for they were divided
during their banishment, and her Majesty- found it not her interest
to have so many lords against her. She had also now again
endeavoured to draw the earl of Murray from the earl of Morton
and his accomplices, because he had for the time a great friendship
and many dependers, that she might be the more easily revenged
upon that most detestable deed of murdering her servant in her
presence ; for she being big with child, it appeared to be done
to destroy both her and her child. For they might have killed
the said Riccio in any other part, at any time they pleased. My
lord Murray and his dependents desired me to carry their humble
thanks unto her Majesty, and to signify unto her, how willingly
they acquiesced to her Majesty's desire, and how they had dis-
charged themselves to such as had committed that vile act : and
that they promised her Majesty never any more to have to do with
them, or intercede for them.
I rencountred her IVIajesty coming from Dunbar to Haddington,
and was veiy favourably received with great thanks for my care
of her honour and welfare. That night in Haddington she
subscribed divers remissions for my lord Murray and his de-
penders, lamenting unto me the King's folly, ingratitude and
misbehaviour. I excused the same the best I could, imputing
it to his >outh, which occasioned him easily to be led away by
pernicious counsel, laying the blame upon George Douglas and
other bad counsellors ; praying her Majesty for many necessary
considerations, to remove out of her mind any prejudice against
him, seeing that she had chosen him herself against the opinion
of many of her subjects. But I could perceive nothing from that
day forth, but great grudges that she entertained in her heart.
That night in Haddington, the King enquired of me, if the lord of
Murray had written to him. I answered. That his letter to the
Queen was written in haste, and that he esteemed the Queen and
him but one. He said, he might have also written to me. Then
he enquired what was become of Morton, Ruthven and the rest
of that company. I told him I believed they were fled, but I
knew not whither. As they have brewed, says he, so let them
drink. It appeared to me that he was troubled he had deserted
them, finding the Queen's favour but cold. The next day they
came to Edinburgh and lodged within the castle, where some were
apprehended and executed, who had been in the court of the
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THE MEMOIRS OF
palace, and had kept the gates that night wherein Riccio was
slain.
Her Majesty was now far gone with child, and went to Stirling
intending to ly in there. Thither the King followed her, and from
that to Alloa. At length she came back to the castle of Edinburgh.
It was thought that she fled from the King's company. I travelled
earnestly to help matters betwixt them, and was therein so im-
portunate, that I was thought troublesome ; so that her Majesty
desired my lord of Murray to reprove me, and charge me not to be
any more familiar with the King : who went up and down all
alone, seeing few durst bear him company. He was misliked
by the Queen, and by all such as secretly favoured the late banished
lords ; so that it was a great pity to see that good young prince
cast off, who failed rather for want of good counsel and experience,
than from any bad inclinations. It appeared to be fatal to him,
to like better of flatterers and ill company than plain speakers and
good men : which hath been the wreck of many princes, who by
frequenting good company would have proved gallant men.
About this time the Queen of England was taken with a great
fever, that none believed she could live : all that kingdom was
thereby in great perplexity. But a strange thing is to be marked,
that two contrary factions there, had both determined, unknovv^n
to other, to send for our Queen, and set the crown of England
upon her head. My brother Sir Robert Melville was then
ambassador there resident, and I served in place of secretary
here at home, because secretary Lidington was absent under some
suspicion. He sent home continual advertisements how to
proceed, and I again returned the answers at her Alajesty's
direction.
Now began the earl of Bothwell to be in great favour, to the
great dissatisfaction of many. He and the earl of Huntly and the
bishop of Ross, envied the favour that the Queen shewed unto the
earl of Murray ; for they were upon contrary courses. The
Queen on the other hand knew how generally he was well liked
of both in England and Scotland, and that she Vvould be the better
liked of in both kingdoms that she shewed favour to him. And
as she resolved to follow the formicr advice and information sent
her by Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, so she forgat not the late
help he had made her at his home-coming. These two earls,
with the foresaid bishop, took occasion, when the time of her
Majesty's delivery drew near, to persuade her to imprison my
lord of Murray, to remain no longer than she should be delivered ;
alledging that they were assuredly advertised, that he and his
dependers were resolved to bring in the banished lords, even at
the very time of her child-bearing : for they thought, if once he
were warded, they should find devices enough to cause him be
kept and disgraced, especially when he should be absent, and not
have opportunity of answering and resisting their calumnies.
Whereof her Majesty gave me an account, desiring me to mind her
74
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
of their secret designs against Murray, without any just cause,
flowing only from their own hatred, who had devised his ruin.
The earl of Morton was now in a hard condition. Though many
of the barons of Lothian were his friends, they could be little
stedable to him ; among the rest, the laird of Elphinston, my
brother-in-law, whose mother was a Douglas of the house of
Whittengham. Upon account of this friendship, the earl of
IMorton caused to write unto my sister the lady Elphinston,
desiring her to persuade me to write in his favours to the elector
Palatine, and other princes of my acquaintance in Germany, to
suffer him to live in their country. For my brother, by her
Majest>''s direction, pressed the Queen of England to put them
forth of her kingdom : and they durst not go to France, where the
Queen had so many friends. This I did shew unto her Majesty',
that she might be the more confirmed how groundless that report
was, made by the aforesaid lords against Muiiay ; wherewith
she appeared well satisfied, resolving to continue her kindness for
my lord Murray ; but that withal she charged me not to write
in favours of Morton.
In the mean time, Mr. Henry Killegrew was sent hither
ambassador from the Queen of England, who was in great sus-
picion of her estate, finding so many of her subjects favourers
of our Queen. The said ambassador complained against one Air.
Ruxbie, who was harboured in Scotland, being a rebel and a
papist ; declaring how that the Queen his mistress had com-
manded Morton and his complices forth of her country : which
was done by open proclamation, to please the Queen and her
ambassador, who cried out continually for her suffering them
to abide so long in England ; yet, as we afterward understood,
they were secretly overlook'd, upon condition that they would
keep themselves quiet. Mr. Killegrew alledged also, that the
Queen's Majesty' had been practising with Oneel in Ireland, who
had his ambassador presently in Edinburgh, in company of the
earl of Argile. And, thirdly, he complained of some disorders
upon the borders made by Scottishmen. But the principal
pretext of his commission was, to comfort the Queen over her
late troubles, to congratulate her freedom, and good success over
her wicked and rebellious subjects.
It may appear suflliciently by that Queen's former proceedings,
that all the sisterly familiarity was ceased, and in place thereof
nothing but jealousies, suspicions and hatred : and yet they kept
an outward correspondence, for keeping up neighbourhood
and intelligence. The Scots ambassador for the time in England
had so good hap, that his credit was great ; for he was esteemed
sure and secret : which caused a great number of the nobility,
protestants and papists, to communicate their inward minds
and secretest intentions unto him. Mr. Randolph had not the
like credit in Scotland, but onlv with some of the simplest sort
of the ministers. For this Ruxbie was sent in hither to appear
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THE MEMOIRS OF
to be a zealous favourer of her Majesty's right and title to the
crown of England. He was to endeavour to speak with the
Queen, and to take an occasion of informing her Majesty of the
great friendship diveis of the catholicks had for her, who duist
not deal with the Scots ambassador, being a protestant ; but that
he would deal himself betwixt her Majesty and them. All this
was to essay what he could draw out of her Majesty, to give
advertisement thereof to secretary Cecil. He addressed himself
unto the Queen's Majesty by the bishop of Ross, who was a
catholick ; the said bishop desiring her Majesty to be secret.
What he learned for the time, I cannot tell ; but he did write
sundry Intelligences unto the secretary Cecil, which did prejudice.
But this fine contrivance was not so secretly kept but my brother
Sir Robert had knowledge thereof, and also of a letter that the
secretary Cecil wrote again unto Scotland to the said Mr. Ruxbie,
promising to see him rewarded, and desiring him to continue in
his diligence. Of all which my brother, by his good intelligence,
was so well advertised, that in due time he gave her Majesty and
me information thereof. He gave his advice, how to carry for
the future in that affair : So that when Mr. Killegrew made his
complaint upon the receipt of Mr. Ruxbie, her Majesty incon-
tinently caused him to be apprehended, and all his cyphers and
writings ; among the which was found the letter written by
secretary' Cecil above mentioned. Ruxbie finding himself
discovered, fell immediately upon his knees, granting himself
worthy of a thousand deaths, humbly craving pardon. Her
Majesty caused him to be so secretly and straitly kept, that the
English ambassador could get no intelligence for what cause he
was apprehended, until that the Queen did shew him herself,
that upon his complaint, to satisfy the Queen her good sister, she
had caused to apprehend the said Ruxbie, who should be delivered
so soon after his return as it should please her sister to send for him.
But as this Mr. Ruxbie was secured, so was the complaint
made against him kept secret. For her Majesty was advised to
appear altogether ignoiant of any of his practices against her
devised by secretary Cecil, it not being thought her interest to
put that shame upon one who professed so much to be her friend.
Nor was it time to cast off intelligence, so long as it was found
profitable to entertain it, as it would have indeed proved, had not
such unhappy chances fallen out shortly after.
The Queen's Majesty's reckoning being near run out, she caused
me to dispatch for England, to be in readiness to give an account
of the news of her delivery to that queen ; leaving a blank in her
letter, to be filled up either with a son or a daughter, as it should
please God to grant unto her : and to require the Queen of
England to send hither, in her name, such of hers as she knew to
be best instruments for entertaining good love and friendship
betwixt them, to be gossips ; as also to satisfy her concerning the
most part of Killegrew's demands.
76
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
All the while I lay within tlie castle of Edinburgh, praying night
and day for her I\Iajest>-'s good and happy delivery of a fair son.
This prayer being granted, I was the first who was thereof ad-
vertised, by the lady Boin, in her Majesty's name," to part with
diligence the 19 of June 1566, betwixt ten and eleven in the
morning. By twelve of the clock I took horse, and was that
night at Berwick. The fourth day after I was at London ; and
did first meet with my brother Sir Robert, who that same night
sent and advertised secretary Cecil of my arrival, and of the birth
of the prince ; desiring him to keep it quiet till my coming to
court, to shew it myself unto her Majesty, who was for the time at
Greenwich, where her Majesty was in great inirth, dancing after
supper. But so soon as the secretary Cecil whispered in her ear
the news of the prince's birth, all her mirth was laid aside for that
night ; all present marvelling whence proceeded such a change ;
for the Queen did sit down, putting her hand under her cheek,
bursting out to some of her ladies, that the Queen of Scots was
mother of a fair son, while she was but a barren stock. The next
morning was appointed for me to get audience. At what time my
brother and I went by water to Greenwich, and were met by some
friends who told us how sorrowful her Majesty was at my news ;
but that she had been advised to shew a glad and chearful coun-
tenance : which she did, in her best apparel, saying, that the
joyful news of the Queen her sister's delivery of a fair son, which
I had sent her by secretary Cecil, had recovered her out of a heavy
sickness which she had lyen under for fifteen days. Therefore
she welcomed me with a merry volt, and thanked me for the
diligence I had used in hasting to give her that welcome intel-
ligence. All this she said, before I had delivered unto her my
letter of credence. After that she had read it, I declared how that
the Queen had hasted me towards her Majesty, as one whom she
knew of all her friends would be most joyful of the glad news of her
delivery, albeit dear bought with the peril of her life, she being so
sore handled that she wished she had never been married. This
I said by the way, to give her a little scar from marriage : for so
my brother had counselled me, because sometimes she boasted
to marry the archduke Charles of Austria, when any inan pressed
her to declare a second person. Then I requested her Majesty
to be a gossip to the Queen ; to which she gladly condescended.
Your Majesty, said I, will now have a fair occasion to see the
Queen, whereof I have heard your Majesty so oft desirous. Where-
at she smiled, saying she wished that her estate and affairs might
permit her. In the mean time she promised to send both honour-
able lords and ladies to supply her room. Then I gave her
Majesty, in my Queen's name, most hearty thanks, for her
friendly visiting and comforting her by Mr. Henry Killegrew.
She enquired if I had left him in Scotland, and what was the cause
of his long stay. I answered. That the Queen took her chamber
shortly after his arrival, which was the chief cause of his delay.
G 77
"THE MEMOIRS OF
But I had in commission to tell her Majesty something there-
about, to satisfy her mind in the mean time, and to thank her
Majesty for the putting away of the Scots rebels out of her country,
albeit there were some reports that they were yet secretly enter-
tained by some of her subjects, though I hardly believed that any
of her subjects durst be so bold, or so disobedient. She affirmed
they were out of her dominions ; and if it might be otherwise
tried out, it should not pass without rigorous punishment. I told
her Majesty, that upon her desire, and ambassador's complaint,
the Queen had caused to apprehend Mr. Ruxbie, and had ordered
him to be delivered to her Majesty whenever she should please
to send for him. And as concerning Oneel, she had no dealing
with him, nor knew that there had been any servant of his sent
to my lord Argile, until Mr. Killegrew's coming, that she caused
to enquire at the said earl ; who acknowledged that Oneel had
sent one unto him about private purposes betwixt themselves ;
but that she did neither see nor speak with that man, nor had any
dealing with any man in Ireland.
Her Majesty seamed to be well satisfied with the matters of
Ireland, and concerning Mr. Ruxbie ; but she forgot to send for
him. Before I took my farewel in order to my return, I entied
with her Majesty concerning the title : for my lord of Leicester
was become my Queen's avowed friend, and had been twice in
hand with the Queen of England a little before my coming,
desiring her to declare my mistress next heir ; alledging it would
be her greatest security', and cried out in anger, that Cecil would
undo all. Likewise the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Pembroke
and several others, shewed themselves openly her friends, after
they understood the birth of the prince ; so that her Majesty's
matters in England were hopeful : and therefore I was advised
to say unto her Majesty, That I was assured she had formerly
delayed the declaring the Queen second person, only till she might
see such succession of her body as now God had graciously
granted : intreating her Majesty to embrace that fair offered
opportunity of satisfying the minds of m.any, as well in England
as in Scotland, who desired to see that matter out of doubt : and
the rather, because that the Queen my mistress would never seek
any place or right in England, but by her Majesty's favour and
furtherance. She answered. That the birth of the prince was a
great spur to cause the most skilful lawyers in England to use
greater diligence in tn,'ing out that matter, which she esteemed to
belong most justly to her good sister, and that she wished from
her heart that it should be that way decided. I replied. That
at my last being with her, I found her Majesty upon the same
terms ; but that as I had brought her good news from the Queen,
I was very desirous to be so happy as to carry home with me unto
her Majesty the good tidings of that so long delayed declaration.
She answered, she was resolved to satisfy the Queen in that matter
by those noblemen she was resolved to send into Scotland, for the
78
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
baptism of the prince. All this I perceived to be but shifts, and
so took my leave, because my brother was to remain there. The
next day her Majesty sent unto me her letter, with the present of
a fair chain.
My brother gave me the advice of her Majesty's friends, together
with his own instructions how to proceed after my coming home,
as foUoweth :
" First, That he is in such suspicion for his handling there, by
the advertisements of Mr. Ruxbie, and practices of her enemies,,
that her Majesty must signify to Mr. Killegrew, that she is
minded shortly to call him home, else he fears he shall be com-
manded to return.
" Secondly, That her Majesty require the earl of Leicester and
secretary Cecil to be sent to be her gossips, as fittest instruments
to perfect all articles and good offices of amity betsvixt them.
" Item, That Mr. Killegrew be well treated and rewarded, that
he may make good report, to hold off discord, that intelligence
may continue ; and desire him to declare unto the earl of
Leicester and secretary Cecil, that it cannot stand with good
friendship, to be so long fed with fair words without effect.
" Item, That her Majesty cast not off the earl of Northumber-
land, albeit as a fearful and facile man he delivered her letter to
the Queen of England ; neither appear to find fault with Sir
Henry Percy as yet, for his dealing with Mr. Ruxbie, which he
doth to gain favour at court, being upon a contrary faction to his
brother the earl.
" Item, That Mr. Ruxbie be well kept, and sent far north to
some secure part, that he give no hasty intelligence ; for he
hath already written unto secretary Cecil, by Sir Henry
Percy's conveyance, that he can discover all your practices and
secrets.
" Let my lord Argile entertain Oneel as of himself, the Queen
not appearing to know thereof.
" The secretary Cecil devised strange practices against the
meeting ; which because my lord of Leicester discovered unto
the Queen his mistress. Cecil stirred up the earl of Sussex to
forge a quarrel against him : but the Queen took the earl of
Leicester's part, and finally agreed them, and also Leicester
and Ormond.
" Item, That her Majesty should write two letters with Mr.
Killegrew to my brother ; the one, that he might shew unto the
Queen of England ; the other, that he might shew unto the
secretary Cecil.
" Item, To advertise my brother what he should do more for
my lady Lenox, whose liberty might do much good.
" Now to conclude : Seeing the great mark which her Majesty-
shoots at, let her Majesty be more careful and circumspect,
that her desires being so near to be obtained, be not all over-
thrown for lack of secrecy, good management, and princely
79
THE MEMOIRS OF
" behaviour, having so many factions enemies lying in wait to
" make the advantage of the least appearance that can be made."
Shortly after my coming home, Mr. Killegiew the English
ambassador obtained his dispatch, with a friendly answer to his
contentment, and a fair chain ; and with him her Majesty sent
these two letters following to my brother by his own advice, that
he might take occasion to let the Queen of England see the one,
and Mr. Cecil the other, partly to serve to put some doubts out
of their minds, engendred by Mr. Rvixbie's advertisements ;
for, as I have said, the bishop of Ross made the said Ruxbie's
address to the Queen : for neither he nor the earl Bothwell
desired her Majesty's affairs to prosper under my brother's
management, because he was not of their faction ; so that by
their means Ruxbie got that intelligence as put all her Majesty's
affairs once in a venture, until my brother's extraordinary in-
telligence from such as were most intimate with the Queen of
England, made him to cause apprehend the said Ruxbie, with his
whole letters and memoirs, as said is. So are many good princes
handled, and commonly their truest servants decourted by the
envy and craft of their factious enemies ; for wicked men, who
have lost their credit by trumpery and tricks, whereby they get no
place to do good service to princes, essay to creep into their favour
by wiles, flattery, and other unlawful means, v/hereby they may
decourt such as surmount them in virtue and honest reputation.
Her Majesty's letter to my brother was as followeth .
T Rusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. Whereas
" your brother James hath told us of the friendly and
" faithful advice given unto you and him by Mr. secretary
Cecil, toward the continuation of the amity betwixt the Queen
our good sister and us, tending also to our own particular
' advantage ; we thought meet to send these few lines, that you
' may thank him heartily in our name, and declare unto him our
meaning and intention, as you find opportunity touching the
three points that he did mention at that time :
' The first, as we understand, Touching our towardliness to
■ them of the religion ; the second. Touching strict justice to be
observed upon the borders ; the third. That we will endeavour
' by no other means to come to the succession of the crown of
' England, but by the favour and forth-setting of our good sister.
" As to the first, you shall answer in our name. That since our
' return out of France, we have neither constrained nor per-
' secuted any for cause of religion, nor yet minds to do ; their
' credit with us being so manifest, that they are intrusted with
■ the principal offices, and bear the chiefest charges in the
'' kingdom, and principally employed in our most urgent aflPairs
' before all others. Sir Nicholas Throclonorton can testify
what he hath seen and heard at his being here thereanent,
80
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
howbeit that contrary bruits are blown abroad by the malice
and practices of our enemies. To the second, concerning the
borders ; It is most certain, that the principal officers on both
the sides, are special instruments of all the disorders, taking oc-
casion upon our late troubles, whenas they perceived that we
might not so well take order with them as we were willing, as
now when it hath pleased God to grant unto us more quietness ;
desiring him also to procure at the Queen his sovereign's hands,
that the like diligence be taken for her part as shall be seen used
by us : and then we doubt not but that both he, she, and all
other who complain, shall be satisfied. As to the third and
last head ; you shall shew unto him the tenor of our other letter,
for satisfaction to the Queen and our other friends in these
parts. So, with my friendly commendations to him and his
wife, I commit you to the protection of the Almighty'. From
the castle of Edinburgh, this year 1566."
"/'' g ^ARusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We have
■ " received great comfort and contentment by the de-
A " claration your brother hath made to us of the Queen our
" good sister's continual affection and constant love towards us ;
" which she hath now shewn unto you, and your brother at his
" coming ; as also by her letters unto our self : likewise for the
" grant she hath made to be our gossip, and promises to send so
" honourable a com.pany of lords and ladies for solemnizing the
" same in her name ; for which, in our behalf, you shall give her
" Alajesty most hearty thanks, and shew unto her that we desire
" nothing to be dene therein, but as may conduce best for her
" advantage, and least to her expense ; praying her always, that
" the principal man, whom it will please her to send, be such a
" one as we have by long experience known to have been most
" familiar with her, to whom we may the more freely open our
" mind, and signify divers things which we intended to have
" spoken by mouth unto herself, if God had granted our desired
" meeting. As concerning Oneel, Ruxbie, and all other matters,
" we hope that Mr. Killegrev/ will satisfy her sufficiently ; and
" also how that we desire to have no advancement in that country,
" but by her only means and help, hoping and intending so to
" direct our course and behaviour toward her, as she shall have
" cause more and more to procure earnestly and carefully herself
" all things that may further our weal and advancement, in this
" country, that kingdom, or any other. In the which hope we
" will do our best to follow such measures as may please her, and
" to avoid all things that may offend her ; and we give our most
" strict command unto you to do the like, so long as you remain
" there, and where-ever you be about our service, even as I gave
" you commandment of before. Nevertheless, in the mean time,
" entertain most kindly and discreetly all those in that country
8i
THE MEMOIRS OF
who profess to bear good-will unto us and to our title ; yet in
such sort as neither you nor they offend the Queen our good
sister : and if there chance to come to you any hasty or seditious
persons, admonish them gently to cease ; and if they forbear
not, shew unto them tliat we have promised to the Queen to
declare the names and practices of such unto her, and that we
will not fail to do it indeed if they cease not : so shall it be
known, that such as are about to sow discord between the Queen
our good sister and us, doth it rather upon particular respects
and for their own advantage, than for any design to advance
her affairs or ours."
These kind of writings were for that time devised, to overthrow
and cast down some intelligences which were discovered by
Ruxbie, and some reports raised by enemies, that my brother by
his practices and persuasions had kindled a great fire, and had
raised a great faction in England. He did not deny but he had
dealt v.'ith many to win what favour he could to his mistress ;
but that he had done nothing that could offend the Queen of
England, and that he had no commandment to enterprize any
thing which could be displeasing to her. By this means Ruxbie's
intelligence was suppressed, and my brother suffered to stay still
in England ; whereby the Queen's friends so increased, that
many whole shires were ready to rebel, and their captains already
named by the election of the nobility.
About this time her Majesty was advertised by my brother's
letters, that the earl of Bedford was upon his journey toward
Scotland with an honourable company, as also the ambassadors of
France and Savoy, for the baptism of the prince ; which moved
her Majesty to pass to Stirling with the prince, for the solemnizing
thereof. But she was still sad and pensive for the late foul act
committed in her presence so irreverenth', she being their born
Queen, and thereby in hazard of losing the fruit of her womb.
So many great sighs she would give, that it was pity to hear her ;
and fev/ there were to endeavour to comfort her.
Sometime she would declare part of her grief to me ; which
I assayed the best I could to ass wage, by telling her, that I thought
the greater multitude of friends that she had got in England,
should cause her to forget in Scotland the lesser number of enemies
and unruly ofTenders, unworthy of her wrath ; and that her
excellent qualities, in clemency, temperance and fortitude, should
not suffer her mind to be possessed or suppressed with the re-
membrance of offences ; but that rather she should bend up her
spirit by a princely and womanly behaviour, whereby she might
best gain the hearts of the whole people, both here and in England ;
humbly requesting her Majesty, first to consult with her God,
next with her honour, and thirdly with her interest, in the
establishing of her state, and in joining the two kingdoms in a
82
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
happy monarchy, which she knew to be so near effectuate in her
person ; seeing also the banished estate of the offenders so
miserable, they not having a hole to hide their head in, nor a
penny wherewith to buy their dinner : that the most noble
natures would think them sufficiently punished : that it was a
comely thing for a woman to be pitiful, and to want vengeance.
I leave it, said I, Madam, to your own judgment, whether pre-
sently it be more for your honour and advancement of your
interest, to cease from any desire or pursuit of any further revenge,
W'hereupon may ensue more desperate enterprizes ; or to give
place unto necessity and reason, to rule over the beastly
passions of the mind : for as princes are called divine
persons, so no prince can pretend to this title, but he who draws
near the nature of God by godliness and good government, being
slow to vengeance, and ready to forgive. It is manifestly known
that wise princes entertain no longer feud at their enemies, than
they see it may be needful for the weal of their affairs and state ;
and they change their favour and hatred according to time and
occasions. Your Majesty may remember, that many things
might have been better managed : I speak this with love and
reverence. Your Alajesty might have been as well obeyed as
ever was any King in Scotland, if you had taken such princely
care as was requisite. You know, how that by your Majesty's
own express commandment, I did shew you long before what
inconveniences were like to fall out upon the grudges I perceived
before the slaughter of Riccio ; and God is my witness, I did
what lay in my power to have them eschew'ed and prevented.
And since that time your Majesty hath repented that my advice
was not followed : I pray God that the like repentance fall not
out again too late. At my being in England, your adversaries
were beginning to vaunt upon vain reports, that our westerly
winds had blown east among them ; so that my brother and I
had enough to do to beat it out of the heads of divers who were
devotedly addicted to the advancement of your title.
This communing began at the entry of her supper in her ear,
in French, when she was casting up great sighs, refusing to eat
upon any persuasion that my lords of Murray and Mar could
make to her. The supper being ended, her Majesty took me by
the hand, and went down through the park of Stirling, and came
up through the town, ever reasoning with me upon their purposes.
And albeit she took hardly with them at the first, she began to
alter her mind, thinking fit that my lord of Bedford should inter-
cede for her rebels ; they to be banished out of England and
Scotland during her pleasure, so to be by time reconciled to them,
according to their future deportments : and for her part, she
purposed to proceed with such a gracious government, as should
w'in the victory over herself, and all her competitors and enemies
in time coming ; which she could have done as well as any prince
in Europe. But, alas 1 she had bad company about her. For
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the earl of Bothwell, who had a mark of his own that he shot at,
as soon as he understood of her wise and merciful dehberations,
he took occasion to bring in the earl of Morton and his associates,
thereby to make them his friends, and by them to fortify his
faction. For apparently he had already in his head the resolution
of performing the fou! murder of the King, which he afterwards
put in execution, that he might marry the Queen. Both which he
brought to pass to his own uttet wreck and confusion, and thereby
great trouble and mischief upon the country ; and was also at
last the Queen's wreck, and the hindrance of all our hopes in the
hasty obtaining of all her desires concerning the crown of England.
The Queen's Majesty being advertised that the earl of Bedford
was come to Berwick on his journey to the baptism, sent me well
accompanied with diligence to meet him at Coldingham, to be
his first convo\^, and to inform him rightly of all her proceedings,
and to overthrow all evil bruits invented by the malice of her
adversaries. For, as I have said, it was a perverse time ; and the
more that the number of her friends increased in England, the
more practices her enemies made, and the more lies were invented
against her. But the good earl gave me more credit than he did
to any wrong report that was made. For he was at this time
become one of the surest and most affectionate friends she had in
England.
There came with him Mr. Gary, eldest son to my lord of
Hunsdean ; Mr. Hatton, greatest in favour with the Queen of
England for the time ; and one called Mr. Lignish, greatest in
favour with the duke of Noifolk ; and a good number of knights
and gentlemen of Yorkshire, with the most part of the captains
of Berwick. Her Majesty was sufficiently informed by my
brother's writing to her and me, what kind of language and enter-
tainment was most proper for the earl and each of them.
When all the rest of the ambassadors were come, they repined
to see the Englishmen more friendl}' and familiarly used than
themselves. For then we had more to do with England than with
France. And the French earl who was sent v^'as no courtier,
but a simple man. And JVIonsieur de Morat, the duke of Savoy's
ambassador, being far off, came after the baptism. During their
abode at Stirling, there was daily banqueting, dancing, and
triumph. And at the principal banquet there fell out a great
grudge among the Englishmen : for a Frenchman called Bastian
devised a number of men formed like satyrs, with long tails, and
whips in their hands, running before the meat, which was brought
through the great hall upon a machine or engine, marching as
appeared alone, with musicians clothed like maids, singing, and
playing upon all sorts of instruments. But the satj'rs were not
content only to make way or room but put their hands behind
them to their tails, which they wagged with their hands in such
sort, as the Englishmen supposed it had been devised and done
in derision of them ; weakly apprehending that which they should
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
not have appeared to understand. For Mr. Hatton, Mr. Lignish
and the most part of the gentlemen desired to sup before the
Queen and great banquet, that they might see the better the order
and ceremonies of the triumph : but so soon as they perceived
the satyrs wagging their tails, they all sat down upon the bare floor
behind the back of the table, that they might not see themselves
derided, as they thought. Air. Hatton said unto me, if it were
not in the Queen's presence, he would put a dagger to the heart
of that French knave Bastian, who he alledged had done it out
of despight that the Queen made more of them than of the French-
men. I excused the matter the best I could : but the noise was
so great behind the Queen's back, where her Majesty and my lord
of Bedford did sit, that they heard, and turned about their faces
to enquire what tlie matter meant. I informed them that it was
occasioned by the satyrs, so that the Queen and my lord of Bedford
had both enough to do to get them appeased. It fell out un-
happily at such a time, and the English gentlemen committed a
great oversight to notice it was done against them. But my lord
of Bedford was discreet and interpreted all things to the best.
My lord of Bedford was rewarded with a rich chain of diamonds,
worth 2000 crowns ; Mr. Gary with a chain of pearl, and a ring
with a fair diamond ; Mr. Hatton had a chain with her Majesty's
picture, and a ring ; Mr. Lignish and five others of quality had
each of them chains. I was commanded with many others to
attend them towards the road. They parted all very well content
and satisfied with the Queen's Majesti", but lamented that they
perceived the King so much slighted. My lord of Bedford desired
me to request her Majesty' to entertain him as she had done at the
beginning, for her own honour and the advancement of her affairs ;
which I forgot not to do at all occasions.
After the baptism and parting of the ambassadors, her Majesty
desirous to put good order upon the borders, sent the earl of
Bothweil before, who in the pursuit of thieves was hurt. Her
Majesty passed afterward to Jedburg herself, where the earls of
Bothweil and Huntly enterprized the slaughter of the earl of
Murray, but the lord Hume came there with forces and prevented
that enterprize. Her Majesty returned by the Merse, and desired
to see Berwick afar of, where she was honoured with many shots
of artillery ; and Sir John Foster warden upon the English border
came and conferred with her Majesty for keeping of good order.
And the mean time while he was speaking with her Majesty on
horseback, his courser did rise up with his foremost legs, to take
the Queen's horse by the neck with his teeth, but his feet hurt her
Majesty's thigh very ill. Incontinent the warden lighted off his
horse, and sat down upon his knees craving her Majesty's pardon :
for then all England did much reverence her. Her Majesty made
him to rise, and said that she was not hurt, yet it compelled her
Majesty to tarry two days at the castle of Hume until she recovered
again. The King followed her about whithersoever she rode,
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but got no good countenance ; so that finding himself slighted,
he went to Glasgow, where he fell sick ; it being alledged that he
had got poison from some of his servants.
In the mean time the earl of Bothwell ruled all at court, having
brought home the banished lords, and packed up a quiet friend-
ship with the earl of Morton. After her Majesty's return to
Edinburgh, she reconciled the earls of Huntly, Bothwell, Argile
and others. From that her Majesty went to Stirling to see the
prince, and returned again to Edinburgh, whither the King was
afterward brought and lodged in the Kirk-field as a place of good
air, where he might best recover his health. But many suspected
that the earl of Bothwell had some enterprize against him, few
durst advertise him, because he told all again to some of his own
servants, who were not all honest. Yet lord Robert earl of
Orkney told him, that if he retired not hastily out of that place,
it would cost him his life ; which he told again to the Queen ;
and my lord Robert denied that ever he spoke it : this advertise-
ment moved the earl of Bothwell to haste forward his enterprize.
He had before laid a train of powder under the house where the
King did lodge, and in the night did blow up the said house with
the powder ; but it was spoken that the King was taken forth,
and brought down to a stable, where a napkin was stopped in his
mouth, and he therewith suffocated.
Every body suspected the earl of Bothwell, and those who durst
speak freely to others said plainly that it was he. Whereupon
he drew together a number of lords of his dependers to be an
assize, which cleansed and acquitted him ; some for fear ; some
for favour, and the greatest part in expectation of advantage.
This way being assoilzied, he remained still the greatest favourite
at court. My lord of Alurray was retired from the court several
days before. Her Majesty kept her chamber for a while. I came
to the door the next morning after the murder ; and the earl of
Bothwell said that her Majesty was sorrowful and quiet, which
occasioned him to come forth. He said the strangest accident
had fallen out which ever was heard of, for thunder had come out
of the sky, and had burnt the King's house, and himself was found
dead lying a little distance from the house under a tree. He
desired me to go up and see him, how that there was not a hurt
nor a mark on all his body. But when I went up to see him, he
had been taken into a chamber, and kept by one Alexander
Durham ; but I could not get a sight of him.
The bruit began to rise that the Queen would marry the earl of
Bothwell, who had six months before married the earl of Huntly's
sister, and that for this design he was resolved to part with his
own lady. Whereat every good subject who loved the Queen's
honour and the prince's safety, had sore hearts, thinking thereby
her Majesty would be dishonoured, and the prince in danger to be
cut off by him who had slain his father. But few or none durst
speak in the contrary. Yet my lord Herreis a worthy nobleman
86
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
came to Edinburgh well accompanied, and told her Majesti,' what
reports were going through the country, of the earl of Bothwell's
murdering the King, and how that she was to marry him, re-
questing her Majestj' most humbly upon his knees to remember
her honour and dignity,', and the safety of the prince, which all
would be in danger if she married the said earl, with many other
great persuasions to shew the utter wreck and inconveniencies
would be thereby occasioned. Her Majesty appeared to wonder
how these reports could go abroad, seeing, as she said, there was
no such thing in her mind. He begg'd her Majesty's pardon, and
prayed her to take his honest meaning in a good part. And
immediately took his farewell, fearing the earl of Both well should
get notice thereof. He had fifty horse with him for the time, and
caused each of them to buy a new spear at Edinburgh, and so
rode home.
I was resolved to have said as much to her Majesty ; but in
the mean time there came a letter to me from one Thomas Bishop
a Scottishman, who had been long in England, and was a great
persuader of many in England to favour her Majesty's title. He
used oft to write unto my brother and me informations and
advertisements. At this time in his letter to me, he used even
the like language that my lord Herreis had spoken, but more
freely, because he was absent in another country. He adjured
me to shew the said letter unto her Majesty, declaring how it was
bruited in England that her Majesty was to marry the earl of
Bothwell, who was the murderer of her husband, who at present
had a wife of his own, a man full of all vice ; which reports he
could not believe, by reason that he judged her Majesty to be of
far greater knowledge, than to commit such a gross oversight, so
prejudicial every way to her interest, and the noble mark he knew
she shot at : seeing if she married him, she would lose the favour
of God, her own reputation, and the hearts of all England, Ireland
and Scotland, with many other dissuasions and examples of
history, which would be tedious to rehearse. I had been some
days absent, but upon receipt hereof I went to court to shew this
letter to her Majesty, protesting that she would take it in good
part.
After that her Majesty had read the said letter, she gave it me
again without any more speech, but called upon the secretary
Lidington, and told him that I had shewed her a strange letter,
desiring him also to read it. He asked what it could be. She
answered, a device of his own, tending to the wreck of the earl of
Bothwell. He took me by the hand, and drew me aside to see the
said letter ; which when he had read, he asked what had been in
my mind, for, says he, so soon as the earl Bothwell gets notice
hereof, as I fear he will very shortly, he will cause you to be killed.
I said it was a sore matter to sec that good princess run to utter
wreck, and nobody to be so far concerned in her as to forewarn
her of her danger. He said I had done more honestly than wisely ;
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and therefore I pray you, says he, retire diligently before the earl
of Bothwell comes up from his dinner. Her Majesty told him at
her first meeting, having first engaged him to promise to do me
no harm. Notwithstanding whereof I was enquired after, but
was flown and could not be found till his fury was slacked : for
I was advertised there was nothing but slaughter in case I had
been gotten. Whereat her Majesty was much dissatisfied, telling
hinti that he would cause her be left of all her servants ; where-
upon he renewed his engagements that I should receive no harm ;
whereof I being advertised, I went again unto her Majesty,
shewing her that she had never so much injured me as by thinking
that I had invented the said letter, assuring her that it came from
the said Thomas Bishop, and that albeit it had not come from
him, I thought it my duty to have freely told her Majesty my
opinion in all reverence and humility, which was contained in the
said letter ; but I found she had no mind to enter upon this
subject.
Shortly after her Majesty went to Stirling, and in her back-
coming betwixt Linlithgow and Edinburgh, the earl of Bothwell
rencountred her with a great company, and took her Majesty's
horse by the bridle ; his men took the earl of Huntly, the
secretary Lidington and me, and carried us captives to Dunbar :
all the rest were permitted to go free. There the earl of Bothwell
boasted he would marry the Queen, who would or who would not ;
yea whether she would herself or not. Captain Blackater who
had taken me, alledged that it was with the Queen's own consent.
The next day in Dunbar I obtained permission to go home.
Afterward the court came to Edinburgh ; and there a number of
noblemen were drawn together in a chamber within the palace,
where they all subscribed a paper, declaring that they judged it
was much the Q'leen's interest to marry Bothwell, he having many
friends in Lothian and upon the borders, which would cause good
order to be kept. And then the Queen could not but marry him,
seeing he had ravished her and lain with her against her will. I
cannot tell how nor by what law he parted with his own wife,
sister to the earl of Huntly.
A little before this the earl of Murray had desired liberty to go
to France. The secretary Lidington had been long in suspicion
absent from court, and was brought in again by my brother Sir
Robert's persuasion, for the great credit and handling he had with
many noblemen in England favourers of her Majesty's title :
albeit that he had as great credit himself ; yet he would not follow
the custom of ambitious courtiers who would engross all to them-
selves, unwilling to suffer a companion. He knew also that he
was suspected, because the earl Bothwell was not his friend. Thus
Lidington was again brought in ; but not long after the earl of
Bothwell thought to have slain him in the Queen's chamber, had
not her Majesty come betwixt and saved him : but he fled the
next day and tarried with the earl of Athole. As for me I was not
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
oft at court but now and then, yet I chanced to be there at the
marriage. When I came that time to the court, I found my lord
duke of Orkney sitting at his supper, who welcomed me, saying,
I had been a great stranger, desiring me to sit down and sup with
him ; the earl of Huntly, the justice clerk, and divers others being
sitting at table with him. I said I had already supped. Then
he called for a cup of wine and drank to me, saying, you had need
grow fatter, for, says he, the zeal of tlie commonwealth hath eaten
you up, and made you lean. I answered, that every little member
should serve for some use, but the care of the commonwealth
appertained most to him, and the rest of the nobihty, who should
be as fathers of the same. I knew well, says he, he would find
a pin for ever>- bore. Then he fell in discoursing of gentlewomen,
speaking such filthy language, that I left him, and went up to the
Queen, who expressed much satisfaction at my coming.
The marriage was made at the palace in Holy-rood-house,
after sermon by Adam Bothwell bishop of Orkney, in the great
hall where the council used to sit, according to the order of the
reformed religion, and not in the chapel at the mass, as was the
king's marriage.
After the marriage, he who was earl of Bothwell, now duke of
Orkney, was very earnest to get the prince in his hands ; but my
lord of ]\Iar, who was a true nobleman, would not deliver him
out of his custody, alledging that he could not without consent
of the three states : yet he was so frequently crossed by such as
had the authority in their hands, that he was thereby put to a great
strait. And after that he had made divers refusals, among others
he made his moan to me, praying me to help to save the prince out
of his hands who had slain his father, and had already made his
vaunt among his familiars, that if he could get him once in his
hands, he would warrant him from revenging his father's death.
I assured his lordship he should want no assistance I was capable
to give : he desired to know if I could propose any outgate. I
answered that I was intimately acquainted with Sir James Balfour,
and that I knew how matters stood bet\vixt Bothwell and him,
namely there W'ere some jealousies arisen betwixt them, which I
thought, if rightly managed, might be improved for the prince's
safety. I also told him that the earl intended to have the castle
out of his hands : for the earl and he had been great companions,
and he was also very great with the Queen, so that the custody
of the castle of Edinburgh was committed to him : but afterward
he would not content to be present, nor take part with the mur-
derers of the King, whereby he came in suspicion with the earl
of Bothwell, who would no more credit him, so that he would have
had the castle out of his hands, to have committed the charge
thereof to the laird of Beinston. I told his lordship he might
make this one of his excuses. That he could not deliver the prince
till he should see a secure place to keep him in. And upon the
other hand, when I returned to Edinburgh, I dealt with Sir James
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Balfour, not to part with the castle, whereby he might be an
instrument to save the prince and the Queen, who was so dis-
dainfully handled, and with such reproachful language, that in
presence of Arthur Areskine, I heard her ask for a knife to stab
herself, or else, said she, I shall drown myself. Now, says I,
to Sir James Balfour, there is no security for you to be out of
suspicion, but to keep the castle in your own hands, and so to be
the good instrument both of saving Queen and prince, and in
assisting the nobility, who are about to crown the prince, and to
pursue the earl of Bothwell for the King's murder. I told him,
That unless he took part with them, he would be holden as guilty'
of the said murder, by reason of his long familiarity with the earl
of Bothwell : that it was a happy thing for him that the said earl
was in suspicion of him ; assuring him that I had intelligence,
by one who was of the earl of Bothweli's council, to wit, the laird
of Whitlaw, captain of the castle of Dunbar, that the earl of
Bothwell was determined to take the castle of Edinburgh from
him, and make the laird of Beinston, one Hepburn, captain thereof,
and then to put the prince there in his keeping.
Sir James Balfour gave ear to my proposition, and consented
to help to pursue the murderers, upon condition that the laird of
Grange would engage upon his honour to be his protector, in
case afterward the nobility should alter upon him : for he and
most of them had formerly run contrary courses, so that he durst
not credit them.
The earl of Mar being hereof from me advertised, by his brother
Alexander Areskine, who was true and careful of the prince's
safety, coming secretly to me at midnight ; for the days were
dangerous for all honest men. Now my lord of Mar being con-
tinually required and threatned to deliver the prince out of his
hands, at length granted, (only to drive off time) upon condition
that an honest responsible nobleman should be made captain of
the castle of Edinburgh, the only secure place of keeping the
prince in. This answer was thought fit to asswage the present
fury, until the nobility might convene to pursue the murderers,
and to crown the prince, as they had already concluded at a secret
meeting among themselves ; which v/as not kept so private but
that one of the said lords gave advertisement thereof to the earl
of Bothwell, how that they were minded to environ the palace of
Holy-rood-house, and therein to apprehend him. Whereupon
he forgot enquiring after the prince, being only now concerned
how to save himself : therefore he fled out of Edinburgh to the
castle of Borthwick, from that to the castle of Dunbar, taking
always the Queen with him where ever he went.
All Scotland cried out upon the foul murder of the King ;
but few of them were careful how to revenge it, till they were
driven thereto by the crying out of all other nations against all
Scottishmen where ever they travelled either by sea or land.
Among other princes, the King of France sent hither to his
go
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
ambassador Monsieur le Croc, a grave, aged, discreet gentleman,
advanced by the house of Guise, a letter, therein expressing his
wonder, that such a foul murder being committed upon the
person of a King, so few honest subjects were found to find fault
with the same, far less to seek after any trial, or see the same
punished. Whereupon the lords who had the enterprize in hand
were hasted forward to take arms ; and in the mean time they
obliged themselves, by a writing under their hands, which they
delivered to the said Monsieur le Croc to send to the King his
master, that they should do their utmost diligence to try out the
authors of that foul murder of their King : and in the mean time
convened to the number of 3000 men, and came to Edinburgh,
and there set out a proclamation of their just quarrel. Also
sundry libels were set out both in rhime and prose, to move the
hearts of the whole subjects to assist and take part in so good a
cause.
The earl of Bothwell having the Queen in his company convened
a greater number out of the Merse and Lothian, and out of all
parts where he had interest or friendship. Her Majesty's pro-
clamation was not well obeyed ; and so many as came had no
hearts to fight in that quarrel. Yet the earl of Bothwell marched
forward out of Dunbar toward Edinburgh, taking the Queen with
him. The lords again with their company went out of Edinburgh
on foot, with an earnest desire to fight. Both armies lay not far
from Carberry : the earl Bothwell's men camped upon the hill,
in a strength very advantageous ; the lords encamped at the foot
of the hill. And albeit her Majesty was there, I cannot call it
her army : for many of those who were with her were of opinion
that she" had intelligence with the lords, especially such as were
informed of the many indignities put upon her by the earl of
Bothwell since their marriage. He was so beastly and suspicious,
that he suffered her not to pass one day in patience, without
making her shed abundance of tears. Thus pait of his own
company detested him ; other part of them believed that her
Majesty would fain have been quit of him, but thought shame to
be the doer thereof directly herself.
In the mean time the laird of Grange did ride about the hill
with 200 horsemen, who came there with Drumlanrig, Cessford
and Coldingknows, thinking to be betwixt the earl of Bothwell
and Dunbar, and was minded to make an onset that way, which
was plain, and that in the mean time that the lords should come
up the hill to the part where their adversaries were camped.
When the Queen understood that the laird of Grange vvas
chief of that company of horsemen, she sent the laird of Ormiston
to desire him to come and speak with her under surety ; which
he did, after he had acquainted the lords with her desire, and had
obtained their permission. .As he was speaking with her Majesty,
the earl of Bothwell had appointed a soldier to shoot him, until the
Queen gave a cry, and said that he would not do her that shame,
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seeing she had promised that he should come and return safely.
He was declaiing unto the Queen, that all of them were ready to
honour and serve her, upon condition that she would abandon
the earl of Bothwell, who had murdered her husband, and could
not be a husband unto her, who had but lately married the earl of
Huntly's sister. The earl of Bothwell hearkned, and heard part of
this language, and offered the combat to any who would maintain
that he had murdered the King. The laird of Grange promised
to send him an answer shortly thereunto. So he took his leave of
the Queen, and went down the hill to the lords ; who were content
that the laird of Grange should fight with him in that quarrel ;
for he first offered himself, and acquainted Bothwell that he would
fight with him upon that quarrel. The earl of Bothwell answered,
That he was neither earl nor lord, but a baron ; and so was not
his equal. The like answer made he to TuUibardine. Then
my lord Lindsay offered to fight him ; which he could not well
refuse : but his heart failed him, and he grew cold in the business.
Then the Queen sent again for the laird of Grange, and said to
him, That if the lords would do as he had spoken to her, she should
put av.'ay the earl of Bothwell, and come unto them. Whereupon
he asked the lords, if he might in their name make her Aiajesty
that promise : which they commissioned him to do. Then he
rode up again, and saw the earl of Bothwell part ; and came down
again, and assured the lords thereof. They desired him to go
up the hill again, and receive the Queen . who met him, and said.
Laird of Grange, I render myself unto you, upon the conditions
you rehearsed unto me in the name of the lords. Whereupon
she gave him her hand ; which he kissed, leading her Majesty's
horse by the bridle down the hill unto the lords ; who came
forward and met her.
The noblemen used all dutiful reverence ; but -ome of the
rascals cried out against her despightfully, till the laird of Grange
and others who knew their duty better, drew their swords, and
struck at such as did speak irreverent language ; which the nobility
well allowed of. Her Majesty was that night convoyed to Edin-
burgh, and lodged in the inidst of the town, in the provost's
lodging. As she came through the town, the common people
cried out against her Majesty at the windows and stairs ; which
was a pity to hear. Her Majesty again cried out to all gentlemen
and others, who passed up and down the streets, declaring how that
she was their native princess, and that she doubted not but all
honest subjects would respect her as they ought to do, and not
suffer her to be abused. Others again evidenced their malice.
in setting up a banner or ensign, whereupon the King was painted
lying dead under a tree, and the young prince upon his knees
praying, " Judge and revenge my cause, O Lord." That same
night it was alledged that her Majesty did write a letter unto the
earl of Bothwell, and promised a reward to one of her keepers to
convoy it securely to Dunbar unto the said eail, calling him her
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
dear heart, •whom she should never forget nor abandon, though
she was necessitated to be absent from him for the time ; saying,,
that she had sent him away only f r his safety, willing him to be
comforted, and be upon his guard : which letter the knave de-
livered to the lords, though he had promised the contrary. Upon
which letter the lords took occasion to send her to Lochlevin to be
kept : which she alledged was contrary to promise. They ort
the other hand affirmed, tliat by her own hand-writing she had
declared, that she had not, nor would not abandon the earl of
Bothwell. Grange again excused her, alledging she had in effect
abandoned the said earl ; that it was no wonder that she gave him
yet a few fair words, not doubting but if she were discreetly
handled, and humbly admonished what inconveniencies that man
had brought upon her, she would by degrees be brought, not only
to leave him, but ere long to detest him : and therefore he advised
to deal gently with her. But they said, That it stood them upon
their lives and lands, and that therefore in the mean time they
behoved to secure her ; and when that time came that she should
be known to abandon and detest the earl Bothwell, it would be
then time to reason upon the matter. Grange was yet so angry,
that had it not been for the letter, he had instantly left them. :
and, for the next best, he used all possible diligence to make her
and them both quit of the said earl, causing to make ready two
ships to follow after him, who had fled to the castle of Dunbar,
and from thence to Schetland. In the mean time her Majesty
sent a letter to the laird of Grange, lamenting her hard usage,
and shewing him that promises had been broken to her. Where-
unto he answered, That he had already reproached the lords for the
same ; who shewed unto him a letter sent by her unto the earl of
Bothwell, promising, among many other fair and comfortable
■words, never to abandon or forget him ; which had stopped his
mouth, marvelling that her Majesty considered not, that the said
earl could never be her lawful husband, being so lately before
married with another, whom he had deserted without any just
ground, although he had not been so hated for the murder of the
King her husband : and therefore he requested her Majesty to
put him clean out of mind, seeing otherwise she could never get
the love or respect of her subjects, nor have that obedience paid
her which othenvise she might expect. It contained many other
loving and humble admonitions, which made her bitterly to weep :
for she could not do that so hastily, which process of time might
have accomplished.
Now the laird of Grange's two ships being in readiness, he
made sail toward Orkney ; and no man was so frank to accompany
him as the laird of TuUibardine, and Adam Bothwell bishop of
Orkney. But the earl was fled from Orkney to Schetland :
whither also they followed him, and came in sight of Bothwell's
ship ; which moved the laird of Grange to cause the skipper to
hoise up all the sails : which they were loath to do, because they
H 93
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knew the shallow water thereabout. But Grange fearing to miss
him compelled the mariners ; so that for too great haste, the ship
wherein Grange was, did break upon a bed of sand, without loss
of a man. But Bothwell had leisure in the mean time to save
himself in a little boat, leaving his ship behind him : which
Grange took, and therein the laird of Tallow, John Hepburn of
Bouton, Dalgleish, and divers others of the earl's servants. Him-
self fled to Denmark, where he was taken, and kept in strait
prison ; wherein he became mad, and died miserably. But
Grange came back again with Bothwell 's ship and servants, who
were the first who gave information of the manner of the murder ;
which the lords thought fit to let the King of France understand,
and of their diligence, according to the promise made by them.
My lord of Murray had obtained liberty to pass into France
shortly after tie murder of the King ; for he did foresee the great
trouble like to ensue. The rest of the lords enterprizers, after
they had secured the Queen in Lochlevin, began to consult how
to get her Majesty counselled to demit the government to the
prince her son ; and for that effect they dealt first with my
brother Sir Robert, because he was sometimes allowed access
to her Majesty : and after that he had refused flatly to meddle
in that matter, they were minded to send the lord Lindsay, first
to use fair persuasions, and in case he could not speed that way,
they were resolved to enter in harder terms. The earls of Athole,
Mar, and secretary Lidington, and the laird of Grange, who
loved her Majesty, advised my brother to tell her the verity, and
how that anything she did in prison could not prejudge her,
being once again at liberty. He answered, he would give no such
advice as coming from himself, but he should tell it as the opinion
of those he knew to be her true friends. But she refused utterly
to follow that advice, till she heard that the lord Lindsay was at
the new house at the shore coming in, and in a very boasting
humour : and then she yielded to the necessity of the time, and
told my brother that she would not strive with them, seeing it
could do her no harm when she was at liberty. So at my lord
Lindsay's coming, she subscribed the signature of renunciation
and demission of the government to the prince, and certain lords,
named in the said signature, to be regents to the prince and
country ; her Majesty desiring my lord Murray, who was absent
in France, to be the first regent.
This being past, the lords concluded to crown the prince ;
and sent letters to France to the earl of Murray to come home.
In the mean time there were a number of lords convened at
Hamilton, as my lord Hamilton, my lord Paisley, John Hamilton
bishop of St. Andrews, my lord Fleming, Bold, and divers others,
to whom the lords who were to crown the prince would have sent
me commissioner. Which commission at the first I refused ;
but afterwards I accepted thereof at the advice of secretary
Lidington, the laird of Grange, and other secret favourers of the
94
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Queen, who judged it very fit that the whole country' should be
joined together in quietness ; fearing that in case civil wars
entred among them, it might endanger her Majesty's life : for
it was judged that those who were at Hamilton appeared to lean
to the Queen.
At my coming to Hamilton, I told them my commission in the
name of the other lords. How that the King being murdered, all
neighbour nations cried out upon the whole kingdom, hut
especially tlie King of France and the Queen of England soUicited
them to enquire after, and punish the murderers : how that they
had found that it was the earl of Bothwell, and some of them who
had assisted him, who were punished ; and what was past since
thereupon was known to the whole country : that the Queen's
Majesty had demitted over the government to the prince her son,
whom they were minded to crown shortly ; whereof they thought
fit to warn all the nobility, as being resolved to prejudge no noble-
man of his rights, titles or prerogatives ; requesting them who were
there convened to come to Stirling, and be present at the said
coronation, for retaining their own privileges, the peace and quiet
of the whole country. Some of the younger lords answered, and
said. That they would not believe that the Queen's Majesty had
demitted the government ; and if she had done it, it would be
found for to save her life. But the bishop, who had more ex-
perience than they, reproved them, and said that those noblemen
had dealt very reasonably and discreetly with them. So he drew
the rest aside to advise, and then returned and gave me this
answer :
" We are beholden to the noblemen who have sent you with
" that friendly and discreet commission ; and, follov/ing their
" desire, we are ready to concur with them, if they give us sufficient
" security of that which you have said in their name ; and in so
" doing, they give us occasion to construct the best of all their
" proceedings past and to come : so that if they had acquainted
" us with their first enterprize of punishing the murder, we should
" heartily have taken part with them. And whereas now we are
" here convened, it is not to pursue or offend any of them, but to
" be upon our own guards, notwithstanding of so great a concourse
" of noblemen, barons, burroughs, and other subjects : for not
" being made privy to their enterprize, we thought fit to draw
" ourselves together, till we should see whereto things would
" turn."
When I returned back to Stirling, and declared this answer,
it was judged satisfactory by all wise and honest-hearted men ;
but others said, That however they minded to do, I had painted
out a fair story for them, and in their favours : so that I perceived
them already divided in factions and opinions. For so many of
our lords as leaned to England desired not the stability of our
state ; others had particular prejudices and designs against the
Hamiltons, and expected to get them ruined, to gain advantage
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to themselves by fishing in troubled waters : so that the Hamiltons
were ill used ; for they would fain have agreed with the rest, but
their friendship and society was plainly refused at this time, and
they not permitted to come to the coronation, nor yet to take
instruments that they should not be prejudged in any sort ; which
occasioned great trouble afterward in the country. For they
perceiving themselves cast off, and their friendship and assistance
refused, endeavoured for their own security and defence to draw
in other noblemen and barons to join with them, who had not as
yet joined with the other lords, and therefore were the more easily
drawn upon that side, (and these were afterward called the Queen's
lords) when they were convinced of the bad usage the Hamiltons
had received.
I have before related that my lord Murray v/as written for to
come home ; and so soon as he came to London the lords were
thereof advertised, who desired me to ride and meet him at
Berwick, and shew him how that the office of regent was appointed
for him. Which journey I accepted with the better will, in that
some friends who were best inclined, thought meet to give him
good counsel in due time. My commission from the lords was to
inform him of all their proceedings, and of the present estate,
and to desire him to do nothing without their knowledge vv^ith the
Queen : for they feared that he might carry himself with that
mildness toward her, as to oblige her to believe he intended some
time to release her ; and that he would not run so hard a course
against her, as some of them would had him to do. Another part
of the said lords (that did still bear a great love unto the Queen,
and had compassion upon her estate, and who entred upon that
enterprize only for safety of the prince, and punishment of the
King's murder, as the earl of Mar, the earl of Athole, the secretary
Lidington, the lairds of TuUibardine and Grange) sent their
instructions with me to my lord of Murray, praying him in their
name to behave himself gently and humbly unto the Queen, and
to procure so much favour for her as he could. Not that they
would advise him to forget any part of honest duty to the lords,
so long as they kept touch with him ; but that in case they, or
any part of them would be offended at him afterwards, for the
refusal of some casualty, benefice, or the like, they would come to
themselves again, seeing the Queen and him iv. so good terms,
iest he should set her at liberty upon account of their misbehaviour.
And further, that her Majesty being nov^' free of ill company,
and of a cleat wit and princely inclination, was beginning already
to repent her of many things past, and time might bring about
such occasions as they should all wish her at liberty to n.ile over
them ; and that in that case, he would not lose by his discreet and
friendly behaviour to her. He appeared much to relish this
advice, but he seemed somewhat refractory of accepting the
government, refusing it plainly at first, albeit I was informed by
some of his company, that he was right glad when he understood
96
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
first that he was to be recent. There came home with him a
French anibassador of my acquaintance, who was sent to see how
matters past, to comfort the captive Queen, and to intercede for
her ; but he did very slenderly : for he said to the lords, he came
not to offend any of them, alledging that the old band and league
betwixt France and Scotland was not made with any one prince,
but betwixt the estates of the two kingdoms, and with those who
were commanders over the country for the time.
After that my lord of Murray had met with all his friends, he
granted to accept the government. But when he went to see the
Queen in Lochlevin, instead of comforting her, and following
the good counsel he had gotten, he entred instantly with her
Majesty in reproaches, giving her such injurious language as was
like to break her heart. We who found fault with that manner of
procedure, lost his favour. The injuries were such, that they
cut the thread of love and credit betwixt the Queen and him for
ever.
You have heard how that the lords who were in Hamilton were
cast off, and refused to be accepted into society with the rest,
against the opinion cf the fewest in number, though the wisest
men and least factious. But the worst-inclined and manyest
votes obtained their intent. Whereupon the lords who were
refused to be brought into friendship drew themselves together
in Dunbarton, under the pretext to procure by force of arms the
Queen their sovereign's liberty, and banded themselves together
against the King's lords ; which they would not have done, if
they could have been accepted in society with the rest. Albeit
their publick professing their intention of spending their lives for
the Queen's libertj' put her Majest>''s life in greater danger, so
long as she was captive in the hands of the contrary party, and was
at length her Majesty's utter wreck. For the hope that she had to
get friends and favourers caused her to use means to escape out
of Lochlevin too hastily, ere the time was ripe enough to recover
again the hearts of the subjects, who were yet alienated. For
albeit my lord regent was rigorous, he was flexi'ole and might
have been won through process of time by her wisdom and the
interest of her friends. The tenor of their bond was as foUoweth :
" 1 ^Orasmuch as considering the Queen's Majesty our
§-^ " sovereign to be detained at present at Lochlevin in
A " captivity, wherefore the most part of her Majesty's
" lieges cannot have free access to her highness ; and seeing it
" becomes us of our duty to seek her liberty and freedom : we
" earls, lords and barons under subscribing, promise faithfully
" to use the outmost of our endeavours by all reasonable means
" to procure her Majesty's liberty and freedom, upon such
" honest conditions as may stand with her Majesty's honour,
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THE MEMOIRS OF
" the common weal of the whole realm, and security of the whole
" nobility who at present have her Majesty in keeping ; whereby
" this our native realm may be governed, ruled and guided by her
" Majesty and her nobility, for the common quietness, the ad-
" ministration of justice, and weal of the country. And in case
" the noblemen who have her Majesty at present in their hands
" refuse to set her at liberty, upon such reasonable conditions as
*' said is, in that case we shall employ ourselves, our kindred,
" friends, servants, and partakers, our bodies and lives, to set her
" highness at liberty, as said is ; and also to concur to the punish-
" ment of the inurder of the King her Majesty's husband ; and
" for sure preservation of the person of the prince, as we shall
" answer to God, and on our honours and credit : and to that
" effect shall concur every one with other at our utmost power.
" And if any shall set upon us, or any of us, for the doing as afore-
" said ; in that case, we promise faithfully to espouse one another's
*' interest, under pain of perjury and infamy, as we shall answer to
" God. In witness whereof, we have subscribed tliese presents
" with our hand, at Dunbarton, the day
"of
St. Andrews. Fleming.
Argile. Herns.
Huntly. Skirling.
Arbroath. Kilwonning.
Galloway. Will. Hamilton of Sanchar,
Ross. knight.
This small number were the first who banded themselves
together, and afterward all those who were male-contents, or had
any particular questions, claims, or feuds with any of the King's
lords, drew to these new confederates, hoping by time to win
their intent against their adversaries, in case their faction might
prevail. And some drew to both the factions, who neither desired
to see the kirk nor country in any established estate.
The court of England, on the other hand, left nothing undone
to kindle the fire, and to furnish both the factions with hope of
assistance in case of need. For oft times by their ambassadors
ordinary who were resident here, they upon some new occasion
would send in another openly to deal with the King's faction,
because it was strongest and greatest ; and under-hand to deal
with the Queen's faction, and alledge that their quarrel was most
just and right, and that her Majesty's authority was only lawful.
No man can tell this better than I, who v/as so long well acquainted
with all the ambassadors who were sent to Scotland, during their
banishment in France in Queen Mary's time ; as with Mr.
Randolph, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, Mr. Dayson, Mr. Kille-
grew, and the marshal of Berwick. Among the which number Sir
Nicholas Throckmorton dealt most honestly and plainly, for he
98
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
shot at the union of the whole isle in one monarchy ; and thought
that it only consisted in the persons of two for the time, to wit, the
Queen, and the King her son. And when he saw Mr. Randolph
go about to sow discord, he declared the same to my brother and
me, and detested him for his devilish intent and dealing : yea he
detested the whole council of England for the time, and told
us friendly what reasoning they held among themselves for that
effect, to wit, how that one of their greatest counsellors proposed
openly to the rest, that it was needful for the welfare of England
to foster and nourish with some help the civil wars, as well in
France, Flanders, as Scotland, whereby England might have many
advantages, and be sought after by all parties, and in the mean
time live at rest and gather great riches themselves. This advice
and proposition was well allowed of by most part of the council,
yet one honest councellor stood up and said, That it was a very
worldly advice, and had little or nothing to do with a christian
commonwealth, nor yet would it be found profitable in all points.
First he said, it is worldly and not godly ; for though I grant, said
he, that France, which is so potent a kingdom, if it knew its own
strength might suppress all its neighbours, and therefore would
be so handled ; yet even there the fire would die out incontinent,
except the prince of Conde were better furnished and helped.
As for Flanders, he said, that the trouble was prejudical to England,
because by the wars in Flanders, England's great traffick of mer-
chandize is hindred, whereby they have greatest gain. As for
Scotland, he said it was against their weal to hold them in
dissention, so long as my lord of Murray was regent, who was
their friend, and would be ready to assist them with his power in
their necessity. Another counsellor affirmed that to be true,
but if my lord Murray were dead, Scotland behoved likewise to
be kept in hot water. Which conclusion was commonly followed
afterward, and was soon discovered by the wisest of our country
•who were not factious ; but too late by the rest of the raging
multitude, who through process of time were so battered one
against another, ere the play was ended, that they would have
eaten one another with their teeth.
Now my lord of Murray having accepted the government
upon him, pressed to ha\^ the strengths in his hands, as the
castles of Edinburgh, Dunbar, and Dunbarton. The castle of
Edinburgh was still in the hands of Sir James Balfour, who had
assisted the noblemen who had pursued the murder, and now took
plain part with them, and likewise assisted the new made regent.
Yet he desired to have the castle out of his hands ; which he was
content to deliver up upon condition that the laird of Grange
should be made captain thereof, upon the constancy of whose
friendship he reposed most ; which was easily granted by the
regent, and all the rest. After this, the other strengths were
also rendred to him. Then he took great pains to steal secret
roads upon tlie thieves on the borders, tending much to the
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THE MEMOIRS OF
quieting thereof. He likewise held justice ayres in the in-country :
But was not so diligent as he might have been in settling the
■differences among the nobility, and to draw them, by a sweet and
•discreet equitable behaviour, to the obedience of the King's
authority. Which might have been easily done, if they had gotten
security for their persons and estates. But such as were about
him, having their own ambitious and covetous ends, counselled
him otherwise, thinking by the wreck of others to make up them-
selves. They were so blinded by their affections and greedy
appetites, that they thought all would succeed prosperously
according to their desires, without any resistance. Thus rushing
forward, the regent's rough proceedings gave occasion to many
to draw to the contrary faction. And they to strengthen them-
selves under the name of authority, devised how to draw the
Queen's Majesty out of Lochlevin to be their head before the time
was ripe ; whereof the regent was oft and frequently warned, even
by divers who were upon the counsel of her out-taking, who
desired that way to win thanks at his hands. But he would credit
nothing, but such things as came out of the mouths of those who
had crept into his favour by flattery.
In the mean time the Queen was convoyed out of Lochlevin
by George Douglas the laird's brother, and the regent's half
brother, who was for the time in some evil terms with them.
The old lady his mother was also thought to be upon the counsel.
My lord Seaton and some of the house of Hamilton, and divers
of their dependers, received her Majesty at her landing out of the
Loch, and convoyed her to Hamilton.
'• The regent being for the time at Glasgow holding justice ayres,
proclamations and missives were incontinently sent abroad by
both sides to convene so many as would act for them in the country.
A French ambassador was come to Edinburgh ten days before,
called Monsieur de Beaumont, knight of the order of the cockle,
whom I had convoyed to Glasgow, and had procured to him a
sight of the Queen while captive. He said to me, that he never
did see so many men so suddenly convened ; for he rode to
Hamilton to the Queen, and dealt between the parties for peace,
but was not heard. Her Majesty was not minded to fight, nor
hazard battle, but to go unto the castle of Dunbarton, and en-
deavour by little and little to draw home again unto her obedience
the whole subjects. But the bishop of St. Andrews, and the
house of Hamilton, and the rest of the lords there convened,
finding themselves in number far beyond the other party, would
needs hazard a battle, thinking thereby to overcome the regent
their great enemy, and be also masters of the Queen, to command
and rule all at their pleasure. Some alledged that the bishop
was minded to cause the Queen to marry my lord Hamilton, in
case they had obtained the victory. And I was since informed by
some who were present, that the Queen herself feared the same,
therefore she pressed them still to convoy her to Dunbarton, and
lOO
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
had sent me word with the French ambassador the same morning
before the battle, to draw on a meeting for concord, by the means
of the secretary Lidington and the laird of Grange : and for her
part she would send the lord Herreis and some other. She had
also caused my brother Sir Robert to write a letter to me that same
morning, for that same effect ; but the Queen's army came on so
fiercely that there was no stay.
The regent went out on foot, and all his company except the
laird of Grange, Alexander Hume of Manderston, and some
borderers to the number of 200. The laird of Grange had already
viewed the ground, and with all imaginable diligence caused every
horseman to take behind him a footman of the regent's to guard
behind them, and rode with speed to the head of the Langside
hill, and set down the said footmen with their culverins at the
head of a strait lane, where there were some cottage houses and
yards of great advantage. Which soldiers with their continual
shot, killed divers of the vauntguard led by the Hamiltons, who
courageously and fiercely ascending up the hill, were already out
of breath when the regent's vauntguard joined with them. Where
the worthy lord Hume fought on foot with his pike in his hand
very manfully, well assisted by the laird of Cesford his brother-
in-law, who helped him up again, when he was struckcn to the
ground with many stroakes upon his face, by the throwing pistols
at him after they had been discharged. He was also wounded with
staves, and had many stroakes of speais through his legs ; for he
and Grange, at the joining, cried to let their adversaries first lay
down their spears, to bear up theirs ; which spears were so thick
fixed in others jacks, that some of the pistols and great staves,
that were thrown by them which were behind, might be seen
lying upon the spears.
Upon the Queen's side the earl of Argile commanded the
battle ; and the lord of Arbroath the vauntguard. On the other
part the regent led the battle ; and the earl of Morton the vaunt-
guard. But the regent committed to the laird of Grange the
special care, as being an experimented captain, to oversee every
danger, and to ride to every wing, to encourage and rnake help
where greatest need was. He perceived at the first joining, the
right wing of the regent's vauntguard put back, and like to fly,
whereof the greatest part were commons of the barony of Ren-
frew ; whereupon he rode to them, and told them that their
enemy was already turning their backs, requested them to stay
and debate, till he should bring them fresh men forth of the battle.
Whither at full speed he did ride alone, and told the regent that
the enemy were shaken, and flying away behind the little village,
and desired a few number of fresh men to go with him. Where
he found enough willing, as the lord Lindsay, the laird of Loch-
levin, Sir James Balfour and all the regent's serv'ants, who followed
him with diligence, and reinforced that wing which was beginning
to fly ; which fresh men with their loose weapons struck the enemy
lOI
THE MEMOIRS OF
in their flanks and faces, which forced them incontinent to give
place and turn back, after long fighting and pushing others to and
fro with their spears. There were not many horsemen to pursue
after them ; and the regent cried to save and not to kill ; and
Grange was never cruel, so that there were but few slain and taken.
And the only slaughter was at the first rencounter, by the shot of
the soldiers which Grange had planted at the lane-head behind
some dikes.
After the loss of the battle, her Majesty lost all courage, which
she had never done before, and took so great fear, that she never
rested till she was in England, thinking herself sure of refuge there,
in respect of the fair promises formerly made to her by the Queen
of England by word to her ambassadors, and by her own hand-
writ both before and after she was captive in Lochlevin. But
God and the world knows how she was kept and used : for not
only she refused to see her, of whom she appeared so oft so de-
sirous of a sight and a meeting, but also caused to keep her prisoner,
and at length suffered her life to be taken away, or else it was
subtilly taken against her intention. This puts me in remem-
brance of a tale that my brother Sir Robert told me : the time that
he was busiest dealing betwixt the two Queens to entertain their
friendship, and draw on their meeting at a place near York, one
Bassinton a Scotsman, who had been a traveller, and was learned
in high sciences, came to him and said, Good gentleman, I hear
so good a report of you, that I love you heartily, and therefore
cannot forbear to shew you, how that all your upright dealing
and honest travel will be in vain : for whereas you believe to
obtain advantage for your Queen at the Queen of England's hands,
you do but lose your time and your travel : for first they never
will meet together, and next there will never be anything else but
dissembling and secret hatred for a while, and at length captivity
and utter wreck to our Queen from England. My brbther
answered, he liked not to hear of such devilish news, nor yet
would he in any sort credit them, as being false, ungodly, and un-
lawful for christians to meddle with. Bassinton answered,
Good Mr. Melville, entertain not that harsh opinion of me. I am
a christian of your own religion, and fear God, and purpose never
to cast myself on any of the unlawful arts that you mean ; but
so far as Melancton, who was a godly theologue, hath declared
lawful, and written concerning the natural sciences, which are
lawful, and daily read in divers christian universities, in the
which, as in all other arts, God gives to some less and to others
clearer knowledge, by the which knowledge I have attained to
understand, that at length the kingdom of England shall of right
fall to the crown of Scotland, and that at this instant there are
some born who shall bruik lands and heritages in England. But
alas, it will cost many their lives, and many bloody battles will be
fought ere things be settled or take effect : and by my knowledge,
says he, the Spaniards will be helpers, and will take a part to
J 02
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
themselves for their labour, which they will be loath to leave
again.
After that the Queen's Majesty had demitted the government
when she was captive in Lochlevin, in such manner as is rehearsed,
my lord of Alurray being the first of the regents, of whom I have
said something already ; I intend now to follow forth, and shew
a part of his proceedings, and to begin where I left, at her JMajesty's
retreat to England.
After the battle of Langside, the regent went through the
country', and took up the escheats and houses of those who had
assisted at the said battle, and caused to cast down divers of their
houses, distributing their lands to his servants and dependers.
The council of England being crafty, and in fecial the secretary
Cecil, they knew what kind of men had most credit about him for
the time, and thereupon took occasion to deal with the least
honest, most ambitious and covetous of that number and society,
who had joined and banded themselves together to assist each
other, whereby to advance themselves, and to disgrace all such
true and honest men as had assisted and helped him in all his
former troubles. This sort of men were soon persuaded and
corrupted to move the regent to pass into England, and accuse
their native Queen before the Queen and council of England, to
the great dishonour of their country and prince. For the Queen
of England, who had no just cause to retain our Queen, who had
fled to England in hope of getting shelter, and the assistance which
had been so oft promised her both before and after her captivity
in Lochlevin, was very desirous to have some colour and pretext,
whereby she might make answer to the ambassadors of sundry
princes, who reproached her for her unkindly and unprincely
proceedings therein.
Because the most part of those who had the regent's ear were
gained to this opinion, and the number few who were of a contrary
mind, he went forward to England, accompanied with the earl of
Morton, the lord Lindsay, the laird of Lochlevin, the bishop of
Orkney, the abbot of Dunfermling, Mr. James Macgil, Mr,
Henry Balnaves, Mr. George Buchanan, the laird of Pittarrow,
George Douglas bishop of Murray, Mr. John Wood the regent's
secretary, a great ringleader, Mr. Nicholas Elphinston, secretary
Lidington, Alexander Hay, Alexander Hume of Northberwick,
the laird of Cleesh, with divers other barons and gentlemen, who
went there to see the fashion, some to wait upon the regent and
lords, and some, who could not get the regent dissuaded from
this extreme folly at home, went with him to England to see if by
any assistance of such as were friends there to the union of the
isle, and to the title of Scotland, he might be stayed from that
accusation. For those who were the Queen's lords, who came
there to defend the Queen's part, had no credit nor familiarity
with the chief faction in England concerning the title, nor durst
open their minds but to such as by long acquaintance they were
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THE MEMOIRS OF
well assured of their honesty and secrecy. The names of the
Queen's lords were, the lord Herreis, the lord Boyd, the lord
Fleming, the lord Livingston, the bishop of Ross, and some
others, with my brother Sir Robert, who attended to do all the
good he could.
The duke of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, and several other
counsellors were sent down to York to hear the regent's accusation,
and to be as judges between the King and Queen's lords.
The first day of meeting, the duke of Norfolk required that the
regent should make homage in the King's name to the crown of
England, thinking he had some ground to demand the same,
seeing the said regent there to plead his cause before the council
of England. Whereat the regent grew red, and knew not what to
answer ; but secretary Lidington took up the speech, and said,
" That in restoring again to Scotland the lands of Huntington,
Cumberland and Northumberland, with such other lands as
Scotland did of old possess in England, that homage should gladly
be made for the said lands : but as to the crown and kingdom of
Scotland, it was freer than England had been lately, when it paid
St. Peter's penny to the Pope."
It appeared still that the duke drave off time with us, as having
no inclination to enter upon the terrors of accusation. What
was in his head appealed afterward ; but he was long in a suspense
with whom to deal : for he thought (as he afterward said) he
neither did see honest men nor v;ise men. At last he resolved to
enter in conference with secretary Lidington, to v/hom he said,
" That before that time he had ever esteemed him a wise man,
until that now he came before strangers to accuse the Queen his
mistress, as if England were judge over the princes of Scotland.
How could we find in our hearts to dishonour our King's mother,
or how could we ansv.'er afterward for what we were doing, seeing
it tended to hazard the King her son's right to England, intending
to bring his mother's honesty in question ? It had been rather
the duty of you her subjects, says he, to cover her imperfections
if she had any, remitting unto God and time to punish and put
order thereto, who is the only judge over princes." Lidington,
as he might well do, purged himself, and declared he came there
to endeavour to stop the said accusation, which the laird of Grange,
and divers others, had endeavoured to do in vain, before the
regent's coming out of Scotland : and that now he would be glad
of any help to hinder that shameful deliberation of the regent's,
pushed thereto by a company of greedy, rash and careless coun-
sellors, the most part of them his enviers and secret enemies :
praying the duke not to conceive such an evil opinion of him ;
but requesting him to draw the regent apart, and enter with him
upon those terms which afterward the regent would shew him,
and he should amplify and set it out the best he could. The duke
asked, " If the regent would keep secret ? " and being thereof
assured by Lidington, the next day he took occasion to enter into
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
discourse with the regent, about their first friendship and
famiHarity contracted at Leith during the siege, and helping to
put the Frenchmen out of Scotland. Then, after that the regent
had promised secrecy, and assured him that their first friendship
should stand till the end of his life, the duke began to declare,
how " That he would be a faithful subject to the Queen his mistress
so long as she lived ; but that she was too careless what might
come after her about the well and quiet of her country : though
it was the interest of the kingdom of England more to notice the
same, by determining the succession, to prevent troubles that
might otherwise ensue. That they had divers times essayed
to do something therein at every parliament, but that their Queen
had thereat evidenced a great discontent, and hindred the same,
shewing thereby that she cared not what blood was shed after
her for the right and title of the crown of England, which consists
only in the persons of the Queen and King of Scotland her son ;
which had been put out of doubt ere then, if matters had not
fallen out so unhappily at home ; and yet he and other noblemen
of England, as fathers of the country, were minded to be careful
thereof, watching their opportunity. But that they wondred
what could move him to come there and accuse his Queen ; for
albeit she had done, or suffered harm to be done to the King her
husband, yet there was respect to be had to the prince her son,
upon whom he and many in England had fixed their eyes, as Mr.
Melvil, who had been late ambassador there, could testify. He
therefore wished that the Queen should not be accused, nor
dishonoured for the King her son's cause, and for respect to the
right they both had to succeed to the crown of England. And
further the duke said, I am sent to hear your accusation ; but
neither will I, nor the Queen my mistress, give out any sentence
upon your accusation. And that you may understand the veritT,'
of this point more clearly, you shall do well the next time that I
require you before the council to give in j^our accusation in
writing ; to demand again my mistress's seal and hand-writing
(before you shew your folly) that in case you accuse, she shall
immediately convict and give out her sentence according to your
probation ; otherwise, that you will not open your pack : which
if her Majesty shall refuse to grant unto you, which undoubtedly
she will do, then assure yourself that my information is true,
take occasion hereupon to stay from further accusation."
The regent took very well with this advice of the duke's, and
kept it secret from all his company save secretary Lidington and
me, to whom that same night he imparted it, shewing us his
inclination to follow the same ; in which resolution we confirmed
him. At the next meeting with the council, when the duke
demanded the accusation to be given in, the regent asked for his
security the Queen of England's seal and hand-writing, as was
before advised : of which the rest of his faction gave Lidington
the full blame, because it drew on a delay until the post was sent
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to the court, and returned the Queen's answer. Being come, it
was told, " That she was a true pi-incess, her word and promise
would be abundantly sufficient. The secretary Cecil and Mr.
John Wood secretary to the regent, thought strange of this manner
of procedure ; therefore it was advised to desire the lords on both
sides to go from York toward the court, that the matter might
there be treated, where the Queen was able to give more ready
answers and replies.
In the mean time the regent finding the information the duke
of Norfolk gave hinri concerning the Queen of England's answer
to be true, he entred further into communication with him, and
in presence of Lidington, it was agreed betwixt them as followeth :
That he in no ways should accuse the Queen ; That the duke
should obtain to him the Queen's favour with a confirmation of
the regency. The duke and he were to be as sworn brothers of
one religion, shooting continually at one mark, with the mutual
intelligence of one anothers minds ; the one to rule Scotland, the
other to rule England, to the glory of God, and well of both the
countries and their princes, so that posterity should report them
the happiest two instruments that ever were bred in Britain.
The duke was then the greatest subject in Europe, not being a
free prince. For he ruled the Queen, and all those who were
most familiar with her. He also ruled the council ; and ruled
two factions in England, both protestants and papists, with the
city of London and whole commons. The great men who were
papists were all his near kinsmen, whom he entertained with great
wisdom and discretion ; the protestants had such proof of his
godly life and conversation, that they loved him entirely.
The regent being arrived at the court of England, which was
for the time at Hampton-court, he was daily pressed to give in his
accusation, especially by those who were about him, when all
thought strange that he was so slow of doing thereof, until they
were advertised by one of the lords of the Queen's faction of all
that had past betwixt the regent and the duke of Norfolk. For
the duke by a secret hand had advertised our Queen ; and she
again had shewed it to one of her inost familiars, who advertised
the earl of Morton thereof. He took this very ill, that the regent
had done this without acquainting him, or any of his society of
his design. But ere he, or any of his company would seem to
understand any thing of the matter, they laid their heads together,
and caused Mr. John Wood to inform secretary Cecil of all that
had passed, desiring him. to press forward the accusation, wherein
of himself he was abundantly earnest. They again left nothing
undone for their part to effectuate the same, putting him in hope
that the Queen would give him her hand- writing and seal, that she
should convict the Queen in case he accused her. Others of the
finest of them persuaded him that she would never give her hand-
writing or seal for that end, putting him to a strait to see what he
■would do in case he obtained his desire. Mr. John Wood said,
1 06
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" that it was fit to carry in all the writs to the council," and
he would keep the accusation in his bosom, and would
not deliver it till first the thing demanded of the Queen was
granted. The rest of the regent's lords and counsellors had
concluded among them. That so soon as the duke of Norfolk, as
chief of the council, would enquire for the accusation, they should
all with one voice cry and persuade the regent to go forward with
it.
Secretary Lidington and I minded the regent how far he had
obliged himself to the duke of Norfolk. He said, " he would do
well enough, and that it would not come to that length." So
soon as he with his council were within the council-house, the
dulce of Norfolk asked for the accusation ; the regent desired again
the assurance of conviction by writing and seal, as is said. It was
answered ag^.in, " That the Queen's Majesty's word, being a
true princess, was sufficient." Then all the counsel cried out,
" Would he mistrust the Queen, who had given such proof of her
friendship to Scotland ? " The regent's counsel cried out also
in the same manner. Then secretary Cecil asked, if they had the
accusation there ? " Yes," says Mr. John Wood ; and with that
he plucks it out of his bosom, " But I will not deliver it, says he,
till her Majesty's hand-writing and seal be delivered to my lord
regent for what he demands." Then the bishop of Orkney
snatcheth the writing out of his hand, " Let me have it," says he,
" I shall present it." Mr. John Wood run after him, as if he would
have taken it again. Forward goes the bishop to the council
table, and gives in the accusation. Then cries out the cham-
berlain of England ; " Well done, bishop, thou art the frankest
fellow among them all, none of them will make thy leap good ; "
scorning his leaping out of the laird of Grange's ship. Mr. Henry
Balnaves only had made resistance, and called for secretary
Lidington, who waited without the council-house. But so soon
as Mr. Henry Balnaves had called for him, he came in and whis-
pered in the regent's ear, ' That he had shamed himself, and put
his life in danger, by the loss of so good a friend as the duke of
Norfolk, and that he had lost his reputation for ever.'
The regent, who, by his facility, had been brought to break
with the duke of Norfolk, repented himself thereof, so soon as
Lidington acquainted him with the danger, and desired the
accusation to be rendred up to him again, alledging, ' He had
some more to add thereto.' They answered, ' They would hold
what they had, and were ready to receive any addition when he
should please to give it in.' The duke of Norfolk had much ado
to keep his countenance. Mr. John Wood winked upon secretary
Cecil ; who smiled again upon him. The rest of the regent's
company were laughing one upon another ; only secretary
Lidington had a sad heart. The regent came forth of the council-
house with tears in his eyes, and went to his lodging at Kingston,
where his factious friends had much ado to comfort him.
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The Queen of England having obtained her intent, received
thereby great contentment through the advantage she thereby
received. First, she thought she had matter for her, to shew
wherefore she detained the Queen, when she was challenged by
the foreign ambassadors upon that account. Then she was glad
of the Queen's dishonour ; but in her mind she detested the
regent and all his company, and would notice him no more. She
sent also incontinent to the Queen to comfort her, praying her
to look on herself in a better case, albeit for a while restrained of
her liberty, than to be in Scotland, among so unworthy subjects,
who had accused her falsly and wrongfully, as she was assured ;
and that neither should they be the better, nor she the worse for
any thing they had done : for she would neither be judge, nor
give out any sentence thereupon ; nor should any part of the said
false accusation be made known by her, or her council, to any :
praying her to take patience in her gentle ward, where she was
nearer to get the crown of England set upon her head, in case of
her decease, who was but the eldest sister.
Thus the regent won no other thing for his labour, but to be
despised by the Queen and council of England, detested by the
duke of Norfolk, and reproached by his best and truest friends,
suffered to ly a long time at Kingston, in great displeasure and
fear, without money to spend, and without hope to get any from
the Queen. In the mean time, the agreement betwixt him and
the duke of Norfolk, was told the Queen. For the earl of Morton
caused a minister called John Willock, to declare what had passed
betwixt the regent and the duke of Norfolk to the earl of Hun-
tington, v/ho caused my lord of Leicester to tell it to the Queen.
The duke of Norfolk finding himself disappointed by the regent,
and his purposes discovered to the Queen, began to boast and
speak plain language, ' That he would serve and honour the Queen
his mistress so long as she lived, but after her decease he would
set the crown of England upon the Queen of Scotland's head, as
lawful heir.' And this he avowed to secretary Cecil, desiring him
to go and prattle that language again to the Queen. The secretary
Cecil answered, ' That he would be no taleteller to the Queen
of him., but would concur with him in any course, and serve him
in any thing wherein he would employ him.' He threatned also
Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, who he supposed would be a true
and devoted servant to the Queen : so that Sir Nicholas was
necessitated to seek after his favour by the means of the earls of
Pembroke and Leicester, who was also his friend, albeit he durst
not conceal from the Queen that whereof the earl of Huntington
had advertised him, seeing he had desired him to declare the same
to her Majesty.
The duke of Norfolk understanding that his whole purposes
were discovered, stood not to acknowledge to the Queen, ' That
during her lifetime he would never offend her, but serve and
honour her, and after her the Queen of Scotland, as in his opinion
1 08
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
truest heir, and the only means for eschewing of civil wars, and
great blood-shed that might otherwise fall out.' Now, albeit
the Queen of England liked not that language ; yet she would not
appear to find fault with it for the time.
Now, matters being cast loose in this manner between the
regent and the duke, and the regent in great distiess, Sir Nicholas
Throckmorton being a man of a deep reach, and great prudence
and discretion, who had ever travelled for the union of this isle :
after that he was agreed with the duke, and perceived that the
earls of Leicester, Pembroke, secretary Cecil, and the rest of the
court and commons were all for the duke, and that the Queen
durst not find fault with him, he devised and eflfectuated a new
friendship betwixt the regent and the duke, who was unwilling
again to enter with the regent ; yet at length he suffered himself
to be persuaded. The lord regent, on the other hand, being
destitute of all friendship in England for the time, and indigent
of money, thought he would be very fortunate if again he could
obtain the duke's friendship and pardon ; so he was brought
easily and secretly unto the duke by Sir Nicholas. At which
time he granted his oflfence, excusing himself the best he could,
by the craft and importunity of some of his company. The duke
helped him to frame his excuse, alledging, ' That he knew how
his gentle nature was abused by the craft and concurrence of
some of the council of England, who had joined with some about
him. That if he w^ould, for the future, keep touch and be secret,
they should take a course with all those who had drawn on that
draught.' Th§ regent promised as far as could be devised, so
that a greater friendship was packed up between them than ever.
The duke had before told him ' That he was resolved to marry
the Queen out mistress, and that he should never permit her to
come to Scotland, nor yet that he should ever rebel against the
Queen of England, during her time. Also that he had a daughter,
who would be meeter for the King than any other, for many
reasons.' Now the duke took in hand to cause the Queen his
mistress to give unto my lord regent 2000 pounds Sterling ; for
the which sum he became cautioner, and was afterward com-
pelled to pay it.
After that the regent had got this money, and had taken his
leave of the Queen, he was advised by such as had great credit
about him, to tell the Queen all things that had passed again
betwixt the duke and him. And to do it the more covertly, it
was devised, that the Queen of England should send for him,
pretending to give him some admonition about some order to be
observed upon the border. This being done, and all things
discovered to the Queen, with a promise, so soon as he came to
Scotland, and had received any lettevs from the duke by cyphers
or otherwise, he should send them to England by an express ;
in the mean time the duke wrote unto our Queen, advertising her
again of the new friendship between him and the regent, who was
I 109
THE MEMOIRS OF
become very penitent, and had been formerly deceived by craftier
men than himself, desiring her to let him pass by without any
harm done to him or any in his company by the way.
At that time the duke commanded over all the north parts of
England, where the Queen our mistress was kept, and so might
have taken her out when he pleased. And when he was angry
at the regent, he had appointed the earl of Westmorland to ly in
his way, and cut off himself, and so many of his company as were
most bent upon the Queen's accusation. But, after the last
agreement, the duke sent and discharged the said earl from doing
us any harm : yet, upon our return, the earl came in our way
with a great company of horse, to signify to us that we were at his
mercy.
After the regent's safe return to Scotland, Mr. John Wood
his secretary piocured, upon the first occasion, to be sent to
England, with all the letters that had been sent from the duke of
Noifolk, which could tend to undo him. He desired Mr. Henry
Balnaves to cause the regent to give him the bishoprick of Murray,
void for the time, though he pretended it was neither for ambition
nor covetousness of the rents, but that he might have an honourable
stile, to set out the better his amb^issage. The said Mr. Henry,
being indeed such a man as Mr. John would appeared to have
, been, was very angry, and never liked him after that. My lord
Lindsay vented himself. That he was one of the number who
gave the regent counsel so to do, alledging, that such promises,
as were made to the duke of Norfolk for fear of life, ought not to
be kept.
A little after that Mr. John was come back to Scotland, well
rewarded for his pains, the duke was sent for by the Queen to
come to court. Whereupon fiist he posted in haste to secretary-
Cecil, to demand his counsel ; for he reposed much upoii him,
they being joined in one course. The other made answer, ' That
there was no danger ; he might come and go at his pleasure, no
man would or durst offend him ' : which made the duke ride up
quietly, only with his own train ; whereas otherwise he would
have been well accompanied. In the mean time secretary Cecil
informed the Queen, ' That the necessity of the time obliged her
not to omit this occasion, but to take the matter stoutly upon
herself, and incontinent command her guard to lay hands upon the
duke, or else no other durst do it ; which if she did not at this
time, her crown would be in peril.' The Queen following this
counsel, the duke was taken and secured, when he thought all
England was at his devotion ; who after long captivity was
executed, ending his life devoutely in the leformed religion.
Shortly after Mr. John Wood's returning out of England, there
was a great convention held at Perth, where the regent was re-
solved to accuse secretaiy Lidington, as being of counsel with the
duke of Norfolk. But he had so many friends foi the time, that
they durst not lay hands on him : albeit from that hour forth, he
no
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
retired from the court, and remained with the earl of Athole,
wheie the regent entertained him with friendly letters. And upon
a time being at Stirling, he wrote for him to come and make a
dispatch for England ; whither being come, captain Crawford
was directed to accuse him before the privy council, of the late
King's murder ; and being accused of so odious a crime, he was
committed to ward. Sir James Balfour was also taken out of his
own house, when he expected no such thing.
Then my lord of Down wrote to the laird of Grange to be upon
his guard, for the regent was resolved to take the castle of Edin-
burgh from him, and make the laird of Drumwhasel captain
thereof. Which advertisement he had formerly given to Grange,
as also of the design to take the secretary and Sir James Balfour.
But at the first he would not give credit thereto ; but now when
he did see the advertisement take effect, he began to think that
the regent was strangely misled. He would have been satisfied
to have wanted the castle, and to have left the court, were it not
for the desire he had to save the lives of secretary Lidington and
Sir James Balfour, having upon his honour engaged to protect
the said Sir James upon his rendring up the caslle to him. He
knew they were wrongfully pursued, only by the malice and
envy of their enemies for their offices. Sir James Balfour being
taken, sent unto the laird of Grange, minding him how he had
joined with the lords and regent, upon the trust he reposed on
his fidelity, more than on all their seals and hand-writings which
he had to produce. Whereupon the laird of Grange sent a gentle-
man to the regent : but the regent purged himself, and alledged
the council were so banded together against the secretary and Sir
James Balfour, ' that it consisted not in his power to preserve
them from prison, seeing they were accused for the King's murder,
against his will ; but Grange should know his honest part thereof
at meeting ; praying him in the mean time to suspend his judg-
ment.' Nevertheless the regent and his council were determined
to proceed to process the two prisoners upon their lives, till
Grange sent again and desired the like justice to be done upon
the earl of Morton and Mr. Archibald Douglas : for he offered
to fight with Mr. Archibald, and the lord Herreis with the earl of
Morton, upon that head ; ' That they were upon the council,
and consequently art and part of the King's murder.' This
stayed their process at that time. And the regent still alledged.
That the lords had taken them against his will, and that he should
send Sir James Balfour to the castle of St. Andrew's, and should
bring secretary Lidington to Edinburgh, and deliver him unto
the laird of Grange to be kept. So the regent came to Edinburgh,
and brought the secretary with him, intending, as Grange was
informed, to make the secretary an instrument to draw Grange
out of the castle to the town the next morning, to receive the
secretary to be carried up to the castle, and then to retain Grange
also till the castle should be delivered unto the laird of
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THE MEMOIRS OF
Drumwhasel to be keeper thereof, and to send Grange home to his
house, and reward him with the priory of Pittenweem. But
the earl of Morton had appointed four men to slay Grange at
the entry of the regent's lodging, without the regent's Imowledge.
But Grange was loath yet to believe the worst of the regent : and
being of opinion that the regent's gentle nature was forced by the
lords, as he had sent him word ; understanding that they intended
to carry the secretary to Tantallon, he came down out of the castle
with a company, and took the secretary out of the hands of his
keepers, and convoyed him up to the castle. For he thought,
if it were true that the regent said. That he was forced by the lords
against his will to let the secretary be retained after that he was
accused, the regent would be glad that he had revenged his quarrel
upon the lords, by taking the secretary out of their hands, whereof
he might justly pretend ignorance : and if the regent would be
dissatisfied with his carriage therein, it would be a certain token
of his dissimulation. In that case Grange thought he did a good
deed to save his friend's life, and so he would have good ground
to believe divers intelligences which formerly he would not credit,
and therefore he would be upon his guard in time coming.
The regent and his counsellors, when they understood that
Grange had taken the secretary to the castle, were in great per-
plexity, supposing all their counsels to be disclosed. They knew
not how to help the matter ; but they advised the regent to cover
his anger until a fit opportunity, causing him to go up to the
castle the next morning : for he durst trust Grange, though
Grange would no more trust him. At meeting, the regent gave
him more fair words than he was wont to do, which Grange took
in evil part.
After this there were many devices how to in*"rap Grange some
time in his down-coming to the regent : but he vvas ever ad-
vertised, and upon his guard ; so as the regent lost daily of his
best friends, and the number of his enemies increased. For the
duke of Chastleherault, (who was agreed with him by the inter-
cession of the lord Herreis) when the said duke and the lord
Herreis came to Edinburgh, as was appointed at the agreement,
to concur with the regent in coimcil, and otherwise, for the
quieting of the country, they were both warded in the castle,
against promise. Which when the laird of Grange found fault
with, Mr. John Wood said, ' I marvel at you that you will be
offended at this : for how shall we, who are my lord's dependers,
get rewards, but by the wreck of such men ? ' ' Yea, (said Grange)
is that 5'our holiness ? I see nothing among you but en%'y,
greediness and ambition, whereby you will wreck a good
regent and ruin the country.* This was long before the
taking of the secretary, and increased the hatred of a wicked
society against Grange, who upon all occasions evidenced his
detesting their selfish designs who were dependers upon the
regent : which was one of the faults also they had against the
112
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
secretary, as also because his wit so far excelled theirs. The
captivity of the duke and my lord Herreis made many enemies
to the regent, who took the greater boldness to conspire against
him, when they perceived him to lose and cast off his best friends.
It was a grievous thing to see that good regent, of himself so
well inclined to do good offices in religion and commonwealth,
so led after other mens vain pretences and affections, to his own
wreck, to the wreck of many worthy persons, and to their ruin at
length who led him in these ways.
He grew to give great ear to flatterers, and would not suffer
his true friends to tell hiin the verity. The observation hereof
made many conjecture that his ruin was at hand ; and I, among
others, devised a present remedy for his preservation, which was
this :
I knew that the taking Lidington to the castle sunk deepest
in the regent's heart ; and that the false practices and wreckful
fetches of such as had taught him to dissemble moved Grange,
who had been his greatest friend, to be jealous of him ; the
noticing whereof gave ground to his enemies to conspire against him.
First, I requested the regent to remember the false practices
that some about him had sundry times used formerly to his great
displeasure, and to consider that they occasioned all the jealousies
and suspicions that were fallen out between him and his friends,
which might encourage his enemies to take some wicked enter-
prize in hand against his person. To remedy this, I proposed it
as fit, that Lidington should go into France, finding caution not
to return to Scotland under the penalty' of 20000 pounds, and
withal giving his son in pledge for further security, and that he
should practice nothing against the quiet of the country : and
that Sir James Balfour should be set at Hberty, or banished after
that same manner ; for he had already won the regent's familiars
with great sums of gold, which had stenched their wrath against
him ; which Lidington would not do, albeit Sir James had sent
him his advice to do as he had done : these two being freed, and
out of the way, the laird of Grange should deliver to him the castle
of Edinburgh, to make captain thereof whom he pleased ; that
so the whole country might see, that all was in his power, and at
his command. This I thought the best way to reduce again the
opinion of the people, and to scar all his enemies from their
desperate enterprizes. His answer was, ' That he did bear no
ill-will to Lidington ; that he would not press him to go out of
the country : as for Sir James Balfour, he would set him at liberty :
and for Grange, he had too many obligations to him, and too great
proofs of his fidelity, to mistrust him ; that he was never minded
to take the castle frorri him ; and if it were out of his hands, he
would give him the keeping thereof before any other.'
He denied that he had any suspicion either of Grange or the
secretary, and thereupon went up to the castle, and conferred
friendly with them of all his affairs, with a merry countenance,
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THE MEMOIRS OF
and casting in many merry purposes, minding them of many
straits and dangers they had formerly been together engaged in.
So far was he instructed to dissemble : yet the violence he did
himself herein was easily perceived by such who had been long
acquainted with him, and had been his chief advisers under God ;
the secretary by his wisdom, and Grange by his valour and fidelity,
who had both such notable qualities as procured them the envy of
wicked men, who by their continual flattery and false reports put
them out of his favour, and then, like a weak house wanting his
sustaining pillars, he fell.
Himself was at the first of a gentle nature, well inclined, g)od,
wise, stout. In his first uprising, his hap was to light upon the
best sort of company : his beginning was full of adversity : true
honest men stuck by him, because he was religiously educated,
and devoutly inclined. But when he became regent, flatterers
for their profit drew near him, and puffed him up into too good
an opinion of himself. His old true friends who would reprove
and admonish him, thereby lost his favour. I would sometimes
say to him, ' That he was like an unskilful player in a tennis-
court, running ever after the ball ; whereas an expert player will
discern where the ball will light, or where it will rebound, and
with small travel will let it fall on his hand or racket.' This I
said, because he took very great pains in his own person to small
effect. After that he had gotten divers advertisements of his
enemies conspiracies, yet he would credit nothing but what came
from his own familiars, who told him nothing but of fair weather,
and of the best government that could be, and so rendered him
careless and secure : which encouraged the good-man of Bodwel-
haugh, called Hamilton, to ly in his way as he was passing
through Linlithgow, who shot him, whereof he died that same
night. All his counsellors and familiars were also well advertised,
as he was, both of the inan, the place and the time, and yet were
so careless of him, that they would not be at the pains to search
the house where the man lay to shoot him, but suffered him to
escape upon a speedy horse. I have written thus far of him
because every one knows not the verity how he was led away ;
and because St. Augustine says, ' That all kind of ignorance is
neither worthy of pardon nor excuse, but only such as have not
the means to be instructed, nor to get knowledge.' I was some-
times compelled to recite divers sentences of Solomon to this good
regent, (for so he was, and will ever deservedly be called) : how
that ' an heavy yoke was ordained for the sons of Adam, from the
day they go out of their mothers womb, till the day that they
return to the mother of all things ; from him who is clothed in
blue silk and weareth a crown, even to him who weareth simple
linnen ; wrath, envy, trouble and unquietness, rigour, strife,
and fear of death in the time of rest.' Again, ' Be diligent to
know the state of thy flock ; for there are some who see but with
other mens eyes, who hear but with other mens ears ; these must
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SIR JJMES MELVILLE
needs be ignorant : such a man is commonly made a wicked
instrument to fulfil the appetites of en%'ious, vengeable and greedy
counsellors.' And Solomon says, ' That for the transgression of
such wicked counsellors, the land changeth many princes.' And
again, ' The prudent man seeth the plague, and eschews it ; but
fools go on still, and are punished. Wisdom, knowledge and
understanding of the law is of the lord ; error, ignorance and
darkness are appointed unto sinners for punishments and plagues.
The foolish will believe every thing, and the mouths of fools are
fed with foolishness.' So the prudent will consider his paths, and
can perceive that some are counsellors for themselves : therefore
says Solomon, ' I wisdom dwell with prudence,' and can find
forth the right knowledge of counsellors ; as if he would say,
Who have wisdom purified with prudence, will not be so easily
carried away with flatterers, as a number of facil princes, who
promote them above faithful friends and true servants, who
reprove them for their unseemly proceedings : against the rule
of Isocrates, who admonisheth the king ' to love and retain as his
truest friends such as lovingly and modestly will correct his
faults ' ; and as Plutarch saith unto Trajan, ' Follow the counsel
of these who love thee, rather than of those whom thou lovest ' ;
and as Theopompus, being demanded, ' How a prince should best
rule ? ' answered, ' In permitting his best servants to tell him the
verity' of his estate.' As the King of the people is ; so are his
officers : if the ofl[icers be wicked ; so is the ruler thought to be.
How are flatterers (said I to the regent) flown away with your
wonted humility, and who hath puffed you up so, that you will
not suffer a friendly reproof? Says not Solomon, " If thou
seest a man wise in his own conceit, there is more hope to be
had of a fool than of him. Exalt not thyself in the day of honour;
for pride goeth before destruction, and an high mind before a
fall ? " ' Yet hear counsel and receive instruction ; let reason
go before every enterprize, and counsel before every action.
When you followed the counsel of your old experimented
friends, your affairs prospered : since you left them, to follow
the flattering fetches of your wonted foes, (who are now become
j'our chiefest counsellors since you have been made regent)
your credit decays, and all your business goes back. I did shew
you lately, coming from Drumfries, in what danger your estate
and person were ; to which you have taken little notice : which
danger appears to me to he ever the longer the greater, without
speedy repentance, and the hasty embracing of such remedies
as I mentioned for the time. Therefore take this better to
heart, and in good part off his hand, of whose fidelity to you,
you have had so good proof in all your adversities. Solomon,
says more, " Receive instruction, that thou mayst be wise in thy
latter end." ' And, above all this, pray to the most high, that
he may direct thy way in truth ; which I pray God grant you
the grace to do.'
"5
THE MEMOIRS OF
The most part of these sentences, drawn out of the Bible, I
used to rehearse to him at several occasions ; and he took better
with these off my hands, who he knew had no by-end, than if
they had proceeded from the most learned philosopher. There-
fore, at his desire, I promised to put them in writing, to give him
them to keep in his pocket ; but he was slain before I could meet
with him.
After the decease of the regent, England sent the earl of Sussex
to Berwick ; whither the earl of Lenox came also at that same time
as being sent for by the lords of the King's faction, to be made
regent in place of the earl of Murray. The earl of Sussex had
with him the forces of the North, as if he had some enterprize
to do, and to take some advantage at this time, when the country
wanted a regent.
About that same time, so many of the lords, as were banded
and professed the Queen's authority caused to proclaim the same
at Linlithgow. As yet they of the castle at Edinburgh professed
the King's authority, albeit there were secret jealousies betwixt
them, and so many of the rest as had counselled the late regent to
apprehend the secretary Lidington, and Sir James Balfour, and
who would also have ruined Grange, because he appeared con-
cerned in them two, and also because his virtues were envied,
and his charge coveted by others.
They who were within the said castle for the time, were my
lord duke of Chastleherault, and my lord Herreis, warded wrong-
fully as I have said ; therefore the laird of Grange obtained a
warrant from the rest of the King's lords to set him at liberty.
The lord Hume was there to assist with those of the castle, with
the laird of Grange, the secretary Lidington, his brother the prior
of Coldingham, three of my brothers. Sir Robert, captain David,
and Sir Andrew Melville, the lairds of Drylaw, and Pittarrow, Sir
James Balfour, the lairds of Ferniherst, Buccleugh, Wormiston,
Parbroth, and divers other noblemen and barons, who came there
at all occasions, and were ready at a call when they had to do.
This company directed me to Berwick, toward the earl of Sussex,
to know what he intended to do with his forces ; whether to assist
any of the two factions, or to agree them ? I was friendly received
by him, well lodged, and my expenses by him defrayed, wanting
nothing. He sent me his own night-gown furred with rich
furrings, to niake use of so long as I abode there. Albeit I knew
him to be a great enemy to all Scotsmen, he appeared desirous to
enter in great familiarity with me, and as if he was desirous I
should believe he had communicated to me his most secret
thoughts, alledging his plainness to me, was upon the report he
had heard by sundry of his countrymen to my advantage. He
said, " That his coming with his forces was not to assist any
^' faction, nor to decide questions and titles that were among us,
" but to serve the Queen his mistress, in obeying her commands :
" that if he did any enterprize at that time against any Scotsman,
ii6
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" it would be against his heart. That of all Scotsman, he liked
" best of those who were within the castle of Edinburgh and their
" dependers, especially because he knew them to have been
" friends to the duke of Norfolk his near cousin, whose part he
" said he would plainly have taken, if the said duke had out of his
" own mouth communicated his enterprize to him, as he had
" foolishly done by a gentleman of his, to whose credit he durst
" not commit the secrecy of that matter, being of itself of so great
" concernment as stood him upon his life and heritage. And that
" albeit he with his forces came not to set out, nor to fortify any
" faction in Scotland, yet he durst be plain with me privately,
" as with a true friend, to declare that he did esteem the Queen
" of Scotland and the prince her son righteous heirs to the crown
" of England, which his judgment he had shov\Ti to few of his
" own countrjTTien."
So I returned with no direct answer, but with a firm opinion,
that he was sent to appear to set forward the earl of Lenox to be
regent, and to send word to the lords of the King's side, that he
would assist them, and send in Mr. Randolph thither with the
earl of I^enox ; and yet to deal with the lords of the Queen's
faction, to encourage them to hold forward their factious course,
because the said Mr. Randolph had a great dealing with the house
of Hamilton, as he who convoyed the earl of Arran, now visited
with the hand of God, out of France through England home to
Scotland, to assist the congregation. He knew also what old and
long hatred had been betwixt the houses of Lenox and Hamilton;
and was deliberately directed, secretly to kindle a fire of discord
betvvLxt two strong factions in Scotland, which could not be easily
quenched ; and to confirm the lord Hume, who was not yet
resolved to take part v/ith the Queen's faction, which England
thought had not money enough yet to sustain long strife against
the king's faction.
The earl of Sussex entred the Merse with his forces, and took
the castle of Hume, and Fastcastle, full of riches and precious
moveables, that way moving the lord Hume to take plain part
with the Hami'tons and the Queen's faction. Whereby it may
be seen, that the conclusion was to hold this country in discord,
by the craft of the council of England for the time, as t have before
rnentioned ; and which was now put in practice, incontinent after
the decease of the earl of Murray, for albeit the earl of Lenox
had his lady, children, and estate in England, they would not
credit him, supposing he would be a true Scotsman, as he proved
indeed afterv.-ards.
I being in Berwick, when the earl of Lenox was so far toward
Scotland to be regent, I thought it my duty to visit him. for at
his first in-coming before the marriage of his son the lord Darnly
with the Queen, he sent this present colonel Stuart for my brother
Sir Robert and me ; and because my brother was absent, I went
to him alone. A which time he told me, ' That his long absence
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THE MEMOIRS OF
out of the country had made him as a stranger to the condition
of the country, and that his lady at his parting from her, had
desired him to take my brother's council and mine in all his affairs
as her friends and kinsmen ' : so that being familiar enough with
him formerly, I visited him at this time, and told him the state
of the country. I dissuaded him from taking upon him the
regiment, fearing that it might cost him his life, as matters were
like to be handled, as I should inform him more at length, being
once at home. As for myself, I promised to serve and assist him,
albeit I could not find that same resolution in those of the castle
of Edinburgh. He thanked me, promising me to be my friend ,
so far as lay in his power, upon which he gave me his hand , then
he enquired, ' What was the cause, that those who were in the
castle would oppose him ? ' I answered, ' For no particular
prejudice they had against himself, but because the lords who had
sent for him, without acquainting them therewith were not their
friends, and they suspected that in process of time, they would
move him to be their enemy.* He said, ' That the laird of Grange
had been always his great friend, and had done him formerly great
kindness. I said, ' I hoped he should yet be his friend, after
that he had settled himself in the regiment, and might have time
to be rightly informed of every man's part.'
Returning back from Berwick, I met the abbot of Dunfermling,
sent by the King's lords to England, to meet with the earl of
Lenox in his passing by. His chief commission was (so far as I
could afterward inform myselO to desire the Queen of England,
to deliver the Queen of Scotland to be kept by the King's lords
here at home, seeing that she would not proceed otherwise,
according to the accusation given in against her, the time my
lord Murray was there. Whereto the Queen of England made
answer, ' If they would find her sufficient pledges for the security
of the Queen's Hfe, she would deliver her to be kept by them.'
The abbot alledged, ' That would be haid to do, for what in case
the Queen die in the mean time ? ' She answered, ' My lord, I
believed you had been a wise man ; you would press me to speak
what is no ways necessary : you may know, that I cannot but for
my honour require pledges for that end. I think you rnay judge
also of yourself what might be best for me.' Her meaning in
this might be easily judged and understood.
The earl of Lenox came to Edinburgh shortly after me ; and
after he had accepted the government, his first eriterprize was to
take Brechin, which was kept by some companies of footinen,
listed by the earl of Huntly to assist the Queen's faction. These
soldiers, being advertised that the new regent was coming to
pursue them, fled, except a few who kept the kirk and steeple,
who were all hanged. I had made myself ready to ride with the
regent, but Mr. Randolph the English ambassador, \yho came with
the earl of Lenox, appearing to set him forward with his power,
hindred me from prosecuting that intention, fearing that I would
iiS
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
be an instrument of persuading the laird of Grange and those in
the castle, to come to an amicable agreement with the regent.
For if those of the castle and their dependers had assisted the
regent, the Queen's faction were so few and weak, that they
would not have been able to make a party answerable to the King's
faction, wn j were greatest in number, and had the hearts of the
subjects on their side. I was ver%' loath to stay behind the regent,
both because I had promised to assist him, and also because I had
obtained a promise of the bishop of St. Andrews, of the lands of
Lethem, given by the earl of Murray to Mr. Henry Balnaves,
whereof I had no lease, but possession, by reason that the bishop
was for the titne in Dunbarton forfaulted : so the said lands were
in the regent's power to dispose to any other, yet he had promised
that I should enjoy it. I told Mr. Randolph, that the said lands
might be in danger to be disposed, in case I w-ere absent from the
regent. ' Tush,' says he, ' I am tutor at this time to the regent,
I shall not only warrant you that, but shall cause you get a better
gift.' In the mean time, he promised to write a letter unto the
regent (who had already taken journey) to secure the same to me
and to let him know that he had stayed me, to draw on an agree-
ment between my friends in the castle and him, therefore desiring
him not to dispose the said lands to any other. But though I
knew him to be a double dealer, and a sower of discord, yet I could
not believe that he would abuse me in any thing, having received
so gteat obligations from me during his banishment in France,
for religion, during the reign of Queen Mary. Neither would
I blot paper with this much concerning my particular were it not
to declare the strange practices of princes in matters of state.
Now at Mr. Randolph's desire I stayed. His first proposition to
me, was to desire the captain of the castle to agree with, and assist
the regent. I told him, ' That I supposed he might be brought to
that through time, but not so hastily.* And that same answer
I brought to him from him, with a request from the laird of
Grange, That he would be plain with him ; for there had been
also great friendship betwixt them in France. After some cere-
monies and protestations of secrecy, he said, ' Tell your friend
this from Mr. Randolph, but not from the English ambassador,
That there is no lawful authority in Scotland but the Queen's ;
she will prevail at length, and therefore it is his interest, as the
safest course, to join himself to her faction.' This was the help
he made to the regent, who believed that his only ambassage was
to advance his aut'nority. I appeared to be very well satisfied with
this wholesom advice, and w'ent up to the castle, and told the
captain and his associates no more than I assured them of, at my
return from Berwick.
The laird of Grange was still resolved to own the King's
authority, seeing to be factious under pretext of owning the
Queen, during her absence and captivity, might do her more ill
than good, and occasion great bloodshed among the subjects ,
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THE MEMOIRS OF
by the malice of the ringleaders of the court of England, and
partialities of a few in Scotland, and was therefore expecting a
fit opportunity of making agreement betwixt the parties. In
the mean time, I went up and down betwixt those of the castle,
and Mr. Randolph, who gave me another commission, to wit, In
case the two Queens of England and Scotland agree betwixt
themselves, to appoint an Englishman captain of the castle of
Edinburgh, and send unto him a letter subscribed by both their
hands to him, to render up the same to him to whom they com-
missionate him to deliver it, whether he would for great advantage
to himself give it to the person who should be appointed ? This
in great anger he refused to hear ; and this was all the good agi ce-
ment that Mr. Randolph and I made during the regent's absence.
And instead of minding the regent not to dispose the foresaid
lands, he dealt with the tutor of Pitcur, that he might seek a gift
of the said lands from the regent, informing him that I wanted a
right thereto. When the regent was returned to Edinburgh, I
remembred Mr. Randolph of his promise, and informed him a
way how I might get them. He answered. That he found the
regent so stubborn, and of so ill a nature, that he could not deal
with him. Then I told him. That I was abundantly sensible of
his practices ; and that whereas it appeared, that he would cause
me not only to abandon the regent, but to be instrumental in
persuading the laird of Grange to be upon a contrary faction, I
would not be that instrument, neither would I desert the King's
interest, though he should cause all the rest of my lands to be
talcen from me.
Seeing that Grange could not be moved to join v/ith the Queen's
faction, according to the desire of the court of England (for the
rest of that kingdom was sorry to see this kind of dealing) the
English ambassador persuaded the regent to irritate and incense
him, by all manner of slights done to himself, and his dependers.
In the mean time my lord duke, the earls of Argile and Huntly
addressed themselves unto him, making their moan, ' That
they being noblemen of the country, of considerable interest,
were refused to be admitted into the society of the rest, who
sought their ruin under pretext of the King's authority, by the
regent, the earl of Morton, and others, not their friends, re-
questing him to be their protector, and to assist them during
the King's minority ; telling him how that they at first would
gladly have joined with the King's lords, for maintaining the
King's authority', but could not get place, nor be admitted.'
Thus Grange finding himself neglected with the King's lords,
and sought after by the Queen's, he was coiT.pelled to declare
with that side at length, having with him the lord Hume, male-
content. Also secretary Lidington, and Sir James Balfour
spurring him on to take that course, he was resolved to take that
side for his next refuge, he having been among the rest sum-
moned to be forfaulted.
1 20
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Now the two furious factions being in this manner framed,
their hatred and rage grew greater and greater. For Mr. Ran-
dolph knew the animosities which were among the nobility', and
the nature of every one in particular, by his frequent coming and
his long residence in Scotland. And among the ladies he had a
mother, and a mistress, to whom he caused his Queen frequently
to send commendations and tokens. He also used his craft with
the ministers, offering gold to such of them as he thought could be
prevailed with to accept of his offer ; but such as were honest
refused his gifts. He gave largely to all such as he knew were
able to serve him in his design of kindling this fire ; and his
endeavours were so successful, that the two parties were not only
stirred up to fight and shed one another's blood, but would revile
each other with injurious and blasphemous words, and at length
fell to the down casting of each others houses, to which England
gave no small assistance, having sent in a number of men of war
to throw down Hamilton. This was occasioned by some pro-
bability that appeared of a reconciliation of the two factions, by
the endeavours of some of the most prudent ministers, who did
all they could to prevent the ensuing troubles. And they forsaw
that this prejudice was done to the Hamiltons, to enrage them,
so as there might be no hope of agreement when they should see
themselves so far injured.
Now as Nero stood upon a high part of Rome to see the town
burning, which he had caused to be set on fire ; so Mr. Randolph
delighted to see such a fire by his craft kindled in Scotland, which
was in all probability like to burn it up. And in his letters to
some of the court of England, he gloried that he had kindled a
fire in Scotland, which could not be easily extinguished. Which
when it came to the knowledge of Sir Nicholas Throckmorton,
he wrote to my brother Sir Robert and me, advertising us how we
were handled, expressing his detestation t50th at secretary Cecil
director, and Mr. Randolph as executor. All the honest men in
England were sorry at it, of which number there are as many
within that country', as in any other so much bounds in Europe.
My brother and I did shew the letters we had received from Sir
Nicholas, to the laird of Grange, and so many within the castle as
we knew to be secret, which they easily believed, as being men of
great understanding, who had noticed Mr. Randolph's pro-
ceedings. Whereupon there were some secret meetings drawn
on between my lord Hume, and m.y lord Ruthven as near kinsmen.
The lord Ruthven was in greatest favour with the regent for the
time, being also treasurer ; he was desired to come and speak with
my lord Hume, during the hottest of the civil wars. At v.-hich
time secretary Lidington, and my brother Sir Robert, came in to
communing with the lord Ruthven, after that he and the lord
Hume had spoken a space together, and did shew him how the
regent was used by England, and how this kingdom was abused
by the tricks ol a few, for advancing their selfish ends ;
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THE MEMOIRS OF
how that the earl of Morton had desired secretly to come at mid-
night, accompanied with Mr. Archibald Douglas to the castle of
Edinburgh, and had entertained long conference with them,
desiring their assistance, and he should chase the earl of Lenox
back to England, if they would accept and acknowledge him for
regent in his stead ; which they of the castle would not grant,
looking upon the earl of Lenox as a true Scotsman. And they
declared that their denying to assist him at first, was his being
sent for and brought in by them. That therefore they feared
at the first, that he would have been too much at the devotion of
the court of England, as being an Englishman ; and having yet
his lady, children, and lands in that country ; and moreover that
he should be so led by the earl of Morton and their factious
enemies, that he would seek their utter ruin, both because that
captain Crawford who had accused the secretary, was for the time
servant to the earl of Lenox, and alledged that he had a commission
from the said earl to give in the said accusation. And that which
gave matter enough to my lord Hume, was the bringing in of the
earl of Lenox by the earl of Sussex, and the taking of his two
houses of Hume and Fastcastle all at one time, which he supposed
not to have been done without the earl of Lenox his knovv'ledge
and consent. But since they understood that the earl of Lenox,
and the whole country was abused by England, Mr. Randolph
the agent, and the earl of Morton, they were resolved both to
agree themselves, and to cause all Scotland to agree with the
regent, if he would grant them reasonable conditions.
My lord Ruthven was very glad of this offer, and said he hoped
to bring them a good answer from the regent ; and the rather
because the earl of Morton was absent, being malecontent for
denying to him the grant of the bishoprick of St. Andrew's, which
the King's house and the regent's might ill spare. So he returned
with this offer to the regent, who much relished it ; and after
twice or thrice passing betwixt the regent with the lord Ruthven,
had concluded a peace quietly in their minds, none being as yet
made privy thereto. But as ambassadors are great spies, and
commonly suspicious, Mr. Randolph who lay at Leith having his
own jealousies of an attention of accommodation, knew the only
way to stop it, was to bring again the earl of Morton, who he knew
would violently oppose it, and use the utmost of his endeavours
to render that design ineffectual. He therefore dealt earnestly
with the regent, to give the said bishoprick of St. Andrew's to the
earl of Morton, alledging to him, " That the Queen his mistress
had written to him for that effect, and that she would recompense
it to him with greater advantage. That he would cause her hand-
writing to come to him thereabout, and that she would be much
dissatisfied if he refused that her desire." When the regent had,
upon Mr. Randolph's desire, granted this, he incontinently
advertised the earl of Morton thereof, who immediately came to
court ; and smelling the foresaid design of agreement, he used all
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
the contrary practices he could to hinder it : for as he had fished
that benefice in troubled waters, he hoped by such means to fish
much more. And finding that I was much inclined to draw
forward the accommodation, one of his devices was, to cause the
council to vote and direct the earl of Buchan to take me prisoner
out of my own house. But I was at a marriage in Fordel, where
the said earl came, with whom I went willingly, though I had
many friends there as offered to chace him back again without his
errand. But I would not prejudge my just cause : for the
eail of Buchan was of a gentle and discreet nature, and assured me
they had nothing to lay to my charge, but to see if I could
be a good instrument of concord. He desired me, when I was in
Leith, to send up to the castle of Edinburgh, and alledge that my
life v.as in hazard, in case they would not render up the castle
to the regent. I answered, it was a childish thing in them to
propose such a thing to me, seeing they could not but know that
my friends in the castle were angrier at me than they were, because
I did not take part with them. However, the laird of Grange was
dissatisfied, when he heard that I was taken : for he knew how
far I was injured, seeing I had several times persuaded him to
take part with the regent ; and how far I had reasoned against
the secretary' and Sir James Balfour in their proceedings with
the Queen's faction For seeing she was captive, so that neither
could she help them, nor they her, it would but occasion her to be
the stronglier guarded and kept more straitly in England : for
hearing that there was a faction risen up in her name, it would
cause them to suppose that she was in hope of sudden liberty,
by some practices with the subjects of England. Sir James
Balfour alledged, That her Majesty had friends in France and
other parts, who would be more encouraged to do for her, if they
understood that a number of the nobility did own her authority.
I said. That her only friends were in England and France ; that
those who were in England durst not as yet appear, seeing there
would be a special eye held over them ; and her French friends
would do her no good, the Queen-mother, who had the chief
rule of that country, being her great enemy, and the house of
Guise neither able to help her, nor yet were they her sure friends,
as I shall shew more at length anon. I was declaring that the
laird of Grange was angry at my taking, I being so frank for the
regent, and he so willing to join with him. That same night he
sent down a woman from the castle to Leith, with a ticket to me,
' That he was resolved to come that same night at mid-night,
and relieve me out of their hands ; that he had sent that woman
to know how I was kept, and where I was lodged.' The regent's
camp lay between Leith and Edinburgh and many of the noble
men and barons lodged in Leith ; for every one had not pavilions
to lodge in the camp. The laird of Grange had appointed a boat
to ly at Granton, and had resolved to come sailing up to Leith
harbour, as if it had been a boat come from Fife, and thought
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without stroak to come to my lodging and take me out of my
keepers hands, and go up the water again to a part where he had
horsemen in readiness to carry me up to the castle with him.
But I would upon no account condescend thereto, assuring him,
' That I was in no danger ; and that my lord Buchan had promised,
when I pleased, to let me slip away ; which I would not do, but
desired daily to come to a trial.' Many of the lords marvell'd
wherefore I was taken, seeing they knew, that since the regent's
entry to Scotland, I had ever assisted him. The regent himself
was much therewith dissatisfied ; so that after enquiry it was
found, that few of the counsellors knew of my taking. The earl
of Mar, a true nobleman, said, ' That the earl of Buchan, for
embracing such a commission, was madder than the former earl
his father, who was known not to be very wise.' But the earl of
Morton sent me word, ' That nothing should ail me more than
his own heart.' For the fashion they desired me to find caution,
that I should serve the King's Majestj', and his regent : and so I
was dismissed and never brought before the council. Of a truth
I could see no reason to set up two factions to destroy the country,
seeing I knew, that though the one party professed to be for the
Queen, it was so far from conducing to her advantage, that I
knew it had a quite contrary effect so long as she was captive :
nor yet could I see any out-gate for those who professed her
authority, and who were compelled thereto for their own defence ;
for whereas they would gladly have assisted the King's lords , if
they would have accepted of them, finding themselves refused,
necessity drew them to defend themselves under the name
of some authority, not true love to the Queen : and there-
fore I thought them the less to be relied upon. The rest of my
reasons, why the Queen could expect no help out of France from
her own friends, nor yet from the Queen-mother were these :
" The Queen-mother had not been well used, so long as our
" Queen's husband Francis II. lived. The council and states
" of France desired not the union of this isle." For a proof
hereof, after that my brother Sir Robert (when he returned the
first time of his ambassage out of England) brought the hand-
writings of twenty-five principal earls and lords in England, to
set the crown of England upon the Queen of Scotland's head.
For the captains in the particular shires were ready named, and
by those lords set down in that paper, who were to be all in readi-
ness to march forward whenever they should be charged ; only
they waited the Queen's opportunity, and advertisement when to
stir. Upon this intelligence, the Queen incontinently did write
to France, to her uncle the cardinal of Lorrain, desiring him to
send to her one of his most secret servants, to whom she was to
communicate matters of that weight and importance, that she
could not hazard to send them in writing or cyphers. And
accordingly the said cardinal sent hither one of his most familiar
secretaries, to whom the Queen caused ray brother and me to
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
declare the state of England, and the great party she had there to
espouse her interest, as is above specified ; desiring her said
uncle to send his advice what time would be most fit for her to
stir, and to send what help he and all his friends could procure.
This secretary being returned to his master, informed him of the
whole matter. The cardinal again, to insinuate upon the Queen-
mother, and to appear to be a true Frenchman, acquainted the
Queen-mother how prejudical to the crown of France the union of
this isle of Great Britain would be, that therefore it was her interest
all she could to oppose it. He therefore advised her to advertise
the Queen of England of the said intended plot, as the only and
most effectual means for preventing it ; which the Queen-mother
failed not to do. But whatever the Queen of England's thoughts
of the truth thereof was, she appeared to give no credit thereto,
as if she looked upon it as an Italian fetch to put her in suspicion
of her nobility. This account I had from the Queen's Majesty
herself, complaining to me one day of the Cardinal's unkind
dealing towards her. Therefore I thought I had good ground to
say, ' There was no help to be looked for out of France.' And
the duke of Alva, who was in Flanders, had plainly refused to give
her any help till the King his master would command him
' seeing,' as he alledged, ' he had work enough to do to settle his
master's own subjects in Flanders.'
These were the arguments which I used to move my friends
to agree with the regent : And my endeavours wanted not success,
they having come very near a point by the dealing of the two lords
above mentioned, Hume and Ruthven, assisted by secretary
Lidington ; for the lord Hume would then do nothing without
his advice.
But after that the earl of Morton was returned to the court,
and had by Randolph's means obtained the bishoprick of St.
Andrew's ; these two suspecting the probability of the apparent
agreement, which had been kept secret from them, they fell a
plotting some way to hinder the same, and concluded to hold a
parliament, wherein to forfault all the Queen's lords, whereby
the regent should utterly ruin his ancient enemies the Hamiltons ;
and there would be a bait to every one of the King's lords, seeing
they should be made sharers of the spoil, and so each of them get
wealth enough, Mr. Randolph, for their encouragement, gave
them assurance of assistance from England, so that they needed
fear no resistance from their adversaries. The earl of Morton
had made a great faction in the council, partly by representing
the Queen's lords, as intending to re-establish popery (upon which
alledgance he knew he would make them odious to the generality
of the people) but especially by promising each of his party a
share of the forfaulters of the Queen's lords ; so that they were
easily brought to consent to a parliament, to be held at Stirling
for the foresaid effect.
The Queen's lords, to be equal with them, held another parlia-
K 125
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ment at Edinburgh, both at one time, upon that very same design
of forfaulting the King's lords. The laird of Grange in the mean
time took great displeasure to see Scotsmen so furiously bent
against each other, set on by the practices of England, and the
extreme avarice of some particular men for their selfish designs,
who intended to augment their estates, and raise their own for-
tunes upon the ruins of their neighbours. Therefore he sent
for the laird of Ferniherst his son-in-law, and the laird of Bucc-
leuch, father to this present lord, who loved the laird of Grange
better than any of his own kindred ; which laird of Buccleuch
was a man of rare qualities, wise, true, stout, and modest. These
two gentlemen were desired to come well accompanied, and
arrived at Edinburgh in an evening late. The laird of Grange had
already devised an enterprize, to wit, ' That same night after they
' had supp'd themselves, and baited their horses, to ride all night
* forward with them to Stirling, to be there early in the morning
* before any of the lords who held the parliament were out of their
' beds, hoping by the intelligence he had received, assuredly to
* surprize them before they could be advertised.' All the lords
and council found the advice exceeding good, but they would in no
wise grant that he should ride with them, alledging, ' That their
* only comfort, under God, consisted in his preservation.' He
on the other hand alledged, ' His presence would be necessary,
' for he was acquainted with difficult enterprizes, and feared that
* they would not follow rightly nor carefully his directions.' But
they engaged to follow it most strictly, and would not suffer him
to ride with them ; but the earl of Huntly, my lord Arbroth, and
divers others went forward with the forces. These two gentle-
men had brought them, and were at Stirling before four of the
clock in the morning, and entred the town of Stirling at a little
passage, led by a townsman called George Bell ; which entry
of theirs was immediately after the night-watches had retired to
their rest. They divided their men, and appointed such as they
thought meetest to wait at every lord's lodging, and a company
with captain Halkerston to wait at the market-cross, to cause good
order to be kept, and to preserve the town-houses from being
spoiled ; only they appointed the stables to be cleansed by
Buccleuch and Ferniherst's men, giving them commands not to
leave one horse in town uncarried away with them ; which com-
mission the fourth-land lads forgot not punctually to execute.
But because captain Halkerston came not in due time with his
company to stand where he was appointed, a number of unruly
servants broke up the merchants booths, and run here and there
in disorder after the spoil, leaving their masters all alone, after
they had taken out all the lords from their lodgings, and were
leading them captives down the steep causey of Stirling on foot,
intending to take their horses at the nether port, and ride to
Edinburgh with their prisoners. But those within the castle
being alarmed with the noise of the townsmen, crying out because
126
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
of the spoil taken from them, imagining what shame they would
endure if they did not shew themselves men ; and perceiving the
disorder of tlieir enemies, they came down fearlessly upon them,
and rescued all the prisoners save the regent, whom one came and
shot behind his back, comjnanded, as was alledged, by my lord
of Paisly. The laird of Wormiston was the taker of the regent,
and had been ordained by the laird of Grange to wait upon him,
to save him from his particular enemies : For they all had engaged
to him, ere they went from Edinburgh, not to kill one man, else
he would not have left them. Wormiston was also killed against
the regent's will, who cr^'ed continually to save him, who had
done what he could for his preservation. The regent died not
suddenly, but some days after, and made a very godly end. They
who had lost this fair enterprize for want of Grange's conduct,
had enough to do to save themselves, and had been all taken,
had not those in Stirling wanted horses to pursue after them.
For those who had taken the horses, did ride forward with all
possible speed, leaving their masters in danger to do for
themselves.
When they were returned back to Edinburgh, they were very
unwelcome guests to the laird of Grange, who greatly lamented
the regent's slaughter. He said openly, * If he knew who had
' done that foul deed, or had directed it to be done, his own hand
' should have revenged it' And whereas before he used to be
meek and gentle, he could not now command himself, but bursted
out into harsh language, calling them ' disorderly beasts.' For
he knew the regent was inclined to peace, and was only ignorantly
driven on by the earl of Morton, and Mr. Randolph's practices
to hold the said parliament, to the hindrance of concord and
agreement : Therefore his intention was to bring all the King's
lords to the castle of Edinburgh, and to have made an agreement
betv\ixt them and the other faction before they had parted. But
God in his providence would not permit this, for further punish-
ment of our wickedness : for the parliaments held forward, and
each one of them foi faulted others. The King's lords came and
lay at Leith, and the Queen's within the town and castle of
Edinburgh.
Mr. Randolph would have had Morton made regent instead
of Lenox ; but the lords liked better of the earl of Mar, and
chose him.
For a little time there was hot skirmishing betwixt Leith and
Edinburgh, and extreme hatred betwixt the tw'O factions, and
great cruelties exercised, where they could be masters of one
another. And frequently the Marshal of Berwick came to Leith
to assist Mr. Randolph privately, though publickly to find fault
with him for his proceedings ; which my lord of Mar's friends
perceived, and himself at last, v/hercupon he began to grow colder
in the quarrel, and withdrew himself to Stirling, advising with his
friends what was meetest to be done ; alledging that he could see
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nothing but the wreck of the country, under pretext of owning
the King and Queen's authority, while neither Kings nor Queens
was in any of their minds, but only put on by their own partialities
of ambition, greediness, and vengeance, England kindling up
both the parties, and then laughing them all to scorn.
After this conference, captain James Cuningham, ser^'ant to my
lord of Mar, a discreet gentleman, desired a secret meeting with
my brother Sir Robert. In the mean time the most part of the
King's lords went to Stirling, where the regent was living. My
lord of Morton went to Dalkeith ; and my lord Lindsay lay in
Leith. When the wars grew colder, and notice thereof taken by
the court of England, a new ambassador was hasted to Scotland,
to wit> Mr. Henry Killigrew, an old acquaintance of mine : for
Mr. Randolph was returned home, because he had not such credit
with the earl of Mar as to do service to those he served, and had
lost the favour of both the factions ; for his double-dealing was
discovered, he having no credit but with the earl of Morton.
This new ambassador being arrived at Leith upon his way
toward Stii-ling, where the regent remained for the time, he sent
up to the castle of Edinburgh to see if I was there ; for they had
told him In Leith, that I was newly come from Fife. He desired
that I would come and speak with him, which I did, and convoyed
him unto Cramond, reasoning together all the way upon such
matters, as he said he had in commission, chiefly how he might
be a good instrument to agree the differences that were between
the two parties ; albeit I knew there was nothing less in his mind,
at least in his commission. He said, he had the Queen his mis-
tress's commands to deal with both parties for concord, but that
he was most concerned in those of the castle, albeit that out-
wardly he behoved first to go to the regent, being in civility
engaged to give him the prerogative ; yet in effec t he said, my
friends in the castle were those to them he v.as chiefly directed,
that they should be preferred both by his first salutation bj' me
to them, and by t^^'o familiar letters, the one from my lord of
Leicester to the laird of Grange, and the other from secretary
Cecil to secretary Lidington, desiring me to intreat them to follow
the good counsel given therein by the said lords, who loved them
entirely for their virtue and old acquaintance. He willed me to
tell them, that after he had declared his commission to the regent,
he would come back again to them, and at length declare his
commission to them from her Majesty.
It appeared to me that he had intelligence how that Mr. Ran-
dolph's double-dealing had been discovered, therefore he seemed
to find fault with him in many things, though in general he excused
him as far as he could, until I had adjured him upon the long and
great familiarity that had been betwixt us, to deal plainlier with
me. I told him he might serve his mistress truly enough, without
casting me and my friends upon a wrong side, which might be
afterwards our ruin, who deserved better at his hands than to
128
SIR James melfille
put us in such dangers, as if we were untoward, dishonest, or
uncounsellable, as Mr. Randolph had done, forgetting the
fraternity of religion so well grounded among us during his
banishment in France for religion : There he was compelled to
confess to me, that his commission and his mind went not one
way, and that he was employed against his will, though, as a
servant, he durst not disobey his princess, he said he would give
me his loving counsel and warning very freely.
He said that the council of England neither built their course
here upon the late regent, nor yet upon this, but entirely upon the
earl of Morton, as well of their own plot laid down long since, as
by the information of Mr. Randolph, who hath confirmed them
in that opinion, so that they will not alter for no contrary per-
suasion. Willing my friends and me to join our course, and band
with the earl of Morton, or else to expect no friendship from the
court of England, but hurt and ruin so far as they might. For
albeit he was not regent, they knew that he had a great faction in
the country, which they were resolved what they could to increase ;
so that whoever was regent, he should get little or nothing done
without his consent. In this I thought he dealt plainly ; my
friends of the castle were of that same judgment, yet they could
not find in their heart to join with him, albeit he sought their
friendship, offering to hold up the Queen's authority ; for they
thought his course unsure for the King, and settling of the estate,,
he being too much addicted to England.
After that this ambassador had been with the regent in Stirling,.
and was come back again to Edinburgh, he told the rest of his
commission to them of the castle, to whom he used himself but
like an ambassador as he was directed. He said that he found
them more reasonable than the regent's party. Then he went
to Dalkeith to meet with the earl of Morton, and thereafter re-
turned to Edinburgh, to wait all fit occasions and informations
how to proceed conform to the tenor of his instructions. He
had commandment to stay in Scotland for a time, to see if he
could obtain as much credit as to serve their turn who sent him.
And because I was of his greatest acquaintance, he came with me
to my house in Halhill, and stayed a few days there to refresh his
spirits ; and after that I convoyed him back again to Edinburgh,
he shewed me some articles of his instructions, one of which was,
" Item, If the captain of the castle will condescend, that all the
" differences now in question among the Scots, be referred to be
" decided befoie us and our council, as the rest of the King's
" lords have granted already, we shall be his good friend, maintain
" him in his ofBce, and give him an honourable pension " But
he plainly refused to comply with this, saying, he would prejudge
his prince and country ; so that this and his other former refusals
cost him his life afterwards.
About this time my lord regent sent a letter to me, with all
diligence to come to him. At my coming he made a heavy moan
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for the civil troubles that were kindled in the country, by the
craft and malice of some in England and some in Scotland, taking
the colour of this or that authority, and yet were only moved with
their own particularities, to the hurt both of King, Queen and
country ; desiring me that I would go unto the castle of Edin-
burgh, and shew them, as of my own head, and not as from him,
that I understood he perceived albeit too late, how that we are
led upon the ice, and that it was the interest of all true Scotsmen
to agree that the state may be settled. And, says he, you may
desire them to seek to treat with me thereabout ; which you may
assure them they will obtain, if they will seek the same. And
offer your self to be the instrument to bring on a good agreement
between them and me, which shall by God's grace take good
effect upon your return with their reasonable offers and answer.
Whereupon I went to Edinburgh, and found them all inclined
to peace and quietness, with little need of persuasions thereto ;
for they were near a point before with my lord of Lenox, and some
former conference had been betwixt my brother and captain
Cuningham thereabouts.
At my return to the regent, he was veiy glad, saying, he knew
that these honest gentlemen were ever willing to cease from civil
discord, seeing the Queen was captive, to whom their owning her
authority could do no good but evil ; but that they had been by
crafty practices cast against their wills upon a contrary course.
Then he enquired upon what conditions the captain and his
friends would agree ? I said, that the laird of Grange would not
sell his duty to his Prince and country for advantage, but would
serve the King and his country to settle the estate, so long as the
Queen was detained in England ; and if God pleased to grant her
liberty, they doubted not but she and her son should agree be-
twixt themselves, to which all honest and good subjects would
consent. They for their parts desired no man's lands nor goods,
but only liberty peaceably to enjoy their own livings. Only
Grange desired that the regent would cause to pay certain debts
contracted for repairing of the castle and artillery ; which con-
ditions the regent promised to fulfil, and to be an assured friend to
Grange and those in the castle. And without any other cere-
monies he called the laird of TuUibardine, and after he declared
unto him how far we had proceeded, he put his hand in mine
and did swear the peace in presence of the said TuUibardine,
who had also been a good instrument in the said agreement,
together with Mr. Clement Little afterwards provost of Edin-
burgh. No man was privy thereto but my lady Mar and captain
James Cuningham.
After this the regent went to Edinburgh to convene the lords
of council, to shew them the calamities that the civil wars produced,
and to let them see how necessary an agreement would be to the
whole country. In the mean time until the appointed council-
day, he went to Dalkeith, where he was nobly treated by the lord
130
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
of Morton ; shortly after -which he took a vehement sickness,
which caused him to ride suddenly to Stirling, where he died
regreted by many. Some of his friends and the vulgar suspected
he had gotten wrong at his banquet.
The earl of Morton, after the decease of the earl of Mar, was
made regent, England helping it with all their might. So soon
as he was chosen he sent for me, declaring how that against his
mind and inclinations the lords had burdened him with that
troublesome office, whereof seeing he behoved to accept, he could
wish that he might stand the country and commonwealth in some
stead. First he would desire the help of all good and honest men,
to draw on peace and concord to the quieting the state, praying
me as one for whom he had ever entertained special favour, to
travel with my friends of the castle for that effect, and to persuade
them to go forward with him, as they were minded to do with
the earl of Mar ; assuring me that none of the former regents had
at any time been more willing than he was presently to put an
end to the civil troubles, nor that I should remember less the
partialities past, and that the regent should not revenge the earl of
Morton's quarrels. But whoever would serve the King and be
his friend, he would embrace them upon what faction soever they
had formerly been. And he was willing to give whatever con-
ditions the earl of Mar had offered ; that I should have the priory
of Pittenweem for my pains ; the laird of Grange the bishoprick
of St. Andrew's, and castle of Blackness ; and every one within
the castle should be restored to their lands and possessions as
before.
It was very hard to bring on this agreement with the earl of
Morton, for the evil opinion which was conceived of him, and the
hurtful marks they supposed by proofs and appearances that he
would shoot at, being by nature covetous and too great with
England, and ever jealous that the King would be his ruin, con-
cerning which a lady, who was his whore, had shewn him the
answers of the oracles. Yet the laird of Grange, who was ever
willing to see concord in the country, was easily persuaded :
the lord Hume and Lidington made some resistance at the first,
but were also at length content. So that after I had past t\\'Ice or
thrice bet\veen them, they appeared to be agreed in their hearts :
and the laird of Grange said, he would cause all the rest of the
Queen's faction to agree with the regent ; but he refused to take
the bishoprick of St. Andrew's and the castle of Blackness, desiring
nothing but his own lands.
When I returned to the regent with this answer conform to
his desire, he was marvellously glad ; but when I declared that
the laird of Grange would be a good instrument to cause all the
rest of the Queen's faction to agree also with him ; he answered,
that was not meet. And when I reasoned against him, and
shewed him how that I had spoken in his name, that he was
resolved to have agreed all Scotland, and that Grange had no
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quarrel of his own, but to 'help a number of noblemen who
required his piotecticn duiing ihe Kirg's minority, end had
requested the regent once to agree with them altogether, for
Grange's honour ; and afterwards he, and all these of the castle
should band with him and lay aside all other bands. The regent
answered, and said, James, I will be plain with you, it is not my
interest to agree with them all, for then their faction will be as
strong as ever it was, thereby they may some day circumvent me,
if they please, therefore it is my game to divide them. And
moreover there have been great troubles in this country this
while bygone, and during them great wrongs and extortions
committed, for the which some fashion of punishment must be
made, and I would rather that the crimes should be laid upon the
Hamiltons, the earl of Huntly, and their adherents, than upon
your friends ; and by their wreck I will get more profit, than by
that of those in the castle, that have neither so great lands to
escheat to us, as the reward of our labours. Therefore shew
Grange and your friends, that either they must agree without the
Hamiltons, and the earls of Huntly and Argile ; or the said lords
will agree without him, and these of the castle. To this I
answered, That I understood him, his speeches being very plain.
With this I went again to the castle, and rehearsed our whole
reasoning. Grange said it was neither godly or just dealing, to
lay the blame upon those that were richest for their lands and
goods, and not upon theiTi who were guiltiest, seeing these noble-
men had been ever willing to agree, after that the Queen was kept
in England, but could not be admitted. And yet if now they
would abandon him, and agree without him and those in his
company, he had deserved better at their hands ; yet he had
rather that they should leave and deceive him, than that he should
do it unto them.
When I had given this return to Morton, and that he perceived
that Grange stood stiff upon his honesty and reputation, he
appeared to like him the better, and seemed as if he had been
resolved to go forward with those of the castle. He sent up
Carmichael, at my desire, to hear out of their own mouths so far
as I had spoken in their name : they of the castle likewise sent
Pittarrow to the regent to hear out of his own mouth, so far about
the agreement as I had said to them in his name. This I did
for my discharge, whatsoever might come afterwards.
The regent asked at what time the castle of Edinburgh should
be delivered to him ? I said, within half a year. What security,
said he, shall I have for it ? I said, I should be a pledge if he
would accept me. Then he enquired wherefore I sought so
long delay ? I answered in the first place, till all articles and
promises might be performed, and likewise because though the
laird of Grange was ever esteemed an honest man, yet by wrong
reports and practices the ministers have been stirred up to cry
out and preach against liim ; therefore to enable him to serve for
13a
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
the future, it would be some satisfaction to his mind, to let the
world see, that as well after the agreement as before, he should
be esteemed alike honest and worthy to keep the house, and then
at the time appointed the regent should be intreated to receive
the castle out of his hands. He appeared to be very well content
with this manner of dealing, and gave me great thanks for the
travel I had made, desiring me to go home, and he in the mean
time would convene the rest of the noblemen of his side, and
acquaint them with his proceedings, and take their advice and
consent to this good work, which he doubted not to procure ;
and thereafter he said he would send for me again, and put the
form of the agreement in writing.
But he took immediately another course, and sent a fit man to
the Hamiltons, the earls of Huntly, Argile, and their dependers,
and offered an accommodation to them, if they would be satisfied
to make an agreement by themselves, not including Grange and
those in the castle : which condition they accepted of, without
making therein any ceremonies, whereof they by their letters
instantly from Perth advertised the laird of Grange ; lamenting
that the straits they were redacted to, had compelled them to
accept that agreement which the regent had offered them, praying
him not to take it in evil part, seeing they had no house nor strength
to retire themselves to. They gave him many thanks for the help
and assistance he had made them, which they said, they would
never forget so long as God would lend them their lives.
This was the recompence this good gentleman obtained for the
great help he had given the lords, the hazard he had run upon their
account, and the charges he had been at in aiding them ; not
imagining that the regent would be so malicious as to cast him off,
and not accept of his friendship, which he incontinently offered,
after the rest were agreed. But from that time forth the regent
would hear none of his offers, persuading the rest of his faction
that these of the castle were so proud and wilful, that they refused
to serve the King, or acknowledge him as regent. And this was
published and preached ; and yet the contrary was true, for they
would have taken any reasonable appointment. What rage was
in the regent's mind for greediness of their lands, and goods ; or
what should have induced him to bring an army from England
to besiege the castle of Edinburgh, I know not, it being to the
dishonour of his prince and country, seeing a little before, the
castle was offered to the earl of Rothes, to be instantly delivered
unto his hands, to be kept to the regent's behoof ; which was
refused. So that apparently he had some other fetch in his head,
than a man esteemed so wise should have had, seeing he might
have obtained his intent without the help of England, having all
Scotland at his devotion, saving that few number within the castle
who would likewise have agreed upon any reasonable condition.
Thus the castle of Edinburgh was straitly besieged with an
English army under the conduct of the marshal of Berwick,
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assisted by all Scotland. These within seeing they could not be
received upon any composition, debated so long as they had
victuals and water : for their draw-well dried by the droughty
summer, and they had no other water but what they fetched,
letting men with cords down over the walls and rock of the castle
to a well on the west-side, which was afterward poisoned, whereby
so many as escaped the shot died, and the rest fell deadly sick.
Yet the laird of Grange undertook with eight persons to keep the
castle untaken by force, of the which number were, the lord
Hume, my two brothers Sir Robert and Sir Andrew, the laird of
Pittarrow and his brother Patrick. This resolution being taken,
the laird of Cleish and Matthew Colvil his brother were sent to
the castle, under the pretext of making offers of agreement ;
but their design was to get intelligence of the state of the house,
and to seduce the soldiers who were yet alive ; which they did,
so that some fled out over the walls, and others were shut forth.
For the captain thought the house in a better condition both for
victuals and otherwise, when they were forth.
The marshal of Berwick seeing no appearance to succeed,
entred into contention with the ambassador, alledging that the
Queen his mistress would be dishonoured, and said, he would
wait no longer ; whereupon they ' without ' entred on a new
communion, and sent up again the laird of Cleish to offer them
good conditions to come forth with their armour and bag and
baggage, which was agreed to, and that they should be restored to
their lands ; and because for the time these were in other mens
possession, it was referred to themselves whether they would go
to England with the marshal of Berwick, or remain in Scotland
among their friends, until the promise made them of restoring
them to their lands might be fulfilled. The Englishmen desired
that the castle should be put in their hands ; but Grange sent
secretly to captain Hume and captain Crawford, desiring them
to come and lye within the bulwark betwixt the house and the
Englishmen ; and to those he delivered the castle, and his person
to the marshal, to go with him to England, until all promises
might be kept to him and the rest by the Queen of England's
means. In this manner they came forth, after that George
Douglass, natural brother to the regent, had received the house ;
they had all their swords and weapons about them, and were three
days at liberty. My brother Sir Robert lay with me at his own
lodging ; the laird of Grange and the secretary Lidington re-
mained yet with the marshal of Berwick at his lodging for their
greater security, because that the people of the town of Edin-
burgh were greatly their enemies. For except a few that tairied
within the town during the civil troubles between the parties that
lay in Edinburgh and Leith, the most part of the richest men and
merchants left the town and went to Leith, to take part with the
regent ; therefore their houses were spoiled, upon which account
they did bear great hatred to those in the castle.
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
But at the end of three days they were all laid hands upon,
and taken as prisoners. For some of their most malicious enemies
put it easily in the regent's head, and the ambassador's, that it
was well done to move the Queen of England to cause to deliver
the whole prisoners to the regent, to be disposed upon at his
pleasure, alledging they had no surety but a naked promise,
which they needed not to keep ; and because those of the :astle
confided wholly on the maishal's promise, the ambassador was
advised to prevent the marshal's writing ; so that ere he did write
to the Queen thereabout, her letter came to him to deliver up the
prisoners who had been in the castle to the regent. And he
durst not disobey her command, the same being so peremptory,
though he obeyed it with much regret and great reluctancy, by
reason of his promise, and returned malecontent to Berwick.
And they in the castle were committed to strait ward ; and there-
after new letters were purchased by the regent from the Queen
that he might execute them, which she willingly permitted, for
she would gladly have been quit of my lord Hume and Grange,
as being two true Scotsmen, unwonable to England to do any
thing prejudical to their King or country ; and of the secretary
Lidington, but he died at Leith after the old Roman fashion, as
was said, to prevent his coming to the shambles with the rest.
As for the lord Hume, the regent durst not meddle with him,
he standing in awe of Alexander Hume and Manderston
Coldingknows, and the goodman of Northberwick, and the rest
of that name, who boasted with very proud language. He died
shortly after, being warded in the castle of Edinburgh. Mr.
Killigrew the English ambassador, desired no other reward for
his labour but the preservation of my brother Sir Robert's life,
for he was obliged formerly to him and me. The composition
was kept to all the rest of the mean gentlemen. The prior of
Coldingham and laird of Drylaw were afterwards set at liberty.
Sundry of the captains of Berwick went up to the castle by the
breach beat down in the fore-wall by the cannons, that they might
say that they had won the maiden-castle. But this was after that
the house was delivered over to the regent's brother ; yet he
would not suffer them to enter there with any number.
On this manner both England and the regent were reveftged
upon that worthy champion Grange, whom they had sometimes
in great estimation, who had done such notable service in France,
being captain of an hundred light horsemen, that he was extolled
by the Duke of Vendome, Prince of Cond6, and Duke of Aumale,
governors and colonels then in Picardy ; that I heard Henry H.
point unto him and say, ' Yonder is one of the most valiant men
of our age.' Also the king used him so familiarly, that he chose
him commonly up on his side in all pastimes he went to ; and
because he shot far with a great shaft at the buts, the king would
have him to shoot two arrows, one for his pleasure. The great
constable of France would never speak to him uncovered, and that
I3S
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King gave him an honourable pension, whereof he never sought
payment. England had proof of his valour frequently against
them upon the borders, where he gave them divers ruffles. In
a single combat he vanquished the earl of Rivers's brother between
the two armies of Scotland and England. He afterwards debated
manfully the liberty of his country against the Frenchmen, when
they intended to erect the land into a province. He had lately
refused the demands of Mr. Randolph and Mr. Killigrew, as is
before mentioned, and had reproached both the said ambassadors
of false and deceitful dealings. Last of all, he had refused to put
the castle into the hands of Englishmen, and therefore because
he was true to his prince and country, it cost him his life. For
they boasted plainly to bring down that giant's pride who, as they
alledged, presumed to be another Wallace. Albeit contrariwise he
was humble, gentle, and meek like a lamb in the house, but like
a lion in the fields. He was a lusty, strong and well proportioned
personage, hardy and of a magnanimous courage, secret and
prudent in all his enterprizes, so that never one that he made or
devised misgave where he was present himself. When he was
victorious he was very merciful, and naturally liberal, an enemy
to greediness and ambition, and a friend to all men in adversity.
He fell frequently in trouble in protecting innocent men from
such as would oppress them, so that these his worthy qualifications
were also partly causes and means of his wreck : for they pro-
moted him so in the opinion of many, that some loved him for
his religion, uprightness, and manliness ; others again depended
upon him for his good fortune and apparent promotion, whereby
divers of them hoped to be advanced and rewarded, supposing
that offices and honours could not fail to fall to him. All which
the wanted through his own default, for he had fled from avarice,
and abhorred ambition, and refused sundry great offices, even to
be regent, which were in his off'er, as well as other great benefices
and pensions. Thus wanting place and subsistance to reward,
he was soon abandoned by his greedy and ambitious dependers :
for when they saw him at a strait, they drew to others, whom they
perceived to aim at more profitable marks. On the other hand,
he was as much envied by those who were of a vile and unworthy
nature, of whom many have made tragical ends for their too great
avarice and ambition, as shortly after did the earl of Morton.
This gallant gentleman perished for being too little ambitious
and greedy. But so soon as the King's majesty came to perfect
age, and had understood how matters had gone during his
minority, he caused to restore the heirs of the said laird of Grange,
who he said was wrecked contrary to the appointment made with
the marshal of Berwick ; and also ordered his bones to be taken
up, and buried honourably in the ancient burial-place of his
predecessors in Kinghorn.
After his death the marshal of Berwick took so heavy displeasure,
finding himself so far affronted, because of the breach of hi
136
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
promise, and that the appointment which he had made with the
castle of Edinburgh was not kept ; that he would tarry no longer
in his office at Berwick, seeing he judged he had lost his credit and
reputation ; for he was a plain man of war, and loved Grange so
dearly, that at his request he spared to cast down the houses of
Seaton and Nidrie, when he came in to cast down the house of
Hamilton. Likewise all the officers of Berwick lamented the loss
of so worthy a captain.
The regent triumphed for a while, because of the great assistance
that England made to him, which they had never done to any of
the former regents, but rather stirred up factions and parties
against them to keep the country in discord. The causes that
moved them so to assist him, were. That they believed the old
jealousies betwixt the Stuarts and Douglasses should by him be
brought to an end, the young King being in his hands, to be
disposed of at pleasure ; the Queen his mother being already
captive in their hands ; which two only could join Scotland and
England in one monarchy. Therefore above all others, the
guiders of the court of England for the time wished them out of the
way, as well for the great offices done by them both to King and
Queen, as for the desire they had to destroy that race and line,
to place some of their own friends to succeed to the crown of
England. So, thinking that the regent's mark in Scotland, and
theirs in England was comformable, they established and fortified
him in his regiment, though God in his goodness suffered not their
practices to take effect. For the regent wanting heirs of his own
body, and having no competitors to stay him from doing any
thing that he pleased, when he thought the time meet, he delayed
matters, and in the mean time bent his whole study how to gather
riches, and how to suck out substance from England and Scotland,
moving England thereby too late to repent that they had not
preserved the laird of Grange to be an awe over the regent, as he
kept the King to be an awe over them. And as he was crafty,
so he was fearful and slow of nature, and thought the earl of Angus
his brother's son yet too young, and not capable to comprehend
his hidden intention, and therefore he was long of resolving. In
the mean time serving his own turn with England, as they did
with all the world, when they were like to have any trouble among
themselves, or with their neighbours ; then he compelled them
to send him money, which they were necessitated to do, though
sore against their heart, with a hidden despite and secret hatred
at his slowness on the one part and covetousness on the other.
This regent held the country in an established estate, under
great obedience, better than for many years before or since. For
there was not another earl of Morton to stir up the factious sub-
jects, as he used to do against the rest of the regents, which made
him so proud and disdainful, that he despised the rest of the
nobility. And using no man's counsel but his own, he became
ungrateful to all his old friends and servants. And being, under
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pretext of justice, used to commit divers wrongs and extortions,
he caused to begin a process against the laird of Fintry, because
many years before a thief had made his escape out of his hands ;
and against the laird of Seafield for a piece of land ; and against
Mr. James Thornton for his benefice. Thus as he had lost the
favour of England, so he did by such ways, the hearts of all
Scotland, but only of George Auchinleck and Alexander Jardan.
As for the laird of Carmichael, he lamented to me grievously of
his ingratitude toward him, and was minded to leave him, until
I gave him counsel to help himself by the hurtful experience of
the laird of Grange, and Walter Melville my brother who v/as one
of the gentlemen of the earl of Murray's chamber ; which two
lost his favour so soon as he became regent. And likewise I told
him, that very way I lost him myself ; for we had been long
familiar with him, and had assisted him in all his troubles : But
when he was regent, we would with our wonted freedom reprove,
admonish, and tell him his faults ; whereby we lost his favour.
And others who formerly had ever been against him, came in and
flattered him in all his proceedings, and stooped very low to him,
calling him Your Grace at each word. These men, I said won
him, and we lost him. And apparently, said I to Carmichael,
you follow the like foolish behaviour as we did, therefore you
must take up another kind of doing. And seeing your friend is
become regent, imagine that you was never acquainted with him
before, but that you aie entring to serve a new nciaster. Cast
never up your old and long service, cringe low, Grace him at
every Word, find no fault with his proceedings, but serve all his
affections with great diligence and continual waiting, and you
shall be sure of a reward. Otherwise all your former time spent
in his service will be lost, and he will hate you, and take a despite
at you, which may bring on afterwards a greater wreck. Car-
michael gave me great thanks, and his hand that he would follow
this counsel ; which he afterward did very punctually, and so
became a greater courtier than ever, and was employed and
rewarded, and had credit to do pleasure to his friends : but I
found him not thankful afterwards to me for my counsel.
Now the young King was brought up in Stirling, by Alexander
Erskine and my lady Mar. He had four principal masters, Mr.
George Buchanan, Mr. Peter Young, the abbots of Cambuskenneth
and Dryburgh, descended from the house of Erskine. The laird
of Drumwhasel was master of the houshold. Alexander Erskine
was a gallant well natur'd gentleman, loved and honoured by all
nien for his good qualities and great discretion, no ways factious
nor envious, a lover of all honest men, and desired ever to see men
of good conversation about the prince, rather than his own nearer
friends, if he found theni not so meet.
The laird of Drumwhasel again was ambitious and greedy,
his greatest care was to advance himself and his friends. The
two abbots were wise and modest. My lady Mar was wise and
138
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
sharp, and held the King in great awe ; and so did Mr. George
Buchanan. Air. Peter Young was more gentle, and was loath to
offend the King at any time, carrying himself warily, as a man who
had mind of his own weal, by keeping up his Majesty's favour.
But Mr. George was a stoick philosopher, who looked not far
before him : a man of notable endowments for his learning and
knowledge in Latin poesy, much honoured in other countries,
pleasant in conversation, rehearsing at all occasions moralities
short and instructive, whereof he had abundance, inventing where
he wanted. He was also religious, but was easily abused, and so
facile, that he was led by every company that he haunted, which
made him factious in his old days ; for he spoke and wrote as
those who were about him informed him : for he was become
careless, following in many things the vulgar opinion : for he
was naturally popular, and extremely revengeful against any man
who had offended him, which was his greatest fault. For he did
write despiteful invectives against the earl of Monteith, for some
particulars that were between him and the laird of Buchanan.
He became the earl of Morton's great enemy, for that a nag of his
chanced to be taken from his servant during the civil troubles,
and was bought by the regent, who had no will to part with the
said horse, he was so sure footed and so easy, that albeit Mr.
George had oft-times required him again, he could not get him.
And therefore though he had been the regent's great friend before,
he became his morral enemy, and from that time forth spoke evil
of him in all places, and at all occasions Drumwhasel also,
because the regent kept all the casualities to himself, and would
let nothing fall to others who were about the King, became also
his great enemy ; and so did they all who were about his Majesty.
The regent again ruling all at his pleasure, made no account
of any about the King, until a discreet gentleman called Mr.
Nicholas Elphinston advertised him. That the King had no
kindness for him, advising him, albeit too late, to bestow part of
his gold unto so many of the King's servants, as were thought to
be most wonable, seeing he was envied of many, and hated of every
man, especially by those who were in Stirling about the King.
He gave to one that was in mean rank twenty-five pieces of gold,
at twenty pound the piece. What he gave to others I cannot tell :
but such as had spoken ill of him before, durist not altei their
language, because of the King's wit and good memory, who could
check any that he perceived had first spoken evil, and then began
to speak good again ; as his Majesty had done to one of the com-
pany, alledging. That he had changed his coat, as I was afterward
informed . so that the regent was too long in dealing part of his
gold to those about his Majesty, who increasing in years and
knowledge, sundry gentlemen began to look after service, and
turned on-waiters. Among others, James Stuart son to the lord
Ochiltree, a young man of a busy brain, had an aspiiing spirit,
and through time won great favour and credit with his Majesty.
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And though he was not well liked by those of the castle of Stirling,
yet he was the more overseen, because he gave continually evil
information to his Majesty of the earl of Morton ; and so did also
my lord Robert earl of Orlcney, who had been warded, and hardly
handled by the regent, for some double dealing with Denmark
as was alledged.
The regent being in this manner brought in disgrace with his
Majesty, when he was upon the height of the wheel, the earls of
Argile and Athole were secretly practised, and drawn to Stirling
by Drumwhasel, with the consent of Alexander Erskine master
of Mar, and Mr. George Buchanan ; by whose advice and counsel
his Majesty was easily moved to depose the regent from his office :
Who yielded easilier thereto than any man would have believed,
against the opinion of his friends retiring himself to the house of
Lochlevin within the loch, for the surety of his person until he
might understand what was like to follow thereupon, and what
might be the next best for him to do.
The King's Majesty having attained unto the age of
years, ordained a council to sit at Edinburgh for ordering the
affairs of the realm. The earl of Athole was made chancellor,
because the lord Glammis was a little before slain in Stirling, by
the earl of Crawford, as was suspected, though he denied the deed,
and purged himself thereof as far as he could The earl of Argile
and the master of Mar stayed in Stirling with the King's Majesty.
During the time that this new council sat in Edinburgh, the
earl of Morton, who was quiet in Lochlevin, making the walks
of his garden even, his mind was in the mean time occupied in
crooked paths, plotting how to be brought again to be master,
of the court ; which was accomplished upon a night at midnight
When he came to the gates of the castle of Stirling, they w re
opened unto him by the two abbots, and a faction that they had
drawn in there with them ; albeit the master of Mar and the earl
of Argile made what resistance they could, where the master's
eldest son died in the throng : yet the enterprisers prevailed,
and brought in again the earl of Morton, and put out the earl of
Argile, the master of Mar, Drumwhasel, and such others as they
misliked ; and so made a new change at court ; where the earl of
Morton handled the matter so discreetly and moderately as he
could, that the alteration should not appear to be over sharp or
violent. The new chosen council scattered incontinently, some
of them retiring home, and some joined with the earl of Alorton,
hoping never to see a turn again.
About this time came out of France my lord of Aubigny, who
was afterward made duke of Lenox, who was brother's son to the
earl of Lenox, and obtained afterward great credit and favour.
James Stuart of Ochiltree, of whom I formerly made mention,
assisted him through process of time to persuade the King's
Majesty to desire to ride out of Stirling, and make a progress
among the rest of his subjects ; which the earl of Morton could
140
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
not resist, supposing that it laj' in his power to frame the court at
his pleasure. For hy his great wealth he was resolved to gain so
many as he judged necessary, and so by the multitude of his
friends to bear out the business, however the court was ruled after
he had obtained a discharge and acquittance of his intromission.
For though during the time that he was regent, he was always
strongest about the King ; yet my lord Aubigny and James
Stuart were most in favour, who by their continual rounding in
the King's ear against the earl of Morton, engendred at last a
greater dislike in the King of him than he had before. And
as James Stuart was the stirrer up of the other, so afterward
when he found the time convenient, he took occasion to accuse
the said earl before the council, of the late King's murder. Where-
upon the earl of Morton was made prisoner, and sent to the castle
of Edinburgh, and afterward to the castle of Dunbarton ; which
was thought strange, in respect of his many friends that were in
court for the time, who were then found to be but friends to his
fortune. For he was loved by none, and envied and hated by
many ; so that they all looked through their fingers to see his
fall.
England was also angry at him for the time, because of his
slowness to answer their turns, which they hoped for at his hands,
having put the King and country in his power. Yet they made
some offer to assist him ; which occasioned to hasten his ruin.
For they sent down seventeen companies to the borders, boasting
to send a greater number, and to declare open war, in case the
earl of Morton was not set at liberty, and the lord Aubigny put
out of Scotland. Mr Randolph was sent in with this Embassage.
His Majesty again having these two young counsellors about him,
who knew of no perils, raised a taxation to pay soldiers, and
caused to make a proclamation for every man to be in readiness
upon a call : which moved the English to retire, and leave off
endeavouring any more his assistance ; encouraging thereby such
as were deadly enemies to the earl of Morton to ride to Dunbarton,
with looo raised and hired men, together with their own frj^ends,
to bring the earl of Morton back again to Edinburgh, to undergo
an assize. Some of the earl's friends convened, to take him out
of their hands ; but found not themselves strong enough. They
might have done it, had it not been the forces which had been
newly levied, occasioned by the threatenings which England had
made. Being brought to Edinburgh, he found few friends to
appear or act for him. His gold and silver was transported long
before, by his natural son James Douglas, and one of his servants
called John Macmorran. It was first carried in barrels, and
afterward hid in some secret parts ; part whereof was given to be
kept by some who were looked upon as his friends, who made ill
accompt of it again : so that the most part thereof lighted in bad
hands, and himself was so destitute of money, that when he went
through the street to the Tolbooth, to undergo hisas size, he was
L 141
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compelled to borrow twenty shillings to distribute to the poor,
who asked alms of him for God's sake. The assize condemned
him to death, as being art and part in the King's murder, and as
being of council with the earl of Bothwell, who brought him out of
banishment, when he was absent for the slaughter of David Riccio.
He granted that he was made privy thereto ; but had no hand in
devising thereof. And as concerning the young King, he owned
that he purposed to send him to England for his weal, that he
might the rather obtain his right to the crown of England, being
within the country, and brought up among them. He died
resolutely, and had ended more perfectly, if he had declared and
confessed his worldly practices and fetches to nourish the civil
troubles, partly at the devotion of England, and partly for his own
particular profit, during the government of the first three regents,
which occasioned great blood-shedding, that commonly cries to
heaven for vengeance.
During the King's young years, the partialities were so great,
and the whole country so disturbed by the two several parties,
who alledged to fight and strive for the King and the Queen,
being then captive in England, and the King yet very young ;
that many perceived them to be but factious, ambitious, avaritious,
greedy, worldly, wretched persons. Both parties were craftily
stirred up and kept in trouble by one only faction in England,
who had that Queen's ear, intending the wreck as well of our
King as Queen, to advance some of their friends to inherit the
crown of England, which occasioned a great outcry against our
foolish contentions.
After that the earl of Morton, the last of the four regents, was
deposed ; the King's Majesty, being young, took the government
into his own hands. My lord of Aubigny, being made lord
Dalkeith, and afterward duke of Lenox, was chief about his
Majesty, and James Stuart, formerly mentioned ; who afterward
took unto himself the stile, and then the eaildom of Arran, thinking
that he had done great service, and deserved well, for accusing and
wrecking the earl of Morton. He married the earl of March's
relict.
The duke was of nature upright, just and gentle ; but wanted
experience in the state of the country. At first he was wholly
guided by the said James Stuart and his wife ; who both began
to envA' him, and therefore they endeavoured how they might cast
him off, that they might attain to the sole management of affairs ;
and for this end they gave him bad advice, and sinister inform-
ations against sundry of his best friends. And being likewise
•educated a papist, and suspected to be at the duke of Guise's
devotion, and therefore a dangerous man to be about his Majesty ;
the whole country' was stirred up against him ; England by their
ambassador helping to kindle the fire. Mr. David Macgil and
Mr. Henry Keer were his chief counsellors, both wise enough
for their own profit, but careless of his standing ; and therefore
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
not fit to counsel him who was his Majesty's greatest favourite.
At the instigation and misinformation of the earl of Arran and his-
lady, he first did cast off his true friend the master of Mar captain
of the castle of Edinburgh, and after that Sir William Stuart
captain of Dunbarton, and then Alexander Clerk provost of
Edinburgh, and the earl of Gowrie treasurer. The rest of the
nobility were also dissatisfied to see these tvvo young lords only
in favour with the King, finding that they both did aim at noble-
mens lives, for their lands. And albeit some of them misliked
the earl of Morton's proceedings, yet they judged the taking of
his life an hard preparative. They likewise suspected religion to
be in hazard, the one thing a papist, and the other a scorner of all
religion. They thought that from two such counsellors, no
wholesome advice could proceed for the peace of the country,
and the establishment of religion. Therefore a number of them,
consulted together, to displace both the duke and the ear! of
Arran, to send the one to France, and to remove the other from
court. In the mean time they resolved to throng themselves in
about the King, and to make a reformation of the abuses, and to
environ his Majesty with their forces, so soon as he came to
Dunferling, whither he had appointed to come at his return out
of Athole, where he was for the time a-hunting, and to present to
him this supplication.
IT may appear strange to your Majesty, that we, your most
" humble and faithful subjects, are here convened beyond
" your expectation, and without your knowledge ; but
' after your Majesty hath heard the urgent occasion that hath
■ pressed us hereto, your Majesty will not marvel at this our
■ honest, lawful and necessary enterprize.
" Sir, for the dutiful reverence that we owe unto your Majesty,
' and for that we abhor to attempt any thing that may seem dis-
pleasing to your Majesty, we have for the space of two years
suffered such false accusations, calumnies, oppressions and
persecutions, by means of the duke of Lenox, and him who is
called earl of Arran, that the like insolencies and enormities
were never heretofore born within Scotland. Which wrongs,
albeit they were most intolerable, yet when they only touched us
in particular, we comported with them patiently, ever attending
when it should please your Majesty to give a remedy thereto.
" But seeing the persons aforesaid have plainly designed to
trouble the whole bodj"^ of the commonwealth, as well the
ministers of the blessed evangel, as the true professors thereof,
but in special, that number of noblemen, barons, burgesses and
commonality, who did most worthily behave themselves in your
Majesty's service, during your youth ; whom principally and
only they molest, and against whom they use most extremity and
rigour of laws, oft-times most sinistrously perverting the same
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THE MEMOIRS OF
for their destruction, so that one part of these your best subjects
are exiled, another part tormented, and put to questions, which
they are not in law obliged to answer ; and withal do execute
with partiality and injustice all your laws. And if any escape
their barbarous fury, they can have no access to your Majesty,
but are falsly calumniated, and debarred from your presence,
and kept out of your favour.
" Papists and most notable murderers are called home daily,
and restored to their former honours and heritages, and oft-
times highly rewarded with the offices and possessions of your
most faithful servants.
" Finally, your estate royal is not governed by the council of
your nobility, as your most worthy progenitors used to do, but
at the pleasure of the foresaid persons, who enterprize nothin.g
but as they are directed by the bishops of Glasgow and Ross,
your denounced rebels, having with them adjoined in their
ordinary councils the Pope's nuncio, with the ambassador of
Spain, and such other of the papists of France as endeavour to
subvert the true religion, and to bring your Majesty in discredit
with your subjects. They travel to cause you negotiate and
traffick with your mother, without the advice of your estates,
persuading your Majesty to be reconciled with her, and to
associate her conjunctly with you in the authority royal, meaning
nothing other thereby but toconvict us of usurpation and treason,
" And so having these your best subjects out of the way, V'.ho
with the defence of your authority maintained the true religion,
as two things united and inseparable ; what else could have
followed but the wreck and destruction of both ?
" For conclusion, your whole native country, for which. Sir,
you must give an account to the eternal God, as we must be
answerable to your Majesty, is so perturbed and altered, and
the true religion, the commonwealth, your estate and person are
in no less danger than when you were delivered out of the hands
of the cruel murderers of your father : Who they were we will
not insist on at this present.
" Sir, beholding these great dangers to be imminent and at
hand, without speedy help, and perceiving your noble person
in such hazard, the preservation whereof is more precious to us
than our own lives ; finding also no appearance that your
Majesty was forewarned hereof, but like to perish before you
could see the peril : we thought that we could not be answerable
to our eternal God, neither faithful subjects to your Majesty, if,
according to our ability, we prevented not this present distress,
preserving your Majesty from the same.
" For this effect, with all dutiful humility and obedience, we
your Majesty's true subjects are here convened, desiring your
Majesty in the name of God, and for the love you bear to his
true religion, to your country, and commonwealth, and as you
would see the tranquillity of your own estate, to retire yourself
1^4
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" to some part of the country, where your Majesty's person may
" be more safely preserved, and your nobility secured, who are
" under hazard of lands, life and heritages. And then your
" Majest>' shall see the disloyalties, falshoods, and treasons of the
" persons aforesaid, evidently proved and declared to their faces,
" to the glory of God, advancement of his true religion, your
" ]\Iajesty's preservation and honour, and the deliverance of j'our
" troubled commonweal and country, and to their perpetual
" ignominy and shame."
At this highland -hunting his Majesty was very meanly ac-
companied. The duke of Lenox tarried for the time at Dalkeith ;
the new earl of Arran was at Kinneil. Many of the council were
appointed to hold justice ayres in divers shires of the country.
I was ordained to hold the justice ayre of West-Lothian at Edin-
burgh with my lord Newbotrle, Mr. David Macgil and Mr. John
Sharp. There came to my bed timely in the morning a gentleman,
alledging that I had formerly done him courtesies, which to
now he was never able to recompence, that he would make me
the instrument of saving the King's Majesty my master out
of the hands of those who were upon an enterprize to take and
keep him. I said, I could hardly trust that ; but I feared that the
duke of Lennox might be in hazard, who was gone to Glasgow to
hold justice ayres, because of the hatred which I knew was born
him, especially for the maintaining the two bishops of St. Andrew's
and Glasgow. He answered. They will lay hands first on the
King's Majesty', and then the duke and the earl of Arran dare no
more be seen, their insolency and misbehaviour being the cause
of all the present disordci^s ; for there is an enterprize to present a
supplication against them to his Majesty. After he had told me
this news, he desired me to conceal his name, though to tell the
matter to his Majesty. He said. This turn would be done in ten
days : And as I started up to put on my clothes, he slipt to the
door with a short farewel.
Because the duke was at Dalkeith, I did ride thither, and shewed
him the whole matter, advising him to ride himself to his Majesty
with this advertisement, foi his own security ; but he chose rather
to direct a gentleman with all possible diligence to his Majesty
willing me also to write unto the earl of Gowrie; for the gentleman
had not named him to me with the rest of the enterprii:ers ; either
out of forgetfulness, or else because he was but lately won to that
purpose by the laird of Drumwhasel, who had assured him that the
duke of Lenox had determined to slay him at the first meeting ;
persuading the earl, upon this ground, to join with the rest of the
noblemen, who were determined to reform the estate. Unto the
which invented advertisement he too easily gave credit, and so
joined with the rest of the nobility who were minded to present
the forenamed supplication to the King at his coming to
Dunfermling.
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THE MEMOIRS OF
It is certain that the duke of Lenox was led by evil counsel and
wrong informations, whereby he was moved to meddle in such
hurtful and dangerous courses, that the rest of the nobility became
jealous of his intentions, and feared their estates. As for the earl
of Arran, they detested his proceedings, and esteemed him the
worst and most insolent instrument that could be found out, to
wreck King, kirk and country. The duke had been tolerable,
had he happened upon as honest counsellors as he was well
inclined of himself : but he wanted experience, and was no w^ays
versed in the state of the country, nor brought up in our religion,
which, by time, he might have been brought to have embraced.
But the earl of Arran was a scomer of religion, presumptuous,
ambitious, covetous, careless of the commonwealth, a despiser
of the nobility, and of all honest men ; so that every man was
expecting a sudden change : which should have been made in
Dunfermling, in presenting the above specified supplication.
But what moved the lords to surprize his Majesty within the house
of Huntington, I know not ; if it was not to embark the earl of
Gowrie, whose house it was, more deeply in their bond ; or that
they, fearing their enterprize to be discovered, made the greater
haste, and stayed his Majesty in that place, which was afterward
called the Road of Ruthven.
After that the duke of Lenox was advertised of this enterprize,
he sent for tlie earl of Arran, who was peaceably passing his time
in Kinneil. He took in hand to ride out and save the King,
boasting that he would chace all the lords into mouse-holes : but
he was chased, and saved himself in the house of Ruthven, where
they had shortly made an end of him, had not the earl of Gowrie
interceeded for his life, whose destiny it was to keep him alive to
be his own wreck afterwards. The duke of Lenox being
advertisde that his Majesty was in their hands, retired himself to
Dumbarton ; and his Majesty was conveyed to Stirling, and there
retained.
The King of France and the Queen of England being informed
that the King was taken and kept in custody, sent each of them an
ambassador to this country to comfort his Majesty, to see what the
matter meant, and to offer him their best assistance, in case he
required the same, and declared that he had been taken and kept
against his will. But after great thanks given unto the said
ambassadors, the King willed them to declare unto their princes,
that he was very well satisfied with the lords who were about him,
and that they were all his own subjects, willing to obey him ;
but that they had conceived some hard apprehensions of the duke
of Lenox, and some others who had been about him before :
albeit his heart was full of sorrow and displeasure, as he told him-
self afterward, and even then likewise to Mr. Gary cousin to the
Queen of England, who whispered in his Majesty's ear, requesting
him to tell the plain verity, which he should keep secret from Mr.
Bowes his companion, and also from the lords, and should only
146
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
shew his inward mind privily to his mistress the Queen. Yet
it neither appeared by the success to have been kept secret, nor
did that Queen niake any fuither instance for his hberty.
The lords in the mean time thought meet to hold a council, to
resolve what course to take, wherein it was determined that their
enterprize was good ser\-ice to his Majesty, the kirk, and common-
wealth ; which his Alajesty granted also to be true : whereupon
an act of council was formed. At that same time the general
assembly of the kirk was held at Edinburgh, to the which his
AIajest>- was moved to send two commissioners, to testify that he
had allowed for good service the said lords enterprize, desiring
likewise the kirk to find it good for their parts, and to ordain the
ministers, and commissioners of every shire to publish the same
to their parishioners, and to get the principal gentlemens sub-
scriptions to maintain the same. Notwithstanding all this, his
Majesty took the matter further to heart than any man would have
believed. Ke lamented his mishandling to sundry noblemen
and others ; and at length acquainted some of them, that he
intended to relieve himself through time out of their hands who
held him as captive. He desired such as he trusted in, to assist
him with their counsel and help.
The lords again who were joined together for the reformation
of the state, being rid of the duke of Lenox who had past through
England to France, where he shortly after died of a sickness
contracted through displeasure ; and being also rid of the earl of
Arran, whom they kept captive in the custody of the earl of Gowrie :
they retired themselves from the court to their houses, that his
Majestj' should not think himself any way deprived of his liberty
by them ; for they had got some intelligence of his inward grief,
for his taking and retaining. Whereupon his Majesty takes
occasion to appoint a convention to be holden in St. Andrew's,
for some English affairs, after the returning of Mr. John Colvil
and colonel Stuart, who both had been sent thither, and had not
agreed well concerning their commission, having brought back
again different answers. To the which convention his Majesty,
by missives, invited some of the nobility ; but he called none of the
lords thereto who had lately left him, supposing that, perceiving
themselves so far slighted, they would not come unwritten for ;
and that way he thought he might slip himself out of their hands,
and retain about him such lords as he had written for, to wit, the
earls of Argile, Huntly, Montrose, Crawford, Rothes, and the earl
of March, who was an indweller in St. Andrew's for the time,
and the earl of Gowrie of whom he judged himself assured,
though for some respects he would not employ him till afterwards,
lest the rest of his associates should alledge that he had left them
unhandsomely. For the said earl had repented him that he had
suffered himself to be drawn in by Drumwhasel to join with the
rest, after that he had received sure information that the duke of
Lenox had not laid for his slaughter, as was alledged. Therefore
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he repented his folly, and offered at all occasions to help to set
him at liberty.
So his Majesty thinking himself assured of all these noblemen,
the day appointed for the convention drawing near, it pleased
him to send colonel Stuart to my house, shewing me that his
Majesty having somewhat to do of great concernment, he had
directed him unto me as to one of his most faithful servants, of
whose fidelity and foresight he had formerly had sufficient proof,
by the true warning I had m.ade him before the alteration. As
a sworn gentleman of his chamber, he desired that I would help
him to his liberty, which he was determined to attain at his being
at St. Andrew's, whither he was resolved to go shortly to a con-
vention, to which he desired my assistance and advice, his Majesty
being minded, as he said, to follow my counsel so long as he lived,
w^illing me not to refuse any service that his Majesty would demand
of me at meeting. This commission was to me very unpleasant,
for I had taken my leave of the court, as being wearied with the
many alterations I had seen, both at home and in foreign courts,
having got great trouble and damage to myself for other mens
causes. Therefore I had determined to be no more concerned in
publick affairs, but to lead a quiet contemplative life the rest of
my days. This desire of my prince and master was like to put
me from this resolution. In this perplexity I had recourse by
humble prayer to God, so to direct my actings as they might tend
to his glory and to the weal of my prince and country. And
thereafter, according to my dutiful obedience, I went unto his
Majesty. When I came to him at Falkland, he told me of his
resolution, lamenting his hard state and mishandling by his own
subjects, and what displeasure he had taken, and that he was
thought but a beast by all neighbouring princes, for suffering so
many indignities.
I again discoursed unto his Majesty about the common estate
of all countries during their prince's minority', the nobility striving
for state and for the chief handling, whereby to advance them-
selves and their friends. As did the house of Guise during the
young age of King Francis II. The prince of Conde during the
reignof King Charles II. of France; and also the King of Navarre:
likewise the dukes of Somerset and Northumberland during the
youth of King Edward VI. of England. And as well in the Queen
his mother's time, as in his own time, some aiming to advance their
own affairs, some to defend and maintain their own estate, engaged
in divers enterprizes and strifes, none of the parties bearing any
evil will to his Majesty, but every one being in love with him, and
desiring to be nearest to his person. And albeit some of them be
oft-times transported, either by ambition, greediness or vengeance,
to out-shoot themselves and forget their duty ; yet princes who
are wise and come to perfect age, have ever found it their interest
to pardon and oversee all such faults as have been committed at
such times by too great a number of subjects. Now when
148
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Charles IX. agreed with the prince of Cond6, all his former
offences were reckoned for good service : and as your Majesty-
hath done in agreeing with so many of your nobility as were in
fear that the duke of Lenox and earl of Arran would wrong both
them and the country, as they did alledge.
Now, Sir, if your Majesty shall slip from them, they will think
their estate in greater danger than ever ; not from yourself, but
from some of their unfriends who may fall in again about you.
And albeit they be presently absent, they have both a guard and
some of their friends presently about your Majesty, and so they
will not fail to keep the convention, and be as soon at St. Andrew's
as the other lords, whom your Majesty,' hath invited by letters.
For it stands them upon their lives and fortunes to be still chief
about your Alajesty. Therefore saving your Majestj''s own pleasure
I judge you presently in a far better and safer condition, than you
will be by abandoning them, in case you get it not well effected ;
wherein there will be found greater difficulty than your Majesty
hath yet deeply considered, as the importance of the case requires.
All these dissuasions had no force to stay his Majesty from his
former deliberation, as having taken up a great displeasure, and a
princely courage either to liberate himself fully, or die in the
attempt. But, for to follow the example of other wise princes,
as he had begun himself, to allow for good service the enterprize
called the Road of Ruthven ; so he resolved that being at liberty,
he would make a general act of oblivion for all bygone faults and
errors committed by his nobility and subjects during his minority,
and from that t-me forth to be as a father to the country, and a just
and equal prince to all his subjects ; that no man's life, no man's
land, goods, nor office should be taken from them. That as the
fittest and most effectual way for settling peace in the country
he would give satisfaction to the church and their desires. That
he would keep about his person the most virtuous and discreet of
his nobility and gentry who could be found. His Majesty engaged
also to me, to be secret, constant, and counsellable.
For the better management then of his Majesty's design, it was
thought expedient, that he should be in St. Andrew's some few
days before the convention, that being once there, proclamation
might be issued out, to forbid any nobleman or other to come to
the convention, without being expresly called by letter from his
Majesty. For this end it was advised. That the earl of March
should invite his Majesty to be at St. Andrew's two or three days
before the convention, by reason of his preparation of wild meat
and other fleshes, that v/ould spoil in case his Majesty came not
to make good chear with him some days before. Whereupon
his Majesty went forward, contrary to my opinion and the judg-
ment of some others about him, who though we were sensible
of the inconveniencies which might follow, durst not be so bold
as to stay him, though we told his Majesty our opinion, that we
judged it was hazardous for him to ride, till the lords, who had
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THE MEMOIRS OF
been advertised to attend him, might come forward. Neverthe-
less he went on, and advertised the earl of March, the provost of
St. Andrew's, and other barons to attend him at Dairsy. Where
meeting them, his Majesty thought himself at liberty, expressing
great joy, like a bird flown out of a cage, passing his time in hawking
by the way after his meeting them, thinking himself sure enough,
albeit I thought his estate far surer when he was in Falkland.
For when he came to St. Andrew's he lodged in an old inn, a very
open part, the yard dikes being his greatest strength ; few of the
lords he had written for being yet come, except only the earl of
Crawford, who was near.
In the mean time I perceived the folly, and went to the provost
of the town, desiring to know what forces he had within the town
at his devotion 1 He answered, very few, and those not to be
trusted to. I asked who was in the castle .'' He told me, the
bishop ; with whom I dealt incontinently, to have the castle in
readiness to receive his Majesty ; which he promised to do. But
when I returned to his Majesty, believing that the proclamation
had been made. That no man should come to the convention but
such as had been written for, I found that the abbot of Dun-
fermling was arrived out of Lochlevin, and the earl Marischal out
of Dundee. The earl of Mar was still with his Majesty ; but all
the lords Vv'ere advertised with diligence from Falkland, that his
Majesty was suddenly gone for St. Andrew's, desiring them to
make haste to go thither, else they would be late. The said abbot
for his part was soon enough there, and behaved himself with
great dissimulation, extolling his Majesty's enterprize, so that he
gained so much credit as to cast down all their devices who were
upon the King's side, though he was a special doer for the contrary
party. He said, it was not fit by proclamation to stay the nobility,
but rather to write missives to them, not to come accompanied
with any more than two persons with every nobleman.
When his Majesty told me this, I was very angry, and shewed
him that this was the ready way to put him again in their hands,
without thanks from whom he had lately fled, assuring his Majesty
that they were coming forward very strong and in arms, and would
be sooner there than those lords he had written for, adding, that
they might come in quietly themselves, and cause their companies
to come in by two's and three's to the town, whereas it had been
better to let them come in all together, that their whole forces
might have been seen. Yet his Majesty was loth to enter within
the castle that night for his greater security, until it was very late
after supper, giving those that were there already time to advise,
and to enterprize that same night to take him again, in case he had
gone to the abbay yards to walk, as they had persuaded him, till
the castle was prepared. And some were already entred the said
yard for that effect in armour, whereof I had some suspicion, and
therefore instantly advertised his Majesty, who thereupon changed
his resolution, and past by the yard-gate to the castle.
•ISO
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
The next day the whole lords, as well written for as unwritten
for, arrived at St. Andrew's ; the King's lords quite without
armour, the other lords strongly armed. The earl Marischal
and Mar, and the abbot of Dunfermling lodged within the castle
with his Majesty, where the crafty abbot counselled the King to
let none of the lords come within the castle accompanied with
more than twelve persons. He ever appeared to favour the King's
intention, and therefore this crafty councel was followed. The
next morning the castle was full of men ; and those of the contrary
party, being well armed, had already taken the stair-heads and
galleries, resolving again to be masters of the King and all the
rest : which being too late perceived, diligence was incontinently
used to bring within the castle all the earl of March's gentlemen,
with the lairds of Dairsy, Balcomy, Segie, Forret, Barns, and
others, with so many of the town as were at the provost's devotion ;
which for that night prevented the foresaid design.
The earl of Gowrie was also a great stay in that matter ; for
albeit he came thither as strong, and as angry as any of the lords ;
yet he was advertised of the King's good will towards him, and so
was drawn from the rest. That dangerous day being thus past
without any harm done, the next day such order was taken, as
his Alajesty was master of the castle, following no more the said
abbot's counsel, but declared his moderate intentions to all the
lords, to the Fife barons, and towns upon the coast side, who had
been sent for, and likewise to the ministers and masters of the
college ; namely, " That albeit he had been detained against his
will for some time ; yet he intended not to impute it as a crime,
nor to remember any thing done in his minority, but that he would
pass an act of oblivion as to all that was past ; satisfy the demands
of the church ; agree parties among whom there were differences ;
and to carry himself to all his subjects equally, knowing none of
them to bear him any evil will, and that they had been driven to
enterprize the thing they had done, by the force of their factious
partialities : using many other such words of clemency and
discretion, to all their contentments. Thereafter he ordained
four lords, two of every faction, to retire them for a while, to wit,
the earls of Angus, Bothwell, Huntly, and Crawford ; retaining
all the rest about him as indifferent for his ordinary council, by
whose advice he was resolved to settle his estate, and thereafter
to bring again to court the whole lords above named. Then his
Majesty called for me before a number of the said lords, and gave
me greater commendation and thanks than I had merited, as being
the only instrument, under God, of his liberty. His Majesty
caused also to make a proclamation, conform to his former pro-
mises and moderate intention : but I took no pleasure to be
praised in presence of so many, answering to his Majesty, ' That
' I had already displeased all those who were upon the purpose of
* his detention.'
Now matters being settled in appearance, and this design
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THE MEMOIRS OF
successfully ended, some of the King's lords who had been slow
in coming (and when they were come, finding the lords of the
contrary faction strong and in armour) denyed that they knew
any thing of his Majesty's enterprize, laying the whole burden
upon colonel Stuart and me. But when they saw appearance of a
prosperous success, they took the matter stoutly upon them, and
began in plain council to tell how long they had been upon the
council of that enterprize with his Majesty, and how long waiting
for his advertisement.
Of a truth his Majesty was of a merciful mind, and gently
inclined toward all the nobility, intending to win all their hearts
by his own discreet behaviour, and to that effect he went first to
the house of Ruthven, to let the country see that he was entirely
reconcil'd to the earl of Gowrie. Where after he had royally
entertain'd his Majestj^ he fell down upon his knees, lamenting
that his Majesty should have been retained in that unhappy
house at his last being there, which he said, fell out rather by
accident than deliberation, only for the safety of the earl of Arran's
life : alledging that he knew no other thing, than that at his
Majesty's being at Dunfermling, they were minded to present him
an humble supplication, asking pardon for that accidental fault :
which his Majesty graciously promised never to impute to him,
knowing how blindly he was brought upon it by the practices of
others.
In the mean time James Stuart, earl of Arran, had obtained
the favour to be warded in Kinneil, his own house, and sent and
congratulated his Majesty's liberty, begging that he might have
access to come and kiss his hand ; which was plainly refused.
Then he sent daily his opinion and advices to his Majesty, how to
proceed against divers of the nobility, and others ; advising to
bring back to court the earls of Huntly and Crawford : which
was too easily condescended to by the earls of Argile and Mont-
rose, only the earl of Gowrie resisted, alledging, That the earls of
Bothwell and Angus were put in hopes to be brought in with
them, or as soon as they. But t'ne equality expected was soon
forgot : which moved the earl Marischal and others to retire to
their houses. The abbot of Dunfermling remained still at court
and to curry favour of colonel Stuart then captain of the guard,
he gave him a purse of thirty pieces of gold at four pound the
piece ; which pieces the colonel distributed to so many of the
guard, who bored them and set them like targets upon their knap-
sacks, and the purse was born upon a spear-point like an ensign.
The abbot shortly after was warded in Lochlevan. Mr. John
Colvil, the laird of Cleish, and Drumwhasel were also warded
by the advice of the earl of Arran and his wife, who continually
solicited his Majesty that they might come to court. And at
length I was requested by his agent James Stuart, to deal with
his Majesty to permit the said earl to come again to the court :
for he said, that his Majesty was favourable enough, and that the
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
earls of Argile, Huntly, Crawford, and Montrose had not only
given their consent, but that the earls of Argile and Alontrose had
said unto his Majesty, that they would ride themselves and fetch
him ; only the earl of Gowrie resisted ; and that the King had
shewn him that he would do nothing therein without my consent
and advice. I answered. That his Majesty needed not my con-
sent, if himself and so many noblemen were content. He replied
again, That his Majesty reposed more upon me at that time, than
upon ail his council, as his Alajesty had shewn him ; and that he
would not bring him without my consent. Whereupon I went
unto his Majesty, and shewed him what language the earl of
Arran's servant had to me, concerning his master's coming to
court, and that his Majesty* laid too great a burden upon me, to
say that he would do nothing therein without my consent. There-
upon his Majesty took me to the gallery of Falkland, lamenting,
as he had been informed, the loss of many of his best friends, as
the earls of Lenox, Athole, and duke of Lenox : and now, says he,
they will not permit the earl of Asran, who hazarded his life to
relieve me, to come and see me. He desired me to acquaint him
what might be the occasion they hated him so much. My answer
was, that to tell the verity perilled my self, to conceal the truth
endangered his Majesty, He would needs know my meaning
therein. I said, the earl of Arran is one of the worst instruments
can come about you, whereof your Majesty hath had too sure a
proof, his misbehaviour being the only occasion of the late enter-
prize ; and if he ever be again admitted about your Majesty, the
like or worse will follow. Thereupon 'tis dangerous to myself to
acquaint your Alajesty herewith, seeing it will occasion him to be
my deadly enemy, if he ever get notice thereof. Then his Majesty
desired only to let him come and kiss his hand, promising he
should not tarry ; entreating me to deal with my Lord of Gowrie,
that he would also grant that he might but once come to court,
and he should incontinently return to his house without any stay.
I said, I should cause him to yield to his Majesty's pleasure.
In the mean time I took occasion to declare unto his Majesty,
how that many great princes are wrecked by their ambitious
counsellors, who will rule all alone, taking vipon them a greater
burden than they can bear : for remedy whereof, his Majesty
should spend every day but one hour, to hear a chosen number of
honest counsellors reason upon his affairs ; then himself to give
his opinion what he thinks fittest to be done, as the King of
France used to do. Which his Majesty granted very willingly,
and so long as he kept that order by the ordinary council-days, his
turns went rightly forward. The whole lords who assisted his
Majesty were of his council, Sir Robert my brother, colonel
Stuart, the laird of Seigie, and myself.
But as soon as the earl of Arran got access to his Majesty, he
not only staid at court against promise, but also within a short
time altered all this way of procedure, with a design to draw the
153
THE MEMOIRS OF
management of all publick affairs to himself. At his first entry
he carried himself very humbly ; for after he had kissed his
Majesty's hand, he embraced me and kissed my cheek, giving me
many thanks in his Majesty's presence, alledging. That the whole
name of Stuarts was obliged to me, for the notable service, he
alledged, I had done his Majesty : as for him, he said, he should
never take any thing in hand, but be therein directed by my
brother and me. But colonel Stuart and he spoke not together,
until his Majesty desired me to agree them, which after much
travel I did at length. At first the colonel swore a great oath,
* That if his Majesty suffered that villain to remain at court, he
would yet again undo all.' For a little time he kept himself
quiet ; but there was no appearance of his home going. Some-
times he would reprove my gentle kind of procedure in his
Majesty's affairs, and could not endure to see them handled by a
number. He insinuated to his Majesty, That he would find it a
troublesome business to be incumbered with many contrary
opinions. He desired him to recreate himself at hunting, and he
would attend the council, and report again at his Majesty's return,
all our opinions and conclusions. This he observed two or three
times, and so in a very short space changed the former order laid
down to have been followed : so that he gave account of no man's
advice but his own ; yet he made his Majesty believe that it was
all our opinions, that it was his interest to follow a violent course.
And though the same was directly against his Majesty's first
deliberation, intention, and proclamation of clemency ; yet he
caused to make contrary proclamations against those of the Road
of Ruthven, ordaining them all to take remissions for that which
before was allowed for good service, moving divers noblemen and
others to withdraw from the court, for fear, to some place of
security. When he caused to be read before the council his new
invented proclamation, I downright opposed myself to it, saying,
That I knew it was directly against his Majesty's mind and promise.
Whereupon he leapt out of the council-house in a rage, and
said, I would wreck the King by my manner of doings. I
answered, either you or I, my lord ; with other sharp pricking
language, so that for that time it was stayed. Afterward he
waited a meet occasion to get it past, having procured a flattering
faction to assist him, in expectation to be made sharers of the spoil
he hoped to make, a part whereof he had promised them, to gain
their votes to his desire. And so all things were turned upside
down, a great number of noblemen and others being put thereby
in fear of their lives and estates. And when any of us who were
desirous of his Majesty's quiet and prosperous estate, would
acquaint his Majesty with the danger of these proceedings of the
earl, he would be very sorry, saying, The earl made him believe
that he did nothing but by common consent of the council. And
when his Majesty understood the contrary, he was very earnest
and willing to amend the disorder, but was still circumvented
154
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
by the said earl, and such as for fear, flattery, or expectation of
profit, advanced all his designs.
About this time there came a sharp letter from the Queen of
England unto his Majesty, who thought the nohlemen who were
aimed at, and were absent from court, fittest instruments to be
about his Majesty ; and for entertaining of amity and concord
betwixt their Majesties and kingdoms, she was not content to see
them so hardly handled. The copy of which letter I have here
inserted.
*' A Mong your many studies, my dear brother and cousin,
/-A " I wish Isocrates's noble lesson were not forgotten, that
jL jL" wills the Emperor his sovereign to make his words of
" more account than other men do their oaths, as meetest ensigns
" to shew the truest badge of a prince's arms. It moveth me
" much to moan you, when I behold how diversely sundry wicked
" spirits abstract your mind, and bend your course to crooked
*' paths and evil illusions, wrapt under the cloak of your best good.
" How can it be that you can suppose an honourable and satis-
" factory answer can be made unto me, when all your actings
" gainsay your former vows .'' You deal with one whose ex-
" perience will not take dross for good payment, and with one
" who will not be easily beguiled. No, no : I mind to send to
" school your craftiest counsellors. I am sorry to find you bent
" to wrong yourself, in thinking to injure others ; yea those, who
" if they had taken the opportunity in their hands, they might
" have done you more prejudice than a thousand such mens lives
" be worth, who persuade you to avow such deeds, as to oblige
•' the best deserving of your subjects to demand a faultless pardon.
" Why do you forget what you wrote to myself with your own
" hand, shewing how dangerous a course the duke was entred in,
" though you seemed to excuse him, as if he had intended no evil
" therein ? And yet you would make them guilty who delivered
" you therefrom. I hope you more esteem your honour, than to
" give it such a stain ; since you have so oft protested. That you
" was resolved to notice these lords as your most affectionate
" subjects, in the full persuasion that all they had done was by
" them intended for your advantage. To conclude, I beseech
*" you proceed no further in this course, till you receive an express
" rnessenger, a trusty servant of mine, by whom I intend to deal
" as an affectionate sister with you, as one from whom you may
" see you shall receive honour and contentment, with rnore
" surety to yourself and state, than by following the pernicious
"' counsels of these crafty dissembling counsellors, as knows the
" Lord ; to whose safe keeping I do commit you."
Your most assured and faithfullest sister
and cousin,
ELIZABETH.
155
THE MEMOIRS OF
Unto this letter his Majesty commanded me in his name to
write an answer, that he might write it over again with is own
hand : for the secretary for the time was in suspicion to have been
upon the contrary course. The answer was as followeth.
MADAM,
" TT Have received a letter of your's, containing in the entry
I " that sentence of Isocrates, which willeth princes words
M " to be more entirely observed than other men's oaths ; as
" though some sinister report were made unto you of some
" forgetfulness in me, or that you fear, that in time coming I fail
" in keeping such promises unto my friends, as may be made
" upon just and convenient occasions.
" For answer unto that head, I remember another saying of
" Isocrates, where he would not have them repute friends who
" allow or praise whatsoever we say or do, but rather such who
" modestly reprove our faults. So that I take your sharp ad-
" monition at this time as proceeding from a sisterly love, albeit
" upon wrong information ; hoping that so soon as you shall
" truly understand of my hard handling and patient behaviour,
" you shall be so well satisfied, as to deem me to have done nothing
" but that which you would have done yourself in the like
" condition.
" First, when I was detained captive under a fair pretext, it
" pleased you to send your ambassadors (like as did the King of
" France) friendly to visit me, offering me great kindness and
" help, in case I needed any for the time ; for which I do yet
" render your Majesty hearty thanks : which offer I did not think
" fit to embrace, alledging that I was well content, and had good
" friends about me, which was very true ; for one part of these
" same lords who were then about me perceiving my grief and
" miscontent, offered then to relieve me, whensoever I would
" desire to be at greater liberty. Whereupon I made you then
" that answer whereof you make mention in your letter, as I gave
" the like answer to the French ambassador. Nevertheless I
" was resolved at a fit time to relieve myself, for my honour, as I
" have done lately ; following another saying of Isocrates, willing
" princes to hazard rather to die honestly, than to reign shame-
" fully : for how I did reign for the time, 3 ou might know by
" your cousin, Mr. Cary, in whose eai I rounded my familiar
" inward grief, because, he said you desired him to require it at me
" apart, promising that it should be secretly kept from all others ;
" albeit I used not such freedom with Mr. Bowes. Indeed I
" subscribed such writs and letters as the said lords presented to
" me ; for the time was unfiit to dispute too precisely upon cirum-
156
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" stances that were determined by those who were masters of
" me and the state.
" This answer I suppose will satisfy your own reasonable and
" equitable judgment, discreetly considering the same with
" yourself apart. I doubt if it will be so interpreted by others of
" your council, who have particular designs of their own ; to
" whom, because I impute the whole hard language contained
" in your angry letter, and not to yourself and gentle inclination,
" I think it needful now to write an answer unto every part of the
" same. So, attending patiently upon your better intelligence
" and information in these matters, I will rather retain in my
" memory your former fruitful friendship, than now start at any
" wrong set syllable or sowre sentence, placed in your paper at
" the partial instance of others.
" As concerning that which toucheth the duke of Lenox, his
" godly end hath declared his honest m.eaning ; whose death I
" might justly lay upon such as forcibly removed him from my
" presence : nevertheless I resolve to put all bygones in oblivion,
" neither to compel any man to take a faultless pardon.
" Where you desire that I proceed no further until a trusty
" messenger may come from you, I intend to stay from doing
" any thing till then, that you may be justly offended with, (albeit
" Isocrates ad^■ises princes speedily to execute such turns as good
" counsel thinks necessary to be done) wishing that he who shall
" be sent may be as willing to work the effects of true love and
" friendship betwixt us, as I am assured it is both our hearts
" desire and intention : whereto I pray the Lord to grant increase,
" continuance and happiness, to his glory, and to the weal, peace
" and quiet of both our realms."
The secretary Walsingham was he of whom mention is made
in her Majesty's letter to be sent in here ; but he was long by the
way, by reason that he was sickly. In the mean time Mr. Bowes
who was ambassador resident at Edinburgh, had received this
letter by the ordinary post, and returned the answer. He declared
many commendations, from my lord Burleigh and several of the
council of England, to my brother Sir Robert and me, alledging
that they were glad to hear that such men were about his Majesty,
that were of their religion, and with whom they were long
acquainted, wishing many such to be in court.
About this time the earl of Arran obtained the keeping of the
castle of Stirling, and insinuated himself so far upon his Majesty,
that he took upon him the whole management of affairs, and
caused sundry noblemen tu be banished, as the earls of Mar,
Angus, and the master of Glammis, and divers others : and by
his insolency he drove the earl of Gowrie from court, far against
his Majesty's intention ; who sent me for him to his house, to
bring him again to court, which was for the time at Cowpar in
Fife, where his Majesty agreed him and the earl of Arran. But
M 157
THE MEMOIRS OF
no conditions promised were kept to Gowrie, so that he was so
vexed, that he resolved to leave the country.
I have already declared, how loth I was, that either his Majesty
■should leave the lords who were about him, or that I should in
any wise be a meddler again in publick affairs, considering the
many alterations I had seen by long and hurtful experience :
yet the affection I had for his Majesty engaged me not to refuse
his commands, being my native prince and master, and I his
humble subject and sworn servant, first as his domestick, as being
one of the gentlemen of his chamber, and a member of his privy
council. But after, his Majesty being taken, I was no niore
admitted by his keepers ; who thought fit for their security, to
place such men about him as were entirely at their devotion.
As for my part, as I was sorry that his Majesty should be used any
other way than at his own pleasure, so I was much satisfied to be
permitted to live quietly at home the rest of my days ; yet being
called again by his Majesty, I waited upon his commands. Now
again perceiving his Majesty's most acceptable proclamations
slyly and cunningly changed, contrary to his Majesty's merciful
intentions, by issuing out contrary proclamations, and intending
violent pursuits against those concerned in the Road of Ruthven,
whereby too great a number of noblemen and gentlemen despaired
of their safety and lives, in a lamenting manner I remembred his
Majesty, how he was abused, and what great inconveniencies
were like to ensue. Thereupon his Majesty, upon my relation,
appeared very sorrowful, and assured me of his resolution to
amend these disorders. But it was his misfortune to advise
thereabouts with those who underhand were chief instruments
therein ; believing that because he loved them, they also loved him
and the weal of his affairs. They again, making some appearance
of intentions of satisfying his expectation, indirectly, by means
of too many who depended upon the earl of .A.rran's extraordinary
credit and favour, the contrary to his Majesty's princely and
upright meaning was brought about ; so that many noblemen
left the country, and all honest men left the court, to the great
satisfaction of the earl of .\rran and his wife, who had the greater
opportunity of guiding all. And, that they might the easier set
forward this course, they persuaded his Majesty to pass to Stirling,
whither they knew few or none durst repair who were not at his
devotion, he being captain of the said castle, and provost of the
town. After I had frequently warned his Majesty of the storm
I did forsee coming, I retired myself from court.
His Majesty, being at Stirling, asked frequently for me, re-
gretting that I was not continually with him. Whereupon the
earl of Arran advised that I should be sent ambassador to the
Queen of England upon some pretended affair, as well to absent
me from his Majesty, who he perceived had some favour for me,
as to take occasion upon my return to bring me in disgrace, as
if I had been guilty of some mismanagement, because he knew,
158
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
that as matters stood, I could do no good at that time. And
commonly, when mens commissions take no good effect, they are
calumniated by their enemies and envyers, as unfit instruments,
unskilful and undiscreet. Which calumnies get oft-times too
much credit, when matters succeed not conform to the desire
of the master. For this end he had engaged his Majesty to write
for me : but before his letter came to my hands for the said
voyage, I had indited a long letter to have sent unto his Majesty,
as a remembrancer of his former promises, intentions and pro-
clamations ; shewing what inconveniencies were like to ensue
the setting forward of a contrary course, together with such
remedies as I could judge meetest for the time.
The tenor of his Majesty's letter to me was, That he had some
matters to communicate to me, wherein he resolved to employ
both my advice and pains : and therefore he desired me to come
to Stirling with all convenient expedition after the sight of the
said letter, where I should understand more amply the occasion
of my being sent for, as I would do him accountable pleasure and
good service. Written from the castle of Stirling, the 22d of
October, 1583.
After the receipt of this letter, I did ride unto his Majesty, and
took with me the letter which I had penned before ; whereof
the copy followeth.
SIR,
AS it hath pleased your Majesty heretofore to accept of my
" will for agreeable service, even so I hope that your
" highness's constant favour shssU continue toward me
" now, and in time coming, notwithstanding my present absence.
" For albeit that, during your Majesty's young age, I was suffered
" to live happily at home, from the handling of publick affairs ;
" yet I found myself obliged to bear my proportionable burden in
" your service, so soon as it should please your Majesty to lay
" your commands on me for that effect, being then most assured
" to walk in a just and lawful vocation ; which, to give continual
" testimony of my dutiful obedience, not presuming to give your
*' Majesty counsel, I have only taken the boldness to present to
you in these few lines my simple opinion of things that are
" apparently to fall out upon your Majesty's late proceedings.
For when it pleased your Majesty, at your first going to St.
** Andrew's, to take upon yourself the free government of your
" affairs ; your Majesty's gracious intention and proposition then
" was not only most agreeable to all the lords, barons, and ministers
" there present for the time, but also to the rest of your good
" subjects, when as they understood of j'our merciful inclinations.
159
THE MEMOIRS OF
" Which being now otherwise overturned, than was either first
" intended or determined, is able to breed cumber and disorder,
" unless your Majesty by wisdom and dexterity prevent the
" apparent inconveniencies. For it pleased your Majesty then
" openly to declare, how that you only sought, with your own
" reputation and safety, the weal and safety of your whole sub-
" jects, as being willing to give satisfaction to the demands of the
" church, to agree all parties, to blot out of memory the name of
" factions, and put in perpetual oblivion all crimes committed in
" your Majesty's minority, acknowledging all such as chanced to
" be done during the same but to have fallen out betwixt subject
** and subject, for such particular respects as your Majesty never
" purposed to impute to any of their charges, but to reign over
" them all in times coming as a gracious father, and that by the
" advice of the least factious and best affected of the nobility,
" barons, and other sufficient subjects : no man to be placed
" about, or proscribed from your Majesty, by favour or sirname,
" kin, friend or ally, but for sufficiency, virtue and loyalty : as
" also, if any were to be absented, or sent home for a time ; it
*' should not be done at the instance of any envious suiter of his
" office, or particular party ; but for your Majesty's honour and
" safety, during your pleasure ; leaving them still in hope, through
" good behaviour to obtain again familiar access about your
" Majesty, as formerly.
" If this calm course had been followed, there was appearance
" of a quiet state. But the altering and changing this gentle kind
" of dealing to a sharp and violent pursuit of sundry, by seeking
" out over many faults in the persons of so many great and active
" men, hath bred such discontent and so furious a faction, that
" if sudden remedy be not provided, civil dissention and despaired
" enterprizes ought to be looked for by all such as have sufficient
" experience of the nature of Scotsmen, and seemly intelligenced
" of the deportment of divers, which the necessity of their unsure
" estate may well drive them honestly to take in hand.
''~ "It is true that the flourishing of commonwealths consists
*' much in the rewarding of the good, and punishing of the wicked.
" No doubt but faults enough have been done during your
" nonage ; but to seek them out narrowly, and to punish them
*' severely, in such cases and at such times, in matters wherein
" many have dipped, is no safe course. Yea, though your Majesty
" were willing, as I know you are not, I cannot see how you can
" get it done against so great a number, having so small substance
" and few forces, and so potent and mighty neighbours lying still
" at wait upon all such controversies and occasions, to take
" advantage thereof, whereby to serve their own turn. This con-
" sideration also ought presently to be noticed, that the wonted
" reverence born by the subjects unto the princely authority of
" their sovereigns is much decayed in this kingdom, by reason of
*' the Queen's youth and long absence ; and even so in your
l6o
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" Majesty's time for the like causes, but chiefly because that your
" Majesties being yet young, have been accompanied this time
" past with the youngest and meanest sort of your nobihty ;
" who, albeit they may be faithful and honest to set foward your
" sen-ice, yet the rest of your subjects, alledging them to be
" factious, igriorant and covetous, doubt of their discreet be-
" haviour, seeing their intentions are to rule by force. Hardly
" may a prince assure himself at all occasions to chuse a sure
" course, wherein there shall be no peril ; for commonly, thinking
" to escape out of one inconveniency, he falls oft-times into
" another : therefore prudence consists in understanding the
" quality of dangers, and in chusing the least evil for the best.
Some kingdoms and countries are governed by force, some
" by faii-ness ; on the other part, subjects obey either for awe,
" or love. That prince is reputed of no value, who cannot win
" the hearts of his subjects by one of these two : for either must
** the means be taken at once from such as are suspected
" deservedly, whereby they may do harm ; or else they must
" be satisfied in such sort as in reason they may be content, and
" so serve for love and not for awe. So that it is easy to judge
" which of these two governments may be meetest for your
" Majesty.
" The Emperor Trajan, being demanded wherefore his subjects
" loved and honoured him above his predecessors, answered,
" Because I forgive them who offend me, and never forget any
" who have done me service. Julius Pollux, master to Ca?sar,
" points out a true prince to be of divine countenance, godly,
" merciful, just, equitable, careful of his affairs, constant in his
" deeds, true in his promises, subject unto reason, master over
" his affections, fatherly towards his subjects, of easy access,
" gentle to be spoken to, ready to forgive, slow to punish, princely,
" liberal, subtil, secret, and sharp of ingeny.
" Now, because it appeareth your Majesty in youth hath been
" suflnciently versed in many of these virtuous precepts, I wish
" from my heart that such impressions may be as well taken of
" them that are presently about you, seeing that princes are
" commonly deemed to be like those whom they make most their
" familiars.
" Therefore, Sir, for eschewing all those evils, and to put the
" nearest remedy unto all the appearing inconveniencies, it is fit,
" so soon as it may please your Majesty, to pass to Edinburgh,
" to convene the most ancient of your nobility and barons of best
" reputation, by whose advice, together with those that are already
" in court, your country may be quieted, and your subjects
" satisfied. For now, as matters are handled, to speak of clemency
" by causing them to take remissions, it will want credit, and he ill
" interpreted, as not conform to your Majesty's first declaration.
" The Emperor Adrian enquired after men of great age and
" experience, and helped himself by their many perils.
i6i
THE MEMOIRS OF
" Alexander Severus would perform no matter of importance,
" but with advice of the most ancient and best experimented.
" He never went out of Rome unaccompanied with four or five of
" most honourable, ancient and grave personages, that none
*' should need to fear that he would commit any error. He never
" suffered the senate to conclude any weighty purpose, unless
" fifty of them had been present. He caused all his counsellors
" to put their opinions in writing, to see if any were possessed
" with passions or partialities. He changed oft his familiarity
** with sundry of the senate, lest he who had always his ear might
*' be overcome with importunate pursuits, or partiality.
" The urgent necessity of the time, most noble and excellent
" prince, causeth me to be so tedious. Humbly craving pardon,
" and heartily kissing your Majesty's hands, I pray the eternal
" God grant vou long and happy life.
From Halhill, this 15. Your Majesty's most humble and
of October, 1583. obedient servitour,
JAMES MELVILLE.
When I came to Stirling, and shewed his Majesty this letter,
he not only liked well of it, but engaged to follow the advice therein
contained. He lamented to me the partial dealing of those about
him : only he said, that my brother Sir Robert was upon a sound
course for quieting of the estate ; and that some noblemen,
against whose partialities he had opposed himself, had discorded
with him in his Majesty's presence. It pleased his Majesty also
to tell me, that the cause why I was written for, was to be sent to
England, to travel with the Queen there, for entertainment of
mutual amity, and inciease of her favour and good-will concerning
the title and succession to the crown of England, and assistance
to help to establish his troubled estate, perturbed by the insolence
and partialities of his subjects, bred and engendred among them
during his minority.
I answered. That I judged it was a very unmeet time, seeing I
knew, as matters stood in Scotland, that England would make no
account of him, nor of any that would be sent from him, until first
he would let it be seen and heard, that he could settle his own
estate, and, by his wise and prudent management, render his own
subjects obedient to his commands ; this being done, they would
honour and esteem him. And that the best and readiest way to
obtain also one day the crown of England was, to guide Scotland
so well, that they might find ground some day to wish to be under
the government of such a prince. By this kind language, and his
Majesty pondering what ground I had to use the same, he was
162
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
satisfied that my voyage should be stayed till a more convenient
time. So I returned from court to my own house.
It is mentioned here above in the Queen of England's letter,
how that she was minded to send a trusty servant unto his Majesty,
willing him to stay from any strict proceeding against the lords,
who were pricked at for the Road of Ruthven, until the arriving
of the said ambassador, who was the secretary Walsingham, a
counsellor of worthy qualities, who had great credit with the
Queen of England. But he was of a sickly complexion, and was
not able to endure riding post, therefore he was long by the way,
being carried in a chariot. So that during his longsome voyage
the earl of Arran went ay forward, forgetting the tenor of the
Queen of England's letter.
So soon as his Majesty was advertised of the arrival of Sir
Francis Walsingham, I was sent for to come to court, and directed
to ride and welcome him in his Majesty's name, to bear him
company, and convoy him about by Stirling to St. Johnston,
where his Majesty thought fit to give him audience. Desiring
me also to say unto him. That his Majesty was very glad of the
coming of such a notable personage, who was known to be endued
with religion and wisdom, whom he had ever esteemed as his
special friend, being assured that his tedious travel in his long
voyage (being diseased as he was) tended to more substantial
points for the confirmation of the amity between the Queen his
sister and him, than had been perfomned at any time before.
The secretary Walsingham answered me again. That the great
desire he had to establish an assured amity betwixt the two princes
and countries, moved him to undertake the ambassage himself,
his Majesty being the prince in the world that he loved next unto
the Queen his mistress, and wished most to see and be acquainted
with. And that he hoped his commission should succeed the
better, that he had met first with me his old friend, and only
acquaintance in Scotland. For we had been companions abroad
upon our travels, and divers times when I was sent to or passed
through England, he would have me to lodge and ly with himself
at London, which occasioned that we had more familiar
conferences. Whereupon 1 did write two several letters, that
his Majesty might be the better provided to make answer to such
heads as I knew he would propose. Then we took our journey
through Linlithgow to Stirling, and from that to Perth. He had
heard that my lord Seaton and Livingston were written unto to
convoy him ; but he requested me to stay them, that he might
have the more conference by the way with me, othen^'ise he would
be compelled to entertain the noblemen. I judged it probable
that his design in this was, to let me see his own train ; for he
was seven-score horse in company. Being near the court, his
Majesty sent out two of the council to meet him, to wit, miy lord
of Down, and my brother Sir Robert.
The next day his Majesty gave him audience, accompanied
163
THE MEMOIRS OF
with Mr. Bowes ambassador resident in Scotland. Their first
reasoning was upon his Majesty's liberty, and wherefore he had
left the company who were about him, being the best and most
religious sort of the nobility, and of her Majesty's best acquain-
tance, and by whom she would deal in her affairs more friendly
than she could do with others, whom she could not so well credit.
Whereunto his Majesty made answer so gravely and directly,
that Walsingham wondered. The next day his Majesty appointed
four of the council, and myself to be with them, to reason with
him, and to sound what he would be at. But he refused to deal
with any but with his Majesty, who heard him again without Mr.
Bowes. Where he discoursed long with his Majesty ; and when
he came forth from his Majesty, he took me by the hand, and
said, That he was the best content man that could be, for he had
spoken with a notable young prince, ignorant of nothing, and of
so great expectation, that he thought his travel well bestowed.
The earl of Arran desired to enter into familiar conference with
him, but he refused to speak with him ; making no longer stay,
but took leave of his Majesty, who commanded me to accompany
him to the ferry. At out parting, he promised at all occasions to
write to me, and much lamented that the earl of Arran was again
in court, and in such credit with his Majesty. Which he said if
he had understood before he took his journey, he would have
shifted the same, and suffered some other to have been sent.
For he could see no sure course could be taken between their
Majesties, so long as such instruments had such credit about him.
For he esteemed the said earl a scorner of religion, a sower of
discord, and a despiser of true and honest men ; and therefore
he refused to speak with him, or enter into acquaintance : for
he was of a contrary nature, religious, true, and a lover of all
honest men. Therefore Arran to be revenged upon him, spared
not to do a great dishonour to his Majesty. First for despite,
that he refused to speak with him, he caused refuse to permit the
captains of Berwick, and divers other honest gentlemen, who
came to convoy the secretary Walsingham, the entry of his
Majesty's chamber door. And then he caused to prepare a
scornful present for him at his departure, to wit, a ring with a
stone of chtystal, instead of a rich diamond which his Majesty
had appointed for him, valued at 700 crowns, which he was oft-
times minded to send back again unto his Majesty, rather to let
him see how he was abused, than how he was used. Some
promise was also made unto him, about the repairing some
wrongs done by Scotsmen upon the borders, which he alledged
was not kept. For Arran did what he could to displease him,
and to render his commission in all points ineffectual, and his
travel in vain. Nevertheless he made so good report of his
Majesty's virtues and qualities, that it put him in some suspicion
at his return to the court of England, where shortly after he took
sickness and died. My opinion is, That if God had granted him
164
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
longer life, he would have been found a great friend to his Majesty,
who marvelled that the chief secretary of England, burdened with
so many great affairs, sickly and aged, should have enterprized
so painful a voyage without any purpose. For it could not be
yet perceived, what was his errand, save only that he gave his
Majesty good counsel. But he, being religious and of a good
conscience, was desirous to see and understand assuredly such
qualifications to be in his Majest>', whereof he had frequently
been informed. He returned with great contentment in his
mind for that part ; but very sorrowful for the company that he
found in greatest favour and credit about his Majesty. Which
was the more unexpected, by reason of a letter that his Majesty
had sent unto the Queen his mistress, promising not to bring in
again to court the earl of Arran, without her advice and consent.
For my part I never saw such appearance of a prosperous estate
for his Majesty's honour, suretj', love, and obedience of his own
subjects, increase of the number of his friends in England to the
advancement of his title, neither before that time nor since ; if
the said Arran had not been brought again to court, which I left
not undeclared to his Majesty divers times, not without some
danger.
Indeed his Majesty's intention was not that he should stay
at court, but only to come and kiss his hand. But he again being
once entred, won some of the lords, whose particulars he promised
to set forward, if they would concur with him, and shew his
Majesty that his presence about his person was necessary, and
that my gentle proceedings would ruin the King's interest, and
them all. Managing thus the matter, he remained at court, and
minded to make himself and his assisters rich by the wreck and
spoil of others, who had taken his Majesty at the Road of Ruthven ;
and then he and they were to guide all at their pleasure. So
many of them, who shot at particular marks, ran a strait course
with him, because they thought by his credit to make up
themselves. They feared to lose his Majesty's favour, in case
Arran was not their friend. And some of them did what they
could, to persuade me to do the like, alledging that otherwise
I should be shut out. Which came to pass shortly after, because
I would not yield nor concur to cast all loose, to the peril of his
Majesty's estate and reputation, remembering what was intended,
promised, and proclaimed at his Majesty's obtaining his liberty.
It is certain that the lords who made that enterprize had great
occasion given them to be discontent, but no sufficient cause to
oblige them to compel their sovereign prince to remove from
him those he so well liked. Which rebellious proceeding com-
pelled them also for their surety to retain and hold the King as
captive. His Majety again being advertised and admonished,
that the dangerous proceedings of the duke of Lenox and earl of
Arran were like to breed disorder, took too little care to prevent
the appareqt inconveniencies, and used too little diligence to get
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THE MEMOIRS OF
sure intelligence and information thereof ; which brought him
to that strait of being taken, and kept. For it had been less pains
to have taken good notice in due time, how his country was
governed, than to put order or remedy thereto afterward. For
it is no little error, to render the most part of the nobility and
•subjects malecontent ; nor no great wisdom after his Majesty
was in their hands, to slip from them without their consents ;
the enterprizers, assisters and allowers of the deed being so
considerable a number as could not be overcome but by patience,
not punished but by subversion of the state, and endangering of the
prince his own person. Yet it pleased God to guide his Majesty
to his liberty (albeit not without some peril) with honour at the
first, and with the universal contentment of all his subjects, so
soon as they understood his honest meaning and gracious de-
liberation, as well by promise as by proclamation, as is already
specified. For my part, I forget not at all occasions to remember
his Majesty. I refused the office of secretary when offered by
his Majesty in reward of my service ; because it was promised
that no man should want his offices, benefits, lands or escheats.
I opposed myself in full council against the earl of Arran, because
he had formed a proclamation against the lords of the Road of
Ruthven, contrary to his Majesty's former proclamation of grace
and oblivion : for which he leapt out of the house in a great rage
at me, and for despite he made a list of the names of so many as
should be upon the privy council, and left out my name. Like-
wise he named so many of his dependers as should serve in every
office, which his Majesty was resolved not to acquiesce to, without
my advice. Yet he prevailed with his Majesty to subscribe the
same, assisted by the foresaid lords, who took plain part with him.
So I was shut out of door, and had no more place to do good.
His Majesty graciously excused the matter, and said. That the
lords had no will of two brothers being upon the council ; but
when he should get a wife, I should be her counsellor, and chief
about her. So that if they were glad to be quit of me, I was as
glad to be free of them, and not to be partakers with them
in advices tending directly to endanger the prince and the
country.
Yet his Majesty assured me, that he would go to Edinburgh,
according to the advice I had given in my forementioned letter,
and convene the nobility, barons, and others whom I had named,
in order to the settling of the country. And in the mean time
he told me, That the earl of Arran thought fit to send to England
the bishop of St. Andrew's, alledging. That he was passing to the
Spaw for recovery of his health : who passing through England,
might have commission to deal with that Queen in his Majesty's
affairs. And in case he found her willing to discourse friendly
and freely, he should then shew her that his Majesty would send
me thither, to satisfy her more sufficiently in such things as she
would require. And to that effect the said bishop should send
166
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
back word by a gentleman, captain Robert Alelville, who went
thither expresly to be sent back with the said answer.
I was commanded to write in the bishop's favour ; but he was
too well known in England. For Mr. Bowes, who remained
long in this country, had informed them sufficiently of the said
bishop's qualities, who was disdained in England, and dishonoured
his country by borrowing of gold and precious furniture from the
bishop of London, and divers others, which was never restored,
nor paid for. His Majesty nevertheless would have me to grant
to go to England, and to be in readiness. He desired me to make
my own instructions, alledging, that I knew what was meetest
for him to require at that time.
I would not take upon me to make my own instructions, but I
promised to pen the speech that I would think most proper to
recite to her Majest\% in case I went thither, and which I would
judge to be the fittest language that any sent thither could speak
for the time. After his Majesty had perused the same, he much
relished it, and declared it was fully conform to his own intentions.
It was in these words.
MADAM,
" >4 Lbeit that your Majesty be as sufficiently certified of the
/-\ " King my sovereign's conformable mind to satisfy your
J^ JL" Majesty', as well by Sir Francis Walsingham your secre-
" tary, as by the bishop of St. Andiew's his ambassador, granting
" the one his whole desires by mouth, and declaring by the other
" how strictly he hath observed and performed the same ; in
" effect more to satisfy your motherly mind, by shewing the
" tokens of a thankful and obedient son, than for any great ad-
" vantage he perceives you thereby seek for yourself. So that
" it is his Majesty's intention, chiefly seeing he hath taken the
" rudder into his own hand, to discover to you ay the longer the
" more the perfect fruits of his hearty affection.
" For now having attained unto some years of knowledge and
" dear bought experience (by that which hath been oft beat in his
" ears) he is not ignorant how that your Majesty's favour and
" assistance will be more contributive for his advantage and
" advancement, than can be any, or that he can obtain from all the
" other princes in Europe. Your Majesty being to him so dear a
" mother, and so near a neighbour, both your subjects appearing
" to be but one people ; especially since your prudent govern-
" ment began, the effects whereof hath not only been found by
" your own, but by your neighbours ; the same having extended
" it self to the advantage of other kingdoms, especially over-
" shadowing this whole island, to your Majesty's everlasting
167
THE MEMOIRS OF
" honour. For never in any prince's days hath been seen so
" much rest, so great riches and fehcity in England ; which
" likewise might have been in Scotland, if the particularities of
" some of the subjects had suffered them to have followed your
" sage, charitable and loving admonitions. As the consideration
" thereof is the reason which induced his Majesty, whom the
" matter most toucheth, to diiect me to your Majesty, after ripe
" deliberation, and upon the sure ground of the good information
" of such as were best inclined, and have greatest experience,
" to seek the assistance which he hath so oft seen sent unto him,
" help and wholesom advice where he hath so oft found it, and
" salutary plaisters to be laid unto the sores that yet daily breed
" and rise in his realm^ as remains of the canl^er and disorder
" engendered during his minority.
" Seeing then the thing that he craves, is your accustomed
" kindness and counsel, which because the strength of your
'* constancy will compel j'ou to continue towards him, he is the
" more humbly to suit the same, as most seemly for his nearness
" of kin, age and estate to do : persuading himself that such
" friendly offices might be used between you, as may tend to both
" your contentments, and weal of your kingdoms ; which for
" lack of sure inteUigence of others minds by secret and mutual
" conference of devotious and discreet instruments, might other-
" wise turn to the contrary. ?•
" The King my master knows that a mighty man cannot stand
" upon one side ; he grants that he hath now greater need of
" your help than you of his in many things. But he thinks him-
" self as able, and is as willing to deserve favour at your hand, as
" any who can contend with him for the same, or would presume
" to sound the bell of succession in your ears. For his part, he
" requires no instant declaration thereof, but will continually
" crave by his behaviour all such preferment, as an humble son
" ought to seek at the hands of a loving and hearty mother.
" Because he believes, that a word of your Majesty's mouth, at
" a convenient time, will sufficiently serve his turn, being yet
" young enough to await upon any benefit you shall be pleased
" to bestow upon him. Acknowledging the prorogation of your
" years most profitable to supply his youth ; and considering
" the necessity he hath now of your assistance, in the ruling of
" this his troubled estate, he believes that he would have double
" need of your help, if over-early he had any greater handling.
" Therefore, Madam, he desires as yet to recreate himself with
■" hunting and pastime, until he be of greater ripeness and maturity.
" Wishing in the mean time unto your Majesty a long life, a
" prosperous reign, and as good success in your proceedings
" hereafter, as you have had hitherto ; that having so happily
" and so honourably in a manner ruled both the realms these
" many years bygone, you may be as able to leave them so joined
*' together in a cordial and stable monarchy. And that the blessed
1 68
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" and perfect end of your prudent project may confirm and crown
" the worthiness of your reputation, in finishing the work which
" so many had so oft in vain enterprized, as the only prince that
" ever obtained the whole handling and hearts of all Britain
" without blood. The first thereof begun and appropriate in
" your person, so pleasantly and peaceably ruled in your time ;
*' and so justly and righteously distribute and left after you, not
" only to the worthiest, as did Alexander, but also to the nearest
" of your friends and kinsfolk, as did Caesar to avoid blood-
" shedding ; then as before, like a kindly mother to the King,
" the country, and commonwealth, to the great pleasure of God,
" the perpetual praise of your memory, and to the universal weal
** and pleasure of this whole island,"
*
If the Queen of England could have credited his Majesty, she
might have an assured friendship and concurrence of him for the
time. Certainly his Majesty was ever minded to keep this kind
of friendly and discreet correspondence with her. For he was
informed how little speed the Queen his mother had, for suiting
continually to be declared second person of England, as may be
seen in that which I have written before, touching her proceedings
with the Queen of England, who I knew would never grant to
declare a second person, but with force and compulsion, which
was never in the power of Scotland to do, during the rich and
peaceable reign of that Queen. Yet fair and discreet language
and behaviour gave place and access to his Majesty's ambassadors,
to pass to and fro, to gain friends, and get intelligence.
Now the earl of Arran perceiving that by no persuasion he
could get his Majesty stayed from executing the resolution he
had laid down of going for Edinburgh, and calling a convention
of such noblemen, barons, burgesses and ministers as were
meetest to settle the troubled estate of the country, by taking
up again and following forth his former gracious intention and
promise, both by proclamation and speeches unto divers noble-
men, barons and ministers. The said earl perceiving that he
could not directly stay that good purpose, so contrary to his
intentions, he first made his interest to be made chancellor, and
then captain of the castle of Edinburgh, that by his great offices,
besides his credit with his Majesty, he might terrify all such as
durst oppose themselves to his courses or propositions. Then
he used his craft to pervert and draw the effect of the convention,
clear contrary to his Majesty's intention. For he dealt and spoke
with every lord and baron apart at their coming, shewing them
how graciously his Majesty was minded toward such as had taken
him at the road of Ruthven ; that he v/as resolved to grant every
one of them a particular remission, some of them to be a while
absent out of the country, and others to remain at hime in their
169
THE MEMOIRS OF
own houses absent from court : alledging, that whoever would
say that this form of punishment was not great clemency, they
would lose his Majesty's favour, and be reputed as men who have
no respect to his honour and surety ; it having been so odious a
crime to have laid hands forcibly upon their native prince.
This matter being so set out, and declared by him who it was
thought knew most of his Majesty's mind, and had most of his
favour, evidenced by his having the greatest offices of the kingdom
in his hand ; it was voted by them all, ' To be great clemency used
by his Majesty towards those who had committed so odious a
crime.' His Majesty not conjecturing the trick hereby put upon
him, in rendring his gracious intention ineffectual, was very glad
to hear them all conclude in one opinion, not imagining they had
been preoccupied by the earl of Arran, part for fear, part for
ignorance, others for flattery, to obtain favour of him who they
saw guided both King and country. Few or none of them, for
the time, considered the apparent danger of rendring those plainly
desperate, who were ordained to take remissions for that which
before was allowed for good service, in respect of their great
number, who could not yet be punished nor quashed without
hazarding his Majesty's own princely estate and credit ; which
all discreet and wise princes are loth to bring into question. This
allowance of good service hath been oft practised in France, during
the time of their civil wars, when their late princes were but yet
young, and where the malecontents and pretenders to reform
the estate were so many and mighty, as to make a party answerable
to that of their King.
Because I was not yet come to the first day of the said con-
vention, his Majesty told me that same night at my coming, what
had been voted at their first meeting, which he thought would be
to my great contentment, desiring me the next day to be present.
I answered, I was soriy from my heart for what had been con-
cluded, seeing it was in effect clean contrary to his intention*
For whereas he thought to have settled his estate, it was cas*
loose, the dye was now cast, and the dissention so increased to the
kindling of new enterprizes, that chance would bear away the
mastery and victory. For those who were compelled to take
remission, would take it as their dittay, and that finding their
former securities altered, there was not any more place left for
any sort of agreement.
This language of mine, being contrary to the opinion of so
many, did not a little displease his Majesty. He asked me, If
I thought not the road of Ruthven treason ? I answered, That
I thought it so indeed ; yet since not only his Majesty himself
and his council had not only wisely and circumspectly allowed
it for good service, but had written the same to the Queen of
England, and had sent his commissioners to the general assembly
hold en for the time at Edinburgh, willing the ministers, at their
return to their parishes, to cause the principal gentlemen of each
170
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
shire to subscribe a signature, or the copy wherein the road of
Ruthven was allowed for good service, and to be ready to defend
the same. I declared also unto his Majesty, that there was a
common clause contained in all remissions ; to wit, ' Except the
laying hands upon the King's person ' ; so that how little secured
they were by their present remissions, his Majesty might easily
judge. He answered, That seldom or never was any remissions
seen broken, and wondred what made me think or speak contrary
to the rest of the council. I said, If I had always spoken as the
rest, I had not been put off the council by the earl of Arran, whose
qualities I had before described unto his Majesty, and what in-
superable inconveniencies would attend his being again brought
into court. I requested his Majesty for his own weal, to send
him home to his own house : for by his underhand dealing, I
understood that his convention would shortly bring on new
desperate enterprizes. His Majesty said. That I was in the
wrong to the earl of Arran, and that there would never be more
desperate enterprizes. I affirmed that there would be continually,
ay and while the lords who were in despair might mend them-
selves, or find themselves in a better security. I said moreover
to his Majesty, That the earl of Arran would yet again put his
person and crown in hazard ; so that his Majesty left me in anger.
And yet he turned about again, and asked who shall then remain
about me, if I put away the earl of Arran ? I answered. Who
but your ancient nobility, the earls of March, Argile, Eglington,
Montrose, Marischal, Rothes, Huntly, and Crawford, with some
ministers and barons, known not to be factious. But so many
of the noblemen, and of their friends as were yet remaining within
the country, after they had heard of their remissions, they com-
bined together and gained divers lords who were about his Majesty,
to make a new enterprize, and were minded to slay the earl of
Arran, colonel Stuart, and some others that were about his Majesty,
■whom they knew to have been most instrumental in carrying on
this design, though it should be in his Majesty's presence, and that
way to become masters again of the court. Whereof I not only
was advertised by some, to whom I had formerly done kindness,
but I was advised to absent myself from court four or five days,
till the first fury of the alteration was over : for the earl of Arran's
hatied to me procured me many friends. I again, to save his
Majesty from peril and dishonour, thought it my duty to advertise
him, intreating him to send home the said earl. I cannot tell
what moved the earl, but that same night he invited me to supper,
which I refused. The next day again he took me by the hand
before his Majesty, saying. That I should dine with him in his
Majesty's presence. He shewed me a very favourable coun-
tenance ; for the King had forbidden him to offend me in any
sort, as he would retain his favour. If he had got any word of
my contrary opinion to his, I cannot tell, or that I had desired
him to be sent home ; but there was some appearance of this by
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THE MEMOIRS OF
his behaviour and passionate speeches unto me, soon after that
I had told my judgment unto his Majesty, as men may judge.
For leading me by the hand to dine with him in his Majesty's
presence, which I could not evite, before we did sit down to
dinner, he asked me how all would be ? I told him very freely
all I had spoken unto his Majesty. Then, said he. You would
place about his Majesty the earl of March, who is a fool, guided
by the laird of Compte and Robert Shives. I said. He behoved
to be one with the rest of the noblemen already named. He said,
It should pass my power or any man's, to cause him leave his
Majesty so long as he was in such danger. I answered, That the
King was in danger for no other cause, but because he was with
him. I perceived he entertained a great discontent at me in his
heart, which burst out afterward, threatening to put me out of the
gates, if I fished any more in his waters. I answered. If I pleased
to tarry, it would pass his power, seeing I would get more honest
men to take my part than he would get throat-cutters to assist him.
So soon as his Majesty heard of this language, he sent the earl's
uncle the laird of Caprinton, to reprove him very sharply. Where-
upon he retired in great discontent to the castle of Edinburgh,
whereof he was captain, declaring he would not come near his
Majesty, till I was sent home, to give him place, which I perceived
his Majesty was satisfied I should do to please him. For his wife
came daily to his Majesty, and said. That her husband was highly
discontent, finding his Majesty to take my part against him.
Whereupon I resolved to retire. At my leave-taking his Majesty
said. He doubted not but I would return when called for. By
which I understood, that I should not come back till sent for.
W^hich suited very well with my former intentions, being resolved
to attend no longer than the foresaid convention was ended.
Now the earl of Arran triumphed, being chancellor, and captain
of the castles of Edinburgh and Stirling. He made the whole
subjects to tremble under him, and every man to depend upon
him daily inventing and seeking out new faults against divers,
to get the gift of their escheats, lands, benefices, and to procure
bribes. He vexed the whole writers to make sure his gifts. Those
of the nobility who were now unsure of their estates, fled ; others
were banished. He shot directly at the life and lands of the earl
of Gowrie : for the highland oracles had shewn unto his wife,
that Gowrie should be ruined, as she told to some of her familiars.
But she helped that prophecy forward as well as she could : for
Gowrie had been his first master, and despited his insolent pride,
oppression and misbehaviour plainly in council, which few others
durst do ; therefore he hated his person, and loved his lands,
which at length he obtained.
For Gowrie being unable to be a witness of the oppression
of his country, obtained his Majesty's consent to go out of the
country. But as he was making his preparations too longsomly
and slowly in Dundee (as he was of nature over slow) where his
172
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
ship was to receive him, he was advertised by some factioners,
that the earls of Angus, Mar, and master of Glammis, had an
enterprize in hand, viz. To come out of Ireland, and take tlie town
and castle of Stirling ; having correspondence with divers nobles
and others their friends, who were in the country, male-
contents, so that they were in hope to make a party sufficient
against the earl of Arran.
The despite the earl of Gowrie had against the earl of Arran
moved him to stay to make part with them. There was at this
time an universal miscontent in the country, and great bruits of
an alteration. Whereupon a letter was written to me by colonel
Stuart, at his Majesty's command, ordaining me with all diligence
to repair to court ; or, in case I was not recovered of my ague,
whereof I had been long sick, that I might write my mind and
opinion to his Majest\' in a letter, what was lilve to fall out con-
cerning the great rumour and bruits of an apparent alteration.
And, being by reason of my foresaid distemper unable for travel,
I sent my return in writing, shewing his Majesty, That there was
an universal miscontent, with great bruits, not without appearance
of probability of a sudden change, occasioned by the misbehaviour
of such as were managers st court, and by the great straits and
desperate estate of those who were pursued, being men of quality,
active and experienced ; and a greater number than could be
born down or mastered, as I had frequently shewed his Majesty
before, without respect of feud or favour, but simply for his
Majesty's service : intreating his Majesty again to set forward his
former acceptable intentions, which he had resolved to do when
he went to St, Andrew's ; seeing there was no other course
advisable for settling his troubled estate. This kind of language
v/as the better liked, because of so many advertisements that came
daily to his Majesty's ears.
These bruits made his Majesty be upon his guard, and to use
means to get intelligence. The lingering of the earl of Gowrie
in Dundee gave ground of suspicion. His Majesty had also been
advertised. That he had laid aside his intentions of going abroad,
according to his former resolutions, and that he was designed to
wait upon the in-coming of the banished lords. His Majesty also
dreamed a dream, That he saw the earl of Gowrie taken, and
brought in prisoner before him by colonel Stuart ; and he thought
his estate was thereby settled : which indeed for that time came
true, because the lords who had taken Stirling, so soon as they
understood of the taking of the earl of Gowrie, fled incontinently
out of Stirling, and at last out of the country, believing that the
said earl had been taken willingly ; supposing his affection to
have been so great to his Majesty, as being his near kinsman,
come of the house of Angus, his mother being a natural daughter
of the said house, that he would be thereby induced to discover
the whole design ; he not having been upon the first design of any
enterprize, but drawn in afterwards by the craftiness of others.
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THE MEMOIRS OF
Upon these considerations, his Majesty had compassion upon
him, and had no intention of taking his life. But the earl of Arran
was fully resolved to have his lands ; and therefore, to make a
party to assist him in that design, he engaged to divide them with
several others, upon condition that they would assist him in the
design of ruining him. Which afterv^'ards he did, having by
this means procured their consent and votes. At his death upon
the scaffold, he shewed himself a devout christian, and a resolute
Roman, much regretted by all who heard his grave harangue,
and did see his constant end.
After his death, there was quietness for a while, though without
appearance of long continuance to such as took up matters right.
During this little while of fair weather, there was a parliament
held to forfault the banished lords, wherein these were chiefly
instruniental, who hoped to raise their particular fortunes upon
the ruin of their neighbours.
Among others, it pleased his Majesty to write for me. I was
by him graciously receiv'd ; and, remembring some of my
speeches, he took me into his cabinet, and enquir'd how I now
relished his proceedings. I answered, that he had reason to
thank God, and no good management ; and that I was assured
there would be yet more enterprizes ; that they who took Stirling,
and had retired again, would never cease to make enterprize upon
enterprize, till they might see themselves in a better security.
His Majesty replied, that they had gained so little by their last
in-coming, that he believed they would never commit such a folly
again. I answered, that had not the accidental taking of the
earl of Gowrie fallen out, their enterprize would have been more
successful ; for they suspected he was taken bj' his own desire
to bewray their enterprize : that otherwise they had gained their
intent, seeing some, who were then about his Majesty, would
have concurred with them to lay aside the earl of Arran, whom
they assisted for awe, and not for love, they hating his insolency,
and seeing no outgate how to stand by him ; and that there had
for that effect been secret promises made to them, by instruments
who went betwixt them : but seeing the earl of Gowrie in hands,
and the said lords thereby so discouraged as to fly away, such
as had made the said secret promises took up a new deliberation,
shewing themselves their greatest enemies ; while in the mean
time they but waited an opportunity of advancing their intentions.
About this time the lord Burleigh, chief ruler in England,
caused send in one Mr. Davison to be an agent here, to see what
business he could brew, who was afterwards made secretary.
For after the decease of Walsingham, secretary Cecil being
advanced to be lord Burleigh, and great treasurer of England, two
secretaries were chosen, one called Mr. Smith, and this Davison,
whose predecessor was a Scotsman. Upon which consideration,
he was thought more able to conquer credit here. He had been
in Scotland before, and was at my house, in company with Sir
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Henry Killegrew my old friend, when he was resident in Scotland.
At which time he acknowledged to me, that he was come of
Scotsmen, and was a Scotsman in his heart, and a favourer of the
King's right and title to the crown of England. He desired me to
keep all secret from Mr. Killegrew, promising, if he could find
the means to be employed here, that he would do good offices.
His Majesty was for the time at Falkland, and wrote for me,
to be directed to ride and meet the said Davison : whom I w'as
commanded to convoy to Cowpar, there to remain till his Majesty
had time to give him audience. Afterward I convoyed him to my
own house, and from that to Falkland, where his Majesty found his
commission to small avail. But because Walsingham had refused,
at his being here, to speak with the earl of Arran, albeit the said
earl had offered by me to give satisfaction to him in all his desires,
so that he would confer with him (which Walsingham still refused)
but Mr. Davison was directed at this time to deal with the earl of
Arran, to see what advantage might be had at his hand ; for my
lord Burleigh was not content that Walsingham was so precise.
Therefore Davison entred into familiarity with him, and was
made his gossip, and heard his frank offers, and liked well of
them : for after that the lords were fled to England, and forfaulted,
the council of England thought they had some ground to build a
new faction upon, to trouble the King and his estate. And
whereas the said Davison had promised before to shew himself a
kind Scotsman, I perceived him clean altered, and a perfect
practiser against the quiet of this state ; whereof I advertised his
Alajesty.
After his return, England appeared not to have such a fear,
as it had formerly had at the earl of Arran. For there was a
meeting drawn on at the borders, betwixt the earl of Hunsdon
and the earl of Arran, who had long and privy conference together,
to keep a great friendship betwixt the two princes and countries ;
with a secret plot, that the earl of Arran should keep the King
unniarried for three years, under this pretext, that there was a
young maid of the blood in England, who about that time would
be ready for marriage ; whereupon the Queen would declare'
his Majesty second person.
This was a deceitful traffick, and kept secret from every body,
the design thereof being to hinder the King to deal for any other
honourable and profitable match. The earl of Arran thinking
himself settled, being now in friendship with the Queen of
England, as he supposed, moved his Majesty to send thither
the master of Gray, who was entred in great favour and familiarity
with his Majesty by some secret dealing and intelligence he had
with the Queen his mother in England, by means of some of her
friends in France. For being there at his travels, and but lately
returned, he brought some letters directed from her Majesty to
the King her son, and conveyed the answers back again, by an
interest he had in England with some who favoured her Majesty.
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He was a great dealer also between her Majesty and some
catholicks in England, He was a proper gentleman, of a noble
spirit, and fair speech, and so well esteemed by his Majesty, that
Arran thought fit to absent him from court by this ambassage.
Nevertheless he employed him also in the course begun betwixt
him and the earl of Hunsdon. And yet when he was at the court
of England, so well esteemed and treated, as was reported by such
as were sent back, it was alledged by some of the master of Gray's
friends, that the earl of Arran began to envy him, and misrepresent
him unto his Majesty, as if he had discovered unto the Queen of
England a great part of the Queen of Scotland's purposes and
proceedings. However the said master returned again well
rewarded, and commended for his behaviour, qualities and dis-
cretion, unto the King's Majesty, to the great increase of his credit
with the King. Not long after his return, he was informed what
misreports had been made of him in his absence : Which he
recompensed the best he could with court charity at convenient
times, so that by little and little he began to echpse Arran.
The master of Gray also forwarned his Majesty of a notable
person who was upon the way, sent unto his Majesty by the Queen
of England, to do him honour, and to bear him company, to
entertain a stricter friendship between that Queen and him, than
any had ever been intended before : and that the said ambassador,
called Mr. Wotton, would not trouble his Majesty with business
or country affairs, but would bear him company in his pastimes
of hunting, hawking and horse-riding, and entertain him with
friendly and merry discourses, as one come lately from Italy and
Spain, expert in languages and customes of countries ; and a
great lover of his Majesty's title and right to the crown of England.
So that his Majesty was engaged to love him before he did see him,
and caused with diligence to write to me to come and entertain
the said ambassador.
At my return to court, I was the better taken with, that Arran
was imder some cloud. The master of Gray was then my great
friend : for his Majesty had told him, that I had ever resisted the
earl of Arran's furious proceedings. His Majesty desired me,
as I would do him acceptable service, to bear good company to
the said ambassador, declaring unto me all his properties and
qualifications above specified ; willing me also to banquet him
at my house. But after I had conversed certain days with him,
I remembred I had formerly seen him in France with Dr. Wotton,
who was then ambassador resident for Queen Mary of England,
the time that she was married with King Philip of Spain. During
which time, there were great suspicions and jealousies betwixt
France and England. For though there was hot war between
France and Spain, yet the peace continued still with the Queen
of England, who was lately married by the King of Spain. She
appeared still to keep the peace with France, though in the mean
time she sent over to Flanders both men and money, to the help
176
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
K
of the King her husband. The old constable of France, mj
master, who for the time had the whole management of the
country affairs under King Henry II. reproached the English
ambassador, for that the Queen his mistress was doing her en-
deavour to break the peace. The ambassador excused his mistress^
alledging, that if any of his countrj'men served in the wars under
the King of Spain, that they would be found but soldiers of fortune,
ready to serve any man for money. She denied that she knew
of their passing into Flanders, or that she debursed any money for
the wars ; albeit that there was ground enough ministred unto
her, by receiving and retaining in France all her rebels and
fugitives, giving them pensions and entertainment, and stirring
them up to enterprizes against her life and estate. This the
constable flatly denied ; only he said, that out of a general good-
will which was bom to Englishmen in time of peace, they were
suffered to live in the country which bears the name of France,
because there should be freedom and franchize to everj' christian.
The ambassador being wise and subtle, perceiving this answer
to be but a shift, and that wars would inevitably follow these kind
cf suspicions ; he intended by some subtilty to circumvent the
constable, and for that effect had sent to England for his brother's
son, being one and twenty years of age, as well to employ him as
to teach him the French and Italian languages. This youth being
arrived in France with an Irish boy to be his interpreter, who
could speak French, both apparelled in mean array, to be the less
suspected to have any practice or policy in their minds ; like a
foreign young man he addressed himself to some of the King
of France his courtiers, desiring audience of his Alajesty secretly,
as having a matter of great importance to propose. The King
again divers times directed him to deal first with the constable.
At last when he came to the constable, he desired also of him, that
he might first declare unto the King his errand, which was of
great importance, although he Imew that the King spoke with no
roan in such matters, until the constable had first soundevi him,
and then told his opinion to the King, what answer were fittest
to make. At length he said, He would declare the matter unto
the constable, under promise of great secrecy, causing the con-
stable by this niceness to suspect some practice. When he gave
him audience, he caused me to be present beside him. At their
meeting in the constable's cabinet ; his Irish interpreter was put
forth, against his will, as appf'ared. But he was so instructed
by the ambassador his uncle, to use such foreign and rude fashions.
Yet again ere he began to propose his errand, he desired secrecy.
The constable being an old, wise, experimented counsellor, put
him a little aside, and rounded in my ear, to know if ever I had
seen this young man before. I answered, that I had observed
him the preceding day at long conference with one Mr.
Sommer, secretary to the English ambassador. Then the con-
stable thought, that he should handle the matter well enough ;
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for he instantly conjectured that all this niceness proceeded from
the ambassador, to intrap him. So calling the young man again,
he desired him to shew what he had to say. Mr. Wotton began to
declare the great miscontentment that was in England, not only
for bringing in the proud Spaniard to rule over them, but also for
the alteration of religion made by Queen Mary, moving some
to rebel, and others to remove off the country, who nevertheless
were all well received and treated by the King's Majesty of
France, whereby he had gained the hearts of the third part of
England so devoutly towards him, that they would gladly put the
crown of England on his head, (getting liberty in religion) to be
quit of the Spanish tyranny and terrible inquisition, which was
feared would also be established in England. And for the first
proof of their good will and gratitude, a number of lords and
knights, who durst not write, had sent him secretly with an over-
ture to put the strong town of Calais into his hands, with the whole
earldom of Oye. At this the constable made a start, and said,
Know you not, my friend, that there is a sworn peace betwixt
your Queen and my master ? The other replied again, how that
the Queen of England aided secretly, with money and men, the
King of Spain her husband, in his wars of Flanders against France :
which the constable alledged, that she denied by her ambassador,
willing him, however, to tell out the rest of his commission.
Then, said he, My lord, the means how you may get Calais, is this.
First, The most part of the town is of the reformed religion, and
are malecontents, having refused to receive a garrison of Spaniards.
And they are friends to those who have sent me, and keep cor-
respondence with them ; only the township keeps the town,
keeping watch and ward, being unskilful in handling their arms.
Therefore the King shall cause Monsieur Senarpon, his lieutenant
in Normandy, to ly in ambuscade at such a wood, within a mile
and an half of the town, at an appointed day ; then a ship well
furnished with armed men shall ly at anchor half a mile from th
town ; and some of them, clothed like mariners, shall come on
land, and have swords and pistols under their clothes, and shall
wait about two of the afternoon, at which time the ports of the
town are opened to let men in and out. Part of those who attend
the ports, will be at their dinner, when one or two will come before
the rest to open the gates. Thus the gates being easily seized
upon, let one of the company shoot off a culverin, that the ship
may hear, and shoot a cannon to cause Monsieur Senarpon with
his company advance. In the mean time, there shall be a mutiny
raised in the town by our friends and partners, so that the town
shall be obtained without stroke.
After that the constable had heard all this long discourse, he
said. That it was a very probable design, and he doubted not but
it might be easily effectuated ; but in respect of the sworn peace,
the King his master would not, nor should never have his consent
to break it : but that he was much engaged to the noblemen who
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
did bear him so much good-will ; and as for him who had taken
so great pains, the King should reward him, willing me to
remember to cause give money to the young gentleman. So he
gained nothing at the constable's hand, and never came again to
seek his reward ; but was afterwards manifestly known to be
brother's son to Dr. Wotton ambassador, as said is.
This is he now who was sent hither to bear his Majesty company,
as one who will not meddle with practices, but with pastimes.
But when I forewarned his Majesty to beware of him, and told
how that he, being little above twenty years old, was employed
to beguile the wise old constable ; now he was fifty years, and his
Majesty but twenty, it was to be feared he would endeavour to
beguile him : yet his Majesty would not believe me, but believed
the said Mr. Wotton to have a great kindness for him, and so he
became one of his most familiar minions, waiting upon him at all-
field pastimes ; and in appearance he despised all busy counsellors,
and meddlers in matters of state, as he was instructed by such as
said, he would please his Majesty best to appear such. But he
had more hurtful fetches in his head against his Majesty, than any
Englishman that ever came in hither had at any time before.
You have heard before of a meeting that was drawn on at the
borders, betwixt the earl of Hunsdon and Arran ; where at their
secret conference, Arran was required, by the craft of the lord
Burleigh and his faction in the English council, to stop the King
from any marriage for three years, upon many fair counterfeited
promises ; one whereof was. That he should be declared second
person, upon his marriage of the forenamed English lady of the
blood. At which Arran granted all that was desired, he was so
glad to procure the Queen of England's friendship. About that
time the Queen of England, by her intelligence from Denmark,
was advertised of a great and magnifick ambassage to be sent from
Denmark to Scotland, viz. three ambassadors, with sixscore
persons, in two gallant ships. Whether she suspected, or had
heard, that it was to draw on a marriage, I cannot tell : but this
far I learned, that her council judged it was to confirm at least a
greater friendship betwixt the two Kings and their countries,
which was one of the causes that moved them to send this Mr.
Wotton to Scotland, to use all his wiles to disturb and hinder
any greater amity, that might proceed from the said commission
and negotiation between their two Kings and their countries.
For England trusted nothing to the earl of Arian's promise ;
for they esteemed him as an inconstant man, as is already declared.
So soon as the Danish ambassadors arrived by ship in this
country, his Majesty ordered me to entertain them and bear them
company. And because they were three joined in commission,
he willed me to chuse any other two whom I thought meetest,
to bear them company with me. I named unto his Majesty the
laird of Segie, and William Shaw master of Work.
First, at Dunfermling they congratulated his Majesty in the
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THE MEMOIRS OF
King their master's name, with a long discourse of the old amity,
bond, and mutual friendship between the two Kings and their
kingdoms. And last of all, they required the isles of Orkney to
be restored again to the crown of Denmark, alledging they were
mortgaged, to be redeemed again for the sum of 50,000 florins.
Their coming and demand was diversely scanned ; some
supposing wars would ensue, unless the said isles were rendred ;
others thought that their intention was to bring on a marriage
with the King of Denmark's daughter.
Now, albeit his Majesty was determined to treat them well and
honourably, they were nevertheless mishandled, ruffled, and
delayed here the space of months, to their great charge
and discontent : for they lived upon their own expences, and were
not defrayed by his Majesty, as all other ambassadors of that
nation have been since. When they were appointed to part out
of Dunfermling toward St. Andrew's, there to get their dispatch,
his Majesty ordered to tell them. That he would send them horses
out of his own stable to ride upon. The day of their parting being
come, they sent away their baggage and officers before them, and
were booted themselves, waiting upon his Majesty's horses ; and
because they came not in due time, they went forward on foot.
The King was much dissatisfied when he understood how they
were handled, and caused his horses to follow fast after them, and
overtake them. When they came to St. Andrew's, divers
appointed days of council and convention were broken unto
them, which were promised to be kept for their dispatch, for
obtaining whereof they were very earnest. Then men were
appointed to deride them at their lodgings, and before their
windows when they look'd out to the street. So that nothing was
left undone, which could enrage them or stir them up to choler.
Only Mr. Wotton the English ambassador visited them frequently,
and did well and favourably entertain them, comforting them at
all occasions, appearing to be sorry that they were so abused.
He off'ered to lend them gold and silver largely, for the great
friendship that he knew to be between the Queen his mistress and
the King of Denmark. For he was assured of good payijient,
and thought to purchase credit at their hands by his apparent
friendly dealing. At length, under great secrecy he said he would
not conceal from them, that he had heard the King speak dis-
dainful language of their country and customs ; and also. That
some of his gentlemen had heard the King speak evil of their
King, undervaluing him as being descended of a race of merchants
And he further assured them. That he and his council were
resolved to keep them long here, without any dispatch, to affront
and weary them.
Then again the said ambassador and two of his gentlemen
informed his Majesty of these hard speeches, of the reproachful
dealing they had met with from King and council, reflecting upon
their master. He informed him also of the rude manners and
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
drunkenness of those that were about his Majesty^, who had the
like scornful language of the King of Denmark, his country and
ambassadors, moving his Majesty to make the less of them.
Whereby they were stirred up to such a rage, that I had much to
do to keep them tsso or three several times from going to their
ships, to have returned to their King without any answer, and to
have given him an account of the disdainful usage they had met
with, and the injury thereby done to him. The earl of Arran was
also their great enemy, because they made no court to him, but
rather slighted him, some of their company having known him
in Sweden a common soldier. So that he was as ready as the
rest to mock and deride them ; albeit at that same time the ring-
leaders about the court were combined together with the English
ambassador against him.
The principal of the three ambassadors was a wise, grave and
ancient counsellor. The second was furious in his speeches.
The third cried out, ' The King our master is affronted, we must
be revenged.'
I took the first apart, requesting him to hear me patiently ;
for he spoke good Dutch, but mine was not so good. Therefore
I desired that he would more notice my meaning than my words,
and be more careful to cause his friendly commission to take
effect, that he might return home with happy success, than to
withdraw abruptly, to be called unhappy instruments of discord,
at the pleasure of a few scornful factioners, who had laid their
heads together to cause them part dissatisfied, and to be as instru-
mental in doing evil as they were minded at their coming to do
good.
I told him, how that the Queen's Majesty of England was a
wise, well inclined and politick princess, and that there were as
many honest and good men in England, as in so much bounds in
the whole world ; albeit there was in it divers opinions and
factions, shooting at sundry marks, as is done in all other parts.
And because that their Queen would never marry, to have
succession of her own body, they were all very desirous to know
who after her should reign over them.
The most part of the country expects that it shall be our King,
and wisheth his welfare and prosperity, as being righteous heir
to the crown of England, both by the father and mother's side.
But those who at present have a chief management at the court,
shoot at other particular marks of their own, minding to set
forward some of themselves or of their friends, to bruik the
kingdom. And for that cause, they make all the opposition
they can to our King, because of their unmerciful dealing to his
mother, for the which they fear some day to be punished, when
he comes to be King of England. For all these respects, they
endeavour to keep him from marriage, and from all foreign
friendship and alliance. This ambassador of England is a very
ill instrument, both himself, and his gentlemen ; and, hunting
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THE MEMOIRS OF
daily with his Majesty, make the worst reports they can. The
ambassador of Denmark answered to that, marvelhng that Mr.
Wotton should make such report of them, he offering them so
great friendship, and giving them daily intelligence how they v/ere
scorned and mocked, both by the King and his council, to his great
regret, offering them to lend them money, and to do all other
pleasures to them that lay in his power. I replied. He knew well
enough that he would get good payment, and great thanks. For
the King of Denmark was esteemed a worthy prince, and his
ambassadors worthy to be honoured ; but the guiders of the court
of England desire not that our King should think or esteem so of
them, wishing him to have but few friends and many enemies.
Then I assured him. That the King's Majesty and all his subjects,
except some that were corrupted by England, were determined
to entertain and increase a continual friendship Vvith the King and
country of Denmark : praying their wisdoms courageously to
resist, and not feebly and foolishly to give place to the sad crafty
practices of their scornful enviers, by retiring abruptly, thereby
suffering them.selves to be made evil instruments, directly against
their own intention and commission ; and they should shortly
see good success to follow thereupon, to their great contentment :
promising unto them for my part. That I should go instantly unto
his Majesty, and, with all hazard that might be, should discover
unto him, how both he and they were deceitfully abused by the
double dealing of the English ambassador, and such courtiers as
assisted him.
Upon this discourse and promise, they went to council all three
together, as their custom was. And after long conference, they
gave me answer. That their coming was for to do good offices.
And albeit they had suffered sundry injuries, they would be sorry
to be made instruments of discord, so far against their commission
and intention ; and therefore would yet stay upon hope of better
handling, and upon my promise, albeit to that hour few or none
had been kept to them.
After this, I shewed unto his Majesty what great inconveniencies
might ensue upon the long delaying and ill handling of the Danish
ambassadors : and yet that I marvelled not that he made so little
account of them, in respect of the great care and fine practices that
were used to make him undervalue them, by the English
ambassador and his assistants, who had his Majesty's ear for
the time. At the first his Majesty was impatient to hear this
language spoken of persons he had so good liking of, and said.
That he was informed that the King of Denmark was descended
but of merchants, and that few made account of him or his country,
but such as spoke the Dutch tongue. For this was put in his
head to prevent any of my persuasions in their favour, lest they
should get place or credit. I answered, That neither could the
King of France or Queen of England speak Dutch, and yet they
made great account of the King and country of Denmark. France
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
having their ambassador lying there, and paying yearly to the King
of Denmark a great sum of gold, to the value of 20,000 crowns.
His Majesty said. The more shame was his. I said. Rather to the
King of France, who must buy his kindness. Neither could the
Queen of England, said I, speak Dutch ; yet she made much
account of the King and country of Denmark, and durst not
offend him, nor none of his ships, both by reason of the straight
passage at Elsonure, and also because he had great ships to make
himself amends, in case she did him or his any wrong. I said
moreover, That whereas it hath been reported to your Majesty,
the race of their Kings not to be of noble and royal blood, I shall
shew your Majesty that it is but manifest invention to cause you
to despise them. For this late King Frederick is descended of an
old and royal stock, to wit, Christianus of Denmark, the first of
that name, who had two sons, and one daughter called Margaret,
married, into Scotland tc James III. His eldest son John was
King after liim. His second son Frederick was King of Norway
and duke of Holstein. John had a son called Christianus H.
also King of Denmark, who married Charles V, his sister, who
did bear him two daughters ; whereof the eldest was given in
marriage to Frederick elector Palatine ; the second to the duke of
Milan, and afterward, being a widow, married the duke of Lorrain.
Himself was taken and kept in prison by his subjects, for some
rigorous execution upon his barons, and his father's brother
Frederick was made King. After this Frederick, the earl of
Altenbourgh was chosen by assistance of the town of Lubeck ;
but Christianus HI. son to the said Frederick, put him out, and
conquered the kingdom. ?severtheless this Christianus being a
good prince, would not change their old privileges, but caused
himself to be chosen, and likewise his son Frederick, in his time,
to reign after him ; who is now present King, and hath sent his
honourable ambassage to your Majesty, as to his good friend and
kinsman, descended of the kingly race of Denmark. And whereas
he requires again the isles of Orkney ; it is for the discharge of
his oath, because every King of Denmark, at his election, is sv.'orn
to claim again the said isles, which he hath done for the fashion,
and for no other effect but to draw on a greater familiarity' and
friendship. Or else he had not sent so honourable a company,
but rather an herald of arms, if he had been earnestly bent either
to get the said isles, or to quarrel about them.
After that his Majesty had heard this discourse, far different
to his former informations, he was exceeding glad, and said, He
would not for his head but that I had shewn the verity unto him.
And that same afternoon he sent for the said ambassadors, and
acquainted them how near allied he was to the King of Denmark :
he excused their long delay, and promised instantly to see them
dispatched himself, and that within three or four days : he called
for wine, and did drink to them, and sent them home very well
content and satisfied to their lodgings. He commanded a banquet
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to be prepared for them ; which his Majesty's comptroller and
officers were quietlj' forbidden to do, alledging the scantness of
provisions : which the laird of Segie and I perceiving, we dealt
with the earl of March, who prepared a great banquet for them in
his Majesty's name, to the great dissatisfaction of Mr. Wotton and
his partisans, who durst not appear. And though they would not
suffer his Majesty to be present at the banquet, but to dine in his
own chamber ; yet his Majesty being informed by me how matters
went, he rose from his own dinner, and went to the banquet-
house, and drank to the King, Queen, and ambassadors of Den-
mark, and so contented them. And he caused their dispatch to
be in readiness, conform to his promise. But when I advertised
his Majesty, that there was no present prepared for to reward
them withal, he was wonderfully troubled, saying, they who had
the management of his affairs were resolved to affront him.
Now at this time was the earl at court, not so much in favour
as formerly. During the which time there chanced a strange
misrule to fall out at a day of meeting upon the borders, which
was set between the two wardens ; where Sir Francis Russel
upon the English side was killed. Whereupon the English
embassador took occasion to lay the blame upon the earl of Arran,
alledging, that the laird of Ferniherst, who was warden upon the
Scots side, had married the earl of Arran's brother's daughter ;
and that the said earl had caused the slaughter to be made, that
the borders might break loose. In this complaint the said
ambassador was well assisted by the master of Gray and his
companions ; so that the earl of Arran was commanded to ward
within the castle of St. Andrew's, and was kept strictly there three
or four days : so that being in fear of his life, he sent for colonel
Stuart, the laird of Segie, and me, and lamented to us his hard
handling, purging himself, as he might justly do, of that accident
that fell out upon the borders, requesting us to intercede for his
liberty.
He declared unto us a secret to be shewn unto his Majesty,
in case his life was taken from him ; which was, a proinise made
unto the Queen of England, that the King should not marry with
any for the space of three years, whereof I have formerly made
some mention. Nevertheless he forgot not to travel for himself
for he sent his brother Sir William to the master of Gray at mid-
night, promising to get unto him the abbay of Dunfermling, so
that he would obtain his liberty at his Majesty's hand. Which
was incontinently granted, and also the said benefice disposed
unto the said master. Whereupon the English ambassador was
in a great rage at the master, but their discord was afterward
agreed. Only Mr. John Maitland secretary and the Justice-
clerk, and the earl of Arran, were ordered to retire home to their
houses. But before Arran's journey, his Majesty was informed
to desire him, with all possible diligence, to lend him a great gold
chain which he had got from Sir James Balfour, which weighed
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
fifty-seven crowns, to be given unto the Danish ambassadors
Which if he had refused to do he would have lost his Majesty,
and in delivering it he lost the chain.
In the mean time, the ambassadors understanding that their
dispatch was in readiness, took their leave of his Majesty, who was
also ready to part from St. Andrew's. I informed his Majesty
not to deliver them the dispatch, because the chain was not yet
come : for they were minded incontinently to make sail, having
stayed so long, and that the winter season was at hand ; albeit
that I had shewn to one of their familiar servants, that certain
rewards were to come within two days, praying them to stay so
long. Which they would not grant to do, but went to their ships :
■whither I promised to bring their dispatch, which I requested
his Majesty to cause deliver into my hand, to be kept till the chain
should come ; which was divided in three parts, for it was large.
When I came to their ships, they were going to supper. Which
being done, I delivered to them their answer in writing, with
the chains, and some excuses for their long stay, and small
reward. So they parted well satisfied, assuring me that they
would be good instruments of amity ; albeit by the harsh
usage they had first met with, they had once resolved other-
wise. They were not commanded to speak of marriage, whereof
there was some groundless bruit. The King their master had
fair daughters, with any whereof it was supposed the claim of
Orkney would go. They thanked me for the good offices they
had received from me, seeing my staying them from parting
discontent, had preserved the two countries from being engaged
in war : which, they said, they would not fail to declare unto the
King their master, with whom they would not fail to make me
acquainted, not doubting but that the King my master would one
day say, that I had done him good service. So I did take leave,
having rewarded the gunners, trumpeters and inusicians.
At my return to court I acquainted his Majesty that the Danish
ambassadors had set sail for their own country very well contented.
I gave him a particular account of all speeches that past betwixt
them and me at their parting. Whereupon his Majesty took
occasion shortly after to send one to Denmark, offering that
commission to me ; which I shifted, perceiving those who had
his Majesty's ear, and had most credit with him, to be altogether
averse from his marriage that way, holding still one course with
England. I named Mr. Peter Young almoner, as very fit for that
errand ; who was sent to Denmark, to thank that King, and to
see his daughters, that he might make report again of his liking
of them, with a promise, that ere long his Majesty would send a
more honourable ambassage.
The earl of Arran being sent home, as said is, the English
ambassador and his Scots friends (as the master of Gray, secretary
Maitland, and the justice-clerk) had chief credit and handling
of his Majesty's affairs. The said ambassador had procured
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such favour and familiar access about his Majesty at all times,
that he was upon an enterprize to have brought in secretly the
banished lords, to have fallen down upon their knees in the park
of Stirling before his Majesty, at such a time as they should have
so many friends in court, as that his Majesty should have remained
in their hands as masters of the court for the time. But this
enterprize failed him ; for they durst not yet take such hazardous
course, till they might lay their plots more substantially.
Then the said English ambassador enterprized to transport his
Majesty out of the park of Stirling unto England : and failing
thereof, his Majesty was to be detained by force within the castle
of Stirhng ; whither companies of men were sent to be there at
an appointed day. Of which design my brother Sir Robert got
intelligence, and told it incontinently to the King's Majesty,
giving him the names of the chief enterprizers. And because it
came to one of their ears, who stoutly affirmed the contrary,
my brother offered to maintain the truth thereof by combat :
which his Majesty would not permit, because at last the person
granted it to his Majesty. Whereupon my brother persuaded
his Majesty, with great difficulty, to depart out of Stirling for ten
or fifteen days, and hunt at Kincardine, before the enterprize
were ripe. Which so soon as the ambassador understood, he
fled in great fear and haste, without goodnight, or leave-taking of
his Majesty : well instructed, and furnished with the promises
of such as had assisted him in our court, to persuade the noble-
men who were banished in England to come home, where they
should find friends enough before them at court to put his Majesty
in their hands. The master of Gray also absented himself, and
went to Dunkeld, and there remained with the earl of Athole.
And upon some bruits of enterprizes, there was a proclamation
set out in his Majesty's name, by such as had his ear, to purchase
to themselves the more credit to be true and careful counsellors
to his Majesty : which proclamation was afterward delayed by
craft, that the banished might prevent the day, and come in and
get the King in their hands, whereby they might discharge the
proclamation at their pleasure.
In the mean time I received a letter to be at his Majesty with all
possible diligence, and another from the earl of Arran, intreating
me to accompany him from Kinneil to the court. But I went to
his Majesty strait ; whither also the said earl came that same
night : for he had procured liberty to return again to court, and
remain about his Alajesty.
At my coming to Stirling, I had intelligence from a very sure
hand, that the said lords were already at the entry of the borders,
assisted by my lord Hamilton, my lord Maxwell, my lord Bothwell,
my lord Hume, and sundry others, who had not formerly joined
with them. Also the earl of Athole, the laird of Tullibardine,
Buccleuch, Cesford, Cowdenknows, Drumlanrick, and others,
who were in greatest credit about his Majesty, were to join with
186
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
them at their in-coming. Whereof I advertised his Majesty and
colonel Stuart, who undertook to ride unto the borders, and over-
throw them, before they were wholly convened together. Which
might very probably have been effectuated, if the design had not
been carftily disappointed by such as were about his Majesty,
who appeared to set forward the colonel's enterprize to please his
Majest^•, and to conquer credit ; saying, they would write to
Cowdenknows, Buccleuch, Cesford, and such others to assist
him ; whom they knew to be upon the contrary faction already :
so that the design of scattering them was rendred by that craft
ineffectual. And because I perceived the craftj- intention, and
that they feared I would therewith acquaint his Majesty, they
caused his Majesty to send me a forged errand to Dunkeld, that
they might the better bring their purpose to pass without any
contradiction. The pretext of my commission was to cause the
earl of Athole to stay at home, and not to join with the lords who
were to come shortly to Stirling. And by the way I was to deliver
a letter to the baillies of St. Johnston, to be upon their guard, and
not to suffer any of the King's enemies to come within their town.
The baillies enquired of me, what if the earl of Athole and master
of Gray would desire to come within their town .? I said. They
might let themselves enter with ten in company, but no more.
They alledged. That their letter specified not that. I told them,
That was committed to me by mouth, the conclusion of my
letter willing them to credit me.
When I came to Dunkeld, I knew that the earl of Athole would
not stay for me, who had i ,000 men in readiness to take the town
of St. Johnston, and to come thence to Stirling, with the master
of Gray, who was yet with him. But however I told him, That
colonel Stuart w-as gone with forces, to defeat the lords at their
entry into the country, before they might be joined together.
And that therefore he would do well to lye at home, till he might
understand the issue of the said enterprize. If that took effect,
it would be folly to him to march forward ; and if it did not
succeed, he might do as his heart served him. He thought this
counsel good, desiring me to write unto his Majesty for a licence
to him and his, to remain at home ; which I did. In the mean
time the master of Gray was sent for to court, the ports of the town
of Perth being refused to his men, who were come out of Angus
to assist them. At his returning to court, he was as great with his
Majesty as ever he was, remaining with him within the castle of
Stirling ; where there were two factions, who discovered them-
selves so soon as they saw the malecontents and banished lords
drew near unto the town of Stirling, whither they came to the
number of 3,000, and entred into the town without stop. His
Majesty' inclined most to the faction who brought in the said lords,
who advised his Majesty to send some down to the town to com-
mune and compound matters. Which was at length agreed
upon, and concluded. That his Majesty should remain in their
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hands ; that no rigour should be used to those who were about
him. So that those who were mediators, appeared to be good
instruments and stayers of bloodshed. For Arran was escaped,
and fled at their first entry : but colonel Stuart, only with ten or
twelve, gave them such a charge in the midst of the narrow part
of the town, that a little more help might have put them in great
disorder. For the most part of their southland men were busy
spoiling horse and goods.
The lords, when they came into his Majesty's presence, fell
down upon their knees, humbly begging pardon ; adding, That
the hard handling by Arran, and other partial persons about his
Majesty, had compelled them upon plain necessity, and for their
last refuge, to take the boldness to come in arms, for the surety
of their lives and lands, being ever humbly minded to serve his
Majesty, and obey him.
The King again, like a prince full of courage and magnanimitj',
spoke unto them pertly and boastingly, as though he had been
victorious over them, calling them traitors, and their enterprize
plain ti^eason. Yet, said he, in respect of your necessity, and in
hope of your good behaviour in time coming, he should remit their
faults ; and the rather, because they used no vengeance nor
cruelty, at their in-coming.
In the mean time, his Majesty committed and recommended
the keeping of the earls of Montrose and Crawford unto my lord
Hamilton ; and the keeping of Colonel Stuart unto my lord
Maxwell. These three were for a time in some danger, because
they had too violently espoused Arran's interest. The rest of his
Majesty's servants were overlook'd. Sir Robert my brother,
and his son, were both courteously used. This moderate be-
haviour of the lords conquered daily more and more favour from
his Majesty. They pressing him in nothing but in humble
intercession of such as formerly had his ear. A parliament was
proclaimed at Linlithgow for their restitution ; whither his
Majesty was convoyed to pass his time at hunting, thereby to
recreate his spirits.
Many noblemen and others were written for, to come unto the
said parliament. Among the rest, the earl of Athole, to whom
I had been sent, and with whom I was at the lords coming to
Stirling ; where I was waiting upon an answer from his Majesty,
of the letter which the earl of Athole had desired me to write,
as said is. When I came to kiss his Majesty's hand, I was gladly
made welcome. His Majesty alledging. That I was Corby's
messenger. I answered, That my absence with the earl of Athole
had saved all my own horse, and the town of St. Johnston untaken,
and had kept the said earl from assisting with the rest ; so that if
those, who had remained at Stirling with him, had kept the south,
as well as I had done the north, their horse had been safe as well
as mine was. His Majesty said. That God had turned all to the
best : for he had been before made believe, that he would oe in
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
danger of his life, in case these noblemen had ever any more power
about him ; and yet though they had both him and his servants
in their power, they had used no rigour nor vengeance. His
Majesty remembred how frequently I had forewarned him of this
and the like accidents, that I said would follow upon the earl of
Arran's rash proceedings. He acknowledged, he had been a
bad instrument, and declared he should never have more place
or credit about him. He desired me to v/ait at court, and help
to do all good offices betwixt him and his nobility ; and to tell
them the truth, who was to blame for their trouble, as having
occasioned the same, seeing he had great prejudice and no ad-
vantage thereby ; it being far from his inclination to seek any
man's life, lands or goods, but only the peace and quiet of the
countr\-, and the settling of the subjects among themselves ;
which I could testify for a truth, the verity thereof consisting
within my knowledge. His Majestj' told me also, how he had
shewn unto the noblemen my honest and friendly advices toward
them, and that I opposed myself continually to the earl of Arran's
proceedings. He desired me also to help to satisfy the ministers,
v.ho were seeking to be restored unto their former free assemblies,
which he had forbidden them at the advice of the earl of Arran ;
the same being one of the occasions of all the following troubles,
which were chiefly grounded upon the dissatisfaction of the
Alinisters, by whom the country was influenced. So that I
tarried a while at court, till matters began to take some settling.
Divers of the lords also were earnest with me to stay, oflFering me
great kindness ; saying. That his Majesty had told them every
man's part and behaviour in relation to their banishment and
persecution ; and that I was ever for a moderate course, desiring
and pressing, as his Majesty's interest, an act of oblivion to be
past for all bygones during his minority. The said lords there-
fore caused me to propose some of their suits to his Majesty,
whom in nothing they would press beyond his own pleasure.
But the council was of diflTerent opinions concerning the re-
storing of the ministers to their former privileges and freedoms ;
where I was brought in to give my opinion. The greatest part
thought fit to delay them for a time, chiefly such as had remained
about his Majesty, and had said too much before to the contrary.
But they had yet some private designs hatching in their heads,
which could not be brought about, if the country were wholly
in peace : which they knew would be, were the ministers satisfied.
My opinion was, That his Majesty was not to be blamed that the
noblemen were banished, or the ministers privileges taken from
them, seeing all these insolencies were committed by evil instru-
ments, who ruled over his Majesty's good mind, to satisfy their
own ambition ; who now being fled and absent, I knew no reason
why the ministers should not be restored to their former privileges,
as well as the noblemen to their lands and honours ; the one
being no less contributive to the settling of the kingdom as the
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other ; seeing, if this were omitted, the blame would still ly upon
his Majesty, and the country would be still in trouble. The
secretary Maitland was against this opinion ; for he had formerly
spoken too much on the contrary. But the rest of the noblemen
and the council thought my opinion best. But yet at that time
it was not followed, nor granted at that parliament. Yet shortly
after, it was found his Majesty's interest, and conducing for fully
establishing peace in the country, that the ministers should be
restored to all their former privileges.
It is above mentioned, That the master almoner was sent to
Denmark. Shortly after colonel Stuart took occasion to go
thither about his own affairs ; for he had a pension off the King
of Denmark. He obtained also some writing, whereby he was
commissioned to speak of the King's marriage with the King of
Denmark's eldest daughter. And they both returned with so good
and friendly answers, that there was little more mention made of
the restitution of the isles of Orkney. The King of Denmark
was also put in hope by them, that his Majesty would send the
next summer an honourable ambassage to Denmark, to deal
further in these matters.
I have shewed already the dangerous practices of the English
ambassador Mr. Wotton, and a part of their effects ; but the
principal is yet behind.
The council of England having concluded to take the life from
the Queen's Majesty his highness's mother, after she had been
many years kept captive in England, thought first to get the King
her son in their hands, and to put him in hope, that he should
obtain the crown of England, the rather, that he was within their
country ; and, in the mean time, to be sure, that he should not be
able to revenge his mother's death, but might be as a pledge among
them, in case his countrymen, or his foreign and French friends
would pretend to menace them, or to make war for his liberty,
or in revenge of her death : for in that case they might threaten
to cut him off, if for his cause they should be troubled. And
however it were, through time it was suspected that they intended
to take his life also, after that they had laid their plots how to
make him odious to the people by false counterfeit letters, and
alledged practices (as they had craftily and deceitfully alledged
upon his mother) against the state. But finding this their design
of carrying him to England discovered by my brother's intelligence,
the said ambassador fled, as said is. And for the next best, thought
fit to see his Majesty put in the hands of the most part of the
nobility, who were banished for the time, and during their banish-
ment had been sheltered in England, who they thought by fitted
instruments might be stirred up to take his life, at least to keep
him in perpetual prison, in revenge of the injury had been done
them. But herein they were disappointed : for they used them-
selves so moderately and discreetly, that they sought nothing but
their own native country and lands, and that they might have
190
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
access to serve and obey their prince, without any further ven-
geance or rigour against their particular enemies : as their actions
and proceedings have sufficiently declared since, to the great
increase of their favour with his Majest>', and estimation of the
whole country-.
It hath been rarely or never seen in any country, that there have
been so great alterations, with so little bloodshed, as hath been in
Scotland in this King's time. Now those who were enemies to
our Queen and King's title to the crown of England, seeing some
of their fetches to fail them, entred in deliberation what way to
proceed to take the Queen's life. The council of England, a great
part of the nobility and states, fell down upon their knees, humbly
requesting her Majesty to have compassion upon their unsure
estate, albeit she should slight her own ; alledging. That her life
was in hazard by the practices of the Queen of Scotland, and their
lives and fortunes. She alledged. That her heart would not
suiler her to let any sentence be given forth against the Queen
her dear sister and cousin, so near of her royal blood. Yet she
was at last moved, for very pity of their conditions, to let sentence
of death pass against her, upon this express condition, That it
should rather serve to be a terror to her, to oblige her to cease from
making any more practices, than that she really intended to see
the blood of so noble a princess shed. And in the mean time, the
written sentence was given to be kept to Mr. Davison, one of her
secretaries, not to be delivered without her Majesty's express
coinmand. Nevertheless the said Davison, being deceived by the
council, delivered unto them the said written sentence of death.
Whereupon they gave the Queen warning a night before, to pre-
pare her for God. Which short warning she took very patiently,
and lay not down that night to sleep, but wrote some letters unto
the King her son, the King of France, and some other princes, her
friends. And after she had made her testament, she put the gold
she had in as many little purses as she had servants, rnore or less
in every purse, conform to their qualities and deservings. The
rest of the night she employed in prayer. And being in the
morning conveyed out of her chamber, to the great hall where the
scaifold was prepared, she took her death patiently and constantly,
couragiously ending her life, being cruelly handled by the
executioner, having received divers strokes of the ax. Which
execution was the boldlier performed, because that some Scotsmen
assured them, that the King her son would soon forget it. Albeit
his Majesty, when he understood this sorrowful news, took hea\'y
displeasure, and convened a parliament, wherein, larnenting the
mishandling of his mother by his enemies who were in England,
he desired the assistance of his subjects to be revenged. Where
all the estates in one voice cried out in a great rage, to set forward^ ;
promising that they should all hazard their lives, and spend their
goods and estates largely to that effect, to revenge that unkindly
and unlawful murder. Which put the council of England in
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great fear for a while ; but some of our countrymen comforted
them, and so did some EngH.sh that haunted our court, alledging
it would be soon forgot. Others said, That the blood was already
fallen from his Majesty's heart ; and if it were not, they doubted
not but to cause the matter fall out to their satisfaction.
First when the King's Majesty,' heard that they were about to
accuse and convict his mother, he sent the master of Gray and Sir
Robert my brother to deal for her Majesty. Where my brother
spoke brave and stout language to the council of England ; so
that the Queen herself threatned his life. And afterward he
would have been retained captive, had not the master of Gray's
credit prevented it, and the promises he made ; whereby they
were both suffered to come home together.
Four months before, his Majesty caused send for me, that I
might prepare myself for England, to confirm a band of alliance
offensive and defensive with the Queen and crown of England ;
and to take the Queen of England's oath for observing the said
bond. And Mr. Randolph, who was here, was to take the King's
oath, and use the like ceremonies here.
At my coming to court, I did what I could to be shifted of the
said commission, being a matter of so great consequence, as an
indirect breaking of the bond with France. Yet his Majesty
would take no excuse, but thought fit to send me thither, that I
might get him sure knowledge of sundry things, which his Majesty
supposed another would not get ; by reason that all his mother's
friends and his own, that were in that court and country, were
best and longest acquainted with my brother and me. But so
soon as Mr. Randolph had heard that I was to be sent to England,
he desired audience of his Majesty, and used all the persuasions
he could to get me stayed, and another sent that might be meeter
for the time. After that his Majesty had reasoned long with him
thereabout, he called upon me, and told me how that Mr. Ran-
dolph had spoken so much good of me, whom he loved better than
any Scots subject, upon account of our old acquaintance ; but
had said that I would not be acceptable to the Queen his mistress
at that time, because Sir Robert my brother had been always,
and was yet upon his mother's faction, and also that my brother
Sir Andrew of Garvock was for the present in England her
Majesty's master of the houshold. His Majesty said, he replied
again. That I was never esteemed a factious person, and so would
not yield at the first. But I requested his Majesty to grant him
his desire : for I had no will of that commission, knowing that
there was nothing meant but fraudful dealing by England with
him at that time. It is for that cause, said he, that I would have
you there. And it is for that same cause. Sir, said I, that I would
gladly shun the same, with your Majesty's favour.
His Majesty said. He wondred that Randolph should seem to
like so well of me, and yet desire another to be sent. I answered
his Majesty, That in France and Italy we liked each other very
192
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
well, but in the handling his Majesty's affairs we shot at sundry
marks. His Majesty would still have me to accept that com-
mission, and asked whom I believed that Mr. Randolph would
desire to be sent. I answered. Either the master of Gray, or Mr.
Archibald Douglas. For the master of Gray had made moyen
for Mr. Archibald, and had brought him home out of England,
and had summoned an assize of his own friends to cleanse him
of the late King's murder. And being cleansed, he haunted the
court familiarly with his Majesty. It was he indeed whom Mr,
Randolph desired to be sent, or the Master of Gray, or both in a
commission. But his Alajesty would not consent thereto. Then
the laird of Cowdenknows, captain of the castle of Edinburgh,
desired the commission. But Mr. Randolph would have none
other, causing the Queen his Mistress to write back. That it was
unnecessary to send any ambassador for that errand at that time ;
only desiring that the King would write with his own hand. That
one should be sent when she thought time ; assuring by his said
letter, that it was in effect already concluded in his mind, as if the
ceremony were performed. Which letter was sent to the English
ambassador, who was resident in France for the time, to be pro-
duced before the King of France and the Queen-mother, to let
them know, that albeit the King of Scotland was suiting her
Alajesty for an alliance offensive and defensive (which would be
a clear breach of the old bond with France) yet she would not put
them in suspicion and jealously of her in consenting thereto, as
not much valuing the Scottish King's fickle friendship or feud,
so long as France and she kept their peace and friendship together.
Which was done only to disgrace and discredit the King with the
King of France. So that there proceeded no more from the said
intended bond. And I was not a little satisfied that my hands
had been free thereof.
Likewise when the bruit was of the Spanish navy, in the year
1587, that they were coming to these parts, I was ordered to be
sent to Spain ; which voyage I happily also eschewed.
Now to return again to Mr. Archibald Douglas : He returned
back to England, to remain ambassador theie for his Majesty.
By the which means he obtained the greater credit with the Queen
his Majesty's mother, to her no small prejudice, the same con-
tributing to her ruin ; he having discovered several passages
betivixt her and himself, and other catholicks of England, teriding
to her liberation : which were made use of against her Majesty,
for taking her life. So soon as my brother Sir Robert was sent
there, to use sharp and boasting language to see if it might save
the Queen's life, he discharged Mr. Archibald of the office of
ambassador. This I set down in a parenthesis, to shew how far
a good King was abused and misled, by minions whom he liked
well, to his great hurt and dishonour. In the mean time, for some
disorder upon the west border betwixt the Maxwells and John-
stones, his Majesty went there to reform the disobedience. But
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some houses were kept out, and would not render unto him.
Whereupon Mr. John Maitland being made chancellor, the master
of Gray, and other favourers of the English faction, did councel
his Majesty to send to Berwick, because it was alledged to be
nearest, to borrow cannons to besiege the said house. Which
guns were readily and gladly lent by the governor of Berwick.
Which apparently he durst not have done, without knowledge
and consent of the Queen and council, who judged thereby that
his Majesty had forgot the great boast that was made at the foie-
named parliament, concerning the revenge of his mother's death.
For after his Majesty had ripely considered the best and worst
of that deed, remembred himself of the many friends he had in
England, who had no hand in his mother's death, he thought it
not just to trouble the peace and quiet of the kingdom for the
deed of a few who guided the Queen and court, he being thereof
himself apparent heir. And also because the Queen was of good
years, and not like to live long, he was resolved to abide his time
to be revenged upon his enemies. As for the Queen his good
sister, she had sworn and purged herself of the death of his mother,
being deceived by her council and secretary Davison, whom she
committed to the tower of London. This was the way of con-
veyance of that ugly unkindly murder.
Shortly after this, there was a great bruit of the Spanish navy
bound to land in England, Scotland or Ireland. And then also
were entred about his Majesty a new faction, whereof the earl of
Huntly was chief, who had lately married the duke of Lenox's
sister. This new faction aspired by little and little to shoot out
the master of Gray, the chancellor, and others their dependers.
and to retain part of those who were in court before ; where there
were divers conspiracies to kill the chancellor : and such as had
assisted him were to be removed, because they did stick too long
by the court. The earls of Huntly, Bothwell, and others, thought
to have taken the King and kept him. And albeit two of their
enterprizes had failed, yet they were desirous to be nearest his
Majesty at the in-coming of the Spaniards. And in the mean
time they resolved to cause the King send Sir John Seaton to
Spain : But his Majesty would have none to be sent but me.
Whereupon the chancellor and my brother Sir Robert did write
to me, desiring me to refuse the employment ; because they said
his Majesty would have one there of his own religion, %vho would
not be corrupted, in whom he could trust. Yet his Majesty had
inclination to deal with Spain, and I had as little desire to under-
take the voyage, albeit Sir George Douglas desired the said com-
mission, as one who had assisted his Majesty's mother ; yet it took
no effect. The earl of Huntly in the mean time procured a gift
of the benefice of Dunfermling, which was lately taken from the
master of Gray now decourted, and given to him. How that the
Spanish great navy was three years in making their preparations,
and were sufficiently and substantially furnished with men ,
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
ammunition, and all sorts of necessaries, is now manifest to all
Europe. What was their intent and purpose was so secret, that
the chiftains of the army knew no more, but as they should under-
stand by the opening of their stamped instructions at every
appointed landing place. Many were of opinion, that they were
first disappointed by the duke of Parma governor of Flanders,
who had behaved himself in his charge so circumspectly, in his
promises so truly, in enterprizes so stoutly, that he won the hearts
of the soldiers, and the favour of his enemies, so that he was
suspected by the King of Spain to entertain designs of usurpng
the estate of Flanders : and therefore he was minded to remove
him out of that great and rich government. He being hereupon
discontent, as was alledged, neither furnished the said army
victuals, nor assisted them with ships, nor would he suffer them
to land in his bounds. At last they were so jealous of him, that
they landed not, but were lying at anchor, where Sir Francis Drake
by a stratagem subtilly devised, of a ship full of powder with a
burning link, which kindled up the powder so soon as the English
ship was driven by a direct vehement wind within the midst of the
Spanish ships, burning thereby several of the greatest of them, and
causing the rest to cut the cables of their anchors for haste, to
f^schew the fury of the fire. And in the mean time God sent such
a vehement storm of wind, that the whole navy was blown and
broken upon divers coasts of our isles, and of Ireland ; and their
wreck was the greater, that they wanted their anchors.
It is before mentioned, that Mr. Peter Young almoner to his
Majesty', and colonel Stuart were returned from Denmark well
rewarded, and contented with every thing that they had seen,
and chiefly with the fair young princess ; and also how they had
put the King of Denmark in hope, that the King should the next
summer send thither an honourable ambassage, to deal further
to the increase of a greater amity. And for this effect, the bishop
of St. Andrew's, the laird of Segie, and I, were named to be sent :
but I was retired, and had no will to meddle, perceiving his
Majesty's affairs so retarded by such as had greatest handling about
him. Therefore, upon my refusal, the chancellor advised the
laird of Barnbarrow, and the said Mr. Peter, to be again employed
in that matter, with uncertain and irresolute instructions to pro-
pose marriage, and with divers fair alledgeances concerning his
Majesty's sufficient right to the isles of Orkney ; which the King
of Denmark was minded to use the more sharply, but for the hope
he was put in, of the apparent marriage of the King's Majesty
with his eldest daughter.
These ambassadors were not well embarked, when monsieur
Dubartas arrived here to visit the King's Majesty, who, he heard,
had him in great esteem, for his rare poesy set out in the French
tongue. He would not say that he had a secret commission to
propose the princess of Navarre as a fit marriage for his Majesty,
but that the King of Navarre's secretary willed him, seeing he
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was to come this way, as on his own head, to propose the said
marriage. Monsieur Dubartas's qualities were so good, and
his credit so great with his Majesty, that it appeared, if the
ambassadors had not ah-eady made sail, that their voyage should
have been stayed for that season. The chancellor assured
Monsieur Dubartas, (as he shewed me) that the marriage of
Denmark should not take effect. For our ambassadors had indeed
such strait instructions, and so slender a commission, that it was
enough to have caused the King of Denmark to start and to quarrel
with our King, were it not that they dealt above their commission.
Which kept that King in some temper, albeit they returned with-
out fruit, full of displeasure, thinking themselves scorned, as they
were indeed.
In the mean time that they were in Denmark, Monsieur
Dubartas being in Falkland with his Majesty, came to my house,
to persuade me to take a commission in hand, which, he said,
his Majesty would lay to my charge ; which was, to be sent unto
the King of Navarre, and to be acquainted with madame the
princess, his sister. And because his Majesty knew that I would
be loth to go, he named also my lord Tungland, my brother, wiio
undertook the journey, and became well acquainted with the said
princess, and was well treated and rewarded by the King her
brother, now King of France, and brought with him the picture
of the princess, with a good report of her rare qualities.
The laird of Barnbarrow and Mr. Peter Young being returned
back from Denmark, declared that the King of Denmark thought
nothing of their commission, judging it but fruitless dealing, and
delaying oftime, and fair language, without any power to conclude.
I am uncertain whether he got intelligence of his Majesty's sending
my brother to the King of Navarre : but the marrying of his
eldest daughter with the duke of Brunswick gave some appearance
that he had got some notice thereof from the court of England,
who were abundantly well informed of all our proceedings.
After this, colonel Stuart, desirous to see the marriage with the
King of Denmark's daughter take effect, went thither, upon his
own expences, divers times. And seeing the eldest daughter
already married, he excused the King's Majesty, and laid the
blame upon those who had the handling of his affairs. So that
the King of Denmark promised yet to give his second daughter
unto the King, upon conditions that ambassadors would be sent
there the next year, before the first day of May. In the m.ean
time the King of Denmark took sickness and departed this life,
leaving the same commission with his council, and such as were
appointed for regents of the realm.
Now the King being suited in marriage by many great princes,
and his ambassadors being come back both out of Denmark and
Navarre, with the pictures of the young princesses ; his Majesty
determined first to ask council of God by earnest prayer, to direct
him where it would be meetest for the weal of himself, and his
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
country'. So that after fifteen days advisement and devout
prayer, as said is, he called his council together in his cabinet,
and told them how he had been advising about that matter of so
great concernment to himself and his country the space of fifteen
days, and that he was now resolute to marry in Denmark.
The council appeared all to relish his resolution, requiring
meet instnaments to be employed to compleat the marriage, and
to make the contract. Then his Majesty said, that he had already
chosen me in his mind for one, desiring the council to choose
another ; which they did, to wit, the lord of Altry, uncle to the
earl Marischal. We tv\'o being written for, and come to court,
found not such earnestness with the council as with the King :
which my lord of Altry perceiving, he drew home again, excusing
himself upon his age and fickliness. His Majesty used many
persuasions and reasons to induce me to undertake the voyage,
declaring how he had many times sent for me to be employed in
ambassages, and could never tell why I went not. I answered,
that his Majesty would have done me that honour many times
above my deserving, which he would not have done, if he had
known my insufficiency for such matters of so great import, as
I did my self. His Majesty said, that this business concerning
his marriage was the greatest matter that ever he had to do, and
that he would take no refusal. I said, that my lord Tungland
my brother was far meeter than myself, being a good scholar,
v.'ho could perfectly speak the High Dutch, the Latin, and the
Flemming languages, with the French tongue. But his Alajesty
would still repose upon me in that errand ; but, at my desire,
was satisfied that my brother should be put in commissioi with
me.
Then his Majesty said. Albeit the council will form your
instructions ; yet you shall receive mine out of my ovy-n m.outh.
First, ' If the King of Denmark had been alive, he would not
have stood to have given a great portion with his daughter, wherein
it is probable the regent and his council will be as sparing as they
can. I doubt not therefore but you will endeavour to draw from
them as much as can be had ; but at length stand not upon money
to conclude the marriage.
Secondly, ' Know what friendship and assistance they will
make me, when it may please God to place me by right in the
kingdom of England, by decease of this Queen, in case any country-
man or other would wrongously pretend to usurp and debar me
from the same.
Thirdly, ' Concerning the isles of Orkne^^ you may chuse
any man of law that you please ; for that head must be answered,
and debated by form of law. Always if the marriage take effect,
that purpose would not be over precisely handled. It may be
that my council will give you straiter conditions ; but this in-
struction of mine you shall follow, let them say what they please.'
I told his Majesty, that I would chuse to take with me for a
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lawyer Mr. John Skeen. His Majesty said, he judged there were
many better lawyers. I said, he was best acquainted with the
German customs, and could make them long harangues in Latin ;
that he was a good, true, stout man, like a Dutchman. Then
his Majesty was content that he should go with me.
After that I had tarried long at court, and could see no pre-
paration for our dispatch, neither money nor ship making ready ;
the appointed time wherein we should have been in Denmark
being past, to wit, before the ist of May : for it was so ordered
by the King of Denmark ere he died, that in case that day was not
kept, that they might think themselves but scoffed. This moved
me to employ my friends at court, to cause another be named in
my place, seeing so many suiting to get the said commission.
And the chancellor gave me such terrors as he could for his part.
Now the earl Marischal was desirous to supply the place of his
uncle my lord of Altry ; and his Majesty was content that he
should be sent thither. Whereupon I took occasion to represent
to his Majesty, that the said earl was very well qualified for that
employment, and that he would go the better contented, if he
might have in commission with him some of his own friends and
acquaintance. His Majesty answered. That it was his part to
chuse his own ambassadors ; that the earl Marischal should have
the first place as a nobleman ; but that he would repose the chief
handling with the regent and council of Denmark upon me. Then
I declared, that the appointed time was past, and that yet there
was no appearance of any preparation of money or ship ; where-
with his Majesty was very angry. I named the laird of Barn-
barrow or Mr. Peter Young, as very fit to be employed in the
commission with the earl Marischal, because they had been there
already : but he would not hear thereof ; for the blame had been
wrongously laid upon their insuflSciency, it being alledged, that
their mismanagement was the occasion that matters formerly
took not the desired success. Would not this kind of court-
dealing scar any man from meddling in such weighty matters,
where such men are preferred to have the special credit about a
prince, who mind only their own designs, and not the prince's
advantage ?
Those who at present ordered affairs, counselled his Majesty
first to send to the Queen of England, and require her advice and
consent to the said marriage with Denmark ; who they knew
would not only dissuade him from the said marriage, but also
stay him from any marriage, as she and her council had ever done
and dealt, both with his mother and himself. When I understood
of this new delay, I obtained licence to go home to my house,
and make me ready against the next warning. In the mean time,
the season of the year was well spent. The Queen of England's
answer returned, not to marry vwith Denmark. She said. That
she had credit with the King and princess of Navarre ; that she
would employ the same for effectuating that marriage, which was
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
much more his Majest>-'s interest. In the mean time she did
write to the King of Navarre, to hold back the marriage of his
sister three years, for such frivolous pretexts as carried no reason.
Upon this answer of England, our council was convened, and
enticed to vote against the marriage of Denmark. Whereat his
Majesty took such a despite, that he caused one of his most familiar
ser\-ants to deal secretly with some of the deacons of the crafts-
men of Edinburgh, to make a mutiny against the chancellor and
council, threatning to slay him in case the marriage with the King
of Denmark's daughter were hindred, or longer delayed. This
boasting and fear caused a new resolution to be taken, that the
earl Marischal should be dispatched with diligence, with the
constable of Dundee, and the lord Andrew Keith, whom the said
earl requested his Majest>' to send with him. Which his Majesty
granted the more easily, because he found so many difficulties in
the matter, and some of my friends had informed him, that it
would be very satisfactory to me that some other were employed.
Now it was yet a long time before the earl Marischal could be
ready, and dispatched. Then as to his dealing with the council
of Denmark, his power to conclude was so limited, and his com-
mission so slender, that he was compelled to send back again my
lord Dingwall, either for a licence to come home, or for a sufficient
power to conclude. Where it chanced that he found his Majesty'
at Aberdeen, and the chancellor and most part of the council
absent. W'hich was a great furtherance to get a full power to
conclude the contract and ceremony of the marriage, by the earl
Marischal ; who was incontinently dispatched by the regent and
council of Denmark, and the Queen sent home with him well
accompanied. But the tempestuous winds drave them upon the
coast of Norway, where they landed, and stayed a long time for
fair winds and weather. Which storm of wind was alledged to be
raised by the witches of Denmark, as by sundry of them \yas
aclmowledged, when they were for that cause burnt. That which
moved them thereto was, as they said, a blow which the admiral
of Denmark gave to one of the bayliffs of Copenhagen, whose wife,
consulting with her associates in that art, raised the storm, to be
revenged upon the said admiral.
His Majesty had heard that they were upon the sea, and left
nothing undone to make all in a readiness, to receive the Queen
and her company honourably ; but, in the mean time, was very
impatient and sorrowful for her long delay, laying the blame
thereof upon the chancellor, and such other of his council as had
plainly voted against the said marriage, and thereby had delayed
the dispatch of the ambassadors so long, until the season of sailing
upon the seas was near past. The storms were also so great here,
that a passage-boat perished betwixt Burntisland and Leith,
wherein was a gentlewoman called Jean Kennedy, who had been
long in England with the Queen his Majesty's mother, and was
since married to Sir Andrew Melville of Garvock my brother,
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master of his Majesty's houshold. Which gentlewoman being
discreet and grave, was sent for by his Majesty to be about the
Queen his bedfellow. She being desirous to make diligence,
would not by the storm be stopped the sailing of the ferry, where
the vehement storm drave a ship forcibly upon the said boat,
and drowned the gentlewoman and all the persons, except two.
This the Scottish witches confessed to his Majesty was procured
by them. In that boat also I lost two servants.
Now his Majesty remained quietly in the castle of Craigmillar,
dissatisfied, as said is, with the greatest part of his council. He
could neither sleep nor rest. In the mean time, he directed
colonel Stuart to my brother Sir Robert and me, charging us to
take care of his mishandled estate in time coming, lamenting that
he had been abused by such as formerly he had too much trusted
to, and that he had always found us faithful and careful of his
welfare. He therefore desired us to sit down, and advise how he
might best put remedy to things bypast, and prevent such in-
conveniencies in time coming, seeing he had determined hereafter
to repose most upon our council. Our answer to his Majesty
was. That we had great reason to render his Majesty most humble
thanks for the favourable opinion he entertained of us, which we
should endeavour to deserve, and were very sorry for the dis-
pleasure his Majesty had taken ; praying his Majesty to take
patience, seeing that as he had always reposed upon God and not
man, that the same God would mend his estate, as he had oft-
times done before : that our care should be presently, how to
receive the Queen honourably, who was upon the sea, (we daily
looking for her landing) and next, how to treat and reward the
noblemen of Denmark, her Majesty's convoy : That being done,
and they returned back to their country, it would be best time to
take order with the affairs of the kingdom, conform to his Majesty's
desire, with the concurrence of so many of the council as his
Majesty had found most faithful, and least factious. But we did
not think fit to take upon us the whole burden, in respect that
hath been always the chief cause of the wreck of Scots Kings,
especially of all his Majesty's own troubles, in laying the whole
burden of his affairs upon any one or two, who most commonly
for greediness and ambition abuse good princes, and few or none
dare controul them, for fear of their great authority and credit.
The chancellor being advertised of his Majesty's discontent and
displeasure, as said is, made preparation to go off the country,
and caused it to come to his Majesty's ears, that he would sail
himself and bring home the Queen with him, and that they were
all but triflers who were with her. He forgot not to anoint the
hands of some who were most familiar with his Majesty, to inter-
pret this his design so favourably, that it made the King forget
all bygones ; and, by little and little, he informed him so well of
the said voyage, and the great charges he had bestowed upon a
fair and swift-sailing ship, that his Majesty was moved to take the
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
voyage himself, and to sail in the same ship with the chancellor,
with great secrecy, and short preparation, making no man pri\'y
thereto, but such as the chancellor pleased, and such as formerly
had all been upon his faction. He had also heard an inkling of a
word, That his Alajesty, in the time of his high displeasure, had
said. That he would lay the burden of his altairs upon my brother
and me ; whereat he had a great en\'y and despite, and was the
cause why his I\Iajest\' made me not pri\y to his voyage. He
was very discontent, when his Majesty had appointed my said
brother Robert to be left vice-chancellor, and convene the council
in his Majest\-'s absence, to hold hand with the duke of Lenox,
my lord Hamilton, Bothwell and other noblemen, with the officers
of the crown, and to rule the country in his Majesty's absence.
Three other ships sailed with his Majesty, wherein was the
justice-clerk, Carmichael the provost of Lincluden, Sir William
Keith, George Hume, James Sandilands, with all his Alajesty's
ordinary servants. The weather was rough enough ; for it was
in the beginning of winter. But the last day was so extreme
stormy, that they were all in great hazard : but his Majesty landed
that same night at in Norway, where the Queen was
abiding the turning of the wind, and there he accomplished his
marriage in person. But he could not be persuaded to return to
Scotland that winter, by reason of the raging seas and storm he had
sustained a little before.
The Queen and council of Denmark, being advertised that his
Majesty was resolved to abide all that winter, sent and requested
him to come to Denmark : whither he went by land, with the
Queen his new bride, and behaved himself honourably and liberally
by the wa^', and at the court of Denmark, where he tarried during
his abode there.
But the company who were with his Majesty put him to great
trouble to agree their continual janglings, strife, pride and par-
tialities. The earl Marischal, by reason that he was an ancient
earl, and had been first employed in this honourable commission,
thought to have the first place next unto his Majesty, so long as he
was there. The chancellor, by reason of his office, would needs
have the pre-eminence. There were also contentions betwixt him
and the justice-clerk. The constable of Dundee and my lord
Dingwall could not agree about place. George Hume did quietly
shoot out William Keith from his office of master of the wardrobe.
At length they were all divided into two factions ; the one for the
earl Marischal ; the other for the chancellor, who was the stronger,
because the King took his part : so that the chancellor triumphed,
and, being yet in Denmark, devised many reformations to be made,
and new forms and customs to be set forward at his Majesty's
return ; as, To have no privy council but the exchequer, and the
nobility to be debarred from it ; sundry of the lords of the session
to be put out, who he judged had no dependence upon him, and
others his creatures put in their room. He caused a proclamation
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to be penn'd, which was sent home to be proclaimed before his
Majesty's return, That none of the nobility should come to court
not being sent for, and then to bring with them six persons and
no more : likewise every baron to bring but four. Likewise he
resolved to cause ward such as had been unruly and disobedient
during his Alajesty's absence, as the earl Bothwell, the lord Hume,
and divers borderers and highlandmen.
The next spring his Majesty came home, and landed at Leith,
well accompanied with the admiral of Denmark, and divers of the
council and many other gentlemen. All whom his Majesty treated
honourably ; and after the Queen's coronation, they were
magnificently rewarded with more than twelve golden chains,
and many medals of gold with his Majesty's picture.
His Majest}^ at his landing, was pleased to send to me to bear
them company ; which I did until their parting, to his Majesty's
great contentment.
In the mean time the earl of Worcester was sent ambassador
from England, to welcome and congratulate both their Majesties
with some presents unto the Queen's Majesty. Upon whom I
was commanded by his Majesty to attend diligently all the time
of his being here, and at his parting he was presented with a ring
of seven great diamonds. He parted well satisfied, and so did all
his company.
His Majesty was pleased at leisure to declare unto me his whole
voyage, and proceedings during his absence. He said. That he
wished that I had been sent alone ambassador to Denmark, in
place of the earl Marischal, and the two who were joined with
him ; he was so ill informed of the said earl. I answered, That
I understood that the earl for his part had behaved himself very
honourably and discreetly, as the admiral of Denmark and divers
of the company had informed me. But his Majesty had been so
possessed with the chancellor's misinformation, that for the time
he believed it. He said further to me. That he had greater trouble
to keep good order among the few company that was in Denmark,
than my brother Sir Robert had to keep quiet all Scotland, during
his absence. Which praise my brother indeed deserved ; for he
had such favour and credit among the nobility, barons, and
boroughs, that they followed his advice, believing that he would
not say but the truth in his Majesty's name, and that he would give
no misinformation against them at his home-coming. But the
chancellor envied my brother for the great opinion his Majesty
had of him, though he had been the greatest instrument of bringing
the chancellor into court with his Majesty first, when his Majesty
past to his liberty at St. Andrew's ; and afterwards of getting him
the keeping of the great seal, and in effect of making him chancellor
since. The chancellor remembred also of his Majesty's de-
liberation before his going to Denmark, and the direction he had
sent by colonel Stuart to my brother and me : which the chan-
cellor now went about to prevent, by taking occasion to calumniate
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
my brother in his absence, because he was not present in the time,
when there was to do with his office to furnish some Uttle
necessaries to the strangers ; he having been sent for to visit his
wife lying at the point of death in Burntisland. The chancellor
told his Majesty, That during his Majestj-'s absence, he used every
Saturday so to do, tarrying three or four days, neglecting the
common affairs of the country : and that it was the clerk-register,
Alexander Hay, who had done all the good offices, which were
alledged to have been done by Sir Robert. Whereby he kindled
up so the King's anger against him, that he threatned to ward
him, and take his office from him, six days after he was so much
praised for the great and faithful services he had done. So ill
handled oft-times are good princes, and faithful servants, by
crafty calumnies. But his Majesty being thereafter fully in-
formed of the matter, soon repented his anger, and converted the
same against the said chancellor upon another occasion.
There was emulation betwixt the council and the chancellor.
The council complaining. That the chancellor was the deviser of
all the wrongs that were done, by causing his Majesty to subscribe
sundry hurtful signatures and commissions, getting them past for
himself and his friends, taking thus the best and most profitable
casualties to himself and his dependers.
The chancellor again endeavoured to have the most part of the
council at his devotion ; or such, who would not be in all things
ruled by him, changed, and others placed in their room, who
would have more dependence upon him. Whereupon the council
consulted, and concluded together, to cast the chancellor. Yet
one of the council, who had a matter of great moment to be dis-
patched, to curry favour with the chancellor, discovers the design
to him, who, having that knowledge thereof before hand, had the
opportunity- of preventing the enterprize, as to the effect designed.
Yet at his first coming to speak with his Majesty, he rebuked him
very sorely. And leaving him, he took me by the hand, saying,
I am the worst handled prince in the world, as I shall shew you
to-morrow ; for now when I go to bed, I desire not to enter upon
so melancholy subjects so late : therefore send for your brother,
and at his coming I shall declare unto you both more of my mind.
I cannot forget an expression of yours, ' That it is the greatest art
in the world to be true.'
At my brother's coming, we found that the only cause was,
that the chancellor, and some with him, would have ruined those
who were his Majesty's truest friends. Yet my brother, finding
it his Majesty's interest, took up the matter betwixt the council and
the chancellor, to his Majest^''s great contentment.
After the coronation of the Queen's Majesty, and banqueting
and rewarding the strangers, and that they returned home well
contented ; there was another convention appointed, for taking
order with the affairs of the country. To the which many noble-
men and barons were written for ; but very few obeyed the said
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letters, or would come near the court : because when they were
first written for to the Queen's coronation, they judged themselves
slighted ; for hall, chamber, and all doors were so straitly shut and
undiscreetly kept, that they could get no entry. Therefore many
of them returned discontent to their houses ; for there was no man
appointed to welcome them, or to direct them, except so many as
were made knights. Which was the cause that so few came again
to court, the next time when they were written for. Those who
had been lately in Denmark with his Majesty, thought to retain
him and the whole government in their hands, and had given his
Majesty council not to be over familiar, nor of too easy access.
That none should be permitted to enter his chamber, but such as
were gentlemen of his chamber, with the chancellor, and some
of the council. They were not content to have the whole access,
and only handling at all other times, but even also at the con-
ventions, they continually occupied his Majesty's ear in presence
of the whole assembly, there'oy to let their great credit be seen,
that they might be courted by such as had to do with the King.
None of them all had more occasion of occupying his Majesty's
ear, than I had at that time. Yet when it would please him to call
upon me, to know how every stranger was treated and satisfied,
and to be informed about other things ; I would give him a short
answer, and instantly retire. Which was perceived by many of the
nobility and barons who were come to the convention ; in the
which sundry necessary reformations were intended, though
nothing was performed : which was the more complained of,
because every man was in expectation to see a settled estate at his
Majesty's home-coming, by reason of his Majesty's promise made
publickly in the high kirk of Edinburgh, to be a new man, and to
take up another kind of care and doing in his own person, than
ever had been seen or used before. Which certainly his Majesty
was very willing to have put in execution ; but also he lacked
help and assistance : for such as he reposed most upon, had no
further care of his affairs, than as they found could best serve their
own particular profit, and advancement to such ambitious aims
as they shot at ; making his Majesty in the mean time believe,
that all was well ruled and ordered. The contrary being too
manifest, moved me to present unto his Majesty some memorials
and informations concerning his estate and government ; the
most part whereof I had set down in writing, after that colonel
Stuart had brought commission from his Majesty to my brother
Sir Robert and me, before his Majesty's voyage to bring home the
Queen, during the time that he was in great vexation in Craig-
millar, and discontent with the chancellor, and such as were his
dependers in the council, who had been hinderers of his marriage.
For at that time he had desired my said brother and me to sit down
and advise upon some good rules for the establishing of some good
order in his country ; the copy whereof was as followeth.
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
SIR,
YOur Majesty's happy return hath greatly rejoyced your
" whole subjects. The expectation they have had of
" you ever since your birth, hath been great, both far
" and near. Your pubhck promise to take upon you a more
" kingly care since your home-coming, through greater experience,
" hath augmented a good hope of a gracious government. Your
" religion pure and clean, your zeal to godliness and justice, your
" chaste and sincere life, your promptitude to suppress rebellions
" when they arise, ravisheth the hearts of most part of your sub-
" jects to love you, and esteem you the best King that hath been •
" these many years in this realrii. And yet they all marvel with
" stupified minds, to see your affairs so unluckily handled, com-
" plaining that your country was never in greater disorder ; the
" Kirk never worse contented, their dissatisfaction influencing
" the W'hole Kingdom ; your house so evil at a point ; the nobility
" so divided ; the barons were never in greater poverty ; the
" commons never more oppressed ; never more taxations raised,
" mostly applied to the utility of private persons ; never more
" parliaments holden ; never more laws broken ; your pro-
" clamations and missives no ways obeyed ; never was murder
" and blood-shed more increased, than since your home-coming,
" and publick promise of better government.
" Therefore, Sir, as in a perillous storm upon the sea, or to
" quench sudden kindled fire on the land, every man's help is
" requisite and acceptable ; so I hope your Majesty's clemency
" will consider, and your prudence will take in good part, this my
" dutiful declaration and admonition, the boldlier enterprized
" under the warrant of your favourable alliance, following your
" commandment before your Majesty's going to Denmark, that
" my brother and I should set down the causes of the evil and
" disorders that have been, and yet are in the kingdom, with the
" meetest remedies for reforming and amending the same.
" There be three chief causes of all these evils and disorders.
" The First is concerning God's service.
" The Second is concerning your own estate, and the provision
" of your house,
" The Third, concerning the policy and right management of
" the country.
" As concerning the service of God neglected by our sins, and
" carelessness in setting forth his glory, it should be redressed and
" amended by humble repentance, and amendment of life, and
" good example first in your own person, upon whose carriage
" every man's eye is fixed, as the head to rule the rest of the
" members, with religion, justice, prudence, temperance and
" fortitude.
P 205
THE MEMOIRS OF
" Chiefly by religion and justice have all commonwealths been
ruled ; so that such countries as wanted the knowledge of the
true religion, seeing the great works that God brought to pass
by his own peculiar people observing his religion, they invented
religions. Thus thinking to imitate the Jews, they fell into
idolatry and superstition ; yet they straitly observed their said
invented religions, and caused to punish with death such as
despised or spoke against the same. Far more should your
Majesty be careful to advance the true religion, and to see the
same reverenced and observed. And for that effect should
devout and discreet ministers be chosen, whose christian lives
may preach as well as their doctrine : and such ought to be
provided with sufficient local stipends, neither too much, to
entice them to avarice ; nor too little, to make them indigent,
and give them ground in their preachings to cry out of poverty ;
in such sort as they may have no occasion yearly to leave their
flocks, to come and make suit for their living, with great pain
and expences, as they do presently.
" Divers are the causes of the disorders in your court and
house-officers, and servants : For they are not chosen for their
qualities, but at the instance of this and that friend, or courtier.
Then the number of all sorts of servants are not limited, by
placing about your Majesty so many as are needful, but an
extraordinary number ; whereas two in every office are enough.
And then your prudence will be best known, when you shall be
seen to make good elections of fit persons for every occupation :
for the prince is ever esteemed to be like unto those sort of
servants, he likes best to be about him. Much consists in this,
to have in court discreet, modest courtiers, such as are not
covetous, nor unmeasurably ambitious. Nothing wins more
the hearts of the people to the prince : for so long as they see
about him such persons, they are out of fear of being unmeasur-
ably burdened. When they see men who are not greedy, nor
prodigal spenders of the prince's estate, nor their own, nor
stirrers up of the prince to take mens lives for their lands ; they
are in hope that every man may live upon his own, and the prince
also upon his proper patrimony. Therefore should the officers
of the exchequer be true and honest men ; and the prince should
be frequently present himself, and hear his own compts : for
few dare controul, or find fault with the wrong compts of his
officers, or great courtiers. Which I have oft-times found
fault with, when upon the exchequer, though afterward to my
great prejudice.
" The causes why the patrimony of the crown is so diminished,
is because your Majesty's predecessors disposed much to the
church, for devotion ; and to the noblemen and barons, for
good service. And when princes were careless to prevent
rebellions, occasioned by their mis-government, they were
compelled to buy the assistance of some, by disposition of
2o6
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
lands, to help to suppress their unnatural subjects. Which
inconvenience their careful and provident government might
have prevented and eschewed.
" Your ]\Iajest\' also, out of your noble and princely disposition,
disponed liberally unto divers greedy and importunate persons,
during your minority, divers lands and rents, which would have
stood in great stead to the entertainment of your house. And
you heaped gift upon gift to a sort of greedy cravers, and that
by the persuasions of such as had your ear, and not to those
who deserved best at your hands. Now the officers of the
chequer being well chosen, as said is, the rent-masters, and their
officers who are accountable, must be responsible men ; neither
too mean, nor too great men, or courtiers, but such as dare be
controuled, and whom people will not fear to offend. All
vacant benefices and casualties should be retained in your own
hands, till you see what you m^ay spare.
" Then the best part of the property lies in the Highlands,
where neither God nor the King is served or obeyed. Your
rents may be redoubled, if the Highlands and the Islands were
reduced, as was done by your grandfather King James V. For
the Kings of Scotland were never rich, since they left the High-
lands and the Isles to dwell in the Lowlands : for since that,
their rents have been diminished, and their superfluous expences
increased, at the unruly example of other neighbour nations.
" Then your Majesty^'s parks would be put to profit, and re-
plenished ; which will be found a necessary help to the keeping
of your house. The rest of your store-grounds, lying in the far
south-parts, are in such hands as it is not fit to meddle with
them yet ; but some yearly number of wedders will be easily
granted by them who possess presently the said store-grounds.
" Also the forbidden goods that go yearly out of Scotland, if
they were stayed and taken according to acts of parliament,
would be very profitable.
" The best means to bring these good purposes to pass, is a
princely, prudent and gracious government : which is easiest
brought to pass, when the prince corrects himself, before he
corrects his subjects ; for they will be soon subdued to his will,
when they see the same made subject unto reason : for being
subject unto reason, the prince hath conquered himself, the
readiest means to conquer the hearts of all his subjects ; their
hearts being conquered, the country is easily conquered ; the
country being conquered, the prince may plant and establish
good order there at his pleasure.
" Theopompus being demanded, what way a King might best
rule his realm ? answered, in giving liberty to those who love
to tell him the truth.
" The senate of Rome, writing unto Trajan, excuseth princes
to be negligent in many things, not so much for that they have
not desire to foresee, as because few or none dare warn them of
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THE MEMOIRS OF
' the truth ; and says moreover, that it belongs to good princes
' rather to have regard to the benefit of their country, than to the
' dehghts of their person ; and rather to follow such exercises
' as will increase their reputation, than only to be taken up with
' their pastime ; that they should be sparing in speeches, and
' prodigal in deeds.
" Plutarch saith to the same Trajan, If thy government answer
' not the expectation of thy people, thou must necessarily be
' subject to many dangers. He said further. That princes should
' rule well, if they be thankful to the great God, and if they should
' be patient in chances of fortune, and diligent in execution,
' careful of their affairs in dangers, mild to the people, tractable
' to strangers, not covetuous of riches, nor lovers of their own
opinions and desires ; for then the burden of their office will be
easy unto them. As God is the ruler and spirit of the world ;
' so ought princes to rule and be the spirit of their country,
' The heaven, the earth, the sea and all the elements, obey God's
' ordinance by the strength of his continual motion and pro-
' vidence ; so should the prince who is God's place-holder, by
' continual care, providence, and motion, cause every lieutenant,
' minister, magistrate, judge, officer, and sheriffs to keep their
' due course in their vocation. For the which effect, it may
' please your Majesty to consider the nature, and wrong kind of
' Scottish government, by a continual long corrupted custom.
" Scotland is indeed hereditary, and a monarchy ; yet among
' all other monarchical kingdoms, it is oftest out of tune, by the
" sloth and carelessness of princes, the unruliness and sturdiness
' of the subjects, and the great number of the nobility : as also
' by reason of the great cumbersome clans, so ready to concur
' together, and to rebel for the defence of any of their name, or
' to revenge the just execution of some of them for murder,
' slaughter, theft, or such other crimes. For our King, wanting
' hired soldiers remaining in garisons, as other monarchs have,
' may not at all occasions punish and redress such wrongs and
' disorders ; except they have by wisdom and virtue conquered
' their own passions, opinions and desires, and by the same means
' ravished the hearts of the most and best part of the subjects,
' to assist them with heart and hand to suppress the rebels, and
' to punish the offenders. Such Kings again as endeavour to
' command absolutely, not caring for the hearts of their subjects ;
' their proclamation may well be outwardly obeyed with their
' bodies, but they will never help the prince in time of need, save
' only to help to ruin him. There is nothing more dangerous for
' a Scots King that hath not the love of his subjects, than when a
' great number are convened together ; for at such times they use
' to take sudden consultations to put order to the prince, and his
' familiar minions. Of these two sort of Kings, the first is more
' than a monarch ; and the last less than elective. Of the first,
' in Scotland too few have reign'd ; and of the last too many :
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
" which is the cause that the country is not conquered to the lawful
" Kings. Which is also the . ause that the corrupt customs and
" disorders have lasted so long, and are not to be remedied, until
" it please God to send three such Kings as I have named of the
" best sort, granting them long life, each one to succeed after
" other. I pray God grant that your Majesty be the first of the
" three. But it appears your Majesty is not well advised, while
" you are creating more noblemen, making them thereby the
'* stronger ; whereas divers other princes endeavoured to make
" them lower and fewer : by reason of the old emulation which
" hath lasted between the Kings of Scotland and their nobility,
" the Kings to command absolutely as sovereign monarchs ; the
" nobles to withstand their absolute power, sometimes by secret
" and indirect means, and oft-times by plain resistance and force.
" Hence but few wise, virtuous and potent Kings, or sovereign
" monarchs who have obtained the mastery ; whereas there have
" many careless, slothful and simple princes, that have ruled by
" wicked counsellors, and have commonly been brought to
*' ignominious ends. The good and worthy prince took upon him
" more or less absolute power and authority, as he found himself
" able by assistance, substance, and alliance ; or as he found his
" nobility feeble, foolish, and divided.
" England believes itself to be in the better estate, by shedding
" the blood of their nobility, and debarring them from the council,
" and handling of the prince's affairs ; Scotland contrariwise, by
" sparing the blood of the nobility and barons, and by making
*' them partakers of honours and offices. For the way of taking
" the life of a nobleman or baron, breeds an hundred enemies
" more or less, according to the greatness of the clan or surname ;
" of which some will ly at wait to be revenged, albeit long after,
" as they can find their opportunity. For the nobility being so
" numerous, by long evil custom they esteem themselves to be
" born counsellors ; and yet will not remain at court, nor upon
" the council, unless it be at conventions, or for some particular
" profit. And if the prince intend to rule without them, they use
" to make sudden enterprizes against him and his familiars, with
" the which tragedies the chronicles are filled. Then after such
" a violent alteration, they find themselves odious to the prince,
" so that they commonly seek to be masters over him from that
" time forth, lest he should, when he sees a fit time, take his
" revenge for their contempt.
" It is not best then to debar your nobility from being upon
" your council, but grant place to a number of the wisest of them,
" whereof they will soon be weary, and retire when their purses
" begin to grow empty. Thus they will want occasion to grudge
" or rebel.
" It is meet also to gain by good deeds part of the worthiest
" of your nobility ; which may be a means to keep the rest from
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THE MEMOIRS OF
*' rebellion, when they see so many of their number daily about
" you, and in your favour.
" Princes are by Homer called Pastors ; by the Romans,
*' Fathers of the country. None can be answerable to such
" honourable names, without extreme diligence, and fatherly care
" to see every officer about his duty, and strait account taken how
*' they discharge the same, rewarding well-doers, and punishing
" offenders ; reward and punishment being the pillars v/here-
" upon the commonwealth stands. Especially take care the first
" year of your marriage ; for the reputation obtained the first
" year will last long afterward, whether it be good or evil.
" Be earnest and liberal to get good intelligence, as well of your
" neighbours estate as your own ; of the grievances of your sub-
" jects, and their partialities and feuds ; which will open your
" eyes to see sundry outgates in matters of state.
" Give familiar access to your nobility and barons, when they
" come ; chiefly to all such who are written for to your con-
" ventions. Give open audience, once every week at least, to
" rich and poor, receiving their supplications and complaints,
" with strict command to the council and master of requests to
" give them answer with sudden dispatch.
" Cause to reform the superfluity of clothing and banqueting,
*' as well by your example as commandment.
" Now supposing your Majesty to be ripe fruit, and no more
" green, I hope your dear bought experience hath made you apt
" enough to receive all profitable impressions presented to your
" Majesty by your faithful proved servants, and not to commit
" so easily the w^eighty charge of your aff'airs to any one, or two,
" or three ; seeing the same may have been clearly observed to
" tend highly to the prejudice of such, who have been, through
*' flattery or otherwise, induced to follow such courses. Such
" minions have been always observed to shoot at their own marks,
" not valuing the endangering of the estate of the prince, so that
" they gain their own ends, by enriching themselves and their
" dependers.
" No man will think strange, that, during your younger years,
" you have been pressed and persuaded to lay the burden of your
" affairs off yourself upon others, who greedily courted that
" weighty charge above their capacity, wanting care, knowledge
" and ability to bear it. But now every man will marvel, if you
" should commit such a gross error in your perfect age ; thinking
" that your pregnant ingeny, excellent memorj', and hurtful
" experience, may compel you to exercise the office of a King
" in your own person. For whence hath proceeded so many
" attempts, so many enterprizes, so many times the taking of
*' your Majesty's person, so many alterations and changes of court-
" servants, counsellors and laws, but by committing the charge
*' and keeping of your sheep, and subjects, to certain ambitious
" and ravenous wolves, who chose to bring into court, for their
2IO
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
' assistance, such as they knew to be of their own qualities, that
' they might conquer together, first how to put out of your
' favour, and debar froni your ear, all such honest true persons
' as would oppose their pernicious proceedings, that so your
' Alajestj' might neither see nor understand, but by their eyes and
' ears ? Your Majesty can well enough remember, how oft for
' my part I have forewarned you of the storms which were to fall
' out, through the misbehaviour of such insolent, such inconstant,
' such scornful and such partial persons, as have oftest possessed
' your ear, and carried the vogue in your court. And what I
' thereby gained to myself, your Majesty knows. Yet, however
' disadvantageous to my own particular interest was that manner
' cf procedure, I had this comfort, that your Majesty confessed
' that I had shewn you the verity : but the said confession was ay
' behind the time, with over late repentance.
" Here your Alajesty may reproach me of inconstant councils ;
' because, one year after your returning from Denmark, I told you
' that your subjects were not satisfied of their expectations, nor
' of your publick promises ; praying your Majesty yet to begin,
' and either be at that pains which is requisite to a right governing
' King, or else to submit the whole burden of your affairs to such
' a number as I should name, only for one year. In doing of
' any of these two, I engaged that you should find your estate
sufficiently settled at the year's end. Then it pleased your
IMajesty to demand of me, the manner that I would wish you
to rule after ? Whereimto I made answer. That it did not
iiecome me, or any in Scotland to shew you the duty of a King,
which you could declare better than any of your council, seeing
you coulJ exercise the said office as well as any King in Europe,
if you were pleased only for one year to take the pains to do it
yourself. In so doing, I supposed that before the end of it,
there should ensue such profitable effects, as you should find
the government pleasant, and no more painful ; by the which
means your Majesty should eschew the reproach of the poet,
in one of his sayings in French,
Je hay, dit il, entre les hommes ceux
Qui sont espris d'un vouloir paresseux,
Et tousiours semblent s'on s'y fye
Practiquer I'art de la philosophic.
Italian.
Chi non fa quel che deve, quel ch'aspetta non receve.
Spanish.
Si fueras regido par razon a muchas regiras.
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THE MEMOIRS OF
" In four things a prince soonest wrecks himself : To be
careless and slothful in his affairs ; To forsake the counsel of
his true servants ; To give ear unto unthankful flatterers ;
and, To spend above his rents.
" To return again to the purpose : It pleased your Majesty to
require for the second part, viz. What might best settle your
estate within the year .'' I said, To devolve the management for
a year upon such as I should name, joined to the best inclined
of your own council. To that your Majesty once agreed ; but
when I came more to particulars, your Majesty judged it not
your interest, as having been otherwise advised. Then I
requested your Majesty to exercise the office yourself.
" Yet not long after, your Majesty submitted yourself wholly
and entirely to eight persons, called Octavians ; and told me
that you had followed my opinion therein, and had submitted
simpliciter for your time to these eight persons. I replied.
That I spoke but for one year ; and that I would have named
some of the said number, but not all. They were wise men,
learned and politick ; but the unmeeter that they were chusers
■ of themselves. Yet they began to do better than any had done
before them ; but they continued not, but divided among them-
selves, after they had divided the offices of the crown, to every
man one : whereas at the first, they had given forth that they
should plant mean responsible men in the said offices, and they
' all too but comptrollers of the said officers. So that many began
■ to grudge against them, seeing them become in a sudden rich.
' And perceiving their great backs, the whole subjects, and his
' Majesty's own domesticks to follow and depend upon them,
' and his Majesty to pass through the streets with three or four,
' as forsaken ; because none hoped any more for reward at his
' hands, but so much as might be had for serving and depending
' upon the said eight lords ; they became also hated and envied,
' partly for the causes specified ; as also there was great ground of
'jealousy, that they were intending the establishment of popery.
' So that there was a rebellion rais'd in Edinburgh against them,
' in his Majesty's presence ; upon which they fled out of the town,
' and since durst never take upon them the whole government,
' but were content'to be joined with a number of noblemen and
' others of the council, to the number of twenty-four. But the
' greatest part of the noblemen did not attend, but came when
* they were written for to the conventions, as formerly they used.
So all this new device turned to the old sicut antea."
You have heard how that his Majesty was advised, at his re-
turning from Denmark, to imprison such as were given up to
have been most unruly during his absence. But being returned,
even some of those who had advised the said warding were the
212
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
first who gave advertisement to those who were to be warded,
not without some profit for their reward, to the great discontent-
ment of some of their associates : which loosed the bond which
was made at Denmark by the chancellor and his faction, and
caused every one of that number to go sundry, and to do for them-
selves. So that all their plots and devices turned to change some
of the session : but there was no concurrence, and so it stopped
of itself.
The officers of the exchequer continued a while to be the only
council ; and the nobilit^', when they came, were kept at the door.
I having at that time the honour to be one of the exchequer, took
the freedom to acquaint his Majesty, that the nobility would be
offended at such usage, which was so manifest a slight. I said
it would be no prejudice to cause them come in, they being great
men, as my lord Hamilton, my lord Maxwel, and others of
principal note. But his Majesty of his own nature was not
changeable from the order laid down by them he liked, and re-
posed upon. Yet, of my own accord, I went forth of the chamber,
and told the noblemen, that his Majesty was upon the ordering
of his accompts and rents, and the daily expences of his house ;
that he was ashamed they should see the estate thereof, which
was the cause they were suffered to stand without. This little
excuse was somewhat satisfactory to them. But that order was
also soon altered.
Concerning the reducing of the Highlands and Isles ; three
of the principals, as Maclean, Alacdonnel and Donald Gorm, were
subtilly drawn to the court by the chancellor, who understood of
the differences among them ; every one of them being by him
put in hope to get his hand above his enemy. But at their coming,
they were all three warded in the castle of Edinburgh, to their great
astonishment : for they had each of them committed such foul
murders under trust, that it was horrible to rehearse. Being
therefore apprehensive of their lives, they dealt largely of their
ill-won gold to those who had most credit. Nevertheless, to
terrify them the more, to draw more from them, they were put
to an assize, and convict of treason : which caused them to re-
double their gifts to the guiders, but not to the King ; in such
sort that there was an agreement betwixt his Majesty' and them,
that they should give pledges that they should pay yearly unto his
Majesty 20,000 merks for the lands, of the property whereof they
had no security ; of the which they had of yearly rent, as was given
into the exchequer, 250,000 merks. This was all given them for
20,000 merks. And whereas before they had no right nor security,
but a forcible possession, they obtained sure infeofments by
charter, seisin, and the great seal, and a remission of their foul
crimes. But shortly after, their pledges, who were kept in the
castle of Blackness, for giving a small sum were released ; and so
the 20,000 merks was lost and never paid,
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THE MEMOIRS OF
Here was a good prince ill used, and abused ; and the half
of the rents robbed from him ; his God offended by sparing to do
justice upon such bloody tyrants, who acknowledge neither God
nor the King.
I had advised his Majesty to go himself to the isles to build a
fort there, and to remain two years till all things were ordered ;
shewing his Majesty, that the Kings of Scotland were never rich,
since they left the Highlands to dv/ell in the Lowlands ; but
have ever since diminished their rents, and increased their super-
fluous expences in diet and clothing, following the customs of
other nations. Which his Majesty, after inquiry, found to be
most true ; and his Majesty was resolved to follow the said advice,
and I had promised to go with him : but all was altered by the
former misrule. Matters thus carried on, many began to lose hope
of amendment ; or to see the reformation promised and expected,
lamenting to see a good King so ill counselled.
Yet this time his Majesty sent for me ; and at my coming to
Falkland, where the court remained for the summer season, it
pleased his Majesty to tell me, how that, at his coming out of
Denmark, he had promised to the Queen and council there, to
place, about the Queen's Majestj^ his bedfellow, good and discreet
company ; which he had left too long undone : that at length,
having advised with himself, he thought me the fittest man to
commit that charge to ; desiring me not to refuse the just calling
of my prince, wherein I might serve as in a lawful vocation ;
because such as ordinarily suit for service at court, or for any
office, do it for their own profit ; but they are more profitable
for princes that are sought after, and are chosen for their qualities.
I know, says he, that you would gladly live at home in your own
house, with contentment of mind, which you think is not to be
had in the troublesome alterations in court ; but you know that a
man is not born for himself only, but also for the weal of his
piince and country. And whereas your contiuual on -waiting will
be chargeable and expensive to you, and hindersome to your ovm
affairs at home, I shall ordain sufficient entertainment for your
present relief ; and recompence for this and your former faithful
service.
I answered, That, as his Majesty's most humble seivant and
subject, I never refused to obey his commandment, however
prejudical to my own interest the same should have appeared to
me, and contrary to my natural inclinations : that I should resolve,
in that his Majesty's desire, to satisfy his expectations. Then it
pleased him to tell me, that none of his council or chamber were
privy to this his design of giving me that charge, but only one
man ; and that the Queen notwithstanding had got notice thereof,
and supposed that I was to be put there, to inform her rightly
of the estate of the country, and concerning her behaviour to his
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Majesty, and to even' nobleman and lady, conform to their ranks
and conditions, and to be her keeper.
His Majesty- the next day took occasion, openly at the table,
to shew unto tlie Queen, how that she and all her nation were
obliged to me, for the continual good report I had made of them,
and the good-will I carried toward the whole nation : and also
how I had travelled many countries, and had so great experience,
that both he and she might learn of me several things for their
advantage, and for the weal and standing of their estate ; and
that the Queen his mother found herself much relieved by iny
conversation, and service of importance, as well here at home
as when I was employed by her abroad. Thus far his Majesty
said above my deservings, to recommend me to her Majesty, to
oblige her to like me the better. Notwithstanding whereof, the
Queen did shew me no great countenance but took coldly
with iTie, when after dinner, it pleased his Majesty to present
me unto her, to be her Highness's counsellor, and gentleman
of her chamber. Some days afterward her Majesty asked me,
if I was set to be her keeper ? I answered. That her Majesty
was known to be descended of so noble and princely parents
and so well brought up, that she needed no keeper ; albeit her
dignitj' required to be honourably served with men and women,
both young and old, in sundry occupations. She replied. That I
had been ill used ; shewing me, that at first, when she was yet
ignorant of every man's qualities, some indiscreet enviers en-
deavoured to give her a bad character of me. I answered. That
I was put in her service to instruct such indiscreet persons, and
also to give them good example, how to behave themselves duti-
fully and reverently unto her Majesty, to hold them aback, and
that way to keep her from their rashness and importunity'. At
length her Majesty appeared to be well satisfied with my service,
in which I spent years, keeping sometimes the council-
days, and sometime waiting upon the exchequer, when their
Majesties were together ; but when they were asunder, I waited
only upon the Queen.
About this time many witches were taken in Lothian, who
deposed concerning some design of the earl of Bothwell's against
his Majesty's person. Which coming to the said earl's ears, he
entred in ward within the castle of Edinburgh, desiring to be
tried ; alledging that the devil, who was a liar from the beginning,
ought not to be credited, nor yet the witches his sworn servants.
Especially a renowned midwife called Amy Simson affirmed.
That she, in company with nine other witches, being convened
in the night beside Prestonpans, the devil their master being
present, standing in the midst of them, a body of wax, shapen and
made by the said Amy Simson, wrapped within a linnen cloth,
was first delivered to the devil ; who, after he had pronounced
his verdict, delivered the said picture to Amy Simson, and she
215
THE MEMOIRS OF
to her nest neighbour, and so every one round about, saying,
' This is King James VI. ordered to be consumed at the instance
of a nobleman, Francis earl Bothwell.' Afterward again at their
meeting by night in the kirk of North-Berwick, where the devil,
clad in a black gown, with a black hat upon his head, preached
unto a great number of them out of the pulpit, having like light
candles round about him.
The effect of his language was to know what hurt they had
done ; how many they had gained to their opinion since the last
meeting ; what success the melting of the picture had, and such
other vain things. And because an old silly poor ploughman,
called Gray Meilt, chanced to say. That nothing ailed the King
yet, God be thanked ; the Devil gave him a great blow. Thus
divers among them entred in reasoning, marvelling that all their
devilry could do no harm to the King, as it had done to divers
others. The devil answered, ' II est un homme de Dieu, Certainly
he is a man of God,' and does no wrong wittingly, but he is inclined
to all godliness, justice and virtue ; therefore God hath preserved
him in the midst of many dangers. Now after that the devil had
ended his admonitions, he came down out of the pulpit, and caused
all the company come kiss his arse : which they said was cold
like ice ; his body hard like iron, as they thought who handled
him ; his face was terrible ; his nose like the beak of an Eagle ;
great burning eyes ; his hands and his legs were hoary, with claws
upon his hands and feet like the griffin ; he spoke with a low
voice.
The tricks and tragedies he played then among so many men
and women in this country will hardly get credit by posterity :
the history whereof, with their whole depositions, was written by
Mr. James Carmichael minister of Haddington. Among other
things, some of them did shew, that there was a westland man
called Richard Graham, who had a familiar spirit, the which
Richard they said could both do and tell many things, chiefly
against the earl of Bothwell. Whereupon the said Richard
Graham was apprehended, and brought to Edinburgh ; and,
being examined before his Majesty, I being present, he granted
that he had a familiar spirit, which shewed him sundry things ;
but he denied that he was a witch, or had any frequentation with
them. But when it was answered again, how that Amy Simson
had declared, that he caused the earl of Bothwell address him to
her ; he granted that to be true and that the earl of Bothwell had
knowledge of him by Effe Machalloun and Barbary Napier,
Edinburgh women. Whereupon he was sent for by the earl
Bothwell, v,-ho required his help to cause the King's Majesty his
master to like well of him. And to that effect he gave the said
earl some drug or herb, willing him at some convenient time to
touch therewith his Majesty's face. Which being done by the said
earl ineffectually, he dealt again with the said Richard to get his
216
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
Majesty wrecked, as Richard alledged ; who said, he could not do
such things himself ; but that a notable midwife who was a witch,
called Amy Simpson, could bring any such purpose to pass. Thus
far the said Richard Graham affirmed divers times before the
council ; nevertheless he was burnt, with the said Simson, and
many other witches. This Richard alledged, that it was certain
what is reported of the fairies ; and that spirits may take a form,
and be seen, though not felt.
The earl of Bothwell, as I said, was entred to ward within the
castle of Edinburgh, his Majesty not willing to credit his divilish
accusers ; but the council thought fit, that for a while he should
pass his time in other countries, and so to be set free upon some
articles and conditions. But some of those, who were appointed
to deal with him, endeavoured to make advantage of him to be his
friends. Others, who were desirous to have the state troubled,
made him false advertisements, as if his life had been in danger.
Which caused him resolve to save himself over the castle-wall,
and retired himself to Caithness : whence he was shortly after
sent for by such as were malecontents, and others who were
desirous to fish in troubled waters, alledging they had made him
friends enough in court, and that there was a fair enterprize
devised, to take the King, and kill the chancellor. Upon which
information, he was easily persuaded to come and make himself
head of that enterprize.
He therefore, not long after, accompanied with James Douglas,
sometime laird of Spot, the laird of Niddry, Mr. John Colvil and
some others, entred into the King's palace, late about supper-
time, by the passage of an old stable, not without secret intelligence
of some about his Majesty. So soon as they were all within the
close of the palace, they cried, ' Justice, Justice ; a Bothwell, a
Bothwell ;' and had been masters of the whole, were it not that
James Douglass of Spot, after that he had taken the keys from
the porters, entered within the porter's lodge, to relieve some of
his servants, who were kept there in prison, and had been examined
upon suspicion of the slaughter of his good-father, the old laird
of Spot ; where he met with some resistance from the porters,
the noise whereof did rise sooner than was the intention of the
enterprizers. Which alarmed his Majesty, the chancellor and
others, to shut and fortify their chamber-doors, and to make
resistance till some relief came from the Canongate, conducted
by my brother Sir Andrew Melville of Garvock, master of his
Majesty's houshold, who knew a secret passage through the
abby church, and entred by the same in armour. Whereof the
earl of Bothwell and his company being advertised, they stole
quietly through the galleries unto the part where they entred the
palace, and fled, without any great harm, as God would have it.
In his out-going he chanced to meet with John Shaw, master
stabler to his Majesty, whom he slev/, together with his brother,
217
THE MEMOIRS OF
being in a rage that the enterprize had failed. But divers of his
company were apprehended by my said brother, and by others ;
who were all executed the next day.
Their manner of proceeding was : first, the laird of Spot with
a companjr took the keys, and made themselves masters of the
gates of the palace. Another company was directed to the
chancellor, who was sitting at his supper, and my brother Sir
Robert with him : and they had been taken, had it not been for
the laird of Spot's earnestness to relieve his servants ; the bruit
whereof caused the chancellor to flee out of his hall to his chamber,
and shut the door after him : so that my said brother got no entry,
but retired him.self to another void house ; whither none pursued
him, neither was he in any fear for himself.
The earl of Bothwell, accompanied with Mr. John Colvil and
others, addressed themselves unto the Queen's chamber-door,
where he supposed the King would be found. But the door was
defended well by Harry Lindsay of Kilfauns, miaster of her house-
hold. In the mean time, his Majesty was conveyed up to that
tower above the said chamber, after the door of her Majesty's
chamber had been broken with hammers in divers parts, and
that Mr. John Colvil had caused bring fire to burn it. The door
of the chancellor's chamber was manfully defended by himself.
Ke caused his men to shoot out of the windows continuallj', and
through doors ; where Robert Scot, brother to the laird of Bal-
weary, was shot through the thigh. The chancellor took courage
when he heard my brother's voice ; and then the enterprizers
fled, as said is.
At their first entry within the palace, I was sitting at supper
with my lord duke of Lenox, who incontinently took his sword,
and pressed forth ; but he had no company, and the place already
was full of enemies. We were compelled to fortify the doors and
stairs, with tables, forms and stools, and be spectators of that
strange hurly burly for the space of an hour, beholding v.ith torch-
light forth of the duke's gallery their reeling, their rumbling with
halberts, the clacking of their culverins and pistols, the dunting
of mells and hammers, and their crying for justice. Now there
was a passage betwixt the chancellor's chamber and my lord duke's
by a stair ; and during this fray, the chancellor came up the said
stair, and desired entry into my lord duke's chamber. My lord
duke, by my advice, desired him to cause his men debate at the
nether-door so long as they might, and offered to receive himself
within the chamber. Which the chancellor took in an evil part,
and suspected my lord duke ; and so returned back again to his
own chamber, and debated the best he could, as said is. So
soon as my lord duke saw a company of friends within the close,
he went forth to pursue the earl of Bothwell and his company ;
but the night was dark, and they took them speedily to their
horses, and escaped.
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SIR JAMES MELVILLE
They being retired, we got entry to her Majestj-'s chamber,
whither the King was for the time come down. Where his
Majesty discoursed with me a good space, concerning this terrible
attempt, and of his many hard misfortunes. Where I left not
to tell his I\Iajest\' some of the special causes of the said enter-
prizes, and how that many of them might have been prevented
by a prudent and careful government, as may be sufficiently
marked and considered by the many admonitions and former
advertisements made unto his Majesty before all the accidents
that chanced unto him, and also in this. For two days before this
enterprize, my brother Sir Robert and I had got intelligence,
that some such design was shortly to be put in execution by the
earl of Bothwell and his accomplices, against his Majesty and the
guiders of coutt. Whereof his Majesty made no account, though
thereof advertised ; but was the next day going to hunting :
which coming to my brother's ears, he rose out of his bed in his
shirt, only in his night-gown ; and came forth to the outer-close
of the Abbay, and took his Majest>''s horse by the bridle, (for he
was already upon horseback) using many persuasions to have
stayed him, though all in vain : for we were in doubt whether the
enterprize would be executed in the fields, or in the palace.
After this attempt, his Majesty went up to the town of Edin-
burgh for his greater security ; where there were divers new
enterprizes made, whereof my brother Sir Robert getting frequent
advertisements, sometimes to keep his lodging such a night,
sometimes to be well accomplished such a night, as being one who
had done pleasures to many, and was not hated ; nor would never
have been in danger, so that he could but save himself from the
first fury of the attempters.
This hath been the hard estate of this good King, occasioned
by his laying the burden of his affairs upon a few hated and envied
for their ambition, covetousness, and partialities, who so soon as
they had attained so weighty a charge, took only care how to make
themselves soon rich, most commonly by the wreck of others :
so blindly transported by ambition and greediness, that they
neglected both King and commonwealth ; satisfying the king
with fair language, though displeasing the country' with foul
deeds ; caring only how to discredit and bear down so many
honest men, as they knew would discover their misbehaviour, or
who would oppose them in their pernicious designs, which I may
justly testify for my part.
Not long after this, a new enterprize was made, to make a great
alteration in court, by some courtiers among themselves. When
as the master of Glammis was treasurer. Sir George Hume master
of the waidrobe, my lord of Spiny gentleman of the cham.ber,
and young Logic, also Sir John Maitland, lord Thirlstane chan-
cellor ; Sir Robert my brother treasurer-depute had the principal
219
THE MEMOIRS OF
handling of the office, by debursing and receiving ; the provost
of Lincludin collector, and Seaton of Parbroth comp-
troller. Sir Richard Cockburn of Clarkington secretary, and I was
one of the privy council, and gentleman of her Majesty's chamber.
My lord duke of Lenox, my lord Hume, and my lord of Mar were
drawn upon this course, to reform the abuses at court, as was
alledged. There was no good liking between the master of
Glammis and my lord of Spiny, chiefly for the feud between the
houses of Crawford and Glammis. At that time my lord Spiny
was in great favour with his Majesty, and sometime his bedfellow ;
and upon that account he was envied. And besides the foresaid
feud, he was accused to have been a dealer with the earl of Both-
well, and upon that was for a time decourted. Young Logie was
also thought to have had much dealing with the said earl, and was
accused, taken and warded for the same. But he escaped out of a
window in Dalkeith, by the help of a Danish gentlewoman, whom
he afterward married.
There was great hatred betwixt my lord duke and the chan-
cellor : for after the late enterprize in the abbay, the chancellor
caused close up the passage with stone and lime that was betwixt
their lodgings, whereby he gave the duke to understand that he
suspected him ; which was too rashly done by the said chancellor.
For after that the new alteration was intended, and called ' the
enterprize made at Dalkeith,' my lord duke and my lord Hume
riding from Dalkeith to Edinburgh, met the chancellor well
accompanied riding to court, where the said loids made a mint
to set upon him to slay him ; yet the matter was at that time taken
up by Alexander Hume of Northberwick and my brother Sir
Robert, who were in company with the chancellor for the time.
But shortly after that, the chancellor left the court, retiring him-
self to his house ; and in his absence a great number of faults
were charged upon him, and among the rest, how he had so long
hindred the King's marriage, whereby the Queen's Majesty was
made his great enemy. The master of Glammis also would fain
have had my brother out of his office, to bruik the whole office of
treasurer alone. Therefore the laird of Carmichael, captain of
the guard, was easily persuaded to cause a number of the guard,
who stood with culverins at the gates of the house of Dalkeith,
to boast to slay my said brother divers times in his passing in and
out of the same house ; supposing that my brother should fear
his life and leave the court, as the chancellor had done. But my
brother made no account of their boasts ; for he knew the duke
was his friend, and that he had but few enemies : therefore he
frequented the court more frequently than formerly, but came
always well accompanied ; for they could get nothing to lay to his
charge, but said to his Majesty, That he was too lavish in his office
to be a treasurer, over easy in his compositions, and over gentle
to such as were denounced to the horn. The Queen's Majesty,
220
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
according to her custom, when-ever she understands that his
A'Iajest%- by wrong information is stirred up against any honest
servant or subject, she incontinently intercedes for them, and
useth great diligence to get sure knowledge of the verit\', that she
may the boldlier speak in their favour. Therefore so soon as her
Majesty understood that they were dealing against Sir Robert
my brother, it pleased her to speak far in his favour, declaring
how, that at her first landing in this country, his Majesty' had
presented him to her, praising him as one who had been a true and
faithful servant to the Queen-regent his grandmother, to the
Queen his mother, and to himself ; willing her to look upon him
as such, and to follow his advice. Also many of the lords took
my brother's part in such sort, as he still kept the court and his
office.
When this alteration was made, I was absent, and at my coming
again to court, his Majesty told me of the chancellor's fearful
retreat, and that he was in no danger in his company. I answered
again, That the Prince's presence should be a safeguard, albeit
it was not always so in Scotland. It appeared that his Majesty
was somewhat altered upon the chancellor, my lord Spiny, and
my brother. For as the master of Glammis would have had his
office, so others misliked him, because he haunted the chancellor's
company, and was look'd upon as his great friend, who was
generally hated : so that his Majesty was moved to think and
say, That he was not meet for his office. I being present,
answered, That it grieved me to the heart, to hear and see so
good a prince always invironed with bad company, causing him
so oft without reason or offence to cast off his most faithful ser-
vants ; and that it would be seen, let men serve never so well,
if they were misrepresented by such as had his ear, it availed
nothing. To this his Alajesty replied. That he knew my brother
to be a true servant, but too gentle, liberal, and easy in his com-
positions. He declared that he would never alter upon him
nor me ; so that he continued constant against the intentions of
those who were about him.
Here it may be seen how necessary' it is to have good friends
about the prince, and how hurtful and dangerous it is for a courtier,
when such as have the Prince's ear are his enemies. For in that
case, whatsoever his good service hath been, he is in hazard of
being couped and wrecked.
About this time the earl of Arran, who had been absent ever
since the Road of Stirling, came to court and spoke w-ith his
Majesty, and pretended to have obtained again his office of chan-
cellor. His Majesty had still some favour for him, and would
have been content of his company ; but others held him back,
and shortly after that, he was surprised and slain by James Douglas
of Parkhead, in revenge of the death of the earl of Morton his
uncle. Little diligence was made to revenge the same, many
Q 221
THE MEMOIRS OF
thinking strange that he was permitted so long to live, in respect
of his arrogant and insolent behaviour, when he had the court
at his will.
Now the chancellor who was decourted at the alteration made
in Dalkeith, did what he could to procure his Majesty's f:ivour ;
which at last he obtained, and was again introduced. But at
first, the Queen would not see him ; yet at length by the moyen
of Sir Robert Ker of Cesford, who had married his brother's
daughter, his peace was also made with her Majesty.
About this time there did arise great strife and disorders in the
country, between the earls of Huntly and Murray ; between the
earls of Caithness and Sutherland ; between my lords Hamilton
and Angus : for divers of them made suits, and obtained com-
mission, with ample privileges over other lands, as well as over
their own ; which engendred many discords : whereof I ad-
vertised his Majesty, that order might be taken therewith.
Whereupon the council being convened, they ordered letters to
be directed in his Majesty's name, charging them all to desist
from hostility, and to compear before the privy council at prefixed
days. First the earls of Murray and Huntly compeared, there
being a gentleman of the name of Gordon killed with a shot out
of the house of Tarnua, by the earl of Murray. Both the parties
being come strong to court, were commanded to keep their
lodgings, for preventing of trouble before their compearing.
When his Majesty was advised by the chancellor what to
do in reference to that matter, then his Majesty proposed the
same to the council ; to wit, three points, either present agreement
to be made, or warding both the earls, or caution to be taken of
both ; then to send home the one, and hold ths other still at court
for a v/hile. His Aiajesty, followmg forth this proposition,
declared first, That the parties could not be agreed, because of the
hot blood of the laird of Cluny, Gordon's brother lately slain.
Concerning warding he alledged. That the castle of Edinburgh
had enough of prisoners already ; that the abbay was not a fit
prison for noblemen : so that it would be fittest to take caution
of them both, and to hold them sundry, to send home the one,
and retain the other at court for a season. The chancellor was
of that opinion, and sundry others who used to depend upon such
who had the chief handling. Then his Majesty commanded me
to tell my opinion, which was different from this. I advised
present agreement, supposing that the earl of Huntly, for his
Majesty's pleasure, and in obedience to his command, would not
refuse to compound the matter by a present uptaking, seeing he
was come so great a journey with his lady and whole houshold,
to remain all winter at Edinburgh. At this the chancellor took
m.e up tauntingly, saying, That the earl of Huntly would tarry at
court all that day till to morrow, and would part no sooner ; for
he had promised to the said earl that advantage over his enem.y,
222
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
albeit I knew the earl's intention was to tarry all winter at court.
The justice-clerk was of my judgment ; but said, That it appeared
his ]\Iajesty with the chancellor had already concluded to send
Huntly home, and keep the other at court. So soon as Huntly
went home wanting his competitor, he triumphed and took sundry
advantages upon the earl of Murray's land, giving the earl just
occasion of complaint : And getting no redress, he retired him-
self from the court, and became so malecontent, that he took
plain part with the earl of Bothwell, who was still upon his
entcrprizes.
The earl of Huntly being advertised that his adversary was an
out-law with the earl of Bothwell, he returned again to court, to
get yet some advantage upon him. But in the mean time, the
lord Ochiltree endeavoured to agree them by consent of his
Majesty. He drew the earl of Murray to Donnibrisle to be near
hand, that conditions and articles might be added and pared at the
pleasure of their friends. The earl of Huntly being also made
privy to his coming to Donnibrisle, obtained incontinently a
commission (appearing therein to do his Majesty acceptable
service) to pursue by fire and sword the earl of Bothwell, and all
his partakers. Little knew his Majesty, that under this general,
he was minded to assail the earl of Murray at his own house, to
kill him, as he did to the regret of many. But the lord Ochiltree
took such a despite, that his friend was so slain under communing,
as he alledged, that he took plain part with the earl of Bothwell,
and so did divers others, in revenge of his quarrel, encouraging
the said earl to assail his Majesty within his palace of Falkland,
having divers in court familiar enough with his Majesty upon the
said conspiracy with him, whose counsel his Majesty followed
most. So that they drew him into a net to abide still in Falkland,
notwithstanding the many sure advertisements that had been
made unto him. Such hath been his Majesty's hard fortune in
many such straits.
The few number who were faithful to, and careful of his
Majesty-, counselled him after the first advertisement, to pass to
Coupar, and convene, with all possible diligence, the barons of
Fife for his defence. But such as sought his wreck, persuaded
him to tarr>' and delay, alledging that they had sure advertisement,
that the earl of Lothian would not come out of Lothian till such a
Day ; which would have been two days longer, and behind the
day which he kept ; for he came to Falkland two days sooner.
This advice was given, that his Majesty might be surprized before
he could cither enter within the tower of Falkland, or be provided
with any forces to defend him. And because they knew my
brother and me to be careful for him, they advised his Majesty
to send us home to our houses, that same night that we understood
the earl of Bothwell would be there, and had so told his Majesty ;
but he believed his abusers better. We gave his Majesty counsel
223
THE MEMOIRS OF
to ride quietly to Bambrich, and there he might, when he pleased,
take a boat and go over to Angus, where he would have leisure to
convene the towns of Perth and Dundee, and the country there-
abouts. But this advice was also overthrown by those who were
upon the contrary part.
Thus we being commanded by his Majesty to ride home, and to
warn the country in case they were besieged within the tower, we
obeyed. My brother that same night, by the v/ay, was advertised
by one of the earl of Bothwell's company, that he was already in
Fife, and would be in Falkland against supper-time. Upon which
advertisement he sent his gentleman, called Robert Auchinleck,
to acquaint his Majesty therewith, and to request him to enter
within the tower in due time. When the said Robert declared
the matter unto his Majesty, they all laughed him to scorn, calling
him a fool. The said Robert returning malecontent to be so
mocked, met the earl of Bothwell and his company upon the
height of the Lomonds, when it was already dark night, and
turned incontinently, as if he had been one of their company.
He used great diligence to be first at his Majesty. Entring within
the palace of Falkland, he closed the gates himself, and cried
continually to cause his Majesty enter within the tower ; who at
length believed him, and mocked him no more.
The earl of Bothwell at his coming had petards to break up
gates and doors. It was not without ground alledged, that some
of those who shot out of the tower for his Majesty's defence,
charged their culverins with Paper. But some of his Majesty's
houshold-officers shot out bullets, which gave the earl and his
company a great scar ; as also the King's being within the tower
before he was surprized. And supposing that the country would
gather together, the said earl and his company retired and fled,
none pursuing them : whereas a few might easily have overtaken,
and overthrown them. That same night I lay in my boots upon
my bed, expecting word from Falkland, where there was one left
to be ready for that effect. At whose back-coming, I with other
friends and neighbours did ride to convene the country about
Coupar, to have rescued his Majesty. But the King immediately
sent me advertisement, that the earl was fled ; yet he desired me
to bring these forward whom he knew I would convene for his
relief ; as they did to the number of 3,000 that afternoon. Thus
God miraculously delivered his Majesty, as He had done divers
times before.
About this time came to his Majesty' an honest gentleman from
Ireland, called who made offers of consequence
to his Majesty. Whereof the Queen of England was incon-
tinently advertised, and desired to require the said gentleman to
be delivered to her : which the most part of the council counselled
his Majesty to do. But the justice-clerk, my brother, and I, were
of a contrary opinion. Which deed did great harm to the settle-
224
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
ment of his Majesty's affairs in England and Ireland. This I
speak with great regret, because it was so far against his Alajesty's
own mind ; and yet he suffered it to be done, because the chief
ring-leaders advised it, who have been always won to the devotion
of England.
Now the prince being born at Stirling the day of June, in
the year his ISIajestA" thought fit to send ambassadors to
England, Denmark, France and Flanders, to require their am-
bassadors to be sent to the baptism of the prince his first-born son.
The council were commanded to nominate such as were meetest
to be sent on that message ; as they did. Yet some obtained that
commission who were very unmeet for that errand ; as Sir William
Keith : for he could neither speak Latin, French nor Flemmings.
The laird of Easter-Weems procured to carry the commission to
France, and also to England, because he was to go thither about
his own affairs, being the King of France's servant. But Mr.
Peter Young sped best, who was sent to Denmark, and to the dukes
of Meckleburg and Bruns%vick ; for he got three fair chains. But
the King of France nor the Queen of England gave nothing ;
which they would have been engaged to do, if ambassadors
had been sent to them express. Neither sent the King any
ambassadors here at that time. The Queen of England was once
resolved to have done the same, till she was advertised by her
own ambassador in France, that the King was resolved to send
none. Then very late she sent the earl of Sussex, to let us see
that she would ever be a ready friend, when France would refuse
and ly back. On the other part, the dukes of Meckleburg and
Brunswick were discontent that they were so far slighted, as not
each of them to be thought worthy of an express. A special day
was appointed for solemnizing the said baptism. The ambassadors
of Denmark and Dutchland arrived almost together. His
Majesty had sent for me to be there at their coming, to receive
them and to entertain them. But the ambassadors of Meckleburg
and Brunswick would not ride out of Leith in company with the
Danish ambassador, when they were convoyed up to Edinburgh,
but desired a convoy apart.
A few days after them arrived the ambassadors of the estates
of the Low Countries, to wit, monsieur de Broderode and monsieur
Fulke great treasurer of Holland and Zeland, who landed at New-
haven : where I was well accompanied to receive them, having
horse and footmantles in readiness to carry them up to Edinburgh
to their lodgings.
A little before the landing of the said ambassadors, the day of
the baptism was delayed, because there was neither word of an
ambassador from France or England, and the King's chapel in the
castle of Stirling, which was cast down to be built again in a better
form, was not yet completed : so that the ambassadors were
ordered to remain in Edinburgh till all might be put in good order.
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THE MEMOIRS OF
Therefore his Majesty appointed the master of his houshold,
and my lord Tungland my brother, together with me, to entertain
them upon his charges, and also to bear them company. After
that they had tarried longer in Edinburgh, (there being no
appearance of any ambassadors from France or England) we were
commanded with some others of the council to cqnvoy them to
Stirling ; where his Majesty made his excuse that they were so
long delayed at Edinburgh. But they alledged, they had great
contentment in our company. Which his Majesty forgot not to
declare before the whole council, giving me thanks, alledging that
I had done him good offices, and this among the rest, which he
would never forget ; and that he had three other of my brothers,
all fit for such matters, and for foreign affairs. fc;--
Now being in doubt of the English ambassadors, the ceremony
was to be solemnized without longer delay. In the mean time,
there came word that the earl of Sussex was upon his journey
toward Scotland, for the Queen his mistress, on whom the action
stayed. The day of the solemnity, there was great business for
their honours and feats. That being agreed, there was an empty
chair set before the rest for the King of France's ambassador.
The order of the banquet and triumph I leave to others to set
out.
When the ambassadors had audience of the Queen's Majesty,
I was appointed to stand a little behind, and next unto her Majesty.
To the English, Danish and Dutch ambassadors, her Majesty
made answer herself. But though she could speak seemingly
French, yet she rounded in my ear, to declare her answer to the
ambassador of the states of Holland. Then every one of them,
by order, gave their presents. The jewels of precious stones the
Queen received in her own hand, and then delivered them unto
me, to put them again in their cases, and lay them upon a table
which was prepared in the mids of the chamber to set them upon.
The Queen of England's had a great shew, being a fair cupboard
of silver overgilt, cunningly wrought, and some cups of massy
gold. The ambassador of the states presented a golden box,
wherein was written in parchment, in letters of gold, ' A gift of a
yearly pension to the prince of five thousand by year,' with
great cups of massy gold, two especially, which were so weighty,
that it was all that I could lift them, and set them down upon the
said table. I leave it to others to set down the weight and value.
But I say, these which were of gold, which should have been kept
in store to posterity, were soon melted and disposed : but if they
had been preserved, as they ought to have been, those who advised
to break them would have wanted their part.
All these ambassadors being dispatched and well rewarded,
those of Denmark were advised, by John Lindsey of Monmuir.
to cause with all diligence send new ambassadors, to require the
contract of marriage made in Denmark to be fulfilled ; alledging
226
SIR JAMES MELVILLE
that the chancellor, who had made it, had left out the rents of the
abbay of Dunfermling fraudfully, and had taken in fee to himself
all the lordship of Musselburgh. For this end tvvo ambassadors
were sent from Denmark ; upon whom I was appointed to attend,
to see them well entertained. As they were well instructed, so
they happened upon a meet time ; for the chancellor was for the
time decourted, and my brother was ambassador for his Majesty
in England. So the chancellor was caused to renounce his part.
And because my brother Sir Robert was absent, young Sir Robert
his son, and I, obliged us that his part, which was thirteen chalders
of victual, should be also renounced at his return ; which was
accordinglj- done. His Majesty promised to him as much heritage
in another part, in respect that his gift was obtained long before
the contract of marriage. Divers others, who had portions
of these lands, were likewise compelled to renounce, either
voluntarily, or by a new law made for that effect.
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