ua 
 
 V 
 
 1
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 CHARLES DARWIN AND OTHER 
 ENGLISH THINKERS
 
 CHARLES DARWIN 
 
 AND 
 
 OTHER ENGLISH THINKERS 
 
 WITH REFERENCE TO THEIR 
 RELIGIOUS AND ETHICAL VALUE 
 
 BY 
 
 S. PARKES CADMAN 
 
 A SERIES OF LECTURES DELIVERED BEFORE 
 
 THE BROOKLYN INSTITUTE OF ARTS 
 
 AND SCIENCES DURING THE 
 
 AUTUMN OF 1910 
 
 LONDON: JAMES CLARKE & CO. 
 THE PILGRIM PRESS 
 
 BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO
 
 COPTRIGH T, 1911 
 BY LUTHER H. CART 
 
 THE PLIMPTON PRRSS 
 
 [ W D O ] 
 NORWOOD MASS U S A
 
 TO 
 
 MR. FRANK S. JONES 
 
 OF BROOKLYN 
 
 THIS BOOK, WHICH OWES MUCH TO 
 FRIENDSHIP AND INSPIRATION 
 IS RESPECTFULLY 
 
 DEDICATED 
 _J 
 
 ' 
 
 '
 
 PREFACE 
 
 npHESE lectures were delivered under the 
 A auspices of The Brooklyn Institute of 
 Arts and Sciences during the months of 
 November and December, 1910. At the kindly 
 suggestion of Professor Franklin W. Hooper, 
 the Secretary of the Institute, they have been 
 prepared for the press. While they remain 
 substantially as they were given, they have been 
 revised with the view of rendering them more 
 serviceable to ministers and laymen alike. 
 I shall feel abundantly rewarded if the volume 
 stimulates the reader to further research con- 
 cerning the men and the subjects with which 
 it deals. 
 
 It has not been an easy task faithfully to 
 convey the exact meanings and points of differ- 
 ence in the close reasoning of these scientific 
 and philosophical writers ; hence I have thought 
 it wise to allow them to speak for themselves 
 whenever possible. It will probably be said 
 that many facts of prime importance have been 
 omitted, and some others misinterpreted. This 
 is more than likely; and if so, I must be held 
 wholly responsible for it. But I sincerely hope 
 that I have been able to give a little direction 
 in that path which leads to a more complete 
 apprehension of the Truth. 
 
 [ vii ]
 
 Preface 
 
 I am profoundly convinced that science and 
 philosophy and ethics, however they may 
 appear on the surface, are the friends and not 
 the foes of religion. And I believe that a new 
 day has dawned for the Christian Church, in 
 which she can fearlessly and yet reverently 
 utilize their newer conceptions for the enrich- 
 ment of her message to the generation she 
 seeks to serve. It has not been my aim to 
 write a constructive work along these lines, 
 but simply to place in the most favorable 
 light consistent with accuracy a group of 
 thinkers whose teachings have been sometimes 
 supposed to stand in irreconcilable contra- 
 diction to the essential truths of Christianity. 
 
 I take this opportunity to record my sincere 
 thanks to my colleague in the pastorate of 
 the Central Congregational Church, the Rev. 
 William Muir Auld, whose wide knowledge of 
 these subjects has been of great assistance to me. 
 He has also favored me by reading the proofs 
 and preparing the Index and Bibliography. 
 
 S. PARKES CABMAN. 
 BROOKLYN, NEW YORK CITY.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 LECTURE I PAGE 
 
 CHARLES DARWIN 1 
 
 LECTURE II 
 THOMAS HENRY HUXLEY 45 
 
 LECTURE III 
 
 JOHN STUART MILL 89 
 
 LECTURE IV 
 JAMES MARTINEAU. Part I 141 
 
 LECTURE V 
 JAMES MARTINEAU. Part II 179 
 
 LECTURE VI 
 MATTHEW ARNOLD. Part I 207 
 
 LECTURE VH 
 
 MATTHEW ARNOLD. Part II 239 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 271 
 
 IX
 
 FIRST LECTURE 
 CHARLES DARWIN
 
 "Let him, therefore, who would arrive at a knowl- 
 edge of nature, train his moral sense; let him act and 
 conceive in accordance with the noble essence of his 
 soul; and, as if of herself, nature will become open 
 to him. Moral action is the great and only experi- 
 ment in which all riddles of the most manifold 
 appearance explain themselves." 
 
 NOVALIS.
 
 DARWIN AND OTHER 
 
 ENGLISH THINKERS 
 
 i 
 
 CHARLES DARWIN 
 
 THE year 1809 was the annus mirabilis of 
 the nineteenth century for both Europe and 
 America. It witnessed the advent of Lincoln, 
 Wendell Holmes, and Poe on this continent; on 
 the other, of Gladstone, Tennyson, FitzGerald, 
 Chopin, and Mendelssohn. Last, but not least, 
 Charles Darwin was born in the ancient and 
 historic town of Shrewsbury, England, on Feb- 
 ruary the 12th of that remarkable year. The 
 visitor to his birthplace cannot fail to be struck 
 by the configuration of the town, standing as it 
 does on the crest of a bold eminence encircled 
 by the River Severn, and commanding a wide 
 and varied view of the surrounding country. It 
 is a quaint and beautiful borough, with winding 
 lanes and narrow streets, cloistered retreats, 
 half-timbered and Jacobean houses, and stately 
 churches which cherish with a proud regret the 
 days that are no more. In the seventeenth and 
 eighteenth centuries "to go to town" meant for 
 the gentry of the Midland shires to go to Shrews- 
 bury. Its civic importance is still considerable, 
 and the remains of the Castle with the venerable 
 [3]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 and flourishing Grammar School are links be- 
 tween the past and the present. 
 
 Dr. Robert Waring Darwin, the father of 
 Charles, was the leading physician of the com- 
 munity; a man of stalwart physique, noted for 
 his professional skill and practical sagacity, and 
 esteemed by rich and poor alike for the wisdom 
 of his counsel and the helpfulness of his dis- 
 position. His father, Erasmus Darwin, grand- 
 father to Charles, was also a physician, well 
 known as the author of Zoonomia, or The Laws 
 of Organic Life (1794), a minor attempt to fol- 
 low the lead of Lucretius in his De Natura Rerum. 
 The production was marked by excessive gen- 
 eralization and a tendency to indulge too freely 
 in theoretical speculation. These features found 
 a robust but more restrained expression in the 
 works of his grandson. Darwin's mother was a 
 daughter of Josiah Wedgwood, whose artistic 
 achievements in pottery rank with those of 
 Palissy. His maternal grandmother was one of a 
 remarkable bevy of sisters the Aliens of Cres- 
 selly of whom two married Wedgwoods; one, 
 Sir James Mackintosh the philosopher; and 
 another, Sismondi the historian. Darwin's 
 aptitude for reflection, his patient fidelity, his 
 absence of self-assertion, his magnanimity and 
 sweetness of disposition, were in large measure 
 inherited from his mother. 
 
 The Darwin home, known as "The Mount/' 
 was built by his father in 1800, and stands on 
 [4]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 the high ground overlooking the town. It is a 
 plain substantial mansion with terraced walks 
 on the western front descending to the river. 
 From its elevated position there is an unequaled 
 prospect of the scene of the Battle of Shrews- 
 bury, fought in 1403, and the dim blue hills of 
 Wales beyond. In the distance are the gray, 
 crumbling walls of Haughmond Abbey; and 
 behind them the woods of Attingham, skirting 
 the landscape with stretches of somber green. 
 The Severn turns abruptly toward the south, 
 and flows through one of the loveliest valleys 
 of England, past the castellated rocks of 
 Bridgnorth and the cathedral cities of Worces- 
 ter and Gloucester, until it meets the tidal 
 waters of the Bristol Channel. From below 
 the house ascend the hoarse murmurs of the 
 traffic of the town, the hum of busy marketers, 
 and the chiming of bells from many steeples. 
 
 When a child, Darwin was taken by his 
 mother to the Unitarian chapel where Samuel 
 Taylor Coleridge once held forth with Hazlitt 
 as one of his hearers. From 1818 to 1825 he 
 was a scholar of the Grammar School, a royal 
 foundation of King Edward VI. He would 
 frequently run the mile or more between his 
 home and the school, praying Heaven's aid 
 that he might arrive punctually. Possibly 
 he stayed too long in the amateur laboratory 
 he and his brother had fitted up in the garden 
 tool-house, or tarried over his growing col-
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 lections, which at first included seals and 
 foreign coins, stones and minerals, and later 
 beetles and other insects. When he was ten, 
 he studied the pebbles in front of the hall 
 door, and wondered how a glacial boulder of 
 local fame had been deposited in a place near 
 at hand. It is easy to understand how the 
 narrow and pedantic system of education which 
 then prevailed in English secondary schools 
 repelled this shy and retiring lad of opposite 
 tastes and predilections. The severely classical 
 atmosphere was so uncongenial to his desire 
 for natural pursuits that he was provoked 
 into rebellion. Dr. Butler, then head master, 
 and later bishop of Lichfield, referred to young 
 Darwin in the most unappreciative terms, 
 because he preferred to dabble in chemical 
 experiments rather than conjugate Latin verbs 
 and memorize Greek paradigms. One picture 
 of his schooldays shows him curled up in an 
 embrasured window of the Elizabethan building, 
 reading Shakespeare by the hour. "Nothing," 
 he confessed in later years, "could have been 
 worse for the development of my mind than 
 Dr. Butler's school, as it was strictly classical, 
 nothing else being taught except a little ancient 
 geography and history. The school as a means 
 of education to me was simply a blank." l 
 
 As he approached his majority he evinced a 
 liking for field sports which unnecessarily dis- 
 
 1 Darwin's Life and Letters (X. Y., 1893), Vol. I, p. 28. 
 [61
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 turbed his father; for after all it was at bottom 
 a nature interest, just as were his long walks 
 in the rural lanes of the vicinity. These were 
 intercepted by his enrolment at Edinburgh 
 University to prepare himself for the family 
 vocation of physician and surgeon. Here he 
 remained two years. Among his fellow stu- 
 dents were his elder brother, Erasmus, and his 
 friend Robert Grant, afterward professor of 
 zoology in University College, London. He 
 again followed his own course. Most of the 
 lectures were to him "intolerably dull," 
 even geology, the science to which in after 
 life he was deeply attached, was viewed with 
 violent aversion. Indeed, he vowed that never 
 again would he read a book on the subject. 
 Biological research chiefly occupied his atten- 
 tion, and it became increasingly evident that 
 he had no liking for his father's intentions. 
 Realizing this, the good Doctor made the ill- 
 starred suggestion that he should enter Cam- 
 bridge and qualify for Holy Orders. The 
 project was entered upon; but as theology was 
 more repugnant to him than medicine or the 
 classics, it speedily came to grief. Neverthe- 
 less his residence at Cambridge, though brief, 
 secured for him the friendship of men of mark 
 whose recognition encouraged him to have 
 confidence in himself, and whose kindly sym- 
 pathies stimulated his enthusiasm for the study 
 of the general order of nature. Among these
 
 Charles D arwi 
 
 ti 
 
 were Professor Henslow (the first man to take 
 the measure of Darwin's great possibilities), Dr. 
 William Whewell, Professor Ramsay, and his 
 uncle Sir James Mackintosh. Darwin was 
 known among the undergraduates as "the man 
 who walks with Henslow." 1 From this unusual 
 circle of social and learned intercourse accrued 
 the main benefits of his Cambridge period. 
 Not that he shirked other work; he was tenth 
 in the list of candidates of 1831 for the degree 
 of Bachelor of Arts, he studied and enjoyed the 
 arguments of Paley, and was fairly proficient 
 in mathematics, while even in the despised 
 classics he obtained tolerably good results. 
 If Darwin's education did not give him a full 
 mind, it certainly gave him an eagerness for 
 unraveling complex subjects and the power 
 of reasoning out his own conclusions. His 
 scientific proclivities were accentuated by read- 
 ing Baron Humboldt's Personal Narrative and 
 Herschel's Introduction to the Study of Philoso- 
 phy. These volumes stirred in him the ambi- 
 tion to add "even the most humble contribution 
 to the noble structure of natural science." 2 
 He was introduced to the eloquent and influ- 
 ential Scdgwick, who persuaded him to revoke 
 his hasty decision respecting the study of 
 geology. Ultimately it became apparent that 
 he was not entirely satisfied with the orthodox 
 view of the earth's formation, and he did not 
 
 1 Durwin's Life and Lottery, p. 44. 2 Ibid., p. 47. 
 
 [8]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 hesitate to oppose some conclusions Sedgwick 
 entertained. Their tour in North Wales for 
 the purpose of examining certain strata led to 
 an amiable but decided difference of opinion 
 as to the validity of the current method of 
 geological interpretation. At the conclusion 
 of their investigation he found awaiting him 
 an offer to join the Beagle, due to the friendly 
 interest of Henslow, and which combined recrea- 
 tion with suitable work. From the moment he 
 accepted it, his personal achievements became 
 a necessary and important part of the history 
 of mankind. 
 
 The voyage of the Beagle, now a familiar 
 story, was by far the most important event 
 in Darwin's career. It set the seal upon the 
 nature of his life-work, and molded his mental 
 gifts for the onerous tasks that awaited them. 
 The first genuine discipline of his mind was 
 due to his enforced solitude and detachment on 
 board ship, necessitating steady industry and 
 concentrated attention habits which, though 
 tardily acquired, served him well and made pos- 
 sible the marvelous results he afterward ob- 
 tained. On his return home his father viewed 
 with astonishment the changes wrought in him, 
 and excitedly exclaimed, "Even the shape of 
 his head has altered!" 
 
 The official record of the cruise, entitled 
 The Journal of a Naturalist's Voyage Round 
 [91
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 the World, appeared in 1839, and was respect- 
 fully dedicated to Sir Charles Lyell. Darwin 
 was always conscious of his indebtedness to 
 this distinguished thinker, and throughout their 
 long and intimate intercourse he subscribed 
 himself as Lyell's "affectionate pupil." "I 
 always feel as if my books came half out of 
 Lyell's brain," he says, "and that I never 
 acknowledge this sufficiently." 1 Henslow had 
 placed a copy of the first volume of Lyell's 
 Principles of Geology in Darwin's hands when 
 he embarked on the Beagle, with the warning 
 that, while he should by all means read it, he 
 should pay no attention to its wild theories and 
 conclusions. The young naturalist, however, was 
 rapidly becoming a self-reliant student, and 
 now and afterward Lyell's works and their 
 far-reaching implications altered the whole 
 tone of his thinking. They so strongly in- 
 fluenced his own conclusions that but for their 
 inspiration the Origin of Species might never 
 have been written. In 1845 he again addressed 
 himself in a letter to his master, "I have long 
 wished, not so much for your sake as for my 
 own feelings of honesty, to acknowledge more 
 plainly than by mere reference how much, geo- 
 logically, I owe you. Those authors, however, 
 who, like you, educate people's minds as well 
 as teach them special facts, can never, I should 
 think, have full justice done them except by 
 
 1 More Letters of Darwin, p. 117. 
 [101
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 posterity; for the mind thus insensibly im- 
 proved hardly perceives its own upward ascent." 
 The Journal met with high consideration from 
 the first; men of learning, in both Europe and 
 America, accorded it their hearty praise as a 
 unique record of travel and research. The 
 Quarterly Review, 1 the magazine of scientific 
 progress, dealt at length with its observations 
 and declared they contained valuable material 
 for constructive thought. The style was simple, 
 yet vivid; the descriptions were those of a devo- 
 tee w r ho scrutinized every curious phenomenon; 
 the facts, many being entirely new, were all care- 
 fully detailed. While possessing the romantic 
 interest attached to an excursion in hitherto 
 unknown fields, the volume has been conspicuous 
 for its impressiveness and intellectual integrity. 
 Darwin did not, as many have supposed, 
 discover the doctrine of evolution. Nor was 
 he by any means the first exponent of the 
 origin of species, or of the notion that species 
 became changed in the course of time. The con- 
 ception of biological development prevailed long 
 before his day. It was known to the classical 
 w r riters, and persisted more or less throughout 
 the periods following on the progress of Human- 
 ism and the Revival of Learning. Among mod- 
 erns, Goethe, De Candolle the Elder, Lamarck, 
 Buffon, and Chambers had foreshadowed some 
 of the conceptions that Darwin's discoveries 
 
 1 Vol. LXV, p. 224. 
 [Ill
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 afterward placed on a sound basis. An eminent 
 authority, Professor Judd, relates an amusing 
 conversation he had with Matthew Arnold 
 in 1871. "I cannot understand," said Arnold, 
 "why you scientific people make such a fuss 
 about Darwin. It's all in Lucretius." To 
 which Judd replied, "Yes, Lucretius guessed 
 what Darwin proved." Whereupon Arnold 
 rejoined, "Ah! that only shows how much 
 greater Lucretius really was, for he divined a 
 truth which Darwin spent a life of labor in 
 groping for." 1 The author of Culture and 
 Anarchy underestimated the real worth of 
 Darwin, not only in placing a poet's intuition 
 over against a scientist's discovery, but in 
 failing to appreciate the herculean toil of more 
 than thirty years devoted to the application 
 and illustration of a thesis which many had 
 surmised yet could not demonstrate. 
 
 Previous to his time there had been constant 
 discussions among men of science as to the 
 possibility of substantiating the prevailing 
 views regarding the immutability of species. 
 Students were tempted to exclaim concern- 
 ing Mosaists and evolutionists, "A plague on 
 both your houses!" Debates were endless 
 and fruitless; the theological thought of the 
 day, which was also the thought of many 
 scientists, stood directly in the path of investi- 
 gation. Geological formations were attributed 
 
 1 Coming of Evolution, pp. 3-4. 
 [121
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 to a series of cataclysms of which the Deluge 
 was the last and most important. With each 
 of these catastrophes all living creation was 
 completely destroyed and the planet retenanted 
 by an act of special and direct creation. This 
 position was meant to conform with the biblical 
 narratives, and seemed to clinch the claim for 
 their divine inspiration. The fatal objection, 
 however, was the lack of uniformity and con- 
 tinuity, which unprejudiced men felt were 
 essential to any true interpretation of the 
 natural order. Violent interferences and new 
 creative acts were, in their opinion, poor sub- 
 stitutes for the reign of law, and there was 
 a growing tendency among the "Uniformita- 
 rians," as they were called, to seek the method of 
 divine operation in something more stable and 
 capable of rational explanation. But the ab- 
 sence of a determinative principle dealing with 
 the evidence on the crucial point bewildered 
 these advocates. They were silenced in the 
 presence of a mystery which both attracted 
 and repelled them. 
 
 Darwin's attempt at solution was not a 
 conscious effort. When he excavated the fossil 
 remains of animals from the South American 
 pampas, he saw how closely they resembled 
 their living progenies around him, and grave 
 doubts touching the accuracy of the catas- 
 trophic theory flitted through his mind. The 
 same striking correspondences existed else- 
 [131
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 where, and he began to grope for an adequate 
 explanation of these strange analogies. While 
 on the Beagle the task of collecting and describ- 
 ing specimens consumed his time and prevented 
 his theorizings from reaching maturity. After 
 his return home he spent some years in arrang- 
 ing these facts according to the best known 
 systems of classification. Even when this was 
 done he hesitated long before arriving at the 
 most tentative conclusions. Yet the saliency of 
 his ordered materials was such that he began 
 to drift from the moorings of traditional opinion. 
 In this dissatisfied state of mind he chanced 
 to read for relaxation Malthus's Essay on the 
 Principle of Population. The immense struggle 
 for existence with which it deals had already 
 painfully impressed Darwin. Malthus's main 
 argument was that nature has self-restraint, and 
 when life increases beyond the proper means 
 of subsistence competition ensues, the weak go 
 to the wall, and the strong are established. It 
 instantly occurred to Darwin that a similar 
 principle operated in the organic world, result- 
 ing in the formation of new species, and these 
 preventive checks would also account for 
 the destruction of unfavorable variations. In 
 this association between the struggle waged 
 by individual types and the succession and 
 disappearance of species, we have the key to 
 Darwin's interpretation of evolution. The 
 germinal idea of his theory flashed upon him 
 [141
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 with the suddenness of intuition. Plato's 
 plea that such intuition is the highest form of 
 reasoning and such it is since it depends on 
 previous and thorough preparation has sel- 
 dom received better support. 
 
 Always cautious and critical, Darwin was 
 still anxious to avoid precipitate action. He 
 did not commit his theory to writing until 
 1842, when he prepared a brief abstract of 
 thirty-five pages, which he expanded during 
 the summer of 1844 to two hundred and thirty 
 pages, and finally published in 1859, after an 
 interval of seventeen years. He was repeatedly 
 admonished by his brother Erasmus, Sir Charles 
 Lyell, and others, that some one would forestall 
 him; but he persevered in his reticence, until 
 their fears were realized. Mr. Alfred Russel 
 Wallace, a young traveler and naturalist, sent 
 him an essay on The Tendency of Varieties to 
 Depart Indefinitely from the Original Type, which 
 Darwin saw at a glance contained the gist of 
 his own theory. In the spring of 1858 Wallace 
 lay sick with fever at Ternate in the island of 
 Celebes. In lucid intervals his thoughts re- 
 curred to the ever-present problem of species; 
 and the writings of Malthus, which he had read 
 twelve years before, suggested to him, as they 
 had to Darwin, the theory of natural selection. 
 As soon as he was able, he sketched an outline 
 and forwarded it to Darwin by the next mail. 
 It was a singularly clear and comprehensive 
 [151
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 presentment of the hypothesis now known to 
 both, and he accompanied it with the unwit- 
 tingly naive suggestion that he believed it to 
 be entirely original. Darwin was struck as 
 with "a bolt from the blue." Distracted by 
 domestic affliction, and himself a sufferer from 
 precarious health, he wrote at once to his 
 confidant, Sir Charles Lyell, enclosing Wallace's 
 document with the comment, "I never saw a 
 more striking coincidence; if Wallace had had 
 my manuscript written out in 1842 he could not 
 have made a better short abstract. ... So all 
 my originality, whatever it may amount to, will 
 be smashed, though my book, if it ever have 
 any value, will not be deteriorated, as all the 
 labor consists in the application of the theory." 1 
 Grave issues were at stake. The merit of 
 enunciating an illuminating principle was about 
 to be assigned. Any personal bickerings regard- 
 ing priority might have engendered animosity 
 such as that which, in 1846, threatened to arise 
 between Adams and Leverrier with reference 
 to the discovery of Neptune. Wallace had 
 anticipated Darwin in writing, as Darwin had 
 anticipated Wallace in conceiving and amplify- 
 ing the main features of the principle. This was 
 an unfortunate complication which had in it 
 the seeds of acrimony. But it was handled with 
 mutual forbearance and consummate justice. 
 There has never been a more chivalrous rivalry 
 
 1 Darwin's Life and Letters (X. Y., 1893), Vol. I, p. 473. 
 [161
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 than this which arose so inadvertently for 
 Wallace, so unexpectedly for Darwin. The 
 conduct of the interested parties was unim- 
 peachable, and reflected credit on them and 
 their supporters. Their papers were read to- 
 gether at a special meeting of the Linnsean 
 Society on July 1, 1858. The absent Wallace 
 entirely acquiesced in the decision of the council, 
 which awarded the precedence to Darwin. As 
 proof of this, his letter to Mr. George Silk may 
 be quoted: "I have read the Origin of Species 
 through five or six times, each time with in- 
 creasing admiration. It will live as long as the 
 Principia of Newton. Mr. Darwin has given 
 the world a new science, and his name should 
 in my opinion stand above that of every philoso- 
 pher of ancient or modern times." 1 Fifty 
 years later he reiterated his earlier praise in a 
 memorial address he delivered on July 1, 1908, 
 and protested against the honor which he 
 believed had been too freely accorded to him. 
 "/ was then (as often since) 'the young man 
 in a hurry'; he, the painstaking and patient 
 student, seeking ever the full demonstration 
 of the truth he had discovered, rather than to 
 achieve immediate personal fame. ... It was 
 really a singular piece of good luck that gave 
 me any share whatever . . . [or] allowed me 
 to come in, as a very bad second, in the truly 
 Olympian race in which all philosophical biol- 
 
 1 Wallace's My Life, Vol. I, p. 372. 
 
 [171
 
 C h arles Darwin 
 
 ogists were more or less actively engaged." l 
 The force of admiration cannot go farther. 
 Whatever doubts may exist as to the justice 
 of the estimate and Wallace would appear 
 to depreciate unduly his own share in the 
 achievement there can be none as to its gen- 
 erosity. No nobler example of self-abnegation 
 adorns the history of science or philosophy. 
 
 Ill 
 
 While it is impossible within the limits of a 
 single lecture to give an extended exposition 
 of the Darwinian theory, its main outline, and 
 the revolution it wrought in the scientific 
 world, can be briefly stated. Huxley's in- 
 cisive putting of the evolutionary thesis has 
 no superior for completeness and lucidity. 
 "All species have been produced by the develop- 
 ment of varieties from common stocks; by 
 the conversion of these, first into permanent 
 races and then into new species, by the process 
 of natural selection, which process is essentially 
 identical with that artificial selection by which 
 man has originated the races of domestic 
 animals the struggle for existence taking the 
 place of man, and exerting, in the case of 
 natural selection, that selective action which 
 he performs in artificial selection." 2 
 
 This theory involved an amazing transition, 
 
 1 Fifty Years oj Darwinism, pp. 19-20. 
 
 2 Huxley's Collected Essays: Darwiniana, p. 71. 
 
 [181
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 which was indicated both by Darwin's solemn 
 declaration concerning it and the controversies 
 it aroused. He had been at infinite pains, 
 by repeated tests and experiments, to verify 
 every conclusion he advanced. He admitted 
 that much was obscure and would long remain 
 obscure, but his statement on the issue was 
 couched in terms that preclude any misgiving 
 as to the depth and sincerity of his conviction. 
 "I can entertain no doubt, after the most 
 deliberate and dispassionate judgment of which 
 I am capable, that the view which most natu- 
 ralists until recently entertained, and which 
 I formerly entertained namely, that each 
 species has been independently created is 
 erroneous, I am fully convinced that species 
 are not immutable; but that those belonging 
 to what are called the same genera are lineal 
 descendants of some other and generally 
 extinct species, in the same manner as the 
 acknowledged varieties of any one species 
 are the descendants of that species. Further- 
 more, I am convinced that natural selection 
 has been the most important, but not the 
 exclusive, means of modification." l 
 
 Darwin held that in nature there was an 
 inherent and self-acting power which produced 
 the absence of trees in Southern Continental 
 America, the adaptation of animals to their 
 environment, and also that of the smaller species 
 
 1 Introduction to Origin of Species (London, 1902), p. 6. 
 
 [191
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 abounding in the regions formerly occupied by 
 their huge and extinct ancestors. Thus he ac- 
 counted for differences in breed, and the coming 
 in of the new and the going out of the old types, 
 which had hitherto been the insoluble problems 
 of animate creation. The central idea of the 
 Origin of Species is that every form of organic 
 life, high and low, is derived from a very small 
 number of original forms. Every variety of 
 vegetable and animal organism, now extant, 
 or having formerly existed, owes its origin to 
 the slow and gradual operation of the modifying 
 influences of local and special causes trans- 
 mitted by heredity. Whatever forms were 
 best suited to any particular time and locality 
 were selected and adapted by the working of 
 natural laws. Many illustrations of the work- 
 ing of these laws are to be found in Darwin's 
 pages. His patience and care in arranging 
 and explaining with exactitude a multitude of 
 facts, his candor in modifying and retracting 
 hasty or incorrect inferences, his unfailing in- 
 tellectual poise when surrounded by difficulties, 
 w r ere marks in him of the true scientific spirit, 
 "the spirit in which to acquire lessons from 
 nature, whether in the world of mind or in 
 the world of matter." l 
 
 The reception which Darwin's first volume 
 received from the scientific community has 
 been mentioned. It is now in place to speak 
 
 1 Cf. John Fiske's Darwinism and Other Essays, p. 35. 
 [201
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 in some detail of the hostility it excited, how 
 this arose, and what it contained. The preva- 
 lent views of creation were based either on 
 Moses or on Milton. If an orthodox naturalist 
 of the pre-Darwinian epoch had been required 
 to give a satisfactory account of the immense 
 number of varieties of organic life, probably 
 he would have taken refuge in the doctrine 
 of immediate creation as authorized by the 
 common interpretation of the Book of Genesis. 
 Even those who admitted evolution as a 
 possible alternative, as did the Huttonian 
 School, were completely in the dark concern- 
 ing the modus operandi. The intelligent people 
 who were not scientists had no concern with 
 these difficulties. They did not even know 
 of their existence. For them the conceptions 
 of the past ages as embodied in Milton's poetry 
 were all-sufficient, and the adaptation of the 
 creation epic in Paradise Lost gave permanence 
 and dignity to the "revealed" truth of Hebrew 
 tradition. Curiously enough this was the 
 only poetry Darwin read while on the Beagle. 
 At the moment when he first questioned the 
 doctrine of direct creation, the familiar lines 
 in which it is so tersely described were before 
 his eye : 
 
 "The earth obey'd, and straight 
 Op'ning her fertile womb teem'd at a birth 
 Innumerous living creatures, perfect forms, 
 Limb'd and full grown. Out of the ground up rose 
 As from his lair the wild beast, where he wonns 
 [211
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 In forest wild, in thicket, brake, or den; 
 Among the trees in pairs they rose, they walk'd; 
 The cattle in the fields and meadows green: 
 Those rare and solitary, these in flocks 
 Pasturing at once, and in broad herds upsprung. 
 The grassy clods now calved; now half appear'd 
 The tawny lion, pawing to get free 
 His hinder parts, then springs as broke from bonds, 
 And rampant shakes his brinded mane." l 
 
 An indication of the hold this glowing im- 
 agery had on the imagination of all classes is 
 found in the preference of Professor Agassiz, 
 the foremost American scientist of his day, for 
 Milton's presentation over Darwin's theory, 
 and his assertion that not only was each species 
 specially created, but created in the proportions 
 and the locality in which it was found to exist. 
 Old controversies were renewed and new ones 
 generated around these opposing theories. 
 The significance of Darwin's contribution 
 aroused a regrettable acerbity. The insularity 
 of English life had conserved its prejudices, 
 and these in turn gave birth to some pronounced 
 tendencies in radical directions. The reaction- 
 aries practically controlled science and the- 
 ology; anything that savored of liberalism 
 was strongly denounced, and its manifestoes 
 were either repudiated or treated with ridicule 
 and misrepresentation. The Universities were 
 under the sway of the Anglican Church, which 
 was then well on into the first phase of the 
 
 1 Milton's Paradise Lost, Book VII, lines 453-466. 
 [22]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 Oxford Movement; scientific professorships 
 were held by clergymen, and Cuvier's theories 
 of "world catastrophes" and the immutability 
 of species were cordially received because 
 they afforded a supposedly scientific basis 
 for the Mosaic account of the Flood. Dr. 
 Buckland, a prominent and energetic scientist 
 of the clerical order, uncompromisingly asserted 
 that all scientific teaching must be forever 
 subordinated to the cosmogony of Genesis. 
 
 In the heat of fervid disputation men forgot 
 that Darwin was a specialist in his own depart- 
 ment of science; they ignored the expert skill 
 and tempered judgment of his discussion; and 
 they did not allow for his own admission that 
 many things would long remain obscure. His 
 assumptions were as well known to him as 
 they were to his critics. He was fully aware 
 that he began with them and depended on 
 them. If he were allowed to premise a world 
 and in it a first or a few created forms, in a 
 suitable environment, and with certain capaci- 
 ties, he would show how that world was tenanted 
 with living beings. These were tremendous 
 assumptions, and his deductions from them 
 aroused a storm which at one time rose so 
 high that it seemed as though his voice would 
 be lost in the clamor and he would not obtain 
 a hearing. The opposition was purer in motive 
 than in practise. Many scientists and the- 
 ologians were chiefly anxious to conserve
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 the spiritual principles which for them were 
 inextricably woven into the dogma of direct 
 creation. Natural Selection appalled them as 
 a dangerous novelty which threatened to sub- 
 stitute mere physical force for the operative 
 and beneficent wisdom of God. Sentiment 
 lent its powerful aid to their forebodings. It 
 was exceedingly hard for them to throw away 
 the old wine-skins, and the strength of their 
 religious convictions was against such a stroke 
 of temerity. 
 
 Nor can it be said that their protestations 
 were groundless. Questions that demanded 
 the most careful handling suffered from the 
 recklessness of those materialistic evolutionists 
 who entered into the new teaching with 
 such ardor that they overran all boundaries. 
 Haeckel, Biichner, and Clodd were the promi- 
 nent representatives of this school. They were 
 unwilling to admit that evolution could be 
 thwarted by ultimate origins; it was so abso- 
 lute that if it did not account for everything it 
 accounted for nothing. Granted "a fortuitous 
 concourse of atoms" as a beginning, the theory 
 needed no assistance and left no gaps between 
 those atoms and man himself. The idea of a 
 directing Creator was a figment of the brain, 
 and matter in motion the all in all. This un- 
 warranted extension of Darwinism was really a 
 decaying philosophy which used the evolution 
 theory as a mold in which to recast its worn-out 
 [24]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 conceptions. Darwin lent no direct encourage- 
 ment to such spurious notions, and it would 
 be unjust to charge their raw rationalizing and 
 philosophical improprieties against him. Every 
 notable man has to run the risk incurred by the 
 vagaries of his disciples, and to them must be 
 assigned much of the persistency of the later 
 opposition to Darwin's theory. Materialistic 
 evolutionists felt confident that by reducing 
 everything to their mechanical system they 
 could eventually conduct the Deity to the verge, 
 and, in the language of Comte, "bow Him out 
 with thanks for His provisional services." 
 
 Another source of confusion was that which 
 arose out of the use of terms, a confusion fre- 
 quently more mischievous than actual error. 
 The controversialists failed to remember that 
 terms like "force" and "cause" were employed 
 metaphorically and not metaphysically that 
 is to say, w r ith no direct reference to ultimate 
 origins. All truth is relative, and so vital a 
 theory as evolution was found to have many 
 far-reaching consequences ; but specifically con- 
 sidered, it is no more than a description of the 
 Creator's methods of creation. "Material 
 phenomena, so called, are not material at all; 
 they are the expressions for complicated psychi- 
 cal states." Extremists on both sides neglected 
 these important qualifications, while some were 
 malicious and kindled their fires not so much for 
 the radiance as for the smoke they would diffuse. 
 [25]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 It is unnecessary to dwell at length upon 
 Nietzsche's doctrine of the Superman a 
 wild and atrocious alienation of the Darwinian 
 hypothesis which subverts the moral order 
 for we do not achieve true moral progress by 
 surrendering to a struggle for existence, but by 
 combating and finally abolishing it. Nietzsche 
 was a severe critic of Darwin, and he argued 
 against him on behalf of "an inner creative 
 will in living organisms which ultimately 
 makes environment and natural conditions 
 subservient and subject." 1 In this sense 
 the German philosopher is on "the side of the 
 angels"; but his bitter attack on Christian 
 morality, and his anxiety to produce a society 
 by means of an unregulated struggle for power 
 in which might is the only right, constituted 
 him a prophet who was born thousands of 
 years behind his time. His favorite conception 
 of life, in Beyond Good and Evil (p. 226), is 
 really a plea for rampant cruelty, and his 
 favorite moral conception is that of a filibuster. 
 
 In the theological realm writers emphasized 
 the miraculous interferences manifested in 
 direct creation, and clung tenaciously to the 
 doctrine of the immutability of species. A 
 universe produced and maintained by natural 
 laws was for them hard of belief. Guidance 
 and purpose seemed to have disappeared from 
 the creative scheme. The Hebrew Scriptures 
 
 1 A. M. Ludovici's, Nietzsche, His Life and Works, pp. 69-70. 
 [26]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 fostered credence in a special creative provi- 
 dence, and Christian people generally were 
 wont to regard unusual expressions of divine 
 power as alone worthy of God. If no such 
 interruptions occurred, they hastily assumed 
 that the scheme must be self-originating, self- 
 sustained, and moving blindly to no end. But 
 to presume that whatever happens in natural 
 order is to no purpose is not reasonable. It 
 has been pertinently observed that "if an 
 event represents a divine purpose, it is as truly 
 purposeful when realized through natural means 
 as it would be if produced by fiat." 1 To say 
 God created everything, and to leave the matter 
 there, counts for nothing, save as evidence of 
 a desire to deprecate inquiry and fortify tra- 
 dition in a monastic seclusion of the mind. 
 Intellectual peace purchased at the price of 
 strangled thought is a delusion and a snare. 
 No one can for long escape the vibrant move- 
 ments of the times by refusing to deal with the 
 inevitable results of advancing knowledge. If 
 he can, and if he does, it is only the postpone- 
 ment of a battle which becomes the more 
 disastrous for him the longer it is delayed. 
 The sole function of science is to address itself 
 to the questions springing out of the manifold 
 activities of the visible universe ; and if, in its 
 attempts to answer these, there is a breach of 
 intellectual harmony, it can be healed only 
 
 1 B. P. Bowne's Immanence of God, Chap. I, p. 13. 
 
 [271
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 by a steady conformity to the authority of 
 truth, and an unwavering faith in its ultimate 
 right to prevail. Nor should it be forgotten 
 that evolution, natural selection, and kindred 
 terms describe a process for which they do 
 not and cannot account. As a mode of opera- 
 tion that process is the best yet disclosed; 
 but as a doctrine of mechanical causality it is 
 altogether impossible. 
 
 The late Professor Borden P. Bowne con- 
 fronted the issue in a manner at once coura- 
 geous and scholarly. From the first, he took 
 the position that evolution as a theory of causes 
 is worthless, as a theory of the order of progress 
 it is harmless. He had profound respect for 
 Darwin as a scientist, but he carefully distin- 
 guished between the description and formula- 
 tion which science gives and the causal and 
 purposive interpretation which philosophy and 
 theology seek. When this distinction is observed 
 - and it is the distinction between a process on 
 the one hand and its origin and aim on the 
 other confusion ceases to exist. Darwin had 
 no marked gifts for metaphysics. His mind 
 was essentially analytical, and tended toward 
 the minute observation of separate organisms. 
 Beyond framing hypotheses for facts he did 
 not care to go, considering it outside his prov- 
 ince to speculate on the origin of life or matter. 
 He refused to venture into regions requiring 
 methods of investigation with which he was 
 [28]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 not familiar. Fully aware of the splendor 
 of this theory of life which he advocated, a 
 splendor that came into mental view during 
 moments of calm contemplation, he expatiated 
 on the several powers of sentient existence, 
 and how these had been originally breathed 
 by the Creator into a few forms, or even only 
 one. While the planet had pursued its ageless 
 cycles, according to the fixed law of gravity, 
 endless species of beauty and wonder were 
 continually being evolved from so simple a 
 beginning. Lyell, so far back as 1836, writing 
 to his friend, Sir John Herschel, who shared 
 his belief in the derivation of new species from 
 preexisting ones by the action of secondary 
 causes, asserted that the conception appealed 
 to him as "the grandest he had ever known 
 so far as regards the attributes of the Presiding 
 Mind." ! 
 
 There is nothing in evolution derogatory 
 to the Eternal Being or His designs when 
 thus considered. On the contrary, there is 
 much to be gained by a frank admission of 
 the majesty and lawfulness contained in this 
 exposition of the Creator's handiwork. And 
 when it is clearly understood, and the fatal 
 obstacles of ignorance and misapprehension 
 have been removed, it will contribute increas- 
 ingly to the honor and glory of God. Modern 
 science has carried the idea of uniformity into 
 
 1 Lyell's Life and Letters, Vol. I, p. 468. 
 [29]
 
 Charles D arwi 
 
 n 
 
 every realm of the universe. In this sense 
 it is the special illumination of our age, and 
 after fifty years the mists of misunderstand- 
 ing are being scattered, while the proportion 
 and value of conflicting claims are more quickly 
 discerned. When Weismann said that the 
 wonderful results of evolution were brought 
 about as though they were guided by a supreme 
 intelligence, he spoke better than he knew. 
 Theologians and men of faith need no longer 
 be afraid of science. They can accept the 
 reign of law, and they can rejoice in it. It is 
 confirmatory in many ways of the greatest 
 and most distinctively Christian ideas they can 
 entertain concerning the workmanship of the 
 All-wise God. 
 
 When Darwin published the Origin, he had 
 already accomplished enough original research 
 to place him in the front rank of scientific 
 investigators. The equally well-known volume 
 on The Descent of Man was not issued until 
 1871, though the interval between the two 
 treatises was filled with prodigious labor. He 
 had purposely refrained from discussing the 
 place man held in his system, because he was 
 anxious to avoid needless friction, and felt that 
 nothing was to be gained from an unsym- 
 pathetic disregard for the religious suscepti- 
 bilities involved in the theme. He was the 
 most courteous of men, and he showed it by 
 [30]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 his efforts to avoid any outrage of these devout 
 feelings. At the same time he was equally 
 honest, and in the Origin he had hinted that 
 light would be thrown on the beginnings and 
 history of man. But he believed that it was 
 useless and injurious to parade his convictions 
 prematurely or without offering convincing 
 evidence for their support. The Descent of Man 
 excited more interest and less opposition than 
 the Origin of Species, thereby justifying the 
 wisdom of the delay. His general position may 
 be stated as follows : he could not admit of any 
 break between man and the rest of animal 
 creation, for the physical affinities of the human 
 race with lower forms of like structure were so 
 marked that they compelled him to push his 
 evolutionary theory to its logical conclusion. 
 
 It is interesting to note, however, that 
 Wallace, in his explanation of the origin of 
 man, introduces other important factors into 
 the process. He does not deny the devel- 
 opment of man's moral and intellectual fac- 
 ulties from animals, yet he affirms that they 
 have not been evolved by natural selection. 
 Their operating cause cannot be discovered in 
 the realm of natural law, but are to be found 
 in the unseen kingdom of spirit. Three stages, 
 containing much besides the human, exist in 
 the unfolding of organic life. At each of these 
 stages some superior power must necessarily 
 have entered into action. The first marks 
 [31]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 the change from the inorganic to the organic, 
 when the earliest vegetable cell was a new 
 thing in the world. The second is still more 
 marvelous, for it heralds the dawn of con- 
 sciousness the fundamental distinction be- 
 tween the animal and vegetable kingdoms. The 
 third is the appearance in man of those noble 
 faculties and primary moral characteristics 
 which raise him forever above the brute and 
 open up possibilities of almost infinite advance- 
 ment. These higher powers could not have 
 been developed by the same laws which ruled 
 the organic world. They are so distinctively 
 different in quality from purely biological 
 results that they suggest a world of spirit to 
 which the world of matter is altogether sub- 
 ordinate. Conscious life is a progressive mani- 
 festation dependent upon different forms of 
 spirit influx. If this ascensive scale of reason- 
 ing is valid, evolution is homocentric, and 
 not only does it not degrade man, but man 
 confers purpose and honor on evolution. He 
 is the crown of its ageless and infinite processes, 
 and he is equipped with spiritual powers that 
 make him the one supernormal fact before which 
 ordinary explanations are inadequate. He 
 reflects the moral nature of the Deity and dis- 
 closes the moral meaning of the universe, 
 while his destiny gives worth to the drama of 
 existence as enacted on this planet. 
 
 The only way of escape from these conclu- 
 [32]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 sions is by disregarding the evidence adduced, 
 and defining the whole creation as an aimless 
 process, which has no conscious reason for its 
 existence, indicates no aim, and simply moves 
 in blind obedience to inexorable and soulless 
 law. This way is barred by the truth, now 
 widely recognized, that mechanism cannot 
 produce mind, nor can matter be ultimately 
 permuted into thought. Lord Kelvin, the 
 greatest philosophical scientist of the closing 
 days of the last century, wrote to the London 
 Times: "Scientific thought is compelled to 
 accept the idea of Creative Power. Forty 
 years ago I asked Liebig, walking somewhere 
 in the country, if he believed that the grass 
 and the flowers which he saw around us grew 
 by mere chemical forces. He answered, 'No, 
 no more than I could believe that the books 
 of botany describing them could grow by mere 
 chemical forces.' Every action of human free 
 will is a miracle to physical and chemical and 
 mathematical science." l 
 
 The theistic conception of the universe has 
 been held by many scientists, some of whom 
 deemed it not only morally desirable but 
 philosophically and scientifically necessary. 
 Their change of attitude is indicated by the 
 statement of Lord Kelvin that behind all 
 phenomena there is the power of a Supreme 
 Intelligence. The knowledge of God can be 
 
 1 Cf. Bowne's Immanence of God, Chap. I, p. 21. 
 [33]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 obtained by an inductive process of reasoning 
 from known data, and the revelation of His 
 character must then be discerned in the person 
 and teaching of Jesus Christ. Such is the 
 general course indicated by theological thinkers 
 like Martineau, Fairbairn, Walker, and Gwat- 
 kin. According to them we can proceed from 
 philosophy through metaphysics to a broad 
 and sufficient theological basis. The nat- 
 ural phenomena science discerns, philosophy 
 unifies under the governance of certain prin- 
 ciples; metaphysics weaves those principles 
 into a higher unity, and Christian theology 
 concentrates and clothes them in the doctrine 
 of the Divine Fatherhood. Professor Henry 
 Jones of the University of Glasgow has appo- 
 sitely said that "the scientific investigator 
 who, like Mr. Tyndall, so far forgets the limi- 
 tations of his province as to use his natural 
 data as premises for religious or irreligious 
 conclusions, is as illogical as the popular 
 preacher, who attacks scientific conclusions 
 because they are not consistent with his theo- 
 logical presuppositions. Looking only at their 
 primary aspect, we cannot say that religious 
 presuppositions and the scientific interpreta- 
 tion of facts are either consistent or inconsistent; 
 they are simply different. Their harmony or 
 discord can come only when the higher princi- 
 ples of philosophy have been fully developed, 
 and when the departmental ideas of the various 
 [34]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 sciences are organized into a view of the world 
 as a whole." 1 This task has still to be accom- 
 plished; the forces from below and above have 
 yet to meet; and when they do, it will be as 
 friends and not as foes. Moralists and scientists 
 will not always treat each other with scorn and 
 misunderstanding. A more comprehensive 
 view of the movements of human knowledge 
 will show that not one of these has labored in 
 vain. The growth of that knowledge is toward 
 unity by the perception of differences, differ- 
 ences which, duly considered, constitute a final 
 harmony. The poets have seen this. Their 
 prescience rebukes the disputes which have 
 hindered its coming; and though their dreams 
 may not be admitted by hard-and-fast rational- 
 ists, they are a prophecy and an inspiration. 
 Those who would purify themselves by observ- 
 ing and thinking upon the ways of Deity must 
 accept the lessons science has to teach, remem- 
 bering that its ultimate movement is up and 
 not down, forward toward idealism, and not 
 backward to mere beginnings. The theistic 
 view can have no quarrel with the proven 
 results of scientific research; it can have no 
 alliance with the reactionary obscurantism 
 which opposes such results without reason or 
 proof to the contrary. 
 
 Speculative reflections on the course of 
 nature have shaken the convictions of many 
 
 1 Browning as a Philosophical and Religious Teacher, p. 36. 
 [35]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 in regard to the benevolence therein displayed. 
 The cosmic process is so unlimited, the organic 
 world so mysterious and replete with pain and 
 death, that the older theistic arguments have 
 failed to deal with the situation. They can- 
 not cope with the groaning and travailing of 
 creation. In this intellectual chaos man finds 
 himself endowed with certain capacities which 
 can eventually win the mastery over death, 
 and he sees in Christ one who actually was 
 its Master, whose very being was the incarna- 
 tion of truth, whose claims have been sup- 
 ported by His achievements. He stands forth 
 in time, a solitary figure, the conscious regen- 
 erator and representative of a new humanity, 
 the redeemer, whose person was the source of 
 immortality, whose teaching transfigured the 
 life that now is and revealed that which is to 
 come. He bade all who yearn for these con- 
 summations to come unto Him. He expressed 
 the character of the otherwise unknown Deity 
 and the potentialities of His offspring. This 
 gospel of God as the universal Parent, who 
 made heaven and earth, who, while immanent 
 in all that is, is yet transcendent, who is soul 
 and circumference of the whole, has changed 
 the visible world into a pellucid garment behind 
 which throbs the life and love divine. In Him 
 the creation is spirit- woven ; thought and sense, 
 spirit and matter, are reconciled. Thus believ- 
 ing, as Christ has taught us, God is no longer a 
 [36]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 hidden God, nor yet a vague and shadowy im- 
 personality encompassing the infinitudes. He 
 is seen, as Archbishop Fenelon said, "in every- 
 thing, and everything in Him; all that exists, 
 existing only by the communication of His 
 exhaustless being; all that has intelligence 
 having it only by derivation from His sovereign 
 reason; all that acts, acting only from the 
 impulse of His supreme activity." l In this 
 faith we can await with confidence the time 
 when the region of a true religion will include 
 the interpretations of a complete science. 
 There have been and there are periods of 
 struggle and sacrifice; and the sufferings these 
 involved have shaken many hearts. Without 
 denying their reality or extent, it is possible 
 to exaggerate them, and Wallace went so far as 
 to argue at some length that the popular con- 
 ception of pain and misery in the animal world 
 is the reverse of the truth. The entire scheme 
 accomplishes the maximum of life and of life's 
 equipments with the minimum of pain and 
 misery. Indeed, it would be difficult, according 
 to him, to imagine a system by which a greater 
 balance of happiness could have been secured. 2 
 We can leave the apportionment of pain and 
 joy in creation to a future assignment. As 
 for progress itself, we know it is based on the 
 law of sacrifice; everywhere and always the 
 
 1 Cf. Illingworth's Divine Immanence, p. 24. 
 
 2 Wallace's Darwinism, p. 40. 
 
 [37]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 two are coextensive. Suffering among civi- 
 lized peoples is an element which we try to 
 banish yet we are not blind to its educative 
 uses. Man's immortality and perfectibility 
 beckon us forward despite the cost, because 
 in them the spiritual secret of the entire uni- 
 verse is revealed. And what is true in religion 
 is also true in ethics. Justice, mercy, and 
 charity have been strengthened by their con- 
 flict with the evils they oppose and destroy, 
 and the history of these virtues signifies for 
 them a higher and more permanent rule in 
 the future of the race. 
 
 Throughout life Darwin was subject to violent 
 paroxysms of pain, which often occasioned great 
 alarm to his friends. He was never able to work 
 consecutively for more than twenty minutes 
 without interruption from these infirmities. 
 The extent of his afflictions was never known 
 to any save his faithful and devoted wife, who 
 gave her entire time and strength to the care 
 of his health, and the beautiful correspondence 
 of their domestic life was the explanation of 
 much he was able to accomplish. He could 
 have been the center of social life among all 
 ranks; but he was seldom seen beyond his 
 own home at Down, for he was never sure of 
 freedom from one of these sudden visitations. 
 They so enfeebled him that even a brief journey 
 [38]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 to London was exhausting. Burdened with ex- 
 traordinary difficulties, he achieved his results 
 by the exercise of the sternest resolution. 
 Every moment he could gain was spent in 
 methodical and laborious studies, and the list 
 of his various publications testifies to this 
 unremitting energy. His modesty was almost 
 a weakness; and when he confessed, with touch- 
 ing simplicity, that he believed he had acted 
 rightly in steadily following and devoting him- 
 self to science, those who revered him knew 
 not which to admire the more, his great gifts 
 or his incurable humility. He was fortunate 
 in his friendships. The names of Wallace, 
 Hooker, Scrope, and Lyell are associated with 
 his fame; and the really impressive worth of 
 these men was not so much their intellectual 
 greatness as the grandeur of character, 
 the unexampled forbearance, and the mutual 
 assistance which distinguished them as coad- 
 jutors in a notable cause. Some votaries of 
 science have shown themselves disastrously 
 prejudiced and jealous; they have been more 
 anxious for the priority of their personal claims 
 than for the purity of their motive or the 
 progress of knowledge. But this band of giants 
 dwelt in a fellowship marred by no regrettable 
 incidents, and strove toward the attainment of 
 a great ideal, hand in hand and conjoined in 
 heart, in honor preferring one another. 
 
 It is interesting to note the effect of Darwin's 
 [39]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 inquiries on his personal religious life. As a 
 boy he was very susceptible to spiritual im- 
 pressions, and after he began his scientific 
 career he was still a Theist, though gravely per- 
 plexed by the pain incident to animal existence. 
 When he published the Origin he still believed 
 in a personal God, and considered that the 
 grand and wondrous universe, with our con- 
 scious selves, was the chief argument for such 
 a faith. Later in life he stated that the theory 
 of evolution was quite compatible with belief 
 in that God, but added that different persons 
 have different definitions of what they mean by 
 God. His confessions were never meant for 
 the public eye. He felt strongly that a man's 
 religion is a matter concerning himself alone. 
 Yet the fluctuations of his religious moods 
 are now public property, and they show that 
 in the extremes of doubt he was of an agnostic 
 tendency, but never an atheist in the sense of 
 denying a Supreme Being. In the autobiog- 
 raphy he wrote for his family, occurs a passage 
 describing his solitariness in a Brazilian forest, 
 his spirit resurgent with the higher feelings of 
 wonder, almost worship which elevate the 
 mind. "Now," he continues, "the grandest 
 scenes would not cause any such convictions 
 to arise in me. It may be truly said that I am 
 like a man who has become color-blind, and 
 the universal belief by men in the existence of 
 redness makes my loss of perception of not the 
 [40]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 least value as evidence." 1 If Schleiermacher 
 is correct in stating that the home of religion 
 is in the emotional nature of man, there may 
 here be a better explanation than has been 
 surmised for the waning of religious faith and 
 sentiment in Darwin. His aesthetic tastes 
 and propensities were atrophied by reason of 
 his absorption in the study of the laws of 
 nature. Until he was thirty years of age the 
 poetry of Milton, Gray, Wordsworth, Coleridge, 
 and Shelley gave him pleasure. He read the 
 historical plays of Shakespeare with delight, 
 and music and art were also sources of recrea- 
 tion. But in later life they nauseated him, 
 and he secured a temporary respite from his 
 toils by listening to the reading of books that 
 did not call for the exercise of much concen- 
 tration. His mind had become a machine for 
 grinding laws out of large collections of facts, 
 and he deplored the injury thus inflicted upon 
 his mental and moral capacities. 
 
 A hundred years have passed away since 
 Charles Darwin was born, the last fifty of which 
 have been dominated by him more than by 
 any other man of science. A great soul is the 
 epitome of the race, and in so great a soul as 
 his, dedicated to the search for truth, the race 
 was born to larger opportunities. He was the 
 first to catch and reflect a light, the conscious 
 advent of which, without him, might have 
 
 1 Darwin's Autobiography and Letters (N. Y., 1893), p. 65. 
 [41]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 been indefinitely postponed. He created a 
 revolution which has had no equal in the 
 intellectual history of the modern world since 
 the Renaissance and the Reformation. His 
 mind, like an artesian well, was pierced deeply 
 by his constant meditations, and a stream of 
 clear truth sprang forth which washed away 
 the barriers that restrained scientific and even 
 religious thought. He gave coherence and 
 meaning to the inchoate accumulations of 
 natural knowledge. He stimulated research 
 and mapped out the lines on which it could 
 intelligently proceed to ascertainable ends. 
 Nor is it too much to say that his work "chas- 
 tened and refined" 1 not only the intellectual 
 but "the moral aspects" of science and philoso- 
 phy. The entire field of human effort has 
 acquired new promise and dignity. For al- 
 though biology was the cradle of the movement, 
 its ramifications have spread into many other 
 fields which have become abundantly fertile. 
 To Darwin belongs the unspeakable merit of 
 inoculating his own and future generations with 
 the idea of progressive development. The 
 statesman, the social reformer, and the theo- 
 logian have been touched with a new enthusi- 
 asm born of the hope of better things. They 
 determined to parallel the story of progress in 
 nature by effecting a like unfolding in the 
 realms of politics, ethics, and religion. In 
 
 1 Fifty Years of Darwinism, p. 4. 
 
 [42]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 directing the eyes of the world toward an ideal, 
 all the more attractive because its outlines are 
 lost in the bright faith of a possible perfecti- 
 bility, Darwin did the greatest service man can 
 render to his fellows. 
 
 A day dawned when controversy was hushed 
 in the presence of death; criticism gave place 
 to tribute; and all vied with each other in their 
 eulogies on the departed scientist. Huxley, 
 who knew him intimately, voiced the common 
 sentiments when he referred to the extraordinary 
 affection and esteem for his character as a man, 
 and the veneration for his endowments as a 
 scientific philosopher, which were felt through- 
 out the world. Intellectually he had no superior, 
 and his infinite variety and accuracy of knowl- 
 edge attracted the best minds. "Acute as 
 were his reasoning powers, vast as was his 
 knowledge, marvelous as was his tenacious 
 industry, brave as was the struggle he waged 
 against ill health, these were not the qualities," 
 continued Huxley, "which impressed those 
 who were admitted to his friendship; but a 
 certain and almost passionate honesty, by 
 which all his thoughts and actions were irradi- 
 ated as by a central fire, was the rarest and 
 greatest endowment." 
 
 Darwin died suddenly on the 19th of April, 
 1882, and on the 24th was buried in England's 
 great Abbey at Westminster, in accordance with 
 
 1 Huxley's Darwiniana, pp. 245-246. 
 
 [43]
 
 Charles Darwin 
 
 the general feeling that such a man should not 
 go to the grave without the chief recognition 
 the British nation can bestow on her elect sons. 
 The body rests by the side of that of Sir Isaac 
 Newton, who did for the heavens what Darwin 
 did for the earth. "For just so surely as the dis- 
 covery and demonstration of the law of gravita- 
 tion established order in the place of chaos, 
 and laid a lasting foundation for all future 
 study of the heavens, so surely the discovery 
 of the law of natural selection established a 
 firm basis for all future study of nature." 
 
 [44]
 
 SECOND LECTURE 
 THOMAS HENRY HUXLEY
 
 "And though all the winds of doctrine were let loose 
 to play upon the earth, so Truth be in the field, we do 
 injuriously by licensing and prohibiting to misdoubt 
 her strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple; who 
 ever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free and open 
 encounter?" JOHN MILTON.
 
 THOMAS HENRY HUXLEY 
 
 IT is an appropriate transition from Darwin 
 to the man who was his close ally and fight- 
 ing general in the controversies aroused by the 
 publication of the Origin of Species and The 
 Descent of Man. Darwin could not have been 
 more fortunate in his exponent, advocate, and 
 defender. He seldom noticed attacks which 
 were ill-natured and unjust, and maintained a 
 dignified silence in the presence of a frantic 
 and unscrupulous opposition. Some extreme 
 participants endeavored to stifle the evolution 
 theory at its inception. Scientists have placed 
 the chief blame for this hasty condemnation 
 upon theologians and ecclesiastics, ignoring the 
 fact that not a few of their own leaders repu- 
 diated the Darwinian hypothesis as untenable 
 and absurd. Without enlarging on the strange 
 conduct of Sir Richard Owen, whose shufflings 
 provoked even the gentle nature of Darwin, 
 Sir Charles Lyell had considerable difficulty in 
 preventing Sir William Dawson from adversely 
 reviewing the Origin before he had opened the 
 book. After naturalists had begun to feel the 
 weight of its reasonings, they were slow to 
 admit them. As a newly discovered principle, 
 [47]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 natural selection was compelled to face an 
 unprepared and prejudiced public. 
 
 At this juncture Thomas Henry Huxley 
 stepped into the breach, threw down the 
 gauntlet, and during the strenuous period that 
 followed became the recognized champion of 
 freedom for scientific thought and utterance. 
 He was already favorably known to Darwin, 
 who had declared that there were three men in 
 Britain upon whose verdict he relied, Lyell, 
 Hooker, and Huxley. If he could convince 
 them, he could afford to wait for the rest. The 
 last of the three, a brilliant young scientist still 
 in his thirties, who by the extent and accuracy 
 of his knowledge, and the soundness of his 
 scientific judgment, had become equally formi- 
 dable as an opponent or apologist. After rapidly 
 reviewing the Origin, he wrote to the author : 
 "As for your doctrine, I am prepared to go to 
 the stake, if requisite, in support of Chapter IX 
 and most parts of Chapters X, XI, XII. ... I 
 trust you will not allow yourself to be in any 
 way disgusted or annoyed by the considerable 
 abuse and misrepresentation which, unless I 
 greatly mistake, is in store for you. . . . Some 
 of your friends, at any rate, are endowed with 
 an amount of combativeness which (though 
 you have often and justly rebuked it) may 
 stand you in good stead. I am sharpening up 
 my claws and beak in readiness." 1 
 
 1 Life and Letters of T. II. Huxley, Vol. I, p. 188-189. 
 [48]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 The writer of this militant letter was born 
 at Baling, a suburb of London, on May 4, 1825. 
 He was the seventh and youngest surviving 
 child of George Huxley, senior master in the 
 well-known school of Dr. Nicholas. In his 
 Recollections he ascribes the majority of his 
 physical traits to his mother, whose maiden 
 name was Rachel Withers. His faculties of 
 intuition and criticism, his keenness of per- 
 ception and flashes of sardonic humor were also 
 a maternal inheritance. They were helpful 
 gifts, though not without serious drawbacks. 
 He confessed that at intervals they played him 
 sad tricks and were in need of constant restraint. 
 Deeply attached to that mother, young Huxley 
 would lie awake at night possessed by the 
 morbid fears of a sensitive and affectionate 
 child, and wondering what would become of 
 him in the event of her death. When at length 
 the dreaded blow fell, it crushed him, and for a 
 time his grief knew no bounds. He was not 
 an easy boy to understand, and her approbation 
 and sympathy had been his highest rewards. 
 His eldest and always favorite sister promptly 
 took the mother's place, and but for her en- 
 couragement at this^crisis he might have lost 
 forever the buoyancy and determination which 
 afterward enabled him to stem the tides of a 
 tempestuous career. To his father were due 
 his choleric temper, tenacity of purpose, love 
 for paintings and music, and the artistic faculty 
 [491
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 which enabled him to make those instanta- 
 neous and vivid sketches with which he illumi- 
 nated his lectures. 
 
 II 
 
 Huxley's early education was not so thorough 
 as might have been expected; but the academic 
 loss was compensated by his zeal for literature, 
 his indomitable will, and the intercourse he 
 shared with well-informed people. When he 
 was twelve he read Hutton's Geology, a valuable 
 book which preceded Ly ell's Principles, and a 
 little later he studied Hamilton's Logic. The 
 author, however, who most profoundly influ- 
 enced his formative years and inspired his high 
 ideals of duty and passion for veracity, his 
 abhorrence of unreality and contempt for sub- 
 terfuge, was Thomas Carlyle. In 1840 he 
 obtained a copy of Sartor Resartus, and from 
 that moment he was made aware of the pur- 
 pose and discipline of life. An incidental result 
 of his contact with the Sage of Chelsea was his 
 esteem for Continental languages. He at once 
 commenced the study of German, and also 
 obtained a thorough knowledge of French and 
 Italian. These acquirements later enabled him 
 to tabulate international scientific authorities, 
 and by their means lie systematized the results 
 of foreign research and compared them with his 
 own. For a youth of fifteen to gain unaided a 
 knowledge of foreign tongues was almost un- 
 [50]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 known in England at that time. Huxley's in- 
 sight was always remarkably acute. He saw 
 how Teutonic thought had fed the flame of 
 Carlyle's genius, and he determined to make 
 himself familiar with the masters of philosophy, 
 history, and science in their own speech. 
 
 As he approached his majority, interesting 
 glimpses concerning his impressions and obser- 
 vations can be gathered from his reminiscences. 
 Speculations on the why and wherefore of 
 things in general, discussions on the rights and 
 wrongs of existing institutions, a chronic im- 
 pulse to penetrate to the bed-rock of facts, are 
 frequently found; while prevading all else there 
 is a contemptuous indignation toward any- 
 thing that savors of injustice and oppression. 
 This resentment was painfully accentuated 
 during his residence in Rotherhithe, where he 
 commenced his medical studies with a certain 
 Dr. Chandler. Here, in the black heart of one 
 of London's centers of destitution and igno- 
 rance, unmitigated vice and misery abounded. 
 Squalid surroundings, with their resultant 
 waste of humanity, drew from Huxley the bitter 
 comment that the place was "a vast Serbonian 
 bog, which swallowed up hope and being." 
 Contact with these sickening scenes of woeful 
 social disorder left an indelible impression on 
 him ; they cut him to the quick, and many years 
 afterward he said, "I have had the oppor- 
 tunity of seeing for myself something of the 
 [51]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 way in which the poor of London live; not 
 much, indeed, but still enough to give a terrible 
 foundation of real knowledge to my specula- 
 tions." ! 
 
 He escaped to a less poverty-stricken section 
 of the city, and joined his brother-in-law, Dr. 
 John Godwin Scott, as a preliminary to obtain- 
 ing his medical degree at London University. 
 The conditions for the entrance examinations 
 required testimonials of character, and among 
 those solicited was John Henry Newman, then 
 an Anglican vicar, who had once been a pupil 
 in the school of Dr. Nicholas. In 1842 he was 
 admitted to Charing Cross Hospital, and 
 finally, in 1845, graduated with marked suc- 
 cess in chemistry, anatomy, and philosophy. 
 The professor in the last-named subject, 
 Wharton Jones, impressed Huxley as much by 
 his personality as by his teaching. His fellow 
 students recalled in after days the tall, cadaver- 
 ous youth, whose extraordinary energy resulted 
 in his first contribution to science a hitherto 
 undiscovered structure in the human hair 
 sheath. This discovery is still known as 
 "Huxley's layer." 
 
 His application, on leaving college, for a 
 position as surgeon in the Royal Navy secured 
 him an appointment to the frigate Rattlesnake 
 as assistant to Dr. Thompson. In one respect 
 
 1 Life and Letters of T. II. Uuxley, Vol. I, p. 16. 
 [52]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 there is a similarity between his beginnings as 
 a scientist and those of his intimate friends 
 Darwin and Hooker. Darwin made his famous 
 voyage in the Beagle, Hooker accompanied Sir 
 James Ross to the Antarctic regions, and 
 Huxley spent four years in the Australian 
 waters. 
 
 After vexatious delays, against which Hux- 
 ley chafed, the cruise of the Rattlesnake 
 began on December 3, 1846, under the com- 
 mand of Captain Stanley, the brother of the 
 well-known Dean of Westminster. Sydney 
 was reached on July 16, 1847. The Admiralty 
 offered meager provision for the researches 
 Huxley was expected to make; but the lack of 
 a suitable equipment only spurred him to 
 additional efforts, and added merit to his 
 achievements. His published results dealt with 
 the lower organisms known before as Zoophytes 
 and now as Coelenterata. He carefully arranged 
 the series, and demonstrated that a common 
 plan of structure obtained among them. His 
 generalizations upon these, together with other 
 kindred matters, were in themselves sufficient 
 to give him commendable rank in any philo- 
 sophical history of zoology. The results were 
 forwarded to the Linnaean Society, London, 
 "with much the same outcome as that gained 
 by Noah when he sent forth the raven from 
 the ark." Exasperated by this neglect, he 
 turned to the Royal Society and placed before 
 [53]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 it an elaborate account of the anatomy and 
 affinity of the Medusae. "This venture proved 
 to be his dove, although he was not aware of it 
 until his return home." On June 5, 1851, 
 Huxley was elected a fellow of the Society, 
 being one of fifteen selected from a list of thirty- 
 eight candidates an honor indeed, the re- 
 ward of sheer hard work, and, needless to 
 say, unstained by the slightest intrigue. The 
 unknown student who left Charing Cross Hos- 
 pital in 1846, too young as yet to qualify for 
 entrance at the College of Surgeons, was now 
 at twenty-six a member of the world's pre- 
 mier organization for the advancement of 
 scientific learning. Nothing could have been 
 more conducive to this propitious end than his 
 solitary life at sea. He had set out with a sat- 
 isfactory groundwork in anatomy and physiol- 
 ogy; he returned an expert in these departments 
 of knowledge and a learned ethnologist. A 
 layman in science can scarcely appreciate 
 the value of personal observation and experi- 
 ment if untrammeled thought is to be devel- 
 oped. The discoverer of such results as Huxley 
 obtained must be detached, independent, free 
 from the dictation of conventional schools, and 
 thrown upon his own intellectual resources. 
 He is then compelled to test each simple object 
 as regards its properties and history. There 
 is risk in this, because it is the business of the 
 pioneer; but Huxley, escaping the dogmas of 
 [54]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 scientific sects, challenged the risk and won the 
 prize. Virchow's observation that this is not an 
 unknown occurrence to one who is acquainted 
 with the progress of knowledge can be extended 
 to all who, like the youthful surgeon of the 
 Rattlesnake, have dared, after making every 
 possible reckoning, to steer their own course. 
 The spirit of his enterprise is vigorously por- 
 trayed in a letter which deals with his aims 
 and prospects. "There are," he says, "many 
 nice people in this world, for whose praise or 
 blame I care not a whistle. I don't know, and 
 I don't care, whether I shall ever be what is 
 called a great man. I will leave my mark 
 somewhere, and it shall be clear and distinct 
 [T. H. H., his mark], and free from the 
 abominable blur of cant, humbug, and self- 
 seeking which surrounds everything in this 
 present world that is to say, supposing that 
 I am not already unconsciously tainted 
 myself, a result of which I have a morbid 
 dread." * 
 
 Though highly controversial, Huxley had a 
 warm and sensitive nature, which found its 
 climax in the perfect sympathy and charming 
 intercourse of his domestic life. He met his 
 future wife, Miss Henrietta Anna Heathorn, 
 while he was attached to the Australian Expe- 
 dition, and after a long and protracted court- 
 ship they were married. When she arrived in 
 
 2 Life and Letters of T. H. Huxley, p. 69. 
 [55]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 England, she was seriously impaired in health, 
 and he was a poor and struggling professional 
 man; but he tenderly nursed her back to 
 strength, and she entered into his life with a 
 fulness of reciprocal affection which aroused to 
 activity the nobler elements of his character. 
 Their son Leonard eulogizes the wife and mother 
 who was to be his father's stay for forty years: 
 "in his struggles ready to counsel, in adversity 
 to comfort; the critic whose verdict he valued 
 above almost any, and whose praise he cared 
 most to win." l She was his first care and last 
 thought, and their entire married life was a 
 notable example of mutual helpfulnes and ser- 
 vice. 
 
 IV 
 
 For some time after Huxley's return to Eng- 
 land repeated repulses discouraged him; but 
 the year 1854 brought him some of the more 
 solid tokens of success. "I have finally decided 
 that my vocation is science," he writes to an 
 Australian friend; "and I have made up my 
 mind to the comparative poverty which is its 
 necessary adjunct, and to the no less certain 
 seclusion from the ordinary pleasures and 
 rewards of men." ~ In this sacrificial temper 
 he began and ended his career. His earliest 
 ambition was to become a mechanical engi- 
 
 1 Life and Letters of T. II. Huxley, Vol. I, p. 39. 
 
 2 Ibid, Vol. I, p. 101. 
 
 [561
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 neer, and in a retrospective mood he is not 
 sure that he had not been one all along, though 
 in partibus infidelium. Physiology, which was 
 his chief delight, is but the working out of the 
 wonderful unity of plan in the thousands and 
 thousands of diverse living constructions, show- 
 ing their mechanical engineering, and the modi- 
 fications of similar apparatus to serve diverse 
 ends. 
 
 Huxley's labors in behalf of public instruc- 
 tion were second only to his achievements as 
 an eminent scientist, and his definition of a 
 liberal education has become a classic. It is 
 found in a lecture delivered at the Working 
 Men's College, London, in 1868: 
 
 "That man, I think, has had a liberal edu- 
 cation who has been so trained in his youth 
 that his body is the ready servant of his will, 
 and does with ease and pleasure all the work 
 that, as a mechanism, it is capable of; whose 
 intellect is a clear, cold, logic engine, with all 
 its parts of equal strength, and in smooth work- 
 ing order, ready, like a steam-engine, to be 
 turned to any kind of work, and spin the 
 gossamers as well as forge the anchors of the 
 mind ; whose mind is stored with a knowledge 
 of the great and fundamental truths of Nature 
 and of the laws of her operations; one who, no 
 stunted ascetic, is full of life and fire, but whose 
 passions are trained to come to heel by a 
 vigorous will, the servant of a tender con- 
 [57]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 science ; who has learnt to love all beauty 
 whether of nature or of art, to hate all vileness, 
 and to respect others as himself. Such a one, 
 and no other, I conceive, has a liberal education; 
 for he is, as completely as a man can be, in 
 harmony with Nature. He will make the best 
 of her, and she of him. They will get on 
 together rarely: she as his ever-beneficent 
 mother; he as her mouthpiece, her conscious 
 self, her minister and interpreter." 1 
 
 This severe and dignified utterance is as no- 
 table for what it omits as for what it includes; 
 yet his faith in it never wavered for an instant, 
 and he extended its possibilities to all alike, 
 tradesmen, artisans, and members of aristo- 
 cratic circles. Huxley was not one of those 
 superior dons who regard with aversion the 
 multitude beyond the academy, or who deem 
 a popular lecture unworthy of the serious 
 efforts of a philosopher or a scholar. On the 
 contrary, the task of putting the truths of the 
 laboratory and the museum into language 
 which was strictly accurate and yet intelligible 
 taxed his scientific and literary powers to the 
 utmost. St. George Mivart tells us that the 
 need of clearness was often brought home 
 to the professor when addressing promiscuous 
 audiences. At the close of one of his efforts 
 at the Royal Institution a lady approached him, 
 and, after profuse thanks for the intellectual 
 
 1 Collected Essays: Science and Education, p. 86. 
 [58]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 treat he had given her, ventured to say 
 there was one point she did not quite under- 
 stand: "You referred to the cerebellum, and 
 I did not gather whether you said this was 
 inside the skull or outside." Experiences of 
 this kind were more frequent than one would 
 imagine, and they enforced upon Huxley the 
 simplicity of exposition which gave urbanity 
 and elasticity to his style. The first series of 
 lectures to working men, just mentioned, was 
 delivered in 1855. They were free from the 
 pedantries of technical dialect, and revealed to 
 thousands who dwelt in the common ways of 
 men the fruits of his remote and arduous pur- 
 suits. The one on A Piece of Chalk is a sterling 
 example of the perspicacity and maturity of his 
 popular utterances. Without injuring for a 
 moment the comprehension and fidelity, de- 
 tail and description involved in the matters 
 treated, he strove to make his meaning acces- 
 sible to those who could not have had any pre- 
 vious knowledge of the subject. He enabled 
 the non-scientific but shrewd workmen who 
 crowded his lecture-halls to see the truth as he 
 saw it, and the result was that experts them- 
 selves acknowledged these deliverances to be 
 masterpieces of lucid reasoning and genuine 
 eloquence. He satirically deplores the loss of 
 that mellifluous oratory which leads, far more 
 surely than worth, capacity, or honest work, 
 to the highest places in Church and State, and 
 [59]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 states that he has been obliged to content him- 
 self with saying what he meant to say in the 
 plainest of plain language. 
 
 The inaugural address of Johns Hopkins 
 University in the centennial year of 1876 is a 
 complete specimen of the new combination of 
 science with literature which his speeches had 
 effected. The lectures on evolution were first 
 heard in New York City. On his arrival he 
 was introduced to Professor O. C. Marsh, who 
 had made a careful study of fossils gathered 
 from the strata of the Western states. Marsh 
 presented his data to Huxley before he began 
 his course. It was entirely new to him, and he 
 promptly avowed his indebtedness. The facts 
 demonstrated for the first time the direct line 
 of descent of an existing animal. "With the 
 generosity of true greatness," says Professor 
 Marsh, "he gave up his own opinions in the 
 face of truth, and took my conclusions as the 
 basis of his famous lecture on the horse." 1 
 
 Huxley was at home in the United States, and 
 he everywhere received a warm welcome. His 
 instincts were entirely democratic. His ad- 
 vocacy of thought and speech, as well as his 
 standing as an authority on debated issues, 
 commended him to a freedom-loving people. 
 All classes of society were interested in him : 
 the miners of California read his essays at 
 night around their camp-fires, and the univer- 
 
 1 Marsh's Life, Vol. I, p. 402, English edition. 
 [60]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 sities and various bodies of learning united 
 to do him honor. From the day he landed 
 until his departure the visit was crowded 
 with gratifying experiences. His comments on 
 American life and scenery were character- 
 istically pungent. "In the Old World the 
 first things you see as you approach a great 
 city are steeples," he said; "here you see first 
 centers of intelligence." It was an infirmity of 
 this gifted mind that it could not associate 
 church spires with intelligence. He gazed in- 
 tently at the tugboats which tore up and down 
 New York Harbor, and remarked, "If I were 
 not a man I think I should like to be a tug." 1 
 The fitness of his second preference will be 
 admitted by those who have seen this particu- 
 lar craft, and who also understand his restless 
 and resistless genius. 
 
 He readily perceived the vital relation be- 
 tween education and democracy, and he avowed 
 his belief in science as a fountain of ideas which 
 must sanitate the rule of the people. "Man 
 does not live by bread alone," and the highest 
 function of institutions for education is to 
 seek out and cherish those leaders who will 
 carry the interpretation of nature a step farther 
 than their predecessors. By their agencies the 
 moral worth and intellectual clearness of the 
 individual citizen are secured, and the general 
 welfare is advanced. 
 
 1 Life and Letters, Vol. I, p. 494. 
 [61]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 Ethics occupy almost as important a sphere in 
 Huxley's teaching as science or education. He 
 had a noble conception of character, and placed 
 clever men low in the scale of his esteem. To 
 Wilfred Ward he said, "Men of ability are 
 common enough, but men of character and con- 
 viction are very rare." l In this statement 
 there is nothing of the cynicism of Diogenes; it 
 rather hints at the tremendous struggle involved 
 in building up true character. He showed him- 
 self freely to kindred spirits like Charles King- 
 sley, and spoke feelingly of the influences which 
 had saved him from shipwreck. His indebted- 
 ness to Carlyle, who taught him that a deep 
 sense of religion was compatible with the entire 
 absence of theology; his scientific research, in 
 itself a severe lesson in morality, and the love 
 he bore his wife and children were the grounds 
 where he cast anchor and outrode the storms. 
 They were also the bases of his frequent con- 
 tributions to ethical discussions, which cannot 
 be given at length, but which find their highest 
 expression in the Romanes Lecture on Evolu- 
 tion and Ethics delivered at Oxford in 1893. It 
 was brilliant, evincing a large grasp of the 
 necessary facts, a true sense of historical per- 
 spective, a capacity for keen analysis, and the 
 breezy candor which we have learned to asso- 
 
 1 Nineteenth Century, Vol. XL, p. 281. 
 
 [62]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 ciate with his utterances. He passes in review 
 ethical theories of many nations and cults, 
 Oriental and Occidental, Greek and Roman, 
 ancient and modern. When he comes to his 
 own, it appears to be a scientific Buddhism, 
 with a heroism optimistic rather than pessi- 
 mistic as the main feature of differentiation. 
 Two prominent and descriptive phrases fur- 
 nish the gate of entrance into the heart of the 
 conception he wished to convey. He speaks of 
 "the cosmic process," and "the ethical process." 
 The first needs a word of explanation, the 
 second is in direct opposition to the first. 
 
 For Huxley, as for Darwin, the struggle for 
 existence in the life of the organic world was a 
 fact involving tremendous issues, and beset by 
 complications they could not wholly unravel. It 
 constantly recurs in all their discussions of the 
 problems of development. It had, as we have 
 seen in the case of Malthus, a profound and 
 formative influence on the theories of the 
 methods of creation advanced by them and 
 many other nineteenth-century scientists. Per- 
 haps there was no more insurmountable barrier 
 to faith than the one its difficulties furnished. 
 Yet not all agree with Huxley concerning the 
 extent and severity of the conflict. He speaks 
 of a "civil war" between the realms of nature 
 and of morals, and this war must continue, 
 since the moral progress of society "depends, 
 not on imitating the cosmic process, still less in 
 [631
 
 running away from it, but in combating it." 
 Russel Wallace would not have admitted so 
 much as this, 1 and Prince Kropotkin reads 
 into the character of lower creation his own 
 kindness and generosity. Indeed, he goes too 
 far in the opposite direction from Huxley, and 
 fails to perceive that where animals form com- 
 binations they do so for mutual defense and 
 aggression; that where they remain solitary, 
 as in the case of the tiger, it is because they 
 can live 2 without cooperation. But if nature 
 is not an incipient paradise, nor is it a con- 
 tinual shambles. Deeds of blood are constantly 
 perpetrated ; yet, like those of the ancient Greek 
 tragedy, they are to a great extent carefully 
 hidden. There would be no place for poetry 
 and romance in the world if "nothing but 
 slaughter 'were' going on from morn till noon, 
 from noon till dewy eve." The "lives of the 
 hunted" are largely interspaces of quiet con- 
 tentment varied by occasional crises. The 
 crises are due to geographical changes, inclem- 
 ent seasons, epidemics, the immense loss in- 
 curred in the early stages, and the intolerance 
 of the group toward a weak member or toward 
 other groups. Hence the law prevails that 
 there is no species of animals or plants which 
 does not depend on its fitness for its existence. 
 This law prevents the rapidity of increase 
 
 1 See lecture on Darwin, p. 37. 
 
 2 See F. W. Headley's Life and Evolution, Chap. Ill, pp. 215 ff. 
 
 [64]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 which can only be checked by such competition. 
 For if all the potentialities of created life became 
 actualities, it would swarm on land and sea as 
 the frogs swarmed in Egypt, and ensure its 
 own destruction ; nor could it fail to drag man 
 into the evils of such unrestraint. The same 
 struggle goes on among plants, though it is less 
 apparent. Parasites flourish in the vegetable 
 kingdom, and one tree ousts another from the 
 soil. But man has almost a monopoly of the 
 misery of the world. The children of the poor 
 are frequently so ill-bred and ill-nourished that 
 they lack the vital exuberance which is the 
 right of living beings. The stern discipline 
 found in nature, and which renders the great 
 service of arresting worthless types and blot- 
 ting out hereditary diseases, cannot obtain 
 in the ethical process. That fostering care 
 displayed by the fierce beast of the forest 
 toward its young is sometimes lacking in those 
 dehumanized and degraded parents who cruelly 
 oppress and neglect their offspring. When, in 
 addition to these truths, we recall human sen- 
 sibility to physical pain, and the penalties it 
 inflicts upon the spiritual consciousness, the 
 entire spectacle is a soul-moving horror which 
 has caused every lover of his kind to mourn. 
 Even in England forty-eight per cent of the 
 population die before the age of twenty-five, 
 and preventable diseases account for many of 
 these deaths. 
 
 [651
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 The survey is not a hopeful one, save from 
 the Christian standpoint of a redemptive im- 
 mortality, in which the law of compensation 
 shall rectify the known wrongs of man's pres- 
 ent heritage. And this should not induce us 
 to consent to any relaxation of the merciful 
 energies of relief, but rather inspire wise and 
 philanthropic effort to readjust the burdens 
 of the social state, and thus realize as speedily 
 as possible a present deliverance from such 
 intolerable ills. Huxley accepted the gist of 
 the last statement as setting forth a necessary 
 outcome of the ethical process. While in 
 nature might is the only right, and its mes- 
 sage is "Be strong or you die," in morals 
 ruthless self-assertion gives place to self- 
 restraint; weakness is not a crime punishable 
 by death, but a fact to be dealt with by en- 
 lightened human sympathy; and instead of a 
 policy of fighting for the survival of the fittest, 
 society ordains a new one which ensures jus- 
 tice and happiness to the many. He believed 
 that both these processes were summed up in 
 the laws of nature, inasmuch as man, "physical, 
 intellectual, and moral, is as much a part of 
 nature, as purely a product of the cosmic 
 process, as the humblest weed." 
 
 His idea of the opposition is that of a man 
 
 trying to break a piece of string; the right arm 
 
 is in antagonism to the left arm, yet both arms 
 
 derive their energy from the same original 
 
 [66]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 source. Hence the conflict between natural and 
 moral principles is really a necessary element 
 of the cosmic process; and if this were the sum 
 total of the Romanes Lecture, it could not be 
 said to have carried us very far in the search 
 for truth. But Huxley made an admission, 
 which in the opinion of his critics vitiates his 
 whole theory. He confessed that "cosmic 
 evolution may teach us how the good and the 
 evil tendencies of man may have come about; 
 but, in itself, it is incompetent to furnish any 
 better reason why what we call good is prefer- 
 able to what we call evil than we had before." * 
 Science, then, is incompetent to account for 
 the great moral phenomenon the distinction 
 between right and wrong. Small wonder is it 
 that Huxley in conversation with Ward, in 
 1894, vigorously defended the argument for 
 design, and added that "faulty as is the Chris- 
 tian definition of Theism, it is nearer the truth 
 than the creed of some agnostics who conceive 
 of no unifying principle in the world." His 
 theory of life as expounded in this lecture 
 demands some such unity of purpose, and he 
 was not without glimmerings, as he neared the 
 end of his days, that the only reasonable 
 ground of the unity is God Himself. 
 
 1 Collected Essays: Evolution and Ethics, p. 80. 
 
 [67]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 VI 
 
 Huxley's views on the relation between 
 science and religion were never left in obscurity. 
 He believed the antagonism between them was 
 factitious, fabricated on the one hand by 
 religionists who confused theology with re- 
 ligion, and on the other by narrow scien- 
 tists who forgot that science dealt only with 
 matter-of-fact phenomena. The heathen sur- 
 vivals and the crass philosophies, under which 
 true religion has so often been interred, aroused 
 his ire. He rejoiced in the rupture, and hoped 
 that the quarrel would never cease until 
 science had discharged one of her most ben- 
 eficent missions relieving men from the bur- 
 den of a false science imposed upon them in 
 the name of religion. He held that the Holy 
 Scriptures, if stripped of sentimental and mis- 
 leading accretions, would favor this end, a view 
 supported by the splendid tribute he paid the 
 Bible, and by the significant fact that he yielded 
 to his wife's influence and chose a religious 
 education for his children. "Take the Bible 
 as a whole, make the severest deductions which 
 fair criticism can dictate, . . . and there still 
 remains in this old literature a vast residuum 
 of moral beauty and grandeur. . . . For three 
 centuries this book has been woven into the 
 life of all that is best and noblest in English 
 history. . . . By the study of what other book 
 [68]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 could children be so much humanized and made 
 to feel that each figure in that vast historical 
 procession files, like themselves, between two 
 eternities, and earns the blessings or the curses 
 of all time, according to its effort to do good 
 and hate evil, even as they also are earning 
 their payment for their work." 1 
 
 The goal of progress was a matter on which 
 Huxley had thought long and profoundly. He 
 refers to the Homeric sadness which arises out 
 of the conscious limitations of man, out of the 
 sense of an open secret which we cannot pene- 
 trate, wherein lie the quintessence of all re- 
 ligions and the source of all that is truly 
 catholic in their theologies. He looks forward 
 to the maturity of the race, when there will be 
 but one kind of knowledge, and one method of 
 its acquirements ; when science will have its per- 
 fect work, and when ignorance, superstition, 
 and their consequent evils will be finally 
 abolished. This is the goal of progress as he 
 conceived it, and he urges us toward it with 
 luminous exhortations. His dread of any spec- 
 ulation in definite spiritual directions forbade 
 an adequate and worthy climax for this cosmic 
 movement. When we interrogate him in 
 Browning's words, 
 
 "You've seen the world, 
 The beauty, the wonder, and the power, 
 
 1 Quoted from Ainswort.li Davis' T. H. Huxley ("English Men 
 of Science" Series), p. 103. 
 
 [691
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 The shapes of things, their colors, lights and shades, 
 Changes, surprises, and God made it all ! 
 For what ? . . . What's it all about ? 
 To be passed over, despised? or dwelt upon, 
 Wondered at?" 1 
 
 his answer is not couched in the terms of 
 Haeckel's materialistic monism, which regards 
 all that is peculiar to man as an insignificant 
 by-product of the evolutionary system, with 
 neither divine Alpha nor Omega. Nor does he 
 find it in that sense of vastness in the modern 
 universe which estimates this planet and its 
 inhabitants as an atom of dust on the crest of 
 a high mountain. Rather does he take refuge 
 with a school of scientific prophets, who, by 
 the aid of mathematical calculations, predict 
 that the process of nature, continually evolving, 
 must ultimately issue in a perfect equilibrium 
 of forces, implying the total cessation of change 
 and culminating in universal death. 
 
 Huxley expatiates at some length on this 
 pessimistic destiny, and it is important that he 
 should be represented in his own language: 
 "The theory of evolution encourages no mil- 
 lennial anticipations. If, for millions of years, 
 our globe has taken the upward road, yet, some 
 time, the summit will be reached and the down- 
 ward route will be commenced." 2 A struc- 
 tural deficiency is here discernible in his mental 
 
 1 Browning's Fra Lippo Lippi (Poetical Works, Riverside 
 edition v. 4, p. 80). 
 
 2 Evolution and Ethics, p. 85. 
 
 [701
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 nature. It frequently appears elsewhere, and 
 its results run athwart much of his finest think- 
 ing. It lay in the absence of those adventurous 
 tentacles which grope for the spiritual meanings 
 of phenomena. He had few positive and affirm- 
 ative sympathies with these hidden realities. 
 Principal Fairbairn once described Newman as 
 "an agnostic baptized with religious emotion." 
 The description is just; for Newman's religion 
 was pillared on a great doubt and a great fear, 
 - the doubt he had of God's free action in 
 the world apart from an appointed and nec- 
 essary agency in the Church; the fear he en- 
 tertained of the corrosive influence of human 
 reason in matters of faith. Huxley's agnosti- 
 cism was less orientalized and subtle, but, like 
 Newman's, it was inherent. Bold to reck- 
 lessness elsewhere, he here manifested sur- 
 prising timidity. To affirm a personal Deity, 
 especially one who controlled the destiny of 
 the world and of man, was more than he 
 could allow. Newman vanquished his fears by 
 enthroning dogma; Huxley confirmed his ob- 
 liquity by enthroning agnosticism. 
 
 A small book containing his favorite aphor- 
 isms and reflections has recently been issued, 1 
 and the impression these leave on the mind of 
 the sympathetic reader is that he was seriously 
 troubled by doubts of his own theory. His 
 materialism was not without its misgivings. 
 
 1 See Spectator, April 15, 1911, p. 553. 
 
 [71]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 Indeed, he will not allow that he is a materialist. 
 "The man of science who, forgetting the limits 
 of philosophical inquiry, slides from these 
 formulae and symbols into what is commonly 
 understood by materialism, seems to me to 
 place himself upon a level with the mathemati- 
 cian who should mistake the X's and Y's with 
 which he works his problems for real entities." 
 But he never made any sacrifices to consist- 
 ency; and while he puts aside materialism, he 
 points out that there are still more terrible 
 theories, and seems to uphold its possibility by 
 threats. The rational grounds for belief, in his 
 esteem, are often extremely irrational attempts 
 to justify our instincts. We are to learn what 
 is "true by setting aside all conclusions that can 
 not be proved." "All truth in the long run is 
 only common sense clarified." Then he some- 
 what changes his position. The one end of 
 learning the truth is that right may be done. 
 That is the sole object of all knowledge. And, 
 after all, the world is absolutely governed by 
 ideas, very often by the wildest and most 
 hypothetical ideas. He asserts, "in whichever 
 way we look at the matter, morality is based 
 on 'intuition' and feeling, not on reason." If you 
 ask why the few in whom these intuitions are 
 strong move and control the mass in whom 
 they are weak, he answers the question by 
 asking another: Why do the few in whom the 
 sense of beauty is strong Shakespeare, 
 [72]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 Raphael, Beethoven carry the less-endowed 
 multitude away? The fact is not explained, 
 but "genius as an explosive power beats gun- 
 powder hollow." Such princes upset all cal- 
 culations, and create their own constituency. 
 But may not intuition and feeling be worthy 
 of the acceptance and even the allegiance of 
 men? Our assurance of free-will, of the benevo- 
 lence of Deity, and of the highest elements 
 of religion, morality, and beauty, depends on 
 them. The appeal of Christ to these intuitions 
 and feelings has convinced and carried men 
 upward to renewed existence. As the Spec- 
 tator remarks, the doubts of his own plan of 
 thought which Huxley suggests are sufficient 
 to form a creed. Where he found his moral 
 assurance we cannot be debarred from find- 
 ing our spiritual interpretation. And this wit- 
 ness standeth sure, while "materialism fades 
 and changes, and with its perpetual flux and 
 welter of vibrations eludes us at every turn." 
 Nor is the last word said by Huxley upon the 
 unreasonableness of the skepticism opposed to 
 these conclusions. For there is a distinction 
 between doubt and skepticism, and Gladstone 
 described it at some length when he said: 
 
 "For doubt I have a sincere respect, but 
 doubt and skepticism are different things. I 
 contend that the skeptic is of all men on earth 
 the most inconsistent and irrational. He uses 
 a plea against religion which he never uses 
 [731
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 against anything he wants to do or any idea 
 he wants to embrace, viz., the want of 
 demonstrative evidence. Every day and all 
 day long he eats the dish he likes without cer- 
 tainty that it is not poisoned; he rides the 
 horse without certainty that the animal will 
 not break its neck; he sends out of the house 
 a servant he suspects without demonstration 
 of guilt; he marries the woman he likes with 
 no absolute knowledge that she loves him; he 
 embraces the political opinion that he prefers, 
 perhaps without any study at all, certainly 
 without demonstrative evidence of its truth. 
 But when he comes to religion he is seized with 
 a great intellectual scrupulosity, and demands as 
 a precondition of homage to God what every- 
 where else he dispenses with, and then ends with 
 thinking himself more rational than other 
 people." 
 
 We believe that both science and religion 
 desire to express reality, and both have great 
 realities to express. Religion, as well as science, 
 has lived and will live by the certainty of its 
 ideas, and these ideas are not "such stuff as 
 dreams are made of," but sterling convictions 
 which have shaped and transfigured the whole 
 fabric of western civilization. Their embodi- 
 ment in ecclesiastical and theological thought 
 has suffered from the perils incident to human 
 development. How could it be otherwise? 
 Christianity during the two thousand years of 
 [741
 
 its existence has passed through many changes 
 which appear to us to-day crude and barbaric. 
 Yet, distorted and misapplied as it no doubt 
 has been, it has met the varying needs of 
 human nature, and become the companion of 
 every human fate. It has instructed and ele- 
 vated the ignorant, and at the same time 
 proved the delight and sheet-anchor of the 
 learned. It is a vital and timeless force, ever 
 adaptable to the continually changing and 
 enlarging conceptions of life, and going before 
 the loftiest ideals it authorizes. Its enduring 
 principle of regeneration was never understood 
 by Huxley, although he admitted that its ori- 
 gin and steady persistence against all rivalries, 
 was a profoundly interesting problem. He 
 entertained the hope that the progress of 
 accurate historical research would provide a 
 solution. Such research has been made, and 
 it has proceeded on well-defined lines ; but no 
 solution such as he expected has been found. 
 For many of us it was a superfluous quest, 
 since the personality of Jesus Christ, in both 
 history and experience, is fully retained, and 
 will always remain the sole explanation of 
 this wonderful revelation. Of course, for the 
 mind which can discover no place for a Creator, 
 and can see no destiny save cold annihilation, 
 "the problem of Christ" will be a curious 
 speculation rather than a mystery of divine 
 love and grace. To us, however, the chief end
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 of man is not speculation for its own sake, but 
 that we may glorify God and enjoy Him for- 
 ever; and in a God-created and God-controlled 
 universe it is the only conceivable and worthy 
 end. Its realization in Christ has been the 
 stupendous religious fact, for which there is no 
 rational explanation except in a frank admis- 
 sion of His claims. Huxley's consciousness of 
 the difficulties involved in his views on life and 
 destiny caused him to advocate a resolute front 
 against the prospect of future nothingness. "We 
 are grown men, and must play the man" 
 
 "Strong in will 
 To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield." 
 
 He admits that a ray of light may perchance 
 steal in upon the dreadful gloom: 
 
 "It may be that the gulfs will wash us down, 
 It may be we shall touch the Happy Isles." 1 
 
 The natures that will find comfort in this 
 scanty outlook are few indeed, and later 
 teachers of the evolution school have revolted 
 against its dismal predictions. Mr. Fiske says, 
 "For my own part, I believe in the immor- 
 tality of the soul, not in the sense in which I 
 accept the demonstrable truths of science, but 
 as a supreme act of faith in the reasonableness 
 of God's work." The spirit that breathes in 
 
 1 Emlution and Efhicts, p. 86. 
 
 2 The Destiny of Man, p. 116. 
 
 [701
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 these admirable words is truly refreshing. But 
 Le Conte is more emphatic still. He holds 
 that, without spirit immortality this in- 
 creasingly beautiful cosmos, which has run its 
 ageless course with manifest purpose and value, 
 would be precisely as though it had never been 
 an idiot tale signifying and portending blank 
 nothingness. 1 
 
 VII 
 
 Huxley's value to his generation was large 
 and varied. He was an admirable pleader for 
 the atmosphere in which science must live to 
 prosper ; he knew the many ramifications of 
 natural knowledge; and his original contribu- 
 tions were diversified and multitudinous. In 
 regard to the latter, no biological investigator of 
 his period excelled him. He practically founded 
 modern embryology ; reconstructed the classi- 
 fication of organisms, and gave a renewed 
 interest to the facts of anatomy. As an ornith- 
 ologist, competent authorities placed him fore- 
 most, the true position and relationships of the 
 three groups of birds being for the first time 
 disclosed by him. He explored every nook and 
 corner of the animal kingdom, and returned 
 richly laden with its treasures. Physiologists 
 and biologists alone can estimate the results of 
 his prodigious labors ; all that can be attempted 
 here is to note a few of the landmarks of his 
 
 1 Cf. Le Conte's Evolution and its Relation to Religious Thought, 
 p. 329. 
 
 [77]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 later life. The many important appointments 
 he held, the fullness of his literary and public 
 labors, the honors bestowed upon him, and the 
 respect paid to his professional opinions by 
 European and American scientists, afford abun- 
 dant evidence of the hold he had upon his gen- 
 eration. He was the world's premier professor 
 in biology, President of the Royal Society, 
 Lord Rector of Aberdeen University, a member 
 of the first London School Board, trustee of the 
 British Museum, corresponding member of 
 nearly all scientific organizations, and a repre- 
 sentative on several Government commissions. 
 Degrees were lavished on him in later life. 
 Edinburgh University led the way as early as 
 1866, when Tyndall and Carlyle also shared her 
 appreciation of the attainments of a remarkable 
 trinity of men. Dublin followed in 1878; Oxford 
 and Cambridge came last, in 1885 and 1891 re- 
 spectively. It is generally known that Huxley 
 might have received a title in recognition of his 
 eminent services, but his opposition defeated 
 the project. The sole claim to nobility which 
 becomes a philosopher is the place he holds in 
 the estimation of his fellow workers, who alone 
 are competent to judge his merits. Newton 
 and Cuvier lowered themselves, in his opinion, 
 by accepting such distinctions. Like Grote, 
 Carlyle, and Gladstone, he preferred to be known 
 by the plain and unadorned name of Thomas 
 Huxley. 
 
 [781
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 Failing health compelled his retirement from 
 official life in 1885. No sense of personal 
 gratification could delude him into holding any 
 position for a moment after reason and con- 
 science indicated any incapacity to discharge 
 its duties. He went to Oxford to receive the 
 Doctorate of Civil Law in a melancholy mood. 
 It was a sort of apotheosis coincident with his 
 official decease. But he mistook himself if he 
 supposed that such retirement would mean 
 cessation from strife. He always succumbed 
 to the lure of the fray, and it may be said of 
 him, as of the charger in Job's drama, "he 
 smelleth the battle afar off." He had fought 
 with the press at Edinburgh, where the Witness 
 accused him of advocating a debasing theory, 
 standing in blasphemous contradiction to the 
 biblical narrative and doctrine, and wondered 
 why the vile and beastly paradox he advanced 
 should not have excited the wrath of the audi- 
 ence. It was an age of conflict, when men con- 
 tended for their several positions with the zest 
 of those who were sworn defenders of the citadel 
 of Christian truth. Yet Huxley was more 
 careful to avoid public criticism of religious 
 opinion than some imagined; and Mivart, 
 Roman Catholic though he was, went out of 
 his way to send his son to Huxley's Kensington 
 lectures. 
 
 Many of these contentions have become so 
 barren that it is difficult for us to realize the 
 [791
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 fear and dismay they once excited. Huxley 
 did not escape the perils of the swordsman any 
 more than Bishop Wilberforce, Gladstone, or 
 the rampant editor of the Witness. The 
 Oxford prelate was not always "florid, fluent, 
 and smilingly insolent," or distinguished for 
 emptiness and unfairness. He was a truly 
 great man who vitalized the Episcopal office, 
 and left a lasting impression on the Church 
 of England. His flippancy in an unguarded 
 moment exposed him to the thrust of Huxley's 
 trenchant blade, and one may be sure that the 
 opportunity was not allowed to pass. But it 
 was Sir Richard Owen who inspired the Wilber- 
 force attack, and the duel was between two 
 rivals in scientific interpretation, with an un- 
 fortunate Church dignitary acting as the proxy 
 of the elder one. "The voice was the voice of 
 Jacob, but the hands were the hands of Esau." 
 A more fortunate opponent than Gladstone 
 could not have been found for Huxley's skillful 
 strategy. The statesman used an agile and 
 powerful intellect to defend theories which were 
 not necessary to faith. He gave those theories 
 such a large personal setting that the task of 
 demolishing them was congenial to the scientist's 
 habit of mind. In theology Gladstone had no 
 history. What he was at thirty he remained at 
 eighty, unchanged and unchangeable in an age 
 of constant transition. Their passage at arms 
 showed this, and placed the venerable Liberal 
 [80]
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 Prime Minister at a decided disadvantage. But 
 it ended with a handsome postscript from Hux- 
 ley: "My best thanks are due to Mr. Gladstone 
 for his courteous withdrawal of one of the state- 
 ments to which I have thought it needful to 
 take exception. The familiarity with con- 
 troversy . . . will have accustomed him to the 
 misadventures which arise when . . . the but- 
 tons come off the foils. I trust that any scratch 
 which he may have received will heal as quickly 
 as my own flesh wounds have done." 1 
 
 Whatever the merits or demerits of the fight 
 waged in the last century, the chief result was 
 the securing of that liberty for theology and 
 natural science which is at once the cause and 
 the consequence of intellectual progress. The 
 policy of repression exercised by certain domi- 
 nant factions began to weaken, and the un- 
 fettered state of present inquiry in all spheres 
 of knowledge can be traced, in part at any rate, 
 to the period in which Huxley was an intrepid 
 figure. Intellectual and moral integrity were 
 his outstanding virtues. His absolute loyalty 
 to truth made any sort of mental dishonesty 
 intolerable. He drove his rational inquiry 
 through the heart of any prevalent conceptions 
 if he believed them erroneous. Fear of men 
 was unknown to him, and he came to the office 
 of the scientist with the conviction that he 
 must be the sworn interpreter of nature in the 
 
 1 Huxley's Collected Essays, Vol. IV p. 283. 
 
 [811
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 high court of reason, let the personal conse- 
 quences be what they might. If the situation 
 demanded it, he dealt with Darwin, whom he 
 reverenced as he did few others, with unhesi- 
 tating candor. 
 
 There has scarcely been a great physical truth 
 whose universal acceptance has not been pre- 
 ceded by scorn and persecution. Crushed and 
 maimed in every onset, this futile opposition 
 was as rampant though not so barbarous in the 
 nineteenth century as in the time of Galileo. 
 This attitude aroused in Huxley the formidable 
 powers of a first-class fighting man. It for- 
 mulated his resistance, and it also accentuated 
 his errors. He experienced somewhat the force 
 of the divine axiom that "they that take the 
 sword shall perish with the sword." But, be- 
 lieving as he believed with faith unfeigned that 
 the welfare of the race in moral, economic, and 
 industrial progress was absolutely conditioned 
 by a thoroughly scientific education, it is not 
 easy to perceive how he could have acted other 
 than he did. Nevertheless, even to his com- 
 patriots he was a man to be handled gingerly. 
 He said, playfully of course, that the Meta- 
 physical Society, which met in Red Lion 
 Square, Holborn, was afraid to ask him to 
 become a member he might have been such 
 a firebrand! Gladstone, Martineau, the Duke 
 of Argyll, Tennyson, Ruskin, Dr. W. G. Ward, 
 Father Dalgairns, and Cardinal Manning were 
 [821
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 members, and Huxley joined them later, prov- 
 ing by his conduct that the gladiator may still 
 be a perfect gentleman. Even so, he could not 
 forego a parting shot when the Society sus- 
 pended its meetings. "It died of too much 
 love, " was his wicked epitaph. 
 
 VIII 
 
 This abounding sense of humor and biting 
 sarcasm aided him when confronted with blind 
 and foolish objections. On one occasion a rash 
 cleric, who had only a meager acquaintance 
 with natural history, attacked Darwinism with 
 the enthusiasm of ignorance, and indulged in 
 considerable merriment at Huxley's expense. 
 Huxley made no reply whatever, whereupon 
 the jocose author called his attention to the 
 articles, and mockingly requested advice on the 
 study of the questions involved. The pro- 
 fessor's answer, probably written on a post- 
 card, was all-sufficient: "Take a cockroach 
 and dissect it." Yet his humor could be genial 
 as well as satirical. At the end of one of his 
 lectures he inquired if the students understood 
 all he had been saying. One replied, "All, 
 sir, save one part, during which you stood 
 between me and the blackboard." "All," re- 
 joined Huxley, "I did my best to make myself 
 clear, but could not make myself transparent." 
 On one occasion, after a meeting of the trustees 
 [831
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 of the British Museum, Archbishop Benson 
 helped Huxley on with his coat; and the Pro- 
 fessor, in recounting the incident, said, "I felt 
 quite overcome by this species of spiritual inves- 
 titure." "Thank you, Archbishop," he re- 
 marked; "I feel as if I were receiving the 
 pallium" 1 St. George Mivart in his Remi- 
 niscences 2 says that one evening after dinner, at 
 which Huxley sat on his right hand, he turned 
 to him for support on behalf of a plea for 
 toleration. Huxley replied "No. I think vice 
 and error should be extirpated by force if it 
 could be done." Mivart was surprised, and 
 said, "Then you rehabilitate Torquemada and 
 others?" To which came the retort, "I think 
 they were quite right in principle; they injured 
 it by the way they carried it out." "But, 
 surely," replied Mivart, "burning is a strong 
 measure?" "Yes," said Huxley, "especially 
 the smell." 
 
 On Ward's first introduction to Huxley he 
 expected to meet an irascible individual, a pedant, 
 and a scoffer; instead, he found a personality of 
 singular charm. External gifts of manner and 
 presence, and powers of general conversation 
 which would have ensured popularity to any 
 mere man of the world, were combined with 
 those higher endowments, and great breadth of 
 culture, to none but an extraordinary person 
 
 1 Nineteenth f'cntury. Vol XL, p. 281. 
 Ubid, Vol. XLII.p. 995. 
 
 [841
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 could lay claim. 1 According to the same writer 
 the elements of gentleness and sympathy, which 
 gave so much charm to his singular brilliancy, 
 had become more noticeable in his later life. 
 It is regrettable that Carlyle, the intellectual 
 hero of Huxley's youth, and his friend in after 
 years, is the only man who has the question- 
 able distinction of having refused Huxley the 
 offer of renewed friendship following upon a 
 quarrel about natural selection. Quite a long 
 time had elapsed since they met; but one day 
 Huxley saw Carlyle crossing a London street, 
 and at once rushed toward him for a handshake 
 and a friendly word. The old man looked at 
 him, and remarked, " You're Huxley, aren'tyou? 
 The man that says we are all descended from 
 monkeys," and turned and walked away. 2 Our 
 sympathies are not with Carlyle, who failed in 
 his attempt to raise boorishness to the rank of 
 a virtue. 
 
 IX 
 
 Huxley is sometimes referred to as a material- 
 ist; but this, as we have seen, is incorrect, and 
 he went to great pains explicitly to deny the 
 charge. He says himself, in Science and 
 Morale, that "physical science is as little 
 atheistic as it is materialistic." The late 
 Warden of Merton College affirms that, "with 
 all his apparent leanings to materialism, and 
 
 1 Nineteenth Century, Vol. XLI, pp. 274-278. 
 
 2 Life and Letters of Thorn ax H. Huxley, Vol. I, p. 297. 
 
 [851
 
 Thomas Henry Huxley 
 
 vigorous avoidance of sentiment in reasoning, 
 he inherited and cultivated the gift of philo- 
 sophical imagination." He chose and pursued 
 that perilous path which leads upward from 
 ascertained facts into the sublimer regions of 
 speculation. Here he remained enveloped in 
 the mists of agnosticism, because he held that, 
 for the improver of natural knowledge, skep- 
 ticism is a duty and blind faith an unpardonable 
 sin. For him doubt was better than credulity so 
 long as he was pushing on to truth. The Cartesian 
 philosophy helped to bring about this conserva- 
 tion of uncertainty. "Give unqualified assent 
 to no propositions but those the truth of which 
 is so clear and distinct that they cannot be 
 doubted." l This for Huxley was the first great 
 commandment of science. But he adds that it 
 was that sort of doubt which Goethe called 
 "the active skepticism," whose sole aim is to 
 conquer itself, and not that other sort the object 
 of which is only to perpetuate itself as an excuse 
 for idleness and indifference. Unfortunately 
 Huxley never conquered his doubt. No shin- 
 ing sun arose on his agnostic horizon; but there 
 were ever and anon adumbrations and a mel- 
 lowing twilight, a twilight not without hints 
 of coming morn. 
 
 After forty years of indefatigable toil, Huxley 
 retired to his home at Eastbourne on the cliffs 
 of England's southern coasts, still to breast the 
 
 1 Huxley's Collected Essays. Vol. I, p. 1G9. 
 [861
 
 T'h o m a s Henry Huxley 
 
 storms and enjoy the love and confidence of 
 friends and foes, who, however much they 
 agreed with or differed from him, gave him 
 their united and hearty esteem. He died on 
 June 29, 1895. His gravestone bears three sig- 
 nificant and touching lines written by his wife: 
 
 "Be not afraid, ye waiting hearts that weep; 
 For still He giveth His beloved sleep : 
 And if an endless sleep He wills, so best." 
 
 This is beautiful resignation; but we believe 
 that "He who giveth His beloved sleep" will 
 assign to him eternal rest from earthly mis- 
 giving and fear, and also an appropriate sphere 
 of future activity. Surely an existence so nobly 
 filled with higher forms of human effort cannot 
 be doomed to the extinction of endless sleep! 
 We think of Thomas Huxley still urging for- 
 ward his undaunted way in pursuit of truth 
 where truth is found in all its splendor and har- 
 mony. Thus thinking, we can affirm: 
 
 "Doubtless unto thee is given 
 
 A life that bears immortal fruit 
 In those great offices that suit 
 The full-grown energies of heaven." 1 
 
 1 Tennyson's In Memoriam, XL. 
 
 87
 
 THIRD LECTURE 
 JOHN STUART MILL
 
 "Laws should be adapted to those who have the 
 heaviest stake in the country; for whom government 
 means, not mortified pride or stinted luxury, but want 
 and pain and degradation and risk to their own lives 
 and to their children's souls." 
 
 LORD ACTON.
 
 JOHN STUART MILL 
 
 THE period covered by the end of the 
 eighteenth and the opening years of 
 the nineteenth centuries was remarkable for the 
 impetus given to society by new forces, new 
 ideas, and new conceptions of life. Words- 
 worth, then a youth of nineteen, was swept 
 into the vortex; and in later times, notwith- 
 standing his growing conservatism, he refers to 
 the stirring and eventful epoch in the familiar 
 lines of the Excursion : 
 
 "Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive, 
 But to be young was very heaven." 
 
 The mighty deeps were broken up, and flood- 
 tides of emotion bore forward on their crest 
 every kind of talent and genius in human 
 affairs. The shock of this huge disturbance 
 had scarcely died away, when there appeared 
 a series of prophets, poets, teachers, reformers, 
 and statesmen w r hose main burden was the 
 reconstruction of the social order. The Roman 
 Church resumed its plea for reactionary and 
 traditional opinions. The sons of the new lib- 
 eralism urged the same reconciliation of forces, 
 but demanded that it rest on the basis of rad- 
 ical reform. The defenders of hereditary rank 
 and aristocratic privilege preserved, as best 
 [911
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 they could, the remnant of their feudal tenure. 
 While France was the center from which the 
 conflict waged, it extended throughout Europe 
 and North America. 
 
 John Stuart Mill was essentially a son of this 
 movement, and his life and work are best ex- 
 amined, at least in their initial stages, in the 
 light of his affinities with the thinkers of the 
 time. Frederic Harrison describes him as 
 "the systematic product of a singularly system- 
 atic school of philosophers"; 1 and, so far as his 
 British intellectual ancestry is concerned, the 
 description is correct. He imbibed the teach- 
 ing of John Locke and David Hume, who, 
 more than any other men, dispelled from the 
 world of English thought the somber shadow 
 cast upon it by the melancholy tendencies of 
 Puritanism. He stood midway between the 
 Benthamite and Spencerian types of philosophy, 
 and was their most important link of connec- 
 tion. He insisted on a logical deduction from 
 observation and experiment, and challenged all 
 social and political theories which could not 
 justify themselves in the forum of reason. 
 Whether for good or ill, his work betrays a 
 unique blending of French and English ideas, 
 and Walter Bagehot deems this combination 
 Mill's great merit as a writer. In his logic, 
 theories which before were widely apart, are 
 found in juxtaposition; and thirteen are named 
 
 1 Tennyson, Ruskin, and Mill, p. 272. 
 [921
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 in the same sentence where one could hardly 
 have comprehended their being coupled to- 
 gether. The ancient and modern methods of 
 scholastic or scientific inference were never 
 before set so completely side by side, nor 
 made so fully to illustrate one another. Such 
 a task requires the delicate shades of expository 
 art, and for this Mill was equipped by both 
 gifts and culture. He inherited a philosoph- 
 ical acumen from his father, and his residence 
 in France had imparted the art of precise and 
 graceful explanation. He seems to have been 
 a compound of Bentham and Auguste Comte. 
 In him the argumentation and sterling sense of 
 the former were quickened and illumined by 
 the idealism of the latter. 
 
 The family of Mill came originally from the 
 slopes of the Perthshire Grampians, a region 
 noted for the growth of keen thinkers and 
 ardent disputants. His father, James Mill, 
 received the best education his frugal parents 
 could procure and 'Scotland could offer. After 
 graduating at Montrose Academy the elder Mill 
 became a tutor in a private family, and moved 
 with the household to Edinburgh, where he 
 entered upon a course of study at the Univer- 
 sity. Among the friends he found there were 
 John Leyden, David Brewster, and Lord 
 Brougham. At the age of twenty-nine he be- 
 [93]
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 gan his well-known literary career in London. 
 Here he underwent severe struggles and hard- 
 ships, which were finally relieved by his appoint- 
 ment to the East India Company's service in 
 that city, an office in which both he and his 
 son spent their professional lives. When 
 thirty-one he married Harriet Burrow, a lady of 
 generous nature and refined tastes. The union 
 was not a particularly happy one. Mrs. Mill 
 was unsuited for his exacting intellectual dis- 
 position, and her husband was too absorbed in 
 his philosophical and literary pursuits properly 
 to discharge the duties of domestic life. Their 
 eldest child, John Stuart, was born on May 20, 
 1806. From infancy he was subjected to a care- 
 fully prepared and rigorous curriculum, every 
 detail of which was predetermined, and the goal 
 as carefully defined. The father never spared 
 himself, and he had no notion of sparing others. 
 His austerities were only ameliorated by the 
 largeness of his public views, and his repressed, 
 but undoubted sympathy with the causes which 
 made for social betterment. He held the doc- 
 trine that a sound organization would banish 
 evils from the State, and that a thorough sys- 
 tem of education would do the same for the 
 individual. He displayed no enthusiasm in 
 those stoical ambitions ; in his opinion, once 
 the freshness of youth and satisfied curiosity 
 had subsided, "human life was a poor thing at 
 best." Passion and emotion were regarded by 
 [941
 
 John Stuart M ill 
 
 him as forms of madness, and the intense was a 
 byword of scorn. He advocated the restriction 
 of the private affections and the expansion 
 of altruistic zeal to the utmost. He accepted 
 the dicta of his cult, that men are born alike, 
 and that every child's mind is a tabula rasa 
 on which experience registers its impressions. 
 In harmony with this conception, education 
 was, of course, the formative factor in deter- 
 mining life and shaping character. It should 
 begin with the dawn of consciousness, and 
 be prosecuted without stint. How absolutely 
 James Mill endorsed these views is evident 
 from the methods he adopted in training his 
 eldest son. 
 
 There have been few more pathetic juvenile 
 histories than that of John Stuart Mill. The 
 story is a strange one; and were it not so well 
 substantiated, doubts as to its accuracy would 
 be legitimate. It has been received with feel- 
 ings of amazement, mingled with those of sym- 
 pathy and indignation. Despite the fact that 
 his temperament was highly emotional and even 
 religiously inclined, he was early compelled to 
 face life from the purely intellectual standpoint. 
 Before he was sufficiently mature to register a 
 protest, his father forced him outside the pale 
 of all sentiment, and charged him with the inso- 
 lence of a philosophical system which had no 
 limitations. Such hard and metallic treatment 
 robbed the son of any opportunity to develop 
 [951
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 and understand the romantic side of his nature. 
 Many of the sorrows that beset his career can 
 be traced to this well-nigh unpardonable error. 
 He tells us in his autobiography that when he 
 was two years old he was able to read; at three 
 he commenced Greek; at seven he had gone 
 through the whole of Herodotus, Xenophon's 
 Cyropcedeia, the memorials of Socrates, part of 
 Lucian, and some of the lives of the philoso- 
 phers by Diogenes Laertius; at eight he knew 
 the first six Dialogues of Plato. In addition to 
 these classics, studied in the original, he was 
 made to extend his course to the English his- 
 torians and essayists, a knowledge of whom 
 was held necessary to the completion of the 
 astounding scheme. Robertson, Hume, Millar, 
 Mosheim, M'Crie, and Sewell were read by 
 this child before he had reached his tenth year. 
 Macaulay's phenomenal precociousness was 
 altogether outdone. Even so, his father was 
 still dissatisfied, and thrust upon him further 
 labors which were simply impossible. In our 
 day, when the discipline of youth has been con- 
 siderably relaxed, the prodigious achievements 
 of young Mill may well appear incredible; but 
 Professor Bain assures us that the amount of 
 work done has been underestimated. At eight 
 he was appointed schoolmaster to the younger 
 members of the family, a post which he states 
 was more educative to his mind than helpful to 
 his manners. The Draconian father applied 
 [961
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 his theories to the little Mills who were just 
 out of the cradle, and vicariously operated upon 
 them through the monitorship of their eldest 
 brother. It is not an attractive picture; and to 
 add to its painfulness, Jeremy Bentham offered 
 his services in carrying out the scheme so far as 
 John Stuart was concerned. He pledged him- 
 self to see it through "by whipping or other- 
 wise." To this the elder Mill replied, "I take 
 your offer seriously, and we may perhaps leave 
 him a worthy successor of us both." They do 
 not appear to have regarded the child as a 
 human being at all; but as a living peg on which 
 to hang their system of education and exhibit its 
 advantages to posterity. The differential cal- 
 culus and other branches of the higher mathe- 
 matics were assigned him before he was thirteen. 
 Geometry, algebra, logic, Latin, treatises on 
 scholasticism, and the study of the Organon 
 were included in the same period. He observed 
 later that he profited little by the Posterior 
 Analytics. Certainly loss was mingled with 
 gain in this varied and astonishing program; 
 but it was ruthlessly pushed forward, regardless 
 of future mischief. Strangely enough young 
 Mill was not so unhappy in all this as might be 
 supposed. He became accustomed to his cap- 
 tivity; his daily walks with his father, during 
 which they discussed political economy, were 
 more or less anticipated. These peripatetic 
 discourses had to be reproduced in written 
 [971
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 form on the following morning. A high stand- 
 ard of clearness and correctness was enforced, 
 and the results were palpable in those literary 
 talents which were most useful to one who 
 became so comprehensive a philosopher. He 
 acquired habits which were much strength- 
 ened in after life, and especially during his 
 association with the youthful propagandists of 
 the Utilitarian Society. These habits w r ere 
 "never to accept half solutions of difficulties as 
 complete; never to abandon a puzzling ques- 
 tion, but to return to it again and again, until 
 it was manifest; never to allow obscure corners 
 of a debated issue to remain unexplored be- 
 cause they did not appear important; never to 
 think he understood any part of a subject 
 unless he understood the whole." 1 
 
 Whatever the youth's feelings were, his en- 
 durance was beyond praise, and there is no hint 
 that he faltered w T hile passing through this 
 premature forging process. He brought to it a 
 splendid physique, a resolute will, and an awe 
 of his father which made him obedient to his 
 lightest word. He was encouraged by the ex- 
 ample of those strong and wholesome charac- 
 ters which had overcome formidable obstacles. 
 This acquiescence, with the general plan for his 
 advancement, profoundly influenced his after- 
 life. His mind was disciplined, if not to per- 
 fection, certainly to a high range of efficiency. 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 123. 
 [981
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 And while many thinkers and several of his 
 contemporaries were more eminent for original- 
 ity and constructive talent, none surpassed 
 Mill in the amplitude of his general knowledge, 
 the diversity and scope of his intellectual pur- 
 suits, and his invaluable faculty for fusing to- 
 gether rich but fragmentary phases of thought. 
 He understood, as* few did, the importance of 
 evidence, and developed those gifts of concen- 
 tration which made him a mental analyst of the 
 first order. A laudable and sincere ambition 
 was kindled in him to follow in the footsteps of 
 men who had consecrated themselves to the 
 public good. These were valuable acquisitions, 
 and, on the whole, it seems probable that the 
 interminable round of study and effort was well 
 adapted to his capacities. 
 
 In his fifteenth year he won a brief respite, 
 which was spent in the south of France. Freed 
 from his father's overweening presence, sur- 
 rounded by congenial society and in full view of 
 the impressive scenery of the Pyrenees, it was 
 here he felt the first warm rays which thawed his 
 glacial youth. His subsequent familiarity with 
 the French thought and language was the best 
 outcome of this sojourn abroad. If he caught 
 a little, though only a little, of the tendency to 
 diffuseness of the French philosophers, he also 
 gained their translucent style and wonderful 
 readability. Before he returned to England, 
 in 1821, he added zoology, chemistry, botany, 
 [991
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 and metaphysics to the list of his acquirements, 
 and found recreation in music and dancing. In 
 1823 he entered the service of the East India 
 Company, where his duties, though onerous, 
 were not allowed to interfere with his literary 
 work. The reading of Dumont's interpreta- 
 tion of Benthamism in the Traite de Legislation 
 effected an astounding change in Mill's outlook 
 on life. He laid down the last volume with the 
 feeling that he was literally "converted." "I 
 now had opinions," he cried, "a creed, a doc- 
 trine, a philosophy; in one among the best 
 senses of the word, a religion; the inculcation 
 and diffusion of which could be made the prin- 
 cipal outward purpose of a life. And I had a 
 grand conception laid before me of changes to 
 be effected in the condition of mankind through 
 that doctrine." 1 To those who have regarded 
 Mill as a cold and calculating rationalist, this 
 spontaneous confession may be surprising. 
 But if we reflect on the abnormalities that have 
 been depicted, was it not to be expected? Here 
 was a very young man excessively nurtured in 
 intellect and starved in emotion, who had sud- 
 denly found mental and moral employment for 
 his neglected sympathies. He preached imme- 
 diately his radiant gospel of the greatest hap- 
 piness of the greatest number. With all the 
 ardor of a regenerate he turned to find others 
 of a like persuasion. The Utilitarian Society 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 67. 
 f 1001
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 was founded to embody these purposes; it 
 consisted of young men more or less acquainted 
 with Bentham, and who therefore might be the 
 more readily imbued with the spirit and aims 
 of his teaching. To many of these, both then 
 and afterward, Mill was not so much a thinker 
 or a political economist, as a prophet. "He 
 had rare power of arguing and analyzing"; but 
 what is still more uncommon, he had "an 
 equally rare kind of contagious enthusiasm, 
 which influenced a multitude of minds, and 
 made them believe as he did." 1 
 
 From the period of this awakening can be 
 dated his productive work. After a prolonged 
 course of reading he began to contribute to 
 the Traveller, the Chronicle, the Westminster 
 Review, and other organs of philosophical radi- 
 calism, and in 1825 he edited Bentham's work 
 on Evidence. These preliminary ventures in 
 authorship considerably improved his style. 
 He showed that microscopic ability which 
 detects the minutest breach or incoherence in 
 the tissue of opposed reasoning, and also a 
 clear conception of what he himself meant to 
 convey. His attitude impresses the reader as 
 earnest and convinced, and withal gentle and 
 modest. But this halcyon state was soon dis- 
 turbed. He began to drift from the certainty 
 of his beliefs, and in the autumn of 1826 a 
 painful reaction followed on his new-found yet 
 
 1 Bagehot's Essay on Mill (Works, Vol. V, p. 417). 
 [1011
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 short-lived joy. His mutilated childhood, com. 
 bined with his sanguine attempt to establish 
 reason as the sole guide of life, thus effecting a 
 social and economic revolution, were revenged 
 by a series of dark and depressing experiences 
 which well-nigh overwhelmed him. Psycholog- 
 ically they indicated the backward swing of 
 the pendulum from his untimely zeal. Actually 
 they centered around certain abnormal obses- 
 sions which distract the disappointed and dis- 
 enchanted spirits whose ideals have melted 
 into thin air. He vexed himself over the pos- 
 sible exhaustibility of musical combinations, 
 and when rid of this annoyance suffered from 
 others equally futile and wearying. Then 
 came defiance against the gods in whose ser- 
 vice he had been commandeered. Sudden mis- 
 givings and agonizing doubts flashed upon him, 
 which he compares to a Methodist "conviction 
 of sin." His implicit and complacent trust in 
 his philosophical evangel was rudely shattered, 
 and his mission to upraise a world of which 
 he was woefully ignorant was abandoned in 
 despair. For an interval everything on which 
 he had depended tottered and seemed about 
 to fall. He deeply realized that, if all his objects 
 in life could be attained at that moment, the 
 result would give him no lasting satisfaction. 
 He says with melancholy emphasis, "At this 
 my heart sank within me; the whole foundation 
 on which my life was constructed fell down. 
 [102]
 
 John Stuart M ill 
 
 All my happiness was to have been found in the 
 continual pursuit of this end. The end had 
 ceased to charm; and how could there ever 
 again be an interest in the means? I seemed 
 to have nothing left to live for." These gloomy 
 reflections prostrated him. He quotes Cole- 
 ridge's lines from Dejection as exactly describ- 
 ing his case: 
 
 "A grief without a pang, void, dark and drear, 
 A drowsy, stifled, unimpassioned grief, 
 Which finds no natural outlet or relief 
 In word, or sigh, or tear." 1 
 
 Some one has compared Condorcet to a vol- 
 cano covered with snow. To a certain extent 
 the comparison holds true of Mill; and this was 
 the first eruption, to be followed by others even 
 more destructive. The ill-regulated fires be- 
 neath at last blazed forth in unexpected and 
 disastrous ways. What availed his father's 
 regimen and the bold and heartless efforts to 
 stifle in him the higher qualities of humanity? 
 The unhappy sequel could scarcely have been 
 other than it was ; we may perhaps repress 
 ourselves, but no one else can attempt it with 
 impunity. He recovered himself by reading 
 Marmontel's Memoir cs; and a little later the 
 poetry of Wordsworth came to him with the 
 strength and comfort of a revelation. Over 
 the first book he shed tears, it gave fluidity to 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 134. 
 [ 103"]
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 the deeper feelings of his soul; while the second 
 showed him the place which feeling occupies, 
 not only in the social relationships, but as a 
 guide to the understanding of the human heart. 
 He now saw that pleasure did not depend on 
 an opposition of interests between men. The 
 static theory of a limited amount of happiness 
 was not in harmony with the facts of life, since 
 one man's pleasures do not necessarily interfere 
 with those of another. This was an important 
 moment in his life the moment when he real- 
 ized, by Wordsworth's aid, that independent 
 yet real pleasure is afforded by the contempla- 
 tion of nature and of the heart of man. He 
 began to live the life of emotion, and, treading 
 this unaccustomed road, for which he had re- 
 ceived so little preparation, it is not astonish- 
 ing that he fell into a snare. 
 
 His introduction to the well-known Mrs. 
 Taylor resulted in an intimacy which separated 
 Mill from his highest self, and caused division 
 in his family as well as anxiety to his friends. 
 Despite continued remonstrance he persisted in 
 this detrimental compact. The Nemesis which 
 followed so indiscreet an episode exacted a 
 heavy toll from the man, his work, and his 
 influence. After twenty years the death of 
 the forbearing husband left his widow free to 
 marry her admirer. But the bitterest conse- 
 quences were destined to fall upon Mill's patient 
 and long-suffering mother, whom he does not 
 [1041
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 once mention in his autobiography. He dis- 
 played toward this unfortunate lady and her 
 children an implacable spirit of retaliation for 
 their supposed neglect of his belated bride, 
 and on his part arose an immovable reserve 
 which he never relaxed. This deplorable aver- 
 sion destroyed the peace of the domestic circle 
 in which he had been an affectionate son and an 
 open-handed brother. Miss Taylor, the grand- 
 daughter of Mrs. Taylor, has urged all that can 
 be said on behalf of Mill arid his wife. She 
 naturally is anxious to vindicate his conduct; 
 but candor compels her to admit that "Mill's 
 letters to his own family are, too many of them, 
 painful, though strangely interesting, reading. 
 He cannot, by the most wounding reproaches, 
 shake their faith in him as a 'great and good 
 man.' He seems to endeavor to do this, but 
 fails. They recognize that he is cruel and in- 
 sulting to them, and they suffer acutely; but 
 their affection is as invincible as his resentment. 
 It is wonderful to see a whole family thus lov- 
 ing and enduring. Not one bitter word is 
 flung back to him. One sees that he reigns 
 in all their hearts. A marvel of cruelty; 
 yet how deep and rich must the nature be 
 that can so reign in spite of all ! As one 
 reads one feels less anger with him than deep 
 love and admiration for those brave women 
 who seem to consider in each scornful word 
 only the wound from which it springs, and 
 [1051
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 which they perpetually seek to find and 
 heal." 1 
 
 The views of two eminent critics, belonging 
 to widely different schools, may be cited here. 
 Lord Morley described Mill years ago as "true 
 to his professions, tolerant, liberal, unselfish, 
 single-minded, high, and strenuous." 2 Sir Wil- 
 liam Robertson Nicoll, in a recent review of 
 Mill's Letters in the British Weekly, affirms that, 
 while there was nothing technically immoral in 
 the Taylor incident, "it was selfishness in its 
 purest or impurest form, it turns many of 
 Mill's books to folly . . . and was a sad and 
 sorry entanglement." Morley's eulogy is too sil- 
 very; but it may be subjected to revision when 
 the promised Life of Mill appears. Certainly 
 the biographer of Gladstone cannot allow Miss 
 Taylor's remarks to pass without notice. Those 
 now living who knew Mill personally dwell with 
 one accord on his goodness of nature and devo- 
 tion to the public service. Nor can it be 
 doubted that for sagacity of mind, political and 
 social fervor, and substantial contributions to 
 economic reforms, he will always be rightly 
 esteemed. 
 
 Following the separation from his family, 
 Mill and his wife withdrew almost entirely 
 from society. They made their home near 
 Avignon, and the death of Mrs. Mill was the 
 
 1 Letters of John Stuart Mill: Introduction, Vol. I, p. 46. 
 
 2 Miscellanies (fourth series), p. 146. 
 
 [1061
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 crowning calamity which severed him alto- 
 gether from England. He dedicated his essay 
 On Liberty to her memory, declaring that in 
 this, as in many other of his writings, she was 
 a partner in their projection and execution. 
 After a brief illness he died at Avignon on May 
 8, 1873. His decease, which came suddenly, 
 created a deep sense of loss in the intellectual 
 life of Britain, France, and America. Few 
 thinkers exercised more influence or inspired so 
 much personal attachment among those who 
 formed the inner retinues of philosophy and 
 social betterment. "A strong, pure light has 
 gone out, the radiance of a clear vision and a 
 beneficent purpose. We have lost a great 
 teacher and example of knowledge and virtue." 
 So wrote his greatest living disciple, and he ex- 
 pressed the sentiments of a distinguished coterie 
 of thinkers and literary masters. 
 
 II 
 
 Mill's writings are not collections of desul- 
 tory remarks; they are orderly and systematic 
 discussions on absorbing themes which permit 
 no deviations. Their beginnings have reference 
 to their conclusions, and almost every part 
 has some relation, and frequently a close one, 
 to most other parts. Subjects like metaphysics, 
 logic, and political economy will not brook out- 
 side interference; the whole time and strength 
 of a thinker and a scholar must usually be given 
 [1071
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 to these jealous mistresses. Yet Mill wrote his 
 books when he was a laborious man of business 
 who had difficult and exhausting duties to per- 
 form. When the circumstances of their produc- 
 tion are fully known, their meritorious character 
 is increased. 
 
 In his philosophy he defines matter as "the 
 permanent possibility of sensation," and mind 
 as the "permanent possibility of feeling." The 
 so-called primary truths or innate ideas are only 
 habits of mind which time and repetition have 
 rendered irresistible. Experience is the sole 
 source of knowledge, and the mind derives its 
 entire fund of materials through the senses; 
 a priori and intuitive elements of every kind 
 are absolutely rejected; the mind contributes 
 nothing out of itself to the structure of knowl- 
 edge. Mill went so far as to deny the prin- 
 ciple of contradiction. We are not even sure 
 that we are not sure. When Hume con- 
 ceded the necessary truth of the axioms of 
 Euclid, Mill rebelled against the concession, 
 and avowed that "there might be another 
 planet in which two and two make five." Ac- 
 cording to him, sensations and feelings are the 
 component parts of experience and also the 
 units of the mental life. "My mind is but a 
 series of feelings," he remarks, "a thread of 
 consciousness, however supplemented by be- 
 lieved possibilities of consciousness, which are 
 not, though they might be realized." Empha- 
 [1081
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 sis is laid on the association of ideas by means 
 of which the mind is furnished with the falsely 
 termed "intuitions" or "necessary truths." 
 He would not admit the existence of a con- 
 scious self as a centrality in itself; the funda- 
 mental ego was a delusion, and consisted of a 
 succession of feelings, and psychical states. 
 Although Mill disliked the inference and tried 
 to avoid it, these views were closely affiliated 
 with necessitarianism. "An act of will," quot- 
 ing from his standpoint, "is a moral effect which 
 follows the corresponding moral causes as cer- 
 tainly and invariably as physical effects follow 
 their physical causes." In these statements, 
 which cover Mill's general attitude toward the 
 vital problems of human existence, one cannot 
 fail to notice his assumptions in the use of cer- 
 tain words such as "background," "succession," 
 and the like. In fact, his terminology is fertile 
 in controversies because of its looseness, a loose- 
 ness which has been banished from the more 
 critical philosophies of our own time. 
 
 Despite the qualified support of Spencer and 
 Leslie Stephen, this attack on the integrity and 
 reality of mind as the nexus of personality has 
 now largely spent its force. It attempted to 
 undermine the intelligent basis for experience, 
 notwithstanding that on experience the Utilita- 
 rians rested their whole case. From it alone 
 they endeavored to deduce the laws and neces- 
 sities of the mental and moral life. The process 
 [1091
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 reminds one of Hogarth's caricature of the man 
 intent on sawing off his rival's sign, while he 
 himself is perched on the outer edge oblivious 
 of the coming crash. No satisfactory explana- 
 tion is given of the unity of consciousness 
 which is presupposed in every form of mental 
 activity. Apart from that unity, such self- 
 evident functions of mind as discrimination 
 and combination are altogether impossible, and 
 the mind itself, reduced to a mere series of feel- 
 ings, is destroyed as a real agent. Mill seems 
 to ignore the fact that any rational experience 
 directly implies a conscious unitary subject. 
 A further defect in his system is its leaning 
 toward, if not its direct association with, the 
 determinism to which reference has already 
 been made. For if cause and effect obtain in 
 the moral realm as in the physical, a mortal 
 blow is given to ethical freedom, and personal 
 responsibility is annulled. Professor Sheldon 
 has demonstrated how both Mill and Spencer, 
 in their oscillations between materialism and 
 idealism, have frequently been compelled to rec- 
 ognize that personality the existence of which 
 they sought to disprove. For an instance of 
 this, take the admission of Mill: "There is 
 a bond of some sort among all the parts of 
 the series, . . . and this bond constitutes my 
 ego." As Sheldon points out, the "bond of 
 some sort" is the trap-door which Mill unwit- 
 tingly opened in the floor of his own philos- 
 [1101
 
 John Stuart M ill 
 
 ophy, through which his principal tenet 
 promptly disappeared. 1 
 
 The qualitative distinction between one form 
 of gratification and another was a further and 
 fatal error in the Utilitarian system, and also a 
 virtual challenge of its entire ethical position. 
 For Bentham push-pin was as good as poetry, 
 provided it afforded equal pleasure. But Mill 
 could not go so far as this; he rated some 
 pleasures higher than others. Indeed, the intel- 
 lectual pleasures made the strongest appeal to 
 him : it is better to be Socrates dissatisfied 
 than a fool satisfied. 2 We heartily echo the 
 plea; but Mill could not make it and remain 
 a consistent Utilitarian. It requires a moral 
 sense to determine what pleasures are high and 
 what are low, and to differentiate between the 
 Socratic and the foolish pursuits. His obser- 
 vation also involves the displacement of pleas- 
 ure as the standard and end in itself. It is 
 interesting to note that Paley was the first 
 teacher who used the Utilitarian philosophy as 
 a basis for Christian ethics. His system was 
 harmful, and has been rightly called "other- 
 world selfishness." But while thoroughly dis- 
 counted by modern theologians, it still sways 
 the average man to a regrettable extent. He 
 defined virtue as the doing of good to mankind 
 
 1 See Professor Sheldon's admirable work on Unbelief in the 
 Nineteenth Century. 
 
 2 Mill's Utilitarianism, pp. 11 ff. 
 
 [Ill]
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 in obedience to the will of God and for the 
 sake of everlasting happiness. Thus, while virtue 
 springs from self-seeking, its sanction is in the 
 will of God allied with future reward or punish- 
 ment. Utilitarianism proper differs from Paley- 
 ism on the one question of the sanction. Its 
 ethics are never a matter of obligation, but are 
 absolutely governed by selfish and social con- 
 siderations. Even the altruistic aspects are 
 caused by self-love, and the greatest happiness 
 of the greatest number is adjusted to this main 
 position. When Bentham, who was given to 
 generosity, was asked how in such actions he 
 could be self -centered, his reply was that "he 
 was a selfish man whose selfishness happened to 
 take the form of benevolence." In another 
 passage he says, "Self-regard alone will serve 
 for diet, although sympathy is very good for 
 dessert." 
 
 For Mill the problem was more difficult, and 
 he was not quite so assured on the issue. He 
 knew no reason why the general happiness was 
 desirable, except that each person desired his 
 own happiness. Each person's happiness was a 
 good to that person, and the general happiness 
 a good to the aggregate of persons. Carlyle 
 chuckled over this lame logic, and revealed its 
 absurdity by a characteristically vigorous anal- 
 ogy. "It is," he says, "as if we were to argue 
 that because each pig desires for himself the 
 greatest amount of a limited quantity of pigs'
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 wash, each necessarily desires the greatest quan- 
 tity for every other and for all." Later Util- 
 itarians, without any admiration for Carlyle's 
 somewhat uncouth retort, have felt equally dis- 
 satisfied with Mill's reasoning. They renounce 
 the dogma that personal pleasure is the one 
 desirable thing, and urge that we ought to aim 
 at universal happiness according to reason. 
 They do not, however, sufficiently explain the 
 authority of reason or why we should obey its 
 behests. Leslie Stephen toyed with the notion 
 that happiness is the end, and that the happi- 
 ness of the individual and that of others nor- 
 mally coincide; yet they are different, and we 
 can never be sure they are one and will follow 
 the same path. But what if the end is not prop- 
 erly described as happiness ? Suppose it is 
 well-being or good? Stephen himself suggests 
 that the connection between the individual and 
 social good is not sentiment, but a matter of 
 reasoning. On the ground that man is a rational 
 being, incapable of finding satisfaction in grati- 
 fied feeling, capable only of self-realization in a 
 common good, we are justified in setting aside 
 all arguments based on the comparison of pleas- 
 ures. Having done so much as this, we can 
 appeal with confident directness to man's sense 
 of duty. The emotional nature in men furnishes 
 no ground of authority for ethics. The rational 
 nature does so, and does it in all realms. When 
 we say to a man, "This is right," we cannot 
 [1131
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 invariably add, "This will be for your happi- 
 ness"; but we can affirm, "It is reasonable and 
 obligatory." It may entail suffering and de- 
 privation, yet it must be obeyed at all hazards. 
 Apart from his rational self, which is essentially 
 social, there could be no such obligation, no 
 "thou shalt" or "thou shalt not," and no 
 morality as now accepted and built upon by 
 civilized society. 1 Though the English Utilita- 
 rians have been discredited in their own circle, 
 this should not blind us to the wide acceptance 
 of their views by thoughtless multitudes who 
 know no philosophy, but who eagerly seize upon 
 hedonistic teachings as an excuse for personal 
 advantage and self-indulgence. Utilitarian doc- 
 trines have received another and less reputable 
 application in our present revel of so-called 
 prosperity. Many who never heard of Ben- 
 tham, Hume, and the Mills make pleasure the 
 sole end of being ; and the madness of this pur- 
 suit has already inflicted widespread injury and 
 loss upon the American and English peoples. 
 Any creditable exposition of the fundamental 
 weakness of this vaunted policy is a grateful 
 resistance against a prevalent evil whose rav- 
 ages must be checked or our racial value will 
 decrease. 
 
 The age of Mill, as already noted, was one of 
 intellectual and political unrest, a time of doubt, 
 perplexity, and hesitation. Thinkers were prin- 
 
 1 See Muirhead's Ethics, p. 157. 
 [1141
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 cipally concerned to discover the meaning of 
 the moral code under which they lived, and the 
 authority which lay behind it. Finding nothing 
 save contradictions, the Benthamites resolved 
 to begin afresh, and their unflinching applica- 
 tion of reason led them to a complete abandon- 
 ment of the current ethical systems. Thus 
 deprived of the assistance of the past, they nat- 
 urally concentrated attention on themselves as 
 the one indisputable reality. Here it was they 
 met an adverse fate, because they made a mis- 
 leading and unworthy reckoning of human 
 nature. This doomed them to failure, as it has 
 also seriously damaged those theological sys- 
 tems which have been guilty of the same error. 
 Their ambition rightly to interpret the peren- 
 nial problem of man, his meaning and purpose 
 in the world, was a laudable one; but their low 
 and distorted notions concerning him thwarted 
 its fulfilment. 
 
 Jeremy Bentham gave his attention to juris- 
 prudence, James Mill centered on psychology, 
 John Stuart Mill expounded a new political 
 economy. But behind these efforts the be- 
 littling estimate of their fellow creatures crip- 
 pled their main enterprises ; and while their 
 work has borne fruit in many directions, it 
 warns us that a dignified and sufficient doctrine 
 of man's essential nobility must lie at the foun- 
 dation of all speculation or action which proposes 
 the betterment of the race. They shared in the 
 [1151
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 practical drift of British philosophy, which bore 
 traces of the national temperament and was 
 generally averse to any thinking that was 
 not pragmatic in its tendency. They rendered 
 yeoman service by bringing man back to him- 
 self, and their domestic principles made Util- 
 itarianism an effective instrument of political 
 reform. They assumed the equality of all men, 
 and based their calculations upon that assump- 
 tion. In nations dominated by caste and privi- 
 lege, such a principle was specially welcome. It 
 was this advocacy of equal rights, and not their 
 contention that the end is pleasure, which se- 
 cured many social and legislative advantages. 
 
 In the nineteenth century the stream of 
 reforming thought was swollen by three great 
 currents which flowed into it. These were the 
 ethical, the metaphysical, and the scientific. 
 They arose at different times; and in Germany 
 and France, as well as in Britain and America, 
 they gave an almost unprecedented significance 
 to the era in which they found their confluence. 
 The first began in Sensationalism, eddied in 
 Utilitarianism, and was swept forward by the 
 pressure of new truths the other two contained. 
 James Mill and his son gave ethical Utilitarian- 
 ism its authoritative form; but, despite this, it 
 steadily dwindled, and, after the death of John 
 Stuart, ceased to be a large factor in individual 
 or social ethics. The system which regarded 
 the world of humanity as an aggregate of de- 
 [1161
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 tached units, a collection of mere individuals, 
 with nothing in common save their natural 
 sensuous necessities, who repelled each other 
 by their selfish greed, was an offense against 
 the highest instincts of our being and led to 
 naked naturalism. Political economy sup- 
 planted ethics, psychology outgeneraled meta- 
 physics, and religion wallowed in the slough of 
 self-desire. Carlyle sturdily rebuked these de- 
 fections. He testified to the presence of God 
 in the spirit of man, and looked upon this life 
 through the transfiguring light of another and 
 a loftier world. Penetrating the husk of time, 
 he saw that eternity was here and now, "a 
 tranquil element underlying the heated antag- 
 onisms of man's existence." "This theory," he 
 exclaimed, speaking of Utilitarianism, "should 
 make us go on all fours and lay no claim at all 
 to the dignity of being moral." Within its con- 
 fines man had no history as he had no future, no 
 power either of ascent or descent. He was 
 simply a human animal glutted with present 
 demands and the efforts to satisfy them. It 
 presented no ideals which could raise man above 
 his natural selfhood or lead him to sacrifice the 
 lower for the higher. He was pitiably reduced 
 to an object, a thing affected by other things as 
 they pained or pleased him, and acting, like any 
 other object, in obedience to motives that had 
 an external origin in the world of sense. These 
 were the maunderings which provoked Carlyle 's 
 [117]
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 ire. "Is the heroic inspiration we name Virtue 
 but some Passion; some bubble of the blood, 
 bubbling in the direction others profit by? ... 
 If what thou namest Happiness be our true 
 aim, then are we all astray. With Stupidity 
 and sound Digestion man may front much. 
 But what, in these dull unimaginative days, are 
 the terrors of Conscience to the diseases of the 
 Liver! Not on Morality, but on Cookery, let us 
 build our stronghold: there brandishing our 
 frying-pan, as censer, let us offer sweet incense 
 to the Devil, and live at ease on the fat things 
 he has provided for his Elect!" 1 
 
 In Germany Hume's appeal to the world of 
 the five senses had long ceased to charm reflec- 
 tive minds. A noble succession of poets and 
 philosophers emulated one another in brush- 
 ing aside the conclusions of the empiricists. 
 They demolished the Deism which encouraged 
 notions of an absentee God, and reinvested His 
 universe with the splendors of a spiritual sig- 
 nificance. The infinite and finite elements in 
 man and nature were reiterated by Kant and 
 Lessing, Fichte and Schiller, Goethe and Hegel. 
 Metaphysics were reestablished upon a larger 
 and firmer basis, psychology took a subordinate 
 place, and the entire creation was viewed by 
 them as pulsating with the mystery and majesty 
 of endless life and purpose. In England Words- 
 
 1 Carlyle's Sartor Resartus, Chap. VII, p. 112, Edinburgh 
 edition. 
 
 [1181
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 worth and Browning joined with Carlyle in 
 directing this cleansing idealism toward popu- 
 lar channels. Later thinkers, such as the 
 brothers Caird and T. H. Green, expounded and 
 supplemented Hegelianism, imparting to it the 
 warmth and directness of their own moral 
 enthusiasm. Lotze ? s monumental achieve- 
 ments, which combine the best features of his 
 predecessors, complete the history of this second 
 current in the stream of modern thought, to 
 which also the kindred religious philosophy of 
 James Martineau contributed, coinciding with 
 the more cosmic range of the German master. 
 Again, the advent of evolution, with its 
 immense range of biological facts, on which 
 Spencer built his synthetic philosophy, was 
 inimical to the Utilitarian degradation of man. 
 The defects of Spencer's teaching were many 
 and obvious, and they have been trenchantly 
 handled by Professor Bowne. But one thing 
 that teaching did: it showed conclusively that 
 man was not an isolated unit; that he had a 
 princely inheritance from an interminable past, 
 whose recesses were beyond discernment, and 
 whose dauntless energies were concentrated in 
 him. More than this, an equally irresistible 
 energy propelled him toward an infinite future 
 whose possibilities challenged imagination. 
 The two organic ideas of evolutionary philoso- 
 phy, which were the solidarity of the race and 
 its vital union with all created phenomena, 
 [1191
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 crushed the stark individualism of the school 
 of Mill. 
 
 While by the middle of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury Utilitarianism was absorbed in the gen- 
 eral stream of philosophy, John Stuart Mill's 
 political economy has persisted to the present 
 hour. The subject had already been very ably 
 dealt with in detail by Adam Smith and Ricar- 
 do; but no writer before Mill had surveyed it 
 with anything like such catholicity or sympa- 
 thy. No one had shown with the same com- 
 prehensiveness and fascinating comparison "the 
 relation which the different parts of the science 
 bore to each other; still less had any one so 
 well explained the relation of this science to 
 other sciences and to knowledge in general." 1 
 He brought to this eminent field all his peculiar 
 powers; and while the book possesses little 
 originality, it banishes the idea that the "dis- 
 mal science" must needs be held in a narrow- 
 minded or pedantic way. 
 
 Indeed, Mill's receptivity and varied treat- 
 ment laid him open to the charge of inconsist- 
 ency, and his critics pointed to the excited 
 emotions which frequently dictated his dis- 
 course. Abstract dogmas on unlimited indi- 
 vidualism were followed by an idealism which 
 nullified them. He forsook logical order to 
 dilate upon the golden prospects of a millennial 
 future. Mill acknowledged the justice of the 
 
 1 Bagehot's Essay on Mill (Works, Vol. V, p. 415). 
 [1201
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 criticism, and explained his lapse by attributing 
 these ideals to Saint-Simon, the distinguished 
 philosopher who was more or less prominent in the 
 politics of his country. Professor Cousin of the 
 Sorbonne and Auguste Comte aided Saint- 
 Simon in deflecting Mill from orthodox Ben- 
 thamism. The founder of Positivism combined 
 with his reasoning on economics a serious at- 
 tempt to expand the sociology of his day into 
 a more coordinated form. Mill reveals the 
 results of his intercourse with these lucid and 
 persuasive writers, whose precise and graceful 
 explanations were extremely attractive to him. 
 But his gifts for weaving diversified matter into 
 a unified whole were embarrassed by the wealth 
 of his material. Either he lacked the reflective 
 strength which could adequately deal with his 
 enormous knowledge, or else he could not extri- 
 cate himself from his inherited materialism. 
 He stood at the crossroads where fierce winds 
 blew from every quarter; but he stood so 
 weighted down with his father's creed that no 
 particular breeze could bear him along. The 
 strange intermingling of Scotch common sense 
 and Gallican political rapture, to which refer- 
 ence has been made, colored many of his utter- 
 ances, and caused men of opposite parties to 
 appeal to these diverse elements in support of 
 their widely different theories. Even the social- 
 ists of our day and not without some show of 
 reason have laid claim to him. 
 [1211
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 This universality may help to account for 
 his monarchical influence. All students of 
 political economy during his day began with 
 Mill, and went only to other writers for con- 
 firmation of his views. Mr. Bagehot states 
 that they saw the science through his eyes, 
 and that his preeminence among his contempo- 
 raries was so complete as to be at times of 
 doubtful benefit. Mill had been taught to look 
 upon labor as painful, and economic effort as 
 belonging to the disagreeable; but John Ster- 
 ling and other friends showed him that the 
 pleasures involved far outweighed the pains. 
 A new ideal of social progress possessed him, and 
 he made plans for its realization. He speaks of 
 political economy and physical science as though 
 no others existed, and for him political economy 
 had become moral science because all social, 
 political, psychical, and moral considerations 
 influence the creation of wealth. His father 
 drew an analogy between the political economy 
 of the State and the domestic economy of the 
 family. The first embraced everything relative 
 to public affairs while the second included all 
 things of a private character. The last was a 
 miniature of the first, and the State should be 
 regulated on a domestic basis of equality of 
 work and profit. 
 
 John Stuart Mill went farther, and regarded 
 political economy as "the science relating to 
 the moral or psychological laws of the produc- 
 [122]
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 tion and distribution of wealth." * Mental and 
 moral phenomena are thus brought within the 
 scope of economic inquiry. He also traces the 
 laws of society from the concerted efforts of 
 men for the production of wealth. His purpose 
 in writing was to give a new setting to the teach- 
 ings of Ricardo and Adam Smith. Much that 
 is best in these writers is absorbed by him and 
 reinterpreted in a more attractive way. Not 
 a little of the merit of the work, however, lies 
 in his special contributions on the themes of 
 society and civilization. Many modern works 
 on social problems bear marked traces of his 
 method of treatment and of his opinions. It 
 may be said that, under the influence of the 
 Comtian philosophy, he elevated political econ- 
 omy above the phenomena of environment, and 
 set it forth as a new species of idealism. After 
 his masterly treatment of the science, it was 
 taken from the region of mere abstraction and 
 given practical form and applicability for con- 
 crete life. 
 
 It would be beside the question to discuss at 
 any length Mill's Logic, as books of such a 
 nature do well, provided they serve their day 
 and generation. This his Logic did, quite as 
 well as Whately's, and the temporary influence 
 of its almost universal scope was enormous. 
 Grote wrote in the Westminster Review as long 
 
 1 See Professor Patten's Development of English Thought, pp. 
 323 ff. 
 
 [1231
 
 John Stuart M ill 
 
 ago as January, 1866, and termed it "the most 
 important advance in speculative theory which 
 the century had witnessed." This verdict has 
 since undergone material modification, and so 
 eminent an authority as the late Professor 
 Stanley Jevons affirms that the inconsistencies 
 of the book show Mill's mind to be essentially 
 illogical. But no one will deny that seldom in 
 the history of philosophy have two books so 
 learned, so thorough, and so far-reaching been 
 written with greater scholarship, more skilful 
 capacity, or higher aims. Upon the Logic as 
 much as upon the Political Economy and the 
 essay On Liberty Mill's greatness as a thinker 
 and writer must continue to rest. And while 
 the subjects with which they deal are too full 
 of the contentions and differences brought about 
 by the growth of knowledge and the necessities 
 of change to enable any man to be a permanent 
 authority upon them, assent will be given to 
 some of Mill's conclusions for many years to 
 
 come. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Social and religious questions form an inte- 
 gral part of Mill's philosophy; indeed, they 
 occupy a paramount place in the teaching of 
 most nineteenth-century leaders of thought. 
 That three such leaders as Mill, Carlyle, and 
 Newman should have lived at the same time 
 
 1 Bagehot's Essay on Mill (Works, Vol. V, pp. 412-417). 
 [124]
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 is, to Leslie Stephen, a remarkable occurrence. 
 All were philosophers after a fashion ; they 
 sought the same end in the good of society ; 
 but each attempted its achievement in very dif- 
 ferent ways. Leaving Newman out of account, 
 the contrast is between Mill and Carlyle. The 
 former differed from the latter in that he was 
 the studied product of a school to whose ideas 
 he gave a new development and application. 
 While Carlyle hurled accusations against soci- 
 ety to the very end, Mill, who was supposed 
 at the first to occupy the same platform, 
 became the prophet of better things, and 
 sought to improve the condition of the masses 
 Carlyle despised. Two great moral beliefs are 
 indispensable for the work of a teacher or re- 
 former: he must believe in the reality of his 
 message, and he must also believe in its accept- 
 ability. It was the secret of Carlyle's tragedy 
 that he held the first and not the second; he had 
 a Calvinistic depth of conviction concerning the 
 truths he uttered, but, alas! he had no confi- 
 dence in men's sure response they were mostly 
 fools. When Mill wrote his Letters on The 
 Spirit of the Age, Carlyle exclaimed, "Here 
 is a new mystic." These Letters advocate 
 unanimity in the methods of arriving at con- 
 clusions in political or social problems. By 
 unanimity Mill meant what Arnold afterward 
 desired for literature as set forth in his essay on 
 A French Eton. Every progressive science de- 
 [1251
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 pends on such an agreement among its experts; 
 therefore, why should not these social difficul- 
 ties, the solution of which means so much to 
 the nation's well-being, be similarly deter- 
 mined? This is what Mill meant by "social 
 science." To him it was capable of an exacti- 
 tude equal to that of natural science; it in- 
 cluded correct diagnoses and proper remedies, 
 which were calculated to advance civilization, 
 and rid it of its many evils. The ignorance 
 and uncertainty concerning even the very rudi- 
 ments of social problems showed the crying 
 need of an ordered investigation. But Mill's 
 efforts failed, as did his attempt to form a 
 Radical party in Parliament. The failure, 
 however, was only temporary; for his work 
 gave to reform the inestimable benefit of a good 
 advertisement, and modern social ethics owe to 
 him more than has yet been determined. The 
 steady expansion of the emotional side of his 
 nature, for which Mrs. Taylor's companionship 
 was responsible, was manifest in his increasing 
 sympathy with the plain people. "The human 
 element" he claims was due to her, and as he 
 contemplated the condemnation of thousands of 
 laborers to a wretched and cramped existence, 
 and thousands more to semi-starvation, the 
 hideous spectacle haunted him day and night. 
 Hatred of oppression of any sort was a fire in 
 his bones. His suppressed wrath can be felt as 
 he recounts the tyrannical brutalities of man 
 [1261
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 to woman and the recklessness shown by men 
 and women to helpless animals. 
 
 These evils could only be suppressed by a 
 thorough reformation of economic conditions 
 and a wise and judicial administration of an 
 exalted democracy. In order to acquaint him- 
 self with the entire situation he made a minute 
 study of the literature of sociology; and though 
 he was no sectarian, he was not finally opposed 
 to socialism. Rather than permit the present 
 condition to continue he would have preferred 
 socialism as the lesser evil. He says, " The social 
 problem of the future [will be] how to unite the 
 greatest individual liberty of action with a com- 
 mon ownership in the raw material of the globe, 
 and an equal participation of all in the benefits 
 of combined labor." l But he recognized that 
 socialism would utterly fail unless supplied with 
 a high type of character, and that so long as 
 men continued to allow their political beliefs 
 to be actuated by their individual interests 
 rather than by the general welfare they were 
 not fitted for socialism in practise. He always 
 looked to education as the chief means of rais- 
 ing them to this disinterested level, but his 
 opinions fluctuated as to the speedy realization 
 of this end. At the close of his life he was less 
 sanguine in his estimate of the interval that 
 must elapse before democracy could wisely 
 adapt itself to such a far-reaching adjustment. 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 232. 
 
 [127]
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 This loss of confidence was caused by the un- 
 worthy attitude of a large portion of the British 
 public toward the Civil War in America. 1 Mill 
 was no demagogue. He could and did unflinch- 
 ingly resist the tumultuous tyranny which usurps 
 the true function of democracy. He pleaded 
 for the latter as a form of government, because 
 in his opinion politics were highly educative to 
 the mass of the people. He, however, was 
 aware of its dangers, and insisted on minorities 
 being represented in legislative bodies. The 
 Radicalism he promoted was a protest against 
 the privileges of oligarchical rule on the one 
 hand and the tumult of mob law on the other; 
 and he flung his trained energies into the pro- 
 test, to such advantage, that to-day we see in 
 England a triumphant democracy trying its 
 prentice-hand at the creation of opportuni- 
 ties for the many instead of the few. This 
 movement for the reclamation of popular 
 rights owes not a little to the keen advocacy of 
 Mill. 
 
 He sat in the House of Commons from 1865 
 to 1868, and his sensitiveness to duty made him 
 rivet himself to his place during every hour of 
 the session. While his presence there was 
 deemed an honor, he never felt at home in that 
 unique and powerful assembly. By nature and 
 training he was not a Parliamentarian, and 
 Disraeli is reported to have called him "a 
 
 1 Autobiography, p. 269. 
 
 [1281
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 political-finishing governess," a phrase which 
 may have referred to the didactic tone of Mill's 
 speeches. On the other hand, it was Gladstone 
 who gave him the widely quoted title, "the 
 Saint of Rationalism," adding, "He did us all 
 good." Bright voted against him on one occa- 
 sion; and when reproached for doing so, he 
 gruffly replied that "the worst of great thinkers 
 is that they generally think wrong." This sally 
 was not serious, for Mill and Bright were asso- 
 ciated on many important and far-reaching 
 issues. Mill undoubtedly knew more of the 
 empire of India than any other member of the 
 House of his day, and he narrowly missed a seat 
 on the first Imperial Council. He retired from 
 Parliament with a sense of relief, because he 
 felt that his true mission was to affect the course 
 of events, not by an official career his gifts 
 were unsuited to the rough-and-tumble of de- 
 bate but by directing the trend of general 
 thought and current opinion. For this he 
 had peculiar qualifications; and to have puri- 
 fied the social and political controversies of 
 the time from passion and prejudice, develop- 
 ing moderation and balance is a service that 
 cannot be too highly praised. The man who 
 brings about a new and beneficial result de- 
 serves a high place among his fellows, and 
 scarcely lower would we account the man who, 
 like Mill, regenerates our methods of thinking. 
 Thus, although as a member of Parliament he 
 [ 129 1
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 achieved small distinction, his whole conduct in 
 public was, according to Mr. Frederic Harrison, 
 "that of a courageous, conscientious, and noble- 
 minded citizen, who gave his countrymen a 
 rare example of how to play the most perilous 
 of all parts 'the role of a philosopher as 
 ruler." 1 Whether we agree or not with these 
 claims, his bearing was always a combination 
 of fidelity, justice, and courage. 
 
 Though brought up in absolute indifference 
 to religion, Mill had a very religious nature; it 
 was not until after his death, however, that 
 the world became acquainted with the views he 
 actually held. His father had been early led to 
 reject, not only the belief in any revelation, but 
 also the foundations of natural religion. But- 
 ler's Analogy restrained him for a while, but 
 eventually he considered the Bishop's argu- 
 ments as conclusive for nobody except the 
 opponent for whom it was intended. Finding 
 no halting-place in Deism, he finally took ref- 
 uge in what was known later as Agnosticism. 
 The activity of evil in the world promoted his 
 negative attitude. The younger Mill never 
 threw off religious belief, because he never had 
 it. He looked upon all faiths, ancient and 
 modern, as matters which did not concern him. 1 
 But the parental advice that he should not speak 
 freely of this state of mind caused him to turn 
 within himself; and when his Three Essays on 
 
 1 See Autobiography, p. 43. 
 [1301
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 Religion appeared, they made quite a commo- 
 tion among his followers. Leslie Stephen put 
 the book down and paced his study in angry 
 surprise. Mrs. Stephen offered the consoling 
 remark, "I always told you John Mill was or- 
 thodox." A controversy arose as to the real 
 nature of Mill's religious opinions. The first 
 essay deals with the various interpretations 
 that can be given to the term " Nature," and the 
 aim is to show that Nature is not a true and 
 complete guide in religion and morals. The 
 following passages are good examples of the 
 tone of the essay: 
 
 "Nature impales men, breaks them as if on 
 the wheel, casts them to be devoured by wild 
 beasts, burns them to death, crushes them with 
 stones like the first Christain martyr, starves 
 them with hunger, freezes them with cold, poisons 
 them by the quick or slow venom of her exhala- 
 tions, and has hundreds of other hideous deaths 
 in reserve, such as the ingenious cruelty of a 
 Nabis or a Domitian never surpassed. All this 
 Nature does with the most supercilious disregard, 
 both of mercy and of justice, emptying her shafts 
 upon the best and the noblest indifferently with 
 the meanest and worst. 1 
 
 " [She is] replete with everything which when 
 committed by human beings is most worthy of 
 abhorrence; any one who endeavored in his 
 actions to imitate the natural course of things 
 
 1 Three Essays on Religion (third edition), p. 29. 
 [1311
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 would be universally seen and acknowledged to 
 be the wickedest of men." 1 
 
 This dread catalogue of deeds, which over- 
 match anarchy and the reign of terror, drew 
 from Mill the dexterous piece of logic frequently 
 quoted: "Either God could have prevented evil, 
 and would not; or He would have prevented evil, 
 and could not. If I accept the first, I conclude 
 He is not all-good. If I accept the second, then 
 He is not all-powerful." The possibilities of 
 God, however, cannot be compressed into a 
 dilemma. Mill's reasoning about the goodness 
 and power of God and his insistence on choos- 
 ing an alternative are fallacious. It is easy to 
 formulate a proposition that appears conclu- 
 sive; but a syllogism may be formally correct, 
 and still be actually wrong. Why cannot God be 
 all-powerful, and yet allow evil a place in the 
 divine scheme? That is a supposition which 
 Mill did not even admit here, though he allowed 
 it in a letter written to a friend in 1860, to 
 whom he says, "It would be a great moral 
 improvement to most persons, be they Chris- 
 tian, Deists, or atheists, if they firmly believed 
 the world to be under the government of a 
 Being who, willing only good, leaves evil in the 
 world solely in order to stimulate human facul- 
 ties by an unremitting struggle against every 
 form of it." 
 
 As we have seen, he repudiates conformity to 
 
 1 Three Essays on Religion (third edition), p. 65.
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 nature; it is senseless and diabolical; and, in 
 point of fact, he asserts that all the good accom- 
 plished in the world is the result of man's con- 
 stant effort to control nature's blind and brutal 
 havoc. Darwin's views of nature were not at 
 this time fully before the world; Huxley had 
 not yet developed his theories as outlined in the 
 Romanes Lecture: so that to Mill we must give 
 the credit of propounding opinions which were 
 the result of individual experiences and obser- 
 vations; and although, to use Morley's terms, 
 they were merely a surface and horizontal view, 
 it is fair to assume they had a deep effect on the 
 thought of the period. Tennyson was nearer 
 the truth in his famous stanza on the man: 
 
 "Who trusted God was love indeed, 
 And love creation's final law 
 Tho' Nature, red in tooth and claw 
 With ravin, shrieked against his creed." 
 
 Even this is submission rather than satisfaction, 
 but Mill could not submit. "It was the con- 
 flict of nature's way with man's sense of justice 
 that compelled him to judge her so terribly; 
 it was not its contradiction to a heart of infinite 
 pity in the God who had made man." 1 
 
 The second essay dealt with the Utility of 
 Religion. The questions asked are: Is religion 
 directly serviceable to the social good? Is it 
 useful for ennobling individual human nature? 
 
 1 Fairbairn'd The Philosophy of the Christian Religion, p. 96. 
 f 1331
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 He answers both questions in the affirmative, 
 though he maintains religion can have these two 
 forms of utility without being necessarily super- 
 natural; and he concludes the essay with an 
 avowed preference for the religion of humanity, 
 or, to use his own phrase, the religion of social 
 duty. The third essay is on Theism. It is 
 this part of the book which kindled the fears 
 of his friends. Morley felt that the Mill he 
 knew was slipping through his hands, and 
 Courtney declared that the twilight land of 
 Mill's semi-faith was not exactly known to his 
 followers. The first leading idea is that God is 
 the cause of the world, and though not always 
 omnipotent, yet always benevolent. This com- 
 pares very oddly with a nature full of cruelties. 
 The second important idea is immortality, in 
 which he has a faint belief. He urges that the 
 soul may be immortal because the body is not 
 the cause, but only the concomitant of mental 
 life. The third idea centers upon Christ as a 
 divinely appointed teacher. "Select," he says, 
 "all the sayings of Christ which have high 
 value, and reject the rest, and you are left with 
 a character inexplicable on natural and his- 
 torical grounds." We turn to his Logic, and 
 find that the science of social development can- 
 not dispense with the law of continuity. Histor- 
 ical sociology cannot admit that in the world's 
 delevopment a character could arise which had 
 no relation to the past and no roots in existing 
 [1341
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 social conditions. Yet, despite the Logic, the 
 essay on Theism declares that Christ was 
 charged with "a special, express, and unique 
 commission from God to lead mankind to 
 truth and virtue." 1 Indeed, the whole para- 
 graph is so refreshing we venture to quote it: 
 
 "Whatever else may be taken away from us 
 by rational criticism, Christ is still left: a 
 unique figure, not more unlike all his precur- 
 sors than all his followers, even those who had 
 the direct benefit of his personal teaching. It 
 is of no use to say that Christ, as exhibited in 
 the Gospels, is not historical, and that we know 
 not how much of what is admirable has been 
 superadded by the tradition of his followers. 
 The tradition of followers suffices to insert any 
 number of marvels, . . . but who among his 
 disciples, or among their proselytes, was ca- 
 pable of inventing the sayings ascribed to Jesus, 
 or of imagining the life and character revealed 
 in the Gospels ? But about the life and sayings 
 of Jesus there is a stamp of personal originality, 
 combined with profundity of insight, which . . . 
 must place the Prophet of Nazareth, even in the 
 estimation of those who have no belief in his 
 inspiration, in the very first rank of all the men 
 of sublime genius of whom our species can 
 boast. When this preeminent genius is com- 
 bined with the qualities of probably the greatest 
 moral reformer, and martyr to that mission, 
 
 1 Essays on Religion, p. 255. 
 
 [1351
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 who ever existed upon earth, religion cannot be 
 said to have made a bad choice in pitching on 
 this man as the ideal representative and guide 
 of humanity; nor, even now, would it be easy 
 even for an unbeliever to find a better transla- 
 tion of the rule of virtue from the abstract into 
 the concrete than to endeavor so to live that 
 Christ would approve our life. When to this 
 we add that, to the conception of the rational 
 skeptic, it remains a possibility that Christ 
 actually was what he supposed himself to be 
 not God, for he never made the smallest pre- 
 tension to that character, and would probably 
 have thought such a pretension as blasphemous, 
 as it seemed to the men who condemned him 
 - but a man charged with a special, express, 
 and unique commission from God to lead man- 
 kind to truth and virtue; we may well conclude 
 that the influences of religion on the character, 
 which will remain after rational criticism has 
 done its utmost against the evidences of relig- 
 ion, are well worth preserving, and that what 
 they lack in direct strength, as compared with 
 those of a firmer belief, is more than compen- 
 sated by the greater truth and rectitude of the 
 morality they sanction." * 
 
 In a letter to Carlyle he says: "I have recently 
 read the New Testament. ... It has made 
 no new impression, only strengthened the best 
 of the old. I have for years had the very same 
 
 1 Essays on Religion, pp. 253 S. 
 [1361
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 idea of Christ, and the same unbounded rever- 
 ence for him as now; it was because of this 
 reverence that I sought a more perfect acquaint- 
 ance with the records of his life, that indeed 
 gave new life to the reverence, which in any 
 case was becoming or was closely allied with 
 all that was becoming a living principle in my 
 character." 1 . Confessions and sentiments of 
 this kind well up from the deeps of his nature; 
 and had not his youthful soul been overlaid 
 with his father's crass materialism, we might 
 reasonably believe he would have been, not 
 only the saint of rationalism, but a saint of 
 social Christianity. To have begun life thor- 
 oughly diverted from Christian truth,, and to 
 rise steadily to such a noble appreciation of 
 Christ, stands greatly to the credit of Mill. 
 
 During the latter part of his life he was the 
 man to whom many leaders looked for guidance, 
 and his opinions, if not fully accepted, were 
 always worthy of serious consideration. But 
 more than that, he was a living example of 
 disinterestedness, and zeal for mankind. His 
 favorite motto was, "The night cometh when 
 no man can work." Every movement for the 
 improvement of the conditions of the people 
 had his whole-hearted approval, and he endeav- 
 ored to aid all who identified themselves with 
 beneficent schemes. Bain records that he was 
 a strong supporter of Chadwick's Poor Law and 
 
 1 Letters of John Stuart Mill, p. 93. 
 [1371
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 Sanitary Legislation. One of the most striking 
 examples of his fearlessness was his firm opposi- 
 tion to public opinion on the vexed questions of 
 Irish land legislation. When the penny postage 
 was initiated, he was overjoyed. In other direc- 
 tions, too, his services were many and valuable; 
 for instance, it was he who discovered Tennyson 
 to his generation, and he also . revealed the in- 
 trinsic worth of Carlyle's French Revolution, 
 securing for it a speedy recognition. 
 
 Lastly, Mill, as an apostle of reason, is a 
 voice not without its warnings. For once rea- 
 son is jettisoned; our later-day democracy has 
 no principle of guidance, and flounders, as it is 
 doing at this hour, among judgments that are 
 confused, dogmatic, and narrowly emotional. If 
 only the name of a temporary leader is shouted 
 in a public meeting, it is at once the signal 
 for a round of clumsy abuse or meaningless 
 applause. The real motive forces are too fre- 
 quently wayward impulses; and quite indepen- 
 dently of the question as to whether reality 
 is behind them or not, they take the place of 
 orderly inquiry and legitimate progress. Un- 
 less we can return to Mill's methods, and 
 believe that facts cannot go ahead of ideas, 
 reformers will hinder rather than help the 
 causes they seek to serve. 
 
 "No calculus, it has been well said, can 
 integrate the innumerable little pulses of knowl- 
 edge and of thought that he has made to vibrate
 
 John Stuart Mill 
 
 in the minds of his generation. In logic, in 
 ethics, in politics, we have nourished ourselves 
 at his springs. Let us make the full acknowl- 
 edgment of our debt, and also add that, while 
 all that is worst in him belongs to the eight- 
 eenth century, all that is best is akin to the 
 highest, best spirit of the nineteenth." 1 His 
 influence on his generation was enormous and 
 if advocates of democracy, political economists, 
 sociologists, and moralists of today, see farther 
 than their fathers, it is because they stand on 
 the shoulders of John Stuart Mill. 
 
 1 W. L. Courtney's J. S. Mill, p. 174. 
 
 [139
 
 FOURTH LECTURE 
 JAMES MARTINEAU
 
 " We have become free from the fetters of spiritual 
 narrowness; we have, because of our progressive cul- 
 ture, become capable of returning to the Source and 
 apprehending Christianity in its purity. We have 
 regained the courage to stand with firm feet on God's 
 own earth and to feel within, our own human nature, 
 God-endowed. Let spiritual culture continue ever to 
 advance, let the natural sciences grow ever broader and 
 deeper, and the human spirit enlarge itself as it will 
 yet, beyond the majesty and moral culture which shines 
 and lightens in the Gospels, it will not advance." 
 
 GOETHE.
 
 JAMES MARTINEAU 
 PART I 
 
 THE Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 
 1685 marked the culmination of the 
 fanatical policy of Louis XIV, and inflicted a 
 loss upon France from which she never re- 
 covered. The nation's history was saddened; 
 its strength was depleted; and a quarter of a 
 million of its choicest subjects were driven into 
 adjacent provinces and beyond the high seas. 
 Among the Huguenots who escaped, during the 
 harryings and dragonnades, were Gaston Mar- 
 tineau and William Pierre, who met as fellow 
 refugees on the ship that carried them to Eng- 
 land. The tyrannical and brutal assaults upon 
 their most cherished convictions had already 
 bound together this afflicted people, and the 
 friendship then begun ripened into a family 
 union. In 1693 Pierre's daughter was married 
 to Gaston Marti neau at the French church in 
 Spitalfields, London. 
 
 Two years later the newly wedded couple 
 
 left the metropolis, and made their home in 
 
 the ancient city of Norwich, the capital of East 
 
 Anglia, and a well-known center of Puritanism. 
 
 [1431
 
 James Martineau 
 
 Here they entered into more or less intimate 
 relationship with such leaders as Henry Finch, 
 John Meadows, and Benjamin Fairfax, men 
 who had felt the repressive measures of Arch- 
 bishop Laud and the Stuarts, and who extended 
 a cordial and sympathetic welcome to their 
 Huguenot brethren. The sad yet heroical 
 story of the perils of their ancestors was un- 
 ceasingly fascinating to the later Martineaus, 
 and it kindled in them a hatred of any sort of 
 legalized injustice, and a fervent passion for 
 religious liberty. For several generations they 
 seem to have followed the vocation of Gaston 
 Martineau as practising surgeons arid physi- 
 cians. But Thomas, the father of Dr. Mar- 
 tineau, was a wool merchant, who, after an 
 honorable and self-sacrificing career, died in 
 1826, leaving to his children a stainless record 
 of moral intrepidity and integrity. His wife, 
 whose maiden name was Elizabeth Rankin, 
 hailed from northern England. She was a 
 woman of devout and practical temper and a 
 calmly fervent zeal, whose domestic duties 
 absorbed her time and toil and care. She 
 guarded the temporal and, more especially, the 
 spiritual interests of her household with un- 
 swerving devotion. Her innate refinement and 
 sweetness were never surrendered to the de- 
 mands of her hard and patient tasks. She had 
 an inborn taste for music, literature, and the 
 arts, which her children imbibed from her. In 
 [144]
 
 James Martineau 
 
 this home of even, strong desires, quiet purity, 
 and simple steadfastness, James Martineau 
 was born on the 21st of April, 1805. The 
 building, a plain three-storied brick structure, 
 stands to-day on Magdalene Street, and is 
 known as the "Martineau House." Under its 
 archway the visitor passes to the garden, which 
 retains some traces of its former beauty. In 
 the apartment immediately above the archway 
 Harriet Martineau, the famous sister of the 
 eight children, wrote her earlier works. The 
 city spreads from north to south, encompass- 
 ing its venerable fabrics, its thirty-six churches, 
 and a mighty mound raised over the bones of 
 the heathen king who is buried deep beneath, 
 his sword by his side, and his treasures about 
 him. The gray castle rises three hundred feet 
 above the level of the flatlands, and among the 
 immemorial trees stands the Norman master's 
 work, the great cathedral, with its stately and 
 cloud-encircled spire, which George Borrow 
 never ceased to praise. 
 
 The meeting-house where the Martineaus 
 worshipped was known as the Octagon Chapel. 
 John Wesley described it in his Journal as 
 "perhaps the most elegant in all Europe, the 
 inside is furnished in the highest taste and is 
 as clean as any nobleman's salon. How can it 
 be thought that the coarse old gospel should 
 find admission there?" It harbored a different 
 presentation of the evangel from that which 
 f 1451
 
 James Martineau 
 
 Wesley's gallant and hardy field-preachers 
 would have made, yet one which gave to the 
 earnest lad who heard it a consciousness of the 
 Everlasting God as his divine Father and a 
 profound reverence for sacred realities. The 
 sermons of Thomas Madge, the first pastor he 
 recalled, kindled in him an ambition to become 
 a messenger of truth and peace to men. 
 
 In the well-ordered and frugal household of 
 the Martineaus the older children taught the 
 younger, and James was always the peculiar 
 charge of Harriet, who felt herself responsible 
 for what he said and did. His eldest brother, 
 Thomas, a rising surgeon of much promise, 
 died while comparatively young. When James 
 was eight years old, he entered Norwich Gram- 
 mar School, where he remained from 1815 to 
 1817. Later he was sent to Bristol to the 
 academy of the well-known Dr. Lant Car- 
 penter, whose wise and timely instructions 
 stimulated his growing intellect and moral 
 enthusiasm. Upon leaving Bristol he proceeded 
 to Derby, with the intention of becoming an 
 engineer. Fortunately for Christendom that 
 purpose was thwarted; but the visit was an 
 important event in his career, for in the home 
 of the Rev. Edward Higginson he met his 
 future wife, and while here he definitely 
 decided on the course his life should take. 
 The death of Henry Turner of Nottingham, a 
 junior minister of spiritual renown, so moved 
 f 1461
 
 James Martineau 
 
 him that "it worked his conversion and sent 
 him into the ministry." 
 
 When he looked around for a theological 
 school in which to begin his preparatory train- 
 ing, he found none which did not demand creedal 
 tests and subscriptions, save the Free College 
 then located at York, later at Manchester, and 
 finally at London. To York he went, and was 
 enrolled there as a student in 1822. The cur- 
 riculum was an unusually advantageous one 
 for the times, and Martineau availed himself 
 to the fullest extent of its opportunities. At 
 the conclusion of his course he faced the 
 future, enriched in mind by his arduous studies, 
 and mellowed in character by the sorrows he 
 had experienced in the loss of his father and 
 brother. A single quotation from the grave 
 and prescient youth of twenty-two shows how 
 mature he was. "Nothing," said he, "is with- 
 out God. The fields of earth, the boundless 
 recesses of heaven, are the scenes of His cease- 
 less activity. He is felt in every breeze that 
 blows; He is seen in every form of beauty and 
 sublimity." Such was the creed he had formu- 
 lated, derived in part from this creedless insti- 
 tution, and it proved to be a sufficient foundation 
 upon which the graduate could erect one of the 
 noblest religious philosophies of any age. 
 
 On leaving college he took the place of his 
 former master, Dr. Carpenter, and a little later 
 was called from Bristol to the assistant pas- 
 [1471
 
 James Martineau 
 
 torate of Eustace Street Congregation, Dublin. 
 Here comparative freedom from parochial de- 
 tails enabled him to perfect his pulpit style 
 right early. His views on sermonic develop- 
 ment were always high and serious, and he 
 approached his people only after the most 
 thorough and exhaustive preparation of the 
 themes he selected for their meditation. The 
 results of this unhampered study were seen in his 
 creation of a new order of homiletical literature, 
 of which Hours of Thought and Endeavors after 
 the Christian Life are the best examples, and des- 
 tined, in the opinion of not a few competent 
 critics, to outlive the rest of his works. His 
 ordination followed his call, and it is worthy of 
 remark that the future prophet of liberal Chris- 
 tianity received it from the Presbyterian Church 
 of Ireland, which then participated in the " her- 
 esies " of the day. After the office of the ministry 
 had been fully assumed, he returned to England 
 to marry Miss Higginson, who proved to be in 
 all respects "a complete helpmeet worthy of 
 the great love he bore her." They made their 
 first home in Dublin, and there began a 
 Jiappy period of mutual sympathy and con- 
 genial work. In addition to his clerical duties, 
 which were not excessive, he taught Hebrew 
 and the higher mathematics to undergraduates 
 of the University. 
 
 When it fell to his lot to undertake the senior 
 pastorate of the Eustace Street Church, he 
 [148]
 
 James M ar tine au 
 
 found connected with its financial resources a 
 Government grant of money, which dated 
 from the time of the Stuarts. This he at once 
 refused to accept, and wrote a powerful defense 
 of his action containing four reasons against 
 State pay or patronage. The dispute was 
 severe, and he resigned his charge rather than 
 lower his standard. At the moment he had 
 no prospect of another appointment; but the 
 sterling manliness and consistency of his atti- 
 tude drew many hearts toward the courageous 
 young preacher, and he soon received and 
 accepted an invitation to the Paradise Street 
 Chapel, Liverpool, where he spent twenty -four 
 years from 1832 to 1857 years filled with 
 growing usefulness and gradually extending 
 fame. His colleagues in the Unitarian churches 
 of the town were John Hamilton Thorn and 
 Henry Giles, men of learning and eloquence, 
 who joined him in repelling a bitter attack upon 
 their interpretation of Christianity, which had 
 been engendered by a group of Anglican clergy- 
 men. The debate excited national interest, 
 and was known as "The Liverpool Contro- 
 versy." Its chief outcome was the revelation 
 of Martineau's hitherto unsuspected powers 
 and resources. Orthodox and heretical alike 
 were forced to recognize in him the foremost 
 divine of the Unitarian fellowship. Apart from 
 this gratifying result, the quarrel was as acri- 
 monious as it was useless. But it secured him 
 [1491
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 friends and supporters, who gladly provided 
 the necessary funds for further cultivation of 
 his remarkable gifts. In 1848 they sent him to 
 Berlin University, where he spent one winter, 
 during which he made a careful survey of Ger- 
 man thought and literature. Greek philosophy 
 was also studied from a fresh standpoint, and 
 the general effect of this contact was such that 
 he always referred to it as the time of "a new 
 intellectual birth." He wrote to Francis W. 
 Newman, the Cardinal's brother, "I shall ever 
 be thankful for this year of absence; it has at 
 last assured me that I am not too old to learn." 
 The Liverpool ministry and the earlier years in 
 London reveal marked traces of his visit to 
 Germany. It consolidated Martineau's posi- 
 tion among both admirers and opponents of his 
 theological tendencies. Moncure D. Con way 
 states that the English clergy awoke to the 
 fact that here was a Unitarian minister who 
 left them far behind "in philosophical culture, 
 in classical lore, in biblical criticism," and in 
 an ordered and weighty style of speech, which 
 was a fitting instrumentality for these superior 
 attainments. Crowning all other endowments, 
 even the prejudiced discovered in Martineau a 
 spiritual clarity and insight and an attractive 
 symmetry of character, which were the more 
 effective because of the utter absence of arro- 
 gance or the taint of cant. 
 
 In 1853 he was appointed a lecturer in his 
 f 1501
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 Alma Mater, and five years later, when the 
 college was removed to London, he decided to 
 resign his charge at Liverpool, in order that he 
 might continue his professorship in the re- 
 founded institution. He united this office with 
 the pastorate of the Little Portland Street 
 Chapel. "Gain does not tempt me," he said 
 to his sorrowing flock when he bade them fare- 
 well, "for I go to a poorer life ; or Ambition, 
 for I retire to a less conspicuous ; or Ease, for 
 I commit myself to unsparing labor." 1 His 
 advent in the metropolis fulfilled the aims he 
 had steadily kept before him since his vacation 
 in Germany. He became the foremost preacher 
 of his order, a living voice uttering, for those 
 whom he strove to aid, the truths by which men 
 and nations live. During his residence abroad 
 a renewed conviction of man's moral obliga- 
 tions, and a fresh insight into the fundamental 
 verities underlying visible things, had quickened 
 his perceptions and given him a vision of the 
 future he had not previously enjoyed. This con- 
 tact with the deeper and more vital thought of 
 the Continentals enabled him to pierce through 
 mere verbiage, and the result was that his 
 utterances glowed with the spirit of an illu- 
 minating philosophy. He was entirely freed 
 from the Utilitarian and Necessitarian views 
 then prevalent in Britain ; he parted company 
 forever with the Benthamites, and their latest 
 
 1 Life and Letters of James Martincau, Vol. I, p. 326. 
 [1511
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 advocate, John Stuart Mill. He identified 
 himself with a refined and spiritually susceptible 
 metaphysic, of which he became a thoroughly 
 competent exponent. His friendships with John 
 James Taylor and Francis W. Newman were 
 important factors at this time. The former, his 
 predecessor whom he succeeded as principal of 
 the college in 1869, was a generous and urbane 
 scholar whose culture and geniality charmed 
 professors and students alike; the latter was 
 a misunderstood man, whose story is pathetic. 
 Newman had lost the love of many of his asso- 
 ciates; he was hampered by marked peculiari- 
 ties, but ever eager in his search for truth, and 
 he suffered acutely for the sake of his opinions. 
 The foolish and wayward people whose frivol- 
 ity and pleasure-seeking betray their sordidness, 
 and the degraded whose lives are openly vile, 
 were never the direct objects of Martineau's 
 mission as he conceived it. He desired above 
 all else to enlighten and cheer those who take 
 life at the best; those who, though prone to 
 God and goodness, beauty and truth, are robbed 
 of their faith and hope by doubt and uncer- 
 tainty. For such perplexed and encumbered 
 souls he had an unfailing affinity, and his apti- 
 tude for elucidation found free play in his 
 service to them. There was a certain fascina- 
 tion about the stately aloofness of Martineau's 
 spirit which drew the few, though it did not 
 attract the multitude. This, together with a 
 [1521
 
 James Martineau 
 
 characteristic wistful tenderness, justified Lady 
 Tennyson's description of him as having "a 
 subtle and wonderful mind; he is mournful 
 and tender-looking, 'a noble gentleman.'" 1 In 
 this congregation were to be found such celeb- 
 rities as Sir Charles Lyell, Charles Dickens, 
 Miss Frances Power Cobbe, and other scien- 
 tific and literary magnates. Mr. A. W. Jackson 
 described his presence in the London pulpit as 
 "a tall, spare figure robed in the scholar's 
 gown, and wearing the dignities of his office 
 as a natural grace; a thin face, suggestive 
 of the cloister, and traced with deep lines of 
 thought; a voice not loud, but musical and 
 reaching; an enunciation leisurely but not 
 slow, and perfectly distinct. . . . And now the 
 sermon; from the beginning it is plain that it 
 is to serious thought, yes, and hard thinking, 
 that you are invited. . . . Dr. Martineau as a 
 preacher never entertains; he has serious busi- 
 ness with you, and to the consideration of that 
 he holds you with little thought whether he 
 entertain or not. You have been living in some 
 castle of worldliness or pride; there is a hope- 
 less debris around you, and you a shivering and 
 unsheltered soul in the bleak desert of the 
 world. You are suffocated with the dust of 
 life; you are borne away to some Alpine sum- 
 mit where the air is free and a glory thrills 
 you. You came hither, as you felt, deserted 
 
 1 Life and Letters of Jamcx Martineau, Vol. II, p. . 
 [1531
 
 James Martineau 
 
 and alone; you go home with God." * 
 "Sometimes," adds Miss Cobbe, "these ascents 
 were steep and difficult." No doubt they were, 
 even for climbers of her caliber; but the 
 preacher was no ordinary guide to these bolder 
 spiritual eminences. The upward movements 
 he directed were strong and sure; they justified 
 the remark of Mr. Gladstone that "Dr. Mar- 
 tineau was the greatest living thinker of his 
 calling." He laid emphasis, not only on the 
 virgin scholarship and profound thought which 
 characterized his spoken words, but also on all 
 the requirements of a city parish, and especially 
 on the Christian nurture of childhood and youth. 
 As might be expected, he spent laborious days 
 in his study; but he was no mere recluse, 
 unversed in worldly wisdom, for his knowledge 
 of practical affairs was both extensive and 
 accurate. Nothing escaped him. He held 
 that "a soul occupied with great ideas best per- 
 forms small duties." And the reward of his 
 efforts was not in the confidence of the cultured 
 earned alone, but in the respect and even ven- 
 eration of the young people of his charge and 
 of the students of the college. 
 
 Harvard first, then Leyden, Edinburgh, 
 Oxford, and Dublin gave him their highest 
 degrees. The Spectator pointed out that while 
 learned Europe heaped its honors upon him, 
 Oxford did not seem to discover him till he 
 
 1 James Martineau: A Study and Biography, pp. 143-144. 
 [1541
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 was over eighty, and Cambridge appears never 
 to have heard of him. The recognition ac- 
 corded, whether early or late, was based on 
 a growing list of philosophical and theological 
 treatises which could not be ignored, although 
 in some points they were diametrically opposed 
 to orthodox dogmas. Ambassador Bryce, who 
 presented him at Oxford in 1885, for the recep- 
 tion of the degree of Doctor of Civil Law, testi- 
 fied to his long life, "full of dignity, sweetness, 
 and distinguished literary activity." 1 The 
 encomium was worthy of both men, and it 
 selected from the embarrassing wealth of Mar- 
 tineau's life and services those features which 
 will remain as the permanent possessions of 
 Englishmen and Americans in days to come. 
 Gladstone, Ruskin, Tennyson, Huxley, Tyndall, 
 Cardinal Manning, Father Dalgairns, Henry 
 Sidgwick, and Dr. Ward and others formed 
 with Martineau "The Metaphysical Society." 
 They met to discuss subjects of the highest 
 import, and when the society was dissolved the 
 minute-book was presented to Dr. Martineau 
 as a token of gratitude for his services to the 
 fraternity. Located in different camps on 
 many questions, these men, to quote Huxley, 
 "came to love each other like brothers. We 
 all expended so much charity that had it been 
 money we should have been bankrupt." 
 
 In 1862 Martineau issued a critique on 
 
 1 Life and Letters of James Martineau, Vol. II, pp. 14G-7. 
 [1551
 
 James Martineau 
 
 Spencer's First Principles, in 1863 another on 
 Kenan's Life of Jesus, and in 1874 appeared a 
 new edition of Hymns of Praise and Prayer. 
 His indebtedness to the poetry and devotional 
 literature of the Church was dwelt upon in a 
 letter he addressed to the Rev. S. D. I. Mac- 
 Donald in 1859, and also in the preface to the 
 book. "I am constrained to say that neither 
 my intellectual preference nor my moral admira- 
 tion goes heartily with the Unitarian heroes, 
 sects, or productions of any age. Ebionites, 
 Arians, Socinians, all seem to me to con- 
 trast unfavorably with their opponents, and 
 to exhibit a type of thought and character far 
 less worthy, on the whole, of the true genius of 
 Christianity. ... In devotional literature and 
 religious thought I find nothing of ours that 
 does not pale before Augustine, Tauler, and 
 Pascal. And in the poetry of the Church it is 
 the Latin or the German hymns, or the lines 
 of Charles Wesley or of Keble, that fasten on 
 my memory and heart, and make all else seem 
 poor and cold. . . . To be torn away from the 
 great company I have named, and transferred 
 to the ranks which command a far fainter 
 allegiance, is an unnatural and for me an in- 
 admissible fate. . . . For myself both con- 
 viction and feeling keep me close to the poetry 
 and piety of Christendom. It is my native 
 air, and in no other can I breathe; and wherever 
 it passes, it so mellows the soil and feeds the 
 f 1561
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 roots of character, and nurtures such grace and 
 balance of affection, that for any climate simi- 
 larly rich in elements of perfect life I look in 
 vain elsewhere." In 1876 the first series of 
 Hours of Thought was published, followed by 
 the second series in 1879; in 1882 came the 
 volume on Spinoza. For some time the ma- 
 terial ultimately embodied in Types of Ethical 
 Theory had been taking shape in his mind, and 
 the publication of this splendid contribution to 
 ethics was contemporary with his retirement 
 from his more public life. But his activities as 
 a writer were never more manifest than after 
 this occurrence. The Study of Religion ap- 
 peared in 1888, and The Seat of Authority in 
 Religion was given to the world in 1890, when 
 the author was eighty-five years old. Even 
 this advanced age did not retard his marvelously 
 preserved powers. Four volumes of Essays, 
 Reviews, and Addresses were subsequently sent 
 forth, and later still a collection of Home 
 Prayers, which he described as the last book he 
 would offer to the reading public. 
 
 He resigned his principalship of the College 
 in 1885, and the fifteen years left to him were 
 as notable for his physical alertness and activ- 
 ity as for the literary output we have indi- 
 cated. He had always been a vigorous 
 walker; and when the Rev. O. B. Frothingham 
 called upon him, Martineau, who was then 
 seventy-five, proposed a nine-mile tramp across 
 (1571
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 country, with a mountain climb thrown in. 
 When he was eighty-eight, his lithe form was 
 frequently seen as he threaded his way among 
 the vehicles of the crowded London streets, and 
 not until he was ninety could he be persuaded 
 to refrain from jumping off omnibuses in mo- 
 tion. He was naturally austere in his regard 
 for life and duty, with more care for conscience 
 than for the surface raptures of emotion; but 
 the light within and the love and regard around 
 him made him serenely bright and cheerful, 
 and he said, "I think nothing more delightful 
 than the first step into my ninetieth year." 
 On his eighty-third birthday he received a con- 
 gratulatory address, signed by six hundred and 
 forty-nine of the most renowned men then 
 living, including, besides some we have already 
 named, Robert Browning, Max Miiller, Jowett 
 of Balliol, Sir John Lubbock, 1 W. H. Lecky, 
 James Russell Lowell, Oliver Wendell Holmes, 
 Phillips Brooks, and Ernest Renan. The in- 
 scription sums up the story: "We admire 
 the simple record of a long life passed in the 
 strenuous fulfilment of duty, in preaching, in 
 teaching the young of both sexes, in writing 
 books of permanent value; a life which has 
 never been distracted by controversy, and in 
 which personal interests and ambitions have 
 never been allowed a place." That presence 
 of God, which had been the mainstay of his 
 
 1 Now Lord Avebury. 
 [158]
 
 James Martineau 
 
 honored way, and the theme of all his writings 
 and preaching, was entered by him in its com- 
 plete fulness on January 11, 1900, at the ripe 
 age of ninety-five. 
 
 II 
 
 The description of Dr. Martineau as an in- 
 tellectual aristocrat, whose works are not avail- 
 able for the ordinary individual, is misleading. 
 Even those which require some previous knowl- 
 edge of the subject dealt with are so suggestive 
 that few can fail to receive lasting benefit from 
 their perusal. His sermons are accessible to all; 
 no one indeed can read them without having 
 the love of whatever is noble confirmed and 
 the spiritual sensibilities quickened. Yet their 
 beauty, fidelity, and dignity would not have 
 been so conspicuous or so impressive without 
 his profound and reverent study of ethics and 
 philosophy. He never catered to the sluggish 
 mind; he believed, and he endeavored to per- 
 suade others to believe, that "in the soul of 
 religion the apprehension of truth and the 
 enthusiasm of devotion inseparably blend." 
 The sources of sustenance underlying Mar- 
 tineau's exquisite discourses were his clear 
 and sustained thinking on the mysteries and 
 compensations of life, and his suffusion of its 
 rational elements with the glow of a chaste 
 imagination and the warmth of a living heart. 
 These qualities found their expression in a style 
 [1591
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 which was at once their servant and their friend ; 
 a style which gives inspiration to the spirit 
 and leaves music in the memory. My former 
 teacher, the Rev. Dr. W. T. Davison, in an 
 able discussion of Martineau, speaks of this 
 style as entirely his own. "If he was not born 
 with it and did not lisp it in his cradle, he 
 seems to have spoken and written in it from 
 early youth when his mind was formed, to 
 have employed it whenever he spoke, to have 
 written his most friendly letters in it, and to 
 have preserved it unaltered, unwavering in its 
 stateliness, undimmed in its brilliance, to the 
 very end. If Gibbon marches and Macaulay 
 trots, Martineau now exhibits the army in the 
 splendors of parade and now in the sweep of a 
 cavalry charge. He combines strength and 
 grace; his thought is lofty, his touch discrimi- 
 nating, his argument close and keen, his defini- 
 tion accurate, his words express with delicate 
 suppleness all the movements of a subtle and 
 rapid and powerful mind." 1 Many sentences 
 may be quoted which linger with us, but a few 
 must suffice. "No grief deserves such pity as 
 the hopeless privations of a scornful heart." 
 "God has so arranged the chronometry of our 
 spirits that there shall be thousands of silent 
 moments between the striking hours." "Man, 
 the self-conscious animal, is the saddest spec- 
 tacle in creation; man, the self-conscious Chris- 
 
 1 See London Quarterly Review, April, 1903. 
 
 [1601
 
 James Martineau 
 
 tian, one of the noblest." "Reflecting vitality 
 is hypochondria and disease; reflecting spiritu- 
 ality is clearness and strength." "To give to 
 God something that we have is heathen; to 
 offer Him what we do is Jewish; to surrender 
 to Him what we are is Christian." 
 
 Martineau's ethical teaching was based on 
 the innate goodness of human nature, whose 
 spiritual experiences antedate any formal state- 
 ment of religious truth. This position is in 
 direct opposition to the dogma of original sin. 
 To him a child was God's offspring, and lives 
 and moves and has its being in the Divine 
 before it arrives at a conscious apprehension 
 of its inheritance. It has a native sens! of 
 right and wrong; it seldom requires to be led; 
 we have but to offer the highest and the best 
 to the young, and they will act upon it, and be 
 filled with a real love for its beauty and praise. 
 To demand of them a consciousness of sin and 
 ruin was to him a policy both erroneous and 
 mischievous. Theories of rewards and punish- 
 ments, pleasure and profit were injurious rather 
 than helpful to virtuous action and nobility of 
 life. The instructor should attach the child's 
 inborn sense of righteousness to legitimate and 
 clear objects of faith. The unadulterated con- 
 science of youth will answer of itself to the 
 reality and holiness which are in the Creator 
 and His creation. The beliefs of adults be- 
 liefs which result from older and less fortu- 
 [1611
 
 James M artine au 
 
 nate experiences are extraneous to the child's 
 mind, and should not be forced upon it. They 
 do not touch the religious problems of the im- 
 mature, and they inevitably mislead them. The 
 suppressive and negative treatment of human 
 nature, whether in infants or adults, was 
 replaced in Martineau's system by an expan- 
 sive and positive treatment, which allowed for 
 the free play of inherent virtues. His advo- 
 cacy of these tenets had a weighty influence in 
 England and America. Their suitability as a 
 means of development is now more fully 
 recognized, and they have affected the recon- 
 structive period of Bible School methods, as 
 well* as the remodeling of theology and hym- 
 nology. Horace Bushnell was another pioneer, 
 who, by his teachings on Christian nurture for 
 the young, did almost more than Martineau to 
 give practical effect to what many regarded as a 
 pestilential error. The conception of the youth- 
 ful soul as a pure and undefiled arbiter of the 
 proper scope and objects of its own faith, able 
 with the dawn of consciousness intuitively to 
 recognize and obey them, came as a distinct 
 shock to the Evangelicals. They deeply dis- 
 trusted salvation by education, and preferred 
 regeneration as an unmistakable revolution in 
 the sinful and fallen spiritual nature. They 
 contended that such teaching as Martineau's 
 ignored the sinister realities of evil, and could 
 not account for the ominous facts of human 
 [162]
 
 James M artine au 
 
 life. They refused to admit the superiority of 
 the child nature to the doctrines of Holy Scrip- 
 ture, or its right to judge them by what Mar- 
 tineau defines as the "voice of the living God 
 within the child." He affirmed that the greatest 
 of all books for the moral and spiritual training 
 of youth was the Bible, and that the response 
 of the voice within was evoked by the applica- 
 tion of the truth the Bible contained. But it 
 was not dependent on it; indeed, the Bible was 
 nothing more nor less than the externalized 
 conscience of the Hebrew race, and, while he 
 venerated it, he held it subordinate to that 
 moral sense of which it was the expression. 
 The seat of authority in religion and etjiics was 
 native and indestructible, whether in children 
 or their elders; it was of direct divine origin, 
 and must be carefully distinguished from the 
 "ecclesiastical conscience" which had been 
 molded by tradition, theology, and the Scrip- 
 tures. 
 
 All this is introductory to the intuitional 
 theory of ethics upon which Martineau sus- 
 tained his system, and from the foregoing com- 
 ments it is easy to see what direction that 
 system would take. He was emphatic in his 
 declaration that man's moral judgment is part 
 of his original nature, requiring no extensive 
 experience or sudden conversion for its rightful 
 exercise. The approval of temperance, truth- 
 fulness, and courage, and the condemnation 
 [1631
 
 James Martineau 
 
 of the reverse qualities, are instinctive and 
 immediate. The ability to arrive at these 
 judgments is an inherent faculty, not to be 
 analyzed, universal in extent, and the gift of 
 God. In those cases where there is a conflict 
 between the higher and lower principles of life, 
 conscience acts as the determinative factor. 
 The conflict may wage in the soul of the most 
 abject heathen, or the most enlightened saint. 
 The important thing is not the plane on which 
 the struggle is waged, but how it is waged just 
 where men are. This inner vision of moral 
 discernment is diametrically opposed to the 
 Utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill, and its 
 statement reveals the wide breach between Mar- 
 tineau and his earlier masters. Their ethics 
 were always prudential; they carefully noted 
 the results of any action, and assigned the ethi- 
 cal value of the action accordingly. It was 
 right or wrong as it tended to promote pleasure 
 or pain. When individual and general happi- 
 ness was the experimental outcome, the deed 
 was worthy; when otherwise, it was unworthy. 
 Martineau carries us into another and a superior 
 region. He begins by showing that "the key 
 to the ancient philosophy is found in a distinc- 
 tion which our language does not enable us 
 accurately to express . . . absolute existence 
 and relative phenomena." l The adjustment of 
 the respective rights of these sole claimants of 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 1. 
 [1641
 
 James Martineau 
 
 the whole sphere of things was the problem and 
 the task of the Hellenic schools. But under all 
 their varieties lay the twofold distribution of 
 that which ever is and that which transiently 
 appears. These were assumed as exhaustive 
 and ultimate. They were also omnipresent, 
 and there was no dividing line between the 
 eternal entities and the successive phenomena. 
 Both were blended in every nature, whether 
 human or external. The same divine element 
 which constituted the beauty, truth, and good- 
 ness of the Cosmos, spread into the human 
 mind, and established there the conscious recog- 
 nition of beauty, truth, and goodness. Man 
 was but a part and member of the universe, 
 sharing its mixed character, and standing in no 
 antithetical position thereto. 1 
 
 The key to the modern philosophy is found 
 in a different distinction, that between the 
 subjective and the objective, between the mind 
 the constituted seat and principle of thought 
 and the scene or data assigned it to think. And 
 the answers to the endless questions of the Ego, 
 or the Non-Ego, are idealistic or realistic, "in 
 proportion as 'they' give ascendency to the 
 former, or to the latter, as the source of our 
 cognitions." This idealism seeks to interpret 
 the world through man, to find mind, idea, 
 spirit in all, through all, over all. But Mar- 
 tineau never becomes so intellectual in interest, 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 2. 
 [1651
 
 James Martineau 
 
 or so logical in method, that he fails in doing 
 full justice to the moral or religious conscious- 
 ness. Though he crosses over into the psycho- 
 logical theory, he is aware that this of itself 
 does not fulfil ethical conditions. Fichte's 
 idealism reduced the objective standard of 
 moral obligation to a mere modification of self, 
 and thus dissipated the essence of imperative 
 authority, "which ever implies a law above and 
 beyond the nature summoned to obey it." 
 Hegel regarded the philosophical as a higher 
 point of view than the religious. The realities 
 of faith and reason were translated by the 
 thoroughgoing Hegelians into abstractions of 
 thought, and this process of reduction exer- 
 cised a detrimental rather than a salutary in- 
 fluence. To thus disown all reality outside 
 the mind, and resolve everything into a sub- 
 jective dream, was repulsive to Martineau. 
 For in perception and in conscience there is a 
 "self" and an "other than self" "In percep- 
 tion it is self and nature, in morals it is self 
 and God, which stand face to face in the subjec- 
 tive and objective antithesis." No monistic 
 system could interpret, from any starting-point, 
 any one or all of these without a destructive 
 handling of "the facts on which our nature and 
 life are built." Without higher objective con- 
 ditions nothing is binding on us. "Conscience 
 does not frame the law, it simply reveals the 
 law, that holds us." Surely that which it dis- 
 [1661
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 closes is the regal authority, having, as Bishop 
 Butler argued, a further authority which will 
 presently support and enforce its demands. 
 
 Leslie Stephen speaks slightingly of Mar- 
 tineau's central doctrine of an autonomous 
 and independent conscience a faculty which 
 exists as a primitive and elementary instinct 
 incapable of further analysis and implanted by 
 God. Under the pressure of the evolutionary 
 theory, he regards the speculation as erroneous 
 and liable to clash with the results of scientific 
 inquiry. Martineau asserts that such results 
 have their own range of jurisdiction which 
 must not be allowed to interfere with the moral 
 order. These~t>oundaries cannot be slurred with- 
 out confusion, nor a provincial law enforced 
 over an entire spiritual empire. Sensational, 
 intellectual, and sesthetical differences may be 
 really moral differences, disguised and robbed 
 of their standing by the garnish and pretense. 
 He names "the scheme of Epicurus and Ben- 
 tham, which elicits the moral nature from the 
 sentient; that of Cud worth, Clarke, and Price, 
 which makes it a dependency on the rational; 
 that of Shaftesbury and Hutcheson, which 
 identifies it with the aesthetic." 1 
 
 He then proceeds to discuss the moral senti- 
 ment in the light of its own experience, and 
 shows how this visit to our consciousness of 
 right and wrong in its own home has the merit 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 17. 
 
 [1671
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 of "compelling us to look it full in the face, 
 and take distinct notes of the story it tells 
 of itself." The fundamental fact of ethics is 
 that men have an irresistible tendency to ap- 
 prove and disapprove. When our fellow crea- 
 tures are in question, we speak of their morals; 
 when, however, attention is focused upon our- 
 selves, we are led to speak of our duty. In this 
 continuous engagement, we judge persons and 
 not things. We visit our indignation on the 
 man who steals the watch, not on the hand 
 that went into the pocket. The external 
 world may be lifted into this personal element 
 and become the center of various feelings; but 
 in itself it is perfectly indifferent to conscience, 
 and any application of ethical terms to its 
 phenomena is manifestly inappropriate. 
 
 Again, the inner motive of an action is 
 distinguished from its outward operation. 
 Spencer supports Martineau's plea; 1 and Leslie 
 Stephen goes so far to to declare that "the 
 clear enunciation of this principle seems to be a 
 characteristic of all great moral revelations. 
 It may be briefly expressed in the phrase that 
 "morality is internal." "Be this," not "Do 
 this," is the true form of expression of the moral 
 law; and the possibility of expressing any rule in 
 this form may be regarded as deciding whether it 
 can or cannot have a distinctly moral character. 2 
 
 1 Data of Ethics, Chap. V, Sec. 24, p. 6-1. 
 
 2 Science of Ethics, Chap. IV, Sec. 16, p. 155. 
 
 [1681
 
 James M artine au 
 
 It is not by outward appearance that we can 
 judge moral action. We must know it on the 
 inner side, and only thus do we know it at all. 
 In the reduction of a deed to its elements, the 
 three stages James Mill indicated are quoted 
 by Martineau : there are (1) the sentiments 
 from which it springs; (2) the muscular move- 
 ments in which it visibly consists; (3) the 
 consequences in which it issues. Sever the 
 first, and the other two lose their moral quality; 
 sever the other two, and the moral quality 
 remains. It is obvious that good or evil cannot 
 be attached to muscular movement or conse- 
 quences, but only to the cause of both in the 
 underlying sentiment. The student ,of Chris- 
 tianity does not need to be reminded of the 
 great word of Jesus on this theme. Anger, 
 malice and lust may lack opportunity, but he 
 who would and could not is called to account 
 with him who would and did. And in a higher 
 than the ethical region the doctrine of divine 
 forgiveness for sin is established within us, 
 and our reconciliation with God is realized, 
 by simple inward penitence, faith, and love. 
 Heavenly relations between the All-holy Father 
 and the guilty yet contrite spirit are consum- 
 mated in the inmost recesses of the heart. The 
 scale of external benefits accruing from any 
 course of action is not a proper standard of 
 estimate for such a course. The love and 
 fidelity of the obscure, whose opportunities are 
 [1691
 
 James M artine au 
 
 small, may be even more intense and devoted, 
 and we are to "graduate our approval by the 
 purity of the source, not by the magnitude of 
 the result." Herein Christian ethics have 
 shared the distinctive luster of the system of 
 "inwardness" from which they spring. And 
 on this issue they carry with them the verdict 
 of our moral consciousness. 
 
 Dr. Martineau pushes the examination a step 
 farther. He asks whom we first judge, our- 
 selves or others? He believes the answer is of 
 prime importance, and that it is one of the 
 surest tests by which we detect a true theory of 
 ethics. The majority of English moralists are 
 remiss in this respect, since they concur in say- 
 ing that judgment begins with others and the 
 habit is then transferred to ourselves. 1 W. K. 
 Clifford and Leslie Stephen held that "the 
 conscience is the utterance of the public spirit 
 of the race, ordering us to obey the primary 
 conditions of its welfare." Spencer regarded 
 the moral consciousness as wholly a social 
 product due to the observed or experienced 
 consequences of executed action. 2 Martineau 
 remained true to his theory of the inner spring 
 of action, which could not be apprehended by 
 any external observation, and which must be 
 known only from within. He claimed that 
 we judge ourselves first and judge others by 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 27. 
 
 2 Data of Ethics, Chap. VII, Sec. 44, p. 120. 
 
 [1701
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 ourselves. Our actual knowledge of the mo- 
 tives of others is necessarily scanty. We con- 
 demn brutality in another because we could not 
 be guilty of such violence without being faith- 
 less to our better self. We quickly gather by 
 word, look, or gesture what good or bad pas- 
 sions are agitating our fellows. But unless we 
 had first experienced these emotions ourselves 
 they would be meaningless to us. And in pro- 
 portion as the habitual feelings and tastes of 
 those around us are foreign to our own, "do 
 the manners which express them become un- 
 intelligible or displeasing." The man who is 
 prone to suspect treachery or fraud in others 
 "is little likely to be of a transparent nature 
 himself." So criticism, like charity, begins at 
 home, and the censorious temper is an artifice 
 "by which we suborn a true light to give us a 
 false vision." 1 We pay small heed to society 
 when two motives are in conflict within us. 
 We may have respect for the possible outcome 
 of actions directed by the motives; but we 
 know without the word of others which is the 
 higher motive, and we know it immediately, 
 and why it should govern us. He would guard 
 this statement against the charge that it makes 
 for isolated units. Though our moral esti- 
 mates originate in self -reflection, the "social 
 sanction" is indispensable to their development 
 as a part of our moral nature. The visible 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, pp, 29, 30, 
 
 [1711
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 world employs, though it does not originate, 
 our perceptive powers. In like manner our 
 fellow men are instrumental in discovering us 
 to ourselves, and the objective conscience em- 
 bodied in society and its institutions has a 
 restraining and an educative influence for the 
 individual, which Martineau both appreciated 
 and enforced. 
 
 In laying bare the process of decisions, he 
 arrives at three factors which underlie all moral 
 actions: the co-presence of motives, the conflict 
 involved, and our freedom to choose between 
 them. The maxim of Heraclitus that "strife 
 is the father of all things," though mainly 
 applied by him to the objective world, has a 
 justifiable reference to the circumstances of our 
 moral life. If there were no conflict of motives, 
 the first to appear would have free course and 
 project itself into action instantly. As it is, 
 we have the power to determine which motive 
 shall govern our conduct, and this freedom 
 of choice is a fact concerning which extended 
 discussion is futile. How could we approve 
 or disapprove of any one's conduct if we did 
 not believe that another course of action were 
 possible? 1 There are many arguments against 
 
 1 "llow could I feel 'morally' toward other individuals 
 if I knew they were machines and nothing more? machines 
 which some day I myself might be able to construct like a steam- 
 engine? To a convinced theoretical materialist to whom his 
 neighbour is a real mechanical system, morality is an absurdity." 
 Professor Hans Driesch, The Science and Philosophy of the 
 Organism, Vol. II, p. 358. 
 
 [172]
 
 James Martineau 
 
 the freedom of the will ; but experience declares 
 for it, and the welfare of society demands it. 
 The impulses that constantly solicit the acqui- 
 escence of the will disclose its prevalence, and 
 the keen rivalry of their competition throws 
 light on the scale of excellence in conduct. To 
 make gratification in any way the criterion of 
 this scale of excellence is virtually to hand over 
 morals to the hierarchy of prudence rather than 
 the hierarchy of right. Men know what they 
 like, and they also know what they approve: 
 to arrange everything in the former category is 
 a hedonistic order; in the latter, a moral one. 
 Though what they like they may also approve 
 does not affect this reasoning. The self-con- 
 scious apprehension of compared springs of 
 action, and men's responsibility to the grada- 
 tions of their moral quality, is that knowledge 
 of themselves for better or worse which is 
 called conscience. 1 So whenever men succumb 
 to temptation they identify themselves with 
 the worst that is possible to them at the mo- 
 ment, and true repentance is always accom- 
 panied by the confession that there is no excuse 
 for the wrong-doing. "Would it have dried 
 the tears of Peter's denial to be told that he 
 had not murdered but only disowned his 
 Lord?" There may be other passions more 
 seductive and base, and other deeds more vile; 
 but these do not enter into the case. The true 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 53. 
 
 [1731
 
 James Martineau 
 
 standard of comparison is in men, and above 
 men, but never beneath them. Lesser turpi- 
 tude does not appear more favorable because 
 contrasted with greater. They are judged by 
 the principles to which they have been false; 
 and that others act on more degenerate levels, 
 or from lower motives, furnishes no apology for 
 their delinquency. "We are sensible," says 
 Martineau, "of a graduated scale among our 
 natural principles, quite distinct from the order 
 of their intensity and irrespective of the range 
 of their external effects." It is identical and 
 constant for all men, no accident of our particu- 
 lar personality, but one scale in the moral 
 ascent whether we think of the Bushmen of 
 Africa or the civilized Occidentals. They are 
 on the same ladder which stretches from the 
 solid earth into infinitude. Their progress up- 
 ward is attended by joys and sorrows, successes 
 and failures of its own. Yet it is doubtful if 
 any attempt to promote it by a discreet invest- 
 ment of energy is attended with good results. 
 "If you cannot speak home to the conscience 
 at once, condescend to no lower plea: to reach 
 the throne-room of the soul, Divine and holy 
 things must pass by her grand and royal entry, 
 and will refuse to creep up the back stairs of 
 greediness and gain. Notwithstanding all that 
 philosophers have said about the agreement of 
 virtue with rational self-interest, it may be 
 doubted whether their reasonings ever recalled 
 [174]
 
 James Martineau 
 
 by a single step any wandering will; while it is 
 notorious that the rugged earnestness of many 
 a preacher, assuming a consciousness of sin and 
 speaking to nothing else, has awakened multi- 
 tudes to a new life, and carried them out of 
 their former nature. In short, it would never 
 have been prudent to do right, had it not been 
 something infinitely more." x And as men 
 ascend in civilization their outlook becomes 
 broader and the moral demands increase. 
 Lawlessness and its baneful results take on a 
 darker hue in life's exalted stations. When 
 men who occupy these violate their trust, the 
 very elevation gives impetus to their descent, 
 and one may reflect with Milton's Satan: 
 "No wonder fallen such a pernicious height." 2 
 
 That certain acts are permissible at one period 
 which are outlawed in a more enlightened age 
 need occasion no difficulty, for the imperfect 
 knowledge of the earlier stage forbade the dis- 
 covery of any higher spring of action. A Greek 
 would have been at a loss to classify the forms 
 of virtue which are typical of the twentieth 
 century. The range of self-control has widened 
 immensely, and such virtues as chastity and 
 temperance, with a new connotation under the 
 Christian regime, are more than any others the 
 keystone of the modern social organization. 
 Enough has been said to show that Martineau 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 77. 
 
 2 See also St. Luke's Gospel xii, 47, 48. 
 
 [1751
 
 James M artine au 
 
 invariably lays stress on the sentiment from 
 which motive and action spring. The lowest 
 sources in the scale are censoriousness, vindic- 
 tiveness, and suspicion; the highest are rever- 
 ence and compassion. It is indicative of the 
 excellent spirit that was in him that he should 
 have placed reverence first, and nowhere more 
 than in our own Republic should this priority 
 be pondered. The magnificent rule which 
 crowns this summary is also worthy of a place 
 in every man's memory: "Every action is 
 RIGHT, which, in presence of a lower principle, 
 follows a higher: every action is WRONG, which, in 
 presence of a higher principle, follows a lower." l 
 
 The compassion which moved John Howard, 
 Florence Nightingale, and Abraham Lincoln to 
 rescue the prisoner, the sick, and the enslaved 
 has in it eternal righteousness, because for them 
 it meant the realization of their highest ideals 
 of life and the utmost personal sacrifice for 
 their accomplishment. Such examples adorn 
 the ethical message we are here considering, and 
 in itself it is a grateful contrast to the Utili- 
 tarianism of the preceding lecture. It shows 
 the indescribable value of Martineau as a stimu- 
 lating guide in matters of conduct, a counselor 
 whose utterances irradiate many perplexing ques- 
 tions. When he tells us that ethical judgments 
 have to be made quite as often between two 
 orders of goodness as between actual good and 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 270. 
 [1761
 
 James M artine au 
 
 evil, and that no person has the right to neglect 
 the highest duties confronting him, even though 
 this neglect is concealed under the performance 
 of lower ones, he supplies the preacher of 
 righteousness with a timely homily from the 
 Scripture, "These ought ye to have done, and 
 not to leave the other undone." l Human obli- 
 gation to be and to do the best we know, 
 under all possible circumstances, is absolute 
 and endless. God expects nothing more from 
 a man than his duty, but that includes all 
 he can ever do. The false merit attached to 
 works of supererogation is annihilated by the 
 ethical infinitude of human nature and the 
 divine perfection that governs it. Our best 
 is demanded on all occasions; and when we 
 have attempted the utmost, we are still un- 
 profitable servants, in view of the undischarged 
 obligations of an endless development. 2 Heroes 
 and heroines, saints and martyrs, leaders and 
 emancipators, whose story lights the summit 
 of human possibility, have only fulfilled God's 
 expectation of them. For them and for us 
 Martineau's great ascription is true; an unex- 
 plored height and depth of moral grandeur, 
 beauty, and achievement, in which the race 
 is to be absorbed and glorified: "The rule 
 of right, the symmetries of character, the re- 
 quirements of perfection, are no provincialisms 
 
 1 St. Luke's Gospel xi, 42. 
 
 2 See also St. Luke's Gospel xvii, 10. 
 
 [177]
 
 James M ar tin e a u 
 
 of this planet: they are known among the 
 stars; they reign beyond Orion and the South- 
 ern Cross; they are wherever the universal 
 Spirit is; and no subject mind, though it 
 fly on one track forever, can escape beyond 
 their bounds. Just as the arrival of light 
 from deeps that extinguish parallax bears wit- 
 ness to the same ether there that vibrates 
 here, and its spectrum reports that one chemis- 
 try spans the interval, so does the law of right- 
 eousness spring from its earthly base and 
 embrace the empire of the heavens, the moment 
 it becomes a communion between the heart of 
 man and the life of God." l 
 
 1 A Study of Religion, Vol. I, p. 26. 
 
 [ 178
 
 FIFTH LECTURE 
 JAMES MARTINEAU
 
 "7 leave the plain, I climb the height; 
 No branchy thicket shelter yields; 
 But blessed forms in whistling storms 
 
 Fly o'er waste fens and windy fields. 
 ******* 
 
 I muse on joy that will not cease, 
 Pure spaces clothed in living beams, 
 
 Pure lilies of eternal peace, 
 
 Whose odours haunt my dreams. 
 
 ******* 
 
 The clouds are broken in the sky, 
 And thro' the mountain-walls 
 A rolling organ-harmony 
 
 Swells up, and shakes and falls. 
 Then move the trees, the copses nod, 
 Wings flutter, voices hover clear : 
 '0 just and faithful knight of God! 
 Ride on! the prize is near.'" 
 
 Sir Galahad. TENNYSON
 
 JAMES MARTINEAU 
 PART II 
 
 THE point of convergence for the religious 
 teaching of Hegel, Lotze, and Martineau lay 
 in their united recognition of the eternal 
 presence and self-revelation of God in human 
 consciousness. Hegelianism has lost ground 
 in recent years because the " determinism" 
 which is its natural corollary minimizes sin, pre- 
 cludes repentance, and weakens moral respon- 
 sibility. It also fails to give any satisfactory 
 account of personality, and furnishes no sub- 
 stantial grounds for individual immortality. 
 Lotze's Microcosmus and Martineau's Study 
 of Religion have much more in common, and 
 the latter foresaw that they may eventually 
 blend in the advancing tide of speculative 
 thought. He spoke of Lotze as the one origi- 
 nal contributor to the solution of philosophical 
 religious problems one whose constructive 
 work was of the very highest and, without 
 qualification, Christian. Both reached the same 
 "belief in an ever-living God, a divine mind 
 and will, ruling the universe and holding moral 
 [1811
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 relations with mankind." 1 But Lotze declared 
 himself a spiritual monist, by which he meant 
 that there is only one substance in the universe, 
 spiritual life and energy, and yet that the 
 Eternal One, by a partial differentiation of his 
 own essential Being, calls into existence the 
 world of nature and humanity. While God 
 remains immanent in all His creatures, He 
 gives to these finite and dependent exist- 
 ences, in progressive degrees, a real selfhood 
 which culminates in man in a self -conscious- 
 ness and moral freedom that enables him to 
 know and even to resist God. John Fiske 
 has advanced practically the same argument 
 in his account of the crowning of physical with 
 psychical and moral evolution, and the reve- 
 lation by God in the completed man of His 
 own presence and character. On the other 
 hand, Martineau affirmed that for him monism, 
 whether idealistic or materialistic, was tanta- 
 mount to a denial of religion at any rate in 
 its logical results, though not in the conscious- 
 ness of those who held it. His dualism seems 
 to have arisen out of his aversion to pantheism; 
 he persistently declined to believe in the iden- 
 tical oneness of man and God, either here or 
 hereafter. He speaks of "the sense of author- 
 ity," and says that if it means anything, "it 
 means the discernment of something higher 
 than we, having claims on our self therefore 
 
 ^See Martineau's Life and Letters, Vol. II, p. 410. 
 [182]
 
 James Martineau 
 
 no mere part of it; hovering over and tran- 
 scending our personality, though also mingling 
 with our consciousness and manifested through 
 its intimations." 1 Men cannot interpret this 
 sentiment within their own limits; they are 
 irresistibly carried on to the recognition of 
 another than themselves, One who has moral 
 affinity with them, yet solemn rights over them. 
 We encounter this Objective Authority without 
 quitting the center of our own consciousness. 
 The excellency and sanctity which He recognizes 
 and reports are not contingent on our accidental 
 apprehension; they have their seat in eternal 
 reality, they hold their quality wherever found, 
 and the revelation of their authority to one 
 mind is valid for all. 
 
 Martineau traces the pathway from the 
 moral consciousness to religious apprehension, 
 and avows that every man is permitted to 
 learn, within himself, that which "bears him 
 out of himself, and raises him to the station of 
 the Father of Spirits." 2 A Study of Religion 
 written, as we have observed, when he had gone 
 beyond his eightieth year, embodies his ripest 
 meditations on the all-important theme. Its 
 bases are found by him, in the native sense of 
 man's moral responsibility and obligation. He 
 places ethics before religion inasmuch as the 
 ethical conscience reveals "the presence of an 
 
 1 Types of Ethical Theory, Vol. II, p. 104. 
 
 2 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 105. 
 
 [1831
 
 James Martineau 
 
 authority that is in us, but superior to us, and 
 which we spontaneously feel has a right to 
 govern us." Thus his first concern is for the 
 religion of the conscience rather than that of the 
 cosmos. In the stricter sense Martineau is a 
 philosophical theologian; Lotze a philosopher 
 proper, the mirror of whose mind reflected 
 the universe as few have done. The former 
 is primarily an ethical and religious teacher 
 whose metaphysic is narrowed by his beliefs 
 on those issues; the latter a more inclusive 
 and fundamental thinker whose range is wider, 
 deeper, and firmer than Martineau's. Accord- 
 ing to the latter our moral experience not 
 only naturally leads us toward belief in a 
 Supreme and Perfect Being, but also toward 
 belief in personal immortality. These intuitive 
 apprehensions are in every man; they can be 
 reverenced and obeyed; and if so, our loyalty 
 to them is rewarded by a larger insight and an 
 enriched knowledge. In God's light such chil- 
 dren of His will see light. 
 
 But they may also be thinned out by critic- 
 ally destructive processes until they become a 
 mere delusion, in which there is nothing more 
 than disguised self-interest or the reflection of 
 a prevalent social sentiment. The two ten- 
 dencies are always present and operative; 
 "ethics must either perfect itself in religion or 
 disintegrate itself into hedonism"; and there 
 is "an inevitable gravitation in all antitheo- 
 [1841
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 logical thinkers toward 'the greatest happiness 
 principle.'" Further, "if the moral relations 
 when thus displayed 'and honored by us' are 
 ectypal miniatures of eternal realities in God, 
 it is impossible not to raise the question of their 
 duration in us. There is something incongruous 
 in supposing that such a communion on our 
 part with an eternal Being, and a communion 
 in respect of eternal verities central to His 
 essence, should have just begun to know itself 
 for what it is, and then be extinguished." The 
 immortality of man in Martineau's thought was 
 coincident with another leading principle of his 
 religious system "the Universal Incarnation." 
 He states his position thus: "The Incarna- 
 tion is true, not of Christ exclusively, but of 
 Man universally, and God everlastingly. He 
 bends into the human, to dwell there; and 
 humanity is the susceptible organ of the 
 divine. And the spiritual light in us which 
 forms our higher life is 'of one substance' 
 (6/xoouo-tov) with His own Righteousness, its 
 manifestation, with altered essence and au- 
 thority, on the theater of our nature. ... Of 
 this grand and universal truth Christ became 
 the revealer, not by being an exceptional per- 
 sonage (who could be a rule for nothing), but 
 by being a signal instance of it so intense and 
 impressive as to set fire to every veil that 
 would longer hide it." In another connection 
 
 1 Essays, Reviews, and Addresses, Vol. II, pp. 443-444. 
 f 1851
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 he asks: "Is it not then a true conception 
 that we see in the mind of Christ the very 
 essence of the mind of God, in what He loves 
 and requires to see in us ... the filial devo- 
 tion, the self-renunciation, the enthusiasm for all 
 righteous affections which constitutes the ethics 
 of all worlds? In opening to us the coessen- 
 tiality with God through His own personality 
 did He show us what is true of His own individ- 
 uality alone? On the contrary, He stands in 
 virtue of it as the spiritual head of mankind, 
 and what you predicate of Him in actuality is 
 predicable of all in possibility. This interpre- 
 tation of His life on earth carries the divine 
 essence claimed for Him into our nature as His 
 brethren. In Him as our representative we 
 learn our summons and receive our adoption as 
 children of God." l By virtue of this living union 
 between God and man, His highest desires and 
 best affections are divine and inspired ; they are 
 part of the very being of the All-wise; they 
 are His perpetual self -revelation to us ; and in 
 them is contained the possibility of all religion. 
 It is necessary to show here that Martineau's 
 views on religion underwent considerable 
 change. He began where his first guide and 
 teacher, Dr. Priestley, had ended; for Priestley, 
 although a latitudinarian, believed in the value 
 and authority of the Holy Scriptures as a divine 
 revelation. He sought the confirmation of 
 
 1 Martineau's Life and Letters, Vol. II, p. 481. 
 f 1861
 
 James Martineau 
 
 outward standards and proofs for the doctrine 
 he accepted ; and Martineau for a time followed 
 his example. In the address he delivered before 
 his ordination at Dublin he declared himself 
 the servant of revelation, and spoke of "Jesus 
 Christ, God's well-beloved Son." He said, "I 
 acknowledge Him as the Mediator between 
 God and man." He further refers to "His 
 exaltation to that position which He now holds 
 above all other created beings, where He lives 
 evermore, and from which He shall hereafter 
 judge the world in righteousness. . . . Not to 
 honor Him as we honor the Father is to 
 violate our allegiance to Him as the great 
 Captain of our salvation." But Channing 
 supplanted Priestley as the spiritual director 
 of Martineau, and induced him to lay that 
 stress upon conscience and the hidden man 
 of the heart which now took the place of 
 Priestley's insistence upon external credentials. 
 Channing, too, was deposed when other dis- 
 integrating influences asserted themselves, and 
 one by one the articles of Martineau's original 
 creed disappeared. Miracles were dispensed 
 with; the resurrection was a myth; sin as a 
 huge racial impediment and disaster had never 
 been accepted by him. He asserted that Jesus 
 never claimed to be the Messiah, and his exami- 
 nation of the Gospels left few credible frag- 
 ments of information about the history of Jesus. 
 In 1898 he wrote: "We plainly want a New 
 [1871
 
 James M artine au 
 
 Reformation to give us a religion that shall 
 be tenable alike by the natural soul and by 
 the cultivated mind of our age; and it can 
 never be brought to the birth alive out of 
 the Messianic preconceptions, or ecclesiastical 
 dogmas, or physical cosmogonies; but must be 
 drawn fresh, like the beatitudes, from the 
 divine experiences of the Christlike soul, which 
 are self-evidencing and wait for no visual 
 miracle to vouch them. All that we spirit- 
 ually know is thus given us in the person of 
 Jesus; but not all that is told us of His person 
 is of this character, or is in itself credible; and 
 till the needful discrimination is effected be- 
 tween these two elements, our present Gospels 
 will often mislead us. For in truth they are but 
 anonymous traditions, authentic mixed with 
 unauthentic, current in the second century." 1 
 
 Dr. Martineau is not so thorough and satis- 
 factory in his treatment of biblical exegesis 
 and the New Testament literature as he is in 
 philosophy and ethics. The touch is somewhat 
 unfamiliar and the dogmatic hardness assert- 
 ive. His great reputation finds little support 
 in some of his statements concerning the 
 sources of the Christian tradition. The pro- 
 found thinker is lost for the moment in the 
 ardent partizan. The variations between his 
 earlier and later utterances seem to make good 
 the charge of unstability; but while conscious 
 
 1 Life and Letters, Vol. II, p. 244. 
 f 1881
 
 James M ar tin e a 
 
 u 
 
 of this, he explains them as the substitution 
 "of religion at first hand, straight out of the 
 immediate interaction between the soul and 
 God, for religion at second hand, fetched by 
 copying out of anonymous traditions of the 
 eastern Mediterranean eighteen centuries ago"; 
 and he adds, "This has been the really directing, 
 though hardly conscious, aim of my responsible 
 years of life." Dr. Davison is correct in his 
 substantiation of Martineau's own statement 
 that here are two religions. For the sake of 
 clearness let us remember that the religion of 
 the man who rejects all spiritual authority 
 but that of his own reason and conscience and 
 the religion of the man who finds in Christ a 
 direct revelation from God are not two forms 
 of one religion; they are indeed two religions, 
 widely separated now, and likely to be much 
 more widely separated in the not distant 
 future. The majority of men grow less dog- 
 matic as they approach the ripening years. In 
 this one respect Martineau was an exception; 
 and it is the earlier Martineau who stands 
 apart from his articulated system, and pleads 
 for the spirit within the wheels. To him we 
 turn with relief, unwilling that the worth and 
 inspiration of his religious experience, as dis- 
 tinguished from his theological utterance, should 
 be lost in the deepening doubts of his later 
 years. Here we would fain abide with him; 
 and if one apprehends him aright, he speaks 
 [1891
 
 James M a r tin e au 
 
 more freely and with lesser consciousness of a 
 system which needs defense. He looked upon 
 experience as the true test of religion and its 
 legitimate sphere of verification. And experi- 
 ence meant for him a genuine sense of present 
 spiritual union and reality springing from indi- 
 vidual surrender to God. His definition of this 
 is not unlike the Evangelical doctrine of conver- 
 sion; it implies an awakening which results 
 in the consecration of life and all its powers. 
 "The moment of its new birth is the discovery 
 that your gleaming is the everlasting real: no 
 transparent brush of a fancied angel's wing, 
 but the abiding presence and persuasion of 
 the soul of souls." It was this emphasis on 
 experience which led him to say that the 
 Methodists, above all others, ought to show a 
 ready adaptability to the changes in modern 
 thought on account of the faith they reposed 
 in their consciousness of the Divine Presence. 
 When the highest we know becomes more than 
 ideal; when men are so vitally brought into 
 contact with it that they appropriate it as a 
 part of themselves, they unite their lives with 
 the very life of God, and are a part of that 
 historic sainthood which has done His work 
 in the world. This truth and its meaning for 
 those who accept and use it has a noble expres- 
 sion in Martineau's parting injunction to the 
 Liverpool congregation. His whole word and 
 work among them, he avowed, had been deter- 
 [1901
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 mined by his deep faith in "the living union of 
 God with humanity." He had endeavored to 
 convince his people that God is in direct touch 
 with human souls, communes, with their spirits, 
 and listens to their prayers. He is a God that 
 is not only far off, but here; He can be seen 
 and met on earth. He is not only in the "flash- 
 ing scorn" and "bursting frown of thunder," 
 but He speaks to each waiting soul in His 
 still small voice. "Here is the dear and mighty 
 God at home. . . . Day by day, from morn to 
 night, under our roof tree and out upon the fields, 
 in the mind that thinks, in the heart that 
 aspires, in the nation that strives for the right, 
 in the world that moves on its course, He lives 
 with us, and manifests himself through us, with 
 every variety of good." l Nor were such senti- 
 ments confined to his sermons and addresses; 
 they permeate all his works, and especially the 
 great chapter on "Natural and Revealed Re- 
 ligion" contained in A Study of Religion. In 
 this he shows that all the interpretations of 
 naturalistic religion empty the term "religion" 
 of "every idea of personal and moral relation- 
 ship between the human soul and God." He 
 dwells on these relations continually, and even 
 where they appear to be overshadowed by his 
 philosophical ideas he is unconscious of the 
 inconsistency. 
 
 But what of sin, death, and the future ? 
 
 1 Essays, Reviews, and Addresses, Vol. IV, p. 521. 
 [1911
 
 James M artine au 
 
 How did he regard these ? The reply is, with a 
 sternness which no serious preacher could exceed. 
 Mr. R. H. Hutton says that Martineau's sermon 
 on Christ" s Treatment of Guilt inspired him with 
 "the fear of hell." One passage reads: "In 
 many a hospital of mental disease you have 
 doubtless seen a melancholy being, pacing to and 
 fro with rapid strides and lost to everything 
 around; wringing his hands in incommunicable 
 suffering, and letting fall a low mutter rising 
 quickly into the shrill cry ; his features cut with 
 the graver of sharp anguish : his eyelids drooping 
 and showering ever scalding tears. It is the 
 maniac of remorse. . . . He is the dread type 
 of hell. He is absolutely sequestered, as many 
 minds may be hereafter, incarcerated alone with 
 his memories of objects and unaware of time; 
 and every guilty soul may find itself standing 
 alone in a theater peopled with the collected 
 images of the ills that he has done; and, turn 
 where he may, the features he has made sad 
 with grief, the eyes he has lighted with passion, 
 the infant faces he has suffused with needless 
 tears, stare upon him with insufferable fixed- 
 ness." And if thus the past be truly inde- 
 structible ; if thus its fragments may be 
 regathered; if its details of evil thought and 
 act may be thus brought together and fused 
 into one big agony, it may be left to fools 
 to make a mock of sin. Whatever the liberal 
 theologians have said about sin as merely a
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 mistake, and retribution as an idea culled from 
 the ethics of the nursery, it is clear that he 
 regarded sin as a terrible fact, to be followed 
 by a suffering which the sinner has wholly 
 brought upon himself. 
 
 It was his genuine sense of present spiritual 
 union with God, of the fellowship which 
 springs from surrender to His love and grace, 
 of the hatefulness of sin and the terror of its 
 consequences, that made Martineau impatient 
 with the sickly talk about ideals which has 
 become the commonplace of our age. "It 
 is well to remember that, so long as they are 
 dreams of future possibility and not faiths in 
 present realities, . . . they have no more solid- 
 ity or steadiness than floating air-bubbles, gay 
 in the sunshine and broken by the passing 
 wind. You do not so much as touch the 
 threshold of religion so long as you are detained 
 by the phantoms of your thought." Men 
 must realize their divine nature, not in a merely 
 sympathetic way, but as an organic and 
 organizing conviction ordering all their life 
 and conduct; and, short of this, there is no 
 worthy object given to them, they have not 
 even reached the specific point of admiration. 
 ""Within the limits of pure sincerity no one can 
 worship either a nature beneath him or an idea 
 within him, however big may be the one . . . 
 and however fine may be the other." 1 
 
 1 Martineau '$ Life and Letters, Vol. II, pp. 418, 419. 
 f 1931
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 II 
 
 All religious philosophies are the attempt 
 of the human mind to discover the deeper 
 foundations of being, and the processes by 
 which man apprehends the truth, and by 
 which through experience the Temple of Faith 
 is built. In prosecuting his researches in these 
 problems Martineau evinced a profound in- 
 sight, coupled with an imaginative daring and 
 a skill in the arts of literary craftsmanship 
 which give his works unique distinction. The 
 "Religion of Causation" may be arrived at 
 from the ascertained facts of science, and this 
 gives us an idea of God as the Creator of all: 
 but the result is derived, not immediate; it is 
 logical, not intuitional; and, on this ground, 
 for him it loses value. He goes so far as 
 to reason in the same way concerning con- 
 science, which naturally inclines to Theism, 
 and from which one may proceed to establish 
 the fact of an All-righteous Ruler. This, again, 
 is a logical via media. Neither of these argu- 
 ments from science or conscience, singly or 
 together, gives any adequate meaning to re- 
 ligion. And it is owing to their deficiencies 
 that the religion of the spirit demands unham- 
 pered communion between the human and the 
 divine, an intercourse that goes beyond the 
 spheres of natural and even moral law. Mar- 
 tineau hardly does justice to the fact that any
 
 James Martineau 
 
 religious belief whether described as the re- 
 ligion of conscience or of causation, whether 
 immediate or derived in the methods of its 
 apprehension and appropriation is due to the 
 all-pervading life of God. Granted that some 
 men's temperament and actual pursuits lead 
 them to an inferential knowledge of God reached 
 by argumentation, is He not their guide as well 
 as their goal? Why separate God's immediate 
 presence from these things ? He is the God of 
 the rationalizing Aristotle as well as of the intui- 
 tive Plato. But Martineau had a deep convic- 
 tion that, if God were not found within the 
 human spirit, He would not be found beyond 
 it; and also a fear that, under much prevalent 
 rationalizing, the Blessed Name, so personal 
 and real to him, would come to stand for the 
 order of nature, inviolable, yet blind. Similarly 
 the moral ideal becomes merely human, a gen- 
 eral conviction of what ought to be; and as 
 soon as the living intercourse with the Divine 
 is forfeited, this ideal loses its charm and 
 power. In those churches where the living 
 and immediate presence of Jehovah is denied 
 or ignored, the worship of God ceases, and dis- 
 courses on science, art, literature, and history 
 usurp the place of genuine devotion. These 
 are praiseworthy pursuits, but they never appear 
 more distasteful than when presented in the 
 threadbare and colorless garments of a Religion 
 supposed to be dead. In a letter to the Rev. 
 f 1951
 
 James Martineau 
 
 Charles Wicksteed, Nov. 20, 1876, deploring 
 the general trend of prevailing Unitarianism, he 
 wrote: "I have nearly come to the conclusion 
 that we are on the downward path and nearing 
 the last stage of our religious history. Religion, 
 once drifting away from the Personality of God 
 and resolved into Moral Idealism (and this is 
 the tendency with our young men), loses all 
 that is distinctive and melts into general culture. 
 From this fate the Churches are protected which, 
 finding their center of gravity in the Incarna- 
 tion, unite the Divine and the Human in the 
 representative of our nature, and construe our 
 own moral phenomena into personal relations 
 with the All-holy Mind. I see in this a germ 
 of fruitfulness; in the other, only a spreading 
 barrenness." L 
 
 The tracing of will as the one force in the 
 universe is a fine philosophical performance, yet 
 glittering with those sparkling phrases which 
 darkened the discourse by reason of excessive 
 light, and displaying a logic that makes one 
 smile because of its adroitness. We are taken 
 safely through deep metaphysical waters; we 
 do battle vicariously with Tyndall, Huxley, 
 Spencer, and the other critics of Theism; we 
 consider the pros and cons of every dispute 
 that marked the nineteenth century; and more 
 often than not we say "aye" to Martineau. 
 True, he indulges in speculative ventures which 
 
 1 Martineau's Life and Letters, Vol. II, p. 32. 
 [1961
 
 James M artine au 
 
 do not convince us, as, for instance, in his treat- 
 ment of the alraightiness and omniscience of 
 God. He taught that the term "almighty" is 
 " warranted only if it is content to cover all the 
 might there is ; and must not be understood to 
 mean mighty for absolutely all things." Again, 
 in discussing moral evil, he says that, "notwith- 
 standing the supreme causality of God, it is 
 rigorously true that only in a very restricted 
 sense can He be held the author of moral evil. 
 He is no doubt the source of its possibility." 
 As a sequel to these views he held the one on the 
 limitation of God's knowledge; for he claimed 
 that omniscience has limited itself with regard 
 to the details of human action. The dualism 
 of Martineau is the origin of these defects 
 in his Theism. His emphasis on the person- 
 ality and the will of man is so strong that he 
 is obliged to make room for their original actions 
 by modifying the all-power and all-knowledge 
 of the Deity; and he does this on the ground 
 that the very problem of knowledge, as solved 
 by the best minds, demands a Me and a not- 
 Me, not only now, but hereafter. The issue 
 is highly speculative, and need not detain us 
 here; it is, however, an illustration of the 
 thoroughness with which he goes to the root of 
 things and of the honesty with which he states 
 his conclusions. We do not wish to suggest that 
 Martineau's pages are full of mediaeval sub- 
 tleties, but simply that he seldom shirked a diffi- 
 [1971
 
 James Martineau 
 
 culty and never hesitated to pronounce an 
 opinion. 
 
 His great service to Christianity is twofold: 
 the consolidating of Theism on a philosophical 
 basis, and the convincing declaration that the 
 self-revealing presence of God is in all men. 
 This idea was never absent from his mind. 
 To him it was the one important thing, and, for 
 the sake of establishing its foundations more 
 firmly than before, he undertook the work of 
 defending Theism against the attacks of its 
 enemies, and of justifying its great truths in 
 the areas of reason. Seldom do we meet in 
 one personality a union of the preacher, the 
 literary artist, the theologian, and the philoso- 
 pher ; yet these qualities were strikingly united 
 in James Martineau. Not that his appeal 
 w T as addressed to all men; he never hoped to 
 do so much. His message, as we have hinted, 
 was defective for those in whom vicious and 
 degenerate impulses prevail. They need the 
 regenerating and encompassing power of a 
 more vital and complete religion. It was for 
 such sheep, lost and shepherdless, that Christ 
 Jesus gave Himself. They were His peculiar 
 care, and in their behalf He proclaimed a gospel 
 which Martineau did not fully understand, ex- 
 pound, or enforce, although he faithfrlly dis- 
 charged the duty of giving Christianity a 
 more adequate philosophical setting. Had he 
 mingled with the common people in their 
 f 1981
 
 James Martineau 
 
 daily struggle, he would have found that the 
 actual conditions of human necessity demand 
 a concrete and positive evangel, and that even 
 in other and higher spheres men frequently 
 conquer not so much by native intuitions as 
 by the divine aggression of an overwhelming 
 and transforming power. This type of saint- 
 hood, of which Paul, Augustine, Luther, and 
 Wesley are prominent examples, was at once 
 transferred from the kingdom of darkness into 
 that of light. Nor can we form any right 
 estimate of Christian teaching unless we take 
 our stand for a comprehensive induction which 
 shall cover all the facts of that historic trans- 
 ference. 
 
 But there are men specially called to think 
 of God, freedom and Immortality, and among 
 these Martineau will take a high place. Amid 
 the jangle of conflicting creeds and churches he 
 did a saving work by enabling many to plant 
 their feet on the immovable rock, by giving 
 them the wisdom of things in their true pro- 
 portion, and by showing the signs of genuine 
 authority. Popes and priesthoods, Bible su- 
 premacies and ecclesiastical groups, are passed 
 in review, until he arrives at the soul of man 
 himself, by which at times he seems to mean 
 Emerson's "oversold," that "vast, living, mov- 
 ing, inspiring, progressive spirit which is leading 
 us all into light, wisdom, and truth." It has 
 a place in the outer world of nature, but 
 F 199 1
 
 James Martineau 
 
 chiefly resides in man, "whose spirit is the 
 audience-chamber of the Eternal." From it 
 sprang all religions, literatures, churches, and 
 creeds, and by it they must be served and 
 made effectual. Men ascend to the heights 
 and descend to the depths in search of a resting- 
 place for their beliefs, when the word is nigh 
 them, in their hearts and in their conscience, 
 if they can but believe. A mother's love, he 
 avers, affords a truer glimpse of God than 
 Calvin's stern and elaborated logic, and the 
 purity of the human is the window through 
 which men see the Divine. It is in the presence 
 of such higher natures that we are enabled to 
 stimulate the springs of action till they become 
 the dynamic of a realized holiness in life and 
 deed. 
 
 Ill 
 
 In some respects the work of Schleiermacher 
 in Germany was paralleled by Martineau's 
 work in England. The moral sense was his 
 favorite subject of interpretation, as the emo- 
 tions were of Schleiermacher. Neither could 
 conceive of religion save in terms of the sub- 
 jective consciousness and apart from anything 
 external. The mysticism which is found in 
 Martineau's life and philosophy, bright, clear, 
 and intellectual though they are, is very real, 
 and suggests many comparisons with the famous 
 German preacher and theologian. Martineau's 
 f 200 1
 
 James M artin e au 
 
 philosophical system is by no means free from 
 difficulties, as we have seen; and, in spite of 
 the value of his constructive Theism, he can- 
 not be said to have founded a new school of 
 thought. His marvelous play of rhetoric is em- 
 ployed to set forth the older ideas, which are 
 displayed to the utmost advantage in his pages. 
 In years to come he will not live through the 
 philosophical treatises, although they will be 
 found on the shelves of serious students; the 
 books which will bring him nearest to the 
 hearts of Christian people are his devotional 
 works. These volumes are the output of a 
 profound mind and a large heart; one knows 
 not whether the feeling is deeper than the 
 thought, or the thought deeper than the feel- 
 ing. And if the instinctive recognition of God 
 and truth as taught by him is mystic rather 
 than rational in method, it would be difficult 
 to overestimate the corrective value of so elo- 
 quent a pleading for the religion of the heart 
 as contrasted with the crudities of the gospel of 
 "following nature" or of obeying the behests 
 of any social group. He lived at a time when 
 science in some associations was raising its head 
 all too proudly, and what it did not scornfully 
 despise in religion was left to the sneers of a 
 pseudo-philosophy. Against this Goliath the 
 author of The Seat of Authority in Religion 
 was a valiant David; yet his significance for 
 the future docs not consist in acute arguments, 
 [201]
 
 James Martineau 
 
 lofty appeals, or chiseled phrases, but in his 
 ability to arouse the dormant consciousness 
 of the Divine within us. It is a great work 
 to save some superior intellect from doubt and 
 despair, and this Martineau has repeatedly done. 
 But the thoughtful though not fastidiously criti- 
 cal reader will most esteem the revelation of 
 the inner light as contained in Martineau's ser- 
 mons sermons which are already numbered 
 among the treasures of devotional literature. 
 
 A philosophy is sure to have its vulnerable 
 parts. Professor Pattison asserts that Mar- 
 tineau's view of conscience is peculiar and now 
 out of date; while Professor Carpenter suggests 
 that his essential work as a thinker was done 
 before the Origin of Species appeared, and was a 
 brilliant setting of previous Scottish intuition- 
 alism. Even Martineau himself admits that 
 metaphysics only reinstates us where we in- 
 tuitively stood. On the processes of conscience 
 Martineau may be out of date, but on the inner 
 light he will continue to live; for this is a truth 
 that can never die, from it we feel and reason 
 toward the living Cause and the living Right- 
 eousness. The sense of obligation, which is the 
 fundamental ethical fact, is also the chief bond 
 which unites morals and religion; and certain 
 elements of our own consciousness give ground 
 for the inference that all power and perfection 
 coalesce in a personal and omnipotent Being. 
 This intellectual and moral rationalism rests on
 
 James Martineau 
 
 our intuitions, and the very constitution of the 
 human soul provides for an immediate appre- 
 hension of the Creator. A scrutiny of the by- 
 ways of modern theology shows that these ideas 
 are gaining ground; and although they some- 
 times assume erratic forms, and find embodi- 
 ment in bizarre language, they indicate that 
 what is called "the God within" is only a popu- 
 lar rendering of Martineau's intuitionalism and 
 his teaching concerning the innate goodness of 
 the human heart. It is to be regretted that 
 fantasy and extravagance should invade the 
 realm of divine truth; but no period has been 
 free from their harmful influences, and the 
 presence of a travesty is, after all, an evidence 
 that the reality exists. Whatever defects we 
 think we see in the teaching of James Mar- 
 tineau; as a man of God, as a preacher and 
 writer, as an honest seeker after truth, he stands 
 almost peerless among his contemporaries. An 
 American minister wrote to him a few years 
 before his death, asking him how in old age he 
 regarded the world and his own Church. His 
 reply was that, had he to live by sight of the 
 prevailing social and spiritual tendencies, he 
 would breathe his parting word more in tune 
 with Jeremiah than Isaiah. He had less and 
 less hope every year of Unitarianism participa- 
 ting in the future of English religious history. 
 "But," he continued, "all the divine possibili- 
 ties remain locked in our humanity, and are 
 \ 203 1
 
 James M artine au 
 
 sure, either here or there, to free themselves into 
 realization. Resting in this, I can lay to sleep 
 all impatient haste, and wait His time." 
 
 Martineau's life was in many ways a sus- 
 tained and noble triumph. He struck hard and 
 he struck home at the materialism which was 
 waning when his chief works appeared. He 
 aided the evolutionary theory in defeating the 
 cold and mechanical Deism of the early nine- 
 teenth century. Although he contended for the 
 divine immanence, he never lost his grasp on 
 the transcendent God. His Theism suffered 
 no approach to Pantheism. The religious his- 
 tory of mankind is indebted to his positive 
 teaching, and to his earnest and encouraging 
 attitude on those questions which must always 
 occupy the thought of men and women who 
 ponder the deep things of God. We take leave 
 of this chosen servant of the Highest Will in his 
 own words words in which he argues for 
 the life of immortality beyond, words which 
 have a direct meaning for his own illustrious 
 character and services: 
 
 "I do not know that there is anything in 
 nature (unless indeed it be the reputed blotting 
 out of suns in the stellar heavens) which can 
 be compared in wastefulness with the extinction 
 of great minds: their gathered resources, their 
 matured skill, their luminous insight, their 
 unfailing tact, are not like instincts that can 
 be handed down; they are absolutely personal 
 [204]
 
 James M ar tin e au 
 
 and inalienable, grand conditions of future 
 power unavailable for the race, and perfect for 
 an ulterior growth of the individual. If that 
 growth is not to be, the most brilliant genius 
 bursts and vanishes as a firework in the night. 
 A mind of balanced and finished faculties is a 
 production at once of infinite delicacy and of 
 most enduring constitution; lodged in a fast- 
 perishing organism, it is like a perfect set of 
 astronomical instruments, misplaced in an 
 observatory shaken by earthquakes or caving 
 in with decay. The lenses are true, the mirrors 
 without a speck, the movements smooth, the 
 micrometers exact: what shall the Master do 
 but save the precious system, refined with so 
 much care, and build for it a new house that 
 shall be founded on a 'rock' ?"
 
 SIXTH LECTURE 
 MATTHEW ARNOLD
 
 God knows it, I am with you I If to prize 
 Those virtues, prized and practised by too few, 
 But prized, but loved, but eminent in you, 
 Man's fundamental life; if to despise 
 The barren optimistic sophistries 
 Of comfortable moles, whom what they do 
 Teaches the limit of the just and true 
 (And for such doing they require not eyes); 
 If sadness at the long heart-wasting show 
 Wherein earth's great ones are disquieted; 
 If thoughts, not idle, while before me flow 
 The armies of the homeless and unfed, 
 // these are yours, if this is what you are, 
 Then am I yours, and what you feel I share. 
 
 ARNOLD. To a Republican Friend.
 
 MATTHEW ARNOLD 
 PART I 
 
 "1 \ 7"HEN Thomas Arnold became a candidate 
 V V for the Head-Mastership of Rugby, Dr. 
 Hawkins, provost of Oriel College, Oxford, pre- 
 dicted that if he were elected "he would change 
 the face of education all through the public 
 schools of England." This he did, not so much 
 by his erudition as by the power of his conta- 
 gious personality. The morale and discipline 
 of his pupils made Rugby an object-lesson for 
 all similar institutions, and when men spoke 
 of the place they thought of Arnold. Such 
 celebrities as Dean Stanley, A. H. Clough, 
 Thomas Hughes, and his own son Matthew, 
 were known as "Arnold's men," a sufficient 
 testimony in itself to the weighty influence of 
 the teacher who impressed himself so deeply 
 upon them. In his later life he was appointed 
 Regius Professor of Modern History at Oxford, 
 where his lectures attracted considerable atten- 
 tion. He held authoritative views on the 
 general state of the nation which affected the 
 religion, education, and politics of the times. 
 As a teacher he stood high, and as a preacher 
 [209]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 even higher. He was a man of deep feeling, 
 great dignity, and an almost overwhelming 
 strength of nature. Yet that nature was 
 ardent and affectionate, and animated by a 
 keen sense of justice. He was singularly pure 
 in motive and sincere in aim, and his literary 
 style indicated these qualities. It was manly 
 and robust, the fitting expression of a brilliant, 
 learned, and generous mind. All his gifts 
 were concentrated in the work for the forma- 
 tion of the character of the youth of his 
 country. By means of one public school he 
 changed to an appreciable degree the super- 
 structure of British society, and that change 
 was transmitted in a measure to the empire 
 over whose destinies Britain presides. 
 
 His eldest son, Matthew, was born on 
 Christmas eve, 1822, at Laleham on the River 
 Thames, a quiet retreat midway between 
 Staines and Chertsey. Towering beyond these 
 towns is the bold front of Windsor's "sovran 
 hill," crowned with the royal residence, and 
 looking down upon Henry VI's famous founda- 
 tion of Eton. Arnold's inherent love of nature 
 was quickened by the beautiful pastoral sce- 
 nery of the Thames valley. He visited his 
 birthplace in 1848, and wrote to his sister, 
 "Yesterday I was at Chertsey, the poetic town 
 of our childhood. ... It is across the river, 
 reached by no bridges and roads, but by the 
 primitive ferry, the meadow path, the Abbey 
 [ 210 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 River with its wooden bridge, and the narrow 
 lane by the old wall." 
 
 During the whole of his life, and especially 
 after the death of his father, the remarkable 
 character and gifts of Arnold's mother made 
 her the chosen companion and correspondent 
 of her children. Her ancestral home was at 
 Fox How in the Lake Country, where she 
 spent more than thirty years of widowhood, 
 in close proximity to Wordsworth and the 
 rest of the Lake poets. Matthew naturally 
 developed a warm admiration for Wordsworth, 
 and in later life he became his penetrating and 
 sympathetic interpreter. 
 
 Beyond this bare outline, little is known 
 of Arnold's schooldays and earlier manhood. 
 His letters are the only sources of information; 
 but these do not indulge in retrospect, and 
 before his thirtieth year they supply nothing 
 of moment. Even the origin of his first poems 
 is shrouded in mystery, and it is now impossible 
 for us to scan the psychological background 
 of these adventures into literature. Begin- 
 ning his school life at Laleham, he was after- 
 ward sent to Winchester, and in August, 1837, 
 followed his father to Rugby. Here he obtained 
 the prize for his poem Alaric at Rome; and in 
 1840 he was awarded an open scholarship at 
 Balliol College, Oxford. He had been at the 
 L T niversity only one year when the lamented 
 death of his father changed in many respects 
 [2111
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 the current of his life. It has been suggested 
 that there might have been a lack of intel- 
 lectual sympathy between the two; but this 
 is scarcely worthy of credence, for it is extremely 
 doubtful whether the later critic of dogma could 
 have foreseen at such an early period the 
 extent to which his independent thought would 
 eventually take him. 1 Certainly the references 
 to his father breathe nothing save exceptional 
 tenderness and filial affection, of which the 
 poem Rugby Chapel is a lasting monument. 
 Standing before his father's tomb, he asks the 
 question : 
 
 "0 strong soul, by what shore 
 Tarriest thou now? For that force, 
 Surely, has not been left vain! 
 Somewhere, surely, afar, 
 In the sounding labor-house vast 
 Of being, is practised that strength, 
 Zealous, beneficent, firm! 
 
 And through thee I believe 
 
 In the noble and great who are gone; 
 
 Pure souls honor'd and blest 
 
 By former ages, who else 
 
 Such, so soulless, so poor, 
 
 Is the race of men whom I see 
 
 Seem'd but a dream of the heart, 
 
 Seem'd but a cry of desire. 
 
 Yes ! I believe that there lived 
 
 Others like thee in the past, 
 
 Not like the men of the crowd 
 
 Who all round me to-day 
 
 Bluster or cringe, and make life 
 
 1 See W. H. Dawson's Matthew Arnold, pp. 156-157. 
 [212]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 Hideous, and arid, and vile ; 
 But souls temper 'd with fire, 
 Fervent, heroic, and good, 
 Helpers and friends of mankind." 
 
 During Arnold's university days the Trac- 
 tarian Movement was passing into the troubled 
 period which culminated in the withdrawal of 
 John Henry Newman from the Anglican 
 Church. To quote his own phrase, Newman 
 "was upon his death-bed," so far as member- 
 ship in that communion was concerned. This, 
 however, was known only to few, and a certain 
 awe and wonder continued to encircle the 
 figure of the great preacher. His four-o'clock 
 sermons at St. Mary's drew the University 
 to his feet. Arnold watched the convulsion 
 of the religious life of the Establishment which 
 followed Newman's retirement to Littlemore, 
 without evincing any marked interest. Doubt- 
 less he had inherited from his father a strong 
 aversion to Newman as a teacher and Trac- 
 tarianism as a movement. His chosen friends 
 in college were John Duke Coleridge, after- 
 ward Lord Chief Justice of England, and 
 John Campbell Shairp, the author of an excel- 
 lent biography of Burns, and Principal of St. 
 Andrews University, Scotland. Of the Oxford 
 Arnold knew seventy years ago there is little 
 left to-day. The Royal Commission appointed 
 in 1850 to reform the Universities ended a formal 
 organization which had been in existence since 
 [213]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 the Middle Ages. But Balliol in the early 
 forties, as now, was distinguished for its in- 
 tellectual activity; and its Master, Dr. Jenkins, 
 conserved with commendable energy the highest 
 interests of the college. 
 
 In 1843 Arnold won the Newdigate prize 
 with a poem on Cromwell. He and Tennyson 
 reversed the rule that college rewards for poetry 
 do not fall to poets. Yet there is no particular 
 reason why Arnold should have been an excep- 
 tion so far as the merit of Cromwell is concerned; 
 in fact, it is scarcely equal to Alaric at Rome. 
 The Byronic atmosphere pervades the earlier 
 poem, and a Wordsworthian flavor is distinctly 
 perceptible in the Newdigate; but we search 
 in vain for any throb of inspiration in the undis- 
 turbed serenity of these youthful rhymings. 
 A glimpse of Arnold's university days is ob- 
 tained in the records of a debating society 
 called "The Decade," the rallying-ground of a 
 small coterie of controversialists who, to quote 
 the words of one of them, fought to the stumps 
 of their intellects. As a student he did only 
 moderately well; but his strength and promise 
 were recognized by his election to an Oriel 
 fellowship in 1845, an honor which would have 
 gladdened the heart of his father had he lived 
 to see it, and which had previously been be- 
 stowed upon that father, upon Newman, and 
 Dean Church. He shared with every son of 
 Oxford the ardent devotion they freely give to 
 [ 214 ]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 her, and he expressed it in a memorable pas- 
 sage which one cannot refrain from quoting at 
 length : 
 
 "Beautiful city! so venerable, so lovely, 
 so unravaged by the fierce intellectual life of 
 our century, so serene! 
 
 ' There are our young barbarians, all at play ! ' 
 
 And yet, steeped in sentiment as she lies, 
 spreading her gardens to the moonlight, 
 and whispering from her towers the last en- 
 chantments of the Middle Age, who will deny 
 that Oxford, by her ineffable charm, keeps 
 ever calling us nearer to the true goal of all 
 of us, to the ideal, to perfection, to beauty, 
 in a word, which is only truth seen from another 
 side? nearer, perhaps, than all the science 
 of Tubingen. Adorable dreamer, whose heart 
 has been so romantic! who hast given thyself 
 so prodigally, given thyself to sides and to 
 heroes not mine, only never to the Philistines! 
 home of lost causes, and forsaken beliefs, and 
 unpopular names, and impossible loyalties! 
 what example could ever so inspire us to keep 
 down the Philistine in ourselves, what teacher 
 could ever so save us from that bondage to 
 which we are all prone, that bondage which 
 Goethe, in his incomparable lines on the death 
 of Schiller, makes it his friend's highest praise 
 (and nobly did Schiller deserve the praise) to 
 have left miles out of sight behind him; the
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 bondage of ' was uns alle bandigt, Das Gemeine I ' 
 She will forgive me, even if I have unwittingly 
 drawn upon her a shot or two aimed at her un- 
 worthy son; for she is generous, and the cause 
 in which I fight is, after all, hers. Apparitions 
 of a day, what is our puny warfare against the 
 Philistines, compared with the warfare which 
 this queen of romance has been waging against 
 them for centuries, and will wage after we are 
 gone?" 1 
 
 Notwithstanding this outburst, Oxford and 
 Arnold were meant to dwell apart; he could 
 not content himself to become a typical college 
 don. He was too much a lover of society, his 
 outlook was too wide and varied, his interests 
 too numerous, and his temper too anti-clerical 
 for this sort of dignified retirement. The posi- 
 tion not only conflicted with his inclinations, 
 it offended his pride. His self-consciousness 
 clashed with the calm, majestic predominance 
 of the University, and his restless and aspiring 
 spirit chafed under the restraint of her conserv- 
 atism. He obtained a classical tutorship at 
 Rugby, where he served for a short time under 
 Archibald Campbell Tait, afterward the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury. Thus he began, in his 
 father's school, and with his father's successor, 
 his lifelong connection with education. In 1847 
 he acted as private secretary to Lord Lans- 
 downe, an aristocratic patron of young men of 
 
 1 Preface to Essays in Criticism, First Series. 
 [216]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 talent, who was quick to recognize the parlia- 
 mentary ambitions of Macaulay, and who gave 
 Arnold the only start in life he owed to any one 
 beyond himself. In 1851 Lansdowne secured 
 for him an appointment as Government inspec- 
 tor of schools; and he became at twenty-eight 
 years of age, what he afterward remained, prac- 
 tically an independent man. The work was 
 uncongenial and the remuneration scanty; yet 
 he could make a considerable reservation of 
 his time and energy for literary pursuits, and 
 on the whole it proved sufficient for his neces- 
 sities. His marriage to the daughter of Mr. 
 Justice Wightman followed shortly after his 
 appointment to the inspectorship. He was 
 called to the Bar, but limited his legal practice 
 to attending the interesting cases over which 
 his father-in-law presided. The remainder of 
 his days was preempted by domestic joys and 
 sorrows and the duties of his office. He was 
 fortunate in that he could arrange at will the 
 extent of his employment; and while he would 
 have been an ideal candidate for any public 
 office which would have left him freer to follow 
 his bent, he was delivered from the ill fortune 
 of some who have had equal gifts and less 
 opportunity. 
 
 II 
 
 As a poet, Arnold wrote in a period of poeti- 
 cal restriction, when the province of prose had 
 
 [217]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 been enlarged by such picturesque and musical 
 stylists as Landor, Carlyle, and Ruskin. This 
 extension marks a natural development of lan- 
 guage. Men first express themselves in poetical 
 terms, later in those of prose, and afterward 
 these coalesce. But the coalition somewhat 
 contracted the line of English poetry. This 
 contraction may not have been perceptible at 
 the time, for it is only when an age has gone 
 forward that the literature which reflects it can 
 be adequately estimated. It is therefore pre- 
 mature to hazard any final opinion respecting 
 Arnold's rank among his fellow poets. Pro- 
 fessor R. Y. Tyrell warns us against such hasty 
 assignments in his article on "Our Debt to 
 Latin Poetry as Distinguished from the Greek." 
 He says: "From the earliest dawn of letters to 
 the incipient decay in the Silver Age we meet 
 with formal attestations, and from good au- 
 thority too, that men who are now to us mere 
 names once had the fame of a Milton or a 
 Tennyson. Nepos refers to a poet of whom he, 
 a responsible critic, is able to say, 'I can well 
 affirm that he is our most brilliant poet since 
 Lucretius and Catullus.' Of whom is he speak- 
 ing? Of one Julius Calidus, of whose existence 
 we should have been unaware but for this pas- 
 sage. Tibullus, who ought to know, tells us 
 that no one, not even Virgil, . . . 'came nearer 
 to the immortal Homer' than one Valgius. But 
 for the caprice of time we might now be quot- 
 [218]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 ing from Calid and Valge as from Lucan and 
 Virgil. Thus does fame scatter with indifferent 
 hand the laurels of triumph and the poppies of 
 oblivion." l Chastened by the reflections this 
 criticism excites, the layman in literary mat- 
 ters can do little except name Byron, Shelley, 
 Wordsworth, Tennyson, and Browning as the 
 representatives in that great succession of which 
 Shakespeare and Milton are the hierarchs. How 
 much which the modern group has written will 
 survive must be left to the cooler judgment of 
 posterity. Contemporary opinions upon them 
 may be reversed, and again they may be con- 
 firmed and even increased. The order of their 
 merit cannot be settled now; we cannot even 
 say with certainty who will find a place in the 
 lists future generations will endorse. 
 
 So far as Arnold is concerned, he impresses 
 us with his breadth, for he toiled in every field 
 of literature. But poetry was his first love, and 
 his ideals concerning it were elevated. His 
 most conspicuous note was clearness; "and 
 to clearness he added singular grace, great 
 skill in phrase-making, great aptitude for 
 beautiful description, perfect naturalness, abso- 
 lute ease." 2 His touch has delicacy and sub- 
 dued charm; but his verse lacks popular fiber, 
 because he is swayed by ideas rather than 
 by sublime moods. He defines poetry as a 
 
 1 Sec Nineteenth Century, April, 1911. 
 
 2 G. W. E. Russell's, Matthew Arnold (1904), p. 9. 
 
 f 219 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 twofold interpretation: "it interprets by ex- 
 pressing with magical felicity the physiognomy 
 and movement of the outer world," and by ex- 
 pressing "with inspired conviction the ideas 
 and laws of the inward world of man's moral 
 and spiritual life." 1 That he did not round 
 out his practice to the boundaries of his theory 
 is nothing against him; nor is the further fact 
 that he wrote his greatest poem, The Scholar 
 Gypsy, when he was thirty years of age, and 
 that after 1867, when New Poems appeared, he 
 wrote poetry sparingly. The height of his ideals 
 might have provoked this sterility, although it 
 has been otherwise explained. His friends say 
 that the elegiac spirit, which was his special 
 gift, was harassed by his official responsibilities; 
 or, again, that he was frozen into silence by 
 the neglect and indifference with which his 
 verse was treated. But had his poetic vein 
 been sufficiently full-blooded, it should have 
 proved superior to these restraints. His was 
 not inevitable poetry, like that of Burns, 
 leaping forth and submerging all obstacles; it 
 was essentially critical in soul and substance, 
 and, despite the exquisiteness of the quality, 
 the flow was intermittent. The three canons 
 of Milton, that poetry should be simple, sen- 
 suous, and passionate, cannot be applied to 
 Arnold's verse. 
 
 He disliked romanticism, and deplored its 
 
 1 Introduction to Essays in Criticism, First Series. 
 [220]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 excess in the early nineteenth-century poets. 
 They were forced to indulge in it to cover their 
 impoverished resources; did they know more, 
 they would imagine less. In regard to forms 
 of expression, he urged that there was no surer 
 test of excellent poetry than constantly to 
 keep in one's own mind the choice lines of the 
 greater poets, and to apply these as a touch- 
 stone to other claimants. The restrained and 
 severe purity of his diction reveals his close 
 observance of this rule. With the possible 
 exception of Milton, Arnold was better ac- 
 quainted with the best that poets have uttered 
 from Homer downward than any other English 
 author. He said that the Byronic school had 
 plenty of energy, and creative force, but was 
 not sufficiently aware of the classical poets and 
 dramatists. This cannot be charged against his 
 work; for it was saturated with them, so much 
 so that some one has declared a classical educa- 
 tion necessary to understand him. This is an 
 exaggeration; yet, unless the reader's knowl- 
 edge is fairly comprehensive and his taste for 
 correct and applicable speech well founded and 
 refined, he is not likely to enjoy Arnold. His 
 chief appeal is to the truly educated; to those 
 in whom the fruits of knowledge have suf- 
 ficiently ripened to enable them to appreciate 
 his subtle thought and delicate shades of mean- 
 ing. He stands in the nineteenth century, an 
 entreating mediator between the ideals and 
 [221]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 forms of Hellenic thought and expression and 
 those of the modern period. Sir Henry Maine's 
 sweeping assertion that, except the blind forces 
 of nature, nothing moves in this world which 
 is not Greek in its origin, would not have 
 received Arnold's assent; for he deplored the 
 prevalence of the Hebraic spirit. In so far as 
 his genius permitted, he pealed forth at inter- 
 vals a music full of recurrent significance and 
 echoing the best traditions of the Attic masters. 
 On the 21st of July, 1849, he published the 
 Sonnet Addressed to the Hungarian Nation. 
 This did no more to advance his standing than 
 Alaric at Rome or Cromwell had done to indi- 
 cate his powers. The Strayed Reveler and Other 
 Poems appeared in the same year; Empedocles 
 on Etna in 1852; and the first volume that bore 
 his name in 1853. The last publication w T as 
 entitled Poems; it was a reprint of the former 
 editions, with some omissions and such impor- 
 tant additional compositions as Sohrab and 
 Rustum, The Church of Brou, Requiescat, and 
 The Scholar Gypsy. These poems are among 
 the best products of the intellectual movement 
 which prevailed from 1850 to 1870. The sense 
 of impending change was then everywhere 
 present. Science, about to accept evolution, 
 was awakening from its dogmatic slumber; art 
 was reviving under the influence of the Pre- 
 Raphaelites; Anglican ecclesiasticism was look- 
 ing toward medievalism ; and English thought 
 [2221
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 was dominated by the German philosophers. 
 These movements weighed down the poetry of 
 Arnold. He wrote for an epoch in which the 
 current doctrines of religion, politics, and the 
 social system were alike decaying; and, lack- 
 ing the confident optimism and intellectual 
 breadth of Browning, he stood mournful and 
 mute with no positive message for his age. 
 It was a time when there was no shelter to 
 grow ripe, no leisure to grow wise. The con- 
 flict and complexity oppressed him; and while 
 he hoped for a reconciliation and an adjustment, 
 it was in a melancholy way, and he offered no 
 solution for the difficulties of the situation. 
 We should expect to find that his tone is 
 in harmony with these conceptions, refined, 
 thoughtful, sad. And so it is ; even Rugby 
 Chapel is tinged with this catholic pensiveness. 
 While he admired Wordsworth, sharing his 
 love of nature with inborn passion, devoting 
 one of the best of his critical essays to him, 
 and making the finest selection from his poetry 
 that we possess, he nevertheless viewed the 
 calm and trust of the Lake Poet as an aspira- 
 tion rather than an attainment an aspiration 
 which the new age and its conditions did not 
 favor. His famous dictum that poetry is a 
 criticism of life may be construed as meaning 
 that poetry is the crowning fruit of a criticism 
 of life, and consequently that the value of his 
 poetry consists in the truth and beauty of 
 [2231
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 his generalizations. 1 These are filled with the 
 yearning desire for all which might have been. 
 We see it plainly in Resignation, a poem of his 
 early volume, and again in Stanzas from the 
 Grande Chartreuse. 
 
 "Enough, we live! and if a life, 
 With large results so little rife, 
 Though bearable, seems hardly worth 
 This pomp of worlds, this pain of birth ; 
 Yet, Fausta! the mute turf we tread, 
 The solemn hills around us spread, 
 This stream which falls incessantly, 
 The strange-scrawl'd rocks, the lonely sky, 
 If I might lend their life a voice, 
 Seem to bear rather than rejoice. 
 And even could the intemperate prayer 
 Man iterates, while these forbear, 
 For movement, for an ampler sphere, 
 Pierce Fate's impenetrable ear; 
 Not milder is the general lot 
 Because our spirits have forgot, 
 In action's dizzying eddy whirl'd, 
 The something that infects the world." 1 
 
 Our fathers water 'd with their tears 
 
 This sea of time whereon we sail; 
 
 Their voices were in all men's ears 
 
 Who passed within their puissant hail. 
 
 Still the same ocean round us raves, 
 
 But we stand mute, and watch the waves." 3 
 
 This oppression is frequently associated with 
 his outlook on 
 
 1 Encyclopedia Britannica, llth edition, Vol. II, p. 638. 
 
 2 The Poetical Works of Arnold (1895), p. 61. 
 
 3 Ibid., Stanzas from the Grande Chartreuse, pp. 321-322. 
 
 [224]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 "The unplumbed, salt, estranging sea," 1 
 
 five words whose haunting beauty can hardly 
 be surpassed in any language. Its falling 
 tides on Dover Beach arouse in him the pain- 
 ful sense of the lessening of religious faith: 
 
 "The Sea of Faith 
 
 Was once, too, at the full, and round earth's shore 
 Lay like the folds of a bright girdle furl'd; 
 But now I only hear 
 Its melancholy, long, withdrawing roar, 
 Retreating to the breath 
 Of the night-wind down the vast edges drear 
 And naked shingles of the world." 2 
 
 The lucidity and thorough craftsmanship of 
 Arnold's poetry could not overcome the dislike 
 of the average mind for such an attitude as is 
 here described. Yet better things might have 
 been expected from the scholarly critics. They 
 should have seen that the trend of his nature 
 compelled him to say much that was as un- 
 welcome to him as to them. For, despite his 
 birth and training, he was constitutionally in- 
 capable of great faith; indeed, life would have 
 been easier for him had such not been the case. 
 He showed this in the pain his doubts created, 
 and in the sympathy he had with things he 
 could not accept. But he refused to forsake 
 the path over which there shone "the high 
 white star of truth." Right or wrong, he would 
 not play false with reason and loyalty as he 
 
 1 The Poetical Works of Arnold, To Marguerite, p. 198. 
 
 2 Ibid., Dover Beach (1895), p. *96. 
 
 [2251
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 understood them. If the critics gave him little 
 heed, the reading public gave him less. Some 
 of his best work was contained in his first 
 two volumes, and these were withdrawn from 
 circulation. The explanation for such neglect 
 is found, in part, in the decadent state of English 
 criticism from 1825 to 1860. This decadence 
 had much to do with his later essays in the 
 realm of criticism. Others quite as gifted ex- 
 perienced a measure of the same ignorance and 
 misunderstanding. Tennyson was slowly and 
 reluctantly accepted ; Browning for a long time 
 was refused a hearing ; Carlyle could make no 
 terms with the older stylists and so he defied 
 them all; Ruskin offended the young arbiters 
 of prose ; George Borrow's Lavengro went a-beg- 
 ging ; and FitzGerald's Omar Khayyam was 
 ignored. 
 
 Professor Saintsbury considers Arnold's first 
 volume, though unequal, a wonderful produc- 
 tion for a man still under thirty. Such lines 
 as these from Mycerinus 
 
 "And prayers, and gifts, and tears, are fruitless all, 
 And the night waxes, and the shadows fall"; 
 
 and the less-quoted ones in the concluding 
 portion of the poem 
 
 "While the dcep-burnish'd foliage overhead 
 Splinter'd the silver arrows of the rnoon," 
 
 detain us by their authority. The sonnet on 
 Shakespeare was a bold attempt which nearly 
 
 [226]
 
 succeeded. The second volume contained two 
 larger and more ambitious poems and thirty- 
 three smaller ones, of which two were never 
 reprinted. It was again a varied achievement, 
 and the author withdrew it shortly after pub- 
 lication. The memorial verses on Wordsworth 
 were sufficient in themselves to give dis- 
 tinction to the book, and in Summer Night 
 Arnold won a triumph over himself. His 
 vague agnosticism was swept away by a wave 
 of genuine feeling. Here "the lips are touched 
 at last ; the eyes thoroughly opened to see 
 what the lips shall speak; the brain almost 
 unconsciously frames and fills the adequate 
 and consistent scheme the false rhymes are 
 nowhere; the imperfect phrases, the little sham 
 simplicities or pedantries, hide themselves, and 
 the poet is free, from the splendid opening 
 landscape, through the meditative exposition 
 and the fine picture of the shipwreck, to the 
 magnificent final invocation of the 'clearness 
 divine.'" 1 
 
 Space forbids any extended mention of 
 Sohrab and Rustum, based on the old theme of 
 a father and son who never knew each other 
 until it was too late, and whose struggles ended 
 in the father's enlightenment and consequent 
 despair, and the son's acquiescence in his 
 father's will. The Rcquiescat, notable for its 
 simplicity and pathos, must be passed over; 
 
 1 See Saintsbury's Matthew Arnold, p. 27. 
 
 " [ 227 ]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 but let me emphasize in a word the gem of 
 Arnold's poems, The Scholar Gypsy, with its 
 Oxonian setting and its stately swing and sway 
 of stanza, mounting to the culminating lines: 
 
 "Still nursing the unconquerable hope, 
 Still clutching the inviolable shade." 
 
 On May 5, 1857, Arnold was elected by Con- 
 vocation to the Chair of Poetry at Oxford. 
 He was the first layman who had occupied it, 
 and the election showed that his works had 
 at last secured the sympathy and support of 
 a conservative yet enlightened group of scholars 
 and literary people. The professorship meant 
 much for him, and more for the English litera- 
 ture of his time. The death of Wordsworth, 
 Macaulay, and Leigh Hunt ended the tradi- 
 tions of the eighteenth century and the first 
 half of the nineteenth. True, Walter Savage 
 Landor was still living ; but he had always 
 dwelt alone. The later men Carlyle, Thack- 
 eray, Dickens, FitzGerald, Mill, Tennyson, 
 Browning were now well to the front, and 
 Arnold was among these contemporaries as 
 the poet of the mind. His work is clear-cut, 
 finely finished, like specimens of classical sculp- 
 ture, and like them in its polish and marble 
 coldness. The larger and more fascinating 
 themes of love and passion seem beyond him, 
 and his dramatic poems are too reflective, too 
 restrained; they lack the vividness and move- 
 ment which characterize the highest work of 
 [228]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 this order. Although many of his passages 
 are models of clearness and of concentration, 
 they rarely rise to the highest levels. But 
 with the minor strain of the elegy he is more 
 at home, and ever and anon a throb of emo- 
 tion, a sense of tears, is perceptible. His gentle 
 yet firm strategy of thought and speech wages 
 war on carelessness and frivolity. The courage 
 which always distinguishes him is eminent in 
 his verse. He never turns aside when evil is to 
 be rebuked. And those who follow him will 
 be conscious that "he is disengaged from the 
 weak and the temporary, a source of strength, 
 if not of joy." 
 
 Ill 
 
 Arnold loved England, and earnestly desired 
 her betterment. His tenure of the Chair of 
 Poetry at Oxford quickened this desire, and 
 he knew no better service to render her than to 
 repair the defects in her intellectual and literary 
 history, which were due, as he conceived it, to 
 the lack of a regulative and well-ordered critical 
 function. His own poetry had been received, 
 it so far as it was received at all, in such a 
 haphazard manner, and with such an absence 
 of true and balanced judgment, that he deter- 
 mined to differentiate between criticism which 
 was personal and sentimental and that which 
 was canonical and scientific. This determina- 
 tion was not a hasty one; it had been hinted as 
 [ 229 ]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 early as 1853, when he called attention, in the 
 preface of his Poems, to the superiority of Con- 
 tinental criticism as compared with that of 
 England. On the Continent, and especially in 
 France, writers were guided by ascertained 
 precedents and sustained by carefully devised 
 rules, which did not permit individual tastes 
 to run riot or idiosyncrasies to unduly prevail. 
 Recognized standards of excellence, in both 
 poetry and prose, were established and con- 
 served by such organizations as the French 
 Academy; and Arnold coveted a similar lit- 
 erary Senatus which should govern and direct 
 the higher forms of English literature. The 
 scheme was an exalted one: but he seems to 
 have forgotten that each nation produces after 
 its kind; or if he remembered it, he was so 
 much of a pedagogue, that, to quote his own 
 remark about the Americans, "Few stocks could 
 be trusted to grow up properly without having 
 a priesthood and an aristocracy to act as their 
 schoolmasters at some time or other of their 
 natural existence." That he exaggerated the 
 value of German and French letters at the ex- 
 pense of those of England is beyond doubt. 
 He regrets that "not very much of current 
 English literature comes into the 'best that is 
 known and thought in the world ' - certainly 
 less than that of France or Germany." l When 
 it is recalled that the Germans have possessed 
 
 1 See Essays in Criticism, Second Series, p. 38. 
 [230]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 only two major poets in five hundred years, and 
 that when Arnold made his observation in 1805 
 the great French writers were rapidly disappear- 
 ing, while for one hundred years around this 
 date England and America could rejoice in at 
 least a score of poets and prose writers of the 
 first order, the reader can make such modifi- 
 cations of this verdict as he thinks proper. 
 Arnold accompanied it with the strange state- 
 ment that in the England of the first quarter of 
 the nineteenth century there was "no natural 
 glow of life." During this very period the 
 Waverley Novels were written, the battles of 
 Trafalgar and Waterloo were fought, the Napo- 
 leonic Empire was destroyed, and Britain's 
 hold on India firmly established. These are 
 somewhat lively escapades for a sluggish and 
 decadent people. 
 
 The susceptibilities of Arnold need not engage 
 us too long, since one is never able to satisfy 
 himself whether they are deliberate inventions 
 or sincere and pathetically wrong judgments. 
 There can be no doubt that in the main issue 
 of his manifesto, as indeed of all his writings, 
 he was correct concerning England's deficiencies 
 in criticism. Ben Jonson, Dryden, Addison, 
 Pope, Dr. Johnson, and the Edinburgh Re- 
 viewers were examples of great critical talent, 
 which was isolated, and without any succes- 
 sion, too frequently swayed by passion and 
 partisanship rather than by reason and the 
 [2311
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 knowledge of the best. Coleridge in philo- 
 sophical, Hazlitt in literary, and Lamb in 
 sympathetic criticism were accomplished and 
 interesting authorities ; but in the chaotic state 
 then existing, they could do little more than 
 follow their own judgment. Deprived of any 
 consensus of the best opinion, they were 
 unable to correct the melancholy narrowness 
 and frequent delinquencies of the art. They 
 left no heirs, and their results were not inves- 
 tigated, supplemented, or coordinated until 
 Arnold instituted the science of English literary 
 criticism. This was one of the most important 
 achievements of his life, and upon it rests his 
 serious claim to be among those who have 
 advanced learning. He defined criticism as 
 the endeavor, in all branches of knowledge, 
 theology, philosophy, history, art, science, to 
 see the object as it really is. 1 This obviously 
 means much more than literary criticism; but 
 literary criticism was the indispensable part 
 of the whole movement. He set down the 
 definition with the conviction already named 
 here, that Romanticism had been allowed too 
 wide a margin, and that "a new classicism of 
 lucidity, proportion, and restraint" was needed 
 to complement and correct the authors and 
 critics of the Revolutionary period. These 
 had received an undue stimulation from the 
 exciting events of those stirring days, and as 
 
 1 Essays in Criticism, First Series, p. 1. 
 [232]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 a result imagination usurped the place of reason. 
 Its cliscolorations stained the purity of true 
 literature. Arnold scorned a return to the 
 impeccable style of the school of Pope, "whose 
 poetry," he remarked, "was conceived and 
 composed in the wits, whereas genuine poetry 
 is conceived and composed in the soul." He 
 proposed to direct attention to the example of 
 those immortals who are enshrined in classic 
 lore. His aim was similar to that of Ruskin 
 in the realm of art: an aim fearlessly planned 
 and well wrought, though not without short- 
 comings. 
 
 Nothing was more deeply rooted in Arnold 
 than the intense practicality of his literary 
 genius. In this he was more American than 
 English, and more French than either. For 
 if, as Voltaire said, the moral vigor of its ideas 
 has been the strength and glory of English 
 poetry, it is also the distinction of French 
 poetry that it not only richly conceived but 
 radically applied its conceptions. It was this 
 formal and immediate application that swayed 
 Arnold's mind in the constructive part of his 
 critical work. He held that extraneous interests 
 and views must be completely eliminated. 
 Waywardness, provinciality, and caprice are 
 the pitfalls the true guide will carefully avoid ; 
 they are the besetting faults which have so 
 often hindered correct judgments. The govern- 
 ing word which expresses the lawful disposition 
 [ 233 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 of a true critic is disinterestedness. By means 
 of this the mind can approach any question 
 with one side or the other, and with more 
 sides, if more there be. It will not cry, nor 
 strive, nor persist in pressing forward with 
 partisan violence and self-will to exalt any 
 single aspect at the expense of others. This 
 important requisite must be secured; "for by its 
 aid alone can mortals hope to gain any vision of 
 the mysterious goddess whom we shall never see 
 except in outline." Even the outline will not 
 be seen unless this condition of mind is ours. 
 Goethe was the great liberator of German 
 thought, because he had disinterestedness, and 
 his profound, imperturbable naturalism was 
 diametrically opposed to routine thinking. Cer- 
 tainly we cannot obtain it from the Mystics 
 any more than from the Romanticists; for they 
 are too near akin, too clouded over with the 
 mists of fancifulness, too much swayed by gusts 
 of ill-regulated sentiment, to be of any real ser- 
 vice. According to Arnold, neither can make 
 any practical use of ideas for the modern 
 world. 
 
 He gives three rules for the attainment of 
 disinterestedness. The first is by keeping aloof 
 from practice, such a detachment being neces- 
 sary, since the natural leaning of an author 
 to his own style injures the acuteness and 
 comprehensiveness of his critical faculty. The 
 second is like the first in that it is negative 
 [234]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 and somewhat vague: by the relinquishing of 
 predilection of whatever kind or description. 
 The main function of criticism is to understand 
 and indicate the best that is known and thought 
 in the world, without regard to party affiliation, 
 religious belief, adherence to creed, promptings 
 of patriotism, or bias of temperament. The 
 one positive rule follows : by a free play of the 
 mind, w r hich, delivered from distractions, can 
 act upon the matters before it with accuracy 
 and justice. We are to avoid bewildering 
 those who come after us, to transmit to them 
 the practice of poetry and of prose with its 
 boundaries and wholesome regulative laws, 
 under which excellent work may again at 
 some future time be produced. 
 
 Here Arnold shows his distinguishing merit 
 as a critic. He had a theory, and by means 
 of it he regarded his subject as a whole. His 
 opinions were more than opinions; they were 
 the studied judgments of a trained intelligence 
 working upon a systematic order of ideas; and 
 his purpose was to perpetuate the classic style, 
 to find which a man need not forsake the 
 English tongue. Those who would gain any 
 sense of its power and charm are urged to read 
 the poetry of the matchless singer of Puritan- 
 ism. Milton is the great magistrate of letters 
 whose work is the faithful continuation of the 
 ancients. "All the Anglo-Saxon contagion, all 
 the flood of Anglo-Saxon commonness, beats 
 f 235 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 vainly against this great style, but cannot 
 shake it, and has to accept its triumphs. It 
 triumphs in Milton, in one of our own race, 
 tongue, faith, morals. It is no longer an exotic 
 here; it is an inmate among us, a leaven, a 
 power. In our race are thousands of readers, 
 presently there will be millions, who know not 
 a word of Greek or Latin, and will never learn 
 those languages." 1 They need not trouble 
 about translations so long as they read the 
 poetry of Milton. The world will eventually 
 be conquered by the ideals of excellence which 
 he has forever placed within the compass of 
 our speech. 
 
 Such teaching reveals Arnold at his best, as 
 one of the few men who are equally important 
 in prose, poetry, and criticism. His desire for 
 the perfection of culture, and the rules that 
 govern its acquirement, found their completest 
 utterance in his volume Essays in Criticism. 
 It is also his most important prose work, an 
 epoch-making book, "the first full, varied, and 
 best expression of the author's critical attitude, 
 and the detailed exemplar of the critical method 
 he inaugurated and applied." It is a necessity, 
 not only for those of congenial temperament, 
 but for all lovers of literature, and its reading 
 is an event in any intelligent person's intel- 
 lectual life. Notwithstanding this, its reception 
 
 1 Sec Address on John Milton, St. Margaret's Church, West- 
 minster, February 13th, 1888. 
 
 [2361
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 corroborated Arnold's belief concerning the im- 
 pregnable indifference of the English people. 
 It appeared in 1865, and a second edition was 
 not required until 1869, when the famous preface 
 was shorn of some ephemeral allusions. Nearly 
 twenty years elapsed before the sale of the 
 fourth edition was completed. Yet this is the 
 book which contains the exquisite address to 
 Oxford, already given, the essays on Heine, on 
 the two De Guerins, and on themes as widely 
 different as Pagan and Mediaeval Religious Senti- 
 ment and The Function of Criticism at the Pres- 
 ent Time. In the contrast of paganism with 
 medievalism Arnold places side by side with 
 the Hymn to Adonis by Theocritus the Canticle 
 of St. Francis, and makes the following com- 
 ments upon them: "The poetry of Theocritus's 
 hymn is poetry treating the world according 
 to the demand of the senses; the poetry of St. 
 Francis's hymn is poetry treating the world 
 according to the demand of the heart and 
 imagination. The first takes the world by its 
 outward, sensible side; the second, by its in- 
 ward, symbolical side. The first admits as much 
 of the world as is pleasure-giving ; the second 
 admits the whole world, rough and smooth, 
 painful and pleasure-giving, all alike, but all 
 transfigured by the power of a spiritual emotion, 
 all brought under a law of supersensual love, 
 having its seat in the soul." l Such exposition 
 
 1 Essays in Criticism, First Series (London 1902), p. 203. 
 [237]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 as this, while it did not impress the public, 
 delighted competent judges, who, though aware 
 that Arnold was sometimes away from the 
 center, were equally aware that there had been 
 nothing like it since Hazlitt. In Arnold's 
 apparently languid and reiterative rhetoric 
 there is a sinuous strength and attractiveness 
 which will outlast the vigorous style of more 
 popular authors. It is a protest against char- 
 latanism and vulgarity, and a plea for purity 
 and naturalism in our literary standards. With- 
 out any appetite for moralizing, one might 
 suggest that many a young clergyman and 
 public speaker will save his soul alive, so far as 
 effective utterance is concerned, by making 
 himself thoroughly familiar with the better side 
 of Arnold. The tendencies to tautology, ver- 
 bosity, unrestrained allusion, artificiality, trite 
 quotation, and excessive symbolism are the 
 bane for which Arnold's thoroughly informed 
 and penetrating criticism is the antidote. 
 
 238
 
 SEVENTH LECTURE 
 MATTHEW ARNOLD
 
 Plainness and clearness without shadow of stain I 
 
 Clearness divine ! 
 
 Ye heavens, whose pure dark regions have no sign 
 
 Of languor, though so calm and though so great, 
 
 Are yet untroubled and unpassionate ! 
 
 Who, though so noble, share in the world's toil, 
 
 And, though so task'd, keep free from dust and soil! 
 
 I will not say that your mild deeps retain 
 
 A tinge, it may be, of their silent pain 
 
 Who have long'd deeply once, and long'd in vain; 
 
 But I will rather say that you remain 
 
 A world above man's head, to let him see 
 
 How boundless might his soul's horizons be, 
 
 How vast, yet of what clear transparency! 
 
 How it were good to live there, and breathe free! 
 
 How fair a lot to fill 
 
 Is left to each man still! 
 
 ARNOLD. A Summer Night.
 
 MATTHEW ARNOLD 
 PART II 
 
 ARNOLD had a wide and congenial acquaint- 
 ance which enriched his private life; but his 
 mannerisms were unfortunate, and frequently 
 hid the fact that he was human on every side 
 of his nature. They hardened as he grew 
 older, and "a slightly exotic vocabulary" made 
 its appearance in his later work. So it came 
 to pass that this man who was the idol of 
 his intimates, who ardently loved life, and 
 who believed he had a mission to preach his 
 gospel to his countrymen was misunderstood, 
 neglected, and condemned so far as the general 
 public was concerned. He had virtually laid 
 aside poetry when he wrote A French Eton, 
 which was published a year before the Essays. 
 In this volume certain assumptions, which after- 
 ward became familiar, made their first appear- 
 ance, and they grew bolder the more he aired 
 them in successive books. Not content with 
 being a literary critic, he was disposed to 
 extend his function to political, sociological, 
 and ecclesiastical affairs. He displayed a 
 marked animus toward theology and cler- 
 [2411
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 icalism. The aristocracy was charged with 
 being insensible to ideas ; the Anglican Church 
 had made a miserable failure ; the middle 
 class had no taste, no real knowledge of ethics, 
 philosophy, or politics ; and England's only 
 hope lay in imitating France, whose enthu- 
 siastic and practical application of ideas to 
 every phase of human life kindled his admira- 
 tion. Professor Saintsbury characterizes his 
 attitude as "a combination of Socrates and 
 Lord Chesterfield," highly diverting to some, 
 corrective of others, and not without disaster 
 for himself. Arnold had a slight knowledge 
 of his countrymen, and for this reason he was 
 never tired of reproaching them. Although 
 he does not openly express the class distinc- 
 tion he afterward made, the English people 
 are already sharply separated in his mind as 
 Barbarians, Philistines, and Populace. 
 
 Except perhaps in the case of Browning, his 
 references to his contemporaries lacked appre- 
 ciation, to say nothing of cordiality. Lord 
 Coleridge said that they shriveled in his 
 presence. Charlotte Bronte's Villette is dis- 
 agreeable because the writer's mind contains 
 nothing but hunger, rebellion, and rage. No 
 fine writing can hide this thoroughly, and it 
 will be fatal to her in the long run. Bulwer 
 Lytton's nature likewise is by no means a per- 
 fect one, and this makes itself felt in his book. 
 Ruskin is more fortunate, inasmuch as he 
 [ 2-12 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 meets with a scanty approval. Bishop Wilber- 
 force is portrayed as of no real power of 
 mind, a society-hunting and man-pleasing 
 ecclesiastic. Of Tennyson he remarks, "My 
 interest in him is slight, and my conviction that 
 he will not finally stand high is firm." After 
 Thackeray's death he wrote, "I cannot say 
 that I like him thoroughly, though we were on 
 friendly terms, and he was not to my mind a 
 great writer." To Keats he gave a belated 
 recognition, and he saw the defects of Cole- 
 ridge more conspicuously than his excellences. 
 Elizabethan literature was full of spirit and 
 power, but "steeped in humors and whimsi- 
 calities to its very lips." Even Shakespeare 
 did not escape. Arnold censured him for a 
 tortuous and faulty style in many passages, 
 and termed his diction fantastic and false. 
 Lincoln's utterances lacked distinction. And 
 the whole outlook and manner of Macaulay 
 was derided. This is not sweet reasonable- 
 ness; nor is it envy or jealousy. Arnold was 
 not always given to the former, but he was 
 absolutely above the latter. He kept his 
 unqualified sympathy and approval for a se- 
 lected few, chiefly Wordsworth and some Con- 
 tinentals, of whom Sainte-Beuve was the 
 most prominent. His excessive devotion to 
 this remnant introduced into his criticism of 
 others the personal equation he w r as always 
 deploring ; and while he w r as conscientious, 
 [243]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 and desired to be just, he was often muddled 
 in his estimates. 
 
 This is seen in the controversial manner he 
 adopted toward the Puritan element of English- 
 speaking society. He wrote from the stand- 
 point of an Erastian, who frankly believed in 
 a State Church if it could be modeled on his 
 own lines of comprehensiveness. He had no 
 love for that type of church life which, until 
 the last decades of the nineteenth century, 
 remained almost untouched by the progress of 
 thought. And at bottom he did have a gen- 
 uine estimate for Puritanism, albeit accom- 
 panied by a knowledge of its shortcomings, 
 and an earnest hope that he might be able to 
 remedy them. In one of his American ad- 
 dresses he spoke of the Puritan training which 
 we have undergone here, and remarked that, 
 as "a means for enabling that poor, inattentive, 
 and immoral creature, man, to love and appro- 
 priate and make part of his being, divine ideas, 
 on which he could not otherwise have laid or 
 kept hold, the discipline of Puritanism has been 
 invaluable; and," he continues, "the more I 
 read history, the more I see of mankind, the 
 more I recognize its value." 
 
 True, it was given to Puritanism to fix and 
 intensify in England and America a standard of 
 conduct ; and even its narrowness was the 
 result of moral concentration attended by high 
 seriousness and the governing sense of the 
 [2441
 
 presence of God. The objection Arnold made 
 was that, in spite of its undeniable excel- 
 lences, it afforded no place for the demands 
 of intellect, knowledge, beauty, and manners ; 
 and that, after it had enjoyed a season of 
 prosperity, it retired within itself, where its 
 imperfections solidified and became less capable 
 of correction. The Puritan had overvalued the 
 doctrine of self-restraint and dwelt too exclu- 
 sively on strictness of conscience. Arnold saw 
 that a reaction was inevitable, and he feared it 
 might eventually bring a resuscitation of the 
 pagan spirit, and end in the sordidness of mere 
 pleasure-seeking, or even absolute degradation. 
 He aimed to effect a reconciliation by the 
 union of those two tendencies, the names of 
 which are well known to his readers Hel- 
 lenism and Hebraism. These are not antin- 
 omies, mutually exclusive of each other, but 
 component parts of the scheme for human 
 development. In that development Hellenism 
 and Hebraism are indispensable contributions. 
 But the end is not in them ; it is in the growth 
 of the man himself, and to this end Arnold 
 would have them reign side by side in friendly 
 empire over the human mind. He is willing to 
 admit that Puritanism was perhaps necessary 
 to strengthen the moral fiber of the English 
 race, to break the yoke of ecclesiastical domina- 
 tion over men's minds and thus prepare the 
 way for freedom. Still, culture points out that
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 the harmonized perfection of generations of 
 Puritans has been in consequence sacrificed. 
 It is now time for us to Hellenize and to praise 
 knowing, for we have Hebraized too much and 
 have overvalued doing. Culture for him was a 
 harmonious expansion of all the powers which 
 make the beauty and the worth of human 
 nature, and it was not consistent with the 
 overdevelopment of any one power at the 
 expense of the rest. Here, he adds, culture 
 goes beyond religion as generally conceived 
 by us. Literature must be at the top, the 
 knowledge of the best that has been spoken 
 in history, philosophy, and poetry. "While 
 Hebraism seizes upon certain plain, capital 
 intimations of the universal order, and rivets 
 itself upon them with unequalled grandeur and 
 intensity, the bent of Hellenism is to follow 
 with flexible activity the whole play of the 
 universal order, to be apprehensive of missing 
 any part of it, of sacrificing one part to another." 
 The Greeks may have failed to give adequate 
 attention to the claims of man's moral side, 
 but they arrived at a more comprehensive 
 adjustment of the claims of both sides in men, 
 the intellectual as well as the moral, and they 
 made a reconciliation of both which is of the 
 utmost service to the modern world. Dr. W. L. 
 Watkinson comments with pungency on this 
 arraignment of the moral order. In his lecture 
 on The Influence of Skepticism on Character the 
 [246]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 distinguished preacher impeaches Arnold for 
 his flouting of the Puritan sympathy with the 
 righteousness of the Bible and the Puritan 
 preference for goodness rather than beauty and 
 taste. According to the ethics of the Scriptures, 
 "Righteousness is the essential, supreme, final 
 law of development for the individual, the 
 nation, the race ; wealth, arms, art, literature, 
 trade, government, and what else, being left 
 to take their chance, which they are then best 
 able to do, under the ordering of the natural 
 action of the sovereign law of righteousness." 1 
 The placing of anything on an equality with 
 character, the exaltation of any form of intel- 
 lectual pursuit above moral principle and 
 obligation, is obnoxious to the conscience of 
 a people trained in the precepts of the Holy 
 Scriptures. Such is Dr. Watkinson's rebuff to 
 the propagandism against that section of English 
 life of which Arnold himself said that with all 
 its faults it was still the best stuff in the 
 nation. The reviving taste for the drama, and 
 the increasing appreciation for letters and the 
 arts, were indications to Arnold of England's 
 ultimate salvation. He, however, seriously in- 
 jured his influence because he would indulge 
 too freely his dangerous gift for gibes and 
 sneers. The leaders of contemporary Puritan- 
 ism were incensed by his polite and studied 
 abuse. He met their fulminations with a pas- 
 
 1 Watkinson's Influence of Skepticism on Character, pp. 3-1-37. 
 [ 247 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 sive resistance which was more effective than a 
 vigorous onslaught. But his vision of a recon- 
 structed England and America, in which the 
 graces of Hellenism would give equipoise and 
 completeness to the Puritan character, was un- 
 realized by him, and his first approaches ended 
 in failure. 
 
 As distinguished from the Puritanism of 
 America, that of England offered a promising 
 field for his evangel of culture. For there 
 Free Churchmen had been practically excluded 
 from the Universities, and yet they had been 
 compelled to bear their full share of the 
 burden of making, moralizing, and liberalizing 
 the empire. Like their American brethren, 
 they had shared with the Hebrew in the sense 
 of holiness and with the Roman in the sense 
 of law and politics. There is no reason to 
 doubt that, with an equal opportunity, they 
 could also have shared, long before they did, 
 in those graces which are the finished pro- 
 duct of the natural faculties. Where Arnold 
 did not succeed, others have done so, and 
 the precisian conscience of sectarianism, with 
 its "unlovely leanness of moral judgment," 
 has now been ameliorated from more humane 
 sources. The gloomy and perverse asceticism 
 of which he justly complained is passing away, 
 w T hile the beauty and harmony which are every- 
 where the reflection of God have come to their 
 own among the sons and daughters of the 
 [2481
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 Cromwellians and the Pilgrims. What course 
 Puritanism on both sides of the Atlantic would 
 have followed, had it not been interrupted 
 and occupied by its stern defense of liberty, 
 it is perhaps idle to speculate. Milton a 
 far more complete soul than Arnold, one in- 
 deed to whom he himself pointed as the soli- 
 tary representative in the modern period of the 
 authoritative traditions of the past has ex- 
 pressed the earlier ideals of Puritanism when 
 undisturbed by war and persecution. In the 
 sad, sweet strains of II Penseroso and the 
 joyous music of L'Allegro there is a stateli- 
 ness and a delight which were lost when the 
 poet doffed his singing robes that he might 
 impeach the tyrants of the State. We have 
 gloried so much in our fathers' victories and in 
 the results which followed them that perhaps 
 we have forgotten what losses were incurred 
 by the thwarting of these earlier ideals. At 
 any rate, we can console ourselves with the 
 suggestion that, had not our ancestors thus 
 contended and won, Arnold would hardly have 
 been permitted to print what he did. They 
 nursed the pinion which impelled his steel; 
 for if Archbishop Laud could have laid hands 
 on the outspoken critic of creeds and of the 
 Episcopacy, a charming literary career might 
 have come to grief. 
 
 The term "Philistine," of which Arnold makes 
 such a liberal use, is first found in his essays 
 [249]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 on Heine. He borrowed it from the German, 
 and he applied it to the self-complacent and 
 conventional respectability of the English 
 nation. There Goliath of Gath pitched his 
 tent, there was the god Dagon, and there were 
 the hosts of the uncircumcised. These ani- 
 madversions were prompted by the prevalent 
 disinclination to culture which existed in the 
 chosen island. He sat closer to the conscience 
 of intellectual reform than his fellow-citizens, 
 and he incessantly attacked them for their 
 conceit, fatuousness, and stupidity. He op- 
 posed their ignorant assumptions, their false 
 standards, and their vitiated tastes. As a 
 child of the ideal he had no possible relation 
 with those self-appointed guardians of the 
 truth who had ceased to be able to recognize 
 truth when they saw it. Carlyle anticipated 
 Arnold in his detestation of Philistinism, to 
 which he referred as "respectability in a thou- 
 sand gigs." The term respectable was too 
 polite and sedate for Arnold's use in this con- 
 nection. His analysis was more thorough and 
 more caustic; he confuted the accepted guides 
 of public opinion with rough and unsparing 
 words interspersed with soft, silky, insinuating 
 refinements and quips more irritating than 
 merely irascible comments. These corrupted 
 powers ruled every sphere; the worlds of art, 
 literature, and politics were their property. 
 They exercised dictatorship over morals and 
 [250]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 theology; their verdicts, though based on no 
 well-founded tenets, were beyond appeal. 
 For him they were blind leaders of the blind, 
 provincials encased in obsolete dogmas; and he 
 treated them with supercilious blandness and 
 ironical scorn. He tells the Guardian that it is 
 dull, Presbyter Anglicanus that he is born of 
 Hyrcanian tigers, and the editor of the Satur- 
 day Review that he is a late and embarrassed 
 convert to the Philistines. When Mr. Wright 
 complained of Arnold's strictures upon his 
 translation of the Iliad, he replied that the 
 matter had left his memory. But he was 
 willing to withdraw the offending phrase, and 
 expressed his sorrow for having used it. He 
 says: "Mr. Wright, however, would perhaps be 
 more indulgent to my vivacity, if he considered 
 that we are none of us likely to be lively much 
 longer. My vivacity is but the last sparkle of 
 flame before we are all in the dark, the last 
 glimpse of color before we all go into drab, 
 the drab of the earnest, prosaic, practical, aus- 
 terely literal future. Yes, the world will soon 
 be the Philistines'! and then, with every voice, 
 not of thunder, silenced, and the whole earth 
 filled and ennobled every morning by the mag- 
 nificent roaring of the young lions of the Daily 
 Telegraph, we shall all yawn in one another's 
 faces with the dismallest, the most unimpeach- 
 able gravity." * The modesty of Arnold's reck- 
 
 1 Essays in Criticism, First Series, p. 6. 
 f 251 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 oning on the illuminating qualities of his own 
 vivacity will doubtless appear unto many ; 
 however that may be, he would persist in 
 prophesying, the most gratuitous of all forms 
 of error. 
 
 Yet much can be forgiven a man who says 
 concerning culture, "It seeks to do away with 
 classes and sects; to make the best that has 
 been thought and known in the world current 
 everywhere; to make all men live in an atmos- 
 phere of sweetness and light, where they may 
 use ideas, as it uses them itself, freely nourished 
 and not bound by them. This is the social 
 idea ; and the men of culture are the true 
 apostles of humanity." Arnold is here in one 
 of his happiest humors, and the more credit is 
 due to him when we remember the dull routine 
 he was called upon to endure. "Here," he com- 
 plains, "is my programme for this afternoon: 
 Avalanches The Steam-engine The Thames 
 India-rubber Bricks The Battle of Poi- 
 tiers Subtraction The Reindeer The Gun- 
 powder Plot The Jordan. Alluring, is it 
 not? Twenty minutes each, and the days of 
 one's life are only threescore years and ten." 
 This kind of thing lasted for thirty-five years, 
 during which he displayed the virtue already 
 mentioned, and which is found in both his 
 poetry and his criticism, a dauntless courage 
 courage in his crusade against British indiffer- 
 rence and provincialism, courage in his bold
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 challenge of the false gods of democracy, courage 
 in his indictment of men in high place who 
 sought to cover their intellectual destitution 
 with sounding and superfluous phrases. Had 
 Arnold's wisdom always been equal to his 
 courage, he would have entered more abun- 
 dantly than he did into the results of his labor. 
 It is easy enough to detect him in the breach 
 of his own rules, and to chide him for turning 
 aside to indulge in disproportionate praise and 
 blame. Yet we are not to forget that he 
 created a new era in criticism, and gave a new 
 interest to aesthetic forms of culture. 
 
 II 
 
 In politics Arnold was a sort of hesitant 
 Liberal, without the habit of allegiance to 
 party leaders, and with some marked peculiari- 
 ties of his own. 1 He was hospitably inclined 
 toward many new theories; but as these were 
 more often wrong than right, his entertain- 
 ment of them was looked upon as a harmless 
 diversion. Besides, a man who persisted in 
 judging for himself, who took nothing at sec- 
 ond hand, who bowed the knee to no reputa- 
 tion, however high its pedestal in the temple 
 of fame, was not likely to be a successful 
 politician. He pitied the sorrows of the people 
 who suffer, the dim common populations "who 
 faint away"; but he pitied them from above, 
 
 1 Introduction to Culture and Anarchy. 
 I 253 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 and the idea that the fountains of authority 
 were in these masses never occurred to him. He 
 had honorable and true convictions on certain 
 vexed issues of the day, issues which are still 
 in process of adjustment and have no imme- 
 diate prospect of settlement. He held that 
 there must be a levelling in the immense in- 
 equalities of material condition and property 
 which exist in England, and which he thought 
 were due to the feudal system of land tenure. 
 Municipal life should also be cleansed, and its 
 ignorance and pauperism, crime and vice, 
 exterminated. Secondary education ought to 
 be extended on a scale commensurate with 
 natural necessities, and made accessible to the 
 democracy. This admirable scheme is an ex- 
 tensive programme for the poet in politics, and 
 seems almost more like Mill than Arnold. 
 But his usual perverse fate accompanied it, 
 and probably he was better known and less 
 loved for his personal dislike of Gladstone or 
 his opposition to Home Rule than for his 
 ardent support of such enlightened and neces- 
 sary measures as land reform and higher edu- 
 cation. He astonished his friends and delighted 
 his foes by opposing the Burials Bill, which 
 gave Free Churchmen the right to use their 
 own ministry and forms of service. He gravely 
 argued that this would substitute less suitable 
 and dignified liturgies, and that such a substi- 
 tution would be equivalent to displacing a poem 
 [254]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 of Milton for some verses by Eliza Cook. Yet 
 despite these unhappy misdirections, he won- 
 dered why the Free Churchmen did not hail 
 him as their deliverer. To the last he vehe- 
 mently denounced the disestablishment of the 
 Episcopal Church in Ireland, and he would 
 have been willing to see the Methodist, Roman 
 Catholic, and Presbyterian Churches made par- 
 takers in State pay and patronage rather than 
 have the measure enacted. His scheme of 
 ultimate union included the incorporation of 
 Roman Catholicism, Anglicanism, and Puri- 
 tanism, although he realized that this was a 
 far-off event to be preceded by the amalgama- 
 tion of Protestants. It is probable that Arnold 
 sympathized with the Roman Catholic Church 
 rather than with the Church of his birth or 
 with Nonconformity. The efficient organiza- 
 tion of the older communion appealed to his 
 high views on the question, and he made the 
 prediction that Romanism would be the pre- 
 vailing form for the Christianity of the future. 
 He was alive to its credulities, intolerance, and 
 dislike of criticism; but these were traits which 
 it shared with human nature at large, and the 
 differences between it and Protestantism were 
 quantitive rather than qualitative. It appeals 
 to the imagination in a way that Protestantism 
 can not and does not. It has the commenda- 
 tion of antiquity, and accessories which give it 
 nobleness and amplitude. Its knowledge of 
 f Zoo 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 human nature is deep and subtle, its stores of 
 human experience abound in wisdom and state- 
 craft. If Romanism were only awake to its 
 perennial power of attraction, it would speed- 
 ily increase its already large constituencies. 
 But it must be "a Romanism purged, opening 
 itself to the light and air, having the conscious- 
 ness of its own poetry, freed from its sacerdotal 
 despotism, and also from its pseudo-scientific 
 apparatus of superannuated dogma." Such is 
 the type of Catholicism to which Arnold would 
 commit the welfare of the Church at large. 
 And he regrets that the advocates of the 
 Catholic creeds and of the ultramontane 
 system should vainly claim for them that 
 which is alone true of Catholic worship. This 
 is a purely religious function, it is eternal 
 and universal, and, if freed from the theolo- 
 gical and political elements which embarrass 
 it, would reassert itself with august author- 
 ity. But he concludes that "to rule over 
 the moment and the credulous has more 
 attraction than to work for the future and 
 the sane." 1 
 
 In his official intercourse with Noncon- 
 formist school-managers, Arnold gained that 
 curiously intimate knowledge of the various 
 denominations which furnished the material 
 for his discussion of their history, doctrines, 
 and influence upon one another and upon the 
 
 1 Essay on Eugenie de Guerin. 
 [256]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 nation. Notwithstanding his apparently un- 
 avoidable sarcasm, he treated many of their 
 issues in a broad and illuminating way; and it 
 is a misfortune that it is not Arnold's views 
 which have become current coin, so much as 
 certain capricious literary phrases and twists of 
 speech. Men who speak of his contempt for 
 the "dissidence of dissent" and the "Protes- 
 tantism of the Protestant religion" have yet to 
 learn that he always wrote with the aim of 
 reconciliation, and with the firm belief that 
 Nonconformity was doomed unless it could 
 save itself by a return to the Establishment, 
 which must be purified and broadened to 
 receive it. 
 
 His religious views reflect the turbulent 
 period of transition in which he lived. It was 
 no longer possible for him to take refuge in 
 the quietism of Wordsworth or in the German 
 metaphysics of Coleridge. Scientific progress 
 had caused the disquisitions of these men to 
 appear as far removed from Arnold's day 
 as were the speculations of the Schoolmen. 
 Further, he had not the necessary learning to 
 be a theological leader, and it was his lack of 
 this which led him to some fantastic conclu- 
 sions and also incurred the opposition of con- 
 temporary orthodoxy. Yet his spirituality of 
 outlook and ethical purpose were unmistakable, 
 and he knew that, remarkable as were the reve- 
 lations of organized knowledge, they would 
 [2571
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 eventually fail to satisfy the yearnings of man's 
 higher nature. His essays on theological and 
 polemical subjects were published at an oppor- 
 tune moment when the matters he discussed 
 were well to the front. They will continue to 
 be read as models of English prose; but it is 
 more than doubtful if they will exercise any 
 formative influence. So far as biblical criti- 
 cism and the philosophy of religion were 
 concerned, he initiated nothing, but simply 
 emphasized and gave a popular setting to 
 certain phases of German scholarship. He 
 reveals the spirit though not the temper of the 
 Tubingen school. His treatment of these and 
 kindred questions is found chiefly in Culture 
 and Anarchy : an Essay in Political and Social 
 Criticism (1869); St. Paul and Protestantism: 
 with an Introduction on Puritanism and the 
 Church of England (1870); Literature and 
 Dogma: an Essay toward a Better Apprehension 
 of the Bible (1872); Last Essays on Church and 
 Religion (1877); and Discourses in America 
 (1885). 
 
 It should be added that Arnold laid no 
 claim to theological knowledge; indeed, so far 
 as dogma was concerned, he was proud of his 
 detachment from it. He believed that the 
 world had had enough of it, and his purpose 
 was to examine its stock notions and current 
 phrases and pour into them a fresh stream 
 of ideas. Mr. William H. Dawson argues that, 
 [ 258 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 as a layman, Arnold was the better able to 
 do this with an open mind; for he had no thesis 
 to establish and no preconceptions to confirm - 
 in a word, nothing to prove. It was there- 
 fore easier for him to grasp large spiritual 
 truths and interpret them in a generous 
 temper. He was freed from exclusiveness and 
 provinciality, and the whole range of human 
 experience in religion was open to his inquiry. 
 In brief, disinterestedness, Arnold's first 
 canon of criticism, was applied to the study of 
 these questions. Its presence in poets and 
 philosophers has made them rather than 
 theologians the prophets of God to the modern 
 generation. And the milder and more sym- 
 pathetic attitude of Christians toward one 
 another and toward non-Christian religions is 
 largely owing to the simple candor with which 
 claims to a monopoly of revelation and grace 
 have been brushed aside by such teachers as 
 Carlyle and Browning. 
 
 Arnold defines God in various ways. He 
 refers to the Supreme Being, in his original 
 preface to Literature and Dogma, as a great 
 personal first Cause, the moral and intelligent 
 Governor of the universe; he would have us re- 
 member, however, that the word "God" must 
 not be regarded as a term of exact knowledge, but 
 as one of poetry and eloquence. It cannot con- 
 vey the fully developed object of the speaker's 
 consciousness; and further, since consciousness 
 [2591
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 differs at intervals and men mean different 
 things by it, it is rather an elusive process to 
 discover Arnold's foundation for the Deity. 
 He speaks of Him again, in his favorite and 
 descriptive definition, as "the enduring Power, 
 not ourselves, which makes for Righteousness." 
 He insists that the idea of God as a magnified 
 and unnatural man must make way for a 
 Divine Being to whom he appears to deny 
 personality, and who is once more defined as 
 "the stream of tendency by which all things 
 fulfil the law of their being." It is unneces- 
 sary to follow Arnold in all his deviations; and 
 although he was perfectly serious, it is sometimes 
 hard to believe him so. His strong religious 
 sense was affected by the notion that religion 
 can be selected and arranged at will, or to suit 
 one's personal tastes and preferences, but he 
 never seemed to understand the other side of 
 the question that religion is a divine authority 
 and a divine revelation; a superior and reveal- 
 ing gift bestowed and conditioned by a higher 
 Power. Viewed in this light, it must be taken 
 as offered, in strict accordance with its own 
 demands. Again, Arnold failed to distinguish 
 between the intolerant and effete phases of a 
 passing orthodoxy and those more enlightened 
 and influential schools of theological thought 
 which were rapidly gaining ascendency in his 
 day. Lurking under all his terms is the recur- 
 rent error of arbitrary and superficial classifica- 
 [260]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 tion, which confused men and measures, and 
 treated as one those who were in many respects 
 sundered as the poles. Convenient and strik- 
 ing phraseology cannot successfully conceal 
 these confusions; his thoughtful readers will 
 detect them. The careless generalities which 
 proclaim as a unity things that totally differ 
 may be the delight of the vulgar, but they are 
 distasteful to the cultured mind. 
 
 In speaking of the New Testament, he would 
 take no part in Kenan's insinuations against 
 the moral integrity of the disciples. Their 
 good faith was above question and testifies for 
 itself. While "miracles do not happen," and 
 are an unnecessary support to religious belief, 
 he admits that the majority of people have 
 found them a stimulus. It is needless to argue 
 against them, for the Zeitgeist is the destroyer 
 of such Aberglaube, and we can afford to 
 leave them to the drift of time and the widen- 
 ing experiences of the race. Whenever Arnold 
 wished to introduce a universal corrective, he 
 turned to the Zeitgeist. His veneration for it 
 was profound ; for him it had an authority 
 that nothing could withstand. Its masterful 
 influences went beyond those of any miracle. 
 
 The aim of his life was to make sweet reason 
 and the will of God prevail in his home. He 
 maintained a religious discipline, and there is 
 reason to believe that daily prayer and spiritual 
 meditation were his private habits. He had a 
 [261]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 surpassing reverence and love for Jesus Christ, 
 and he avers that "while Christianity makes 
 for men's happiness, it does not rest upon that 
 as a motive. ... It finds a far surer ground in 
 believing that Christ is come from God ; in fol- 
 lowing Christ, loving Christ ; and in the happi- 
 ness that believing in Him and loving Him gives, 
 it finds its mightiest sanction." With mellow- 
 ing accent he declares that Christianity must 
 survive ; and those who fancied they had done 
 with it, those who had turned it aside because 
 what was presented in its name was so unre- 
 liable, would have to return to it again and 
 to learn it better. 
 
 Yet the works of Arnold are full of a diluted 
 positivism ; and whatever may have been the 
 idea of God which satisfied his personal expe- 
 rience, the Deity who emerges from his philo- 
 sophical speculations is too shadowy and unreal 
 for strength or comfort. In fact, he was 
 not so much a religious teacher as an ethi- 
 cal idealist. By reducing religion to conduct, 
 and by expressly denying to conduct any rela- 
 tion to, or meaning for, an after-life, he makes 
 religion a matter of policy. 1 He saw with ap- 
 palling clearness the ignorance and grossness 
 which he constantly assailed, and he also real- 
 ized the false position in which faith is placed 
 when all the tendencies of knowledge are 
 opposed to it. But he did not see the truth, 
 
 1 W. H. Dawson's Matthew Arnold, p. 257. 
 f 262 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 or if he did he disregarded it, that a man who 
 has no scientific estimation of his beliefs, and 
 yet has learned the secret of conduct, has, 
 according to Arnold's own reckoning, become 
 the master of four-fifths of his life. 
 
 One wishes that he could have trusted the 
 plain people, and thus have laid the ghost of 
 popular credulousness which always haunted 
 him. He could not easily believe that not 
 many learned and not many noble are chosen ; 
 that the mystery and grandeur of religion 
 have been concealed from the wise and the 
 prudent and revealed to the simple; and yet 
 in one place he conceded this against himself 
 and against his own position. "Moral rules," 
 he says, "apprehended as ideas first, and then 
 rigorously followed as laws, are, and must be, 
 for the sage only. The mass of mankind has 
 neither force of intellect enough to apprehend 
 them clearly as ideas, nor force of character 
 enough to follow them strictly as laws. . . . 
 The paramount virtue of religion is, that it has 
 lighted up morality ; that it has supplied the 
 emotion and inspiration needful for carrying 
 the sage along the narrow way perfectly, for 
 carrying the ordinary man along it at all. 
 Even the religions with most dross in them 
 have had something of this virtue ; but the 
 Christian religion manifests it with unex- 
 ampled splendor." * The story of this achieve- 
 
 1 Essays on Marcus Aurelius. 
 
 [263]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 ment is contained in the Holy Scriptures, 
 which according to Arnold are literary and not 
 scientific, a record of human development 
 pulsating with life and movement and not a 
 storehouse for proof-texts. Morals, not meta- 
 physics, are the essence of the Bible ; its words 
 are fluid utterances, its one great message is 
 righteousness. And once these truths are ap- 
 prehended, the forcing of the Scriptures will 
 cease, and the meaning of the authors will no 
 longer be obscured by artificial interpretations. 
 
 However seriously some of Arnold's fol- 
 lowers have perverted his views and elevated 
 beyond measure the artistic and literary senses 
 in which he believed so strongly, he himself 
 was thoroughly sound at heart, and his moral 
 nature was of the highest. He affirms that 
 chastity and charity, the two great Christian 
 virtues, obtain signal testimony from experi- 
 ence, and by many palpable proofs have con- 
 vinced the world of their cardinal nature. The 
 nations that neglect them plunge into the doom 
 of ruin. "Down they go; Assyria falls, Bab- 
 ylon, Greece, Rome ; they all fall for want of 
 conduct, righteousness ; Judea itself, the Holy 
 Land, the land of God's Israel, falls too, and 
 falls for want of righteousness." l 
 
 It is not surprising that Arnold should have 
 courted the acquaintance of such master spirits 
 as Spinoza and Marcus Aurelius. He gives a 
 
 1 Literature and Dogma, p. 353. 
 
 [264]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 succinct and interesting description of the phi- 
 losopher of Amsterdam, whose ejection from the 
 synagogue was followed by his ostracism and 
 subsequent religious independency. Spinoza 
 would not be an orthodox Jew, and he 
 could not become a Christian. His life, how- 
 ever, was serene and devout, with frequent 
 moods of religious reflection. The Old Testa- 
 ment was his favorite book, and his critical 
 work on it made him one of the pioneers in 
 biblical criticism. His motto was, "Where 
 the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty." 
 Placed by his transcendent gifts and the scorn 
 of his kinsmen beyond temporary organized 
 religious forms, he dwelt in an enforced yet 
 welcome isolation ; which w r on for him Arnold's 
 sympathy and praise. Marcus Aurelius was 
 another striking case of religious independency. 
 He had a strongly ethical nature attached to 
 no definitely religious creed. If Constantine 
 was a baptized Pagan, Marcus Aurelius was 
 an unbaptized Christian ; for his piety, though 
 not classified, was sincere, and linked him to 
 the Shepherd who said, "Other sheep have I, 
 which are not of this fold." He was the last 
 and greatest follower of Zeno ; he stripped 
 Stoicism of its sterner aspects, and gave to it 
 a warmth and tenderness alien to its cold and 
 rigid spirit. His singularity made him accep- 
 table to Arnold, who reverenced the Emperor, 
 though he admitted that his system was in- 
 [2651
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 effectual. The characteristics of Spinoza and 
 Marcus Aurelius were seized by Arnold for the 
 consolation and help of his own unconventional 
 nature. Concerning Aurelius he says: "He 
 remains the especial friend and comforter of 
 all clear-headed and upward-striving men, in 
 those ages most especially which walk by 
 sight and not by faith and yet have no open 
 vision; he cannot give such souls, perhaps, 
 all they yearn for, but he gives them much, 
 and what he gives they can receive." l 
 
 Arnold is unusually severe upon the delin- 
 quencies of authors, and their intellectual 
 brilliancy does not blind him to their ethical 
 defects. Coleridge, he says, had no morals; 
 his character inspired repugnance. Burns he 
 calls a beast with splendid gleams. The laxity 
 of Goethe's life is sharply condemned : and 
 Faust, though great, was marred by the fact 
 that it was a drama of seduction. He regarded 
 Renan's L'Abbesse de Jouarre as a book entirely 
 unworthy of the author. Heine, with all his 
 gifts, lacked the old-fashioned, laborious, eter- 
 nally needful moral deliverance, and left a 
 name stained by wickedness, sensuality, and 
 incessant mocking. The Life of Shelley deeply 
 shocked him, and he declared, after reading 
 the book, that he felt sickened forever of the 
 subject of irregular relations. 
 
 In 1883 Mr. and Mrs. Arnold visited America, 
 
 1 Essays in Criticism, First Series, p. 378. 
 f266l
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 and were received with cordiality by his ad- 
 mirers and and with characteristic hospitality 
 by the nation at large. Many were surprised 
 to find him a broad-shouldered, manly English- 
 man, with a face worn and wrinkled like that 
 of a sea-captain, and a profile whose finely 
 chiseled features betokened breeding and the 
 power of command. His appearance contra- 
 dicted the expectations of those who had 
 prejudged it by the fastidious and feminine 
 delicacy of some of his writings. Because of 
 his lack of elocutionary gifts, the lectures he 
 delivered were not heard by the majority of 
 his audience. When printed and published, 
 they became his favorite book and the one 
 by which he desired to be remembered. He 
 valued his American friends, but cared little 
 for Americans as a people. Their life was un- 
 interesting; and the mere nomenclature of the 
 country acted upon a cultivated person "like 
 the incessant pricking of pins." 
 
 He came again in 1886, and returned home 
 to die on April 15, 1888, of the malady which 
 had struck down his father and grandfather 
 and which suddenly released him from the 
 responsibilities and cares of mortal life. 
 
 It is impossible to set forth within the 
 available limits of this brief survey the numer- 
 ous aspects of so diversified a character and 
 career as Arnold's. The place he holds as a 
 
 f 2G7 1
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 critic has been determined by his excellent 
 canons of criticism and by the exquisite purity 
 of his language. He made no pretensions to 
 be a philosopher, although he had a philosophy 
 of his own ; but his thought was not distin- 
 guished for depth or penetration. He popular- 
 ized the best French literature; he registered a 
 necessary protest against treating the Bible as 
 a talisman: he rebuked with skilful audacity 
 the vulgarities of a commercial nation, and 
 he used a few pregnant phrases, some of which 
 he borrowed, to chasten his contemporaries. 
 But his permanent influence will be found, if 
 anywhere, in his poetry. Here, although "the 
 grand moment is not his in certain command," 
 he sounded depths which his prose never 
 fathomed. A disciple of Wordsworth even 
 more than of Goethe, Arnold takes his place 
 among the Victorian singers as a poet of nature, 
 of beauty, and, more than either, of doubt. 
 It is doubt tinged with melancholy; he is loth 
 to leave the former habitations of his spirit, 
 and he looks back upon them with infinite 
 desire and infinite regret. 1 From these mingled 
 elements are evoked his most intimate strains; 
 and though he cannot speak to the popular 
 heart, so long as men love intensely refined 
 and classic forms, or seek a balm for their 
 restless and unsatisfied yearnings, they will 
 continue to read Resignation, Dover Beach, 
 
 1 Encyclopaedia Britannica, llth edition, Vol. IX, p. 641. 
 [268]
 
 Matthew Arnold 
 
 and Thyrsis. His influence upon the whole 
 was an excellent one; and as the irritating 
 flippancies which retarded it are rightly for- 
 gotten, his truly religious nature and ethical 
 earnestness will become more manifest. His 
 sincerity and courage have already been men- 
 tioned, and they are what we should expect 
 from such a man. He lived a happy and 
 useful life ; he increased the luster of an already 
 honored name; and he secured a high place 
 in the annals of that great literature which he 
 loved and longed to benefit. 
 
 269
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 PRINCIPAL BOOKS CONSULTED 
 
 Charles Darwin and the Theory of Natural Selection. 
 By EDWARD B. POULTON. (Macmillan Co.) 
 
 Life of Darwin. By G. T. BELLAMY. Walter 
 Scott, London. 
 
 Origin of Species. By CHARLES DARWIN. 
 Murray, London, 1859. 
 
 Descent of Man. By CHARLES DARWIN. 
 Murray, London, 1871. 
 
 Darwin's Autobiography and Letters. D. Apple- 
 ton & Co., N. Y., 1893. 
 
 Life and Letters of Charles Darwin. Edited by 
 Francis Darwin. D. Appleton & Co., N. Y. 
 
 Fifty Years of Danvinism. By various authors. 
 Henry Holt & Co., N. Y., 1909. 
 
 Darwinism and Human Life. By J. ARTHUR 
 THOMSON. Henry Holt & Co., N. Y., 1909. 
 
 Life and Evolution. By F. W. HEADLEY. Duck- 
 worth & Co., London, 1909. 
 
 Darwinism and Other Essays. By JOHN FISKE. 
 Houghtori Mifflin Co., N. Y., 1885. 
 
 Pioneers of Evolution. By EDWARD CLODD. 
 D. Appleton & Co., N. Y., 1897. 
 
 The Story of Nineteenth- Century Science. By 
 H. S. WILLIAMS, M.D. Harper & Brothers, N. Y., 
 1902. 
 
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 Darwinism. By ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE. 
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 My Life. By ALFRED RUSSEL WALLACE. 2 vols. 
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 The Coming of Evolution. By PROFESSOR JUDD. 
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 Life and Letters of Thomas H. Huxley. By 
 LEONARD HUXLEY. 2 vols. D. Appleton & Co., 
 N. Y., 1900. 
 
 Thomas H. Huxley. By J. R. AINSWORTH 
 DAVIS. E. P. Dutton & Co., N. Y. 
 
 Collected Essays. By PROFESSOR HUXLEY. 
 D. Appleton & Co. 
 
 Methods and Results. 
 Darwiniana. 
 Science and Education 
 Science and Hebrew Tradition. 
 Science and Christian Tradition. 
 Evolution and Ethics. 
 
 Christian Theism and a Spiritual Monism. By 
 W. L. WALKER. T. &. T. Clark, Edinburgh, 
 1907. 
 
 The Philosophy of the Christian Religion. By 
 A. M. FAIRBAIRN, D.D. Hodder & Stoughton, 
 London, 1905. 
 
 The Immanence of God. By BORDEN P. BOWNE. 
 Houghton Mifflin Co., N. Y., 1903. 
 
 Personalism. By BORDEN P. BOWNE. Houghton 
 Mifflin Co., N. Y., 1908. 
 
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 John Stuart Mill's Autobiography. Henry Holt & 
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 John Stuart Mill. By W. L. COURTNEY. Walter 
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 Letters of John Stuart Mill. 2 vols. Edited by 
 HUGH ELLIOT. Longmans, Green, & Co., London, 
 1910. 
 
 Three Essays on Religion. By J. S. MILL. 
 Longmans, Green, & Co., London. 
 
 Essay On Liberty. By J. S. MILL. Longmans, 
 Green, & Co., London. 
 
 Utilitarianism. By J. S. MILL. Longmans, 
 Green, & Co., London. 
 
 Miscellanies, Fourth Series. By JOHN MORLEY. 
 The Macmillan Co. 
 
 Tennyson, Ruskin, and Mill. By FREDERIC 
 HARRISON. The Macmillan Co. 
 
 Walter Bagehofs Collected Works. Vol. V. Hart- 
 ford, Conn., 1891. 
 
 Development of English Thought. By PROFESSOR 
 SIMON N. PATTEN. The Macmillan Co., 1910. 
 
 Unbelief in the Nineteenth Century. By H. C. 
 SHELDON. Eaton & Mains, N. Y. 
 
 The Life and Letters of James Martineau. 2 vols. 
 By JAMES DRUMMOND. Dodd, Mead, & Co., N. Y. 
 
 James Martineau : A Biography and Study. 
 By A. W. JACKSON. Little, Brown, & Co., Boston. 
 
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 Bibliography 
 
 Dr. Martineau's Philosophy. By C. B. UPTON. 
 E. Nisbet & Co., London, 1905. 
 Dr. Martineau's Chief Works. 
 
 1. A Study of Religion. 2 vols. HENRY FRO WDE, 
 London. 
 
 2. Types of Ethical Theory. 2 vols. HENRY 
 FROWDE, London. 
 
 3. Seat of Authority in Religion. 2 vols. Long- 
 mans, Green, & Co., London. 
 
 4. Essays, Reviews, and Addresses. 4 vols. Long- 
 mans, Green, & Co., London. 
 
 5. A Study of Spinoza. The Macmillan Co. 
 
 6. Endeavors after the Christian Life. Longmans, 
 Green, & Co. 
 
 7. Hours of Thought. Longmans, Green, & Co. 
 
 8. Studies of Christianity. Longmans, Green, 
 & Co. 
 
 Matthew Arnold. By HERBERT PAUL. The 
 Macmillan Co., 1907. 
 
 Matthew Arnold. By G. W. E. RUSSELL. Hodder 
 & Stoughton, London, 1904. 
 
 Matthew Arnold. By W. H. DAWSON. G. P. 
 Putnam's Sons, N. Y., 1904. 
 
 Matthew Arnold. By PROFESSOR SAINTSBURY. 
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 Poetical Works of Matthew Arnold. The Macmil- 
 lan Co., 1895. 
 
 Essays in Criticism. By MATTHEW ARNOLD. 
 2 vols. The Macmillan Co. 
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 Bibliography 
 
 Literature and Dogma. By MATTHEW ARNOLD. 
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 St. Paul and Protestantism. By MATTHEW 
 ARNOLD. The Macmillan Co. 
 
 Culture and Anarchy. By MATTHEW ARNOLD. 
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 Discourses in America. By MATTHEW ARNOLD. 
 The Macmillan Co. 
 
 Mixed Essays. By MATTHEW ARNOLD. The 
 Macmillan Co. 
 
 [277]
 
 INDEX
 
 INDEX 
 
 Agassiz, Professor, 22 
 Agnosticism, 71, 86, 130 
 America and Americans, 62, 267, 
 
 230 
 
 Arnold, Matthew, birth, early 
 life and education, 210-211; 
 university career, 213-214; 
 marriage, 217; as poet and 
 professor of poetry, 217-229; 
 as literary and social critic, 
 229-241; on contemporary 
 authors, 242-243; on Puri- 
 tanism and Culture, 243-246; 
 on theology, 258-261; death, 
 267; summary of achieve- 
 ments, 268-269. 
 Arnold, Dr. Thomas, 209-212 
 Arnold, Mrs. Thomas, 211 
 Aurelius, Marcus, 264-265 
 
 Bagehot, Walter, 92, 122, 124 
 Bain, Alexander, 96, 137 
 Bentham, Jeremy, 97, 101, 111- 
 
 112, 115, 164 
 
 Bible, The, 68, 162-163, 264 
 Bowne, Borden P., 119 
 Bright, John, 129 
 Browning, Robert, 119 
 Bushnell, Horace, 162 
 
 Carlyle, Thomas, 50, 78, 85, 
 
 112, 117-119, 124-125, 138 
 Carpenter, Dr. Lant, 146 
 Catastrophic Theory, 12-13, 23 
 Chalk, Huxley's Lecture on a 
 Piece of, 59 
 
 Character, Huxley on, 62 
 Christ, 74, 76, 134, 137, 262 
 Civil War in Nature, 63-64 
 Clifford, W. K., 170 
 Cobbe, Miss Frances Power, 
 
 153-154 
 
 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 103 
 Commonsense Philosophy, 92- 
 
 93, 114-116 
 
 Comte, Auguste, 25, 93, 121 
 Conscience, 166-167, 170; 
 
 preaching to, 174-175 
 Conte, Le, 77 
 Conway, Moncure D., 150 
 Cosmic process, 63-77 
 Courtney, W. L., 138, 139 
 Criticism, Literary, 231-238 
 
 Darwin, Charles, birth and 
 ancestry, 3-4; early life and 
 education, 5-6; studies at 
 Edinburgh and Cambridge, 
 7-8; first interest in science, 
 8; voyage of the Beagle, 9-10; 
 reading of Malthus suggests 
 Natural Selection, 14; con- 
 current discovery of Natural 
 Selection by Wallace, 15; 
 Linnrean Society decides the 
 issue, 17; publication of 
 Origin of Species, 15, 22-23; 
 issues Descent of Man, 30; 
 chronic ill-health, 38-39; 
 prodigious toil, 39; religious 
 life, 5, 40; loss of {esthetic 
 tastes, 41; influence on his 
 
 281
 
 Index 
 
 generation, 42-44; death and 
 tribute of Huxley, 43; burial 
 in Westminster Abbey, 43- 
 44; referred to, 133 
 Davison, Dr. W. T., 160, 189 
 Dawson, Sir William, 47 
 Dawson, William H., 212, 258, 
 
 262 
 Death, by preventable disease, 
 
 65; universal, 70 
 Deism, 118 
 
 Descent of Man, 30-31 
 Direct creation, 21, 26-27 
 Disraeli, Benjamin, 128 
 Dreisch, Professor Hans, 172 
 
 Education, James Mill on, 94- 
 95; Huxley on, 57-58 
 
 English people, 242 
 
 Evolution, doctrine of, 11; 
 materialistic interpretation 
 of, 24-25; ethics and, 62-67; 
 homocentric, 32; Theology 
 and, 26-38; Theism and, 67 
 
 Fairbairn, A. M., Professor, 71, 
 
 133 
 
 Fiske, John, 20, 76, 183 
 Freewill, 172-173 
 French Revolution, 91 
 Frothingham, Rev. O. B., 157 
 
 Genius, explosive power of, 72- 
 
 73 
 Gladstone, W r . E., 3, 73, 80-81, 
 
 129 
 
 God, 147, 182, 190. 195, 259-260 
 Grote, George, 123, 124 
 
 Haeckel, Ernst, 70 
 Harrison, Frederic, 92, 130 
 
 Hegel, 166, 181 
 
 Hell, present, 192 
 
 Higginson, Rev. Edward, 146 
 
 Hogarth, 110 
 
 Huguenots in England, 143- 
 144 
 
 Hume, David, 92, 108, 118 
 
 Humor, Huxley's, 83 
 
 Huxley, Thomas H., birth and 
 parentage, 49; early life and 
 education, 50-51; medical 
 training, 52; Rattlesnake 
 cruise, 53; first contributions 
 to Science, 52-53; elected 
 Fellow of Royal Society, 54; 
 marriage, 56; as popular 
 lecturer, 58; visit to America, 
 60; scope of labors, 77-78; 
 as controversialist, 80-82; 
 not a materialist, 72, 85; 
 honors, 78; his agnosticism, 
 71; view of skepticism, 86; 
 death, 87; referred to 133 
 
 Idealism, German, 118 
 Ideals, 193 
 
 Immortality, 76-77, 204-205 
 Incarnation, Universal, 185-186 
 Innate goodness, 161-163 
 Innate ideas, 108 
 
 Jevons, Professor Stanley, 124 
 Jones, Professor Henry, 34 
 Jones, Professor Wharton, 52 
 
 Kelvin, Lord, 33 
 
 Lansdowne, Lord, 217 
 Lincoln, Abraham, 3, 243 
 Liverpool Controversy, 149 
 Locke, John, 92 
 
 282
 
 Index 
 
 London, destitution of, 51-52 
 
 Lotze, 119, 181, 184 
 
 Louis XIV, 143 
 
 Lyell, Sir Charles, Darwin's 
 debt to, 10; on presiding 
 Mind in Evolution, 29; re- 
 ferred to, 39, 47, 153 
 
 Madge, Rev. Thomas, 146 
 Maine, Sir Henry, 222 
 Malthus, 14-15 
 Marmontel, 103 
 Marsh, Professor O. C., 60 
 Martineau, Gaston, 143 
 Martineau, Harriet, 145 
 Martineau, James, ancestry and 
 birth, 143-145; early life and 
 education, 145-146; divinity 
 student at York, 147; Dub- 
 lin and Liverpool pastorates, 
 148-149; studies in Germany 
 150-151; academic life in 
 London, 151-155; death, 
 159; as a preacher, 152-154, 
 198-199; honored, 154-155; 
 literary style of, 159-161; 
 ethical teaching of, 161-178; 
 on philosophy of religion, 
 181-205; on biblical criti- 
 cism, 188-189 
 Metaphysical Society, 155 
 Mill, James, 93, 95, 115, 130, 169 
 Mill, John Stuart, parentage 
 and birth, 93-94; educated 
 by his father, 95-98; visit to 
 France, 99; conversion, 100; 
 first literary efforts, 101; 
 disillusionment, 102; inti- 
 macy with Mrs. Taylor, 104- 
 105; death at Avignon, 107; 
 his philosophy and ethics 
 
 discussed, 108-119; political 
 economy, 120-123; influences 
 that shaped his thought, 92, 
 93, 99, 121; Logic, 123-124; 
 social and religious teaching, 
 124-139; Parliamentary ca- 
 reer, 128 
 
 Milton, John, 21-22, 175, 235- 
 236 
 
 Mivart, St. George, 58, 79, 84 
 
 Morality, Science and, 67; in- 
 ternal, 168-170 
 
 Morley, Lord, 106-107, 133 
 
 Nantes, Edict of, 143 
 Natural Selection, 18, 47 
 Nature, cruelty of, 131-132 
 Necessitarianism, 109 
 Newman, F. W., 150 
 Newman, John Henry, 52, 71, 
 
 213 
 Nicoll, Sir William Robertson, 
 
 106 
 Nietzsche, 26 
 
 Owen, Sir Richard, 47, 80 
 Oxford, Arnold's tribute to, 
 214, 215 
 
 Paley, 92 
 
 Pattison, Professor, 202 
 
 Philistinism, 249, 251 
 
 Philosophy, ancient and modern 
 contrasted, 164-165 
 
 Pierre, William, 143 
 
 Poetry, function of, 220; ro- 
 manticism in, 221; quota- 
 tions from Arnold's, 212, 
 218; 224-226, 228, 240; 
 Arnold's verse and the spirit 
 of the age, 221-225, 227
 
 Index 
 
 Priestley, Joseph, Dr., 186 
 Puritanism, 92, 224-249 
 
 Qualitative Calculus, 111-114 
 
 Radicalism and mob law, 128 
 Rattlesnake, voyage of, 52- 
 
 53 
 Religion, science and, 68-77; 
 
 morality and, 263 
 Righteousness, 247, 260-264 
 Romanes Lecture, Huxley's, 
 
 62, 77 
 Romanism and Protestantism, 
 
 255-256 
 
 Sacrifice, personal, 161, 176 
 Saint Simon, 121 
 Saintsbury, Professor, 242 
 Scale of Moral Excellence, 173- 
 
 174 
 
 Schleiermacher, 200 
 Self-realization, 113-114 
 Sheldon, Professor, 110 
 Shrewsbury, description of, 3-5 
 Skepticism, 73-74, 86 
 Social Problem, the, 126, 128 
 Social sanction, 170-172 
 Social Science, 126 
 Species, Darwin's Origin of, 
 
 15, 48; exposition of, 18-20; 
 
 Arnold on, 12; Wallace on, 
 
 17-18; Huxley on, 48 
 Spencer, Herbert, 109, 119, 168, 
 
 170 
 
 Spinoza, 265 
 Stephen, Sir Leslie, 109, 113, 
 
 131, 167-168, 170 
 
 St. Francis, 237-238 
 Struggle for life, 63-64 
 Superman, Nietzsche's doctrine 
 of, 26 
 
 Taylor, Miss, 105, 106 
 Taylor, Mrs., 104-105, 126 
 Tennyson, Lord, 3, 87, 133, 138, 
 
 243 
 Theism, Mill's, 132-134; Mar- 
 
 tineau's, 198, 201, 204 
 Tractarian Movement, 213 
 Turner, Rev. Henry, 146 
 Tyndall, Professor, 34, 78 
 Tyrell, Professor R. Y., 218 
 
 Uniform! tarians, 13 
 Unitarianism, tendency of, 196, 
 
 203 
 
 Utilitarian Society, 100-101 
 Utilitarianism, 108, 114-117; 
 
 ethics of, 164 
 Utility of Religion, 133 
 
 Wallace, Alfred Russel, at 
 Ternate, 15; on Darwin's 
 Origin of Species, 17-18; on 
 the origin of man, 31; re- 
 ferred to, 39 
 
 W T atkinson, W. L., 247 
 
 Weismann, 30 
 
 Wesley, John, 145-146 
 
 Wilberforce, Bishop, 80 
 
 Will, the, 109 
 
 Wordsworth, William, 91, 103, 
 118, 211, 223 
 
 Zeitgeist, the, 261 
 
 284]
 
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 Index of Titles 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Abbay Mill, The . . . 17 
 Adrift on the Black Wild Tide 16 
 America in. the East . . 5 
 Ancient Musical Instruments . 20 
 Angels of God, The . 21 
 
 Animal Gambols . .23 
 
 Animal Playtime . .23 
 
 Anne Killigrew . .4 
 
 Apocalyptical Writers The 
 
 Messages of the . 11 
 
 Apostles, The Messages of the 11 
 Applied Christianity . .26 
 Aspects of the Spiritual . 7 
 Asquith, TheRight Hon. H. H., 
 
 M.P 7 
 
 At the Gates of the Dawn . 22 
 Atonement and Progress . 16 
 Atonement hi Modern Thought, 
 
 The .... 8 
 Aunt Agatha Ann . . ?5 
 
 Authority & the Light Within 16 
 Awe of the New Century, The . 25 
 
 Baptist Handbook, The . 15 
 
 Baptist Manual of the Order 
 and Administration of a 
 Church, A . . .19 
 Barrow, Henry, Separatist . 2 
 Beads of Tasmer, The . 11, 18 
 Between Two Loves . 11, 27 
 Bible Definition of Religion, 
 
 The . . . .25 
 Birthday of Hope, The . 26 
 Bishop and the Caterpillar. The 25 
 Black Familiars, The . 4, 17 
 Border Shepherdess, A . .11 
 Bow of Orange Ribbon, The 
 
 18, 27 
 
 Britain's Hope . . .20 
 Brudenlla of Brude, The . 17 
 Burning Questions . .20 
 
 Canonbury Holt . . .17 
 Cartoons of St. Mark . . 5 
 Challenge, The . . . 14 
 Character through Inspiration 21 
 Chats with Women on Every- 
 day Subjects . . .18 
 Children's Pace, The . . ^0 
 
 Children's Paul, The . .17 
 Christ and Everyday Lifo . 13 
 Christ of the Children, The . 17 
 Christ that is To Be, The . 10 
 Christ, The Private Relation- 
 ships of ... 5 
 Christ Within, The . .21 
 Christ's Pathway to the Cross 18 
 
 FAM 
 
 Christian Baptism . . 22 
 
 Christian Certitude . . 7 
 
 Christian Life, The . 21, 26 
 
 Christian of To-day, The . 7 
 
 Christian World Pulpit, The . 6 
 
 Christianity in Common Speech 25 
 
 Chrystabel . . . 11, 17 
 
 Church and Modern Life, The 8 
 
 Church and the Kingdom, The 20 
 Church and the Next Genera- 
 tion, The . . .16 
 
 Church Questions of our Time 12 
 
 Cinderella . . 3, 17 
 
 City of Delight, The . . 4 
 
 Comforts of" God, The . . 22 
 
 Common Life, The . . 9 
 
 Common -sense Christianity . 18 
 
 Conquered \Vorld, The . 21, 28 
 Conquering Prayer . .13 
 Continuation Schools from a 
 
 Higher Point of View . 28 
 Counter-attractions to the 
 
 Public-house . .26 
 
 Courage of the Coward, The . 9 
 
 Crucible of Experience, The . IS 
 
 Daughter of Fife, A . 11, 18, 27 
 
 Debt of the Damerals, The . 18 
 
 Divine Satisfaction, The . 25 
 
 Do We Need a New Theology T 22 
 
 Dutch in the Medway, The . 10 
 
 Earlier Prophets, The Messages 
 
 of the . . . .11 
 
 Earliest Christian Hymn, The 15 
 
 Early Pupils of the Spirit . 17 
 
 Education of a Soul, The . 13 
 Emilia's Inheritance . .17 
 
 England's Danger . . 2t) 
 
 Epistle to the Galatians, The . 15 
 
 Esther Wynne . . 11, 17 
 
 Eternal Religion, The . . 9 
 
 Evangelical Heterodoxy . 7 
 Evolution of Old Testament 
 
 Religion, The . . 8 
 
 Exposition, The Art of . 6 
 
 Ezekiel, The Book of . '2 
 
 Faces in the Mist. . . 4 
 Faith and Form . . .18 
 
 Faith and Verification . . 5 
 
 Faith of a Wayfarer, The . Ii5 
 Faith the Bo^muiiifj:. Self-Sur- 
 render the Fulfilment, of 
 
 the Spiritual Life . 21, 29 
 
 Family Prayers for Morning Use 10 
 Father Fabian . . .17
 
 CATALOGUE OF BOOKS 
 
 FADE 
 
 Fifty Years' Reminiscences of a 
 
 Free Church Musician . 13 
 Fireti le Fairy Tales . . i'3 
 
 First Christians, The . . 9 
 Flowor-o'-the-Corn . 3, 17 
 Forgotten Sheaf, The . . 20 
 Fortune's Favourite . . 17 
 Fortunes of Cyril Denham, Tho 
 
 17, '27 
 
 Fragments of Thought . .10 
 " Freedom of Faith " Series, 
 
 The . . . 18 
 
 Friend Olivia . . .4 
 
 Gamble with Life, A .10 
 
 Garrisoned Soul, The . .22 
 Gloria Patri ... 10 
 
 Glorious Company of the 
 
 Apostles, The . .16 
 
 God's Greater Britain . . 10 
 Golden Truths for Young Folk 23 
 Good New Times, The . .15 
 Gospel of Grace, The . . 8 
 Grey and Gold . . 11, 17 
 Grey House at Endlcstone . 17 
 Growing Revelation, The . 5 
 
 Harvest Gleanings . 1^ 
 
 Health and Home Nursing . 23 
 Health in the Home Life . 13 
 Heart of Jessy Laurie, The . 4 
 Heartspa.se in the Family . 12 
 Heavenly Visions . .6 
 
 Heirs of Errington, The . . 17 
 Helen Bury . . . .12 
 
 Helps to Health and Beauty . 24 
 Higher on the Hill . . 6 
 
 His Next of Kin . . 11, 17 
 His Rustic Wife ... 10 
 History of the United States, A 2 
 Holidays in Animal Land . 23 
 Holy Christian Empire . . 27 
 
 Holy Spirit, The . . .19 
 
 House of Bondage, Tho . . 17 
 
 House of the Secret, The . 4 
 How to Become Like Christ . 21 
 How to Road the Bible . . 23 
 
 How to Restore the Yeoman- 
 peasantry of England . 26 
 Husbands and Wives . .17 
 
 Ideals for Girls . . .16 
 Ideals in Sunday School Teach- 
 ing . . . .19 
 Immanence of Christ in Modern 
 
 Life, The . . .13 
 
 Impregnable Faith, An . . 13 
 
 Incarnation of the Lord, Tho 5 
 Industrial Exploring^ in umi 
 
 around London . . 10 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Infoldings _ and Unfoldings of 
 
 the Divine Genius . .21 
 Inner Mission Leaflets, The . 20 
 Inner Mission Pamphlets, The 16 
 Inspiration in Common Life . 18 
 Interludes in a Time of Change 7 
 Invisible Companion, The . 18 
 Inward Light, The . . 
 
 Israel's Law Givers, The 
 
 Messages of . . .11 
 Jan Vedder'e Wife . 18, 27 
 Jealousy of God, The . .21 
 Jesus and His Teaching . . 8 
 Jesus or Christ T . . .19 
 Jesus : Seven Questions . 8 
 Jesus, The First Things of . 7 
 Jesus, The Messages of, Accord- 
 ing to the Gospel of John 11 
 Jesus, The Messages of, Accord- 
 ing to the Synoptists . 11 
 Joan Carisbroke . 11, 17 
 
 Job and His Comforters . 1 5 
 
 Joshua, The Book of . 3 
 
 Judges of Jesus, The . 16 
 
 Judges, The Book of . ;{ 
 
 Kid McGhie . . . 3, 17 
 Kingdom of the Lord Jesus, 
 
 The . . .21, 26 
 Kit Kennedy : Country Boy 3, 17 
 Lady Clarissa . . .17 
 Last of the MacAllisters, The 
 
 11, 18 
 Later Prophets, The Messages 
 
 of the . . . . 11 
 Leaves for Quiet Hours . .14 
 Let us Pray . . . .20 
 Letters of Christ, The . .18 
 Liberty and Religion . .14 
 Life and Letters of Alexander 
 
 Mackennal, The . . 6 
 
 Life and Teaching of Jesus, 
 
 Notes on the . . 19 
 
 Life and the Ideal . . 6 
 Life, Faith, and Prayer of the 
 
 Church . . .22 
 
 Life in His Name. . .7 
 Life's Beginnings . .12 
 
 Lifted Veil, A , i 13 
 Loves of Miss Anne, The 3, 17 
 Lynch, Rev. T. T. : A Memoir 6 
 Lyrics of the Soul . .13 
 Making of Heaven and Hell, 
 
 The . . . .19 
 Making o: Personality, The . 6 
 Manual for Free Church Minis- 
 ters, A . . . .19 
 Margaret Torr'ngfon . 17, 27
 
 30 
 
 JAMES CLARKE AND CO.'S 
 
 Martineau's Study of Religion 
 
 21, 26 
 
 Maud Bolingbroke . 12 
 
 Merry Animal Picture Book, 
 
 The . . .23 
 
 Messages of Hope ... 8 
 Messages of the Bible, The . 11 
 Millicent Kendrick . 11, 17 
 Ministry of the Modern 
 
 Church, The . . .13 
 Miss Devereux, Spinster . 18 
 Model Prayer, The . .16 
 
 Modern Minor Prophets . 12 
 Modern Theories of Sin. . 7 
 More Tasty Dishes . .24 
 Morning and Evening Cries . 16 
 Morning Mist, A . . .18 
 Morning, Noon, and Night . 24 
 Mornington Lecture, The . 5 
 Mr. Montmorency's Money 11, 17 
 My Baptism . . .16 
 
 My Belief I i 8 
 My Neighbour and God . .14 
 
 New Evangel, The . .13 
 New Mrs. Lascelles, The . 18 
 
 New Testament in Modern 
 
 Speech, The . . .14 
 Nineteen Hundred ? . .10 
 Nobly Born . . . .17 
 Nonconformist Church Build- 
 ings . . . .15 
 Old Pictures in Modern Frames 21 
 Oliver Cromwell . . .24 
 Oliver Westwood . . .17 
 Our City of God ... 9 
 Our Girls' Cookery . . 25 
 
 Ourselves and the Universe 9, 27 
 Outline Text Lessons for 
 
 Junior Classes . . 23 
 Overdale . . . 11, 17 
 Passion for Souls, The . .18 
 Paton, J. B., M.A., D.D. . 6 
 
 Paul and Christina . .11 
 
 Paul, The Messages of . .11 
 
 Pearl Divers of Roncador 
 
 Reef, The . . .10 
 Personality of Jesus, The . 12 
 Pilot, The . . . .14 
 Plain Talks . . . .22 
 Poems. Hv Mmo. Cuyon . 12 
 Poems of Mackenzie Bell, The 14 
 Polychrome Bible. The . 2, 3 
 Popular Argument for the 
 
 Unity of Isaiah, A . .15 
 Popular History of the Free 
 
 Churches, A . . 4, 14 
 Practical Lay Preaching and 
 
 Speaking to Men . .14 
 
 PAGE 
 Practical Points in Popular 
 
 Proverbs . . .22 
 Prayer . . . .18 
 
 Preaching to the Times . . 10 
 Price of Priestcraft, The . 22 
 Pride of the Family, The . 1 8 
 Problems of Immanence . 13 
 Problems of Living . . 9 
 
 Prophetical and Priestly His- 
 torians, The Messages of . 11 
 Psalmists, The Messages of the 1 1 
 Purpose of the Cross, The . 16 
 Quickening of Caliban, The . 10 
 Quiet Hints to Growing 
 
 Preachers in My Study . 1 2 
 Race and Religion . .10 
 Reasonable View of Life, A . 18 
 Reasonableness of Jesus, The. 19 
 Reasons Why for Congrega- 
 
 tionalists . . .19 
 Reasons Why for Free Church- 
 men . . . .22 
 Reform in Sunday School 
 
 Teaching . . .20 
 Religion and Experience . 9 
 Religion and Miracle . .7 
 Religion of Jesus, The . .17 
 Religion that will Wear, A . 24 
 Resultant Greek Testament, 
 
 The . . . .16 
 Rights of Man, The . . 4 
 Rise of Philip Barrett, The 4, 15 
 Robert Wreford'a Daughter . 1 1 
 Rogers, J. Guinness . . 2 
 Rome from the Inside . .25 
 Rosebud Annual, The . 6, 12 
 Rose of a Hundred Leaves, A . 4 
 Ruling Ideas of the Present 
 
 Age .... 6 
 Sceptre Without a Sword, The 25 
 School of Calvary, The . 19 
 School Hymns . . 12, :'7 
 
 Scourge of God, The . . i 8 
 Sculptors of Life . 1 > 
 
 Secondary Education for the 
 
 Industrial Classes, &c. . 20 
 Sermon Illustration, The Art 
 
 of ... 7 
 
 Seven PuzzKng Bible Books . 2 ' 
 She Loved a Sailor . . 1 1 
 
 Ship of the Soul, The . 21. 2' : . 
 Ship's Engines, The . . i;-j 
 
 Sidelights on New Testament 
 
 Research ... 4 
 Sidelights on Religion . . 7 
 
 Simple Cookery . . .16 
 
 Simple Things of the Christian 
 
 Life, The . 18
 
 CATALOGUE OF BOOKS 
 
 31 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Singlehurst Manor . 11, 17 
 
 Thornycroft Hall . 
 
 17 
 
 Sissie . . . . 11, 17 
 
 Thoughts for Life's Journey . 
 
 8 
 
 Sister to EPRU, A . . 11, 18 
 
 Through Science to Faith . 
 
 4 
 
 Small Books on Great Subjects 
 
 Tools and 
 
 the Man 
 
 6 
 
 21, 26 
 
 Town Romance, A . . 
 
 18 
 
 Social Questions of the Day . 26 
 
 Transfigured Church, The 
 
 6 
 
 Social Salvation ... 6 
 
 Trial and Triumph . . 
 
 20 
 
 Social Worship an Everlasting 
 
 True Christ, The 
 
 12 
 
 Necessity . . 21, 26 
 
 Types of Christian Life . 
 
 21 
 
 Songs of Joy and Faith . 13 
 Squire of Sandal Side, The 11, 18 
 St. Beetha's . 11, 17, 27 
 
 Unemployable and the Unem- 
 ployed, The . 
 
 26 
 
 Storehouse for Preachers and 
 
 UngildedGold . , 13, 
 
 19 
 
 Teachers . . .20 
 
 Unique Class Chart and 
 
 
 Stories of Old . . .17 
 
 Register 
 
 27 
 
 Story of Congregationalism in 
 
 Unknown to Herself . . 
 
 18 
 
 Surrey, The ... 8 
 Story of Joseph the Dreamer, 
 
 Value of the Apocrypha, The . 
 Value of the Old Testament . 
 
 18 
 16 
 
 The . . . .16 
 
 Vida . 
 
 
 3 
 
 Story of Penelope, The . .17 
 
 Violet Vaughan . 11, 17, 
 
 27 
 
 Story ot the English Baptists, 
 
 Voice from China. A . . 
 
 8 
 
 The .... 9 
 
 
 
 
 Studies of the Soul . 9, 27 
 
 Warleigh's 
 
 Trust . . 
 
 17 
 
 Sunday Afternoon Song Book 
 
 Way of Life, The . 
 
 21 
 
 22, 27 
 
 Wayside Angels . 
 
 24 
 
 Sunday Morning Talks with 
 
 Web of Circumstance, The . 
 
 4 
 
 Boys and Girls . .15 
 
 Westminster Sermons . . 
 
 7 
 
 Sunny Memories of Australasia 20 
 
 Who Wrote the Bible ? . 
 
 19 
 
 Supreme Argument for Chris- 
 
 Why Wo Believe . 
 
 14 
 
 tianity, The . . .21 
 
 Wideness of God's Mercy, The 
 
 18 
 
 Tale of a Telephone, A . .25 
 Talks to Little Folks . . 24 
 Taste of Death and the Life of 
 Grace, The . . 21, 26 
 Tasty Dishes . . .24 
 Ten Commandments, The . 15 
 Theology and Truth . . 5 
 
 Winning of Immortality, The. 
 Woman's Patience, A . 
 Women and their Saviour 
 Women and their Work . 
 Words by the Wayside . 
 Working Woman's Life, A 
 Woven of Love and Glory 11, 
 
 7 
 17 
 22 
 19 
 20 
 8 
 18 
 
 Theophilus Trinal, Memorials of 5 
 
 Young Man's Ideal, A 
 
 12 
 
 Things Most Surely Believed . 13 
 
 Young Man's Religion, A . 
 
 15 
 
 Index of Authors 
 
 PAGE PAGE 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Abbott, Lyman 4 8 Barrett, G. S. 15 
 
 Brierley, H. E. . 
 
 22 
 
 Adeney, W. F. 8 23 Barrows, C. H. 12 
 
 Brierley, J. 6, 7, 9, 
 
 27 
 
 Aked, C. F. 9 Becke, Louia 10 
 
 Briggs, C. A. 
 
 5 
 
 Allin, T. . 20 Bell, Mackenzie 14 
 
 Brooke, Stopford 
 
 
 Andom, R. . 10 Bennett, W. H. 3 
 
 A. . . 21, 
 
 26 
 
 Andrews, C. C. 18 Bon vie, Andrew 6 
 
 Brown, C. 6, 18, 
 
 20 
 
 Angus, A. H. 19 Betts, C. H. 10 13 
 
 Burford, W. K. 
 
 24 
 
 Antram, C. E. P. 22 Blako, J. M. 18 19 
 
 Burgin, Isabel 
 
 4 
 
 Armstrong, R. A Bloundelle-Burton 
 
 Campbell, R. J. 
 
 8 
 
 21 2f, J. . . 18 
 
 Cnr'ile, J. 0. . 9 
 
 24 
 
 Baker, E. . 22 Bosworth, E. I. 13 
 
 Carman, Bliss 
 
 5 
 
 barr, Amelia T 7 !. Bradford, Amory H. 
 
 CHVO, Dr. . 
 
 8 
 
 4, 11, 18, 27 6, 9 
 
 Chick, S. . 
 
 19
 
 JAMES CLARKE AND CO.'S CATALOGUE 
 
 PAGE 
 
 PAOK 
 
 PAGE 
 
 deal, E. E. . . 8 
 
 Jeffs, H. 6, 7, 12, 
 
 Pulsford, John . v!l 
 
 Clifford, John 10, 21, 26 
 
 14, 15 
 
 Recs. F. A. . . 22 
 
 Collins, B. G. .16 
 
 John, Griffith . 8 
 
 Reid, J. .7 
 
 Crockett, S. B. 3, 17 
 
 Jones, J. D. 8, 13, 
 
 Rickett, Sir J. 
 
 Cubitt, James . 15 
 
 16, 18, 19, 22, 26 
 
 Compton . 10, 25 
 
 Cuff, W. . . 20 
 
 Jowett.J. H. 6, 18, J9 
 
 Riddette, J. H. . 27 
 
 Darlow, F. H. . 20 
 
 Kane, James J . . 16 
 
 Robarts, F. H. . 15 
 
 Davidson, Gladys. '23 
 
 Kennedy, H. A. 22, 27 
 
 Roberts, J. E. . 22 
 
 Dods, Marcus 8, 21 
 
 Kennedy, John . 15 
 
 Roberts, R. . 16 
 
 Elias, F. . .7 
 
 Kent, C. F. .11 
 
 Rogers, J. Guin- 
 
 Ellis, J. . 20, 23 
 
 Kenyon, Edith C. 18 
 
 ness . . 2 
 
 Evans, H. . .22 
 
 Lansfeldt, L. .18 
 
 Russell, F. A. . 18 
 
 Farningham, Mari- 
 
 La Touche, E. D. 7 
 
 Sabatier, A. . 8 
 
 anne, 8, 10, 13, 
 
 Lee, W. T. . . 14 
 
 Sanders, F. K. . 11 
 
 16, 19, 22 
 
 Leggatt, F. Y. . 19 
 
 Schrenck, E. von 8 
 
 Farrar, Dean . 8 
 
 Lewis, E. W. .18 
 
 Scottish Presbyte- 
 
 Finlayson, T. Camp- 
 
 Llewellyn, D. J. . 20 
 
 rian, A . .24 
 
 bell . . 26 
 
 Lyall, David 4, 15 
 
 Shakespeare, J. H. 19 
 
 Fiske, J. . .2 
 
 Lynch, T. T. .5 
 
 Shepherd, J. A. . 23 
 
 Forsyth, P. T. 
 
 Lynd, William . 20 
 
 Sinclair, Archdea- 
 
 8, 21, 2f>, 27 
 
 Macfadyen, D. . 6 
 
 con . 21, 26 
 
 Fremantle, Dean . 8 
 
 Macfnrlane,Charlea 10 
 
 Smyth, Newman . 4 
 
 Furness, H. H. . 2 
 
 M'Intyre, D. M. . 7 
 
 Snell, Bernard J. 
 
 Gibbon, J. Morgan 
 
 Mackennal, Alex- 
 
 8, 16, 18 
 
 7, 15 
 
 ander . 21, 26 
 
 Steuart, J. A. . 4 
 
 Giberne, Agnes . 18 
 
 Manners, Mary E. 25 
 
 Stevenson, J. G. 
 
 Gladden, Washington 
 
 Marchant, Bessie 18 
 
 13, 14, 16, 17 
 
 6, 8, 19, 20 
 
 Marchant, J. . 6 
 
 Stewart, D. M. . 1! 
 
 Glover, R. . .22 
 
 Marshall, J. T. . 15 
 
 Stuart, Duncan . 4 
 
 Godet, Professor . 8 
 
 Marshall, N. H. 5, 16 
 
 Sutter, Julie . 20 
 
 Gordon, George A. 7 
 
 Martineau, Jas. 21, 26 
 
 Swan, F. R. .13 
 
 Gould, G. P. . 19 
 
 Maeon, E. A. . 25 
 
 Swetenham. L. . 13 
 
 Greenhough, J. G. 
 
 Mather, Lessels . 23 
 
 Tarbolton, A. 0. . 16 
 
 15, 21 
 
 Matheson, Georeo 
 
 Thomas. H. Arnold 21 
 
 Griffis, W. E. . 5 
 
 8, 14, 20, 25 
 
 Toy, C. H. . . 2 
 
 Griffith-Jones, E. 5, 21 
 
 Maver, J. S. . 20 
 
 Tymms, T. V. . 5 
 
 Grubb, E. 16, 19 
 
 Meade, L. T. . 18 
 
 Tynan, Katharine 4 
 
 Gunn, E.H. M. 12, 27 
 
 Metcalfe, R. D. . 22 
 
 Tvtler, S. . .18 
 
 Guyon, Madame . 12 
 
 Meyer, F. B. 18, 22 
 
 Varlov, H. . .18 
 
 Harnack, Professor 8 
 
 Michael, C. D. . 17 
 
 Veitch R . 7, 9 
 
 Harris, J. Rendel 4 
 
 Miller, Elizabeth . 4 
 
 Wain, Louis . 23 25 
 
 Haupt, P. . .2 
 
 Minshall, E. . 13 
 
 Wai ford, L. B. 4, 17 
 
 Haweis, H. R. . H> i Moore, G. F. . 3 
 
 Walker, W. L. . 12 
 
 Haycraft, Mrs. . 10 1 Morgan, G. Camp- 
 
 War.-chauer, J. 
 
 Heddle, Ethel F. . 18 bell . 1(5, 18 
 
 8, 13, 19 
 
 Henson, Canon H. j Morten, Honnor . IS 
 
 Waters, N. McG. . 1 5 
 
 Hensley . 7, 10 Mountain, J. . 16 
 
 Watkinson, W. L. 18 
 
 Hill, F. A. . . 2 Munger, T. T. 8, 21 
 
 Watson, W. 12, 18 
 
 Hocking, S. K. . 10 Neilson, H. B. . 23 
 
 Weymouth, R. F. 
 
 H order, W. Garrett 21 
 
 Orchard, W. E. 7, 
 
 14, 15 
 
 Home, C. Silvester 
 
 Palmer, Frederic . 7 
 
 White, W. . .5 
 
 4, 8, 13, 14, 18, 20 
 
 Paton, J. B. 
 
 Whiton, J. M. 
 
 Horton, R. F. 5, 
 
 12, 16, 20, 22, 26 
 
 7, 10, 17, ?5 
 
 8, 19, 21, 24, 25, 20 
 
 Peako, A. S. . 20 
 
 \Villinms, T. R. . 21 
 
 Hunter, John 8, 21 
 
 Pharmaceutical 
 
 Wilson, P. W. . 14 
 
 "J. B." of The 
 
 Chemist, A 24 
 
 Wood, J. R. . 19 
 
 Chrittian World ?5 Picton, J. Allanson 17 
 
 Worboi; o, Kinrrm 
 
 J M. G. .10 Powicko, F. J. . 2 
 
 J. H, 12, 17, 17 
 
 Jefferson, C. E. . 12 1 Pringlo, A. . 19 
 
 Yates, T. . .13 
 
 W, Sycuight & Suns, ir inter*, L-'ctter Lane, London, E.C,
 
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