PR 572
UNIVERSITY Of CALIFORNIA SAN
3 1822 01071 5076
L1BRAKY
UNIVERSITY OF
CALIFORNIA
SAN DIEGO
"^
&
( r~~f
iaM'
/*""*"
M'
4~*i
fit*
***.
Af *"*
PR
PR 3721 S4
SAN DIEGO .-— S ^^ *
lllllllllllllllllllll 3n ^
3 1822 01071 5076 S^
v. i
A*W
In 12 volumes, small post 8vo, with numerous portraits and
facsimiles, $s. each
The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift
Edited by TEMPLE SCOTT
V
VOL. I. A TALE OF A TUB and other Early Works. Edited
by Temple Scott. With a biographical introduction by W. E. H. Lecky.
VOL. II. THE JOURNAL TO STELLA. Edited by Frederick
Ryland, M.A.
VOLS. Ill & IV. WRITINGS ON RELIGION AND THE
CHURCH. Edited by Temple Scott.
VOL. V. HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL TRACTS— ENG-
LISH. Edited by Temple Scott.
VOL. VI. THE DRAPIER'S LETTERS. Edited by Temple
Scott.
VOL VII. HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL TRACTS— IRISH.
Edited by Temple Scott.
** VOL. VIII. GULLIVER'S TRAVELS. Edited by G. Ravens-
croft Dennis.
- VOL. IX. CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE " EXAMINER,"
" TATLER," " SPECTATOR," etc. Edited by Temple Scott.
VOL. X. HISTORICAL WRITINGS. Edited by Temple Scott.
"OL. XL LITERARY ESSAYS. Edited by Temple Scott.
VOL. XII. BIBLIOGRAPHY, INDEX, ETC.
w % This volume contains Essays on the Portraits of Swift and Stella, by
Sir Frederick Falkiner, and on the Relations between Swift and Stella, by
the Very Rev. the Dean of St. Patrick's ; a Bibliography of Swift's Works
by W. Spencer Jackson ; and a General Index to the Twelve Volumes.
V
V
2 vols., small post 8vo, with Portrait, $s. 6d. each
The Poems of Jonathan Swift
Edited by W. E. BROWNING
In course of Issue. 6 vols. 8vo. ios. 6d. net each
Vols. I and II Now Ready
The Correspondence of Jonathan Swift
Edited by F. ELRINGTON BALL
With an Introduction by the Right Rev. the
BISHOP OF OSSORY, FERN, AND LEIGHLIN
LONDON: G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
BOHN'S STANDARD LIBRARY
THE PROSE WORKS OF JONATHAN SWIFT
VOL. I
LONDON: G. BELL & SONS, LIMITED,
PORTUGAL STREET, KINGSWAY, W.C.
CAMBRIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO.
NEW YORK : THE MACMILLAN CO.
BOMBAY : A. H. WHEELER & CO.
Irat&tr&fBotrtaei
/<>na /// n cv ///'//.
/^A /,,//// ( r//r//i\ y "/■'/,/ .
THE PROSE WORKS
OF
JONATHAN SWIFT, D.D.
EDITED BY
TEMPLE SCOTT
WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION BY
THE LATE W. E. H. LECKY
VOL I
A TALE OF A TUB, THE BATTLE OF THE BOOKS
AND OTHER EARLY WORKS
LONDON
G. BELL AND SONS, LTD.
1911
First published, 1897.
Reprinted, 1900, 1905; (with corrections) 1911.
ADVERTISEMENT.
'""THE need of a new edition of the collected works
of Swift having been evident to students of
English literature for many years past, it may be hoped
that the undertaking of which this volume is the com-
mencement will not in any quarter be regarded as
superfluous. The well-known edition of Sir Walter
Scott was issued for a second time in 1824, and since
that date there has been no serious attempt to grapple
with the difficulties which then prevented, and which
still beset the attainment of a trustworthy and sub-
stantially complete text. They were certainly not suc-
cessfully encountered in the edition by Roscoe in two
royal 8vo. volumes, the chief merit of which consists
in its comparative cheapness.
There have, however, not been wanting excellently
edited texts of Swift's more important works, and
many well-known students or lovers of Swift, either as
editors, biographers, or collectors of his works, have
been accumulating material which has now, perhaps
for the first time, made it possible to overcome the
difficulties whether as to genuineness or authenticity
of text with which the editor of Swift is so frequently
confronted. The work and researches of Mr. John
Forster, Mr. Henry Craik, Mr. Stanley Lane Poole,
• • •
Vlll ADVERTISEMENT.
Mr. Churton Collins, Mr. Leslie Stephen, Mr. Elwin,
Mr. Courthope, Colonel F. Grant, and others, have
made accessible new material which is indispensable
to other labourers in the same field, and to all of them
the general editor of the present edition desires to
express his indebtedness in one way or another. His
main object is to supply a correct, authentic, and, as
far as possible, complete text of Swift's works, and
with this object early printed editions and original
MSS. have been carefully collated. For the further-
ance of this work he has especially to thank Colonel
Grant, who generously placed at his service his in-
valuable -collection of Swift pamphlets. He must
also thank individually Mr. Stanley Lane Poole for
spontaneously sending him some useful information.
Though any systematic explanatory or critical an-
notation has not been regarded as within the scope of
this edition, a few footnotes have been included sup-
plementary to those in the original editions. These
are distinguished in this volume by the initials of the
writer, thus [S.] indicates Sir Walter Scott, [H.]
Hawkesworth, and [T. S.] the present editor.
Special attention has been given to the various por-
traits of Swift, most of which will be included in suc-
ceeding volumes of this edition. For much help and
advice in this matter thanks are due to Sir Frederick
Falkiner, Recorder of Dublin, to the Science and Art
Department at South Kensington, to Mr. Cust, the
Director of the National Portrait Gallery, and to Mr.
Strickland, of the National Gallery of Ireland.
The portrait which forms the frontispiece to this
volume was formerly in the possession of Mr. E.
Meade, and was lent by him to the National Portrait
ADVERTISEMENT. ix
Exhibition held at South Kensington in 1867. The
present ownership of the picture is unknown, and it is
through the courtesy of the authorities at South Ken-
sington in permitting the use of the negative made at
the time of the exhibition, that the reproduction has
been possible. The portrait itself is extremely in-
teresting, in that it is the only one known, with any
claim to authenticity, which represents Dean Swift as
a young man.
The introductory biography contributed by Mr.
Lecky appeared originally in his volume on " Leaders
of Public Opinion in Ireland," published in 1861, but
it has been rewritten and a good deal amplified for its
present purpose.
1897.
NUMEROUS corrections have been made in the present
edition, and some new notes have been added by Mr.
W. Spencer Jackson. These are distinguished by the
initials [W. S. J.]. Thanks are due to Mr. A. Guthkelch
for several suggestions and improvements.
Jan. 1 9 10.
CONTENTS.
VOL. I.
PAGE
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. By W. E. H.
Lecky, M.P xiii
RESOLUTIONS WHEN I COME TO BE OLD (Fac-
simile and Transcript) xcii
A TALE OF A TUB I
THE BATTLE OF THE BOOKS 155
DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL OPERATION OF
THE SPIRIT 189
PREFACES TO TEMPLE'S WORKS 211
DISCOURSE ON THE CONTESTS AND DISSEN-
SIONS BETWEEN THE NOBLES AND COM-
MONS IN ATHENS AND ROME 227
THOUGHTS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS 271
A TRITICAL ESSAY UPON THE FACULTIES OF
THE MIND 289
THE BICKERSTAFF PAMPHLETS 297
PREDICTIONS FOR THE YEAR 1708 299
THE ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THE FIRST OF MR.
BICKERSTAFF'S PREDICTIONS 311
VINDICATION OF ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, ESQ. . 317
A FAMOUS PREDICTION OF MERLIN .... 325
A MEDITATION UPON A BROOMSTICK 331
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
JONATHAN SWIFT was born in Dublin, on the
J 30th of March, 1667. His father, who had died a few
months before, was a younger son of a Herefordshire
rector, who had done much and suffered much for the
Royalist cause during the Civil War ; who had married
into the family from which the poet Dryden after-
wards sprang, and who left thirteen or fourteen
children, several of whom sought their fortunes in
Ireland. Godwin, the eldest son, rose rapidly to
considerable wealth and position, though unfortunate
speculations, a large family, and failing faculties
seriously crippled him towards the end of his life.
Jonathan, the father of our author, was the seventh or
eighth son. He worked for some years at the law
courts in Dublin, and was elected Steward of the King's
Inn, but only held this position for about fifteen months,
dying at the early age of twenty-five. He had married
a Leicestershire lady of good family, strong religious
views, and bright and estimable character, but with no
private means, and on the death of her husband she
was left with an infant daughter, an unborn son, some
debts, and little or nothing to live on, except an
annuity of ^20 a year.
The Swift family, however, was a very large one,
XIV BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
and Godwin Swift undertook the education of the
posthumous child. Jonathan Swift was on affectionate
terms with many members of his family, but of his
Uncle Godwin he always spoke with bitterness. He
considered him hard, penurious, and grudging in his
favours, and he even accused him of having given him
the "education of a dog." What measure of truth
there may be in this description, it is impossible to
say, but it is certain that Swift received the best
education Ireland could afford. He was sent when
only six years old to Kilkenny Grammar School,
which was then probably the most famous in Ireland,
and which had the rare fortune of educating, within a
few years, Swift, Congreve, and Berkeley. At fourteen
he entered Dublin University, and he remained there
for nearly seven years. The stories that were after-
wards circulated about his systematic defiance of
college discipline and college studies were probably
exaggerated, though it is evident that in the latter
part of his university life he was guilty of some acts
of not very serious insubordination, and that in his
studies he followed rather the bent of his own tastes
than the course of the university. He tells us that he
studied history and poetry, and he attained a fair
proficiency in Greek, Latin, and French ; but his
college course was entirely without brilliancy or
promise ; in his last term examination he failed in
two out of the three subjects, and he only obtained his
degree by " special favour." He afterwards spoke of
himself as having been at this time " so discouraged
and sunk in his spirits, that he too much neglected his
academic studies, for some parts of which he had no
great relish by nature."
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XV
Some anecdotes are preserved showing that at this
early age he already suffered from the morbid
melancholy, the bitter discontent with life, and what
life had given him, which pursued him to the end.
His Uncle Godwin died insane, and his own
circumstances were utterly precarious. He received
some assistance from another uncle who lived in
Dublin, and on one occasion, when absolutely penniless,
he was helped by an unexpected gift from a cousin at
Lisbon. There are no proofs that his great literary
talents were as yet born. The anecdote that he had
shown a rough copy of the " Tale of a Tub " to a
college friend when he was only nineteen, has been
decisively disproved. He mentions, however, in an
early letter, a characteristic saying of" a person of great
honour in Ireland," " that my mind was like a conjured
spirit that would do mischief if I did not give it
employment."
The outbreak of the Revolution produced an
immediate exodus of Protestants from Ireland, and
Swift retired to Leicestershire, where his mother had
for many years been living. His attachment to her
was deep and tender, and lasted during his whole life.
It was necessary for him to seek some immediate
means of livelihood, and in this critical period of his
life he had the great good fortune of finding a home
which placed him in close connection with one of
the first diplomatists and most experienced states-
men of his age. The father of Sir William Temple,
when Master of the Rolls in Ireland, had been on
terms of intimacy with the Swift family, and there
was some relationship or connection between Swift's
mother and the wife of Sir William Temple. Relying
XVI BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
on this claim, and acting on the advice of his mother,
Swift applied to Temple, who at once received him
into his house at Moor Park in Surrey, in the position
of amanuensis or humble companion.
Sir William Temple was at this time sixty-one years
of age, and completely withdrawn from active politics.
He had a high and unblemished reputation, which
was all the greater because he had long been out-
side the competitions of life. His experiences had
been many and varied. He had represented the
county of Carlo w in the Irish parliament of 1660, had
been brought into the diplomatic career by the favour
of Arlington, and had won for himself an imperishable
fame as the chief author of the triple alliance of
England, Holland, and Sweden, which gave the first
serious check to the ambition of Louis XIV., and forms
the one bright page in the reign of Charles II. As
ambassador at the Hague he enjoyed the confidence
both of de Witt and of his great rival William of
Orange, and the respect of all honest men, but when
the Cabal made the treaty with France against Holland,
Temple was dismissed, and retired without reward to
his gardens and his books. The downfall of the Cabal
and the great outburst of popular indignation against
the French policy of Charles II. brought him again
into prominence. He negotiated the peace with
Holland, and refusing political, office became again
ambassador at the Hague, where he took a leading
part in negotiating the marriage of William with Mary,
and also the peace of Nimeguen. His reputation was
now very great, and Charles II. several times offered
him the post of Secretary of State, but Temple was
well aware that his character, talents, and tastes were
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XVli
far more suited for diplomacy than for the type of
statesmanship that prevailed at the Restoration. He
shrank alike from its passions, its corruption, its dangers,
its humiliations, and its responsibilities, and though for
a short time he was the confidential adviser of Charles,
and consented to take part in one of his administrations,
he gladly availed himself of the first opportunity to
retire from public life, which he never again entered.
At the Revolution his political ideas triumphed, and
William, who had learned to appreciate him at the
Hague, frequently consulted him, but he again refused
the offer of a Secretaryship of State. His habits were
now fully formed, and his ambition, which had never
been keen, had wholly gone. His gardens and his
books amply satisfied him. He wrote admirably pure }
graceful, and melodious English, and dallied in a feeble
way with literature, composing essays excellent in form,
but for the most part very vapid in substance, on
politics and gardens, on Chinese literature and the
evil of extremes. In one of these essays he described
"coolness of temper and blood and consequently
of desires " as " the great principle of virtue," and his
disposition almost realized his ideal. His bland,
stately, patronizing manners, his refined and somewhat
over-fastidious taste, his instinctive shrinking from tur-
moil, conflict, and controversy, denoted a man who was
a little weak and a little vain, and more fitted to shine in
a Court than in a Parliament. He had, however, real and
solid talents, a rare experience both of men and affairs,
a sound and moderate judgment in politics, a kindly
and placid nature, and his life, if it had not been distin-
guished by splendid virtues, had, at least, been transpa-
rently pure in an age when political purity was very rare.
I. b
XV111 BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
With such a character Swift had little natural
affinity. For good or evil, intensity was always one
of his leading characteristics. It was shown alike in
his friendships and his enmities, in his ambitions and
regrets. Few men were by nature less fitted for a
dependent and semi-menial position, less regardful of
the conventionalities of Society, less respectful to
those " solemn plausibilities of life " which at Moor
Park were greatly reverenced. He was, as he truly
said, " a raw and inexperienced youth," probably shy,
awkward, and ill at ease in his new position. " Don't
you remember," he afterwards wrote, " how I used to
be in pain when Sir W. Temple would look cold or
out of humour for three or four days, and I used to
suspect a hundred reasons ? I have plucked up my
spirits since then ; faith, he spoiled a fine gentleman ! "
He read to Temple, kept his accounts, discharged the
duties of secretary, and was pronounced by his patron
to be "very diligent and honest." By the interest of
Temple he obtained an " ad eundem " degree at
Oxford. Temple recommended him, though without
success, to Sir Robert Southwell, who was then
Secretary of State in Ireland, and he allowed him to
make long pedestrian visits to his mother at Leicester.
In these expeditions Swift mixed much with the
poorest classes of the people, lived in the humblest
inns, giving an extra sixpence for a clean sheet, and
acquired a knowledge of men which he afterwards
said taught him more than his intercourse with states-
men, and also a taste for coarse or plebeian imagery
which sometimes strengthens and often disfigures his
writings. Probably no other English writer ever
understood so well or reproduced so faithfully the
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XIX
thoughts, feelings, and dialect of servants ; of the cook,
the valet, the chambermaid, or the ostlers who hung
about the smaller village inns. It was at this time
also that he was first seized with those attacks of pro-
longed giddiness and deafness which pursued him
through life. He attributed them to a fit of indiges-
tion brought on by eating too many apples, but some
modern authorities have seen in them the beginning of
the brain disease which never wholly left him, and
which threw a dark shadow over the closing years of
his life.
We read little in connection with Swift of Temple's
wife, the Dorothy Osborne whose charming letters are
so well known. She died five years after Swift had
entered into the house, and the establishment seems
to have been managed by Temple's widowed sister,
Lady Giffard, with whom at a later period Swift
violently quarrelled. She had about her, sometimes
in the house and sometimes in a neighbouring cottage,
as companion or confidential servant, a Mrs. Johnson,
widow of an old servant of Sir William Temple, and
mother of two daughters. Esther Johnson, the elder
of these daughters, was seven years old when Swift
entered Moor Park. The young Irishman at once
formed a deep attachment to this bright but delicate
girl. He became her favourite playfellow. He
taught her to write, guided her maturing mind, in-
vented a charming child language for her use, and in
after years under the name of Stella she became
indissolubly twined with all that was tenderest in his
life.
The position of Swift at Moor Park gradually
improved, and Temple was quite perspicacious enough
XX BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
to give him his full confidence and employ him on
matters of grave moment. On one occasion Temple
sent him to the king on an unsuccessful mission to
persuade William to give his assent to the Triennial
Bill. William seems to have seen Swift on more than
one occasion. He is said to have taught him how to
cut and eat asparagus in the Dutch manner, and to
have offered to make him captain in a regiment of
cavalry, and some time after he promised him a
prebend in case he entered the Church. The literary
talents of the young secretary were beginning slowly
to develope in the form of poetry, but Pindaric odes
and poems in praise of Temple were certainly not the
forms in which nature intended him to succeed, and
his cousin Dryden administered a salutary though
much-resented rebuke when he told Swift that he
would never be a poet. In some forms of poetry,
indeed, Swift afterwards eminently excelled. No one
obtained a more complete mastery over the octosyllabic
metre, or could condense into a few lines greater force
of meaning, fiercer satire, or more graphic delineations
of character. It is impossible to deny the name of poet
to the writer of " The Lines on his own Death," of
" The Lines written in Sickness," of " The Legion
Club," of " Cadenus and Vanessa." and of some of the
poems written to Stella. But conventional eulogy
and compliment were very alien to his genius, and an
intense and almost terrible sincerity was one of the
chief elements of his power.
Swift continued with some considerable intervals at
Moor Park till the summer of 1694. He believed,
however, that Temple had not sufficiently pushed his
interests, and being now in his twenty-seventh year
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XXI
he had grown impatient, and, greatly to Temple's
indignation, he resolved to leave Moor Park, to go
to Ireland, and to enter the Church. He refused
a clerkship of £120 a year in the Irish Rolls which
was offered to him by Temple, and he at one time
thought of accepting the chaplaincy of an English
factory at Lisbon with which his cousin was con-
nected. The Church preferment which he had hoped
from the king was not forthcoming, and on going to
Ireland to be ordained he found to his great disap-
pointment that a letter of recommendation from
Temple was required by the bishop. He had parted
from Temple in anger, and the letter which he wrote
to Temple asking for this testimonial was in a strain of
great humility. There was no real reason, however,
why it should have been refused, nor does Temple
appear to have made any difficulty or reproaches.
Swift was ordained, and he obtained a small living of
Kilroot, which was situated in a remote district, chiefly
inhabited by Presbyterians, on the borders of Belfast
Lough.
We know little authentic of his life there, except
that it was broken by a brief and unsuccessful love
affair with the sister of his old college friend Warinsr
The exile was not pleasing to him, and the Irish
Presbyterians among whom he at this time chiefly
lived afterwards became the objects of one of the
most vehement of his many antipathies. Temple, on
the other hand, appears greatly to have missed his old
secretary and companion, and he wrote warmly asking
him to return to Moor Park. Swift soon consented,
and in 1696 he was again installed in the house of
Temple. For a short time a clerical friend filled
XX11 BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
his place at Kilroot, but he resigned the living in
1698.
His last stay at Moor Park continued till the death
of Temple in January, 1699. The relations of Swift
to his patron appear now to have been very cordial,
and Swift found his old pupil Esther Johnson rapidly
developing into womanhood. She was not quite
fifteen when Swift returned to Moor Park. " I knew
her," Swift afterwards wrote, " from six years old, and
had some share in her education by directing what
books she should read, and perpetually instructing
her in the principles of honour and virtue from which
she never swerved in any one action or moment of her
life. She was sickly from her childhood until about
the age of fifteen, but then grew into perfect health,
and was looked upon as one of the most beautiful,
graceful, and agreeable young women in London, only
a little too fat. Her hair was blacker than a raven,
and every feature of her face in perfection. . . . Never
was any of her sex born with better gifts of the mind,
or who more improved them by reading and conver-
sation."
It is remarkable that a writer who was destined to
become the greatest of English humourists, and one of
the greatest masters of English prose, should have
wholly failed to discover his true talents before his
twenty-ninth year. There is some reason to believe
that the first sketch of "The Tale of a Tub" was
written at Kilroot, but it was on his return to Moor
Park in 1697 that this great work assumed its com-
plete form, though it was not published till 1704. To
the same period also belongs that exquisite piece of
humour, " The Battle of the Books," the one lasting
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XX111
fruit of the silly controversy about the comparative
merits of the ancient and modern writers which
then greatly occupied writers both in France and
England, and into which Temple, though totally
destitute of classical scholarship, had foolishly flung
himself. Of the merits of the controversy which such
scholars as Bentley and Wotton waged with the
Christ Church wits, the world has long since formed
its opinion ; but the fact that the burlesque was
intended to ridicule the party who were incontestably
in the right does not detract from its extraordinary
literary merits. It appears to have been written to
amuse or gratify Temple, and it was not published
till 1704.
Temple left Esther Johnson a small landed property
in Ireland, where she lived with Mrs. Dingley, a
distant relative of Temple, who became her lifelong
companion, and was herself the possessor of a small
competence. Swift urged upon them that living
was much cheaper, and the rate of interest higher
in Ireland than in England, and it was by his advice
that they went over to Ireland in 1708. To Swift,
Temple left a small legacy, and the charge and
profit of publishing a collected edition of his works,
which he duly accomplished in five volumes. He
dedicated them to the king, who, however, did
nothing for him ; but he became chaplain to the Earl
of Berkeley, who had been appointed one of the Lords
Justices in Ireland, and he lived with him for some
time at Dublin Castle. As was not unusual with
Swift, he considered that he was much neglected, and
he expressed his indignation in no measured terms.
The post of secretary, which he thought should have
XXIV BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
gone with that of chaplain, was given to another, and
he failed in his application for the rich deanery of
Derry. He obtained, however, the small living of
Laracor, near Trim, in the county of Meath, and two
or three other pieces of almost sinecure Church
patronage. The united income seems to have been
about ^230. The congregation at Laracor was not
more than about fifteen, and when he endeavoured to
introduce a week-day service he is said to have found
himself alone with his clerk. After a certain time he
followed the example which was then so common in
the Irish Church of leaving the duties of Laracor to a
curate, but it is remarkable that he enlarged the glebe
from one acre to twenty acres, and endowed the
church with tithes which he had himself bought, and
it is still more remarkable that he made a provision
in his will that the tithes should pass to the poor in
the event of the disestablishment of the Church.
Swift was already moving familiarly in the best
society connected with the government of Ireland.
His dispute with Lord Berkeley led to no breach ; he
speaks with much respect and affection of Lady
Berkeley, and with one of the daughters, Lady Betty
Germaine, he formed one of those long, warm, and
steady friendships which are among the most charac-
teristic features of his life. He was chaplain to the
Duke of Ormond, who became Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland in 1703, and to the Earl of Pembroke, who
succeeded him, and in many visits to London he soon
became a familiar figure among the writers and politi-
cians of the metropolis. The " Discourse on the
Contests and Dissensions in Athens and Rome,"
which is his earliest political writing, was published
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XXV
anonymously in 1701. It was written when the two
Houses of Parliament were in conflict about the pro-
posed impeachment by the Tory party of Somers and
three other Whig ministers who had taken part in the
Partition treaty, and it was intended to support the
House of Lords in resisting that impeachment. At the
same time, though it was a Whig pamphlet, probably
composed under the influence of Lord Berkeley, those
who read it carefully will easily perceive that it is in no
essential respects inconsistent with the later writings of
the author when he was the great supporter of the Tory
party. The Church questions which chiefly determined
his later policy were not here at issue. The evils of
party spirit, the necessity of preserving a balance of
power in the State, the opposite dangers to be feared
from the despotism of an individual and from the des-
potism of a majority, the wisdom of making great
changes in government so gradually that the old forms
may continue unbroken, and the new elements may
be slowly and insensibly incorporated into them —
are all familiar topics in his later writings. In an age
when reporting and newspaper criticism were still
unborn, the political pamphlet exercised an enormous
influence, and the pamphlet of Swift, though much
less remarkable than several which he afterwards
wrote, excited considerable attention, and was at-
tributed to Bishop Burnet. The true authorship
was soon known, and it strengthened his social posi-
tion in London. He became intimate with Somers
and several of the Whig leaders, and it is from
this time that may be dated that friendship with
Addison which, in spite of great differences of
political opinion and still greater differences of charac-
XXVI BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
ter, was never wholly eclipsed. The copy of his
Italian travels which Addison presented to Swift may
still be seen bearing the well-known autograph in-
scription, " To Dr. Jonathan Swift — the most agreeable
companion, the truest friend, and the greatest genius
of his age." Swift afterwards speaks of the many
evenings he had spent alone with Addison, never
wishing for a third. He described Addison as one
who had " virtue enough to give reputation to an age,"
and he consented at the advice of Addison to cut out
some eighty lines of his " Baucis and Philemon," and
to alter many others.
" Whoever has a true value for Church and State,"
Swift wrote at a later period, " should avoid the
extremes of Whig for the sake of the former and the
extremes of Tory on account of the latter." In these
words we have the true key to his politics. He was
at no period of his life a Jacobite. He fully and
cordially accepted the Revolution, and either never
held the Tory doctrine of the divine right of kings, or
at least accepted the king de facto as the rightful
sovereign. As long as the question was mainly a
question of dynasty he was frankly Whig, and it was
natural that a young man who was formed in the
school of Temple should have taken this side. On
the other hand, Swift was beyond all things a Church-
man, and was accustomed to subordinate every other
consideration to the furtherance of Church interests.
In each period of his life this intense ecclesiastical
sentiment appears. Coarse and irreverent as are many
passages in the " Tale of a Tub," which was published
in 1704, the main purport of the book was to defend the
Church of England, by pouring a torrent of ridicule and
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XXV11
hatred on all its opponents, whether they be Papists,
or Nonconformists, or Freethinkers. In his " Project
for the Reformation of Manners," in his " Sentiments
of a Church of England Man," in his " Argument
against the Abolition of Christianity," in his " Letter to
a Member of Parliament concerning the Sacramental
Test," all of which were written when he was still
ostensibly a Whig, the same decided Church feeling is
more reverently expressed. It appeared not less
clearly in his later Irish tracts, when it was his clear
political interest to endeavour to unite all religions in
Ireland in support of his Irish policy. The abolition
of the Test Act, which excluded Nonconformists from
office, was opposed by Swift at every period of his
life. In the reign of Queen Anne, and especially
in its later years, party politics grouped themselves
mainly on ecclesiastical lines. It was on the cry of
Church in danger that the Tory party rode tnto power
in 1 710, and the close alliance between the Whigs and
the Nonconformists, and between the Tories and the
Church, was the main fact governing the party divi-
sions of the time. There could be no doubt to which
side Swift would inevitably gravitate.
He was still, however, a nominal Whig when he
went over to London in 1707, chiefly at the request of
Archbishop King, to endeavour to obtain for the Irish
clergy a remission of the firstfruits and tenths which
had been already conceded to the English clergy, and
he was very indignant at hearing that the Whig
ministers were desirous of coupling this favour to the
Irish clergy with the abolition of the Test against
Nonconformists in Ireland. There was at this time
some question of his obtaining high office in the Irish
XXVlii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
Church, for Somers had recommended him for the
bishopric of Waterford. To Swift's great disappoint-
ment it was given to another, and this was but the
first of several succeeding disappointments. The queen
appears to have been inflexibly opposed to his promo-
tion, and her feeling is said to have been largely due to
a perusal of the " Tale of a Tub." Sharpe, the Arch-
bishop of York, is reported to have brought this great
work to her notice, and to have represented the author
as a manifest Freethinker. Like most of Swift's works,
the " Tale of a Tub " was published anonymously, but
the authorship was soon known. Those who have
read and have understood the pages describing the sect
of the iEolists, and the manner in which Brother Peter
maintained with many oaths and curses that his
"brown loaf" was "by God true, good natural mutton
as any in Leadenhall Market," will not greatly wonder
at the scruples of the queen.
Swift had, however, other moods, and some of his
ecclesiastical tracts are models of temperate, clear-
sighted, and decorous piety. His " Sentiments of a
Church of England Man," which was written in 1708,
describes with perfect truth and frankness the position
of that large body of the clergy who accepted without
scruple the settlement of the Revolution as saving the
nation from the danger of Popery, but who were gradu-
ally alienated from the Whig party by its latitudinarian
or Nonconformist tendencies. His " Proposal for the
Advancement of Religion," which appeared in the
following year, is one of the best descriptions of the
moral evils of the time, and a passage in it is said to have
been the origin of the measure which was afterwards
taken for building fifty new churches in London. In
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XXIX
another strain he wrote his famous argument against
abolishing Christianity, in which he brought all the re-
sources of the keenest wit to bear against the Free-
thinkers, and about the same period he published his
tract on the proposed abolition of the sacramental test
in Ireland, displaying his intense antipathy to the
Scotch Presbyterianism in Ulster, which he considered
the one great danger of the Irish establishment.
The Papists he looked on as completely broken
and powerless, "inconsiderable as the women and
children." Swift complains bitterly that the Whig
ministers were endeavouring to ingratiate themselves
with their English Nonconformist supporters by
sacrificing the interests of the Episcopalians in
Ireland, and it is at this time that his open aliena-
tion from the Whig party occurred. As Mr. Leslie
Stephen justly says, Swift " separated from the
Whig party when at the height of their power, and
separated because he thought them opposed to the
Church principles which he advocated from first to last."
The power of the Whig party, however, though
supported by the popularity of the great French war
and the victories of Marlborough, proved very
transient, and the explosion of Church feeling that
followed the impeachment of Sacheverell at the end
of 1709 was one of the chief causes of their downfall.
Swift welcomed the change with delight, and one of its
first results was the concession by Harley of that boon
to the Irish clergy which Swift had been so long vainly
seeking to extort from the Whigs. His old Whig friends
made great efforts to retain him on their side, but his
part was soon taken, and with the principles he had
avowed no real blame can attach to him for having
XXX BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
thrown in his lot with Harley, with whom he soon
formed the closest friendship, both personal and
political. In the eyes of historians Harley has com-
monly appeared only as a slow, dull, procrastinating
man of good private morals and some talent both for
business and for intrigue, but utterly without any real
superiority of intellect or character, and he presents a
strange contrast to St. John, his colleague in the
ministry, one of the most brilliant, versatile, and
seductive figures that have ever flashed across the
stage of English politics. Yet it is remarkable how
much more weight Harley carried in the country than
St. John, and in spite of Swift's warm friendship with
the latter, Harley always seems to have inspired him
with the deepest affection and the fullest confidence.
With the Church policy of the Tory party under
Queen Anne, indeed, Swift was in the fullest agree-
ment. It showed itself in the concession of the first-
fruits to the Irish clergy, in the Act of Toleration of
1712 relieving the Scotch Episcopalians, and in the
project for erecting new churches in London, and not
less clearly in the hostility to the Nonconformists
which manifested itself in the temporary withdrawal
of the Regium Donum from the Irish Presbyterians,
and in the Occasional Conformity and the Schism
Acts, which were justly regarded as among the most
oppressive religious measures of the time. Swift,
indeed, was no champion of religious liberty, and
there can be little doubt that the sentiments which he
put into the mouth of the King of Brobdingnag were
his own : " He knew no reason why those who enter-
tained opinions prejudicial to the public should be
obliged to change, and should not be obliged to
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. xxxi
conceal them. And as it was tyranny in any govern-
ment to require the first, so it was weakness not to
enforce the second ; for a man may be allowed to
keep poisons in his closet, but not to send them about
for cordials."
With the other great object of the party — the
termination of the war — Swift was equally in accord.
The belief that the war had been unnecessarily pro-
longed for party purposes ; that overtures which
might have honourably terminated it had been more
than once rejected ; that England of all the allied
powers had now the least interest in its issues, while
she bore by far the largest share of its burdens, was
growing steadily in the country, and was certainly by
no means without foundation. It had always been a
Tory doctrine that the Revolution of 1688 had unduly
mixed England in Continental quarrels, and that from
the days of William there had been a desire to use
English resources for Continental objects. The
present war was originally a Whig war, mainly
supported by the Whig party, and conducted by a
great Whig general, and the Emperor and the Dutch
who gained most by it were violently hostile to the
Tories, and had exerted their influence with the
queen to dissuade her from giving her countenance to
that party. It was also a favourite Tory doctrine,
with which Swift most cordially sympathized, that the
large loans necessitated by the war had given the
moneyed classes, who were the chief supporters of the
Whigs, a power which was lowering the position of
the landed gentry, and even threatening the ruin of
English liberty. "We have carried on wars," he
wrote, " that we might fill the pockets of stockjobbers.
XXXli BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
.... We are governed by upstarts who are unsettling
the landmarks of our social system, and are displacing
the influence of our landed gentry by that class of
men who find their profit in our woes. ... A change
has now come which will awake the nation to a sense
of its mistakes, will recover the rightful influence of
the landed gentry, and will rid us of the pestilential
swarm of stockjobbers who are confederate with the
Whigs." For all these reasons the termination of the
war was regarded by the Tory party as a supreme
party, as well as a supreme national interest.
Swift, more than any other single man, contributed
to impress this conviction on the mind of the nation.
It is, however, creditable to his sagacity, that although
he detested Marlborough, and although he devoted
one of the most ingenious papers in the " Examiner "
to a contrast between the rewards given to the
English general and those which had been bestowed
on conquerors in ancient Rome, he clearly warned
his party of the dangers of the scurrilous attacks on
Marlborough which were common in the Tory papers ;
he more than once, as he tells us, was the means of
suppressing such attacks, and he did not approve of
the dismissal of Marlborough from his command. In
general Swift seldom scrupled to employ the most
violent personal scurrility against his opponents.
Nothing in political literature is more unmeasured in
its invective than his attacks upon Wharton, and he
did not even spare Somers, who had been both his
friend and his patron, but of Marlborough he never
failed to write in terms of moderation.
A few lines may be devoted to the other political
opinions of Swift, as they mark the principles of the
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XXX1U
Tories in the early days of the Revolution settlement.
" Law," he said, " in a free country is, or ought to be,
the determination of the majority of those who have
property in land." In that remarkable " Essay on
Public Absurdities," which was published after his death,
he deplored that persons without landed property
could by means of the boroughs obtain an entrance
into Parliament, and that the suffrage had been
granted to any one who was not a member of the
Established Church, and he condemned absolutely the
system of standing armies which had recently grown
up. On the other hand, on some questions of
Parliamentary reform, he held very advanced views.
Like most of his party he strenuously advocated
annual Parliaments, believing them to be the only
true foundation of liberty, and the only means of
putting an end to corrupt traffic between ministers
and members of Parliament. He blamed the custom
of throwing the expense of an election upon a candi-
date ; the custom of making forty-shilling freeholders
in order to give votes to landlords, and the immunity
of members and of their servants from civil suits.
" It is likewise," he says, " absurd that boroughs
decayed are not absolutely extinguished, because the
returned members do in reality represent nobody at
all ; and that several large towns are not represented,
though full of industrious townsmen."
The four years of the Harley administration form
the most brilliant and probably the happiest period of
his life. His genius had now reached its full maturity,
and he found the sphere which beyond all others was
most fitted for its exercise. In many of the qualities
of effective political writing he has never been
I. c
xxxiv BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
surpassed. Without the grace and delicacy of Addison,
without the rich imaginative eloquence or the profound
philosophic insight of Burke, he was a far greater
master of that terse, homely, and nervous logic which
appeals most powerfully to the English mind, and no
writer has ever excelled him in the vivid force of his
illustrations, in trenchant, original, and inventive wit,
or in concentrated malignity of invective or satire.
With all the intellectual and most of the moral qualities
of the most terrible partisan he combined many of the
gifts of a consummate statesman — a marvellous power
of captivating those with whom he came in contact,
great skill in reading characters and managing men, a
rapid, decisive judgment in emergencies, an eminently
practical mind, seizing with a happy tact the common-
sense view of every question he treated, and almost
absolutely free from the usual defects of mere literary
politicians. But for his profession he might have
risen to the highest posts of English statesmanshipj
and in spite of his profession, and without any of the
advantages of rank or office, he was for some time
one of the most influential men in England. He
stemmed the tide of political literature, which had been
flowing strongly against his party, and the admir-
able force of his popular reasoning, as well as the
fierce virulence of his attacks, placed him at once in
the first position in the fray. The Tory party, assailed
by almost overwhelming combinations from without,
and distracted by the most serious divisions within,
found in him its most powerful defender. Its leaders
were divided by interest, by temperament, and, in some
degree, even by policy ; but Swift gained a great
ascendency over their minds and a great influence in
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XXXV
their councils, and his persuasions long averted the
impending collision. Its extreme members had formed
themselves into a separate body, and were clamouring
for the expulsion of all Whigs from office ; but Swift's
I Letter of Advice to the ' October Club ' " effected the
dissolution of that body, and the threatened schism
was prevented. The nation, dazzled by the genius of
Marlborough, was for a time fiercely opposed to a
party whose policy was peace, but Swift's " Examiners "
gradually modified this opposition, and his " Conduct
of the Allies " for a time completely quelled it. The
success of this most masterly pamphlet has few
parallels in history: 11,000 copies were sold in about
two months. It for a time almost reversed the current
of public opinion, and was one of the chief influences
that enabled the ministers to conclude the Peace of
Utrecht.
The social position of Swift at this time was equally
brilliant. Notwithstanding his coarseness and capricious
violence, and an occasional eccentricity of manner
which indicated not obscurely the seeds of insanity,
the brilliancy of his conversation made him the delight
of every society, and his sayings became the proverbs
of every coffee-house. He had friends of all parties, of
all creeds, and of all characters. In the course of a
few years he was intimate with Addison and Steele,
with Halifax, Congreve, Prior, Pope, Arbuthnot, and
Peterborough, with Harley and St. John, and most
of the other leaders of the day. In spite of the
gloomy misanthropy of his temperament, and the
savage recklessness with which he too often employed
his powers of sarcasm, he was capable of splendid
generosity and of the truest and most constant
XXXVI BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
friendship. Few men have obtained a deeper or
more lasting affection, and we may well place the
testimony of the illustrious men who knew him best in
opposition to the literary judgments of posterity.
'* Dear friend," wrote Arbuthnot in after years, " the
last sentence of your letter plunged a dagger in my
heart. Never repeat those sad but tender words, that
you will try to forget me. For my part, I can never
forget you, at least till I discover, which is impossible,
another friend whose conversation could procure me
the pleasure I have found in yours." Addison, as we
have already seen, spoke of him in language of
unqualified affection. Pope, after a friendship of
twenty-three years, wrote of him to Lord Orrery,
" My sincere love of that valuable, indeed incomparable
man, will accompany him through life, and pursue his
memory were I to live a hundred lives, as many of his
works will live which are absolutely original, unequalled,
unexampled. His humanity, his charity, his con-
descension, his candour, are equal to his wit, and
require as good and true a taste to be equally valued."
Undoubtedly, in the first instance, many of these
friendships arose from gratitude. Literature had not
yet arrived at the period when it could dispense with
patrons, and one of the legitimate goals to which every
literary man aspired was a place under the State.
This naturally drew the chief writers around Swift,
and the manner in which he at this time employed his
influence is one of the most pleasing features of his
career. There is scarcely a man of genius of the age
who was not indebted to him. Even his political
opponents, even men who had written violently against
his party, obtained places by his influence. Berkeley
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XXXVli
was drawn by him from the retirement of college
recommended more than once to the leading Tories,
and placed upon the highway of promotion. Congreve
was secured at his request in the place which the
Whigs had given him. Parnell, Steele, Gay, and Rowe
were among those who received places or other favours
by his solicitation. He said himself, with a justifiable
pride, that he had provided for more than fifty people,
not one of whom was a relation. His influence in
society as well as with the government was ceaselessly
employed in favour of literature. He founded the
" Scriblerus Club," in which many of the chief writers
of the day joined ; he exerted himself earnestly in
bringing Pope forward, and obtaining subscriptions
for his translation of Homer. He pressed upon the
attention of the government a plan, though not a very
wise one, for watching over the purity of the language,
and he on every occasion insisted on marked deference
being paid to literary men. He himself took an exceed-
ingly high, and indeed arrogant, tone with Harley and
St. John ; and when the former sent him a sum of
money as a compensation for his services, he was so
offended that their friendship was wellnigh broken for
ever. That this tone was not the mere vulgar insolence
of an upstart, is sufficiently proved by the deep attach-
ment manifested towards him by both Harley and
St. John long after their political connection had
terminated.
During all this time Swift kept up a continual
correspondence with Stella, in the shape of a journal,
recording with the utmost minuteness the events of
every day. We have the clearest possible evidence
that this journal was not intended for any other
xxxviii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
eyes than those of Stella and Mrs. Dingley. It is
filled with terms of the most childish endearment,
with execrable puns, with passages written with his
eyes shut, with extempore verses and extempore
proverbs, with the records of every passing caprice,
of every hope, fear, and petty annoyance. In this
strange and touching journal we can trace clearly
the eminence to which he rose, and also the shadows
that overcast his mind. One of the principal of these
was the gradual decline of his friendship with Addison.
Addison's habitual coldness had, at first, completely
yielded to the charms of Swift's conversation, and,
notwithstanding the great dissimilarity of their cha-
racters, they lived on the most intimate terms. But
Swift was a strong Tory, and Addison was a strong
Whig ; and Addison was almost identified with Steele,
who was still more violent in his politics, and who,
though he had received favours from Swift, had made
a violent and wholly unjust personal attack upon his
benefactor, 1 which elicited an equally violent reply ;
and these things tended to the dissolution of the
friendship. There was never an open breach, but
their intercourse lost its old cordiality. " I went to
Mr. Addison's," wrote Swift in his journal, " and dined
with him at his lodgings. I had not seen him these
three weeks ; we are grown common acquaintance,
yet what have I not done for his friend Steele ! Mr.
Harley reproached me the last time I saw him, that,
to please me, he would be reconciled to Steele, and
had promised and appointed to see him, and that
Steele never came. Harrison, whom Mr. Addison
1 In a pamphlet called " The Crisis."
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. xxxix
recommended to me, I have introduced to the
Secretary of State, who has promised me to take care
of him ; and I have represented Addison himself so to
the Ministry, that they think and talk in his favour,
though they hated him before. Well, he is now in my
debt — there is an end ; and I never had the least
obligation to him — and there is another end."
Another source of annoyance to Swift was the
difficulty with which he obtained Church preferment.
He knew that his political position was exceed-
ingly transient ; he had no resources except his
living. He appears to have taken no pains to make
profit from his writings. " I never got a farthing," he
wrote in 1735, "by anything I wrote, except once
about eight years ago, and that was by Mr. Pope's
prudent management for me." By his influence at
least one bishopric and many other places had been
given away, and yet he was unable to obtain for
himself any preferment that would place him above
the vicissitudes of politics. The antipathy of the
queen was unabated ; the Duchess of Somerset,
whose influence at Court was very great, and whom
Swift had bitterly and coarsely satirized, employed
herself with untiring hatred in opposing his promo-
tion, and all the remonstrances of the ministers and
all the entreaties of Lady Masham were unable to
overcome the determination of the queen.
The charge of scepticism was one which Swift
bitterly resented, and there is no class whom he more
savagely assailed than the Deists of his time. At
the same time no one can be surprised that such a
charge should be brought against a writer who wrote
as Swift had done in the " Tale of a Tub " about the
xl BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
Roman Catholic doctrine concerning the Sacrament
and the Calvinistic doctrine concerning inspiration.
And although the " Tale of a Tub " is an extreme
example, the same spirit pervades many of his
other performances, especially those wonderful lines
about the Judgment of the World by Jupiter,
which Chesterfield sent to Voltaire. 1 His wit was per-
fectly unbridled. His unrivalled power of ludicrous
combination seldom failed to get the better of his
prudence, and he found it impossible to resist a jest.
It must be added that no writer of the time indulged
more habitually in coarse, revolting, and indecent
imagery ; that he delighted in a strain of ribald abuse
peculiarly unbecoming in a clergyman ; that he was
the intimate friend of Bolingbroke and Pope, whose
freethinking opinions were notorious, and that he fre-
quently expressed a strong dislike for his profession.
In one of his poems he describes himself as —
" A clergyman of special note
For shunning those of his own coat,
Which made his brethren of the gown
Take care betimes to run him down."
1 " With a whirl of thought oppress'd,
I sunk from reverie to rest.
A horrid vision seized my head,
I saw the graves give up their dead !
Jove, arm'd with terrors, burst the skies,
And thunder roars and lightning flies !
Amazed, confused, its fate unknown,
The world stands trembling at his throne i
While each pale sinner hung his head,
Jove, nodding, shook the heavens, and said :
' Offending race of human kind,
By nature, reason, learning, blind ;
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. Xll
In another poem he says :
" A genius in a reverend gown
Will always keep its owner down ;
'Tis an unnatural conjunction,
And spoils the credit of the function.
" And as, of old, mathematicians
Were by the vulgar thought magicians,
So academic dull ale-drinkers
Pronounce all men of wit freethinkers."
At the same time, while it must be admitted that
Swift was far from being a model clergyman, it is, I
conceive, a misapprehension to regard him as a
secret disbeliever in Christianity. He was admir-
ably described by St. John as " a hypocrite reversed."
He disguised as far as possible both his religion
and his affections, and took a morbid pleasure in
parading the harsher features of his nature. If we
bear this in mind, the facts of his life seem entirely
incompatible with the hypothesis of habitual concealed
unbelief. I do not allude merely to the vehemence
with which he at all times defended the interests
of the Church, nor yet to the scrupulousness with
which he discharged his functions as a clergyman,
You who, through frailty, stepp'd aside ;
And you, who never fell — from pride :
You who in different sects were shamm'd,
And come to see each other damn'd ;
(So some folk told you, but they knew
No more of Jove's designs than you ;)
— The world's mad business now is o'er,
And I resent these pranks no more.
— I to such blockheads set my wit !
I damn such fools ! — Go, go, you're bit-* "
xlii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
to his increasing his duties by reading prayers on
Wednesdays and Fridays at Laracor, and daily at St.
Patrick's, to his administering the Sacrament every
week, and paying great attention to his choir, and to
all other matters connected with his deanery. In
these respects he appears to have been wholly beyond
reproach, and Hawkesworthhas described the solemnity
of his manner in the pulpit and the reading-desk, and
in the grace which he pronounced at meals. But
much more significant than these things are the many
instances of concealed religion that were discovered
by his friends. Delany had been weeks in his house
before he found out that he had family prayers every
morning with his servants. In London he rose early to
attend public worship at an hour when he might escape
the notice of his friends. Though he was never a rich
man, he systematically allotted a third of his income
to the poor, and he continued his unostentatious
charity when extreme misanthropy and growing avar-
ice must have rendered it peculiarly trying. He was
observed in his later years, when his mind had given
way, and when it was found necessary to watch him,
pursuing his private devotions with undeviating regu-
larity, and some of his letters, written under circum-
stances of agonizing sorrow, contain religious expres-
sions of the most touching character. Many things
which he wrote could not have been written by a
reverent or deeply pious man, but his " Proposal for
the Advancement of Religion," his admirable letter to
a young clergyman on the qualities that are requisite
in his profession, the singularly beautiful prayers which
he wrote for the use of Stella when she was dying, are
all worthy of a high place in religious literature. His
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. xliii
sermons, as he said himself, were too like pamphlets,
but they are full of good sense and sound piety admir-
ably and decorously expressed. Of the most political
of them — that "On Doing Good" — Burke has said
that it " contains perhaps the best motives to patriotism
that were ever delivered within so small a compass."
It must be added that the coarseness for which
Swift has been so often and so justly censured is not
the coarseness of vice. He accumulates images of a
kind that most men would have regarded as loathsome,
but there is nothing sensual in his writings ; he never
awakens an impure curiosity, or invests guilt with a
meretricious charm. Vice certainly never appears
attractive in his pages, and it may be safely affirmed that
no one has ever been allured to vicious courses by
reading them. He is often very repulsive and very
indecent, but his faults in this respect are rather those
of taste than of morals.
It was not till the year 171 3 that Swift's friends
succeeded in obtaining for him the deanery of St.
Patrick's. The appointment was regarded both by
him and by them as being far below what he might
have expected, for its pecuniary value was not great,
and it implied separation from all his friends and
residence in a country which was then considered a
most unenviable abode for a man of genius. He
immediately went over to Ireland in June, intending
to remain there for some time, but was in a few days
recalled by his political friends. He did not at first
yield to the request, but it was again and again
repeated, and in September he arrived in London. An
open breach had broken out between the ministers,
and the government seemed on the verge of dissolution.
xliv BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
It would be difficult, indeed, to conceive two men
less capable of co-operating with cordiality than Harley
and St. John, or, to give them the titles they had by
this time acquired, than Oxford and Bolingbroke.
It is not necessary here to examine in detail the
many causes of the division. Bolingbroke occupied a
position subordinate to Oxford in the ministry ; he
had been only created a viscount when Oxford was
created an earl. His ambition had been perpetually
trammelled by Oxford's procrastination, and his con-
sciousness of superior genius irritated by Oxford's
haughtiness, and his dislike to his colleague at length
deepened into hatred. It is no slight proof of Swift's
force of character that he could influence two such
men, or of the charm of his society that he could retain
the affection of both. Personally, he seems to have
been especially attached to Oxford ; while politically
he now agreed with Bolingbroke that a more energetic
line of policy was the only means by which the Tory
party could be saved.
In truth, the position of the government became
every week more desperate. The storm of popular
indignation, which had been lulled for a time by " The
Conduct of the Allies," broke out afresh with tenfold
vicour on the conclusion of the Peace of Utrecht. The
long duration of the war, the numerous powers engaged
in it, and the many complications that had arisen in
its progress, rendered the task of the ministers so
peculiarly difficult, that it would have been easy to
have attacked any peace framed under such circum-
stances, however consummate the wisdom with which
its provisions had been framed. The Peace of Utrecht
left England incontestably the first power of Europe,
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. xlv
arrested an expenditure which had been adding rapidly
to the national debt, and began one of the most
prosperous periods of English history. But, on the
other hand, it was undoubtedly negotiated more
through party than through national motives ; it
terminated a long series of splendid victories, and,
while it saved France from almost complete destruction,
it failed to obtain the object for which the war had
been begun. The crown of Spain remained upon
the head of Philip, and the Catalans, who had
risen to arms relying upon English support, were left
without any protection for their local liberties. Any
peace which terminated a war of such continual and
brilliant success would have been unpopular, and,
although the Peace of Utrecht was certainly advan-
tageous to the country, some of the objections to it
were real and serious, while its free trade clauses raised
a fierce storm of ignorant or selfish anger among the
mercantile classes. Besides this, the Church enthusiasm
which, after the persecution of Sacheverell, had borne
the Tories to power, had begun to subside. The
question of dynasty was still uncertain. The queen's
health was visibly and rapidly breaking. The Elector
of Hanover was openly hostile to the Tory party. The
leading Tory ministers were justly suspected of intrigu-
ing with the Pretender. They were both, though on
different grounds and with different classes, unpopular,
and they were profoundly disunited at the very time
when their union was most necessary.
Swift on his arrival from Ireland succeeded with
some difficulty in bringing Oxford and Bolingbroke
together, and he published two political pamphlets
bitterly attacking Steele and Burnet and the Whig
xlvi BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
party. Party feeling on both sides now ran furiously.
Steele was expelled from the House of Commons,
ostensibly on the ground of his pamphlet called " The
Crisis," while the House of Lords, in which the Whig
party predominated, retaliated by offering a reward for
the discovery of the author of Swift's " Public Spirit of
the Whigs," on the ground of some reflections it had
made on the Scotch. No real reconciliation had been
established between Oxford and Bolingbroke, and no
real steps were taken to arrest a catastrophe which
was manifestly impending. "I never," wrote Swift,
" led a life so thoroughly uneasy as I do at present.
Our situation is so bad that our enemies could not
without abundance of invention and ability have
placed us so ill if we had left it entirely to their
management The queen is pretty well at
present, but the least disorder she has puts us all in
alarm, and when it is over we act as if she were
immortal. Neither is it possible to persuade people to
make any preparation against the evil day."
Swift did not know all that took place, for he
appears to have had no knowledge of the overtures of
the ministers to the Pretender. He was disgusted and
hopeless at the state of affairs, and in May, 17 14, he
retired to the home of a friend in a quiet Berkshire
parsonage. He wrote, however, at this time a remark-
able pamphlet, in which he expressed with great force
and sincerity his view of the situation. Though his
personal sympathies were usually on the side of Oxford,
he strongly blamed the indecision and procrastination
of that statesman, and strenuously maintained that
only the most drastic measures could save the party
from ruin. The immense majority, he maintained, of
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. xlvii
the English nation had two wishes. The first was
"that the Church of England should be preserved
entire in all her rights, powers, and privileges ; all
doctrines relating to government discouraged which
she condemned ; all schisms, sects, and heresies dis-
countenanced." The second was the maintenance of
the Protestant succession in the House of Brunswick,
" not from any partiality to that illustrious House,
further than as it had the honour to mingle with the
blood royal of England and is the nearest branch of
our royal line reformed from Popery." Real Jacobitism
he maintained was very rare in England except among
the nonjurors, and the great bulk of the clergy and other
adherents of the doctrine of passive obedience were
perfectly ready to support the line which they found
established by law without entering into any inquiries
about the legitimacy of the Revolution, provided that
this line supported the Church to which they were
attached. 1 But the evil of the situation was that the
German heir to the throne had failed to give any such
assurance to the nation ; that he had, on the contrary,
given all his confidence to the implacable enemies of
the Church to which the overwhelming majority of the
1 Swift explained his own view of this question very clearly in
1 72 1 in a letter to his friend, Mr. Knightly Chetwode, who had
some Jacobite sympathies. " I do not see any law of God or
man forbidding us to give security to the powers that be, and
private men are not to trouble themselves about titles to crowns,
whatever may be their particular opinions. The abjuration is
understood as the law stands, and as the law stands none has
title to the crown but the present possessor. . . . The word
lawful means according to present law in force, and let the law
change ever so often, I am to act according to law, provided it
neither offends faith or morality."
xlviii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
nation were attached — to Whigs, Low Churchmen,
and Dissenters. The only apparent remedy, Swift
maintained, was to exclude all such persons absolutely
from all civil and military offices ; to place the whole
government of the country in all its departments in
the hands of the Tory party, so that it would be im-
possible to displace them. The Whigs must be abso-
lutely excluded, because they had already proved very
dangerous to the Constitution in Church and State ;
beoause they were highly irritated at the loss of power,
but " principally because they have prevailed by mis-
representations and other artifices to make the Suc-
cessor look upon them as the only persons he can
trust, upon which account they cannot be too soon or
too much disabled ; neither will England ever be safe
from the attempts of this wicked confederacy until
their strength and interests shall be so far reduced that
for the future it shall not be in the power of the crown t
although in conjunction with any rich and factious body
of men, to choose an ill majority in the House of
Commons." The queen, he added, should at once
peremptorily call upon the Elector to declare his
approbation of the policy of her ministers and to dis-
avow all connection with the Whigs. 1
At the request of Bolingbroke the publication of this
bold pamphlet was delayed, and before it appeared a
great change had taken place in the ministry. Boling-
broke, by the assistance of Lady Masham, had effected
the disgrace of Oxford, and had obtained the chief
place. Swift received a letter from Lady Masham
(who had always been his warm friend), couched in
1 " Free Thoughts upon the Present State of Affairs."
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. xlix
the most affectionate terms, imploring him to continue
to uphold the ministry by his counsel and by his pen,
and enclosing an order upon the Treasury for ,£1,000
for the necessary expenses of induction into his deanery,
which Oxford had promised, but, with his usual pro-
crastination, had delayed. He received at the same
time a letter from Oxford, requesting his presence in
the country, where, as the fallen statesman wrote with
a touching pathos, he was going " alone." Swift did
not hesitate for a moment between the claims of
friendship and the allurements of ambition ; he de-
termined to accompany Oxford.
Events were now succeeding each other with start-
ling rapidity. Bolingbroke had been only four days
prime minister when the Tory party learned with
consternation the death of the queen and the conse-
quent downfall of their ascendency. A Whig ministry
was constituted. Parliament was dissolved ; the in-
fluence of the crown was exerted to the utmost in
favour of the Whig party, and a great Whig majority
was returned, which continued unbroken during two
reigns. One of the first measures of the new govern-
ment was to institute a series of prosecutions for treason
against its predecessors. Bolingbroke fled from
England, and was condemned while absent. Ormond
was impeached. Oxford was thrown into the Tower,
where he remained for nearly two years, but was at last
tried and acquitted. Swift retired to Ireland. A few
vague rumours prevailed of his having been concerned
in Jacobite intrigues, but they never took any con-
sistency, or seem to have deserved any attention.
" Dean Swift," wrote Arbuthnot, " keeps up his
noble spirit, and, though like a man knocked down,
I d
1 BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
you may behold him still with a stern counten-
ance, and aiming a blow at his adversaries." The
path of ambition, however, was now for ever closed to
him ; the misfortunes of his friends, and especially the
imprisonment of Oxford, profoundly affected him, and
he even wrote to the fallen statesman, asking permission
to accompany him to prison. No man was ever a truer
friend than Swift, and there are few men in literary
biography in whose lives friendship bore a larger part.
He was at this time, more than once, openly in-
sulted by some Whigs in Dublin, and he had at first
serious difficulties with the minor clergy of his deanery.
But a far more serious blow was in store for him —
a blow that not only destroyed his peace for a season,
but left an indelible stigma on his character. It
appears to have been in 1708 or 1709 that Swift,
during his residence in London, first made the ac-
quaintance of a well-to-do widow named Vanhomrigh,
who was living with two sons and two daughters in
Bury Street. In 17 10 the acquaintance ripened into
an intimacy. Swift dined very frequently at her
house, played cards there in the evenings, lodged for
a short time in the immediate vicinity, and formed a
special friendship with the eldest daughter, Hester,
the unfortunate Vanessa. Hester Vanhomrigh was
at this time less than twenty, and Swift was more
than double her age. Though not conspicuously
beautiful, she was a bright, intelligent girl, keenly
interested both in literature and politics. She wrote
letters to Swift as early as 17 10, and at her request
he directed her reading, much as he had formerly
done that of Stella. He asserts, and there is not the
least reason to doubt his sincerity, that the possibility
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. H
of his pupil falling in love with him had never for a
moment flashed across his mind. Swift was very-
fond of the society of ladies, and he made many
strong and lasting female friendships, but, as he has
himself said, and as appears most abundantly, both
from his writings and from his life, he was constitu-
tionally unsusceptible to passion. He always con-
sidered himself prematurely old, and never suspected
that he was capable of inspiring feelings which he had
himself never felt and never really understood.
" Cadenus, common forms apart,
In every scene had kept his heart.
He now could praise, esteem, approve,
But understood not what was love ;
His conduct might have made him styled
A father, and the nymph his child.
That innocent delight he took
To see the Virgin mind her book,
Was but a Master's secret joy
In school to hear the finest boy."
His long platonic intercourse with Stella had prob-
ably contributed to blind him, and he had forgotten
how seldom such intercourse retains its first character,
and how closely admiration is allied to passion. It
was seldom, indeed, that his commanding features,
his eye, which Pope described as " azure as the
heavens," and the charm of his manner and his wit
failed to exercise a powerful influence on those around
him. The spell which had attached to him so many
men of genius and so many women of rank, refine-
ment, and intelligence, by a tie that neither his coarse-
ness nor his violent and arbitrary temper could break
Hi BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
acted with a fearful power on his passionate and en-
thusiastic pupil. It was in 17 13, just before his de-
parture for Ireland in the last anxious days of the
Tory ministry, that Swift first remarked a great
change in the demeanour of his pupil. He was struck
by her indifference to the studies she had once so
keenly followed, and he completely misunderstood
the cause. He supposed that she was weary of study
and anxious to enter a gayer world, and he gladly
assented to her desire, when, to his astonishment, he
received from her a frank confession of her love.
" Vanessa not in years a score,
Dreams of a gown of forty-four."
Up to this time the conduct of Swift can hardly be
taxed with any graver fault than imprudence, but it
now became profoundly culpable. It is evident that
he had been much captivated by Vanessa, and although,
as he tells her, he received her confession with " shame,
disappointment, grief, surprise," he shrank with a fatal
indecision from the plain and honourable course of
decisively severing the connection. He was a little
flattered as well as greatly surprised at the passion he
had evoked, but he imagined that it was a mere
transient caprice which would soon pass. One of the
most curious results of the revelation was that he wrote
a long poem describing with evident truthfulness the
whole story. It was never intended to see the light,
and was sent to Vanessa for herself alone, perhaps
with the object of showing her how little her passion
was reciprocated. Some lines in it have given rise to
unpleasant conjecture, which can never be decisively
solved, but it must be remembered that these lines
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. liii
were written for Vanessa alone, and it must also be
remembered that they were ultimately given to the
world by her desire.
Changes in the Vanhomrigh family complicated the
situation. One brother had died, the other was alien-
ated from his sisters, and the mother died in 17 14.
There were some temporary money difficulties arising
from debts left by Mrs. Vanhomrigh, and Vanessa con-
sulted Swift, who gave advice and offered to stand se-
curity for a loan. More embarrassing still was the fact
that Vanessa had inherited a small property in Ireland,
and she resolved to go there when Swift returned to
his deanery. Swift evidently disliked the idea. " If
you are in Ireland," he wrote in 1714, "when I am
there I shall see you very seldom. It is not a place
for any freedom." " I say all this out of the perfect
esteem and friendship I have for you."
Vanessa, however, persisted in her intention. Her
letters reveal her violent passion, and they also show
that while Swift abstained from putting an end to the
intimacy he was trying to discourage it. " You once
had a maxim," she wrote to him in this year, " which
was to act what was right and not mind what the world
would say. I wish you would keep to it now. Pray
what can be wrong in seeing and advising an unhappy
woman? I cannot imagine. You cannot but know
that your frowns make my life insupportable. You
have taught me to distinguish, and then you leave me
miserable." " I am sure I could have bore the rack
much better than those killing, killing words of yours.
Sometimes I have resolved to die without seeing you
more, but these resolves, to your misfortune, did not
last long. . . . See me and speak kindly to me, for I
liv BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
am sure you would not condemn anyone to suffer
what I have done could you but know it. . . . When
I begin to complain then you are angry, and there is
something in your looks so awful, that it strikes me
dumb."
During all this time the intimate friendship — for it
was at this time evidently nothing more — between
Swift and Stella continued. There is no real evidence
that she resented her position — to which she had been
habituated from childhood — and while Swift lived in
Dublin she lived with Mrs. Dingley in a separate
house, except occasionally during illnesses of Swift.
They appear rarely or never to have seen each other
alone ; every precaution was taken to avoid scandal,
nor does any scandal appear to have been in fact
aroused, but Stella presided at the table of Swift when
he received company. She was the recognized centre
of his circle, and their relations were acknowledged
to be of the most perfect confidence and affection.
His annual poems to her on her birthday began in
1 7 19, but they always strike the chord of friendship
and never that of love.
"Thou, Stella, wast no longer young
When first for thee my harp I strung.
Without one word of Cupid's darts,
Of killing eyes and bleeding hearts,
With friendship and esteem, possessed,
I ne'er admitted Love a guest."
It is curious, indeed, to observe how constantly he
decries her personal beauty, and directs all his com-
pliments to her other qualities.
" But, Stella, say what evil tongue
Reports that you're no longer young ;
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lv
That Time sits with his scythe to mow
Where erst sat Cupid with his bow ;
That half your locks are turned to grey.
I'll ne'er believe a word they say !
'Tis true — but let it not be known —
My eyes are somewhat dimmish grown ;
For Nature, aiways in the right,
To your defects adapts my sight ;
And wrinkles undistinguished pass,
For I'm ashamed to use a glass ;
And till I see them with these eyes,
Whoever says you have them, lies.
No length of time can make you quit
Honour, virtue, sense and wit ;
Thus you may still be young to me,
While I can better hear than see.
Oh, ne'er may Fortune show her spite
To make me deaf and mend my sight ! "
Stella's temperament, indeed, was singularly serene,
patient, and unimpassioned, admirably suited both for
social life and for sustained friendship, but as far as
we can judge too cold for real love ; she appears to
have always lived more from the head than from the
heart, and to have acquiesced very placidly during
her whole life in a kind of connection which few
women could have tolerated. There is some reason,
however — though it is not very clear or certain — to
believe that the Vanessa episode had come to her
knowledge and had troubled her serenity ; and there
is considerable, though not absolutely decisive, evid-
ence that she was secretly married to Swift in 1716.
If so, the marriage was concealed, and their mode of
life continued as before, but Stella obtained a
guarantee that at least no other woman should take
her place.
lvi BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
The mystery of the story can never be fully un-
ravelled. Swift's extreme dislike of marriage appears
continually in his writings. It is probable, as Scott
conjectured, that a physical cause contributed to it,
and the continually recurring fits of dizziness, with
indications of brain disease, of which he was painfully
sensible, may have also strengthened it. The passion
of Vanessa, however, continued unabated, and some
of her letters, written in 1720, show that it had risen
almost to the point of madness, and that she believed
that Swift was more and more turning away from her.
" It is now ten long weeks since I saw you, and in all
that time I have never received but one letter from
you and a little note of excuse. Oh! have you
forgot me? ... I cannot comfort you, but here
declare that it is not in the power of art, time, or
accident to lessen the inexpressible passion which I
have for . . . Nor is the love I bear you only
seated in my soul ; for there is not a single atom of
my frame that is not blended with it. Therefore do
not flatter yourself that separation will ever change
my sentiments. . . . For Heaven's sake tell me what
has caused this prodigious change in ycu, which I
have found of late." " I was born with violent passions
which terminate all in one, that inexpressible passion
I have for you. Consider the killing emotions which
I feel from your neglect of me, and show some tender-
ness for me, or I shall lose my senses. ... I firmly
believe if I could know your thoughts (which no
human creature is capable of guessing at, because
never any one living thought like you), I should find
you had often in a rage wished me religious, hoping
that I should have paid my devotions to Heaven ;
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lvii
but that would not spare you, for were I an enthusiast
still you would be the deity I should worship. . . .
Your dear image is always before my eyes. Some-
times you strike me with that prodigious awe I
tremble with fear — at others a divine compassion
shines through your countenance."
Such a strain could have but one meaning. The
fragmentary correspondence which was published by
Hawkesworth, and more fully by Scott, only throws a
casual light on this melancholy story. It is easy to
see that Swift was perplexed, anxious, and irresolute.
He pays Vanessa compliments on her letters and her
conversation ; assures her of his unabated esteem and
love ; of his " respect and kindness ; " promises to visit
her, but says that it must be seldom, lest uncivil
tongues should speak about them. He implores her
not to yield to unhappy imaginations, to ride, to
see company, to read cheerful books ; above all, to
be on her guard against "the spleen" getting the
better of her, "than which there is no more foolish
and troublesome disease," and he would gladly see her
return to England. " Settle your affairs," he writes in
1721, "and quit this scoundrel island, and things will
be as you desire." He tells her that she has no real
reason for her melancholy, " if all the advantages of
life can be any defence against it." He tries by a
somewhat cynical, but not unkindly banter to bring
her down to more prosaic levels. " Remember that
riches are nine parts in ten of all that is good in life,
and health is the tenth ; drinking coffee comes long
after, and yet it is the eleventh ; but without the two
former you cannot drink it right." " The worst thing
in you and me is that we are too hard to please ; and
Iviii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
whether we have not made ourselves so is the question.
. . . One thing that I differ from you in is that I do
not quarrel with my best friends. . . . We differ
prodigiously in one point. I fly from the spleen to
the world's end ; you run out of your way to meet
it. ... I wish you would get yourself a horse, and
have always two servants to attend you, and visit
your neighbours — the worse the better : there is a
pleasure in being reverenced, and that is always in
your power by your superiority of sense and an easy
fortune. ... I long to see you in figure and equi-
page. Pray do not lose that taste." " The best
maxim I know in this life is to drink your coffee when
you can, and when you cannot to be easy without it.
While you continue to be splenetick count upon it I
will always preach. . . . Without health and good
humour I had rather be a dog." " What a foolish
thing is time, and how foolish is man, who would be as
angry if time stopped as if it passed. . . . But I am
thinking myself fast into the spleen, which is the only
thing I would not compliment you by imitating."
But such language was of no avail, and the. sequel,
as it is told by Sheridan, is well known. Vanessa in
the spring of 1723 wrote to Stella asking whether
she was indeed the wife of Swift, and Stella placed
the letter in the hands of the dean. In a paroxysm
of rage he rode to Celbridge, where Vanessa was
then living, entered her room, and darting at her a
look of concentrated anger, flung down the letter at
her feet, and departed without uttering a word. She
saw at once that her fate was sealed. She languished
away, and in a few weeks died. Before her death she
revoked the will she had made in favour of Swift, and
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lix
ordered the publication of " Cadenus and Vanessa,"
the poem in which he had immortalized her love.
Swift fled to the country, and remained for two
months buried in absolute seclusion.
There can be little doubt that this tragedy added
greatly to the constitutional gloom which was fast
settling on Swift. Ireland was never a congenial
country to him. Though he lived there so much
both in youth and in old age, he always described his
life there as an exile. He never called himself an
Irishman ; he declared that he had been born, or, as
he elsewhere expressed it, "dropped" in Ireland by
" a perfect accident," and thus, as he said, " I am a
Teague or an Irishman, or what people please." In
Ireland, however, as elsewhere, he made some warm
and intimate friends. The chief appears to have
been Dr. Delany, an accomplished and amiable
Fellow of Trinity College, the husband of a very charm-
ing English lady, whose correspondence furnishes
some of the best pictures of Irish life in the first half
of the eighteenth century, and also some passing
glimpses of Swift both in the days when he was an
honoured and popular centre of Dublin society, and
also in the last sad years of old age and decrepitude.
Delany himself has left an account of Swift's Irish
life which is undoubtedly authentic, and which
brings into clear relief sides of the character of Swift
which those who judged him only by his writings
would scarcely have suspected. Another very close
friend was Thomas Sheridan, who was for some years
probably the most successful schoolmaster in Ireland.
He was the father of the biographer of Swift — the
grandfather of Richard Brinsley Sheridan — the head
lx BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION
of a family which has continued for more than a cen-
tury prolific in genius beyond almost any in English
history. He was in some respects a perfect type of
certain sides of the Irish character ; recklessly im-
provident, with boundless good-nature and the most
boisterous spirits ; full of wit and fire, and with a rare
talent for versification. He ruined his prospects of
promotion by preaching from pure forgetfulness from
the text, " Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof,"
on the anniversary of the accession of the House of
Hanover ; and through most of his life he greatly
mismanaged his interests and talents. He carried on
a continual warfare with Swift in the shape of puns,
charades, satirical poems, and practical jokes ; and
there is something very winning in the boyish and
careless delight with which Swift threw himself into
these contests. We owe to them many of his best
comic poems, and many of the most amusing anecdotes
of his life. Swift was sincerely attached to him. A
room at the deanery was specially reserved for him ;
he spent many of his holidays there, and on more
than one occasion Swift used all his influence to help
him in his career.
It was not to be expected, however, that Swift
could withdraw his attention from political affairs, and
he soon entered upon that political career which has
given him his place in the history of Ireland.
It would be difficult, indeed, to conceive a more
deplorable and humiliating condition than that of
Ireland in the first quarter of the eighteenth century.
The Battle of the Boyne and the events that followed
it had completely prostrated the Irish Roman Catholics.
Nearly all the men of energy and talent among them
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxi
had emigrated to foreign lands, while penal laws of
atrocious severity crushed the Catholics who remained.
The Protestants, on the other hand, were regarded as
an English colony ; any feeling of independence that
appeared among them was sedulously repressed, and
their interests were habitually sacrificed to those of
England. The Irish Parliament was little more than
a court for registering English decrees, for it had no
power of passing, or even discussing, any Bill which
had not been previously approved and certified under
the Great Seal of England. Irishmen were systemati-
cally excluded from the most lucrative places. The
viceroys were usually absent for three-fourths of their
terms of office. About a third of the rents of the
country was expended in England, and an abject
poverty prevailed.
This poverty was largely due to a commercial legis-
lation which was deliberately intended to crush the
chief sources of Irish wealth. Until the reign of
Charles II. the Irish shared the commercial privi-
leges of the English ; but as the island had not been
really conquered till the reign of Elizabeth, and as its
people were till then scarcely removed from barbarism,
the progress was necessarily slow. In the early Stuart
reigns, however, comparative repose and good govern-
ment were followed by a sudden rush of prosperity.
The land was chiefly pasture, for which it was admir-
ably adapted ; the export of live cattle to England was
carried on upon a large scale, and it became a chief
source of Irish wealth. The English landowners,
however, took the alarm. They complained that Irish
rivalry in the cattle market was reducing English
rents ; and accordingly, by an Act which was first
lxii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
passed in 1663, and was made perpetual in 1666, the
importation of cattle to England was forbidden.
The effect of a measure of this kind, levelled at the
principal article of the commerce of the nation, was
necessarily most disastrous. The profound modifica-
tion which it introduced into the course of Irish
industry is sufficiently shown by the estimate of Sir
W. Petty, who declares that before this statute three-
fourths of the trade of Ireland was with England, but
not one-fourth of it since that time. In the very year
when this Bill was passed another measure was taken
not less fatal to the interests of the country. In the
first Navigation Act, Ireland was placed on the same
terms as England ; but in the Act as amended in
1663 she was omitted, and was thus deprived of the
whole colonial trade. With the exception of a very
few specified articles, no European merchandise could
be imported into the British colonies except directly
from England, in ships built in England, and manned
chiefly by English sailors. No articles, with a few
exceptions, could be brought from the colonies to
Europe without being first unladen in England. In
1670 this exclusion of Ireland was confirmed, and in
1696 it was rendered more stringent, for it was enacted
that no goods of any sort could be imported directly
from the colonies to Ireland. It will be remembered
that at this time the chief British colonies were those
of America, and that Ireland, by her geographical
position, was naturally of all countries most fitted for
the American trade.
As far, then, as the colonial trade was concerned,
Ireland at this time gained nothing whatever by her
connection with England. To other countries, how-
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxiil
ever, her ports were still open, and in time of peace
her foreign commerce was unrestricted. When for-
bidden to export their cattle to England, the Irish
turned their land chiefly into sheep-walks, and pro-
ceeded energetically to manufacture the wool. Some
faint traces of this manufacture may be detected from
an early period, and Lord Strafford, when governing
Ireland, had mentioned it with a characteristic com-
ment. Speaking of the Irish he says, "There was little
or no manufactures amongst them, but some small
beginnings towards a clothing trade, which I had, and
so should still discourage all I could, unless otherwise
directed by his Majesty and their Lordships. ... It
might be feared they would beat us out of the trade
itself by underselling us, which they were well able to
do." With the exception, however, of an abortive
effort by this governor, the Irish wool manufacture
was in no degree impeded, and was indeed mentioned
with special favour in some Acts of Parliament ; and
it was in a great degree on the faith of this long-con-
tinued legislative sanction that it so greatly expanded.
The poverty of Ireland, the low state of the civilization
of a large proportion of its inhabitants, the effects of the
civil wars which had so recently convulsed it, and the
exclusion of its products from the English colonies,
were doubtless great obstacles to manufacturing enter-
prise ; but, on the other hand, Irish wool was very
good, living was cheaper and taxes were lighter than
in England, a spirit of real industrial energy began to
pervade the country, and a considerable number of
English manufacturers came over to colonize it.
There appeared for a time every probability that the
Irish would become an industrial nation, and had
lxiv BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
manufactures arisen, their whole social, political,
and economical condition would have been changed.
But commercial jealousy again interposed. By an
Act of crushing and unprecedented severity, which
was carried in 1699, the export of the Irish woollen
manufactures, not only to England, but also to all
other countries, was absolutely forbidden.
The effects of this measure were terrible almost
beyond conception. The main industry of the country
was at a blow completely and irretrievably annihilated.
A vast population was thrown into a condition of
utter destitution. Thousands of manufacturers left the
country, and carried their skill and enterprise to
Germany, France, and Spain. The western and
southern districts of Ireland are said to have been
nearly depopulated. Emigration to America began
on a large scale, and the blow was so severe that long
after, a kind of chronic famine prevailed. In 1707 the
Irish government was unable to pay its military
establishments, and the national resources were so
small that a debt of less than ;£ 100,000 caused the
gravest anxiety. Fortunately for the country, it was
found impossible to guard the ports, and a vast
smuggling export of wool to France was carried on, in
which all classes participated, and which somewhat
alleviated the distress, but contributed powerfully, with
other influences, to educate the people in a contempt
for law. Industrial enterprise and confidence were
utterly destroyed. By a simple act of authority the
English Parliament had suppressed the chief form of
Irish commerce, solely and avowedly because it had so
succeeded as to appear a formidable competitor ; and
there was no reason why a similar step should not be
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxv
taken whenever any other Irish manufacture began to
flourish. It is true that some small encouragement
was given to the linen manufacture, but that manufac-
ture was then very insignificant, and the encouragement
was utterly precarious. " I am sorry to find," wrote an
author in 1729, "so universal a despondency amongst
us in respect to trade. Men of all degrees give up the
thought of improving our commerce, and conclude
that the restrictions under which we are laid are so
insurmountable that any attempt on that head would
be vain and fruitless." ' Molyneux was impelled,
chiefly by these restrictions, to raise the banner of
Irish legislative independence. " Ireland," wrote
Swift, "is the only kingdom I ever heard or read of,
either in ancient or modern story, which was denied
the liberty of exporting their native commodities and
manufactures wherever they pleased, except to coun-
tries at war with their own prince or state. Yet this
privilege, by the superiority of mere power, is refused
us in the most momentous parts of commerce ; besides
an Act of Navigation, to which we never assented,
pressed down upon us, and rigorously executed."
' The conveniency of ports and harbours which nature
bestowed so liberally on this kingdom is of no more
use than a beautiful prospect to a man shut up in a
dungeon."
The spirit in which Irish affairs were administered
can hardly be better illustrated than by the letters of
Archbishop Boulter, who occupied the see of Armagh
from 1724 to 1738, and exercised during all that time
a dominating influence. Boulter was an honest but
1 An essay on the trade of Ireland by the author of
" Seasonable Remarks." (1729.)
I. e
lxvi BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
narrow man, charitable to the poor, and liberal to the
extent of warmly advocating the endowment of the
Presbyterian clergy ; but he was a strenuous supporter
of the penal code, and the main object of his policy
was to prevent the rise of an Irish party. His letters
are chiefly on questions of money and patronage, and
it is curious to observe how entirely all religious
motives appear to have been absent from his mind in
his innumerable recommendations for Church dignities.
Personal claims, and above all the fitness of the
candidate to carry out the English policy, were in
these cases the only elements considered. His uniform
policy was to divide the Irish Catholics and the Irish
Protestants, to crush the former by disabling laws, to
destroy the independence of the latter by conferring
the most lucrative and influential posts upon English-
men, and thus to make all Irish interests strictly
subservient to those of England. The continual
burden of his letters is the necessity of sending over
Englishmen to fill all important Irish posts. "The
only way to keep things quiet here," he writes, " and
make them easy to the ministry, is by filling the great
places with natives of England." He complains
bitterly that only nine of the twenty-two Irish bishops
were Englishmen, and urges the ministers " gradually
to get as many English on the bench here as can
decently be sent hither." On the death of the
Chancellor, writing to the Duke of Newcastle, he speaks
of " the uneasiness we are under at the report that a
native of this place is like to be made Lord Chancellor."
" I must request of your grace," he adds, " that you
would use your influence to have none but Englishmen
put into the great places here for the future." When
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. Ixvii
a vacancy in the see of Dublin was likely to occur, he
writes : " I am entirely of opinion that the new
archbishop ought to be an Englishman either already
on the bench here, or in England. As for a native of
this country, I can hardly doubt that, whatever his '
behaviour has been and his promises may be, when he
is once in that station he will put himself at the head
of the Irish interest in the Church at least, and he will
naturally carry with him the college and most of the
clergy here."
It is not surprising that a policy of this kind should
have been resented by the Irish Protestants, and many
traces of their dissatisfaction may be found in the
letters of Primate Boulter. The Protestants, however,
were too few, too divided, and too dependent upon
English support to be really formidable, and measures
of the grossest tyranny were carried without resistance,
and almost without protest.
There had been, however, one remarkable exception.
In 1698, when the measure for destroying the Irish
wool trade was under deliberation, Molyneux — one of
the members of Trinity College, an eminent man of
science, and the " ingenious friend " mentioned by
Locke in his essay — had published his famous " Case
of Ireland," in which he asserted the full and sole
competence of the Irish Parliament to legislate for
Ireland. He maintained that the Parliament of Ireland
had naturally and anciently all the prerogatives in
Ireland which the English Parliament possessed in
England, and that the subservience to which it had
been reduced was merely due to acts of usurpation.
His arguments were chiefly historical, and were those
which were afterwards maintained by Flood and
lxvlii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
Grattan, and which eventually triumphed in 1782.
The position and ability of the writer, and the ex-
treme malevolence with which, in commercial matters,
English authority was at this time employed, attracted
to the work a large measure of attention, and it was
written in the most moderate, decorous, and respectful
language. The government, however, took the alarm ;
the book was speedily brought before the English
House of Commons and formally condemned.
Such was the condition of Irish politics and Irish
opinion when Swift came over to his deanery. It is not
difficult to understand how intolerable it must have
been to a man of his character and antecedents.
Accustomed during several years to exercise a
commanding influence upon the policy of the empire,
endowed beyond all living men with that kind of
literary talent which is most fitted to arouse and direct
a great popular movement, and at the same time
embittered by disappointment and defeat, it would
have been strange if he had remained a passive
spectator of the scandalous and yet petty tyranny
about him. He had every personal and party motive
to stimulate him ; he was capable of a very real
patriotism, and a burning hatred of injustice and
oppression was the form which his virtue most
naturally assumed.
To this hatred, however, there was one melancholy
exception. He was always an ecclesiastic and a High
Churchman, imbued with the intolerance of his order.
For the Catholics, as such, he did simply nothing.
Neither in England when he was guiding the ministry,
nor in Ireland when he was leading the nation, did he
make any effort to prevent the infraction of the Treaty
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxix
of Limerick. One of his arguments in defence of the
Test Act, which excluded the Dissenters from office,
was, that if it were repealed, even the Catholics, by
parity of reasoning, might claim to be enfranchised.
The very existence of the Catholic worship in Ireland
he hoped would some day be destroyed by law. His
language on this subject is explicit and emphatic.
"The Popish priests are all registered, and without
permission (which I hope will not be granted) they
can have no successors, so that the Protestant clergy
will find it perhaps no difficult matter to bring great
numbers over to the Church."
He first turned his attention to the state of Irish
manufactures. He published anonymously, in 1720,
an admirable pamphlet on the subject, in which he
urged the people to meet the restrictions which had
been imposed on their trade by abstaining from im-
portation, using exclusively Irish products, and burn-
ing everything that came from England — " except the
coal." He described the recent English policy in an
ingenious passage under the guise of the fable of
" Pallas and Arachne." " The goddess had heard of
one Arachne, a young virgin very famous for spinning
and weaving. They both met upon a trial of skill ;
and Pallas, finding herself almost equalled in her own
art, stung with r^ge and envy, knocked her rival down,
turned her into a spider, enjoining her to spin and
weave for ever out of her own bowels, and in a very
narrow compass." He concluded with an earnest
appeal to the landlords to lighten the rents, which
were crushing so many of their tenants, and with a
powerful but probably not exaggerated picture of the
" poverty and desolation that prevailed," " Whoever,"
lxx BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
he said, " travels in this country and observes the face
of nature or the faces and habits and dwellings of the
natives, will hardly think himself in a land where either
law, religion, or common humanity is professed." The
pamphlet attracted great attention, but was imme-
diately prosecuted, and Chief Justice Whiteshed dis-
played gross partisanship in endeavouring to intimidate
the jury into giving a verdict against it, but the printer
ultimately remained unpunished, and a shower of
lampoons assailed the judge.
The next productions of Swift were his famous
" Drapier's Letters." Ireland had been for some time
suffering from the want of a sufficiently large copper
coinage. Walpole determined to remedy this want,
but the manner in which this was done was very justly
described as a scandalous job. The frequent issue of
base coinage in Ireland had been an old grievance, and
the English government had been again and again
petitioned to establish a mint in Ireland, and to provide
that in Ireland as in other civilized countries the coinage
should be undertaken by government officials. These
petitions, however, had been rejected, and on the present
occasion neither the Lord Lieutenant, nor the Irish
Privy Council, nor the Irish Parliament were consulted
about the step that was taken. The patent for issuing
the new coinage was granted to the Duchess of Kendal,
the mistress of the king, who sold it for £10,000 to an
English iron merchant, named Wood.
In order to raise the profits it was determined that
no less than £108,000 should be coined. According
to the best authorities in Ireland, £10,000 or £15,000
would amply meet the wants of the country. In
England the copper coinage seldom exceeded a
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxxi
hundredth part of the whole currency, and, serving
only for the convenience of change, its intrinsic value
was of no importance. In Ireland, the whole current
coin was estimated at not more than ^400,000, and it
was proposed to coin in copper more than a fourth part
of that sum. It was contended in Ireland that a pro-
portion which was so utterly extravagant made the
question of intrinsic value of supreme importance ; that
copper would enter largely into all considerable pay-
ments ; that the precious metals would be displaced,
and would go for the most part to England in the
shape of rent ; that coiners would find it for their ad-
vantage to coin a great additional amount of debased
copper, and that Ireland being mainly reduced to such
a coinage would be placed at a ruinous disadvantage
in commerce with other countries.
The clamour against Wood's halfpence was not
originated by Swift. Before he took up his pen the
new coinage had been vehemently denounced in the
House of Commons, and both of the Irish Houses of
Parliament as well as the Irish Privy Council had pre-
sented addresses against the project. Their complaints,
however, were disregarded, and, in spite of the remon-
strances of all the organs of public opinion in Ireland,
the government determined to persevere.
There is no real reason to believe that the new coins
were inferior to the very bad copper coinage which
already existed in Ireland, though they appear to have
been by no means uniform, and though no less than
four varieties were struck. That their intrinsic value
was greatly below their nominal value was true, but if
they had only been coined in a moderate amount, and
had only served the purpose of tokens or small change,
lxxii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
this would have signified little or nothing. Taking,
however, all the circumstances of the case, there can be
no doubt that a real and gross job had been perpetrated,
and that the dignity and independence of the country
had been grossly outraged. It would, however, have
been hopeless to raise an opposition simply on consti-
tutional grounds. The Catholics were utterly crushed.
A large proportion of the Protestants were far too
ignorant to care for any mere constitutional question.
Public opinion was faint, dispirited, and divided, and
the habit of servitude had passed into all classes. The
English party, occupying the most important posts,
disposing of nearly all the great emoluments, and
controlling the courts of justice, were anxious to
suppress every symptom of opposition. The fate of
the treatise of Molyneux, and of Swift's own tract on
Irish manufactures, was a sufficient warning, and it
was plain that the contemplated measure could only
be resisted by a strong national enthusiasm.
A report that the coins were below their nominal
value had spread through the country, and was adopted
by Parliament and embodied in the resolutions of both
Houses. Of this report Swift availed himself. Writ-
ing in the character of a tradesman, and adopting with
consummate skill a style of popular argument consonant
to his assumed character, he commenced a series of
letters in which he asserted with the utmost assurance
that all who took the new coin would lose nearly
elevenpence in a shilling, or, as he afterwards main-
tained with a great parade of accuracy, that thirty-six
of them would purchase a quart of twopenny ale. He
appealed alternately to every section of the community,
pointing out how their special interests would be
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii
affected by its introduction, concluding with the
beggars, who were assured that the coin selected for
adulteration had been halfpence, in order that they too
might be ruined. Tampering with the coinage, he
justly said, "is the tenderest point of government,
affecting every individual in the highest degree. When
the value of money is arbitrary or unsettled, no man
can well be said to have any property at all ; nor is
any wound so suddenly felt, so hardly cured, or that
leaveth such deep and lasting scars behind it." A
great panic was soon created. The ministry en-
deavoured to allay it by reducing the amount to be
coined to ^40,000, by a formal examination of some
of the later halfpence at the Mint, and by a report
attesting their good quality issued by Sir I. Newton ;
but the time for such measures had passed. Swift
combated the report in an exceedingly ingenious letter,
and the distrust of the people was far too deep to be
assuaged.
By this means the needful agitation was produced,
and it remained only to turn it into the national
channel. This was done by the famous Fourth
Letter. Swift began by deploring the general weak-
ness and subserviency of the people. " Having," he
said, " already written three letters upon so disagree-
able a subject as Mr. Wood and his halfpence, I
conceived my task was at an end. But I find that
cordials must be frequently applied to weak constitu-
tions, political as well as natural. A people long used
to hardships lose by degrees the very notions of
liberty ; they look upon themselves as creatures of
mercy, and that all impositions laid on them by a
strong hand are, in the phrase of the report, legal and
lxxiv BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
obligatory." He defined clearly and boldly the limits
of the prerogative of the Crown, maintaining that
while the sovereign had an undoubted right to issue
coin, he could not compel the people to receive it ;
and he proceeded to assert the independence of
Ireland, and the essential nullity of those measures
which had not received the sanction of the Irish
legislature. He avowed his entire adherence to the
doctrine of Molyneux ; he declared his allegiance to
the king, not as King of England, but as King of
Ireland, and he asserted that Ireland was rightfully a
free nation, which implied that it had the power of
self-legislation ; for " government without the consent
of the governed is the very definition of slavery."
This letter was sustained by other pamphlets and
by ballads which were sung through the streets, and it
brought the agitation to the highest pitch. All parties
combined in resistance to the obnoxious patent and
in a determination to support the constitutional doc-
trine. The Chancellor Middleton denounced the coin ;
the Lords Justices refused to issue an order for its
circulation ; both Houses of Parliament were opposed
to it ; the grand jury of Dublin and the country
gentry at most of the quarter sessions condemned it.
" I find," wrote Primate Boulter, " by my own and
others' inquiry, that the people of every religion,
country, and party here are alike set against Wood's
halfpence, and that their agreement in this has had a
very unhappy influence on the state of this nation, by
bringing on intimacies between Papists and Jacobites
and the Whigs." Government was exceedingly
alarmed. Walpole had already recalled the Duke of
Grafton, whom he described as "a fair-weather pilot,
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxxV
that did not know how to act when the first storm
arose;" but Lord Carteret, who succeeded him as
Lord Lieutenant, was equally unable to quell the
agitation. A reward of £300 was offered in vain for
the discovery of the author of the Fourth Letter. The
authorship was notorious, and scarcely concealed by
Swift, but no legal evidence was forthcoming. A
prosecution was instituted against the printer ; but
the grand jury refused to find the bill, and persisted in
their refusal, notwithstanding the violent and in-
decorous conduct of Chief Justice Whiteshed. The
popular feeling grew daily stronger, and at last
Walpole thought it prudent to yield, and withdrew the
patent. Wood was awarded no less than £3,000 a
year for eight years, as compensation for its loss.
Such were the circumstances of this memorable
contest — a contest which has been deservedly placed
in the foremost ranks in the annals of Ireland. There
is no more momentous epoch in the history of a nation
than that in which the voice of the people has first
spoken, and spoken with success. It marks the trans-
ition from an age of semi-barbarism to an age of
civilization — from the government of force to the
government of opinion.
Swift was admirably calculated to be the leader of
public opinion in Ireland, from his complete freedom
from the characteristic defects of the Irish tempera-
ment. His writings exhibit no tendency to rhetoric
or bombast, no fallacious images or far-fetched
analogies, no tumid phrases in which the expression
hangs loosely and inaccurately around the meaning.
His style is always clear, keen, nervous, and exact.
He delights in the most homely Saxon, in the simplest
lxxvi BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
and most unadorned sentences. His arguments are
so plain that the weakest mind can grasp them, yet so
logical that it is seldom possible to evade their force.
Even his fictions exhibit everywhere his antipathy to
vagueness and mystery. As Emerson observes, " He
describes his characters as if for the police-court." It
has been often remarked that his very wit is a species
of argument. He starts from one ludicrous concep-
tion, such as the existence of minute men, or the
suitability of children for food, and he proceeds to
examine that conception in every aspect, to follow it
out to all its consequences, and to derive from it,
systematically and consistently, a train of the most
grotesque incidents. He seeks to reduce everything
to its most practical form, and to its simplest ex-
pression, and sometimes affects not even to understand
inflated language. It is curious to observe an Irish-
man, when addressing the Irish people, laying hold of
a careless expression attributed to Walpole — that he
would pour the coin down the throats of the nation —
and arguing gravely that the difficulties of such a
course would be insuperable. This shrewd, practical,
unimpassioned tone was especially needed in Ireland.
To employ Swift's own image, it was a medicine
well suited to correct the weakness of the national
character.
After the " Drapier's Letters," Swift published
several minor pieces on Irish affairs, but most of them
are very inconsiderable. The principal are his
" Maxims controlled in Ireland," in which he showed
how many of the ordinary maxims of English policy
are inapplicable to Ireland, and his " Short View of
the State of Ireland," published in 1727, in which he
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. Ixxvii
enumerated fourteen causes of a nation's prosperity,
and showed in how many of these Ireland was defi-
cient. He brought forward the condition of the
country indirectly, in that ghastly piece of sustained
irony, his proposal for employing Irish children for
food, and also in an admirable allegory, " The Story
of an Injured Lady." His influence with the people
after the " Drapier's Letters " was unbounded. Wal-
pole once spoke of having him arrested, and was
asked whether he had ten thousand men to spare, for
they would be needed for the enterprise. When
Serjeant Bettesworth, an eminent lawyer whom Swift
had fiercely satirized, threatened him with personal
violence, the people voluntarily formed a guard for his
protection. When Primate Boulter accused him of
exciting the people, he retorted, with scarcely an
exaggeration, " If I were only to lift my finger, you
would be torn to pieces." We have a curious proof of
the extent of his reputation in a letter written by
Voltaire, then a very young man, requesting him to
procure subscriptions in Ireland for the " Henriade" —
a request with which Swift complied, though he had
always refused to publish his own works by subscrip-
tion.
In more than one private letter Swift denies that in
his Irish writings he was animated by any special love
for Ireland. " What I did for this country," he said,
" was from profound hatred of tyranny and oppression.
... I believe the people of Lapland or the Hotten-
tots cannot be so miserable a people as we." Nor did
he ever seek like a common demagogue to flatter
those for whom he wrote by attributing all their
calamities to others than themselves. In his analysis
lxxviii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
of the causes of Irish depression he dwelt with un-
sparing force upon those which grew out of vices that
were purely Irish. He speaks of the excessive rents ;
the depopulation of vast districts by the great graziers ;
the scandalous absenteeism and neglect of duty of the
upper classes, their passion for London silks and
calicoes and for every English fashion in preference to
native manufacture ; the reckless extravagance that
was leading to the ruin of so many country seats and
the destruction of so much noble timber in order to meet
the expenses of spendthrift owners in London or at
Bath. He deplores the absence of any serious effort
to raise and civilize a population who in many parts
of Ireland were sunk in a squalor, ignorance, poverty,
and extreme idleness hardly equalled in Europe, and
he gives striking examples of the utter ignorance or
utter improvidence displayed in Irish agriculture.
Great tracts of land were ruined because it was the
practice of Irish farmers to cut turf without any provi-
dence or regularity ; to flay off the green surface even
of shallow soils in order to cover with it their cabins
and make up ditches ; to wear out the ground by
excessive ploughing, without taking any proper care to
manure it or giving any part of the land time to recover
itself; to plough up the meadows and let farms go to
utter ruin when the end of a lease was approaching.
No pains were taken to enclose lands ; there was so
much ignorance or so much carelessness in the
management of woods that not one hedge in a
hundred came to maturity ; trees were habitually
suffered to ruin each other for want of the most ele-
mentary trimming, or were cut down long before they
had come to their proper size. In no other country in
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxx!x
Europe, he said, had so much excellent timber been of
late cut down in so short a time, and with so little
advantage to the country either in shipping or
building.
But although Swift never flattered, no one can mis-
take the accent of genuine compassion and genuine
indignation in his writings, and his countrymen
fully recognized the services he had rendered them.
Few things in the Irish history of the last century
are more touching than the constancy with which
the people clung to their old leader, even at a time
when his faculties had wholly decayed ; and, notwith-
standing his creed, his profession, and his intolerance,
the name of Swift was for many generations the most
universally popular in Ireland. He first taught the
Irish people to rely upon themselves. He led them
to victory at a time when long oppression and the
expatriation of all the energy of the country had
deprived them of every hope. He gave a voice to
their mute sufferings, and traced the lines of their
future progress. The cause of free trade and the
cause of legislative independence never again passed
out of the minds of Irishmen, and the non-importation
agreement of 1779 and the legislative emancipation of
1782 were the development of his policy. The street
ballads which he delighted in writing, the homely,
transparent nature of all his pamphlets, and the
peculiar vein of rich humour which pervaded them,
extended his influence to the very lowest class. His
birthdays were kept with public rejoicings. On his
return from England in 1726 bonfires were lit and
church bells rung. It is related of him that on one
occasion, being disturbed by a crowd who gathered at
Ixxx BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
the deanery door to watch an eclipse, he sent out his
servant with a bell to proclaim that by order of the
Dean of St. Patrick's the eclipse was postponed, and
the laughing crowd at once dispersed. On another
occasion he gave a guinea to a maidservant to buy a
new gown, with the characteristic injunction that it
should be of Irish stuff. When he afterwards re-
proached her with not having complied with his
injunction, she brought him his own volumes, which
she had purchased, saying they were the best " Irish
stuff" she knew.
In spite of all this popularity, Ireland never ceased
to be a land of exile to him. " It is time for me," he
wrote to Bolingbroke in 1729, "to have done with the
world ; and so I would if I could get into a better
world before I was called into the best ; and not die
here in a rage like a poisoned rat in a hole." He
more than once tried to obtain some English prefer-
ment instead of his deanery. With this object, on the
death of George I., he made an assiduous court to Mrs.
Howard, the mistress of the new sovereign, but soon
found that she possessed no real power. The presence
of Pope and Bolingbroke, whom he truly loved,
as well as the wider sphere which it furnished, drew
his affections to England, and a number of causes
made Ireland peculiarly painful to him. The non-
payment of some of his church revenues and some
litigation connected with the rights of his deanery
gave him much anxiety. He was engaged towards
the close of his life in ecclesiastical disputes, into the
details of which it is not necessary to enter. He
strenuously opposed Bills for commuting the tithes
of flax and hemp, for preventing the settlement of
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxxxi
landed property on the Church or on public charities,
for enlarging the power of the bishops in granting
leases, and for relieving pasture land from the pay-
ment of tithes ; and the first three Bills were ulti-
mately rejected. The conduct of the Irish House of
Commons in carrying a resolution in favour of the
last measure threw him into a paroxysm of fury.
Nothing he ever wrote, nothing indeed in English
literature, is more savage than the " Legion Club," in
which he described the Irish Parliament as a devil-
worshipping " den of thieves " —
" Scarce a bowshot from the college,
Half <-he globe from sense and knowledge,
Roaring till their lungs are spent
Privilege of Parliament — "
and he expressed his fervent hope that this Parliament
might some day be extirpated from the island. This
was his language about those " able and faithful
counsellors," whose protest against Wood's halfpence
he had so greatly blamed the English government for
neglecting. With the bishops also, who were always
strong Whigs, and who usually represented the
Church and State policy which he detested, he was
on bad terms. His judgment of them he expressed
with his usual emphasis. " Excellent and moral
men had been selected upon every occasion of
vacancy. But it unfortunately has uniformly hap-
pened that as these worthy divines crossed Hounslow
Heath, on their road to Ireland, to take possession of
their bishoprics, they have been regularly robbed and
murdered by the highwaymen frequenting that com-
mon, who seize upon their robes and patents, come
I. /
lxxxii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
over to Ireland, and are consecrated bishops in their
stead." There was, indeed, a curious vein of demo-
cracy in his Toryism. " I hate everything with a
title," he once wrote, " except my books, and even in
those the shorter the title the better."
In the management of his deanery he was in all
essentials irreproachable, though his wayward, impe-
rious, eccentric nature was often shown. He was
indefatigable in maintaining its rights, most regular in
discharging its duties, exceedingly munificent in his
charities. He devoted a large sum out of his very
moderate income to loans to industrious tradesmen ; he
organized a system for giving badges to beggars, in
order to distinguish genuine from assumed poverty, and
he had a crowd of poor persons, usually old and infirm,
whom he was accustomed habitually to assist. Few
men can have given a larger proportion of their
incomes in charity, and Delany tells us that he
"never saw poor so carefully and conscientiously
attended to as those of his cathedral." Mrs. Pilkington
describes him, as she saw him after service, "at the
church door surrounded by a crowd of poor, to all of
whom he gave charity, except to one old woman who
held out a very dirty hand to him ; he told her gravely
that 'though she was a beggar, water was not so
scarce but she might have washed her hands.'" In
Dublin also, as in London, he was always ready to
help struggling talent, and many acts of kindness to
obscure and sometimes undeserving persons are re-
corded of him. " My notion," he wrote to Knightly
Chetwode, " is that if a man cannot mend the public, he
should mend old shoes if he can do no better, and there-
fore I endeavour in the little sphere I am placed in to
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxxxiii
do all the good it is capable of." He had some Church
patronage, and he administered it with scrupulous
care, and many anecdotes are preserved showing the
persistence with which he discouraged the idleness,
the extravagance, the intemperance, the love of dis-
play which prevailed in all ranks of Irish life. What-
ever might be thought of his influence on public affairs,
no one can doubt that in all these ways his influence
was most beneficent.
In 1726 he paid a visit to England after an absence
of twelve years. He was introduced to Walpole,
who received him with civility, and whom he en-
deavoured to interest, both directly and through the
medium of Peterborough, in Irish affairs. He also
revisited his old friends Pope and Bolingbroke, but
was soon recalled by the news that Stella was dying.
" I have been long weary," he wrote, " of the world,
and shall, for my small remainder of years, be weary
of life, having for ever lost that conversation which
could alone make it tolerable." Stella, however,
lingered till 1728. The close of her life was in keep-
ing with the rest, involved in circumstances of mystery
and obscurity ; and an anecdote is related concerning
it which, if it be accepted, would leave a deep stain on
the memory of Swift. The younger Sheridan states,
on the authority of his father, that a few days before
her death, Stella, in the presence of Sheridan, adjured
Swift to acknowledge the marriage that had previously
taken place between them, to save her reputation from
posthumous slander, and to grant her the consolation
of dying his admitted wife. He adds that Swift made
no reply, but walked silently out of the room, and
never saw her again during the few days that she lived ;
1XXX1V BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
that she was thrown by his behaviour into unspeakable
agonies of disappointment, inveighed bitterly against
his cruelty, and then sent for a lawyer and bequeathed
her property, in the presence of Sheridan, to charitable
purposes. But high as is the authority for this anecdote,
it is certainly inaccurate. The book in which it
appeared was only published fifty years after the time,
and its author was a boy when his father died. It
appears from the extant will that it was drawn up, not
a " few days," but a full month before the death of the
testator, and at a time when she was so far from re-
garding herself as on the point of death that she
described herself as in " tolerable health of body," left
a legacy to one of her servants if he should be alive
and in her service at the time of her death, and another
to the poor of the parish in which she may happen to
die. It is certain that the disposition of her property
was no sudden resolution, and it is equally certain that
it was not made contrary to the wishes of Swift, for a
letter by him exists which was written a year earlier,
in which he expresses a strong desire that she could be
induced to make her will, and states her intentions
about her property in the exact words which she
subsequently employed. On money matters Swift
was very disinterested, and it is not surprising that he
who had refused to marry Vanessa notwithstanding
her large fortune, should have advised Stella to be-
queath her property in charity. The terms of agonizing
sorrow and intense affection in which he at this time
wrote about her, and the entire absence of any known
reason why he should not have avowed the marriage
had she desired it, make the alleged act of harshness
very improbable ; and it may be added that the will
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxxxv
contains a bequest to Swift of a box of papers, and of a
bond for thirty pounds. The bulk of her property-
she bequeathed, as Swift had before intimated, to
Steevens Hospital, after the death of her mother
and sister, to revert to her nearest relative in case of
the disestablishment of the Protestant Church in Ireland.
As we have already seen, Swift had himself provided
for the same contingency in the case of some tithes
which he purchased when at Laracor, and left to his
descendants. Her body, in accordance with the desire
expressed in her will, was buried in St. Patrick's
Cathedral. On her monument, as in her will, she is
described simply as Esther Johnson.
In addition to the anecdote I have mentioned, there
is another related about the last hours of Stella which
is not very consistent with the former one. Mrs.
Whiteway, the niece of Swift, is said to have informed
one of his relations that Stella was carried shortly before
her death to the deanery, and being very feeble was
laid upon a bed, while Swift sat by the side, holding
her hand and addressing her in the most affectionate
terms. Mrs. Whiteway, out of delicacy, and being
unwilling to overhear their conversation, withdrew into
another room, but she could not help hearing two
broken sentences. Swift said in an audible tone,
" Well, my dear, if you wish it, it shall be owned ; " to
which Stella answered, with a sigh, " It is too late ! "
and it is assumed that these words referred to the
marriage. There is, however, no decisive evidence that
Stella ever complained of her relations with Swift, nor
does Swift ever appear during her lifetime to have
been accused of harshness to her. At the time of her
death she was forty-seven and Swift was sixty-one.
lxxxvi BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
But whatever may have been the relation subsisting
between Stella and Swift, it is plain that when she died
the death-knell of his happiness had struck. " For my
part," he wrote to one of his friends shortly before the
event took place, " as I value life very little, so the poor
casual remains of it, after such a loss, would be a burden
that I must heartily beg God Almighty to enable me
to bear ; and I think there is not a greater folly than
that of entering into too strict and particular a friend-
ship, with the loss of which a man must be absolutely
miserable, but especially at an age when it is too late
to engage in a new friendship." That morbid melan-
choly to which he had ever been subject assumed
a darker hue and a more unremitting sway as the
shadows began to lengthen upon his path. It had
appeared very vividly in " Gulliver's Travels," which
was published in 1726. Like nearly all Swift's works
this great book was published anonymously, and like
nearly all of them it met with a great and immediate
success. It is, indeed, one of the most original as well
as one of the most enduring books of the eighteenth
century. Few things might have seemed more im-
possible than to combine in a single work the charm
of an eminently popular children's story, a savage
satire on human nature, and a large amount of shrewd
and practical political speculation. Yet all this will be
found in " Gulliver." Of all Swift's works it probably
exhibits most frequently his idiosyncrasies and his
sentiments. We find his old hatred of mathematics
displayed in the history of Laputa ; his devotion to his
disgraced friends in the attempt to cast ridicule on the
evidence on which Atterbury was condemned ; his
antipathy to Sir Isaac Newton, whose habitual absence
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxxxvii
of mind is said to have suggested the flappers ; as well
as allusions to Sir R. Walpole, to the doubtful policy of
the Prince of Wales, and to the antipathy Queen Anne
had conceived against him on account of the indecorous
manner in which he had defended the Church. We find,
above all, his profound disenchantment with human
life and his deep-seated contempt for mankind in his
picture of the Yahoos. Embittered by disappointment
and ill-health, and separated by death or by his position
from all he most deeply loved, he had learnt to look
with contempt upon the contests in which so much of
his life had been expended, and his naturally stern,
gloomy, and foreboding nature darkened into an
intense misanthropy. " I love only individuals," he
once wrote. He " hated and detested that animal
called man," and he declared that he wrote " Gulliver "
'* to vex the world rather than to divert it." It was his
deliberate opinion that man is hopelessly corrupt, that
the evil preponderates over the good, and that life itself
is a curse. No one who really understands Swift will
question the reality and the intensity of this misan-
thropy. It was one of his strange habits to celebrate his
birthday by reading the third chapter of the Book of
Job, in which the patriarch cursed bitterly the day of
his birth. "I hate life," he once wrote on learn-
ing the early death of a dear friend, " when I think it
is exposed to such accidents, and to see so many
thousand wretches burdening the earth while such as
her die makes me think God did never intend life for
a blessing." " Life," he wrote to Pope, " is not a farce ;
it is a ridiculous tragedy, which is the worst kind of
composition."
The melancholy of Swift was doubtless essentially
lxxxviii BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
constitutional, and mainly due to a physical malady
which had long acted upon his brain. His nature
was a profoundly unhappy one, but it is not true that
his life was on the whole unprosperous. Very few
penniless men of genius have had the advantages which
he obtained at an early age by his connection with Sir
William Temple. He tasted in ample measure all the
sweets of literary success, and although his political
career was chequered by grave disappointments he
obtained both in England and in Ireland some brilliant
triumphs. A deanery in an important provincial
capital, where he was adored by the populace, and
where he had warm friends among the gentry, may
not have been all to which he aspired, but it was no
very deplorable fate, and although the income attached
to it was moderate and at one time greatly diminished,
it was sufficient for his small wants and frugal habits.
Above all, few men have received from those who knew
them best a larger measure of affection and friendship.
But happiness and misery come mainly from within,
and to Swift life had lost all its charm. After " Gulliver,"
his literary activity sensibly abated, but in 173 1 he
wrote one of the most powerful, but also the saddest
of his poems, the poem on his own death.
Age had begun to press heavily upon him, and age
ne had ever regarded as the greatest of human ills. In
his picture of the " Immortals " he had painted its at-
tendant evils as they had never been painted before.
He had ridiculed the reverence paid to the old, as
resembling that which the vulgar pay to comets, for
their beards and their pretensions to foretell the future.
He had predicted that, like the blasted tree, he would
himself die first at the top. Those whom he had valued
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. lxxxix
the most had almost all preceded him to the tomb.
Oxford, Arbuthnot, Peterborough, Gay, Lady Masham
and Rowe, had one by one dropped off. Of all that
brilliant company who had surrounded him in the
days of his power, Pope and Bolingbroke alone re-
mained, and Pope was sinking under continued ill-
ness, and Bolingbroke was drawing his last breath in
the more congenial atmosphere of France. A cloud
had passed over his friendship with Sheridan, whom he
sincerely loved, but whose boisterous spirits had be-
come too much for the old and misanthropic man, and
Sheridan had now gone with broken fortunes to a
school at Cavan. Stella had left no successor. His
niece, Mrs. Whiteway, watched over him with un-
wearied kindness, but she could not supply the place
of those who had gone.
He looked forward to death without terror, but his
mind quailed at the prospect of the dotage and the
decrepitude that precedes it. He had seen the greatest
general and the greatest lawyer of the day sink into
second childhood, and he felt that the fate of
Marlborough and of Somers would at last be his own.
A large mirror once fell to the ground in the room
where he was standing. A friend observed how
nearly it had killed him. " Would to God," he ex-
claimed, " that it had ! " His later letters — especially
his letters to his friend Knightly Chetwode — are full of
complaints of attacks of deafness and dizziness, of
failure of memory, of confusion of mind. He was con-
scious of failing powers, and grew morbidly restless
and irritable. His flashes of wit became fewer and fewer.
Avarice, the common vice of the old, came upon him,
and he was himself quite aware of the fact. He shrank
XC BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION.
from all hospitality, from all luxuries. Yet even at this
time his large charities were unabated, and he refused
a considerable sum which was offered him to renew a
lease on terms that would be disadvantageous to his
successors.
After 1736 the failure of his faculties grew very
evident, and in 1 742 it became necessary to place him
under restraint.
At length the evil day arrived. A tumour, accom-
panied by excruciating pain, arose over one of his
eyes. For a month he never gained a moment of
repose. For a week he was with difficulty restrained
by force from tearing out his eye. The agony was
too great for human endurance. It subsided at last,
but his mind had wholly ebbed away. It was not
madness ; it was absolute idiocy that ensued. He
remained passive in the hands of his attendants with-
out speaking, or moving, cr betraying the slightest
emotion. Once, indeed, when someone spoke of the
illuminations by which the people were celebrating the
anniversary of his birthday, he muttered, " It is all folly ;
they had better leave it alone." Occasionally he en-
deavoured to rouse himself from his torpor, but could
not find words to form a sentence, and with a deep sigh
he relapsed into his former condition. His face, Mrs.
Delany tells us, retained all its old beauty ; the
hard lines that once gave it a harsh expression had
passed away, while his long silver hair gave him a most
venerable appearance, but every spark of intelligence
had disappeared. It was not till he had continued in
this state for two years that he exchanged the sleep of
idiocy for the sleep of death.
He died in October, 1745, in his seventy-eighth year,
BIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION. XC1
and was buried beside Stella, in his own cathedral,
where the following epitaph, written by himself,
marks his grave :
HIC DEPOSITUM EST CORPUS
JONATHAN SWIFT, S.T.P.
HUJUS ECCLESI/E CATHEDRALIS
DECANI.
UBI SiEVA INDIGNATIO
COR ULTERIUS LACERARE NEQUIT.
ABI VIATOR,
ET IMITARE SI POTERIS,
STRENUUM PRO VIRILI LIBERTATIS VINDICEM.
His property he left to build a madhouse. It would
seem as though he were guided in his determination by
an anticipation of his own fate. He himself assigned
another reason. He says in his poem on his own
death :
" He left the little wealth he had
To build a house for fools and mad,
To show by one satiric touch
No nation needed it so much."
The paper of " Resolutions," of which a facsimile (slightly
reduced) is given opposite, was found by Mrs. Whiteway among
Swift's papers at his death. It is here reproduced from the
original, now in the Forster Collection at South Kensington.
The following is a literal transcript :
When I come to be old. 1699.
Not to marry a young Woman.
Not to keep young Company unless they reely desire it.
Not to be peevish or morose, or suspicious.
Not to scorn present Ways, or Wits, or Fashions, or Men, or
War, &c.
Not to be fond of Children, or let them come near me hardly?
Not to tell the same story over and over to the same People.
Not to be covetous.
Not to neglect decency, or cleenlyness, for fear of falling into
Nastyness.
Not to be over severe with young People, but give Allowances
for their youthfull follyes and weaknesses.
Not to be influenced by, or give ear to knavish tatling servants,
or others.
Not to be too free of advise, nor trouble any but those that
desire it.
To desire 2 some good Friends to inform me w ch of these Resolu-
tions I break, or neglect, and wherein ; and reform
accordingly.
Not to talk much, nor of my self.
Not to boast of my former beauty, or strength, or favor with
Ladyes, &c.
Not to hearken to Flatteryes, nor conceive I can be beloved by
a young woman, et eos qui hereditatem captant, odisse
ac vitare.
Not to be positive or opiniative.
Not to sett up for observing all these Rules ; for fear I should
observe none.
1 The words in italics were erased by another hand, probably by
Deane Swift.
2 The original word was ' ' conjure."
fev t. t u* r^^ u rr uUr ' cv Cf '-^-^. K ^r f te ^
"Tut t* &■ t**^r . . , f ■/*, / // / ,
ML. <& ^"% "" / M
fifing 1 y *»" ^,~Ji^u~ A- *<* wg, *v
^^" • * a v ^i .<•&&.<*(**. t^w^w <***% dry, cc uU***.
•TA^fcg; Tarwrrt- -.i riu^r gates •*■<,»■•
A TALE OF A TUB.
NOTE.
The " Tale of a Tub " was first published in April or May of the year
1704. Before the end of the year there had appeared three editions
in addition to those which were published in Ireland. In the following
year an authorized edition was issued by Mr. John Nutt ; this is the
fourth. In 1710, the same bookseller published the fifth edition, which
included, for the first time, the "Author's Apology," and the notes by
Wotton and others. The present text is based on this edition.
Apparently Nutt must either have sold or handed over the copy-
right of the work to Benjamin Motte and Tooke, for these booksellers
issued the sixth and seventh editions in 1724 and 1727. There were
other issues before 1750 (see Bibliography in vol. xii of this edition).
Wotton's annotations originally appeared in a pamphlet entitled " A
Defense of the Reflections upon Ancient and Modern Learning ....
with observations upon ' The Tale of a Tub,' " (London : Tim Goodwin,
1705). They were written by way of exposing the errors of what he
considered to be a ridiculous work. Swift turned the tables on him by
frankly accepting them, since they were really valuable expositions.
Thus it happens, in the words of Mr. Forster, that " its most envenomed
assailant has, in countless editions since, figured as its friendly illus-
trator."
At the time of its publication Swift was thirty-seven years of age, but
the "Tale" itself had been finished and ready for the printer more
than seven years before. The greater part of it, as Swift himself says in
his "Apology," was written in 1696.
On its first appearance the book made a great hit, and, as it was
issued anonymously, there was much speculation as to its author.
Sacheverell ascribed it to Smalridge, but that gentleman had to keep
clean a reputation which he was saving up for ecclesiastical prefer-
ment, and he immediately repudiated it. Two young Oxford students,
Edmund Smith and John Philips, did not take any active steps to deny
the imputation of authorship when it was laid upon them. Each had a
fairly respectable literary ability, but of the first there are now left only
the reputation of his profligacy, and a tragedy, " Phaedra and Hippo-
litus, while the fame of the second rests on the tottering foundations
of his Miltonic parody, " The Splendid Shilling."
Wotton, in his criticism on the "Tale," said that Thomas Swift
was its author. This belief may have arisen from the fact that a copy
of some portion of a satire which Swift originally made for Temple
had, after Temple's death, fallen into the hands of Thomas Swift.
Curll, in what Forster calls his "scurrilous 'Key,'" affirms that the
XCV1 NOTE.
" Tale " was " pei formed by a couple of young clergymen who, having
been domestic chaplains to Sir William Temple, thought themselves
obliged to take up his quarrel." The "couple of young clergymen"
were Jonathan and Thomas Swift. The base insinuations which Curll
goes on to make were treated by Swift in a contemptuous fashion. He
suspected, in a letter to Tooke ' (who had sent him a copy of the
"Key"), that his "little parson-cousin" (meaning Thomas Swift) was
at the bottom of it.
Dr. Johnson's doubt about Swift being the author may be put down
to the inexplicable repugnance he had for Swift. Forster sufficiently
answers him when he sarcastically remarks that ' ' Swift was to lose a
bishopric in one generation because a piece of writing was thought too
witty to be fathered on anybody else, and in the next he was to lose the
credit of having written the piece because it was too witty to be fathered
on him " (" Life," pp. 156, 157).
The only written avowals of Swift with regard to the " Tale's *
authorship are in letters to Esther Johnson 2 and Ben Tooke, But,
indeed, at the time it was perfectly well known among a certain set
that Swift was the author. Otherwise it is difficult to explain how
Archbishop Sharp could have succeeded in preventing Swift's appoint-
ment to a bishopric, when he urged that the author of the "Tale of a
Tub " was not a proper person to hold such an office.
Mrs. Whiteway's anecdote must also be taken as good evidence, and
its meaning cannot be mistaken. In the latter years of Swift's life,
she observed, on one occasion, the Dean looking over the " Tale,"
when suddenly closing the book he muttered to himself unconsciously,
" Good God ! what a genius I had when I wrote that book ! "
Mr. Churton Collins draws attention to a curious point which has
escaped other biographers. He finds that Archbishop Sharp, who
biassed Queen Anne against Swift for writing the " Tale," printed a
sermon in which he uses an allegory very similar to that of Swift's. As
Sharp's sermon was in existence in 1686, it is probable that Swift was
indebted to it for the hint. (See Mr. Collins's "Jonathan Swift," p. 47. )
"The History of Martin " is reprinted from the third volume of the
"Supplement to Dr. Swift's Works," published by Nichols in 1779.
There it is stated that it is taken from a Dutch edition of 1720, and is
headed, " Abstract of what, in the Dutch edition, is said to have followed
Sect. IX. of the MS." The full title of this Dutch volume is " Miscel-
laneous Works, Comical and Diverting: by T.R.D.J.S.D.O.P.I.I. in
Two Parts. I. The Tale of a Tub; with the Fragment, and the Battel
of the Books ; with considerable additions, and explanatory notes, never
before printed. II. Miscellanies in Prose and Verse, by the supposed
Author of the First Part. London, Printed by Order of the Society de
Propagando, &c. 1720." (See Bibliography.)
With the "Tale" have always appeared in the same volume "The
Battle of the Books" and "The Mechanical Operation of the Spirit."
[T. S.]
1 29 June, 1710 (Scott's 2nd edit., xv, 363).
3 7 Oct., 1710 (vol. ii, p. 24 of this edition).
T A* L E
OF A
T U B.
Written for the Univerfal Im-
provement of Mankind.
Diu multumque defideratum.
To which is added,
An ACCOUNT of a
BATTEL
BETWEEN THE
Antient and Modern BOOKS
in St. James's Library.
Bafima eacabafa eanaa irraurifta, diarba da caeotaba
fobor camelanthi. Iren. Lib. I. C. 18.
"Juvatque novos decerpere flores,
Infignemque meo capiti petere inde coronam,
Vnde prius nulli velarunt tempora Mufa. Lucret.
The Fifth Edition : With the Au-
thor's Apology and Explanatory Notes.
By W. W-tt-n, B. D. and others.
LONDON: Printed for John Nutt, near
Stationers-Hall. M DCC X.
I. B
Treatises wrote by the same Author, most of them mentioned
in the following Discourses ; which will be speedily pub-
lished.
A Character of the present Set ^/"Wits in this Island.
A panegyrical Essay upo?i the Number Three.
A Dissertation upon the principal Productions of Grub-
Street.
Lectures upon a Dissection of Human Nature.
A Panegyric upon the Wo? Id.
An analytical Discourse upoii Zeal, histori-theophysi-
logically considered.
A general History of Ears.
A modest Defence of the Proceedings of the Rabble in all
ages.
A Description of the Kingdom of Absurdities.
A Voyage into England, by a Person of Quality in Terra
Australis incognita, translated from the Original.
A critical Essay upon the Art of Canting, philosophically,
physically, and musically considered.
A TALE OF A TUB.
ANALYTICAL TABLE. 1
The Author's Apology.
'T'HE Tale approved of by a great majority among the
■*- men of taste. Some treatises written expressly
against it ; but not one syllable in its defence. The greatest
part of it finished in 1696, eight years before it was
published. The author's intention when he began it. No
irreligious or immoral opinion can fairly be deduced from
the book. The clergy have no reason to dislike it. The
author's intention not having met with a candid interpreta-
tion, he declined engaging in a task he had proposed to
himself, of examining some publications, that were intended
against all religion. Unfair to fix a name upon an author,
who had so industriously concealed himself. The Letter
on Enthusiasm,* ascribed by several to the same author.
If the abuses in law or physic had been the subject of
this treatise, the learned professors in either faculty would
have been more liberal than the clergy. The passages
which appear most liable to objection are parodies. The
author entirely innocent of any intention of glancing at
those tenets of religion, which he has by some pre-
judiced or ignorant readers been supposed to mean. This
1 This was printed by Nichols in vol. xiv of the 4th edition of Swift
(1779) as " Improved from a Book Printed in Holland "; the Analysis
of « ' The Author's Apology " did not appear in ' ' Miscellaneous Works, "
1720, the book referred to. [W. S. J.]
1 This celebrated Letter, which was generally supposed to have been
written by Dr. Swift, and by him, with as little foundation, ascribed to
his friend Colonel Hunter, was the production of the noble author of
the "Characteristics." [Nichols.] See also p. 14. [W. S. J.]
4 A TALE OF A TUB.
particularly the case in the passage about the three wooden
machines. An irony runs through the whole book.
Not necessary to take notice of treatises written against it.
The usual fate of common answerers to books of merit, is to
sink into waste paper and oblivion. The case very different,
when a great genius exposes a foolish piece. Reflections
occasioned by Dr. King's Remarks on the Tale of a Tub ;
others, by Mr. Wotton. The manner in which the Tale was
first published accounted for. The Fragment not printed
in the way the author intended ; being the ground-work of a
much larger discourse. The oaths of Peter why introduced.
The severest strokes of satire in the treatise are levelled
against the custom of employing wit in profaneness or
immodesty. Wit the noblest and most useful gift of human
nature ; and humour the most agreeable. Those who have
no share of either, think the blow weak, because they are
themselves insensible.
P.S. The author of the Key wrong in all his conjectures.
The whole work entirely by one hand ; the author defying
any one to claim three lines in the book.
The Bookseller's Dedication to Lord Somers.
How he finds out that lord to be the patron intended by
his author. Dedicators ridiculous, who praise their patrons
for qualities that do not belong to them.
The Bookseller to the Header.
Tells how long he has had these papers, when they were
written, and why he publishes them now.
The Dedication to Posterity.
The author, apprehending that Time will soon destroy
almost all the writings of this age, complains of his malice
against modern authors and their productions, in hurrying
them so quickly off the scene; and therefore addresses
posterity in favour of his contemporaries ; assures him they
abound in wit and learning, and books ; and, for instance,
mentions Dryden, Tate, D'Urfey, Bentley, and Wotton.
ANALYTICAL TABLE.
Preface.
The occasion and design of this work.
Project for employing the beaux of the nation. Of
modern prefaces. Modern wit how delicate. Method for
penetrating into an author's thoughts.
Complaints of every writer against the multitude of
writers, like the fat fellows in a crowd. Our author insists
on the common privilege of writers ; to be favourably
explained, when not understood ; and to praise himself in
the modern way. This treatise without satire ; and why.
Fame sooner gotten by satire than panegyric ; the subject of
the latter being narrow, and that of the former infinite.
Difference between Athens and England, as to general and
particular satire. The author designs a panegyric on the
world, and a modest defence of the rabble.
Sect. I. The Introduction. A physico-mythological
dissertation on the different sorts of oratorial machines. Of
the bar and the bench. The author fond of the number
Three ; promises a panegyric on it. Of pulpits ; which are
the best. Of ladders ; on which the British orators surpass
all others. Of the stage itinerant ; the seminary of the two
former. A physical reason why those machines are elevated.
Of the curious contrivance of modern theatres. These
three machines emblematically represent the various sorts of
authors.
An apologetical dissertation for the Grub-Street writers,
against their revolted rivals of Gresham and Will's. Super-
ficial readers cannot easily find out wisdom ; which is com-
pared to several pretty things. Commentaries promised on
several writings of Grub-Street authors ; as Reynard the
Fox, Tom Thumb, Dr. Faustus, Whittington and his Cat,
the Hind and Panther, Tommy Pots, and the Wise Men of
Gotham. The author's pen and person worn out in serving
the state. Multiplicity of titles and dedications.
Sect. II. Tale of a Tub. Of a Father and his Three
Sons. His will, and his legacies to them. Of the young
men's carriage at the beginning : and of the genteel qualifi-
cations they acquired in town. Description of a new sect,
who adored their creator the tailor. Of their idol, and
their system. The three brothers follow the mode against
6 A TALE OF A TUB.
their father's will ; and get shoulder-knots, by help of dis-
tinctions ; gold-lace, by help of tradition ; flame-coloured
satin lining, by means of a supposed codicil ; silver fringe,
by virtue of critical interpretation ; and embroidery of Indian
figures, by laying aside the plain literal meaning. The will
at last locked up. Peter got into a lord's house, and after
his death turned out his children, and took in his own
brothers in their stead.
Sect. III. A Digression concerning Critics. Three
sorts of Critics ; the two first sorts now extinct. The true
sort of Critics' genealogy ; office ; definition. Antiquity of
their race proved from Pausanias, who represents them by
Asses browsing on vines ; and Herodotus, by Asses with
horns ; and by an Ass that frightened a Scythian army ; and
Diodorus, by a Poisonous Weed ; and Ctesias, by Serpents
that poison with their vomit ; and Terence, by the name of
Malevoli. The true Critic compared to a Tailor, and to a
true Beggar. Three characteristics of a true modern
Critic.
Sect. IV. Tale of a Tub continued. Peter assumes
grandeur and titles ; and, to support them, turns projector.
The Author's hopes of being translated into foreign languages.
Peter's first invention, of Terra Australis Incognita. The
second of a remedy for Worms. The third, a Whispering-
Office. Fourth, an Insurance-Office. Fifth, an Universal
Pickle. Sixth, a set of Bulls with leaden feet. Lastly, his
pardons to malefactors. Peter's brains turned ; he plays
several tricks, and turns out his brothers' wives. Gives his
brothers bread for mutton and for wine. Tells huge lies :
of a Cow's milk, that would fill 3,000 churches ; of a Sign-post
as large as a man of war ; of a House, that travelled 2,000
leagues. The brothers steal a copy of the will ; break open
the cellar door; and are both kicked out of doors by
Peter.
Sect. V. A Digression in the modern kind. Our
author expatiates on his great pains to serve the public by
instructing, and more by diverting. The Moderns having
so far excelled the Ancients, the Author gives them a receipt
for a complete system of all arts and sciences, in a small
pocket volume. Several defects discovered in Homer ; and
his ignorance in modern invention, &c. Our Author's
ANALYTICAL TABLE. 7
writings fit to supply all defects. He justifies his praising
his own writings, by modern examples.
Sect. VI. Tale of a Tub continued. The Two
Brothers ejected, agree in a resolution to reform, according
to the will. They take different names ; and are found to
be of different complexions. How Martin began rudely,
but proceeded more cautiously, in reforming his coat. Jack,
of a different temper, and full of zeal, begins tearing all to
pieces. He endeavours to kindle up Martin to the same
pitch ; but, not succeeding, they separate. Jack runs mad,
gets many names, and founds the sect of ./Eolists.
Sect. VII. A Digression in praise of Digressions.
Digressions suited to modern palates. A proof of depraved
appetites; but necessary for modern writers. Two ways
now in use to be book-learned; i. by learning Titles ; 2. by
reading Indexes. Advantages of this last : and of Abstracts.
The number of writers increasing above the quantity of
matter, this method becomes necessary and useful. The
Reader empowered to transplant this Digression.
Sect. VIII. Tale of a Tub continued. System of
the ^Eolists : they hold wind, or spirit, to be the origin of
all things, and to bear a great part in their composition. Of
the fourth and fifth animas attributed by them to man. Of
their belching, or preaching. Their inspiration from Irarta.
They use barrels for pulpits. Female officers used for
inspiration ; and why. The notion opposite to that of a
Deity, fittest to form a Devil. Two Devils dreaded by the
vEolists. Their relation with a Northern nation. The
Author's respect for this sect.
Sect. IX. Dissertation on Madness. Great con-
querors of empires, and founders of sects in philosophy and
religion, have generally been persons whose reason was
disturbed. A small vapour, mounting to the brain, may
occasion great revolutions. Examples ; of Henry IV., who
made great preparations for war, because of his mistress's
absence ; and of Louis XIV., whose great actions concluded
in a fistula. Extravagant notions of several great philoso-
phers, how nice to distinguish from madness. Mr. Wotton's
fatal mistake, in misapplying his peculiar talents. Madness
the source of conquests and systems. Advantages of fiction
and delusion over truth and reality. The outside of things
8 A TALE OF A TUB.
better than the inside. Madness, how useful. A proposal
for visiting Bedlam, and employing the divers members in a
way useful to the public.
Sect. X. The Author's compliments to the Readers.
Great civilities practised between the Authors and Readers ;
and our Author's thanks to the whole nation. How well
satisfied Authors and Booksellers are. To what occasions
we owe most of the present writings. Of a paltry scribbler,
our Author is afraid of; and therefore desires Dr. Bentley's
protection. He gives here his whole store at one meal.
Usefulness of this treatise to different sorts of Readers ; the
superficial, the ignorant, and the learned. Proposal for
making some ample Commentaries on this work ; and of the
usefulness of Commentaries for dark writers. Useful hints
for the Commentators of this Treatise.
Sect. XI. The Tale of a Tub continued. The
Author, not in haste to be at home, shews the difference
between a traveller weary, or in haste, and another in good
plight, that takes his pleasure, and views every pleasant
scene in his way. The sequel of Jack's adventures ; his
superstitious veneration for the Holy Scripture, and the
uses he made of it. His flaming zeal, and blind submission
to the Decrees. His harangue for Predestination. He
covers roguish tricks with a show of devotion. Affects
singularity in manners and speech. His aversion to music
and painting. His discourses provoke sleep. His groaning,
and affecting to suffer for the good cause. The great anti-
pathy of Peter and Jack made them both run into extremes,
where they often met.
The degenerate ears of this age cannot afford a sufficient
handle to hold men by. The senses and passions afford
many handles. Curiosity is that by which our Author has
held his readers so long. The rest of this story lost, &c.
The Conclusion. Of the proper Seasons for publishing
books. Of profound Writers. Of the ghost of Wit. Sleep
and the Muses nearly related. Apology for the Author's fits
of dulness. Method and Reason the lacquey of Invention.
Our Author's great collection of Flowers of little use till
now.
ANALYTICAL TABLE. 9
A Discourse concerning the Mechanical Operation
of the Spirit.
The Author, at a loss what title to give this piece, finds,
after much pains, that of A Letter to a Friend to be most in
vogue. Of modern excuses for haste and negligence, &c.
Sect. I. Mahomet's fancy of being carried to Heaven by
an Ass, followed by many Christians. A great affinity
between this creature and man. That talent of bringing
his rider to Heaven, the subject of this Discourse ; but for
Ass and Rider, the Author uses the synonymous terms of
Enlightened Teacher and Fanatic Hearer. A tincture of
Enthusiasm runs through all men and all sciences; but
prevails most in Religion. Enthusiasm defined and dis-
tinguished. That which is Mechanical and Artificial is
treated of by our Author. Though Art oftentimes changes
into Nature : examples in the Scythian Longheads, and
English Roundheads. — Sense and Reason must be laid
aside to let this Spirit operate. The objections about the
manner of the Spirit from above descending upon the
Apostles, make not against this Spirit that arises within.
The methods by which the Assembly helps to work up this
Spirit, jointly with the Preacher.
Sect. II. How some worship a good Being, others an
evil. Most people confound the bounds of good and evil.
Vain mortals think the Divinity interested in their meanest
actions. The scheme of spiritual mechanism left out. Of
the usefulness of quilted night-caps, to keep in the heat, to
give motion and vigour to the little animals that compose
the brain. Sound of far greater use than sense in the
operations of the Spirit, as in Music. Inward light consists
of theological monosyllables and mysterious texts. Of the
great force of one vowel in canting; and of blowing the
nose, hawking, spitting, and belching. The Author to
publish an Essay on the Art of Canting. Of speaking
through the nose, or snuffling : its origin from a disease
occasioned by a conflict betwixt the Flesh and the Spirit.
Inspired vessels, like lanterns, have a sorry sooty outside.
Fanaticism deduced from the Ancients, in their Orgies,
Bacchanals, &c. Of their great lasciviousness on those
occasions. The Fanatics of the first centuries, and those of
10 A TALE OF A TUB.
later times, generally agree in the same principle, of improv-
ing spiritual into carnal ejaculations, &c
The Battle of the Books.
The Preface tells us, this piece was written in 1697, on
accountof a famous dispute about Ancient and Modern Learn-
ing, between Sir William Temple and the Earl of Orrery
on the one side, and Mr. Wotton and Bentley on the other.
War and Invasions generally proceed from the attacks of
Want and Poverty upon Plenty and Riches. The Moderns
quarrel with the Ancients, about the possession of the highest
top of Parnassus; and desire them to surrender it, or to
let it be levelled. The answer of the Ancients not accepted.
A war ensues ; in which rivulets of ink are spilt ; and both
parties hang out their trophies, books of controversy. These
books haunted with disorderly spirits ; though often bound
to the peace in Libraries. The Author's advice in this case
neglected ; which occasions a terrible fight in St. James's
Library. Dr. Bentley, the Library-keeper, a great enemy to
the Ancients. The Moderns, finding themselves 50,000
strong, give the Ancients ill language. Temple, a favourite
of the Ancients. An incident of a quarrel between a Bee
and a Spider; with their arguments on both sides. ^Esop
applies them to the present dispute. The order of battle of
the Moderns, and names of their leaders. The leaders of
the Ancients. Jupiter calls a council of the Gods, and
consults the books of Fate ; and then sends his orders below.
Momus brings the news to Criticism ; whose habitation and
company is described. She arrives ; and sheds her influence
on her son Wotton. The battle described. Paracelsus
engages Galen ; Aristotle aims at Bacon, and kills Descartes;
Homer overthrows Gondibert, kills Denham and Wesley, 1
Perrault 2 and Fontenelle. 3 Encounter of Virgil and Dryden ;
1 Samuel Wesley, rector of Ormesby and Epworth, in Lincolnshire.
He died April 25, 1735. [S.]
2 Charles Perrault, author of a poem, entitled, " Le Siecle de Louis
le Grand," in which the modern authors are exalted above the ancient ;
and of several other curious works. He was born in 1626, and died in
1703. [Nichols.]
s The celebrated author of " The Plurality of Worlds ; " who died in
1756, when he wanted only a few days of completing his hundredth
year. [Nichols.]
ANALYTICAL TABLE. II
of Lucan and Blackmore ; of Creech and Horace ; of Pindar
and Cowley. The episode of Bentley and Wotton. Bent-
ley's armour. His speech to the modern generals. Scaliger's
answer. Bentley and Wotton march together. Bentley
attacks Phalaris and JRsop. Wotton attacks Temple in
vain. Boyle pursues Wotton ; and, meeting Bentley in his
way, he pursues and kills them both.
AN APOLOGY
For the, d^v.
/F good and ill nature equally operated upon Mankind, 1
might have saved myself the trouble of this Apology ; for
it is manifest by the reception the following discourse hath met
with, that those who approve it, are a great majority among
the men of taste ; yet there have been two or three treatises
written expressly against it, besides many others that have
flirted at it occasionally, without one syllable having been ever
published in its defence, or even quotation to its advantage, that
I can remember, except by the polite author of a late discourse
between a Deist and a Socinian.
Therefore, since the book seems calculated to live, at least as
long as our language and our taste admit no great alterations,
I am content to convey some Apology along with it.
The greatest part of that hook 7ms finished above thirteen
years since, 1696, which is eight years before it was published.
The author was then young, his invention at the height, and
his reading fresh in his head. By the assistance of some
thinking, and much conversation, he had endeavour 'd to strip
himself of as many real prejudices as he could ; I say real ones,
because, under the notion of prejudices, he knew to what
dangerous heights some men have proceeded. Thus prepared,
he thought the numerojis and gross corruptions in Religion
and Learning might furnish matter for a satire, that would
be useful and diverting. He resolved to proceed in a manner
that should be altogether new, the world having been already
too long nauseated with endless repetitions upon every subject.
The abuses in Religion, he proposed to set forth in the Allegory
of the Coats, and the three Brothers, which was to make up
the body of the discourse. Those in learning, he chose to intro-
duce by way of digressions. He was then a young gentleman
AN APOLOGY. 13
much in the world, 1 and wrote to the taste of those who were
like himself ; therefore, in order to allure them, he gave a
liberty to his pen, which might not suit with maturer years, or
graver characters, atid which he could have easily corrected with
a very fezu blots, had he been master of his papers, for a year
or two before their publication.
Not that he would have governed his judgment by the ill-
placed cavils of the sour, the envious, the stupid, and the taste-
less, which he mentions with disdain. He acknowledges there
are several youthful sallies, which, from the grave and the
wise, may deserve a rebuke. But he desires to be answerable
no farther than he is guilty, and that his faults may not be
multiplied by the ignorant, the unnatural, and uncharitable
applications of those who have neither candour to suppose good
meanings, nor palate to distinguish true ones. After which,
he will forfeit his life, if any one opinion can be fairly deduced
from that book, which is contrary to Religion or Morality.
Why should any clergyman of our church be angry to see
the follies of fanaticism and superstition exposed, though in the
most ridiculous manner ; since that is perhaps the most pro-
bable way to cure them, or at least to hinder them from farther
spreading ? Besides, though it was not intended for their
perusal, it rallies nothing but what they preach against. It
contains nothing to provoke them, by the least scurrility upon
their persons or their functions. It celebrates the church of
England, as the most perfect of all others, in discipline and
doctrine ; it advances no opinion they reject, nor condemns any
they receive. If the clergy's resentment lay upon their hands,
in my humble opinion they might have found more proper
objects to employ them on : nondum tibi defuit hostis ; I mean
those heavy, illiterate scribblers, prostitute in their reputations,
vicious in their lives, and ruined in their fortunes, who, to the
shame of good sense as well as piety, are greedily read, merely
upon the strength of bold, false, impious assertions, mixed with
unmannerly reflections upon the priesthood, and openly intended
against all Religion ; in short, full of such principles as are
kindly received, because they are levelled to reinove those terrors,
that Religion tells men will be the consequence of immoral
1 Swift resided at Moor-park, in 1696 ; and unquestionably the com-
panion of Sir William Temple must be considered as "living in the
world." [S.]
14 A TALE OF A TUB.
lives. Nothing like which is to be met with in this discourse,
though some of them are pleased so freely to censure it. And
I wish there were no other instance of what I have too
frequently observed, that many of that reverend body are not
always very nice in distinguishing between their enemies and
their friends.
Had the author's intentions met with a more candid inter-
p7'etation from some, whom out of respect he forbears to name,
he might have been encouraged to an examination of books
written by some of those authors above described, whose errors,
ignorance, dulness, and villainy, he thinks he could have detected
and exposed in such a manner, that the persons, who are most
conceived to be affected by them, would soon lay them aside and
be ashamed : But he has now given over those thoughts ; since
the weightiest men, in the weightiest stations, are pleased to
think it a more dangerous point to laugh at those corruptions
in Religion, which they themselves must disapprove, than to
endeavour pulling up those very foundations, wherein all
Christians have agreed.
He thinks it no fair proceeding, that any person should offer
determinately to fix a name upon the author of this discourse,
who hath all along concealed himself from most of his nearest
friends : Yet several have gone a farther step, and protwunced
Letter of another book to have been the work of the same
Enthusiasm, hand with this, which the author directly affirms
to be a thorough mistake ; l he having as yet never so much as
read that discourse ■ a plain instance how little truth there often
is in general surmises, or in conjectures drawn from a similitude
of style, or way of thinking.
Had the author written a book to expose the abuses in Law,
or i?i Physic, he believes the learned professors in either faculty
would have been so far from resenting it, as to have given him
thanks for his pains, especially if he had made an hotwurable
reservation for the true practice of either science. But Religion,
they tell us, ought not to be ridiculed ; and they tell us
truth : yet surely the corruptions in it may ; for we are taught
by the tritest maxim in the world, that Religion being the best
of things, Us corruptions are likely to be the worst.
1 The celebrated Letter on Enthusiasm, published in 1708 (see note
on p. 3). It appeared anonymously, but was included in vol. i of
Shaftesbury's "Characteristics," 171 1. [W. S. J.]
AN APOLOGY. 1 5
There is one thing which the judicious reader cannot but have
observed, that some of those passages in this discourse, which
appear most liable to objection, are what they call parodies,
where the author personates the style and manner of other
writers, whom he has a mind to expose. I shall produce one
instance, it is in the $ist page. 1 Dryden, L Estrange, and
some others I shall not name, are here levelled at, who, having
spent their lives in faction, and apostacies, and all manner of
vice, pretended to be sufferers for Loyalty and Religion. So
Dryden tells us, in one of his prefaces, of his merits and
sufferings, and thanks God that he possesses his soul in
patience ; 2 In other places he talks at the same rate ; and
L Estrange often uses the like style ; and I believe the reader
may find more persons to give that passage an application :
But this is enough to direct those ivho may have overlooked the
author's intention.
There are three or four other passages, which prejudiced or
ignorant readers have drawn by great force to hint at ill
meanings ; as if they glanced at some tenets in religion. In
answer to all which, the author solemnly protests, he is
entirely innocent ; and never had it once in his thoughts, that
anything he said, would in the least be capable of such inter-
pretations, which he will engage to deduce full as fairly from
the most innocent book in the world. And it will be obvious
to every reader, that this was not any part of his scheme or
design, the abuses he notes being such as all Church-of- England
men agree in ; nor was it proper for his subject to meddle with
other points, than such as have been perpetually controverted
since the Reformation.
To instance only in that passage about the three wooden
machines, mentioned in the Introduction : In the original
manuscript there was a description of a fourth, which those
who had the papers in their power, blotted out, as having
something in it of satire, that I suppose they thought was too
1 P. 57 of this edition. [T. S.]
_ 2 In the Tale of a Tub, Dryden is repeatedly mentioned with great
disrespect, not only as a translator and original author, but a mean-
spirited sycophant of the great. The passage here alluded to occurs in
the Essay on Satire, which Dryden prefixed to his version of Juvenal.
The recollection of his contemned Odes still rankled in Swift's bosom,
though Dryden died four years before the publication of the Tale of a
Tub. [S.]
l6 A TALE OF A TUB.
particular ; and therefore they were forced to change it to the
number Three, from ivhence some have endeavoured to squeeze
out a dangerous meaning, that was never thought on. And,
indeed, the conceit was half spoiled by changing the numbers ;
that of Four being much more cabalistic, and, therefore, better
exposing the pretended viiiue of Numbers, a super stitioti there
intended to be ridiculed.
Another thing to be observed is, that there generally runs an
irony through the thread of the whole book, which the men of
taste will observe and distinguish ; and which will render
some objections that have been made, very weak and insignificant.
This Apology being chiefly intended for the satisfaction of
future readers, it may be thought unnecessary to take any
notice of such treatises as have been written against this ensuing
discourse, which are already sunk into waste paper and
oblivion, after the usual fate of common answerers to books
which are allowed to have any merit : They are indeed like
annuals, that grow about a young tree, and seem to vie with it
for a summer, but fall and die with the leaves in autiwm, and
are never heard of any more. When Dr. Eachard 1 writ his
book about the Contempt of the Clergy, numbers of these
answerers immediately started up, whose memory, if he had
not kept alive by his replies, it would now be utterly unknown
that he were ever answered at all. There is indeed an excep-
tion, when any great genius thinks it worth his while to expose
a foolish piece ; so we still read MarvelVs Answer to Parker" 1
with pleasure, though the book it answers be sunk long ago :
so the Earl of Orrery's remarks will be read with delight,
when the Dissertation he exposes will neither be sought nor
found: 3 but these are no enterprizes for common hands, nor
1 John Eachard, D.D. (1636-1697), was Master of Catherine Hall,
Cambridge. The book referred to by Swift was published in 1670.
His attack on Hobbes in two dialogues is characterized by a delightful
humour. A fairly complete edition of his works was issued in 3 vols,
sm. 8vo. in 1774. [T. S.]
2 Parker, afterwards Bishop of Oxford, wrote many treatises against
the dissenters, with insolence and contempt, says Burnet, that enraged
them beyond measure ; for which he was chastised by Andrew Marvell,
in a book called "The Rehearsal Transprosed." [H.]
3 Boyle's "Dr. Bentley's Dissertations on the Epistles of Phalaris
and the Fables of Aesop, examin'd" (1698). [T. S.]
AN APOLOGY. I 7
to be hoped for above once or twice in an age. Men would be
more cautious of losing their time in such an undertaking, if
they did but consider, that, to answer a book effectually, requires
more pains and skill, more wit, learning, and judgme?it, than
were e7tiployed in the writing of it. And the author assures
those gentlemen, who have given themselves that trouble with
him, that his discourse is the product of the study, the observa-
tion, and the invention of several years ; that he often blotted
out much more than he left, and if his papers had not been a
long time out of his possession, they must have still imdergone
more severe corrections : and do they think such a building is
to be battered with dirt-pellets, however envenomed the mouths
may be that discharge them ? He hath seen the productions but
of two answerers, one of which at first appeared as from an
unknown hand, but since avowed by a person? who, upon some
occasions, hath discovered no ill vein of Jmmour. 'Tis a pity
any occasion should put him under a necessity of being so hasty
in his productions, which, otherwise, might often be entertain-
ing. But there were other reasons obvious enough for his
miscarriage in this ; he writ against the conviction of his
talent, and entered upon one of the wrongest attempts in nature,
to turn into ridicule, by a week's labour, a work which had
cost so natch time, and met with so much success in ridiculing
others : the manner how he has handled his subject I have
now forgot, having just looked it over, when it first came out,
as others did, merely for the sake of the title. 2
1 Dr. William King (1663-1712), author of an answer to Lord
Molesworth's Account of Denmark. His burlesque on the Royal
Society, the " Transactioneer," and his "Journey to London," both
ironical pieces of merit, are better known works. He took a part in the
Bentley-Phalaris controversy, and wrote for the " Examiner " in 17 10.
In 1703 he went over to Ireland and filled several important official
positions, including that of Judge of the Admiralty. At Sacheverell's
trial he was one of that doctor's defenders. [T. S.]
2 A specimen of King's humour may entertain the reader: — "A
certain gentleman, that is the nearest to you of any person, was men-
tioned, upon supposition that the book had wit and learning in it ;
but when I had displayed it in its proper colours, I must do the
company that justice, that there was not one but acquitted you. That
matter being dispatched, every one was at their liberty of guessing.
One said, he believed it was a journeyman tailor, in Billeter-lane, that
was an idle sort of a fellow, and loved writing more than stitching,
that was the author ; his reason was, ' because he is so desirous to
I. C
1 8 A TALE OF A TUB.
The other answer is from a person of a graver character,
and is made up of half invective, and half annotation ; x in
the latter of which, he hath generally succeeded well enough.
And the project at that time was not amiss to draw in readers
to his pamphlet, several having appeared desirous that there
might be some explication of the more difficult passages.
Neither can he be altogether blamed for offering at the invective
part, because it is agreed on all hands, that the author had
given him sufficient provocation. The great objection is against
his manner of treating it, very unsuitable to one of his function.
It was determined by a fair majority, that this answerer had,
in a way not to be pardo?ied, drawn his pen against a certain
mention his goose and his garret ; ' but it was answered, ' that he
was a member of the society ; ' and so he was excused. ' But why
then,' says another, ' since he makes such a parable upon coats, may
it not be Mr. Amy, the coat-seller, who is a poet and a wit?'_ To
which it was replied, that that gentleman's loss had been bewailed in an
elegy some years ago. * Why may it not be Mr. Gumly, the rag-
woman's husband, in Turnbull-street ? ' Says another, ' He is kept by
her, and having little to do, and having been an officer in Monmouth's
army, since the defeat at Sedgemore, has always been a violent Tory.'
But it was urged that his style was harsh, rough, and unpolished ; and
that he did not understand one word of Latin. 'Why, then,' cries
another, ' Oliver's porter had an amanuensis at Bedlam, that used to
transcribe what he dictated : and may not these be some scattered notes
of his master's?' To which all replied, that though Oliver's porter
was crazed, yet his misfortune never let him forget that he was a
Christian. One said, it was a surgeon's man, that had married a mid-
wife's nurse ; but though by the style it might seem probable that two
such persons had a hand in it ; yet, since he could not name the persons,
his fancy was rejected. ' I conjecture,' says another, ' that it may be a
lawyer, that ' When, on a sudden, he was interrupted by Mr.
Markland, the scrivener, ' No, rather, by the oaths, it should be an
Irish evidence.' At last there stood up a sprant young man, that is
secretary to a scavenger, and cried, ' What if, after all, it should be a
parson ! for who may make more free with their trade ? What if I know
him, describe him, name him, and how he and his friends talk of it,
admire it, are proud of it.'— 'Hold,' cry all the company; 'that
function must not be mentioned without respect. We have enough of
the dirty subject ; we had better drink our coffee, and talk our
politicks.' "—Remarks on the Tale of a Tub, apud Dr. King's Works,
1776, i. 217.
It must be remembered to Swift's honour, that this rude and malig-
nant criticism did not prevent his befriending King, when his intimacy
with Harley gave him an opportunity of conferring benefits. [S.]
1 Wotton's Defence of his Reflections upon Ancient and Modern
Learning, published in 1705. [T. S.]
AN APOLOGY. 1 9
great man then alive, and universally reverenced for every good
quality that could possibly enter into the composition of the
most accomplished person ; it was observed how he was pleased,
and affected to have that noble xvriter called his adversary ;
and it was a point of satire well directed ; for I have been told
Sir W\illiani\ T[emple\ was sufficiently mortified at the term.
All the men of wit and politeness were immediately up in arms
through indignation, which prevailed over their contetnpt, by
the consequences they apprehended from such an example; and
it grew Porsenna' s case ; idem trecenti juravimus. In short,
things were ripe for a general insurrection, till my Lord
Orrery had a little laid the spirit, and settled the ferment.
But, his lordship being principally engaged with anothet
antagonist, 1 it was thought necessary, in order to quiet the
minds of men, that this opposer should receive a reprimand,
which partly occasioned that discourse of the Battle of the
Books ; and the author was farther at the pains to insert fine
or two remarks on him, in the body of the book.
This answerer has been pleased to find fault with about a
dozen passages, which the author will not be at the trouble of
defending, further than by assuring the reader, that, for the
greater part, the reflecter is entirely mistaken, and forces inter-
pretations which never once entered into the writer's head, nor
will he is sure into that of any reader of taste and candour ;
he allows two or three at most, there produced, to have been
delivered unwarily ; for which he desires to plead the excuse
offered already, of his youth, and frankness of speech, and his
papers being out of his power at the time they were published.
But this answerer insists, and says, what he chiefly dislikes,
is the design : what that was, I have already told, and J
believe there is not a person in England who can understand
that book, that ever imagined it to have been anything else, but
to expose the abuses and corruptions in Learning and Religion.
But it would be good to know what design this reflecter was
serving, when he concludes his pamphlet with a Caution to the
Reader to beware of thinking the author's wit was entirely his
own : surely this must have had some allay of personal ani-
mosity at least, mixed with the design of serving the public, by
so useful a discovery ; and it indeed touches the author in a
1 Bentley. [T. S.]
20 A TALE OF A TUB.
tender point ; who insists upon it, thai through the whole book
he has not borrowed one single hint from any writer in the
world ; and he thought, of all criticisms, that would never
have been one. He conceived, it was fievtr disputed to be an
original, whatever faults it might have. Hovoever, this
answerer produces three instances to prove this author's wit is
not his own in tfiany places. The first is, that the names of
Peter, Martin, and Jack, are borrowed fro?n a letter of the
late Duke of Buckingham. Whatever wit is contained in
those three names, the author is content to give it up, and
desires his readers will subtract as much as they placed upon
thai account; at the same time protesting solemnly, that he
never once heard of that letter except in this passage of the
answerer : so that the names were not borrowed, as he affirms,
though they should happen to be the same ; which, however, is
odd enough, a fid what he hardly believes : that of Jack being
not quite so obvious as the other two. The second instance to
shew the author's wit is not his own, is Peter's banter (as he
calls it in his Alsatia phrase) upon Transubstantiation, which
is taken from the same duke's conference with an Irish priest,
where a cork is turned into a horse. This the author confesses
to have seen about ten years after his book was writ, and a
year or two after it 7oas published. Nay, the answerer over-
throws this himself ; for he allows the Tale was written in
1697 / and I think that pamphlet was not printed in many
years after. It was necessary that corruption should have
some allegory as well as the rest ; and the author invented the
properest he could, without inquiring what other people had
writte?i ; and the commonest reader will find, there is not the
least resemblance between the two stories. — The third instance
is in these words ; " I have been assured, that the battle in St.
James's Library is, mutatis mutandis, taken out of a French
book, entitled, Combat des Livres, 1 if I mis-remember not"
In which passage there are two clauses observable ; " / have
been assured ; " and, " if I mis-remember not." I desire first
to know whether, if that conjecture proves an utter falsehood,
those two clauses will be a sufficient excuse for this worthy
critic ? The matter is a trifle ; but, would he venture to pro-
1 "Histoire poetique de la guerre . . . entre les anciens et Ies
modernes " by Francois de Callieres, the diplomatist and Academician
(see Rigault, " Histoire de la Querelle des anciens et des modernes,"
1856, p. 341, note 2). [W. S. J.]
AN APOLOGY. 21
non nee at this rate upon one of greater moment ? I know
nothing more contemptible in a writer, than the character of a
plagiary, which he here fixes at a venture ; and this not for a
passage, but a whole discourse, taken out from another book,
only mutatis mutandis. The author is as much in the dark
about this as the answerer ; and will imitate him by an
affirmation at random ; that if there be a word of truth in
this reflection, he is a paltry, imitating pedant ; and the
answerer is a person of wit, manners, and truth. He takes
his boldness, from never having seen any such treatise in his
life, nor heard of it before ; and he is sure it is impossible for
two writers, of different times and countries, to agree in their
thoughts after such a manner, that two continued discourses
shall be the same, only mutatis mutandis. Neither will he
insist upon the mistake of the title, but let the answerer and
his friend produce any book they please, he defies them to shew
one single particular, where the judicious reader will affirm he
has been obliged for the smallest hint ; giving only allowance
for the accidental encountering of a single thought, which he
knows may sometimes happen ; though he has never yet found
it in that discourse, nor has heard it objected by anybody else.
So that, if ever any design was imfortunately executed, it
must be that of this ansiverer ; who, when he would have it
observed, that the author's wit is not his oiun, is able to pro-
duce but three instances, two of them mere trifles, and all three
manifestly false. If this be the way these gentlemen deal with
the world in those criticisms, where we have not leisure to
defeat them, their readers had need be cautious how they rely
upon their credit ; and whether this proceeding can be recon-
ciled to humanity or truth, let those who think it worth their
while determine.
It is agreed, this answerer would have succeeded much better,
if he had stuck wholly to his business, as a comtnentator upon
the Tale of a Tub, wherein it cannot be denied that he hath
been of some service to the public, and hath given very fair con-
jectures towards clearing up some difficult passages ; 1 but it is
the frequent error of those men, {otherwise very commendable
for their labours?) to make excursions beyond their talent and
their office, by pretending to point out the beauties and the
1 Which have been retained in all editions subsequent to the fifth.
[T. S.]
22 A TALE OF A TUB.
faults ; which is no part of their trade, which they always fail
in, which the world never expected from them, nor gave them
any thanks for endeavouring at. The part of Minellius, or
Farnaby, 1 would have fallen in with his genius, and might
have been serviceable to many readers, who ca?inot enter into
the abstruser parts of that discourse ; but optat ephippia
bos piger : the dull, unwieldy, ill-shaped ox, would needs put
on the furniture of a horse, not considering he was born to
labour, to plough the ground for the sake of superior beings,
and that he has neither the shape, mettle, nor speed, of the
nobler animal he would affect to personate.
It is another pattern of this answerer's fair dealing, to give
us hints that the author is dead, and yet to lay the suspicion
upon somebody, I know not who, in the country ; to which can
only be returned, that he is absolutely mistaken in all his con-
jectures ; and surely conjectures are, at best, too light a
pretence to allow a man to assign a name in public. He
condemns a book, and consequently the author, of whom he is
utterly ignorant ; yet at the same time fixes, in print, what he
thinks a disadvantageous character upon those who never
deserved it. A man who receives a buffet in the dark, may be
allowed to be vexed; but it is an odd kind of revenge, to go to
cuffs in broad day with the first he meets with, and lay the last
night's injury at his door. And thus much for this discreet,
candid, pious, and ingenious answerer.
How the author came to be without his papers, is a story
not proper to be told, and of very little use, being a private fact
of which the reader would believe as little, or as much, as he
thought good. He had, however, a blotted copy by him, which
he intended to have writ over with many alterations, and this
the publishers were well aware of, having put it into the book-
seller's preface, that they apprehended a surreptitious copy,
which was to be altered, &c. This, though not regarded by
readers, was a real truth, only the surreptitious copy was
rather that which was printed ; and they made all haste they
could, which, indeed, was needless ; the author not being at all
prepared ; but he has been told the bookseller was in much
pain, having given a good sum of money for the copy.
1 Low commentators, who wrote notes upon classic authors for the
use of schoolboys. [H.]
AN APOLOGY. 23
In the author's original copy there were not so many chasms
as appear in the book ; a?id why some of them were left, he
knows not ; had the publication been trusted to him, he would
have made several corrections of passages, against which nothing
hath been ever objected. He would likewise have altered a few
of those, that seem with any reason to be excepted against ; but,
to deal freely, the greatest number he should have left untouched,
as never suspecting it possible any wrong interpretations could
be made of them.
The author observes, at the end of the book, there is a dis-
course called A Fragment, which he more wondered to see in
print than all therest. Having been a most imperfect sketch, with
the addition of a few loose hints, which he once lent a gentleman,
who had designed a discourse on sometvhat the same subject ;
he never thought of it afterwards ; and it was a sufficient
surprise to see it pieced up together, wholly out of the 7iiethod
and scheme he had intended ; for it was the ground-work of a
much larger discourse; and he was sorry to observe the
materials so foolishly employed.
There is one farther objection made by those who have
answered this book, as well as by some others, that Peter is
frequently made to repeat oaths and curses. Every reader
observes, it was necessary to k?iow that Peter did swear and
curse. The oaths are not printed out, but only supposed ; and
the idea of an oath is not immoral, like the idea ofaprofane or
immodest speech. A man may laugh at the Popish folly of
cursing people to hell, and imagine them swearing, without any
crime ; but lewd words, or dangerous opinions, though printed
by halves, fill the reader's mind with ill ideas ; and of these the
author ca?inot be accused. For the judicious reader will find,
that the severest strokes of satire in his book are levelled against
the modern custom of employing wit upon those topics ; of
which there is a remarkable instance in the 153rd 1 page, as
well as in several ot/iers, though perhaps once or twice expressed
in too free a manner, excusable only for the reasons already
alleged. Some overtures have been made, by a third hand, to
the bookseller, for the author's altering those passages which he
thought might require it ; but it seems the bookseller will not
hear of any such thing, being apprehensive it might spoil the
sale of the book.
1 P. 104 of this edition. [T. S.]
24 A TALE OF A TUB.
The author cannot conclude this apology without making this
one reflection ; that, as wit is the noblest and most useful gift
of human nature, so humour is the most agreeable ; and where
these two enter far into the composition of any work, they will
render it always acceptable to the world. Now, the great part
of those who have no share or taste of either, but by their pride,
pedantry, and ill manners, lay themselves bare to the lashes of
both, think the blow is weak, because they are insensible ; and,
where wit has any mixture of raillery, 'tis but calling it banter,
and the work is done. This polite word of theirs was first
borrowed from the bullies in White- Friars, then fell among
the footmen, and at last retired to the pedants ; by whom it is
applied as properly to the production of wit, as if I should
apply it to Sir Isaac Newton's mathematics. But, if this
bantering, as they call it, be so despisable a thing, whence comes
it to pass they have such a perpetual itch towards it themselves ?
To instance only in the answerer already mentioned: it is
grievous to see him, in some of his writings, at every turn going
out of his way to be waggish, to tell us of a cow that pricked
up her tail 1 ; and in his answer to this discourse, he says, it is
all a farce and a ladle 2 ; with other passages equally shifting.
One may say of these impedimenta literarum, that wit owes
them a shame ; and they cannot take wiser counsel than to keep
out of harm's way, or, at least, not to come till they are sure
they are called.
To conclude : with those allowances above required, this book
should be read ; after which, the author conceives, few things
will remain which may not be excused in a young writer. He
wrote only to the men of wit and taste ; and he thinks he is
not mistaken in his accounts, when he says they have^ been all
of his side, enough to give him the vanity of telling his name;
wherein the world, with all its wise conjectures, is yet very
much in the dark; which circumstance is no disagreeable
amusement either to the public or himself.
The author is informed, that the bookseller has prevailed on
several gentlemen to write some explanatory notes; for the
goodness of which he is not to answer, having never seen any
of them, nor intends it, till they appear in print ; when it is
not unlikely he may have the pleasure to find twenty meanings
which never entered into his imagination.
June 3, 1709.
1 Wotton's "Reflections" (1694), p. 101. [W. S. J.]
2 Wotton's "Defense" (1705), p. 57- [W. S. J.]
POSTSCRIPT.
Since the writing of this, which was about a year ago, a
prostitute bookseller ' has published a foolish paper, under the
name of Notes on the Tale of a Tub, with some account of the
author: and, with an insolence which, I suppose, is punishable
by law, hath presumed to assign certain names. It will be
enough for the author to assure the world, that the ivriter of
that paper is utterly vurong in all his conjectures upo?i that
affair. The author farther asserts, that the whole work is
entirely op one hand, which every reader of judgment will easily
discover. The gentleman who gave the copy to the bookseller,
being a friend of the author, and using no other liberties besides
that of expunging certain passages, where now the chasms
appear under the name /" desiderata. But, if any person will
prove his claim to three lines in the whole book, let him step
forth, and tell his name and titles ; upon which, the bookseller
shall have orders to prefix them to the next edition, and the
claimant shall from henceforward be acknowledged the un-
disputed author.
1 The bookseller referred to was Edmund Curll, who was lampooned
by Pope in the " Dunciad." His publications were largely made up of
forgeries and libels, for which they are now much sought after. In 1710
he issued an edition of Swift's " Meditation upon a Broomstick," which
contained also the " Baucis and Philemon," but the work was issued, of
course, entirely on his own responsibility. He had his ears cut off for
publishing " The Nun in her Smock." He died in 1748. [T. S.]
TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
JOHN LORD SOMERS.
My Lord,
THO' the author has written a large Dedication, yet
that being addressed to a prince, whom I am never
likely to have the honour of being known to ; a person
besides, as far as I can observe, not at all regarded, or
thought on by any of our present writers ; and being wholly
free from that slavery which booksellers usually lie under, to
the caprices of authors ; I think it a wise piece of presump-
tion to inscribe these papers to your Lordship, and to
implore your Lordship's protection of them. God and your
Lordship know their faults and their merits ; for, as to my
own particular, I am altogether a stranger to the matter ;
and though everybody else should be equally ignorant, I do
not fear the sale of the book, at all the worse, upon that
score. Your Lordship's name on the front in capital letters
will at any time get off one edition : neither would I desire
any other help to grow an alderman, than a patent for the
sole privilege of dedicating to your Lordship.
I should now, in right of a dedicator, give your Lordship
a list of your own virtues, and, at the same time, be very
unwilling to offend your modesty; but chiefly, I should
celebrate your liberality towards men of great parts and
small fortunes, and give you broad hints that I mean myself.
And I was just going on, in the usual method, to peruse a
hundred or two of dedications, and transcribe an abstract to
be applied to your Lordship ; but I was diverted by a certain
accident. For, upon the covers of these papers, I casually
observed written in large letters the two following words,
DEDICATION TO LORD SOMERS. 2J
DETUR DIGNISSIMO ; which, for aught I knew, might
contain some important meaning. But it unluckily fell out,
that none of the authors I employ understood Latin ;
(though I have them often in pay to translate out of that
language ;) I was therefore compelled to have recourse to
the curate of our parish, who englished it thus, Let it be given
to the worthiest : and his comment was, that the author
meant his work should be dedicated to the sublimest genius
of the age for wit, learning, judgment, eloquence, and
wisdom. I called at a poet's chamber (who works for my
shop) in an alley hard by, shewed him the translation, and
desired his opinion, who it was that the author could mean :
he told me, after some consideration, that vanity was a thing
he abhorred ; but, by the description, he thought himself to
be the person aimed at ; and, at the same time, he very
kindly offered his own assistance^ra/w towards penning a dedi-
cation to himself. I desired him, however, to give a second
guess. Why, then, said he, it must be I, or my Lord Somers.
From thence I went to several other wits of my acquaintance,
with no small hazard and weariness to my person, from a
prodigious number of dark, winding stairs ; but found them
all in the same story, both of your Lordship and themselves.
Now, your Lordship is to understand, that this proceeding
was not of my own invention ; for I have somewhere heard
it is a maxim, that those to whom everybody allows the
second place, have an undoubted title to the first.
This infallibly convinced me, that your Lordship was the
person intended by the author. But, being very un-
acquainted in the style and form of dedications, I employed
those wits aforesaid to furnish me with hints and materials,
towards a panegyric upon your Lordship's virtues.
In two days they brought me ten sheets of paper, filled
up on every side. They swore to me, that they had ran-
sacked whatever could be found in the characters of Socrates,
Aristides, Efiaminondas, Cato, Tully, Atticus, and other hard
names, which I cannot now recollect. However, I have
reason to believe, they imposed upon my ignorance; because,
when I came to read over their collections, there was not a
syllable there, but what I and everybody else knew as well
as themselves : Therefore I grievously suspect a cheat ; and
that these authors of mine stole and transcribed every word,
28 A TALE OF A TUB.
from the universal report of mankind. So that I look upon
myself as fifty shillings out of pocket, to no manner of
purpose.
If, by altering the title, I could make the same materials
serve for another Dedication, (as my betters have done,) it
would help to make up my loss ; but I have made several
persons dip here and there in those papers, and before they
read three lines, they have all assured me plainly, that they
cannot possibly be applied to any person besides your
Lordship.
I expected, indeed, to have heard of your Lordship's
bravery at the head of an army ; of your undaunted courage
in mounting a breach, or scaling a wall ; or, to have had
your pedigree traced in a lineal descent from the house of
Austria ; or, of your wonderful talent at dress and dancing ;
or, your profound knowledge in algebra, metaphysics, and
the oriental tongues. But to ply the world with an old
beaten story of your wit, and eloquence, and learning, and
wisdom, and justice, and politeness, and candour, and
evenness of temper in all scenes of life ; of that great dis-
cernment in discovering, and readiness in favouring deserv-
ing men ; with forty other common topics ; I confess, I have
neither conscience nor countenance to do it. Because
there is no virtue, either of a public or private life, which
some circumstances of your own have not often produced
upon the stage of the world ; and those few, which, for want
of occasions to exert them, might otherwise have passed
unseen, or unobserved, by your friends, your enemies have at
length brought to light.
Tis true, I should be very loth, the bright example of
your Lordship's virtues should be lost to after-ages, both for
their sake and your own ; but chiefly because they will be so
very necessary to adorn the history of a late reign ; l and
that is another reason why I would forbear to make a recital
of them here ; because I have been told by wise men, that,
as Dedications have run for some years past, a good
historian will not be apt to have recourse thither in search of
characters.
1 King William's, whose memory he defended in the House of Lords
against some invidious reflections of the Earl of Nottingham. [H.]
DEDICATION TO LORD SOMERS. 29
There is one point, wherein I think we dedicators would
do well to change our measures ; I mean, instead of running
on so far upon the praise of our patrons' liberality, to spend
a word or two in admiring their patience. I can put no
greater compliment on your Lordship's, than by giving you
so ample an occasion to exercise it at present. — Though
perhaps I shall not be apt to reckon much merit to your
Lordship upon that score, who having been formerly used
to tedious harangues, and sometimes to as little purpose,
will be the readier to pardon this; especially, when it is
offered by one, who is with all respect and veneration,
My Lord, 1
Your Lordship's most obedient,
And most faithful servant,
The Bookseller."
1 John, Lord Somers, was born March 4, 1650. He early distin-
guished himself on the question of the abdication of the throne, shortly
after his election to the Convention Parliament, in 1688. He held suc-
cessively the offices of Solicitor and Attorney-General, and in 1693 was
appointed Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. Advancement quickly fol-
lowed on advancement, and in a few years he was raised to the peerage
and made Lord Chancellor. The disgraceful quarrels which divided
the two Houses in 1701 reached their climax in the Commons im-
peaching four Whig ministers, upon whom the blame of the Partition
Treaties was laid. Among these was Somers. It was to bring about
an understanding, and, possibly, to help Somers, that Swift wrote his
first political pamphlet, the "Contests and Dissensions between the
Nobles and the Commons in Athens and Rome." Previous to his im-
peachment, in 1700, Somers had been deprived of the seals, but after
his acquittal he was again taken into favour. To him is largely due
the union of England and Scotland. Although he was made president
of the council in 1708, yet two years later he retired into private life,
and devoted himself to literary pursuits. He died in 17 16, remaining
to the last a warm patron of literature and of men of letters. [T. S.]
2 The bookseller in whose person Swift writes this dedication was, of
course, John Nutt. [T. S.]
The BOOKSELLER to the READER.
/T is now six years since these papers came first to my hand,
which seems to have been about a twelvemonth after they
were writ ; for the author tells us in his preface to the first
treatise, that he has calculated it for the year 1697, and in
several passages of that Discourse, as well as the second, it
appears they were written about that time.
As to the author, I can give no manner of satisfaction;
however, I am credibly informed, that this publication is with-
out his knowledge ; for he concludes the copy is lost, having
lent it to a person, since dead, and being never in possession of
it after ; so that, whether the work received his last hand, or
whether he intended to fill up the defective places, is like to
remain a secret.
If I should go about to tell the reader, by what accident I
became master of these papers, it would, in this unbelieving
age, pass for little more than the cant or jargon of the trade.
I therefore gladly spare both him and myself so unnecessary a
trouble. There yet remains a difficult question, why I pub-
lished them no sooner. I forbore upon two accounts ; first,
because I thought I had better work upon my hands ; and
secondly, because I was not without some hope of hearing from
the author, a?id receiving his directions. But I have been
lately alarmed with intelligence of a surreptitious copy, which
a certain great wit had new polished and refined, or, as our
present writers express themselves, fitted to the humour of the
age ; as they have already done, with great felicity, to Don
Quixote, Boccalini, la Bruyere, and other authors. However,
I thought it fairer dealing to offer the whole work in its
naturals. If any gentleman will please to furnish me with a
key, in order to explain the more difficult parts, I shall very
gratefully acknowledge the favour, and print it by itself.
3 1
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY,
TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS
PRINCE POSTERITY. 1
Sir,
I HERE present Your Highness with the fruits of a very
few leisure hours, stolen from the short intervals of a world
of business, and of an employment quite alien from such
amusements as this ; the poor production of that refuse of
time, which has lain heavy upon my hands, during a long
prorogation of parliament, a great dearth of foreign news, and
a tedious fit of rainy weather ; for which, and other reasons,
it cannot choose extremely to deserve such a patronage as
that of Your Highness, whose numberless virtues, in so few
years, make the world look upon you as the future example
to all princes ; for although Your Highness is hardly got clear
of infancy, yet has the universal learned world already resolved
upon appealing to your future dictates, with the lowest and
most resigned submission; fate having decreed you sole
arbiter of the productions of human wit, in this polite and
most accomplished age. Methinks, the number of appellants
were enough to shock and startle any judge, of a genius less
unlimited than yours : but, in order to prevent such glorious
trials, the person (it seems) to whose care the education of
1 The Citation out of Irenaeus in the title-page, which seems to be all
gibberish, is a form of initiation used antiently by the Marcosian Heretics.
— W. Wotton.
It is the usual style of decried writers to appeal to Posterity, who is
here represented as a prince in his nonage, and Time as his governor ; and
the author begins in a way very frequent with him, by personating other
writers, who sometimes offer such reasons and excuses for publishing
their works, as they ought chiefly to conceal and be ashamed of.
I. D
34 A TALE OF A TUB.
Your Highness is committed, 1 has resolved (as I am told) to
keep you in almost a universal ignorance of our studies,
which it is your inherent birth-right to inspect.
It is amazing to me, that this person should have assurance,
in the face of the sun, to go about persuading Your Highness,
that our age is almost wholly illiterate, and has hardly produced
one writer upon any subject. I know very well, that when
Your Highness shall come to riper years, and have gone
through the learning of antiquity, you will be too curious, to
neglect inquiring into the authors of the very age before you :
and to think that this insolent, in the account he is preparing
for your view, designs to reduce them to a number so
insignificant as I am ashamed to mention ; it moves my zeal
and my spleen for the honour and interest of our vast flourish-
ing body, as well as of myself, for whom, I know by long ex-
perience, he has professed, and still continues, a peculiar
malice.
'Tis not unlikely, that, when Your Highness will one day
peruse what I am now writing, you may be ready to expostu-
late with your governor, upon the credit of what I here affirm,
and command him to shew you some of our productions.
To which he will answer, (for I am well informed of his
designs,) by asking Your Highness, where they are? and
what is become of them? and pretend it a demonstration
that there never were any, because they are not then to be
found. Not to be found ! Who has mislaid them ? Are
they sunk in the abyss of things ? 'Tis certain, that in their
own nature, they were light enough to swim upon the surface
for all eternity. Therefore the fault is in him, who tied
weights so heavy to their heels, as to depress them to the
centre. Is their very essence destroyed ? Who has annihilated
them ? Were they drowned by purges, or martyred by pipes ?
Who administered them to the posteriors of ? But,
that it may no longer be a doubt with Your Highness, who
is to be the author of this universal ruin, I beseech you to
observe that large and terrible scythe which your governor
affects to bear continually about him. Be pleased to remark
the length and strength, the sharpness and hardness, of his
nails and teeth : consider his baneful, abominable breath,
1 Time, allegorically described as the tutor of Posterity. [S.]
DEDICATION TO PRINCE POSTERITY. 35
enemy to life and matter, infectious and corrupting : and then
reflect, whether it be possible, for any mortal ink and paper
of this generation, to make a suitable resistance. O ! that
Your Highness would one day resolve to disarm this usurp-
ing maitre du palais ' of his furious engines, and bring your
empire hors de page?
It were endless to recount the several methods of tyranny
and destruction, which your governor is pleased to practise
upon this occasion. His inveterate malice is such to the
writings of our age, that of several thousands produced yearly
from this renowned city, before the next revolution of the
sun, there is not one to be heard of : Unhappy infants ! many
of them barbarously destroyed, before they have so much as
learnt their mother tongue to beg for pity. Some he stifles
in their cradles ; others he frights into convulsions, whereof
they suddenly die; some he flays alive; others he tears
limb from limb. Great numbers are offered to Moloch; and the
rest, tainted by his breath, die of a languishing consumption.
But the concern I have most at heart, is for our corpora-
tion of poets ; from whom I am preparing a petition to Your
Highness, to be subscribed with the names of one hundred
and thirty-six of the first rate; but whose immortal productions
are never likely to reach your eyes, though each of them is
now an humble and earnest appellant for the laurel, and has
large comely volumes ready to shew, for a support to his
pretensions. The never-dying works of these illustrious per-
sons, your governor, sir, has devoted to unavoidable death ;
and Your Highness is to be made believe, that our age has
never arrived at the honour to produce one single poet.
We confess Immortalityto be a great and powerful goddess;
but in vain we offer up to her our devotions and our sacrifices,
if Your Highness's governor, who has usurped the priesthood,
must, by an unparalleled ambition and avarice, wholly inter-
cept and devour them.
To affirm that our age is altogether unlearned, and devoid
1 Comptroller. The kingdom of France had a race of kings, which
they call les roys faincans, (from their doing nothing,) who lived lazily
in their apartments, while the kingdom was administered by the mayor
de palais, till Charles Martell, the last mayor, put his master to death,
and took the kingdom into his own hand. [H.]
2 Out of guardianship.
36 A TALE OF A TUB.
of writers in any kind, seems to be an assertion so bold and
so false, that I have been some time thinking, the contrary
may almost be proved by uncontrollable demonstration. Tis
true, indeed, that although their numbers be vast, and their
productions numerous in proportion, yet are they hurried so
hastily off the scene, that they escape our memory, and elude
our sight. When I first thought of this address, I had pre-
pared a copious list of titles to present Your Highness, as an
undisputed argument for what I affirm. The originals were
posted fresh upon all gates and corners of streets ; but, re-
turning in a very few hours to take a review, they were all
torn down, and fresh ones in their places. I inquired aftci
them among readers and booksellers; but I inquired in vain;
the memorial of them was lost among men ; their place was no
more to befoimd; and I was laughed to scorn for a clown and
a pedant, without all taste and refinement, little versed in the
course of present affairs, and that knew nothing of what had
passed in the best companies of court and town. So that ]
can only avow in general to Your Highness, that we do
abound in learning and wit ; but to fix upon particulars, is a
task too slippery for my slender abilities. If I should venture
in a windy day to affirm to Your Highness, that there is a
large cloud near the horizon, in the form of a bear ; another
in the zenith, with the head of an ass ; a third to the west-
ward, with claws like a dragon ; and Your Highness should
in a few minutes think fit to examine the truth, it is certain
they would all be changed in figure and position : new ones
would arise, and all we could agree upon would be, that
clouds there were, but that I was grossly mistaken in the
zoography and topography of them.
But your governor perhaps may still insist, and put the
question, — What is then become of those immense bales of
paper, which must needs have been employed in such num-
bers of books ? Can these also be wholly annihilate, and so
of a sudden, as I pretend ? What shall I say in return of so
invidious an objection ? It ill befits the distance between
Your Highness and me, to send you for ocular conviction to
a jakes, or an oven ; to the windows of a bawdy-house, or to
a sordid lantern. Books, like men their authors, have no
more than one way of coming into the world, but there are
ten thousand to go out of it, and return no more.
DEDICATION TO PRINCE POSTERITY. 37
I profess to Your Highness, in the integrity of my heart,
that what I am going to say is literally true this minute I am
writing : what revolutions may happen before it shall be
ready for your perusal, I can by no means warrant : however,
I beg you to accept it as a specimen of our learning, our
politeness, and our wit. I do therefore affirm, upon the word
of a sincere man, that there is now actually in being a certain
poet, called John Dryden, whose translation of Virgil was
lately printed ' in a large folio, well bound, and, if diligent
search were made, for aught I know, is yet to be seen.
There is another, called Nahum Tate, 2 who is ready to make
oath, that he has caused many reams of verse to be pub-
lished, whereof both himself and his bookseller, (if lawfully
required,) can still produce authentic copies, and therefore
wonders why the world is pleased to make such a secret of
it. There is a third, known by the name of Tom Durfey, 3 a
poet of a vast comprehension, an universal genius, and most
profound learning. There are also one Mr. Rymer, 4 and one
Mr. Dennis, 5 most profound critics. There is a person styled
Dr. B — tl-y, who has written near a thousand pages of im-
mense erudition, giving a full and true account of a certain
squabble, of wonderful importance, between himself and a
bookseller : He is a writer of infinite wit and humour ; no
man rallies with a better grace, and in more sprightly turns
1 Dryden published his translation of Virgfl in 1697, about five months
before Swift would have us believe he wrote this Dedication. [T. S.]
2 Nahum Tate (1652-1715) assisted Dryden in the composition of
some of his works, especially the "Absalom and Achitophel." He is
best known for his metrical version of the Psalms. [T. S.]
° Tom Durfey or D'Urfey, was the author of " Wit and Mirth, or
Pills to Purge Melancholy," a collection of ballads which kept the town
alive, and which is even now much appreciated by not a few. He died
in February, 1722-23. [T. S.]
4 Thomas Rymer (1638-1713) was historiographer in 1692, and in
that capacity compiled the great folios of the " Fcedera," of which he
lived to edit fifteen. Swift, in including him with Wotton and Bentley,
refers to the pamphlets Rymer wrote against the Christ Church wits in
controversy about Ancient and Modern Learning. [T. S.]
6 _ John Dennis (1657-1733), poet and dramatist, wrote some plays
which had more than the average success. In particular, his "Liberty
Asserted, "on account of its severe strictures on the French people, made
a great hit. Dennis, however, is now known more for his intemperate
criticisms, which caused him to be the object of the satire of the wits of
his day. [T. S.l
38 A TALE OF A TUB.
Farther, I avow to Your Highness, that with these eyes
I have beheld the person of William W-tt-n, B.D., who has
written a good sizeable volume against a friend of your
governor, 1 (from whom, alas ! he must therefore look for
little favour,) in a most gentlemanly style, adorned with the
utmost politeness and civility; replete with discoveries equally
valuable for their novelty and use ; and embellished with
traits of wit, so poignant and so apposite, that he is a worthy
yokemate to his forementioned friend.
Why should I go upon farther particulars, which might
fill a volume with the just eulogies of my contemporary
brethren ? I shall bequeath this piece of justice to a larger
work, wherein I intend to write a character of the present set
of wits in our nation : their persons I shall describe parti-
cularly and at length, their genius and understandings in
miniature.
In the meantime, I do here make bold to present Your
Highness with a faithful abstract, drawn from the universal
body of all arts and sciences, intended wholly for your
service and instruction. Nor do I doubt in the least, but
Your Highness will peruse it as carefully, and make as con-
siderable improvements, as other young princes have already
done, by the many volumes of late years written for a help
to their studies. 2
That Your Highness may advance in wisdom and virtue,
as well as years, and at last outshine all your royal ancestors,
shall be the daily prayer of,
Sir,
Your Highness' 's,
Most devoted, &*c.
Decemb. 1697.
1 Sir William Temple, whose praise of Phalaris's Epistles brought on
him Bentley's criticisms which appeared in the second edition of Wotton's
" Reflections on Ancient and Modern Learning." [T. S.]
2 There were innumerable books printed for the use of the Dauphin
of France. [H.]
THE PREFACE.
THE wits of the present age being so very numerous and
penetrating, it seems the grandees of Church and State
begin to fall under horrible apprehensions, lest these gentle-
men, during the intervals of a long peace, should find leisure
to pick holes in the weak sides of Religion and Government.
To prevent which, there has been much thought employed of
late, upon certain projects for taking off the force and edge of
those formidable enquirers, from canvassing and reasoning
upon such delicate points. They have at length fixed upon
one, which will require some time as well as cost to perfect.
Meanwhile, the danger hourly increasing, by new levies of
wits, all appointed (as there is reason to fear) with pen, ink,
and paper, which may, at an hour's warning, be drawn out
into pamphlets, and other offensive weapons, ready for
immediate execution, it was judged of absolute necessity,
that some present expedient be thought on, till the main
design can be brought to maturity. To this end, at a
Grand Committee some days ago, this important discovery
was made by a certain curious and refined observer — that
seamen have a custom, when they meet a whale, to fling him
out an empty tub ' by way of amusement, to divert him from
laying violent hands upon the ship. This parable was
immediately mythologised ; the whale was interpreted to be
Hobbes's Leviathan, which tosses and plays with all schemes
of Religion and Government, whereof a great many are
hollow, and dry, and empty, and noisy, and wooden, and
given to rotation : this is the Leviathan, whence the terrible
wits of our age are said to borrow their weapons. The ship
in danger is easily understood to be its old antitype, the
Commonwealth. But how to analyze the tub, was a matter
of difficulty ; when, after long enquiry and debate, the literal
meaning was preserved ; and it was decreed, that, in order
to prevent these Leviathans from tossing and sporting with
1 Dr. A. W. Ward, in his " History of English Dramatic Literature"
(1899), v °l- ii) P- 379> comments on Ben Jonson's " A Tale of a Tub"
(acted in 1633), and says the title was " proverbial long before the time
of Ben Jonson," quoting "The Proverbs of John Heywood" (1546).
It also occurs in Bale's "Three Laws," act ii (1538). [W. S. J.]
40 A TALE OF A TUB.
the Commonwealth (which of itself is too apt to fluctuate)
they should be diverted from that game by a Tale of a Tub}
And, my genius being conceived to lie not unhappily that
way, I had the honour done me to be engaged in the per-
formance.
This is the sole design in publishing the following treatise,
which I hope will serve for an interim of some months to
employ those unquiet spirits, till the perfecting of that great
work ; into the secret of which, it is reasonable the courteous
reader should have some little light.
It is intended, that a large Academy be erected, capable
of containing nine thousand seven hundred forty and three
persons ; which, by modest computation, is reckoned to be
pretty near the current number of wits in this island. These
are to be disposed into the several schools of this academy,
and there pursue those studies to which their genius most
inclines them. The undertaker himself will publish his pro-
posals with all convenient speed ; to which I shall refer the
curious reader for a more particular account, mentioning at
present only a few of the principal schools. There is, first, a
large Psederastic School, with French and Italian masters.
There is also the Spelling School, a very spacious building :
the School of Looking-glasses : the School of Swearing : the
School of Critics : the School of Salivation : the School of
Hobby-horses : the School of Poetry : the School of Tops :
the School of Spleen : the School of Gaming : with many
others, too tedious to recount. No person to be admitted
member into any of these schools, without an attestation
under two sufficient persons' hands, certifying him to be a wit.
But, to return : I am sufficiently instructed in the principal
duty of a preface, if my genius were capable of arriving at it.
Thrice have I forced my imagination to make the tour of my
invention, and thrice it has returned empty ; the latter having
been wholly drained by the following treatise. Not so, my
more successful brethren the moderns ; who will by no
means let slip a preface or dedication, without some notable
1 Swift, although he had a great respect for Hobbes's genius, and
indeed shows in his own writings a strong intellectual kinship with that
vigorous thinker, could not overlook Hobbes's attack on religion and
his view of absolute government. The " Leviathan " was published in
1651. [T. S.]
THE PREFACE. 41
distinguishing stroke to surprise the reader at the entry, and
kindle a wonderful expectation of what is to ensue. Such
was that of a most ingenious poet, who, soliciting his brain
for something new, compared himself to the hangman, and
his patron to the patient : this was insigne, recens, indictum
ore alio. 1 When I went through that necessary and noble
course of study, 2 1 had the happiness to observe many such
egregious touches, which I shall not injure the authors by
transplanting : because I have remarked, that nothing is so
very tender as a modern piece of wit, and which is apt to
suffer so much in the carriage. Some things are extremely
witty to-day, or fasting, or in this place, or at eight o'clock,
or over a bottle, or spoke by Mr. What'd'y'caH'm, or in a
summer's morning : any of the which, by the smallest trans-
posal or misapplication, is utterly annihilate. Thus, wit has
its walks and purlieus, out of which it may not stray the
breadth of a hair, upon peril of being lost. The moderns
have artfully fixed this mercury, and reduced it to the cir-
cumstances of time, place, and person. Such a jest there is,
that will not pass out of Covent-Garden ; and such a one,
that is nowhere intelligible but at Hyde-Park corner. Now,
though it sometimes tenderly affects me to consider, that all
the towardly passages I shall deliver in the following treatise,
will grow quite out of date and relish with the first shifting
of the present scene, yet I must needs subscribe to the
justice of this proceeding : because, I cannot imagine why
we should be at the expense to furnish wit for succeeding
ages, when the former have made no sort of provision for
ours : wherein I speak the sentiment of the very newest,
and consequently the most orthodox refiners, as well as my
own. However, being extremely solicitous, that every ac-
complished person, who has got into the taste of wit cal-
culated for this present month of August, 1697, should
descend to the very bottom of all the sublime, throughout
this treatise ; I hold fit to lay down this general maxim :
whatever reader desires to have a thorough comprehension
of an author's thoughts, cannot take a better method, than
by putting himself into the circumstances and postures of
1 Horace [Odes, iii, 25, 8]. Something extraordinary, new and never
hit upon before.
2 Reading Prefaces, &c.
42 A TALE OF A TUB.
life, that the writer was in upon every important passage, as
it flowed from his pen : For this will introduce a parity, and
strict correspondence of ideas, between the reader and the
author. Now, to assist the diligent reader in so delicate an
affair, as far as brevity will permit, I have recollected, that
the shrewdest pieces of this treatise were conceived in bed
in a garret ; at other times (for a reason best known to my-
self) I thought fit to sharpen my invention with hunger ; and
in general, the whole work was begun, continued, and ended,
under a long course of physic, and a great want of money.
Now, I do affirm, it will be absolutely impossible for the
candid peruser to go along with me in a great many bright
passages, unless, upon the several difficulties emergent, he
will please to capacitate and prepare himself by these
directions. And this I lay down as my principal pos-
tidatum.
Because I have professed to be a most devoted servant
of all modern forms, I apprehend some curious wit may
object against me, for proceeding thus far in a preface,
without declaiming, according to the custom, against the
multitude of writers, whereof the whole multitude of writers
most reasonably complains. I am just come from perusing
some hundreds of prefaces, wherein the authors do, at the
very beginning, address the gentle reader concerning this
enormous grievance. Of these I have preserved a few
examples, and shall set them down as near as my memory
has been able to retain them.
One begins thus :
For a man to set up for a writer, when the press swarms
with, &c.
Another :
The tax upon paper does not lessen the number of scribblers,
who daily pester, &c.
Another :
When every little would-be wit takes pen in hand, His in vain
to etitcr the lists, &c.
Another :
To observe what trash the press swarms with, &c.
Another :
Sir, It is merely in obedience to yout commands, that I
THE PREFACE. 43
venture into the public ; for who upon a less consideration
would be of a party with such a rabble of scribblers, &c.
Now, I have two words in my own defence against this
objection. First, I am far from granting the number of
writers a nuisance to our nation, having strenuously main-
tained the contrary, in several parts of the following Dis-
course. Secondly, I do not well understand the justice of
this proceeding ; because I observe many of these polite
prefaces to be not only from the same hand, but from those
who are most voluminous in their several productions. Upon
which, I shall tell the reader a short tale.
A mountebank, in Leicester-fields, had drawn a huge
assembly about him. Among the rest, a fat unwieldy fellow,
half stifled in the press, would be every fit crying out, Lord !
what a filthy crowd is here ! Pray, good people, give way a
little. Bless me / what a devil has raked this rabble together 1
Z — ds ! what squeezing is this I Honest friend, remove
your elbow. At last a weaver, that stood next him, could hold
no longer. A plague confound you, (said he,) for an over-
grown sloven ; and who (in the devil's name) I wonder, helps
to make up the crowd half so much as yourself 1 Don't you
consider (with a pox) that you take up more room with that
carcase, than any Jive here ? Is not the place as free for us as
for you 1 Bring your own guts to a reasonable compass, (and
be d — n'd,) and then I'll engage we shall have room enough for
us all.
There are certain common privileges of a writer, the
benefit whereof, I hope, there will be no reason to doubt ;
particularly, that where I am not understood, it shall be con-
cluded, that something very useful and profound is couched
underneath : and again, that whatever word or sentence is
printed in a different character, shall be judged to contain
something extraordinary either of wit or sublime.
As for the liberty I have thought fit to take of praising my-
self, upon some occasions or none, I am sure it will need no
excuse, if a multitude of great examples be allowed sufficient
authority : For it is here to be noted, that praise was origin-
ally a pension paid by the world ; but the moderns, finding
the trouble and charge too great in collecting it, have lately
bought out the fee-simple; since which time, the right of
44 A TALE OF A TUB.
presentation is wholly in ourselves. For this reason it is, that
when an author makes his own elogy, 1 he uses a certain form
to declare and insist upon his title, which is commonly in
these or the like words, " I speak without vanity ; " which I
think plainly shews it to be a matter of right and justice.
Now I do here once for all declare, that in every encounter
of this nature through the following treatise, the form afore-
said is implied ; which I mention, to save the trouble of re-
peating it on so many occasions.
Tis a great ease to my conscience, that I have written so
elaborate and useful a discourse, without one grain of satire
intermixed; which is the sole point wherein I have taken
leave to dissent from the famous originals of our age and
country. I have observed some satirists to use the public
much at the rate that pedants do a naughty boy, ready
horsed for discipline : First, expostulate the case, then plead
the necessity of the rod from great provocations, and con-
clude every period with a lash. Now, if I know anything of
mankind, these gentlemen might very well spare their reproof
and correction : for there is not, through all nature, another
so callous and insensible a member, as the world's pos-
teriors, whether you apply to it the toe or the birch. Be-
sides, most of our late satirists seem to lie under a sort of
mistake ; that because nettles have the prerogative to sting,
therefore all other weeds must do so too. I make not this
comparison out of the least design to detract from these
worthy writers ; for it is well known among mythologists,
that weeds have the pre-eminence over all other vegetables ;
and therefore the first monarch of this island, 2 whose taste
and judgment were so acute and refined, did very wisely root
out the roses from the collar of the Order, and plant the
thistles in their stead, as the nobler flower of the two. For
which reason it is conjectured by profounder antiquaries,
that the satirical itch, so prevalent in this part of our island,
was first brought among us from beyond the Tweed. Here
may it long flourish and abound : may it survive and negiect
the scorn of the world, with as much ease and contempt, as
the world is insensible to the lashes of it. May their own
dulness, or that of their party, be no discouragement for the
1 Used in the sense of "eulogy," as it often was used in Swift's
day. [T. S.] 2 James I. [T. S.]
THE PREFACE. 45
authors to proceed ; but let them remember, it is with wits
as with razors, which are never so apt to cut those they
are employed on, as when they have lost their edge. Be-
sides, those, whose teeth are too rotten to bite, are best, of
all others, qualified to revenge that defect with their breath.
I am not like other men, to envy or undervalue the talents
I cannot reach ; for which reason I must needs bear a true
honour to this large eminent sect of our British writers.
And I hope this little panegyric will not be offensive to their
ears, since it has the advantage of being only designed for
themselves. Indeed, nature herself has taken order, that
fame and honour should be purchased at a better penny-
worth by satire, than by any other productions of the brain ;
the world being soonest provoked to praise by lashes, as men
are to love. There is a problem in an ancient author, why
Dedications, and other bundles of flattery, run all upon stale
musty topics, without the smallest tincture of anything new ;
not only to the torment and nauseating of the Christian
reader, but (if not suddenly prevented) to the universal
spreading of that pestilent disease, the lethargy, in this
island : whereas there is very little satire, which has not
something in it untouched before. The defects of the
former are usually imputed to the want of invention among
those who are dealers in that kind ; but, I think, with a
great deal of injustice ; the solution being easy and natural ;
for the materials of panegyric, being very few in number,
have been long since exhausted. For, as health is but one
thing, and has been always the same, whereas diseases are
by thousands, beside new and daily additions ; so, all the
virtues that have been ever in mankind, are to be counted
upon a few fingers ; but his follies and vices are innumer-
able, and time adds hourly to the heap. Now the utmost a
poor poet can do, is to get by heart a list of the cardinal
virtues, and deal them with his utmost liberality to his hero,
or his patron : he may ring the changes as far as it will go,
and vary his phrase till he has talked round : but the reader
quickly finds it is all pork, 1 with a little variety of sauce.
For there is no inventing terms of art beyond our ideas ;
and, when our ideas are exhausted, terms of art must be so
too.
1 Plutarch.
4^ A TALE OF A TUB.
But though the matter for panegyric were as fruitful as the
topics of satire, yet would it not be hard to find out a suffi-
cient reason why the latter will be always better received
than the first. For, this being bestowed only upon one, or
a few persons at a time, is sure to raise envy, and conse-
quently ill words from the rest, who have no share in the
blessing. But satire, being levelled at all, is never resented
for an offence by any, since every individual person makes
bold to understand it of others, and very wisely removes his
particular part of the burden upon the shoulders of the
world, which are broad enough, and able to bear it. To
this purpose, I have sometimes reflected upon the difference
between Athens and England, with respect to the point
before us. In the Attic commonwealth, 1 it was the privilege
and birth-right of every citizen and poet to rail aloud, and in
public, or to expose upon the stage, by name, any person
they pleased, though of the greatest figure, whether a Creon, 2
an Hyperbolus, an Alcibiades, or a Demosthenes : but, on
the other side, the least reflecting word let fall against the
people in general, was immediately caught up, and revenged
upon the authors, however considerable for their quality or
their merits. Whereas in England it is just the reverse of
all this. Here, you may securely display your utmost
rhetoric against mankind, in the face of the world ; tell
them, "That all are gone astray; that there is none that
doth good, no not one ; that we live in the very dregs of
time ; that knavery and atheism are epidemic as the pox ;
that honesty is fled with Astraea ; " with any other common-
places, equally new and eloquent, which are furnished by
the splendida bills. 3 And when you have done, the whole
audience, far from being offended, shall return you thanks,
as a deliverer of precious and useful truths. Nay, farther ;
it is but to venture your lungs, and you may preach in
Covent-Garden against foppery and fornication, and some-
thing else : against pride, and dissimulation, and bribery, at
White-Hall : you may expose rapine and injustice in the
Inns of Court Chapel : and in a city pulpit, be as fierce as
you please against avarice, hypocrisy, and extortion. 'Tis
1 Vide Xenophon [Athenian Republic, cap. 2].
8 Properly Cleon, but so printed in all editions. [T. S.]
3 Horace. Spleen.
THE PREFACE. - 47
but a ball bandied to and fro, and every man carries a
racket about him, to strike it from himself, among the rest
of the company. But, on the other side, whoever should
mistake the nature of things so far, as to drop but a single
hint in public, how such a one starved half the fleet, and
half poisoned the rest : how such a one, from a true prin-
ciple of love and honour, pays no debts but for wenches and
play : how such a one has got a clap, and runs out of his
estate : how Paris, bribed by Juno and Venus, 1 loth to
offend either party, slept out the whole cause on the bench :
or, how such an orator makes long speeches in the senate,
with much thought, little sense, and to no purpose; who-
ever, I say, should venture to be thus particular, must ex-
pect to be imprisoned for scandalum magnatum ; to have
challenges sent him ; to be sued for defamation ; and to be
brought before the bar of the house.
But I forget that I am expatiating on a subject wherein I
have no concern, having neither a talent nor an inclination
for satire. On the other side, I am so entirely satisfied with
the whole present procedure of human things, that I have been
some years preparing materials towards A Panegyric upon the
World ; to which I intended to add a second part, entitled,
A modest Defence of the Proceedings of the Rabble in all Ages.
Both these I had thoughts to publish, by way of appendix to
the following treatise ; but finding my common-place book
fill much slower than I had reason to expect, I have chosen
to defer them to another occasion. Besides, I have been un-
happily prevented in that design by a certain domestic mis-
fortune ; in the particulars whereof, though it would be very
seasonable, and much in the modern way, to inform the
gentle reader, and would also be of great assistance towards
extending this preface into the size now in vogue, which by
rule ought to be large in proportion as the subsequent volume
is small ; yet I shall now dismiss our impatient reader from
any farther attendance at the porch, and, having duly prepared
his mind by a preliminary discourse, shall gladly introduce him
to the sublime mysteries that ensue.
1 Juno and Venus are Money and a mistress, very powerful bribes to
a judge, if scandal says true. I remember such reflections were cast
about that time, but I cannot fix the person intended here.
A TALE OF A TUB, &c.
SECT. I.
THE INTRODUCTION.
WHOEVER has an ambition to be heard in a crowd,
must press, and squeeze, and thrust, and climb, with
indefatigable pains, till he has exalted himself to a certain
degree of altitude above them. Now, in all assemblies,
though you wedge them ever so close, we may observe this
peculiar property, that over their heads there is room enough,
but how to reach it is the difficult point ; it being as hard to
get quit of number, as of hell ;
I
evadere ad auras,
Hoc opus, hie labor est. 1 — VlRGlL.
To this end, the philosopher's way, in all ages, has been by
erecting certain edifices in the air : but, whatever practice and
reputation these kind of structures have formerly possessed,
or may still continue in, not excepting even that of Socrates,
when he was suspended in a basket to help contemplation, I
think, with due submission, they seem to labour under two
inconveniences. First, That the foundations being laid too
high, they have been often out of sight, and ever out of hear-
ing. Secondly, That the materials being very transitory, have
suffered much from inclemencies of air, especially in these
north-west regions.
Therefore, towards the just performance of this great work,
there remain but three methods that I can think of; whereof
the wisdom of our ancestors being highly sensible, has, to
* But to return, and view the cheerful skies ;
In this the task and mighty labour lies. — Dryden.
INTRODUCTION. 49
encourage all aspiring adventurers, thought fit to erect three
wooden machines for the use of those orators, who desire to
talk much without interruption. These are, the pulpit, the
ladder, and the stage itinerant. For, as to the bar, though
it be compounded of the same matter, and designed for the
same use, it cannot, however, be well allowed the honour of
a fourth, by reason of its level or inferior situation exposing
it to perpetual interruption from collaterals. Neither can the
bench itself, though raised to a proper eminency, put in a
better claim, whatever its advocates insist on. For, if they
please to look into the original design of its erection, and the
circumstances or adjuncts subservient to that design, they will
soon acknowledge the present practice, exactly correspondent
to the primitive institution, and both to answer the etymology
of the name, which in the Phoenician tongue is a word of great
signification, importing, if literally interpreted, the place of
sleep ; but in common acceptation, a seat well bolstered and
cushioned, for the repose of old and gouty limbs : senes tit in
otia tuta recedant. Fortune being indebted to them this part
of retaliation, that, as formerly, they have long talked, while
others slept ; so now they may sleep as long, while others talk.
But if no other argument could occur, to exclude the
Bench and the Bar from the list of oratorial machines, it
were sufficient that the admission of them would overthrow a
number, which I was resolved to establish, whatever argument
it might cost me ; in imitation of that prudent method ob-
served by many other philosophers, and great clerks, whose
chief art in division has been to grow fond of some proper
mystical number, which their imaginations have rendered
sacred, to a degree, that they force common reason to find
room for it, in every part of nature ; reducing, including, and
adjusting, every genus and species within that compass, by
coupling some against their wills, and banishing others at any
rate. Now,amongalltherest,theprofoundnumber THREE is
that which has most employed my sublimest speculations, nor
ever without wonderful delight. There is now in the press
(and will be published next term) a panegyrical essay of mine
upon this number ; wherein I have, by most convincing proofs,
not only reduced the senses and the elements under its banner,
but brought over several deserters from its two great rivals,
SEVEN and NINE.
I. B
50 A TALE OF A TUB.
Now, the first of these oratorial machines, in place, as well
as dignity, is the pulpit. Of pulpits there are in this island
several sorts ; but I esteem only that made of timber from
the sylva Caledonia, which agrees very well with our climate.
If it be upon its decay, 'tis the better both for conveyance of
sound, and for other reasons to be mentioned by and by.
The degree of perfection in shape and size, I take to consist
in being extremely narrow, with little ornament ; and, best of
all, without a cover, (for, by ancient rule, it ought to be the
only uncovered vessel in every assembly, where it is rightfully
used,) by which means, from its near resemblance to a pillory,
it will ever have a mighty influence on human ears.
Of ladders I need say nothing : it is observed by foreigners
themselves, to the honour of our country, that we excel all
nations in our practice and understanding of this machine.
The ascending orators do not only oblige their audience in
the agreeable delivery, but the whole world in the early pub-
lication of their speeches ; which I look upon as the choicest
treasury of our British eloquence, and whereof, I am informed,
that worthy citizen and bookseller, Mr. John Dunton, has made
a faithful and painful collection, which he shortly designs to
publish, in twelve volumes in folio, illustrated with copper-
plates. A work highly useful and curious, and altogether
worthy of such a hand. 1
The last engine of orators is the stage itinerant, 2 erected
with much sagacity, sub Jove pluvio, in triviis et quadriviis. 3
It is the great seminary of the two former, and its orators are
sometimes preferred to the one, and sometimes to the other,
in proportion to their deservings ; there being a strict and
perpetual intercourse between all three.
From this accurate deduction it is manifest, that for
obtaining attention in public, there is of necessity required a
1 Mr. John Dunton (1659-1733) was a London bookseller and pub-
lisher, who failed through his too ambitious projects. He brought out
the " Athenian Mercury," a weekly magazine of questions and answers
upon all possible subjects. The " Mercury" was afterwards reprinted
as the "Athenian Oracle." His most remarkable achievement was
the writing of that very curious book, " Dunton 's Life and Errors."
[T. S.]
a I.e. the mountebank's stage, whose orators the author determines
either to the gallows, or a conventicle.
3 In the open air, and in streets where the greatest resort is.
INTRODUCTION. 5 1
superior position of place. But, although this point be
generally granted, yet the cause is little agreed in ; and it
seems to me, that very few philosophers have fallen into a
true, natural solution of this phenomenon. The deepest
account, and the most fairly digested of any I have yet met
with, is this ; that air being a heavy body, and therefore,
(according to the system of Epicurus, 1 ) continually descend-
ing, must needs be more so, when loaden and pressed down
by words ; which are also bodies of much weight and gravity,
as it is manifest from those deep impressions they make and
leave upon us ; and therefore must be delivered from a due
altitude, or else they will neither carry a good aim, nor fall
down with a sufficient force.
Corpoream quoque enim vocem constare fatendum est,
Et sonitum, quoniam possunt impellere sensus.-
Lucr. Lib. 4.
And I am the readier to favour this conjecture, from a
common observation, that in the several assemblies of these
orators, nature itself has instructed the hearers to stand with
their mouths open, and erected parallel to the horizon, so as
they may be intersected by a perpendicular line from the
zenith, to the centre of the earth. In which position, if the
audience be well compact, every one carries home a share,
and little or nothing is lost.
I confess there is something yet more refined, in the con-
trivance and structure of our modern theatres. For, first, the
pit is sunk below the stage, with due regard to the institution
above deduced ; that, whatever weighty matter shall be de-
livered thence (whether it be lead or gold) may fall plumb
into the jaws of certain critics (as I think they are called)
which stand ready opened to devour them. Then, the boxes
are built round, and raised to a level with the scene, in defer-
ence to the ladies ; because, that large portion of wit, laid out
in raising pruriences and protuberances, is observed to run
much upon a line, and ever in a circle. The whining passions,
and little starved conceits, are gently wafted up, by their own
extreme levity, to the middle region, and there fix and are
frozen by the frigid understandings of the inhabitants. Bom-
1 Lucretius, Lib. 2.
a 'Tis certain then, that voice that thus can wound,
Is all material ; body every sound.
%2 A TALE OF A TUB
bastry and buffoonery, by nature lofty and light, soar highest
of all, and would be lost in the roof, if the prudent architect
had not, with much foresight, contrived for them a fourth
place, called the twelve-penny gallery, and there planted
a suitable colony, who greedily intercept them in their
passage.
Now this physico-logical scheme of oratorial receptacles
or machines, contains a great mystery ; being a type, a sign,
an emblem, a shadow, a symbol, bearing analogy to the
spacious commonwealth of writers, and to those methods, by
which they must exalt themselves to a certain eminency above
the inferior world. By the pulpit are adumbrated the writings
of our modern saints in Great Britain, as they have spiritualized
and refined them, from the dross and grossness of sense and
human reason. The matter, as we have said, is of rotten
wood ; and that upon two considerations ; because it is the
quality of rotten wood, to give light in the dark : and secondly,
because its cavities are full of worms ; which is a type with a
pair of handles, 1 having a respect to the two principal qualifi-
cations of the orator, and the two different fates attending
upon his works.
The ladder, is an adequate symbol of faction, and of
poetry, to both of which so noble a number of authors are
indebted for their fame. Of faction, because 2 * * * Hiatus
in MS. * . •* * * * * * * *
***** * Of poetry, because its
orators do perorare with a song ; and because, climbing up
by slow degrees, fate is sure to turn them off, before they can
reach within many steps of the top : and because it is a pre-
ferment attained by transferring of propriety, and a con-
founding of vieuin and tiium.
Under the stage itinerant, are couched those productions
designed for the pleasure and delight of mortal man ; such
as, Six-penny-worth of Wit, Westminster Drolleries, De-
1 The two principal qualifications of a fanatic preacher are, his inward
light, and his head full of maggots ; and the two different fates of his
writings are, to be burnt or worm-eaten.
2 Here is pretended a defect in the manuscript ; and this is very
frequent with our author, either when he thinks he cannot say anything
worth reading, or when he has no mind to enter on the subject, or when
it is a matter of little moment ; or perhaps to amuse his reader, whereof
he is frequently very fond } or, lastly, with some satirical intention.
INTRODUCTION. 53
lightful Tales, Compleat Jesters, and the like ; by which the
writers of and for Grub-street, have in these latter ages so
nobly triumphed over Time ; have clipped his wings, pared
his nails, filed his teeth, turned back his hour-glass, blunted
his scythe, and drawn the hob-nails out of his shoes. It i.
under this class I have presumed to list my present treatise
being just come from having the honour conferred upon me
to be adopted a member of that illustrious fraternity.
Now, I am not unaware, how the productions of the Grub
street brotherhood, have of late years fallen under main
prejudices, nor how it has been the perpetual employment a
two junior start-up societies to ridicule them and then
authors, as unworthy their established post in the common-
wealth of wit and learning. Their own consciences wil*
easily inform them whom I mean ; nor has the world been
so negligent a looker-on, as not to observe the continual
efforts made by the societies of Gresham, 1 and of Will's, 2 to
edify a name and reputation upon the ruin of OURS. And
this is yet a more feeling grief to us, upon the regards of
tenderness as well as of justice, when we reflect on their
proceedings not only as unjust, but as ungrateful, undutiful,
and unnatural. For how can it be forgot by the world or
themselves, (to say nothing of our own records, which are
full and clear in the point,) that they both are seminaries not
only of our planting, but our watering too ? I am informed,
our two rivals have lately made an offer to enter into the
lists with united forces, and challenge us to a comparison of
books, both as to weight and number. In return to which,
(with licence from our president,) I humbly offer two
answers : first, we say, the proposal is like that which Ar-
chimedes made upon a smaller affair, 3 including an im-
possibility in the practice ; for, where can they find scales of
capacity enough for the first, or an arithmetician of capacity
enough for the second? Secondly, we are ready to accept
1 Gresham College was the place where the Royal Society then met.
Swift never misses an opportunity for satirizing either the scientists or the
wits of his day. [T. S.]
2 Will's coffee-house, in Covent- Garden, was formerly the place where
the poets usually met, which, though it be yet fresh in memory, in some
years may be forgotten, and want this explanation,
3 Viz. About moving the earth.
54 A TALE OF A TUB.
the challenge; but with this condition, that a third in-
different person be assigned, to whose impartial judgment it
should be left to decide, which society each book, treatise, or
pamphlet, do most properly belong to. This point, God
knows, is very far from being fixed at present ; for we are
ready to produce a catalogue of some thousands, which in
all common justice ought to be entitled to our fraternity, but
by the revolted and new-fangled writers, most perfidiously
ascribed to the others. Upon all which, we think it very
unbecoming our prudence, that the determination should be
remitted to the authors themselves ; when our adversaries,
by briguing 1 and caballing, have caused so universal a de-
fection from us, that the greatest part of our society has
already deserted to them, and our nearest friends begin to
stand aloof, as if they were half ashamed to own us.
This is the utmost I am authorized to say upon so un-
grateful and melancholy a subject ; because we are extreme
unwilling to inflame a controversy, whose continuance may
be so fatal to the interests of us all, desiring much rather
that things be amicably composed ; and we shall so far
advance on our side, as to be ready to receive the two
prodigals with open arms, whenever they shall think fit to
return from their husks and their harlots ; which, I think,
from the present course of their studies, 2 they most properly
may be said to be engaged in ; and, like an indulgent
parent, continue to them our affection and our blessing.
But the greatest maim given to that general reception,
which the writings of our society have formerly received,
(next to the transitory state of all sublunary things,) has been
a superficial vein among many. readers of the present age,
who will by no means be persuaded to inspect beyond the
surface and the rind of things ; whereas, wisdom is a fox,
who, after long hunting, will at last cost you the pains to dig
out. It is a cheese, which, by how much the richer, has the
thicker, the homelier, and the coarser coat ; and whereof, to
a judicious palate, the maggots are the best. It is a sack-
posset, wherein the deeper you go, you will find it the
sweeter. Wisdom is a hen, whose cackling we must value
1 I.e. intriguing. [T. S.]
3 Virtuoso experiments, and modern comedies.
INTRODUCTION. 55
and consider, because it is attended with an egg ; but then
lastly, it is a nut, which, unless you choose with judgment,
may cost you a tooth, and pay you with nothing but a worm.
In consequence of these momentous truths, the Grubsean
Sages have always chosen to convey their precepts and their
arts, shut up within the vehicles of types and fables ; which
having been perhaps more careful and curious in adorning,
than was altogether necessary, it has fared with these vehicles,
after the usual fate of coaches over finely painted and gilt,
that the transitory gazers have so dazzled their eyes, and
filled their imaginations with the outward lustre, as neither
to regard nor consider the person, or the parts, of the owner
within. A misfortune we undergo with somewhat less re-
luctancy, because it has been common to us with Pythagoras,
^Esop, Socrates, and other of our predecessors.
However, that neither the world, nor ourselves, may any
longer suffer by such misunderstandings, I have been pre-
vailed on, after much importunity from my friends, to travel
in a complete and laborious dissertation, upon the prime
productions of our society ; which, beside their beautiful ex-
ternals, for the gratification of superficial readers, have
darkly and deeply couched under them, the most finished
and refined systems of all sciences and arts ; as I do not
doubt to lay open, by untwisting or unwinding, and either
to draw up by exantlation, 1 or display by incision.
This great work was entered upon some years ago, by one
of our most eminent members : he began with the History of
Reynard the Fox, 2 but neither lived to publish his essay, nor
to proceed farther in so useful an attempt ; which is very
much to be lamented, because the discovery he made, and
communicated with his friends, is now universally received ;
nor do I think any of the learned will dispute that famous
treatise to be a complete body of civil knowledge, and the
revelation, or rather the apocalypse, of all State Arcana.
But the progress I have made is much greater, having
already finished my annotations upon several dozens ; from
1 I.e., by exhaustion. [T. S.]
2 The Author seems here to be mistaken, for I have seen a Latin
edition of Reynard the Fox, above an hundred years old, which I take
to be the original ; for the rest it has been thought by many people to
contain some satyrical design in it.
5^ A TALE OF A TUB.
some of which I shall impart a few hints to the candid
reader, as far as will be necessary to the conclusion at which
I aim.
The first piece I have handled is that of Tom Thumb,
whose author was a Pythagorean philosopher. This dark
treatise contains the whole scheme of the Metempsychosis,
deducing the progress of the soul through all her stages.
The next is Dr. Faustus, penned by Artephius, an author
bona note, and an adeptus ; he published it in the nine-
hundred-eighty-fourth year of his age ; 1 this writer proceeds
wholly by reincrudation, or in the via humida ; and the
marriage between Faustus and Helen does most conspicuously
dilucidate the fermenting of the male and female dragon.
Whittington and his Cat is the work of that mysterious
rabbi, Jehuda Hannasi, containing a defence of the Gemara
of the Jerusalem Mishna, 2 and its just preference to that of
Babylon, contrary to the vulgar opinion.
The Hind and Panther. This is the masterpiece of a
famous writer now living, 3 intended for a complete abstract
of sixteen thousand school-men, from Scotus to Bellarmin.
Tommy Potts. 4 Another piece, supposed by the same
hand, by way of supplement to the former.
The Wise Men of Gotham, cum appendice. This is a
treatise of immense erudition, being the great original and
fountain of those arguments, bandied about, both in France
and England, for a just defence of the moderns' learning and
wit, against the presumption, the pride, and ignorance of the
ancients. This unknown author has so exhausted the sub-
ject, that a penetrating reader will easily discover whatever
has been written since upon that dispute, to be little more
than repetition. An abstract of this treatise has been lately
published by a worthy member of our society. 5
These notices may serve to give the learned reader an idea,
1 He lived a thousand.
a The Gemara is the decision, explanation, or interpretation of the
Jewish rabbis ; and the Mishna is properly the code or body of the
Jewish civil or common law. [H.]
3 Viz. In the year 1697.
* A popular ballad, then the favourite of the vulgar, now an object of
ambition to the collectors of black-letter. [S.]
6 This I suppose to be understood of Mr. Wotton's Discourse of
Ancient and Modern Learning.
INTRODUCTION. 57
as well as a taste, of what the whole work is likely to produce;
wherein I have now altogether circumscribed my thoughts and
my studies ; and, if I can bring it to a perfection before I die,
shall reckon I have well employed the poor remains of an
unfortunate life. 1 This, indeed, is more than I can justly
expect, from a quill worn to the pith in the service of the
state, in pros and cons upon Popish plots, and meal-tubs, 2 and
exclusion bills, and passive obedience, and addresses of lives
and fortunes, and prerogative, and property, 3 and liberty of
conscience, and letters to a friend : from an understanding
and a conscience thread-bare and ragged with perpetual turn-
ing ; from a head broken in a hundred places by the malignants
of the opposite factions ; and from a body spent with poxes
ill cured, by trusting to bawds and surgeons, who, (as it after-
wards appeared,) were professed enemies to me and the
government, and revenged their party's quarrel upon my nose
and shins. Fourscore and eleven pamphlets have I written
under three reigns, and for the service of six and thirty
factions. 4 But, finding the state has no farther occasion for
me and my ink, I retire willingly to draw it out into specula-
tions more becoming a philosopher ; having, to my unspeak-
able comfort, passed a long life with a conscience void of
offence. 5
But to return. I am assured from the reader's candour,
that the brief specimen I have given, will easily clear all the
rest of our society's productions from an aspersion grown, as
it is manifest, out of envy and ignorance; that they are of
little farther use or value to mankind, beyond the common
entertainments of their wit and their style ; for these I am sure
have never yet been disputed by our keenest adversaries : in
1 Here the author seems to personate L'Estrange, Dryden, and some
others, who, after having passed their lives in vices, faction, and false-
hood, have the impudence to talk of merit, and innocence, and sufferings.
2 In King Charles the Second's time, there was an account of a Pres-
byterian plot, found in a tub, which then made much noise.
8 Third edition—/^;?. [T. S.]
* Forster ("Life," p. 183, note) quotes from Kidd's "Tracts," the
curious discovery made by Professor Porson. A passage in " Gulliver "
speaks of the King's smiths, who "conveyed four score and eleven
chains . . . which were locked to my left leg with six and thirty pad-
locks." (See vol. viii, p. 26 of this edition.) [T. S.]
5 The first four editions add to this sentence — towards God and
towards men. [T. S.j
58 A TALE OF A TUB.
both which, as well as the more profound and mystical part,
I have, throughout this treatise, closely followed the most ap-
plauded originals. And to render all complete, I have, with
much thought and application of mind, so ordered, that the
chief title prefixed to it, (I mean that under which I design it
shall pass in the common conversations of court and town,)
is modelled exactly after the manner peculiar to our society.
I confess to have been somewhat liberal in the business of
titles/ having observed the humour of multiplying them, to
bear great vogue among certain writers, whom I exceedingly
reverence. And indeed it seems not unreasonable, that
books, the children of the brain, should have the honour to
be christened with variety of names, as well as other infants of
quality. Our famous Dryden has ventured to proceed a point
farther, endeavouring to introduce also a multiplicity of god-
fathers ; 2 which is an improvement of much more advantage
upon a very obvious account. 'Tis a pity this admirable
invention has not been better cultivated, so as to grow by this
time into general imitation, when such an authority serves it
for a precedent. Nor have my endeavours been wanting to
second so useful an example; but it seems there is an un-
happy expense usually annexed to the calling of a god-father,
which was clearly out of my head, as it is very reasonable to
believe. Where the pinch lay, I cannot certainly affirm ; but
having employed a world of thoughts and pains to split my
treatise into forty sections, and having entreated forty lords
of my acquaintance, that they would do me the honour to
stand, they all made it a matter of conscience, and sent me
their excuses.
SECT. II.
Once upon a time, there was a man who had three sons by
one wife, 3 and all at a birth, neither could the midwife tell
certainly, which was the eldest. Their father died while they
1 The title-page in the original was so torn, that it was not possible
to recover several titles, which the author here speaks of.
2 See Virgil translated, &c.
He dedicated the different parts of Virgil to different patrons. [H.]
3 By these three sons, Peter, Martin, and Jack ; Popery, the Church
of England, and our Protestant dissenters, are designed.— W. Wotton.
A TALE OF A TUB. 59
were young ; and upon his deathbed, calling the lads to him,
spoke thus :
" Sons ; because I have purchased no estate, nor was born
to any, I have long considered of some good legacies to
bequeath you ; and at last, with much care, as well as expense,
have provided each of you (here they are) a new coat. 1 Now,
you are to understand, that these coats have two virtues con-
tained in them ; one is, that with good wearing, they will last
you fresh and sound as long as you live : the other is, that
they will grow in the same proportion with your bodies,
lengthening and widening of themselves, so as to be always
fit. Here ; let me see them on you before I die. So ; very
well ; pray, children, wear them clean, and brush them often.
You will find in my will 2 (here it is) full instructions in every
particular concerning the wearing and management of your
coats ; wherein you must be very exact, to avoid the penalties
I have appointed for every transgression or neglect, upon
which your future fortunes will entirely depend. I have also
commanded in my will, that you should live together in one
house like brethren and friends, for then you will be sure to
thrive, and not otherwise."
Here the story says, this good father died, and the three
sons went all together to seek their fortunes.
I shall not trouble you with recounting what adventures
they met for the first seven years ; 3 any farther than by taking
notice, that they carefully observed their father's will, and
kept their coats in very good order : that they travelled
through several countries, encountered a reasonable quantity
of giants, and slew certain dragons.
Being now arrived at the proper age for producing them-
selves, they came up to town, and fell in love with the ladies,
but especially three, who about that time were in chief repu-
tation; the Duchess d'Argent, Madame de Grands Titres,
1 By his coats which he gave his sons, the Garments of the Israelites.
— W. Wotton.
An error (with submission) of the learned commentator ; for by the
coats are meant the Doctrine and Faith of Christianity, by the Wisdom
of the divine Founder fitted to all times, places, and circumstances. —
Lambin.
2 The New Testament.
8 The first seven centuries. — Curll's "Key."
60 A TALE OF A TUB.
and the Countess d'Orgueil. 1 On their first appearance, our
three adventurers met with a very bad reception ; and soon
with great sagacity guessing out the reason, they quickly
began to improve in the good qualities of the town : they
writ, and rallied, and rhymed, and sung, and said, and said
nothing : they drank, and fought, and whored, and slept, and
swore, and took snuff: they went to new plays on the first
night, haunted the chocolate houses, beat the watch, lay on
bulks, and got claps : they bilked hackney-coachmen, ran in
debt with shopkeepers, and lay with their wives : they killed
bailiffs, kicked fiddlers down stairs, eat at Locket's, 2 loitered
at Will's : 3 they talked of the drawing-room, and never came
there : dined with lords they never saw : whispered a duchess,
and spoke never a word : exposed the scrawls of their laundress
for billetdoux of quality : came ever just from court, and were
never seen in it : attended the Levee sub dio : got a list of
peers by heart in one company, and with great familiarity
retailed them in another. Above all, they constantly attended
those Committees of Senators, who are silent in the House,
and loud in the coffee-house ; where they nightly adjourn to
chew the cud of politics, and are encompassed with a ring
of disciples, who lie in wait to catch up their droppings. The
three brothers had acquired forty other qualifications of the
like stamp, too tedious to recount, and by consequence, were
justly reckoned the most accomplished persons in the town :
but all would not suffice, and the ladies aforesaid continued
still inflexible. To clear up which difficulty I must, with the
reader's good leave and patience, have recourse to some
points of weight, which the authors of that age have not
sufficiently illustrated.
For, about this time it happened a sect arose, 4 whose
tenets obtained and spread very far, especially in the grande
monde, and among everybody of good fashion. They wor-
shipped a sort of idol, 5 who, as their doctrine delivered, did
1 Their mistresses are the Duchess d'Argent, Mademoiselle de Grands
Titres, and the Countess d'Orgueil, i.e. covetousness, ambition, and
pride ; which were the three great vices that the ancient fathers inveighed
against, as the first corruptions of Christianity. — W. Wotton.
2 A noted tavern. [S.] 3 See p. 53, note. [T. S.]
4 This is an occasional satire upon dress and fashion, in order to in-
troduce what follows.
6 By this idol is meant a tailor.
A TALE OF A TUB. 6l
daily create men by a kind of manufactory operation. This
idol they placed in the highest parts of the house, on an
altar erected about three foot : he was shewn in the posture
of a Persian emperor, sitting on a superficies, with his legs
interwoven under him. This god had a goose for his ensign :
whence it is that some learned men pretend to deduce his
original from Jupiter Capitolinus. At his left hand, beneath
the altar, Hell seemed to open, and catch at the animals the
idol was creating; to prevent which, certain of his priests
hourly flung in pieces of the uninformed mass, or substance,
and sometimes whole limbs already enlivened, which that
horrid gulf insatiably swallowed, terrible to behold. The
goose was also held a subaltern divinity or deus minorum
gentium, before whose shrine was sacrificed that creature,
whose hourly food is human gore, and who is in so great
renown abroad, for being the delight and favourite of the
^Egyptian Cercopithecus. 1 Millions of these animals were
cruelly slaughtered every day, to appease the hunger of that
consuming deity. The chief idol was also worshipped as
the inventor of the yard and needle ; whether as the god of
seamen, or on account of certain other mystical attributes,
has not been sufficiently cleared.
The worshippers of this deity had also a system of their
belief, which seemed to turn upon the following fundamentals.
They held the universe to be a large suit of clothes, which in-
vests everything : that the earth is invested by the air ; the
air is invested by the stars ; and the stars are invested by the
primum mobile. Look on this globe of earth, you will find
it to be a very complete and fashionable dress. What is that
which some call land, but a fine coat faced with green ? or
the sea. but a waistcoat of water-tabby? Proceed to the
particular works of the creation, you will find how curious
journeyman Nature has been, to trim up the vegetable beaux;
observe how sparkish a periwig adorns the head of a beech,
and what a fine doublet of white satin is worn by the birch.
To conclude from all, what is man himself but a micro-coat, 2
or rather a complete suit of clothes with all its trimmings ?
1 The /Egyptians worshipped a monkey, which animal is very fond of
eating lice, styled here creatures that feed on human gore.
2 Alluding to the word microcosm, or a little world, as man has been
called by philosophers.
62 A TALE OF A TUB.
as to his body, there can be no dispute : but examine even
the acquirements of his mind, you will find them all con-
tribute in their order towards furnishing out an exact dress :
to instance no more ; is not religion a cloak ; honesty a pair
of shoes worn out in the dirt ; self-love a surtout ; vanity a
shirt ; and conscience a pair of breeches ; which, though a
cover for lewdness as well as nastiness, is easily slipt down for
the service of both ?
These postulata being admitted, it will follow in due course
of reasoning, that those beings, which the world calls im-
properly suits of clothes, are in reality the most refined
species of animals; or, to proceed higher, that they are
rational creatures, or men. For, is it not manifest, that they
live, and move, and talk, and perform all other offices of
human life ? Are not beauty, and wit, and mien, and breed-
ing, their inseparable proprieties ? In short, we see nothing
but them, hear nothing but them. Is it not they who walk
the streets, fill up parliament — , coffee — , play — , bawdy-
houses? 'Tis true, indeed, that these animals, which are
vulgarly called suits of clothes, or dresses, do, according
to certain compositions, receive different appellations. If
one of them be trimmed up with a gold chain, and a red
gown, and a white rod, and a great horse, it is called a Lord-
Mayor : if certain ermines and furs be placed in a certain
position, we style them a Judge ; and so an apt conjunction
of lawn and black satin we entitle a Bishop.
Others of these professors, though agreeing in the main
system, were yet more refined upon certain branches of it ;
and held, that man was an animal compounded of two dresses,
the natural and celestial suit, which were the body and the
soul : that the soul was the outward, and the body the
inward clothing; that the latter was ex traduce; but the
former of daily creation and circumfusion ; this last they
proved by scripture, because in them we live, and move, and
have our being ; as likewise by philosophy, because they are
all in all, and all in every part. Besides, said they, separate
these two, and you will find the body to be only a senseless
unsavoury carcase. By all which it is manifest, that the out-
ward dress must needs be the soul.
To this system of religion, were tagged several subaltern
doctrines, which were entertained with great vogue ; as par-
A TALE OF A TUB. 63
ticularly, the faculties of the mind were deduced by the
learned among them in this manner ; embroidery, was sheer
wit ; gold fringe, was agreeable conversation ; gold lace, was
repartee ; a huge long periwig, was humour ; and a coat full
of powder, was very good raillery: all which required abund-
ance of finesse and delicatesse to manage with advantage, as
well as a strict observance after times and fashions.
I have, with much pains and reading, collected out of
ancient authors, this short summary of a body of philosophy
and divinity, which seems to have been composed by a vein
and race of thinking, very different from any other systems
either ancient or modern. And it was not merely to enter-
tain or satisfy the reader's curiosity, but rather to give him
light into several circumstances of the following story ; that
knowing the state of dispositions and opinions in an age so
remote, he may better comprehend those great events, which
were the issue of them. I advise therefore the courteous
reader to peruse with a world of application, again and again,
whatever I have written upon this matter. And leaving these
broken ends, I carefully gather up the chief thread of my
story and proceed.
These opinions, therefore, were so universal, as well as the
practices of them, among the refined part of court and town,
that our three brother-adventurers, as their circumstances
then stood, were strangely at a loss. For, on the one side,
the three ladies they addressed themselves to, (whom we
have named already,) were at the very top of the fashion,
and abhorred all that were below it but the breadth of a
hair. On the other side, their father's will was very precise,
and it was the main precept in it, with the greatest penalties
annexed, not to add to, or diminish from their coats one
thread, without a positive command in the will. Now, the
coats their father had left them were, 'tis true, of very good
cloth, and, besides, so neatly sewn, you would swear they
were all of a piece ; but, at the same time, very plain, and
with little or no ornament : and it happened, that before they
were a month in town, great shoulder-knots ' came up :
1 The first part of the Tale is the history of Peter ; thereby Popery is
exposed: everybody knows the Papists have made great additions to
Christianity; that, indeed, is the great exception which the Church of
64 A TALE OF A TUB.
straight all the world was shoulder-knots; no approaching
the ladies' ruelles without the quota of shoulder-knots. That
fellow, cries one, has no soul ; where is his shoulder-knot ?
Our three brethren soon discovered their want by sad expe-
rience, meeting in their walks with forty mortifications and
indignities. If they went to the play-house, the door-keeper
shewed them into the twelve-penny gallery. If they called a
boat, says a waterman, I am first sculler. If they stepped to
the Rose to take a bottle, the drawer would cry, Friend, we
sell no ale. If they went to visit a lady, a footman met them
at the door, with, Pray send up your message. In this un-
happy case, they went immediately to consult their father's
will, read it over and over, but not a word of the shoulder-
knot. What should they do? What temper should they
find ? Obedience was absolutely necessary, and yet shoulder-
knots appeared extremely requisite. After much thought,
one of the brothers, who happened to be more book-learned
than the other two, said, he had found # an expedient. 'Tis
true, said he, there is nothing here in this will, totidem verbis, 1
making mention of shoulder-knots : but I dare conjecture, we
may find them inclusive, or totidem syllabis. This distinction
was immediately approved by all ; and so they fell again to
examine the will. But their evil star had so directed the
matter, that the first syllable was not to be found in the
whole writing. Upon which disappointment, he, who found
England makes against them ; accordingly Peter begins his pranks with
adding a shoulder-knot to his coat. — W. Wotton.
His description of the cloth of which the coat was made, has a farther
meaning than the words may seem to import : * ' The coats their father
had left them were of very good cloth, and, besides, so neatly sewn, you
would swear it had been all of a piece ; but, at the same time, very plain,
with little or no ornament." This is the distinguishing character of the
Christian religion : Christiana rcligio absoluta et simplex, was Ammianus
Marcellinus's description of it, who was himself a heathen. — W.
Wotton.
By this is understood the first introducing of pageantry, and unneces-
sary ornaments in the Church, such as were neither for convenience nor
edification, as a Shoulder-knot, in which there is neither symmetry nor
use.
1 When the Papists cannot find anything which they want in Scrip-
ture, they go to Oral Tradition : thus Peter is introduced satisfied with
the tedious way of looking for all the letters of any word, which he has
occasion for in the Will, when neither the constituent syllables, nor much
less the whole word, were there in terminis. — W. Wotton,
A TALE OF A TUB. 65
the former evasion, took heart, and said, "Brothers, there are
yet hopes ; for though we cannot find them totidem verbis,
nor totidem syllabis, I dare engage we shall make them out,
tertio modo, or totidem Uteris:' This discovery was also
highly commended, upon which they fell once more to the
scrutiny, and picked outS,H,0,U,L,D,E,R; when the same
planet, enemy to their repose, had wonderfully contrived, that
a K was not to be found. Here was a weighty difficulty !
But the distinguishing brother, (for whom we shall hereafter
find a name,) now his hand was in, proved by a very good
argument, that K was a modern, illegitimate letter, unknown
to the learned ages, nor anywhere to be found in ancient
manuscripts. "Tis true," said he, "Calendar hath in Q. V.C. 1
been sometimes writ with a K, but erroneously; for, in the
best copies, it ever spelt with a C. And, by consequence, it
was a gross mistake in our language to spell ' knot ' with
a K;" but that from henceforward, he would take care
it should be writ with a C. Upon this all farther difficulty
vanished ; shoulder-knots were made clearly out to be jure
iaterno: and our three gentlemen swaggered with as large
and as flaunting ones as the best.
But, as human happiness is of a very short duration, so in
those days were human fashions, upon which it entirely
depends. Shoulder-knots had their time, and we must now
imagine them in their decline ; for a certain lord came just
from Paris, with fifty yards of gold lace upon his coat,
exactly trimmed after the court fashion of that month. In
two days all mankind appeared closed up in bars of gold
lace : 2 whoever durst peep abroad without his complement of
gold lace, was as scandalous as a — , and as ill received
among the women. What should our three knights do in
this momentous affair? They had sufficiently strained a
point already in the affair of shoulder-knots. Upon recourse
to the will, nothing appeared there but altuni silentium.
That of the shoulder-knots was a loose, flying, circumstantial
point; but this of gold lace seemed too considerable an
alteration without better warrant. It did aliquo modo essentia
1 Quibusdam veteribus codicibus ; i.e. some ancient manuscripts.
2 I cannot tell whether the author means any new innovation by this
word, or whether it be only to introduce the new methods of forcing and
perverting scripture.
I. F
66 A TALE OF A TUB.
adkcerere, and therefore required a positive precept. But
about this time it fell out, that the learned brother aforesaid
had read " Aristotelis Dialectica" and especially that wonder-
ful piece de Interpretation, which has the faculty of teaching
its readers to find out a meaning in everything but itself, like
commentators on the Revelations, who proceed prophets with-
out understanding a syllable of the text. " Brothers," said
he, "you are to be informed, 1 that of wills duo sunt genera,
nuncupatory 2 and scriptory; that in the scriptory will here
before us, there is no precept or mention about gold lace,
conceditur: but, si idem affirmetur de nuncupatorio, negatur.
For, brothers, if you remember, we heard a fellow say, when
we were boys, that he heard my father's man say, that he
heard my father say, that he would advise his sons to get
gold lace on their coats, as soon as ever they could procure
money to buy it." "By G — ! that is very true," cries the
other; "I remember it perfectly well," said the third. And
so without more ado got the largest gold lace in the parish,
and walked about as fine as lords.
A while after there came up all in fashion a pretty sort of
flame-coloured satin 3 for linings ; and the mercer brought a
pattern of it immediately to our three gentlemen: "An
please your worships," said he, 4 " my Lord C and Sir
1 The next subject of our author's wit is the glosses and interpretations
of scripture ; very many absurd ones of which are allowed in the most
authentic books of the Church of Rome. — W. Wotton.
2 By this is meant tradition, allowed to have equal authority with the
scripture, or rather greater.
3 This is purgatory, whereof he speaks more particularly hereafter;
but here, only to shew how scripture was perverted to prove it, which
was done by giving equal authority with the canon to Apocrypha, called
here a codicil annexed.
It is likely the author, in every one of these changes in the brothers'
dresses, refers to some particular error in the Church of Rome, though
it is not easy, I think, to apply them all : but by this of flame-coloured
satin, is manifestly intended purgatory ; by gold lace may perhaps be
understood, the lofty ornaments and plate in the churches; the shoulder-
knots and silver fringe are not so obvious, at least to me; but the Indian
figures of men, women, and children, plainly relate to the pictures in
the Romish churches, of God like an old man, of the Virgin Mary, and
our Saviour as a child.
4 This shews the time the author writ, it being about fourteen years
since those two persons were reckoned the fine gentlemen of the town.
Ibid. Lord Cutts and Sir John Walters; see "Journal to Stella,"
pp. 267 and 252. [W. S. J.]
A TALE OF A TUB. 6j
J. W. had linings out of this very piece last night; it takes
wonderfully, and I shall not have a remnant left enough to
make my wife a pin-cushion, by to-morrow morning at ten
o'clock." Upon this, they fell again to rummage the will,
because the present case also required a positive precept, the
lining being held by orthodox writers to be of the essence of
the coat. After long search, they could fix upon nothing to
the matter in hand, except a short advice of their father's in
the will, to take care of fire, and put out their candles be-
fore they went to sleep. 1 This, though a good deal for the
purpose, and helping very far towards self-conviction, yet not
seeming wholly of force to establish a command; and
being resolved to avoid farther scruple, as well as future
occasion for scandal, says he that was the scholar, " I re-
member to have read in wills of a codicil annexed, which is
indeed a part of the will, and what it contains hath equal
authority with the rest. Now, I have been considering of
this same will here before us, and I cannot reckon it to be
complete for want of such a codicil : I will therefore fasten
one in its proper place very dexterously : I have had it by
me some time; it was written by a dog-keeper of my grand-
father's, 2 and talks a great deal, (as good luck would have it,)
of this very flame-coloured satin." The project was immedi-
ately approved by the other two; an old parchment scroll
was tagged on according to art, in the form of a codicil
annexed, and the satin bought and worn.
Next winter a player, hired for the purpose by the corpora-
tion of fringe-makers, acted his part in a new comedy, all
covered with silver fringe, 3 and, according to the laudable
custom, gave rise to that fashion. Upon which the brothers,
consulting their father's will, to their great astonishment
found these words; "Item, I charge and command my said
three sons to wear no sort of silver fringe upon or about
their said coats," etc., with a penalty, in case of disobedience,
too long here to insert. However, after some pause, the
1 That is, to take care of hell; and, in order to do that, to subdue
and extinguish their lusts.
2 I believe this refers to that part of the Apocrypha, where mention
is made of Tobit and his dog.
This is certainly the farther introducing the pomps of habit and orna-
ment.
68 A TALE OF A TUB.
brother so often mentioned for his erudition, who was well
skilled in criticisms, had found in a certain author, which he
said should be nameless, that the same word, which, in the
will, is called fringe, does also signify a broom-stick, and
doubtless ought to have the same interpretation in this para-
graph. This another of the brothers disliked, because of
that epithet silver, which could not, he humbly conceived, in
propriety of speech, be reasonably applied to a broom-stick;
but it was replied upon him, that his epithet was understood
in a mythological and allegorical sense. However, he
objected again, why their father should forbid them to wear
a broom-stick on their coats, a caution that seemed un-
natural and impertinent; upon which he was taken up short,
as one who spoke irreverently of a mystery, which doubtless
was very useful and significant, but ought not to be over-
curiously pried into, or nicely reasoned upon. And, in
short, their father's authority being now considerably sunk,
this expedient was allowed to serve as a lawful dispensation
for wearing their full proportion of silver fringe.
A while after was revived an old fashion, long antiquated,
of embroidery with Indian figures of men, women, and
children. 1 Here they remembered but too well how their
father had always abhorred this fashion ; 2 that he made
several paragraphs on purpose, importing his utter detestation
of it, and bestowing his everlasting curse to his sons, when-
ever they should wear it. For all this, in a few days they
appeared higher in the fashion than anybody else in the town.
But they solved the matter by saying, that these figures were
not at all the same with those that were formerly worn, and
were meant in the will. Besides, they did not wear them in
the sense as forbidden by their father; but as they were a
commendable custom, and of great use to the public. 3 That
these rigorous clauses in the will did therefore require some
1 The images of saints, the blessed Virgin, and our Saviour an infant.
Ibid. Images in the Church of Rome give him but too fair a handle.
The brothers remembered, &c. The allegory here is direct. — W.
Wotton.
2 Here they had no occasion to examine the will : they remembered,
etc. — First four editions. [T. S.]
3 The excuse made for the worship of images by the Church of Rome,
that they were used, not as idols, but as helps to devotional recollection
of those whom they represented. [S.]
A TALE OF A TUB. 69
allowance, and a favourable interpretation, and ought to be
understood cum grano salis.
But fashions perpetually altering in that age, the scholastic
brother grew weary of searching farther evasions, and solving
everlasting contradictions. Resolved, therefore, at all hazards,
to comply with the modes of the world, they concerted
matters together, and agreed unanimously to lock up their
father's will in a strong box, 1 brought out of Greece or Italy,
(I have forgot which,) and trouble themselves no farther to
examine it, but only refer to its authority whenever they
thought fit. In consequence whereof, a while after it grew a
general mode to wear an infinite number of points, most of
them tagged with silver : upon which, the scholar pronounced
ex cathedra? that points were absolutely jure paterno, as they
might very well remember. 'Tis true, indeed, the fashion
prescribed somewhat more than were directly named in the
will ; however, that they, as heirs-general of their father, had
power to make and add certain clauses for public emolument,
though not deducible, totidem verbis, from the letter of the
will, or else multa absurda sequerentur. This was under-
stood for canonical, and therefore, on the following Sunday,
they came to church all covered with points.
The learned brother, so often mentioned, was reckoned
the best scholar in all that, or the next street to it ; inso-
much as, having run something behind-hand in the world,
he obtained the favour of a certain lord, 3 to receive him into
his house, and to teach his children. A while after the lord
died, and he, by long practice of his father's will, found the
1 The Papists formerly forbade the people the use of scripture in the
vulgar tongue : Peter therefore locks up his father's will in a strong box,
brought out of Greece or Italy : these countries are named, because the
New Testament is written in Greek ; and the vulgar Latin, which is the
authentic edition of the Bible in the Church of Rome, is in the language
of old Italy. — W. Wotton.
2 The popes, in their decretals and bulls, have given their sanction to
very many gainful doctrines, which are now received in the Church of
Rome, that are not mentioned in scripture, and are unknown to the
primitive church. Peter, accordingly, pronounces ex cathedra, that
points tagged with silver were absolutely jure paterno ; and so they wore
them in great numbers. — W. Wotton.
3 This was Constantine the Great, from whom the popes pretend a
donation of St. Peter's patrimony, which they have been never able to
produce.
70 A TALE OF A TUB.
way of contriving a deed of conveyance of that house to
himself and his heirs ; upon which he took possession, turned
the young squires out, and received his brothers in their
stead. 1
SECT. III.
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING CRITICS.
Though I have been hitherto as cautious as I could, upon
all occasions, most nicely to follow the rules and methods of
writing laid down by the example of our illustrious moderns ;
yet has the unhappy shortness of my memory led me into
an error, from which I must extricate myself, before I can
decently pursue my principal subject. I confess with shame,
it was an unpardonable omission to proceed so far as I have
already done, before I had performed the due discourses,
expostulatory, supplicatory, or deprecatory, with my good
lords the critics. Towards some atonement for this grievous
neglect, I do here make humbly bold, to present them with
a short account of themselves, and their art, by looking into
the original and pedigree of the word, as it is generally un-
derstood among us ; and very briefly considering the ancient
and present state thereof.
By the word critic, at this day so frequent in all conversa-
tions, there have sometimes been distinguished three very
different species of mortal men, according as I have read in
ancient books and pamphlets. For first, by this term was
understood such persons as invented or drew up rules for
themselves and the world, by observing which, a careful
reader might be able to pronounce upon the productions of
the learned, from his taste to a true relish of the sublime and
1 The bishops of Rome enjoyed their privileges in Rome at first, by
the favour of emperors, whom at last they shut out of their own capital
city, and then forged a donation from Constantine the Great, the better
to justify what they did. In imitation of this, Peter, having run some-
thing behind-hand in the world, obtained leave of a certain lord, &c—
W. WOTTON.
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING CRITICS. ?I
the admirable, and divide every beauty of matter, or of style,
from the corruption that apes it. In their common perusal
of books, singling out the errors and defects, the nauseous,
che fulsome, the dull, and the impertinent, with the caution
of a man that walks through Edinburgh streets in a morning,
who is indeed as careful as he can to watch diligently, and
spy out the filth in his way ; not that he is curious to observe
the colour and complexion of the ordure, or take its dimen-
sions, much less to be paddling in, or tasting it ; but only
with a design to come out as cleanly as he may. These may
seem, though very erroneously, to have understood the ap-
pellation of critic in a literal sense ; that one principal part
of his office was to praise and acquit ; and that a critic, who
sets up to read only for an occasion of censure and reproof, is
a creature as barbarous as a judge, who should take up a
resolution to hang all men that came before him upon a
trial.
Again, by the word critic have been meant, the restorers
of ancient learning from the worms, and graves, and dust of
manuscripts.
Now the races of those two have been for some ages ut-
terly extinct ; and besides, to discourse any farther of them,
would not be at all to my purpose.
The third and noblest sort, is that of the TRUE CRITIC,
whose original is the most ancient of all. Every true critic
is a hero born, descending in a direct line, from a celestial
stem by Momus and Hybris, who begat Zoilus, who begat
Tigellius, who begat Etcsetera the elder ; who begat Bentley,
and Rymer, and Wotton, and Perrault, and Dennis; who
begat Etcsetera the younger.
And these are the critics, from whom the commonwealth
of learning has in all ages received such immense benefits,
that the gratitude of their admirers placed their origin in
Heaven, among those of Hercules, Theseus, Perseus, and
other great deservers of mankind. But heroic virtue itself,
hath not been exempt from the obloquy of evil tongues.
For it hath been objected, that those ancient heroes, famous
for their combating so many giants, and dragons, and
robbers, were in their own persons a greater nuisance to
mankind, than any of those monsters they subdued ; and
therefore to render their obligations more complete, when all
72 A TALE OF A TUB.
other vermin were destroyed, should, in conscience, have
concluded with the same justice upon themselves. Hercules ]
most generously did, and hath upon that score procured to
himself more temples and votaries, than the best of his
fellows. For these reasons, I suppose it is, why some have
conceived, it would be very expedient for the public good of
learning, that every true critic, as soon as he had finished his
task assigned, should immediately deliver himself up to rats-
bane, or hemp, or leap from some convenient altitude ; and
that no man's pretensions to so illustrious a character should
by any means be received, before that operation were per-
formed.
Now, from this heavenly descent of criticism, and the close
analogy it bears to heroic virtue, it is easy to assign the proper
employment of a true ancient genuine critic ; which is, to
travel through this vast world of writings ; to pursue and hunt
those monstrous faults bred within them ; to drag out the
lurking errors, like Cacus from his den ; to multiply them like
Hydra's heads ; and rake them together like Augeas's dung ;
or else drive away a sort of dangerous fowl, who have a per-
verse inclination to plunder the best branches of the tree
of knowledge, like those stymphalian birds that eat up the
fruit.
These reasonings will furnish us with an adequate defini-
tion of a true critic : that he is discoverer and collector of
writers' faults ; which may be farther put beyond dispute by
the following demonstration : — That whoever will examine the
writings in all kinds, wherewith this ancient sect has honoured
the world, shall immediately find, from the whole thread and
tenor of them, that the ideas of the authors have been alto-
gether conversant and taken up, with the faults, and blemishes,
and oversights, and mistakes of other writers ; and, let the
subject treated on be whatever it will, their imaginations are
so entirely possessed and replete with the defects of other
pens, that the very quintessence of what is bad, does of neces-
sity distil into their own ; by which means the whole appears
to be nothing else but an abstract of the criticisms themselves
have made.
Having thus briefly considered the original and office of a
1 As Hercules. — First Edition. [T. S.]
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING CRITICS. ?3
critic, as the word is understood in its most noble and
universal acceptation, I proceed to refute the objections of
those who argue from the silence and pretermission of
•iuthors ; by which they pretend to prove, that the very art
of criticism, as now exercised, and by me explained, is wholly
modern ; and consequently, that the critics of Great Britain
and France have no title to an original so ancient and illus-
trious as I have deduced. Now, if I can clearly make out,
on the contrary, that the most ancient writers have particu-
larly described both the person and the office of a true
critic, agreeable to the definition laid down by me, their
grand objection, from the silence of authors, will fall to the
ground.
I confess to have, for a long time, borne a part in this
general error : from which I should never have acquitted my-
self, but through the assistance of our noble moderns ! whose
most edifying volumes I turn undefatigably over night and
day, for the improvement of my mind, and the good of my
country. These have, with unwearied pains, made many
useful searches into the weak sides of the ancients, and given
us a comprehensive list of them. 1 Besides, they have proved
beyond contradiction, that the very finest things delivered of
old, have been long since invented, and brought to light by
much later pens ; and that the noblest discoveries those
ancients ever made, of art or nature, have all been produced
by the transcending genius of the present age. Which clearly
shews, how little merit those ancients can justly pretend to ;
and takes off that blind admiration paid them by men in a
corner, who have the unhappiness of conversing too little
with present things. Reflecting maturely upon all this, and
taking in the whole compass of human nature, I easily con-
cluded, that these ancients, highly sensible of their many im-
perfections, must needs have endeavoured, from some passages
in their works, to obviate, soften, or divert the censorious
reader, by satire, or panegyric upon the critics, in imitation of
their masters, the moderns. Now, in the common-places of
both these, 2 I was plentifully instructed, by a long course of
useful study in prefaces and prologues ; and therefore imme-
diately resolved to try what I could discover of either, by a
1 See Wotton of Ancient and Modern Learning.
8 Satire and Panegyric upon Critics.
74 A TALE OF A TUB.
diligent perusal of the most ancient writers, and especially
those who treated of the earliest times. Here I found, to
my great surprise, that although they all entered, upon occa-
sion, into particular descriptions of the true critic, according
as they were governed by their fears or their hopes; yet,
whatever they touched of that kind, was with abundance of
caution, adventuring no farther than mythology and hiero-
glyphic. This, I suppose, gave ground to superficial readers,
for urging the silence of authors, against the antiquity of the
true critic, though the types are so apposite, and the applica-
tions so necessary and natural, that it is not easy to conceive
how any reader of a modern eye and taste could overlook
them. I shall venture from a great number to produce a
few, which, I am very confident, will put this question be-
yond dispute.
It well deserves considering, that these ancient writers, in
treating enigmatically upon the subject, have generally fixed
upon the very same hieroglyph, varying only the story, accord-
ing to their affections, or their wit. For first ; Pausanias is
of opinion, that the perfection of writing correct was entirely
owing to the institution of critics ; and, that he can possibly
mean no other than the true critic, is, I think, manifest
enough from the following description. He says, they were
a race of men, who delighted to nibble at the superfluities,
and excrescencies of books ; which the learned at length
observing, took warning, of their own accord, to lop the
luxuriant, the rotten, the dead, the sapless, and the over-
grown branches from their works. But now, all this he
cunningly shades under the following allegory ; that the
Nauplians in Argia learned the art of pruning their vines, by
observing, that when an ASS had browsed upon one of
them, it thrived the better, and bore fairer fruit. But
Herodotus, 1 holding the very same hieroglyph, speaks much
plainer, and almost in terminis. He hath been so bold as
to tax the true critics of ignorance and malice; telling us
openly, for I think nothing can be plainer, that in the
western part of Libya, there were ASSES with HORNS ;
upon which relation Ctesias 2 yet refines, mentioning the very
same animal about India, adding, that whereas all other
1 Lib. 4. 2 Vide excerpta ex eo apud Fhotium.
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING CRITICS. 75
ASSES wanted a gall, these horned ones were so redundant
in that part, that their flesh was not to be eaten, because of
its extreme bitterness.
Now, the reason why those ancient writers treated this
subject only by types and figures, was, because they durst
not make open attacks against a party so potent and terrible,
as the critics of those ages were ; whose very voice was so
dreadful, that a legion of authors would tremble, and drop
their pens at the sound ; for so Herodotus l tells us expressly
in another place, how a vast army of Scythians was put to
flight in a panic terror, by the braying of an ASS. From
hence it is conjectured by certain profound philologers, that
the great awe and reverence paid to a true critic, by the
writers of Britain, have been derived to us from those our
Scythian ancestors. In short, this dread was so universal,
that in process of time, those authors, who had a mind to
publish their sentiments more freely, in describing the true
critics of their several ages, were forced to leave off the use
of the former hieroglyph, as too nearly approaching the
prototype, and invented other terms instead thereof, that
were more cautious and mystical. So, Diodorus, speaking
to the same purpose, ventures no farther, than to say, that in
the mountains of Helicon, there grows a certain weed, which
bears a flower of so damned a scent, as to poison those who
offer to smell it. Lucretius gives exactly the same relation :
Est etiam in magnis Heliconis montibus arbos,
Floris odore hominem tetro consueta necare. 2
Lib. 6.
But Ctesias, whom we lately quoted, hath been a great
deal bolder ; he had been used with much severity by the
true critics of his own age, and therefore could not forbear to
leave behind him, at least one deep mark of his vengeance
against the whole tribe. His meaning is so near the surface,
that I wonder how it possibly came to be overlooked by
those who deny the antiquity of true critics. For, pretend-
ing to make a description of many strange animals about
India, he hath set down these remarkable words : " Among
1 Lib. 4.
2 Near Helicon, and round the learned hill,
Grow trees, whose blossoms with their odour kill.
Jb A TALE OF A TUB.
the rest," says he, " there is a serpent that wants teeth, and
consequently cannot bite ; but if its vomit, (to which it is
much addicted,) happens to fall upon anything, a certain
rottenness or corruption ensues. These serpents are gene-
rally found among the mountains, where jewels grow, and
they frequently emit a poisonous juice : whereof whoever
drinks, that person's brains fly out of his nostrils."
There was also among the ancients a sort of critics, not
distinguished in species from the former, but in growth or
degree, who seem to have been only the tyros or junior
scholars ; yet, because of their differing employments, they
are frequently mentioned as a sect by themselves. The
usual exercise of these younger students, was, to attend
constantly at theatres, and learn to spy out the worst parts of
the play, whereof they were obliged carefully to take note,
and render a rational account to their tutors. Fleshed at
these smaller sports, like young wolves, they grew up in time
to be nimble and strong enough for hunting down large
game. For it hath been observed, both among ancients and
moderns, that a true critic hath one quality in common with
a whore and an alderman, never to change his title or his
nature ; that a gray critic has been certainly a green one,
the perfections and acquirements of his age being only the
improved talents of his youth; like hemp, which some
naturalists inform us is bad for suffocations, though taken
but in the seed. I esteem the invention, or at least the re-
finement of prologues, to have been owing to these younger
proficients, of whom Terence makes frequent and honour-
able mention, under the name of malevoli.
Now, 'tis certain, the institution of the true critics was of
absolute necessity to the commonwealth of learning. For all
human actions seem to be divided, like Themistocles and
his company ; one man can fiddle, and another can make a
small town a great city ; and he that cannot do either one or
the other, deserves to be kicked out of the creation. The
avoiding of which penalty, has doubtless given the first birth
to the nation of critics; and withal, an occasion for their
secret detractors to report, that a true critic is a sort of
mechanic, set up with a stock and tools for his trade, at as
little expense as a tailor ; and that there is much analogy be-
tween the utensils and abilities of both : that the tailor's hell is
A DIGRESSION CONCERNING CRITICS. TJ
the type of a critic's common-place book, and his wit and
learning held forth by the goose ; that it requires at least as
many of these to the making up of one scholar, as of the
others to the composition of a man ; that the valour of both
is equal, and their weapons near of a size. Much may be
said in answer to those invidious reflections ; and I can
positively affirm the first to be a falsehood : for, on the
contrary, nothing is more certain, than that it requires greater
layings out, to be free of the critic's company, than of any
other you can name. For, as to be a true beggar, it will
cost the richest candidate every groat he is worth ; so, before
one can commence a true critic, it will cost a man all the
good qualities of his mind ; which, perhaps for a less
purchase, would be thought but an indifferent bargain.
Having thus amply proved the antiquity of criticism, and
described the primitive state of it, I shall now examine the
present condition of this empire, and shew how well it
agrees with its ancient self. A certain author, 1 whose works
have many ages since been entirely lost, does, in his fifth
book, and eighth chapter, say of critics, that their writings
are the mirrors of learning. This I understand in a literal
sense, and suppose our author must mean, that whoever
designs to be a perfect writer, must inspect into the books of
critics, and correct his invention there, as in a mirror. Now,
whoever considers, that the mirrors of the ancients were
made of brass, and sine mercurio, may presently apply the
two principal qualifications of a true modern critic, and con-
sequently must needs conclude, that these have always been,
and must be for ever the same. For brass is an emblem of
duration, and, when it is skilfully burnished, will cast re-
flections from its own superficies, without any assistance of
mercury from behind. All the other talents of a critic will
not require a particular mention, being included, or easily
deducible to these. However, I shall conclude with three
maxims, which may serve both as characteristics to dis-
tinguish a true modern critic from a pretender, and will be
also of admirable use to those worthy spirits, who engage in
so useful and honourable an art.
The first is, that criticism, contrary to all other faculties of
1 A quotation after the manner of a great author. Vide Bentley's
Dissertation, &c.
78 A TALE OF A TUB.
the intellect, is ever held the truest and best, when it is the
very first result of the critic's mind ; as fowlers reckon the
first aim for the surest, and seldom fail of missing the mark,
if they stay for a second.
Secondly, the true critics are known, by their talents of
swarming about the noblest writers, to which they are
carried merely by instinct, as a rat to the best cheese, or a
wasp to the fairest fruit. So when the king is on horse-
back, he is sure to be the dirtiest person of the company ;
and they that make their court best, are such as bespatter
him most.
Lastly, a true critic, in the perusal of a book, is like a dog
at a feast, whose thoughts and stomach are wholly set upon
what the guests fling away, and consequently is apt to snarl
most when there are the fewest bones.
Thus much, I think, is sufficient to serve by way of ad-
dress to my patrons, the true modern critics ; and may very
well atone for my past silence, as well as that which I am
like to observe for the future. I hope I have deserved so
well of their whole body, as to meet with generous and
tender usage from their hands. Supported by which ex-
pectation, I go on boldly to pursue those adventures, already
so happily begun.
SECT. IV.
A TALE OF A TUB.
I have now, with much pains and study, conducted the
reader to a period, where he must expect to hear of great
revolutions. For no sooner had our learned brother, so often
mentioned, got a warm house of his own over his head, than
he began to look big, and take mightily upon him ; insomuch,
that unless the gentle reader, out of his great candour, will
please a little to exalt his idea, I am afraid he will henceforth
hardly know the hero of the play, when he happens to meet
him ; his part, his dress, and his mien being so much altered.
He told his brothers, he would have them to know that he
A TALE OF A TUB. 79
was their elder, and consequently his father's sole heir ; nay,
a while after, he would not allow them to call him brother,
but Mr. PETER; and then he must be styled Father
PETER ; and sometimes, My Lord PETER. To support
this grandeur, which he soon began to consider could not be
maintained without a better fonde than what he was born to,
after much thought, he cast about at last to turn projector
and virtuoso, wherein he so well succeeded, that many famous
discoveries, projects, and machines, which bear great vogue
and practice at present in the world, are owing entirely to
Lord PETER'S invention. I will deduce the best account
I have been able to collect of the chief among them, without
considering much the order they came out in ; because, I
think, authors are not well agreed as to that point.
I hope, when this treatise of mine shall be translated into
foreign languages (as I may without vanity affirm, that the
labour of collecting, the faithfulness in recounting, and the
great usefulness of the matter to the public, will amply
deserve that justice) that the worthy members of the several
academies abroad, especially those of France and Italy, will
favourably accept these humble offers, for the advancement
of universal knowledge. I do also advertise the most reverend
fathers, the Eastern Missionaries, that I have, purely for their
sakes, made use of such words and phrases, as will best admit
an easy turn into any of the oriental languages, especially the
Chinese. And so I proceed with great content of mind, upon
reflecting, how much emolument this whole globe of the earth
is likely to reap by my labours.
The first undertaking of Lord Peter, was, to purchase a
large continent, 1 lately said to have been discovered in Terra
Australis Incognita. This tract of land he bought at a very
great penny-worth, from the discoverers themselves, (though
some pretend to doubt whether they had ever been there,)
and then retailed it into several cantons to certain dealers,
who carried over colonies, but were all shipwrecked in the
voyage. Upon which Lord Peter sold the said continent to
other customers again, and again, and again, and again, with
the same success.
The second project I shall mention, was his sovereign
1 That is, Purgatory,
80 A TALE OF A TUB.
remedy for the worms, 1 especially those in the spleen. The
patient was to eat nothing after supper for three nights : 2 as
soon as he went to bed, he was carefully to lie on one side,
and when he grew weary, to turn upon the other. He must
also duly confine his two eyes to the same object : and by no
means break wind at both ends together, without manifest
occasion. These prescriptions diligently observed, the worms
would void insensibly by perspiration, ascending through the
brain.
A third invention was the erecting of a whispering-office, 3 for
the public good, and ease of all such as are hypochondriacal,
or troubled with the colic ; as midwives, 4 small politicians,
friends fallen out, repeating poets, lovers happy or in despair,
bawds, privy-counsellors, pages, parasites, and buffoons : in
short, of all such as are in danger of bursting with too much
wind. An ass's head was placed so conveniently, that the
party affected, might easily with his mouth accost either of
the animal's ears ; to which he was to apply close for a
certain space, and by a fugitive faculty, peculiar to the ears of
that animal, receive immediate benefit, either by eructation,
or expiration, or evomitation.
Another very beneficial project of Lord Peter's was, an
office of insurance for tobacco-pipes, 5 martyrs of the modern
zeal, volumes of poetry, shadows, and rivers : that
these, nor any of these, shall receive damage by fire. From
whence our friendly societies may plainly find themselves to
be only transcribers from this original ; though the one and
the other have been of great benefit to the undertakers, as
well as of equal to the public.
Lord Peter was also held the original author of puppets
1 Penance and absolution are played upon under the notion of a
sovereign remedy for the worms, especially in the spleen, which, by
observing Peter's prescription, would void, sensibly by perspiration,
ascending through the brain, &c. — W. Wotton.
2 Here the author ridicules the penances of the Church of Rome,
which may be made as easy to the sinner as he pleases, provided he will
pay for them accordingly.
3 By his whispering-office, for the relief of eaves-droppers, physicians,
bawds, and privy-counsellors, he ridicules auricular confession ; and
the priest who takes it, is described by the ass's head. — W. Wotton.
4 As likewise of all eves-droppers, physicians, midwives, &c. — First
four editions. [T. S. ]
5 This I take to be the office of indulgences, the gross abuses whereof
first gave occasion for the Reformation.
A TALE OF A TUB. 8 1
and raree-shows ; ' the great usefulness whereof being so
generally known, I shall not enlarge farther upon this par-
ticular.
But another discovery, for which he was much renowned,
was his famous universal pickle. 2 For, having remarked how
your common pickle, 3 in use among housewives, was of no
farther benefit than to preserve dead flesh, and certain kinds
of vegetables, Peter, with great cost as well as art, had
contrived a pickle proper for houses, gardens, towns, men,
women, children, and cattle ; wherein he could preserve them
as sound as insects in amber. Now, this pickle to the taste,
the smell, and the sight, appeared exactly the same with what
is in common service for beef, and butter, and herrings (and
has been often that way applied with great success); but, for
its many sovereign virtues, was a quite different thing. For
Peter would put in a certain quantity of his powder pimper-
limpimp, 1 after which it never failed of success. The opera-
tion was performed by spargefaction, 5 in a proper time of the
moon. The patient, who was to be pickled, if it were a
house, would infallibly be preserved from all spiders, rats,
and weasels. If the party affected were a dog, he should be
exempt from mange, and madness, and hunger. It also
infallibly took away all scabs, and lice, and scalled heads
from children, never hindering the patient from any duty,
either at bed or board.
But of all Peter's rarities, he most valued a certain set of
bulls/ whose race was by great fortune preserved in a lineal
1 I believe are the monkeries and ridiculous processions, &c. , among
the papists.
2 Holy water, he calls an universal pickle, to preserve houses, gardens,
towns, men, women, children, and cattle, wherein he could preserve
them as sound as insects in amber. — W. Wotton.
3 This is easily understood to be holy water, composed of the same
ingredients with many other pickles.
4 And because holy water differs only in consecration from common
water, therefore he tells us that his pickle by the powder of pimper-
limpimp receives new virtues, though it differs not in sight nor smell
from the common pickles, which preserve beef, and butter, and herrings.
— W. Wotton.
6 Sprinkling. [H.]
6 The papal bulls are ridiculed by name, so that here we are at no
loss for the author's meaning. — W. Wotton.
Ibid. Here the author has kept the name, and means the pope's
I. G
82 A TALE OF A TUB.
descent from those that guarded the golden fleece. Though
some, who pretended to observe them curiously, doubted the
breed had not been kept entirely chaste ; because they had
degenerated from their ancestors in some qualities, and had
acquired others very extraordinary, by a foreign mixture.
The bulls of Colchis are recorded to have brazen feet ; but
whether it happened by ill pasture and running, by an allay
from intervention of other parents, from stolen intrigues;
whether a weakness in their progenitors had impaired the
seminal virtue, or by a decline necessary through a long
course of time, the originals of nature being depraved in these
latter sinful ages of the world ; whatever was the cause, it is
certain, that Lord Peter's bulls were extremely vitiated by the
rust of time in the metal of their feet, which was now sunk
into common lead. However, the terrible roaring, peculiar
to their lineage, was preserved ; as likewise that faculty of
breathing out fire from their nostrils ; which, notwithstanding,
many of their detractors took to be a feat of art; to be no-
thing so terrible as it appeared ; proceeding only from their
usual course of diet, which was of squibs and crackers. 1
However, they had two peculiar marks, which extremely
distinguished them from the bulls of Jason, and which I have
not met together in the description of any other monster,
beside that in Horace ; —
Farias inducere plumas ;
and
Atrum definit in piscem.
For these had fishes' tails, yet upon occasion could outfly any
bird in the air. Peter put these bulls upon several employs.
Sometimes he would set them a-roaring to fright naughty
boys, 2 and make them quiet. Sometimes he would send
them out upon errands of great importance; where, it is
wonderful to recount, and perhaps the cautious reader may
think much to believe it, an appetitus sensibilis, deriving itself
through the whole family from their noble ancestors, guardians
bulls, or rather his fulminations, and excommunications of heretical
princes, all signed with lead, and the seal of the fisherman.
1 These are the fulminations of the pope, threatening hell and dam-
nation to those princes who offend him.
2 That is, kings who incur his displeasure.
A TALE OF A TUB. 83
of the golden fleece, they continued so extremely fond of gold,
that if Peter sent them abroad, though it were only upon a
compliment, they would roar, and spit, and belch, and piss,
and fart, and snivel out fire, and keep a perpetual coil, till
you flung them a bit of gold ; but then, pulveris exigui
jactu, they would grow calm and quiet as lambs. In short,
whether by secret connivance, or encouragement from their
master, or out of their own liquorish affection to gold, or both, it
is certain they were no better than a sort of sturdy, swaggering
beggars ; and where they could not prevail to get an alms,
would make women miscarry, and children fall into fits, who
to this very day, usually call sprights and hobgoblins by the
name of bull-beggars. They grew at last so very troublesome
to the neighbourhood, that some gentlemen of the north-west
got a parcel of right English bull-dogs, and baited them so
terribly, that they felt it ever after.
I must needs mention one more of Lord Peter's pro-
jects, which was very extraordinary, and discovered him
to be master of a high reach, and profound invention.
Whenever it happened, that any rogue of Newgate was con-
demned to be hanged, Peter would offer him a pardon for a
certain sum of money ; which when the poor caitiff had made
all shifts to scrape up, and send, his lordship would return a
piece of paper in this form. 1
" TO all mayors, sheriffs, jailors, constables, bailiffs, hang-
men, &c. Whereas we are informed, that A. B. remains in
the hands of you, or some of you, under the sentence of
death. We will and command you, upon sight hereof, to let
the said prisoner depart to his own habitation, whether he
stands condemned for murder, sodomy, rape, sacrilege, incest,
treason, blasphemy, &c, for which this shall be your sufficient
warrant : and if you fail hereof, G — d — mn you and yours
to all eternity. And so we bid you heartily farewell.
Your most humble
man's man,
Emperor PETER."
The wretches, trusting to this, lost their lives and money
too.
1 This is a copy of a general pardon, signed servus servornm.
Ibid. Absolution in articulo mortis, and the tax camera apostolus,
are jested upon in Emperor Peter's letter. — W. Wotton.
§4 A TALE OF A TUB.
I desire of those, whom the learned among posterity will
appoint for commentators upon this elaborate treatise, that
they will proceed with great caution upon certain dark points,
wherein all, who are not vere adepti, may be in danger to
form rash and hasty conclusions, especially in some mysterious
paragraphs, were certain arcana are joined for brevity sake,
which in the operation must be divided. And I am certain,
that future sons of art will return large thanks to my memory,
for so grateful, so useful an innuendo.
It will be no difficult part to persuade the reader, that so
many worthy discoveries met with great success in the world ;
though I may justly assure him, that I have related much the
smallest number ; my design having been only to single out
such as will be of most benefit for public imitation, or which
best served to give some idea of the reach and wit of the in-
ventor. And therefore it need not be wondered at, if, by
this time, Lord Peter was become exceeding rich. But,
alas ! he had kept his brain so long and so violently upon the
rack, that at last it shook itself, and began to turn round for
a little ease. In short, what with pride, projects, and knavery,
poor Peter was grown distracted, and conceived the strangest
imaginations in the world. In the height of his fits, (as it is
usual with those who run mad out of pride,) he would call
himself God Almighty, 1 and sometimes monarch of the
universe. I have seen him (says my author) take three old
high-crowned hats, 2 and clap them all on his head three story
high, with a huge bunch of keys at his girdle, 3 and an angling-
rod in his hand. In which guise, whoever went to take him
by the hand in the way of salutation, Peter with much grace,
like a well-educated spaniel, would present them with his
foot ; * and if they refused his civility, then he would raise it
as high as their chaps, and give them a damned kick on the
mouth, which hath ever since been called a salute. Who-
ever walked by without paying him their compliments, having
1 The Pope is not only allowed to be the vicar of Christ, but by
several divines is called God upon earth, and other blasphemous titles.
2 The triple crown. 3 The keys of the church.
Ibid. The Pope's universal monarchy, and his triple crown and fisher's
r i n g._W. Wotton.
4 Neither does his arrogant way of requiring men to kiss his slipper
escape reflection.— W. Wotton.
A TALE OF A TUB. 85
a wonderful strong breath, he would blow their hats off into
the dirt. Meantime his affairs at home went upside down,
and his two brothers had a wretched time ; where his first
boutade 1 was, to kick both their wives one morning out of
doors, and his own too ; 2 and in their stead, gave orders to
pick up the first three strollers that could be met with in the
streets. A while after he nailed up the cellar-door ; and
would not allow his brothers a drop of drink to their victuals. 3
Dining one day at an alderman's in the city, Peter observed
him expatiating, after the manner of his brethren, in the
praises of his sirloin of beef. Beef, said the sage magistrate,
is the king of meat; beef comprehends in it the quintessence
of partridge, and quail, and venison, and pheasant, and
plum-pudding, and custard. When Peter came home, he
would needs take the fancy of cooking up this doctrine into
use, and apply the precept, in default of a sirloin, to his
brown loaf: "Bread," says he, "dear brothers, is the staff
of life; in which bread is contained, inclusive, the quintes-
sence of beef, mutton, veal, venison, partridge, plum-pudding,
and custard : and, to render all complete, there is inter-
mingled a due quantity of water, whose crudities are also
corrected by yeast or barm ; through which means it becomes
a wholesome fermented liquor, diffused through the mass of
the bread." Upon the strength of these conclusions, next day
at dinner, was the brown loaf served up in all the formality
of a city feast. " Come, brothers," said Peter, "fall to, and
spare not ; here is excellent good mutton ; 4 or hold, now
my hand is in, I will help you." At which word, in much
ceremony, with fork and knife, he carves out two good
slices of a loaf, and presents each on a plate to his brothers.
The elder of the two, not suddenly entering into Lord Peter's
1 This word properly signifies a sudden jerk, or lash of a horse, when
you do not expect it.
_ 2 The Celibacy of the Romish clergy is struck at in Peter's beating
his own and brothers' wives out of doors. — W. Wotton.
3 The Pope's refusing the cup to the laity, persuading them that the
blood is contained in the bread, and that the bread is the real and entire
body of Christ.
4 Transubstantiation. Peter turns his bread into mutton, and accord-
ing to the popish doctrine of concomitants, his wine too, which in his
way he calls palming his damned crusts upon the brothers for mutton.—
W. WoTTON.
86 A TALE OF A TUB.
conceit, began with very civil language to examine the
mystery. "My lord," said he, " I doubt, with great sub-
mission, there may be some mistake." " What," says Peter,
"you are pleasant ; come then, let us hear this jest your head
is so big with." " None in the world, my lord ; but, unless
I am very much deceived, your lordship was pleased a while
ago to let fall a word about mutton, and I would be glad to
see it with all my heart." " How," said Peter, appearing in
great surprise, "I do not comprehend this at all." — Upon
which, the younger interposing to set the business aright ;
" My lord," said he, " my brother, I suppose, is hungry,
and longs for the mutton your lordship has promised us to
dinner." " Pray," said Peter, " take me along with you ;
either you are both mad, or disposed to be merrier than I ap-
prove of. If you there do not like your piece, I will carve
you another : though I should take that to be the choice bit
of the whole shoulder." " What then, my lord," replied the
first, " it seems this is a shoulder of mutton all this while ? "
" Pray, sir," says Peter, " eat your victuals, and leave off your
impertinence, if you please, for I am not disposed to relish it
at present." But the other could not forbear, being over-
provoked at the affected seriousness of Peter's countenance.
" By G — , my lord," said he, "I can only say, that to my
eyes, and fingers, and teeth, and nose, it seems to be nothing
but a crust of bread." Upon which the second put in his
word : "I never saw a piece of mutton in my life so nearly
resembling a slice from a twelve-penny loaf." " Look ye,
gentlemen," cries Peter in a rage, " to convince you what a
couple of blind, positive, ignorant, wilful puppies you are, I
will use but this plain argument ; by G — , it is true, good,
natural mutton as any in Leadenhall market ; and G — con-
found you both eternally, if you offer to believe otherwise."
Such a thundering proof as this left no farther room for ob-
jection. The two unbelievers began to gather and pocket
up their mistake as hastily as they could. "Why, truly,"
said the first, "upon more mature consideration" — "Ay,"
says the other, interrupting him, " now I have thought better
on the thing, your lordship seems to have a great deal of
reason." " Very well," said Peter ; " here, boy, fill me a
beer-glass of claret ; here's to you both, with all my heart."
The two brethren, much delighted to see him so readily ap-
A TALE OF A TUB. 87
peased, returned their most humble thanks, and said they
would be glad to pledge his lordship. " That you shall,"
said Peter ; " I am not a person to refuse you anything that
is reasonable : wine, moderately taken, is a cordial ; here is
a glass a-piece for you ; 'tis true natural juice from the
grape, none of your damned vintner's brewings." Having
spoke thus, he presented to each of them another large
dry crust, bidding them drink it off, and not be bashful,
for it would do them no hurt. The two brothers, after having
performed the usual office in such delicate conjunctures,
of staring a sufficient period at Lord Peter and each other,
and finding how matters were likely to go, resolved not to
enter on a new dispute, but let him carry the point as he
pleased ; for he was now got into one of his mad fits, and to
argue or expostulate farther, would only serve to render him
a hundred times more untractable.
I have chosen to relate this worthy matter in all its circum-
stances, because it gave a principal occasion to that great
and famous rupture, 1 which happened about the same time
among these brethren, and was never afterwards made up.
But of that I shall treat at large in another section.
However, it is certain, that Lord Peter, even in his lucid
intervals, was very lewdly given in his common conversation,
extreme wilful and positive, and would at any time rather
argue to the death, than allow himself once to be in an error.
Besides, he had an abominable faculty of telling huge pal-
pable lies upon all occasions; and not only swearing to the
truth, but cursing the whole company to hell, if they pre-
tended to make the least scruple of believing him. One time
he swore he had a cow 2 at home, which gave as much milk at
a meal, as would fill three thousand churches ; and what was
yet more extraordinary, would never turn sour. Another
time he was telling of an old sign-post, 3 that belonged to his
father, with nails and timber enough in it to build sixteen
large men-of-war. Talking one day of Chinese waggons,
which were made so light as to sail over mountains : —
1 By thi-; Rupture is meant the Reformation.
2 The ridiculous multiplying of the Virgin Mary's milk among the
papists, under the allegory of a cow, which gave as much milk at a meal
as would fill three thousand churches. — W. Wotton.
3 By the sign-post is meant the cross of our Blessed Saviour.
88 A TALE OF A TUB.
"Z ds," said Peter, "where's the wonder of that? By
G — , I saw a large house of lime and stone 1 travel over sea
and land, (granting that it stopped sometimes to bait,) above
two thousand German leagues." And that which was the
good of it, he would swear desperately all the while, that he
never told a lie in his life ; and at every word ; " By G — ,
gentlemen, I tell you nothing but the truth : and the D — 1
broil them eternally, that will not believe me."
In short, Peter grew so scandalous, that all the neighbour-
hood began in plain words to say, he was no better than
a knave. And his two brothers, long weary of his ill usage,
resolved at last to leave him ; but first, they humbly desired
a copy of their father's will, which had now lain by neglected
time out of mind. Instead of granting this request, he
called them damned sons of whores, rogues, traitors, and
the rest of the vile names he could muster up. However,
while he was abroad one day upon his projects, the two
youngsters watched their opportunity, made a shift to come
at the will, 2 and took a copia vera, by which they presently
saw how grossly they had been abused ; their father having
left them equal heirs, and strictly commanded, that whatever
they got, should lie in common among them all. Pursuant
to which, their next enterprise was, to break open the cellar-
door, and get a little good drink, 3 to spirit and comfort their
hearts. In copying the will, they had met another precept
against whoring, divorce, and separate maintenance; upon
which their next work * was to discard their concubines, and
send for their wives. While all this was in agitation, there
enters a solicitor from Newgate, desiring Lord Peter would
please procure a pardon for a thief that was to be hanged
to-morrow. But the two brothers told him, he was a cox-
1 The chapel of Loretto. He falls here only upon the ridiculous in-
ventions of popery : the church of Rome intended by these things to
gull silly, superstitious people, and rook them of their money ; that the
world had been too long in slavery, our ancestors gloriously redeemed
us from that yoke. The church of Rome therefore ought to be exposed,
and he deserves well of mankind that does expose it. — W. Wotton.
Ibid. The chapel of Loretto, which travelled from the Holy Land to
Italy.
2 Translated the scriptures into the vulgar tongues.
3 Administered the cup to the laity at the communion.
* Allowed the marriages of priests.
A DIGRESSION IN THE MODERN KIND. 89
comb to seek pardons from a fellow who deserved to be
hanged much better than his client ; and discovered all the
method of that imposture, in the same form I delivered it
a while ago, advising the solicitor to put his friend upon
obtaining a pardon from the king. 1 In the midst of all this
clutter and revolution, in comes Peter with a file of dragoons
at his heels, 2 and gathering from all hands what was in the
wind, he and his gang, after several millions of scurrilities
and curses, not very important here to repeat, by main force
very fairly kicked them both out of doors, 3 and would never
let them come under his roof from that day to this.
SECT. V.
h DIGRESSION IN THE MODERN KIND.
We, whom the world is pleased to honour with the title
of modern authors, should never have been able to compass
our great design of an everlasting remembrance, and never-
dying fame, if our endeavours had not been so highly ser-
viceable to the general good of mankind. This, O universe !
is the adventurous attempt of me thy secretary ;
Quemvis perferre laborem
Suadet, et inducit noctes vigilare serenas.
To this end, I have some time since, with a world of
pains and art, dissected the carcass of human nature, and
read many useful lectures upon the several parts, both con-
taining and contained ; till at last it smelt so strong, I could
preserve it no longer. Upon which, I have been at a great
expense to fit up all the bones with exact contexture, and in
1 Directed penitents not to trust to pardons and absolutions procured
for money, but sent them to implore the mercy of God, from whence
alone remission is to be obtained.
8 By Peter's dragoons is meant the civil power, which those princes
who were bigotted to the Romish superstition, employed against the
reformers.
3 The Pope shuts all who dissent from him out of the Church.
go A TALE OF A TUB,
due symmetry; so that I am ready to shew a complete
anatomy thereof, to all curious gentlemen and others. But
not to digress farther in the midst of a digression, as I have
known some authors enclose digressions in one another, like
a nest of boxes ; I do affirm, that having carefully cut up
human nature, I have found a very strange, new, and im-
portant discovery, that the public good of mankind is per-
formed by two ways, instruction and diversion. And I have
farther proved, in my said several readings, (which perhaps
the world may one day see, if I can prevail on any friend to
steal a copy, or on certain gentlemen of my admirers to be
very importunate,) that as mankind is now disposed, he receives
much greater advantage by being diverted than instructed ;
his epidemical diseases being fastidiosity, amorphy, and
oscitation ; whereas, in the present universal empire of wit
and learning, there seems but little matter left for instruction.
However, in compliance with a lesson of great age and
authority, I have attempted carrying the point in all its
heights ; and, accordingly, throughout this divine treatise,
have skilfully kneaded up both together, with a layer of utile,
and a layer of duke.
When I consider how exceedingly our illustrious moderns
have eclipsed the weak glimmering lights of the ancients,
and turned them out of the road of all fashionable com-
merce, to a degree, that our choice town wits, 1 of most
refined accomplishments, are in grave dispute, whether there
have been ever any ancients or no : in which point, we are
likely to receive wonderful satisfaction from the most useful
labours and lucubrations of that worthy modern, Dr. Bentley.
I say, when I consider all this, I cannot but bewail, that no
famous modern hath ever yet attempted a universal system,
in a small portable volume, of all things that are to be
known, or believed, or imagined, or practised in life. I am,
however, forced to acknowledge, that such an enterprize was
thought on some time ago by a great philosopher of O.
Brazile. 2 The method he proposed was, by a certain curious
1 The learned person, here meant by our author, hath been endeavour-
ing to annihilate so many ancient writers, that, until he is pleased to
stop his hand, it will be dangerous to affirm, whether there have been
any ancients in the world.
* This is an imaginary island of kin to that which is called Painters'
A DIGRESSION IN THE MODERN KIND. 91
receipt, a nostrum, which, after his untimely death, I found
among his papers, and do here, out of my great affection to
the modern learned, present them with it, not doubting
it may one day encourage some worthy undertaker.
You take fair correct copies, well bound in calf-skin, and
lettered at the back, of all modern bodies of arts and sciences
whatsoever, and in what language you please. These you
distil in balneo Maria?, infusing quintessence of poppy Q.S.,
together with three pints of Lethe, to be had from the apothe-
caries. You cleanse away carefully the sordes and caput
mortuum, letting all that is volatile evaporate. You preserve
only the first running, which is again to be distilled seventeen
times, till what remains will amount to about two drams.
This you keep in a glass vial, hermetically sealed, for one-and-
twenty days. Then you begin your Catholic treatise, taking
every morning fasting, {first shaking the vial,) three drops of
this elixir, snuffing it strongly up your nose. It will dilate
itself about the brain, (where there is any,) in fourteen minutes,
and, you immediately perceive in your head an infinite number
of abstracts, summaries, compendiums, extracts, collections, me-
dullas, excerpta quasdams, fiorilegias, and the like, all disposed
into great order, and reducible upon paper.
I must needs own, it was by the assistance of this arcanum,
that I, though otherwise impar, have adventured upon so
daring an attempt, never achieved or undertaken before, but
by a certain author called Homer, in whom, though other
wise a person not without some abilities, and, for an ancient,
of a tolerable genius, I have discovered many gross errors,
which are not to be forgiven his very ashes, if, by chance,
any of them are left. For whereas we are assured he
designed his work for a complete body of all knowledge, 1
Wives Island, placed in some unknown part of the ocean, merely at
the fancy of the map-maker.
Ibid. There was a belief that the inhabitants of the Isle of Arran
could, at certain times, distinguish an enchanted island, called by them
O Brazil. Mr. Southey conjectures, that this belief was founded upon
some optical delusion, similar to that which produces, in the bay of
Naples, the aerial palaces of the Fata Morgana. — Southey's History
of Brazil, p. 22. [S.]
1 Homerus omnes res humanas poematis complexus est. — Xenoph. in
conviv.
92 A TALE OF A TUB.
human, divine, political, and mechanic, it is manifest he hath
wholly neglected some, and been very imperfect in the rest.
For, first of all, as eminent a cabalist as his disciples would
represent him, his account of the opus magnum is extremely
poor and deficient ; he seems to have read but very super-
ficially either Sendivogus, Behmen, or Anthroposophia Theo-
magica. 1 He is also quite mistaken about the sphara pyro-
plastica, a neglect not to be atoned for ; and, (if the reader
will admit so severe a censure,) vix credere??i autorem hunc
unquam audivisse ignis vocem. His failings are not less pro-
minent in several parts of the mechanics. For, having read
his writings with the utmost application, usual among modern
wits, I could never yet discover the least direction about the
structure of that useful instrument, a save-all. For want of
which, if the moderns had not lent their assistance, we might
yet have wandered in the dark. But I have still behind a
fault far more notorious to tax the author with ; I mean, his
gross ignorance in the common laws of this realm, and in
the doctrine as well as discipline of the Church of England. 2
A defect, indeed, for which both he, and all the ancients,
stand most justly censured, by my worthy and ingenious
friend, Mr. Wotton, Bachelor of Divinity, in his incom-
parable treatise of Ancie?it and Modern Learning : a book
never to be sufficiently valued, whether we consider the
happy turns and Sowings of the author's wit, the great
usefulness of his sublime discoveries upon the subject of
flies and spittle, or the laborious eloquence of his style.
And I cannot forbear doing that author the justice of my
public acknowledgments, for the great helps and liftings I
had out of his incomparable piece, while I was penning this
treatise.
But, beside these omissions in Homer already mentioned,
the curious reader will also observe several defects in that
author's writings, for which he is not altogether so account-
1 A treatise written about fifty years ago, by a Welsh gentleman of
Cambridge. His name, as I remember, was Vaughan, as appears by the
answer to it writ by the learned Dr. Henry More. It is a piece of" the
most unintelligible fustian, that perhaps was ever published in any lan-
guage. [This was Thomas Vaughan, twin brother of Henry Vaughan
"theSilurist." W. S. J.]
2 Mr. Wotton, (to whom our author never gives any quarter,) in his
comparison of ancient and modern learning, numbers divinity, law, &c,
among those parts of knowledge wherein we excel the ancients.
A DIGRESSION IN THE MODERN KIND. 93
able. For whereas every branch of knowledge has received
such wonderful acquirements since his age, especially within
these last three years, or thereabouts, it is almost impossible
he could be so very perfect in modern discoveries as his
advocates pretend. We freely acknowledge him to be the
inventor of the compass, of gunpowder, and the circulation
of the blood : but I challenge any of his admirers to shew
me, in all his writings, a complete account of the spleen.
Does he not also leave us wholly to seek in the art of political
wagering ? What can be more defective and unsatisfactory
than his long dissertation upon tea ? And as to his method
of salivation without mercury, so much celebrated of late, it
is, to my own knowledge and experience, a thing very little
to be relied on.
It was to supply such momentous defects, that I have
been prevailed on, after long solicitation, to take pen in
hand ; and I dare venture to promise, the judicious reader
shall find nothing neglected here, that can be of use upon
any emergency of life. I am confident to have included
and exhausted all that human imagination can rise or fall to.
Particularly, I recommend to the perusal of the learned,
certain discoveries, that are wholly untouched by others;
whereof I shall only mention, among a great many more, my
New Help for Smatterers, or the Art of being deep-learned and
shallow-read; A Curious Invention about Mouse-Traps ; A
Universal Rule of Reason, or every Man his own Carver ;
together with a most useful engine for catching of owls. All
which, the judicious reader will find largely treated on in the
several parts of this discourse.
I hold myself obliged to give as much light as is possible,
into the beauties and excellencies of what 1 am writing : be-
cause it is become the fashion and humour most applauded,
among the first authors of this polite and learned age, when
they would correct the ill-nature of critical, or inform the
ignorance of courteous readers. Besides, there have been
several famous pieces lately published, both in verse and
prose, wherein, if the writers had not been pleased, out of
their great humanity and affection to the public, to give us a
nice detail of the sublime and the admirable they contain, it
is a thousand to one, whether we should ever have discovered
one grain of either. For my own particular, I cannot deny,
94 A TALE OF A TUB.
that whatever I have said upon this occasion, had been more
proper in a preface, and more agreeable to the mode which
usually directs it there. But I here think fit to lay hold on
that great and honourable privilege, of being the last writer.
I claim an absolute authority in right, as the freshest modern,
which gives me a despotic power over all authors before me.
In the strength of which title, I do utterly disapprove and
declare against that pernicious custom, of making the preface
a bill of fare to the book. For I have always looked upon
it as a high point of indiscretion in monster-mongers, and
other retailers of strange sights, to hang out a fair large
picture over the door, drawn after the life, with a most
eloquent description underneath. This hath saved me many
a threepence ; for my curiosity was fully satisfied, and I
never offered to go in, though often invited by the urging
and attending orator, with his last moving and standing
piece of rhetoric : " Sir, upon my word, we are just going to
begin." Such is exactly the fate, at this time, of Prefaces,
Epistles, Advertisements, Introductions, Prolegomenas, Ap-
paratuses, To the Readers'. This expedient was admirable at
first ; our great Dryden has long carried it as far as it would
go, and with incredible success. He has often said to me
in confidence, that the world would have never suspected
him to be so great a poet, if he had not assured them so fre-
quently in his prefaces, that it was impossible they could
either doubt or forget it. Perhaps it may be so. However,
I much fear, his instructions have edified out of their place,
and taught men to grow wiser in certain points, where he
never intended they should ; for it is lamentable to behold,
with what a lazy scorn many of the yawning readers of our
age, do now-a-days twirl over forty or fifty pages of preface
and dedication, (which is the usual modern stint,) as if it
were so much Latin. Though it must be also allowed on
the other hand, that a very considerable number is known
to proceed critics and wits, by reading nothing else. Into
which two factions, I think, all present readers may justly be
divided. Now, for myself, I profess to be of the former
sort ; and therefore, having the modern inclination, to ex-
patiate upon the beauty of my own productions, and display
the bright parts of my discourse, I thought best to do it in
the body of the work ; where, as it now lies, it makes
A TALE OF A TUB. 95
a very considerable addition to the bulk of the volume ;
a circumstance by no means to be neglected by a skilful
writer.
Having thus paid my due deference and acknowledgment
to an established custom of our newest authors, by a long
digression unsought for, and a universal censure unprovoked,
by forcing into the light, with much pains and dexterity, my
own excellencies, and other men's defaults, with great justice
to myself, and candour to them, I now happily resume my
subject, to the infinite satisfaction both of the reader and
the author.
SECT. VI.
A TALE OF A TUB.
We left Lord Peter in open rupture with his two brethren ;
both for ever discarded from his house, and resigned to the
wide world, with little or nothing to trust to. Which are
circumstances that render them proper subjects for the
charity of a writer's pen to work on, scenes of misery ever
affording the fairest harvest for great adventures. And in
this, the world may perceive the difference between the in-
tegrity of a generous author and that of a common friend.
The latter is observed to adhere close in prosperity, but on
the decline of fortune, to drop suddenly off. Whereas the
generous author, just on the contrary, finds his hero on the
dunghill, from thence by gradual steps raises him to a throne,
and then immediately withdraws, expecting not so much as
thanks for his pains ; in imitation of which example, I have
placed Lord Peter in a noble house, given him a title to
wear, and money to spend. There I shall leave him for
some time, returning where common charity directs me, to
the assistance of his two brothers, at their lowest ebb. How-
ever, I shall by no means forget my character of an historian
to follow the truth step by step, whatever happens, or where-
ever it may lead me.
The two exiles, so nearly united in fortune and interest,
g6 A TALE OF A TUB.
took a lodging together, where, at their first leisure, they
began to reflect on the numberless misfortunes and vexations
of their life past, and could not tell on the sudden, to what
failure in their conduct they ought to impute them, when,
after some recollection, they called to mind the copy of
their father's will, which they had so happily recovered.
This was immediately produced, and a firm resolution taken
between them, to alter whatever was already amiss, and
reduce all their future measures to the strictest obedience
prescribed therein. The main body of the will (as the
reader cannot easily have forgot) consisted in certain admir-
able rules about the wearing of their coats, in the perusal
whereof, the two brothers, at every period, duly comparing
the doctrine with the practice, there was never seen a wider
difference between two things, horrible downright trans-
gressions of every point. Upon which they both resolved,
without further delay, to fall immediately upon reducing the
whole, exactly after their father's model.
But, here it is good to stop the hasty reader, ever impatient
to see the end of an adventure, before we writers can duly
prepare him for it. I am to record, that these two brothers
began to be distinguished at this time by certain names.
One of them desired to be called MARTIN, 1 and the other
took the appellation of JACK. 2 These two had lived in
much friendship and agreement, under the tyranny of their
brother Peter, as it is the talent of fellow-sufferers to do ;
men in misfortune, being like men in the dark, to whom all
colours are the same. But when they came forward into
the world, and began to display themselves to each other, and
to the light, their complexions appeared extremely different,
which the present posture of their affairs gave them sudden
opportunity to discover.
But, here the severe reader may justly tax me as a writer
of short memory, a deficiency to which a true modern can-
not but, of necessity, be a little subject. Because, memory
being an employment of the mind upon things past, is a
faculty for which the learned in our illustrious age have no
manner of occasion, who deal entirely with invention, and
strike all things out of themselves, or at least by collision
1 Martin Luther. 2 John Calvin.
A TALE OF A TUB. 97
from each other; upon which account, we think it highly
reasonable to produce our great forgetfulness, as an argu-
ment unanswerable for our great wit. I ought in method
to have informed the reader, about fifty pages ago, of a fancy
Lord Peter took, and infused into his brothers, to wear on
their coats whatever trimmings came up in fashion ; never
pulling off any, as they went out of the mode, but keeping
on all together, which amounted in time to a medley the
most antic you can possibly conceive, and this to a degree,
that upon the time of their falling out, there was hardly a
thread of the original coat to be seen, but an infinite quantity
of lace and ribbons, and fringe, and embroidery, and points ;
(I mean only those tagged with silver, 1 for the rest fell off ).
Now this material circumstance having been forgot in due
place, as good fortune hath ordered, comes in very properly
here, when the two brothers were just going to reform their
vestures into the primitive state, prescribed by their father's
will.
They both unanimously entered upon this great work,
looking sometimes on their coats, and sometimes on the will.
Martin laid the first hand ; at one twitch brought off a large
handful of points ; and, with a second pulL stripped away
ten dozen yards of fringe. 2 But when he had gone thus far,
he demurred a while : he knew very well there yet re-
mained a great deal more to be done; however, the first
heat being over, his violence began to cool, and he resolved
to proceed more moderately in the rest of the work ; having
already narrowly escaped a swinging rent, in pulling off the
points, which, being tagged with silver (as we have observed
before) the judicious workman had, with much sagacity,
double sewn, to preserve them from falling. 3 Resolving
therefore to rid his coat of a great quantity of gold-lace, he
picked up the stitches with much caution, and diligently
gleaned out all the loose threads as he went, which proved
to be a work of time. Then he fell about the embroidered
1 Points tagged with silver are those doctrines that promote the
greatness and wealth of the church, which have been therefore woven
deepest in the body of popery.
2 Alluding to the commencement of the Reformation in England, by
seizing on the abbey lands. [S.]
3 The dissolution of the monasteries occasioned several insurrections,
and much convulsion, during the reign of Edward VI. [S.]
I. H
98 A TALE OF A TUB.
Indian figures of men, women, and children, against which,
as you have heard in its due place, their father's testament
was extremely exact and severe : these, with much dexterity
and application, were, after a while, quite eradicated, or
utterly defaced. 1 For the rest, where he observed the em-
broidery to be worked so close, as not to be got away with-
out damaging the cloth, or where it served to hide or
strengthen any flaw in the body of the coat, contracted by
the perpetual tampering of workmen upon it ; he concluded,
the wisest course was to let it remain, resolving in no case
whatsoever, that the substance of the stuff should suffer in-
jury, which he thought the best method for serving the true
intent and meaning of his father's will. And this is the
nearest account I have been able to collect of Martin's
proceedings upon this great revolution.
But his brother Jack, whose adventures will be so extra-
ordinary, as to furnish a great part in the remainder of this
discourse, entered upon the matter with other thoughts, and
a quite different spirit. For the memory of Lord Peter's
injuries, produced a degree of hatred and spite, which had a
much greater share of inciting him, than any regards after
his father's commands, since these appeared, at best, only
secondary and subservient to the other. However, for this
medley of humour, he made a shift to find a very plausible
name, honouring it with the title of zeal ; which is perhaps
the most significant word that has been ever yet produced in
any language ; as, I think, I have fully proved in my
excellent analytical discourse upon that subject ; wherein I
have deduced a histori-theo-physi-logical account of zeal,
shewing how it first proceeded from a notion into a word,
and thence, in a hot summer, ripened into a tangible sub-
stance. This work, containing three large volumes in folio,
I design very shortly to publish by the modern way of sub-
scription, not doubting but the nobility and gentry of the
land will give me all possible encouragement, having had
already such a taste of what I am able to perform.
I record, therefore, that brother Jack, brimful of this
miraculous compound, reflecting with indignation upon
Peter's tyranny, and farther provoked by the despondency of
1 The abolition of the worship of saints was the second grand step in
English reformation. [S.J
A TALE OF A TUB. 99
Martin, prefaced his resolutions to this purpose. " What !" said
he, " a rogue that locked up his drink, turned away our wives,
cheated us of our fortunes ; palmed his damned crusts upon
us for mutton ; and, at last, kicked us out of doors ; must
we be in his fashions, with a pox ? A rascal, besides, that
all the street cries out against." Having thus kindled and
inflamed himself, as high as possible, and by consequence in
a delicate temper for beginning a reformation, he set about
the work immediately ; and in three minutes made more
dispatch than Martin had done in as many hours. For,
(courteous reader,) you are given to understand, that zeal is
never so highly obliged, as when you set it a-tearing; and
Jack, who doated on that quality in himself, allowed it at
this time its full swing. Thus it happened, that, stripping
down a parcel of gold lace a little too hastily, he rent the
main body of his coat from top to bottom ; and whereas his
talent was not of the happiest in taking up a stitch, he knew
no better way, than to darn it again with packthread and a
skewer. 1 But the matter was yet infinitely worse (I record
it with tears) when he proceeded to the embroidery : for,
being clumsy by nature, and of temper impatient; withal,
beholding millions of stitches that required the nicest hand,
and sedatest constitution, to extricate ; in a great rage he tore
off the whole piece, cloth and all, and flung them into the
kennel, 2 and furiously thus continuing his career : " Ah !
good brother Martin," said he, " do as I do, for the love of
God ; 3 strip, tear, pull, rend, flay off all, that we may appear
as unlike the rogue Peter as it is possible. I would not, for
a hundred pounds, carry the least mark about me, that might
give occasion to the neighbours of suspecting that I was re-
lated to such a rascal." But Martin, who at this time
happened to be extremely phlegmatic and sedate, begged his
brother, of all love, not to damage his coat by any means ;
1 The reformers in Scotland left their established clergy in an almost
beggarly condition, from the hasty violence with which they seized on all
the possessions of the Romish church. [S.]
s The presbyterians, in discarding forms of prayers, and unnecessary
church ceremonies, disused even those founded in scripture. [S.]
3 The presbyterians were particularly anxious to extend their church
government into England. This was the bait held out by the English
parliament, to prevail on the Scots to invade England in 1643, and it
proved successful. [S.]
100 A TALE OF A TUB.
for he never would get such another : desired him to con-
sider, that it was not their business to form their actions by
any reflection upon Peter, but by observing the rules pre-
scribed in their father's will. That he should remember,
Peter was still their brother, whatever faults or injuries he
had committed ; and therefore they should, by all means,
avoid such a thought as that of taking measures for good and
evil, from no other rule than of opposition to him. That it
was true, the testament of their good father was very exact
in what related to the wearing of their coats ; yet it was no
less penal, and strict, in prescribing agreement, and friend-
ship, and affection between them. And therefore, if strain-
ing a point were at all dispensible, it would certainly be so,
rather to the advance of unity, than increase of contra-
diction.
MARTIN had still proceeded as gravely as he began, and
doubtless would have delivered an admirable lecture of
morality, which might have exceedingly contributed to my
reader's repose both of body and mind, (the true ultimate
end of ethics) ; but Jack was already gone a flight-shot
beyond his patience. And as in scholastic disputes, nothing
serves to rouse the spleen of him that opposes, so much as a
kind of pedantic affected calmness in the respondent ; dispu-
tants being for the most part like unequal scales, where the
gravity of one side advances the lightness of the other, and
causes it to fly up, and kick the beam ; so it happened here
that the weight of Martin's argument exalted Jack's levity,
and made him fly out, and spurn against his brother's mode-
ration. In short, Martin's patience put Jack in a rage ; but
that which most afflicted him, was, to observe his brother's
coat so well reduced into the state of innocence ; while his
own was either wholly rent to his shirt, or those places which
had escaped his cruel clutches, were still in Peter's livery. So
that he looked like a drunken beau, half rifled by bullies; or like
a fresh tenant of Newgate, when he has refused the payment
of garnish; or like a discovered shoplifter, left to the mercy of
Exchange women; 1 or like a bawd in her old velvet petticoat,
resigned into the secular hands of the mobile. Like any, or
1 The galleries over the piazzas in the Royal Exchange were formerly
filled with shops, kept chiefly by women ; the same use was made of a
building called the New Exchange in the Strand. [H.]
A TALE OF A TUB. IOI
like all of these, a medley of rags, and lace, and rents, and
fringes, unfortunate Jack did now appear: he would have
been extremely glad to see his coat in the condition of
Martin's, but infinitely gladder to find that of Martin in the
same predicament with his. However, since neither of these
was likely to come to pass, he thought fit to lend the whole
business another turn, and to dress up necessity into a
virtue. Therefore, after as many of the fox's arguments as
he could muster up, for bringing Martin to reason, as he
called it ; or, as he meant it, into his own ragged, bobtailed
condition ; and observing he said all to little purpose ; what,
alas ! was left for the forlorn Jack to do, but, after a million
of scurrilities against his brother, to run mad with spleen,
and spite, and contradiction. To be short, here began a
mortal breach between these two. Jack went immediately
to new lodgings, and in a few days it was for certain re-
ported, that he had run out of his wits. In a short time
after he appeared abroad, and confirmed the report by
falling into the oddest whimseys that ever a sick brain con-
ceived.
And now the little boys in the streets began to salute him
with several names. Sometimes they would call him Jack
the bald ; ' sometimes, Jack with a lantern ; a sometimes,
Dutch Jack; 3 sometimes, French Hugh; 1 sometimes, Tom
the beggar ; 5 and sometimes, Knocking Jack of the north. 6
And it was under one, or some, or all of these appellations,
(which I leave the learned reader to determine,) that he has
given rise to the most illustrious and epidemic sect of
^Eolists ; who, with honourable commemoration, do still ac-
knowledge the renowned JACK for their author and founder.
Of whose original, as well as principles, I am now advancing
to gratify the world with a very particular account.
— Melleo contingens cuncta lepore.
1 That is, Calvin, from calvits, bald.
8 All those who pretend to inward light.
3 Jack of Leyden, who gave rise to the Anabaptists.
4 The Huguenots.
5 The Gueuses, by which name some Protestants in Flanders were
called.
e John Knox, the reformer of Scotland.
102 A TALE OF A TUB.
SECT. VII.
A DIGRESSION IN PRAISE OF DIGRESSIONS.
I have sometimes heard of an Iliad in a nutshell ; but it has
been my fortune to have much oftener seen a nutshell in an
Iliad. There is no doubt that human life has received most
wonderful advantages from both ; but to which of the two the
world is chiefly indebted, I shall leave among the curious, as
a problem worthy of their utmost inquiry. For the invention
of the latter, I think the commonwealth of learning is chiefly
obliged to the great modern improvement of digressions :
the late refinements in knowledge, running parallel to those
of diet in our nation, which among men of a judicious taste,
are dressed up in various compounds, consisting in soups and
olios, fricassees, and ragouts.
'Tis true, there is a sort of morose, detracting, ill-bred
people, who pretend utterly to disrelish those polite innova-
tions ; and as to the similitude from diet, they allow the
parallel, but are so bold to pronounce the example itself, a
corruption and degeneracy of taste. They tell us that the
fashion of jumbling fifty things together in a dish, was at first
introduced, in compliance to a depraved and debauched
appetite, as well as to a crazy constitution : and to see a man
hunting through an olio, after the head and brains of a goose,
a widgeon, or a woodcock, is a sign he wants a stomach and
digestion for more substantial victuals. Farther, they affirm,
that digressions in a book are like foreign troops in a state,
which argue the nation to want a heart and hands of its
own, and often either subdue the natives, or drive them
into the most unfruitful corners.
But, after all that can be objected by these supercilious
censors, it is manifest, the society of writers would quickly
be reduced to a very inconsiderable number, if men were put
upon making books, with the fatal confinement of delivering
nothing beyond what is to the purpose. 'Tis acknowledged,
that were the case the same among us, as with the Greeks
and Romans, when learning was in its cradle, to be reared,
A DIGRESSION IN PRAISE OF DIGRESSIONS. 103
and fed, and clothed by invention, it would be an easy task
to fill up volumes upon particular occasions, without farther
expatiating from the subject, than by moderate excursions,
helping to advance or clear the main design. But with
knowledge it has fared as with a numerous army, encamped
in a fruitful country, which, for a few days, maintains itself
by the product of the soil it is on ; till, provisions being spent,
they are sent to forage many a mile, among friends or enemies,
it matters not. Meanwhile, the neighbouring fields, trampled
and beaten down, become barren and dry, affording no sus-
tenance but clouds of dust.
The whole course of things being thus entirely changed
between us and the ancients, and the moderns wisely sensible
of it, we of this age have discovered a shorter, and more
prudent method, to become scholars and wits, without the
fatigue of reading or of thinking. The most accomplished
way of using books at present, is two-fold ; either, first, to
serve them as some men do lords, learn their titles exactly,
and then brag of their acquaintance. Or, secondly, which is
indeed the choicer, the profounder, and politer method, to
get a thorough insight into the index, by which the whole
book is governed and turned, like fishes by the tail. For, to
enter the palace of learning at the great gate, requires an
expense of time and forms ; therefore men of much haste,
and little ceremony, are content to get in by the back door.
For the arts are all in a flying march, and therefore more easily
subdued by attacking them in the rear. Thus physicians
discover the state of the whole body, by consulting only what
comes from behind. Thus men catch knowledge, by throw-
ing their wit on the posteriors of a book, as boys do sparrows
with flinging salt upon their tails. Thus human life is best
understood, by the wise man's rule, of regarding the end.
Thus are the sciences found, like Hercules's oxen, by tracing
them backwards. Thus are old sciences unravelled, like old
stockings, by beginning at the foot. Besides all this, the
army of the sciences hath been of late, with a world of martial
discipline, drawn into its close order, so that a view or a
muster may be taken of it with abundance of expedition.
For this great blessing we are wholly indebted to systems and
abstracts, in which the modern fathers of learning, like
prudent usurers, spent their sweat for the ease of us their
104 A TALE OF A TUB.
children. For labour is the seed of idleness, and it is the
peculiar happiness of our noble age to gather the fruit.
Now, the method of growing wise, learned, and sublime,
having become so regular an affair, and so established in all
its forms, the number of writers must needs have increased
accordingly, and to a pitch that hath made it of absolute
necessity for them to interfere continually with each other.
Besides, it is reckoned, that there is not at this present, a
sufficient quantity of new matter left in nature, to furnish and
adorn any one particular subject, to the extent of a volume.
This I am told by a very skilful computer, who hath given a
full demonstration of it from rules of arithmetic.
This, perhaps, may be objected against by those who
maintain the infinity of matter, and therefore will not allow,
that any species of it can be exhausted. For answer to which,
let us examine the noblest branch of modern wit or invention,
planted and cultivated by the present age, and which, of all
others, hath borne the most and the fairest fruit. For, though
some remains of it were left us by the ancients, yet have not
any of those, as I remember, been translated or compiled
into systems for modern use. Therefore we may affirm to
our own honour, that it has, in some sort, been both invented
and brought to perfection by the same hands. What I mean,
is, that highly celebrated talent among the modern wits, of
deducing similitudes, allusions, and applications, very sur-
prising, agreeable, and apposite, from the pudenda of either
sex, together with their proper uses. And truly, having
observed how little invention bears any vogue, besides what is
derived into these channels, I have sometimes had a thought,
that the happy genius of our age and country was prophetic-
ally held forth by that ancient typical description of the
Indian pigmies ; * whose stature did not exceed above two
foot ; sed quorum pudenda crassa, et adtalos usque pertingentia.
Now, I have been very curious to inspect the late productions,
wherein the beauties of this kind have most prominently
appeared. And although this vein hath bled so freely, and
all endeavours have been used in the power of human breath
to dilate, extend, and keep it open ; like the Scythians, 2 who
had a custom, and an instrument, to blow up the privities of
1 Ctesise fragm. apud Photium.
2 Herodot. L. 4.
A DIGRESSION IN PRAISE OF DIGRESSIONS. 105
their mares, that they might yield the more milk ; yet I am
under an apprehension it is near growing dry, and past all
recovery; and that either some new fonde of wit should, if
possible, be provided, or else, that we must even be content
with repetition here, as well as upon all other occasions.
This will stand as an uncontestable argument, that our
modern wits are not to reckon upon the infinity of matter for
a constant supply. What remains therefore, but that our last
recourse must be had to large indexes, and little compendiums?
Quotations must be plentifully gathered, and booked in
alphabet ; to this end, though authors need be little con-
sulted, yet critics, and commentators, and lexicons, carefully
must. But above all, those judicious collectors of bright
parts, and flowers, and observandas, are to be nicely dwelt on,
by some called the sieves and boulters of learning, though it
is left undetermined, whether they dealt in pearls or meal,
and consequently, whether we are more to value that which
passed through, or what staid behind.
By these methods, in a few weeks, there starts up many a
writer, capable of managing the profoundest and most
universal subjects. For, what though his head be empty,
provided his common-place book be full, and if you will bate
him but the circumstances of method, and style, and grammar,
and invention; allow him but the common privileges of
transcribing from others, and digressing from himself, as often
as he shall see occasion ; he will desire no more ingredients
towards fitting up a treatise, that shall make a very comely
figure on a bookseller's shelf; there to be preserved neat and
clean for a long eternity, adorned with the heraldry of its title
fairly inscribed on a label ; never to be thumbed or greased by
students, nor bound to everlasting chains of darkness in a
library : but, when the fulness of time is come, shall happily
undergo the trial of purgatory, in order to ascend the sky.
Without these allowances, how is it possible we modern
wits should ever have an opportunity to introduce our
collections, listed under so many thousand heads of a different
nature ; for want of which, the learned world would be deprived
of infinite delight, as well as instruction, and we ourselves
buried beyond redress, in an inglorious and undistinguished
oblivion ?
From such elements as these, I am alive to behold the
106 A TALE OF A TUB.
day, wherein the corporation of authors can outvie all its
brethren in the field. A happiness derived to us, with a great
many others, from our Scythian ancestors, among whom the
number of pens was so infinite, that the Grecian x eloquence
had no other way of expressing it, than by saying, that in the
regions, far to the north, it was hardly possible for a man to
travel, the very air was so replete with feathers.
The necessity of this digression will easily excuse the
length ; and I have chosen for it as proper a place as I could
readily find. If the judicious reader can assign a fitter, I do
here impower him to remove it into any other corner he
pleases. And so I return, with great alacrity, to pursue a
more important concern.
SECT. VIII.
A TALE OF A TUB.
The learned ^Folists 2 maintain the original cause of all
things to be wind, from which principle this whole universe
was at first produced, and into which it must at last be re-
solved ; that the same breath, which had kindled, and blew
up the flame of nature, should one day blow it out : —
Quod procul a nobis flectat fortuna gubernans.
This is what the adepti understand by their anima tnundi;
that is to say, the spirit, or breath, or wind of the world ; for,
examine the whole system by the particulars of nature, and
you will find it not to be disputed. For whether you please
to call the forma informans of man, by the name of spirifus,
animus, afflatus, or anima; what are all these but several ap-
pellations for wind, which is the ruling element in every com-
pound, and into which they all resolve upon their corruption ?
Farther, what is life itself, but, as it is commonly called, the
breath of our nostrils ? Whence it is very justly observed by
naturalists, that wind still continues of great emolument in
1 Herodot. L. 4.
2 All pretenders to inspiration whatsoever.
A TALE OF A TUB. 107
certain mysteries not to be named, giving occasion for those
happy epithets of turgidus and inflatus, applied either to the
emittent or recipient organs.
By what I have gathered out of ancient records, I find the
compass of their doctrine took in two-and-thirty points,
wherein it would be tedious to be very particular. However,
a few of their most important precepts, deducible from it, are
by no means to be omitted ; among which the following
maxim was of much weight : That since wind had the master
share, as well as operation, in every compound, by conse-
quence, those beings must be of chief excellence, wherein that
primordium appears most prominently to abound, and there-
fore man is in the highest perfection of all created things, as
having, by the great bounty of philosophers, been endued
with three distinct animas or winds, to which the sage
^Eolists, with much liberality, have added a fourth, of equal
necessity as well as ornament with the other three, by this
quartum principium, taking in the four corners of the world.
Which gave occasion to that renowned cabaiist, Bumbastus?
of placing the body of a man in due position to the four car-
dinal points.
In consequence of this, their next principle was, that man
brings with him into the world, a peculiar portion or grain of
wind, which may be called a quinta essentia, extracted from
the other four. This quintessence is of a catholic use upon
all emergencies of life, is improveable into all arts and sciences,
and may be wonderfully refined, as well as enlarged, by cer-
tain methods in education. This, when blown up to its per-
fection, ought not to be covetously hoarded up, stifled, or hid
under a bushel, but freely communicated to mankind. Upon
these reasons, and others of equal weight, the wise ^Eolists
affirm the gift of BELCHING to be the noblest act of a
rational creature. To cultivate which art, and render it more
serviceable to mankind, they made use of several methods.
At certain seasons of the year, you might behold the priests
among them, in vast numbers, with their mouths 2 gaping
wide enough against a storm. At other times were to be
1 This is one of the names of Paracelsus ; he was called Christophorus
Theophrastus Paracelsus Bumbastus.
2 This is meant of those seditious preachers, who blow up the seeds of
rebellion, &c.
I08 A TALE OF A TUB.
seen several hundreds linked together in a circular chain,
with every man a pair of bellows applied to his neighbour's
breech, by which they blew up each other to the shape and
size of a tun ; and for that reason, with great propriety of
speech, did usually call their bodies, their vessels. When,
by these and the like performances, they were grown suffi-
ciently replete, they would immediately depart, and disem-
bogue, for the public good, a plentiful share of their acquire-
ments, into their disciples' chaps. For we must here observe,
that all learning was esteemed among them, to be com-
pounded from the same principle. Because, first, it is
generally affirmed, or confessed, that learning puffeth men
up ; and, secondly, they proved it by the following syllogism :
Words are but wind; and learning is nothing but words;
ergo, learning is nothing but wind. For this reason, the
philosophers among them did, in their schools, deliver to their
pupils, all their doctrines and opinions, by eructation,
wherein they had acquired a wonderful eloquence, and of
incredible variety. But the great characteristic, by which
their chief sages were best distinguished, was a certain
position of countenance, which gave undoubted intelligence,
to what degree or proportion the spirit agitated the inward
mass. For, after certain gripings, the wind and vapours is-
suing forth, having first, by their turbulence and convulsions
within, caused an earthquake in man's little world, distorted
the mouth, bloated the cheeks, and gave the eyes a terrible
kind of relievo. At such junctures all their belches were re-
ceived for sacred, the sourer the better, and swallowed with
infinite consolation by their meagre devotees. And, to
render these yet more complete, because the breath of man's
life is in his nostrils, therefore the choicest, most edifying,
and most enlivening belches, were very wisely conveyed
through that vehicle, to give them a tincture as they passed.
Their gods were the four winds, whom they worshipped, as
the spirits that pervade and enliven the universe, and as those
from whom alone all inspiration can properly be said to pro-
ceed. However, the chief of these, to whom they performed
the adoration of latria, 1 was the almighty North, 2 an ancient
1 Latria is that worship which is paid only to the supreme Deity. [H. ]
2 The more zealous sectaries were the presbyterians of the Scottish
discipline. [S.]
A TALE OF A TUB. IOQ
deity, whom the inhabitants of Megalopolis, in Greece, had
likewise in the highest reverence : omnium deorum Boream
maxime celebrant} This god, though endued with ubiquity,
was yet supposed, by the profounder .^Eolists, to possess one
peculiar habitation, or, (to speak in form,) a cozlum empy-
r.
A
FRAGMENT.
LONDON:
Printed in the Year, MDCCX.
THE BOOKSELLER'S ADVERTLSEMENT.
r i ^HE following Discourse came into my hands perfect and
■i entire. But there being several things in it which the
prese?it age would not very well bear, I kept it by me some
years, resolving it should never see the light. At length, by the
advice and assistance of a judicious friend, I retrenched those
parts that might give most offence, and have now ventured to
publish the remainder ; Concerning the author I am wholly
ignorant, neither can I conjecture whether it be the same with
that of the two foregoing pieces, the original having been sent
me at a different time, and in a different hand. The learned
reader will better determine ; to whose judgment I entirely
submit it.
A
DISCOURSE
CONCERNING THE
MECHANICAL OPERATION
OF THE
SPIRIT, &c.
For T. H. Esquire? at his Chambers in the Academy of the
Beaux Esprits in New Holland.
Sir,
IT is now a good while since I have had in my head some-
thing, not only very material, but absolutely necessary to
my health, that the world should be informed in. For, to
tell you a secret, I am able to contain it no longer. How-
ever, I have been perplexed, for some time, to resolve what
would be the most proper form to send it abroad in. To
which end I have been three days coursing through West-
minster-Hall, and St. Paul's Churchyard, and Fleet-street, to
peruse titles ; and I do not find any which holds so general a
vogue, as that of a Letter to a Friend : Nothing is more
common than to meet with long epistles, addressed to persons
and places, where, at first thinking, one would be apt to
imagine it not altogether so necessary or convenient ; such as,
a neighbour at next door, a mortal enemy, a perfect stranger, or
a person of quality in the clouds; and these upon subjects, in
1 Supposed to be Col. Hunter, for some time believed to be the
author of the Letter of Enthusiasm, mentioned in the Apology for the
Tale of a Tub. [H.] See note on p. 3. [W. S. J.]
This Discourse is not altogether equal to the two former, the best parts
of it being omitted ; whether the bookseller's account be true, that he
durst not print the rest, I know not ; nor indeed is it easy to determine,
whether he may be relied on in anything he says of this or the former
treatises, only as to the time they were writ in, which, however,
appears more from the discourses themselves than his relation.
192 A DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
appearance, the least proper for conveyance by the post; as
long schemes in philosophy ; dark and wonderful mysteries of
state; laborious dissertations in criticism and philosophy ;
advice to parliaments, and the like.
Now, sir, to proceed after the method in present wear. (For
let me say what I will to the contrary, I am afraid you will
publish this letter, as soon as ever it comes to your hands ;) I
desire you will be my witness to the world how careless and
sudden a scribble it has been ; that it was but yesterday when
you and I began accidentally to fall into discourse on this
matter : that I was not very well when we parted ; that the
post is in such haste, I have had no manner of time to digest
it into order, or correct the style ; and if any other modern
excuses for haste and negligence shall occur to you in reading,
I beg you to insert them, faithfully promising they shall be
thankfully acknowledged.
Pray, sir, in your next letter to the Iroquois Virtuosi, do me
the favour to present my humble service to that illustrious
body, and assure them I shall send an account of those phe-
nomena, as soon as we can determine them at Gresham.
I have not had a line from the Literati of Topinambou '
these three last ordinaries.
And now, sir, having dispatched what I had to say of forms,
or of business, let me entreat you will suffer me to proceed
upon my subject ; and to pardon me, if I make no farther use
of the epistolary style till I come to conclude.
SECTION I.
Tis recorded of Mahomet, that, upon a visit he was going
to pay in Paradise, he had an offer of several vehicles to con-
duct him upwards; as fiery chariots, winged horses, and
celestial sedans ; but he refused them all, and would be
borne to Heaven upon nothing but his ass. Now this incli-
nation of Mahomet, as singular as it seems, hath been since
taken up by a great number of devout Christians; and doubtless,
1 Perrault read a poem before the French Academy in 1687 praising
modern authors above the ancients ; Boileau retorted with two epigrams
comparing the Academicians to the wild inhabitants of Topinambou.
[W. S. J.]
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 193
with very good reason. For, since that Arabian is known to
have borrowed a moiety of his religious system from the
Christian faith ; it is but just he should pay reprisals to such
as would challenge them ; wherein the good people of
England, to do them all right, have not been backward. For,
though there is not any other nation in the world so plentifully
provided with carriages for that journey, either as to safety or
ease, yet there are abundance of us who will not be satisfied
with any other machine beside this of Mahomet.
For my own part, I must confess to bear a very singular
respect to this animal, by whom I take human nature to be
most admirably held forth in all its qualities, as well as
operations : And therefore, whatever in my small reading
occurs, concerning this our fellow-creature, I do never fail to
set it down by way of common-place ; and when I have
occasion to write upon human reason, politics, eloquence, or
knowledge ; I lay my memorandums before me, and insert
them with a wonderful facility of application. However,
among all the qualifications ascribed to this distinguished
brute, by ancient or modern authors ; I cannot remember this
talent of bearing his rider to Heaven, has been recorded for a
part of his character, except in the two examples mentioned
already ; therefore, I conceive the methods of this art to be
a point of useful knowledge in very few hands, and which
the learned world would gladly be better informed in. This
is what I have undertaken to perform in the following dis-
course. For, towards the operation already mentioned, many
peculiar properties are required both in the rider and the
ass ; which I shall endeavour to set in as clear a light as I
can.
But, because I am resolved, by all means, to avoid giving
offence to any party whatever, I will leave off discoursing so
closely to the letter as I have hitherto done, and go on for
the future by way of allegory, though in such a manner, that
the judicious reader may without much straining, make his
applications as often as he shall think fit. Therefore, if you
please, from henceforward, instead of the term ass, we shall
make use of gifted or enlightened teacher; and the word
rider we will exchange for that of fanatic auditory, or any
other denomination of the like import. Having settled this
weighty point ; the great subject of inquiry before us, is to
I. o
194 A DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
examine by what methods this teacher arrives at his gifts, or
spirit, or light ; and by what intercourse between him and
his assembly, it is cultivated and supported.
In all my writings I have had constant regard to this great
end, not to suit and apply them to particular occasions and
circumstances of time, of place, or of person, but to calculate
them for universal nature and mankind in general. And of
such catholic use I esteem this present disquisition ; for I do
not remember any other temper of body, or quality of mind,
wherein all nations and ages of the world have so unani-
mously agreed, as that of a fanatic strain, or tincture of
enthusiasm ; which, improved by certain persons or societies
of men, and by them practised upon the rest, has been able
to produce revolutions of the greatest figure in history ; as
will soon appear to those who know anything of Arabia,
Persia, India, or China, of Morocco and Peru : Farther, it
has possessed as great a power in the kingdom of knowledge,
where it is hard to assign one art or science which has not
annexed to it some fanatic branch : Such are, The Philosopher's
Stone, The Grand Elixir? The Planetary Worlds, The Squar-
ing of the Circle, The Summum Bo7ium, Utopian Common-
wealths ; with some others of less or subordinate note ; which
all serve for nothing else, but to employ or amuse this grain of
enthusiasm, dealt into every composition.
But if this plant has found a root, in the fields of empire
and of knowledge, it has fixed deeper, and spread yet farther,
upon holy ground. Wherein, though it hath passed under the
general name of enthusiasm, and perhaps arisen from the
same original, yet hath it produced certain branches of a very
different nature, however often mistaken for each other. The
word, in its universal acceptation, may be defined, a lifting-up
of the soul, or its faculties, above matter. This description
will hold good in general ; but I am only to understand it as
applied to religion ; wherein there are three general ways of
ejaculating the soul, or transporting it beyond the sphere of
matter. The first is the immediate act of God, and is called
prophecy or inspiration. The second is the immediate act of
the Devil, and is termed possession. The third is the product
of natural causes, the effect of strong imagination, spleen,
1 Some writers hold them for the same, others not.
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 195
violent anger, fear, grief, pain, and the like. These three
have been abundantly treated on by authors, and therefore
shall not employ my enquiry. But the fourth method of
religious enthusiasm, or launching out of the soul, as it is
purely an effect of artifice and mechanick operation, has been
sparingly handled, or not at all, by any writer; because,
though it is an art of great antiquity, yet, having been con-
fined to few persons, it long wanted those advancements and
refinements which it afterwards met with, since it has grown
so epidemick, and fallen into so many cultivating hands.
It is, therefore, upon this Mechanical Operation of the Spirit
that I mean to treat, as it is at present performed by our
British Workmen. I shall deliver to the reader the result of
many judicious observations upon the matter; tracing, as near
as I can, the whole course and method of this trade, produc-
ing parallel instances, and relating certain discoveries, that
have luckily fallen in my way,
I have said, that there is one branch of religious enthusiasm
which is purely an effect of Nature ; whereas the part I mean
to handle is wholly an effect of art, which, however, is in-
clined to work upon certain natures and constitutions more
than others. Besides, there is many an operation which, in
its original, was purely an artifice, but through a long suc-
cession of ages hath grown to be natural. Hippocrates tells
us, that among our ancestors, the Scythians, there was a
nation called Long-Heads, 1 which at first began, by a custom
among midwives and nurses, of moulding, and squeezing, and
bracing up the heads of infants ; by which means Nature,
shut out at one passage, was forced to seek another, and
finding room above, shot upwards in the form of a sugar-loaf ;
and, being diverted that way for some generations, at last
found it out of herself, needing no assistance from the nurse's
hand. This was the original of the Scythian Long-heads,
and thus did custom, from being a second nature, proceed to
be a first. To all which there is something very analogous
among us of this nation, who are the undoubted posterity of
that refined people. For, in the age of our fathers, there
arose a generation of men in this island, called Round-heads,*
whose race is now spread over three kingdoms, yet, in its
1 Macrocephali.
* The Puritans in the time of Charles I. [T. S.]
196 A DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
beginning, was merely an operation of art, produced by a
pair of scissors, a squeeze of the face, and a black cap.
These heads, thus formed into a perfect sphere in all assem-
blies, were most exposed to the view of the female sort, which
did influence their conceptions so effectually, that nature at
last took the hint and did it of herself ; so that a Round-Head
has been ever since as familiar a sight among us as a Long-
Head among the Scythians.
Upon these examples, and others easy to produce, I desire
the curious reader to distinguish, first, between an effect
grown from Art into Nature, and one that is natural from its
beginning ; secondly, between an effect wholly natural, and
one which has only a natural foundation, but where the
superstructure is entirely artificial. For the first and the
last of these, I understand to come within the districts of my
subject. And having obtained these allowances, they will
serve to remove any objections that may be raised hereafter
against what I shall advance.
The practitioners of this famous art proceed, in general,
upon the following fundamental : That the corruption of t/ie
senses is the generation of the spirit : Because the senses in
men are so many avenues to the fort of reason, which, in
this operation, is wholly blocked up. All endeavours must
be therefore used, either to divert, bind up, stupify, fluster,
and amuse the senses, or else to justle them out of their
stations ; and, while they are either absent, or otherwise em-
ployed, or engaged in a civil war against each other, the
spirit enters, and performs its part.
Now the usual methods of managing the senses upon
such conjunctures are, what I shall be very particular in
delivering, as far as it is lawful for me to do ; but having
had the honour to be initiated into the mysteries of every
society, I desire to be excused from divulging any rites,
wherein the profane must have no part.
But here, before I can proceed farther, a very dangerous
objection must, if possible, be removed : For, it is positively
denied by certain critics, that the spirit can, by any means,
be introduced into an assembly of modern saints, the
disparity being so great, in many material circumstances,
between the primitive way of inspiration and that which is
practised in the present age. This they pretend to prove
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 197
from the second chapter of the Acts, where, comparing both,
it appears, first, That the apostles were gathered together with
one accord, in one place ; by which is meant a universal agree-
ment in opinion and form of worship ; a harmony, (say they)
so far from being found between any two conventicles among
us, that it is in vain to expect it between any two heads in
the same. Secondly, the spirit instructed the apostles in
the gift of speaking several languages, a knowledge so remote
from our dealers in this art, that they neither understand
propriety of words or phrases in their own. Lastly, (say
these objectors) the modern artists do utterly exclude all
approaches of the spirit, and bar up its ancient way of
entering, by covering themselves so close and so industriously
a-top. For they will needs have it as a point clearly gained,
that the Cloven Tongues never sat upon the apostles' heads
while their hats were on.
Now, the force of these objections seems to consist in the
different acceptation of the word spirit : which, if it be under-
stood for a supernatural assistance, approaching from with-
out, the objectors have reason, and their assertions may be
allowed ; but the spirit we treat of here proceeding entirely
from within, the argument of these adversaries is wholly
eluded. And upon the same account, our modern artificers
find it an expedient of absolute necessity, to cover their
heads as close as they can, in order to prevent perspiration,
than which nothing is observed to be a greater spender of
Mechanick Light, as we may, perhaps, farther shew in a con-
venient place.
To proceed therefore upon the phenomenon of Spiritual
Mechanism, it is here to be noted, that in forming and work-
ing up the spirit, the assembly has a considerable share as
well as the preacher; the method of this arcanum is as
follows : — They violently strain their eyeballs inward, half-
closing the lids ; then, as they sit, they are in a perpetual
motion of see-saw, making long hums at proper periods, and
continuing the sound at equal height, choosing their time in
those intermissions, while the preacher is at ebb. Neither
is this practice, in any part of it, so singular or improbable
as not to be traced in distant regions from reading and
observation. For, first, the /auguis, 1 or enlightened saints
1 Beinier, Mem. de Mogol.
198 A DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
of India, see all their visions by help of an acquired straining
and pressure of the eyes. Secondly, the art of see-saw on a
beam, and swinging by session upon a cord, in order to
raise artificial ecstasies, hath been derived to us from our
Scythian J ancestors, where it is practised at this day among
the women. Lastly, the whole proceeding, as I have here
related it, is performed by the natives of Ireland, with a
considerable improvement ; and it is granted, that this noble
nation, hath of all others, admitted fewer corruptions, and de-
generated least from the purity of the old Tartars. Now, it
is usual for a knot of Irish men and women, to abstract
themselves from matter, bind up all their senses, grow vision-
ary and spiritual, by influence of a short pipe of tobacco,
handed round the company, each preserving the smoke in
his mouth till it comes again to his turn to take it in fresh :
at the same time there is a concert of a continued gentle
hum, repeated and renewed by instinct, as occasion requires,
and they move their bodies up and down, to a degree, that
sometimes their heads and points lie parallel to the horizon.
Meanwhile you may observe their eyes turned up, in the
posture of one who endeavours to keep himself awake ; by
which, and many other symptoms among them, it manifestly
appears that the reasoning faculties are all suspended and
superseded, that imagination hath usurped the seat, scattering
a thousand deliriums over the brain. Returning from this
digression, I shall describe the methods by which the spirit
approaches. The eyes being disposed according to art, at
first you can see nothing, but, after a short pause, a small
glimmering light begins to appear, and dance before you.
Then, by frequently moving your body up and down, you
perceive the vapours to ascend very fast, till you are perfectly
dosed and flustered, like one who drinks too much in a
morning. Meanwhile the preacher is also at work ; he
begins a loud hum, which pierces you quite through ; this is
immediately returned by the audience, and you find yourself
prompted to imitate them, by a mere spontaneous impulse,
without knowing what you do. The interstitia are duly
filled up by the preacher, to prevent too long a pause, under
which the spirit would soon faint and grow languid.
1 Guagnini Hist. Sarmat.
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 199
This is all I am allowed to discover about the progress of
the spirit, with relation to that part which is borne by the
assembly ; but in the methods of the preacher to which I
now proceed, I shall be more large and particular.
SECTION II.
You will read it very gravely remarked in the books of
those illustrious and right eloquent penmen, the modern
travellers; that the fundamental difference in point of religion,
between the wild Indians and us, lies in this ; that we worship
God, and they worship the devil. But there are certain
critics who will by no means admit of this distinction ; rather
believing, that all nations whatsoever adore the true God,
because they seem to intend their devotions to some in-
visible power of greatest goodness and ability to help them,
which, perhaps, will take in the brightest attributes ascribed
to the divinity. Others, again, inform us, that those idolators
adore two principles ; the principle of good, and that of evil ;
which, indeed, I am apt to look upon as the most universal
notion that mankind, by the mere light of nature, ever en-
tertained of things invisible. How this idea hath been
managed by the Indians and us, and with what advantage
to the understandings of either, may deserve well to be ex-
amined. To me the difference appears little more than this,
that they are put oftener upon their knees by their fears, and
we by our desires ; that the former set them a-praying, and
us a-cursing. What I applaud them for is, their discretion,
in limiting their devotions and their deities to their several
districts, nor ever suffering the liturgy of the white God to
cross, or to interfere with that of the black. Not so with us,
who pretending by the lines and measures of our reason, to
extend the dominion of one invisible power, and contract
that of the other, have discovered a gross ignorance in the
natures of good and evil, and most horribly confounded the
frontiers of both. After men have lifted up the throne of
their divinity to the caelum empyraum, adorned with all such
qualities and accomplishments as themselves seem most to
200 A DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
value and possess : after they have sunk their principle of
evil to the lowest centre, bound him with chains, loaded him
with curses, furnished him with viler dispositions than any
rake-hell of the town, accoutred him with tail, and horns,
and huge claws, and saucer eyes : I laugh aloud to see
these reasoners, at the same time, engaged in wise dispute
about certain walks and purlieus, whether they are in the
verge of God or the devil, seriously debating, whether such
and such influences come into men's minds from above, or
below, whether certain passions and affections are guided
by the evil spirit or the good :
Dum fas atque nefas exiguo fine libidinum
Discernunt avidi. —
Thus do men establish a fellowship of Christ with Belial, and
such is the analogy they make between Cloven Tongues and
Cloven Feet. Of the like nature is the disquisition before us :
It hath continued these hundred years an even debate,
whether the deportment and the cant of our English en-
thusiastic preachers were possession or inspiration, and a
world of argument has been drained on either side, perhaps
to little purpose. For, I think, it is in life as in tragedy,
where, it is held a conviction of great defect, both in order
and invention, to interpose the assistance of preternatural
power, without an absolute and last necessity. However, it
is a sketch of human vanity, for every individual to imagine
the whole universe is interested in his meanest concern. If
he hath got cleanly over a kennel, some angel unseen de-
scended on purpose to help him by the hand ; if he hath
knocked his head against a post, it was the devil, for his
sins, let loose from hell, on purpose to buffet him. Who,
that sees a little paltry mortal, droning, and dreaming, and
drivelling to a multitude, can think it agreeable to common
good sense, that either Heaven or Hell should be put to the
trouble of influence or inspection, upon what he is about ?
Therefore I am resolved immediately to weed this error out
of mankind, by making it clear, that this mystery of vending
spiritual gifts is nothing but a trade, acquired by as much
instruction, and mastered by equal practice and application,
as others are. This will best appear, by describing and de-
*
*
#
*
#
*
*
*
*
*
#
#
#
#
*
*
#
#
#
#
*
#
#
*
#
#
#
#
#
#
#
#
*
*
#
*
#
#
#
*
#
#
#
#
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 201
ducing the whole process of the operation, as variously as it
hath fallen under my knowledge or experience.
*Jr V tF -3F
^F *^ •fF "jF
Here the whole scheme of
spiritual mechanism was de-
duced and explained, with
an appearance of great read-
ing and observation ; but it
was thought neither safe nor
convenient to print it.
tF tF -JF W
# # # #
Here it may not be amiss to add a few words upon the
laudable practice of wearing quilted caps ; which is not a
matter of mere custom, humour, or fashion, as some would
pretend, but an institution of great sagacity and use ; these,
when moistened with sweat, stop all perspiration, and by re-
verberating the heat, prevent the spirit from evaporating any
way, but at the mouth ; even as a skilful house- wife, that
covers her still with a wet clout, for the same reason, and
finds the same effect. For, it is the opinion of choice virtuosi,
that the brain is only a crowd of little animals, but with
teeth and claws extremely sharp, and therefore, cling together
in the contexture we behold, like the picture of Hobbes's
Leviathan, or like bees in perpendicular swarm upon a tree,
or like a carrion corrupted into vermin, still preserving the
shape and figure of the mother animal. That all invention
is formed by the morsure of two or more of these animals,
upon certain capillary nerves, which proceed from thence,
whereof three branches spread into the tongue, and two into
the right hand. They hold also, that these animals are of a
constitution extremely cold ; that their food is the air we
attract, their excrement phlegm ; and that what we vulgarly
call rheums, and colds, and distillations, is nothing else but
an epidemical looseness, to which that little commonwealth
is very subject, from the climate it lies under. Farther, that
nothing less than a violent heat can disentangle these
creatures from their hamated station of life, or give them
vigour and humour, to imprint the marks of their little teeth.
That if the morsure be hexagonal, it produces Poetry ; the
202 A DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
circular gives Eloquence ; if the bite hath been conical, the
person, whose nerve is so affected, shall be disposed to
write upon Politics ; and so of the rest.
I shall now discourse briefly, by what kind of practices the
voice is best governed, toward the composition and improve-
ment of the spirit ; for, without a competent skill in tuning
and toning each word, and syllable, and letter, to their due
cadence, the whole operation is incomplete, misses entirely of
its effect on the hearers, and puts the workman himself to
continual pains for new supplies, without success. For, it is
to be understood, that, in the language of the spirit, cant and
droning supply the place of sense and reason, in the language
of men : because, in spiritual harangues, the disposition of
the words according to the art of grammar hath not the least
use, but the skill and influence wholly lie in the choice and
cadence of the syllables ; even as a discreet composer, who,
in setting a song, changes the words and order so often, that
he is forced to make it nonsense before he can make it music.
For this reason, it hath been held by some, that the Art of
Canting is ever in greatest perfection, when managed by
ignorance; which is thought to be enigmatically meant by
Plutarch, when he tells us, that the best musical instruments
were made from the bones of an ass. And the profounder
critics upon that passage, are of opinion, the word, in its
genuine signification, means no other than a jaw-bone;
though some rather think it to have been the os sacrtim ; but
in so nice a case I shall not take upon me to decide : The
curious are at liberty to pick from it whatever they please.
The first ingredient toward the Art of Canting is, a com-
petent share of inward light ; that is to say, a large memory,
plentifully fraught with theological polysyllables, and mys-
terious texts from holy writ, applied and digested by those
methods and mechanical operations, already related : the
bearers of this light, resembling lanthorns compact of leaves
from old Geneva Bibles ; which invention, Sir Humphrey
Edwin, 1 during his mayoralty, of happy memory, highly ap-
proved and advanced ; affirming the Scripture to be now
fulfilled, where it says : Thy word is a lanthorn to my feet,
and a light to my paths.
1 A Presbyterian, who, ascending to the dignity of Lord Mayor of
London, went in his official character to a meeting-house. [S.]
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 203
Now, the Art of Canting consists in skilfully adapting the
voice to whatever words the spirit delivers, that each may
strike the ears of the audience with its most significant
cadence. The force, or energy of this eloquence, is not to be
found, as among ancient orators, in the disposition of words
to a sentence, or the turning of long periods ; but, agreeable
to the modern refinements in music, is taken up wholly in
dwelling and dilating upon syllables and letters. Thus, it is
frequent for a single vowel to draw sighs from a multitude ;
and for a whole assembly of saints to sob to the music of one
solitary liquid. But these are trifles ; when even sounds in-
articulate are observed to produce as forcible effects. A
master workman shall blow his nose so powerfully as to pierce
the hearts of his people, who are disposed to receive the
excrements of his brain with the same reverence as the issue
of it. Hawking, spitting, and belching, the defects of other
men's rhetoric, are the flowers, and figures, and ornaments of
his. For, the spirit being the same in all, it is of no import
through what vehicle it is conveyed.
It is a point of too much difficulty to draw the principles of
this famous art within the compass of certain adequate rules.
However, perhaps I may one day oblige the world with my
Critical Essay upon the Art of Canting; philosophically,
physically, and musically considered.
But, among all improvements of the spirit, wherein the
voice hath borne a part, there is none to be compared with
that of conveying the sound through the nose, which, under the
denomination of snuffling? hath passed with so great applause
in the world. The originals of this institution are very dark ;
but, having been initiated into the mystery of it, and leave
being given me to publish it to the world, I shall deliver as
direct a relation as I can.
This art, like many other famous inventions, owed its birth,
or at least improvement and perfection, to an effect of chance,
but was established upon solid reasons, and hath flourished
in this island ever since with great lustre. All agree that it
first appeared upon the decay and discouragement of bagpipes,
which having long suffered under the mortal hatred of the
1 The snuffling of men who have lost their noses by lewd courses, is
said to have given rise to that tone, which our dissenters did too much
affect.— W. Wotton.
204 A DISCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
brethren, tottered for a time, and at last fell with monarchy.
The story is thus related.
As yet snuffling was not ; when the following adventure
happened to a Banbury saint. Upon a certain day, while
he was far engaged among the tabernacles of the wicked, he
felt the outward man put into odd commotions, and strangely
pricked forward by the inward ; an effect very usual among
the modern inspired. For, some think, that the spirit is apt
to feed on the flesh, like hungry wines upon raw beef. Others
rather believe there is a perpetual game at leap-frog between
both ; and, sometimes the flesh is uppermost, and sometimes
the spirit, adding, that the former, while it is in the state of
a rider, wears huge Rippon spurs, and when it comes to the
turn of being bearer, is wonderfully headstrong and hard-
mouthed. However it came about, the saint felt his vessel
full extended in every part (a very natural effect of strong in-
spiration ; ) and the place and time falling out so unluckily,
that he could not have the convenience of evacuating up-
wards, by repetition, prayer, or lecture, he was forced to ope
an inferior vent. In short, he wrestled with the flesh so long,
that he at length subdued it, coming off with honourable
wounds, all before. The surgeon had now cured the parts
primarily affected ; but the disease, driven from its post, flew
up into his head ; and, as a skilful general, valiantly attacked
in his trenches and beaten from the field, by flying marches
withdraws to the capital city, breaking down the bridges to
prevent pursuit ; so the disease, repelled from its first station,
fled before the Rod of Hermes to the upper region, there
fortifying itself; but, finding the foe making attacks at the
nose, broke down the bridge, and retired to the head-quarters.
Now, the naturalists observe, that there is in human noses an
idiosyncracy, by virtue of which, the more the passage is
obstructed, the more our speech delights to go through, as
the music of a flageolet is made by the stops. By this
method, the twang of the nose becomes perfectly to resemble
the snuffle of a bagpipe, and is found to be equally attractive
of British ears ; whereof the saint had sudden experience, by
practising his new faculty with wonderful success in the
operation of the spirit : For, in a short time, no doctrine
passed for sound and orthodox, unless it were delivered
through the nose. Straight, every pastor copied after this
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 205
original, and those who could not otherwise arrive to a per-
fection, spirited by a noble zeal, made use of the same experi-
ment to acquire it. So that, I think, it may be truly
affirmed, the saints own their empire to the snuffling of one
animal, as Darius did his to the neighing of another, and
both stratagems were performed by the same art ; for we read
how the Persian beast acquired his faculty by covering a mare
the day before. 1
I should now have done, if I were not convinced, that
whatever I have yet advanced upon this subject is liable to
great exception. For, allowing all I have said to be true, it
may still be justly objected, that there is, in the common-
wealth of artificial enthusiasm, some real foundation for art
to work upon in the temper and complexion of individuals,
which other mortals seem to want. Observe, but the gesture,
the motion, and the countenance, of some choice professors,
though in their most familiar actions, you will find them of a
different race from the rest of human creatures. Remark
your commonest pretender to a light within, how dark, and
dirty, and gloomy he is without ; as lanthorns, which, the
more light they bear in their bodies, cast out so much the
more soot, and smoke, and fuliginous matter to adhere to
the sides. Listen but to their ordinary talk, and look on the
mouth that delivers it ; you will imagine you are hearing some
ancient oracle, and your understanding will be equally in-
formed. Upon these, and the like reasons, certain objectors
pretend to put it beyond all doubt, that there must be a sort
of preternatural spirit possessing the heads of the modern
saints ; and some will have it to be the heat of zeal working
upon the dregs of ignorance, as other spirits are produced
from lees by the force of fire. Some again think, that, when
our earthly tabernacles are disordered and desolate, shaken
and out of repair ; the spirit delights to dwell within them, as
houses are said to be haunted, when they are forsaken and
gone to decay. ,
To set this matter in as fair a light as possible ; I shall here
very briefly deduce the history of Fanaticism from the most
early ages to the present. And if we are able to fix upon
any one material or fundamental point, wherein the chief
1 Herodot.
206 A DiSCOURSE ON THE MECHANICAL
professors have universally agreed, I think we may reasonably
lay hold on that, and assign it for the great seed or principle
of the spirit.
The most early traces we meet with of fanatics in ancient
story are among the Egyptians, who instituted those rites,
known in Greece by the names of Orgia, Panegyres, and
Dionysia, whether introduced there by Orpheus or Melampus
we shall not dispute at present, nor in all likelihood at any
time for the future. 1 These feasts were celebrated to the
honour of Osiris, whom the Grecians called Dionysius, and
is the same with Bacchus ; which has betrayed some super-
ficial readers to imagine, that the whole business was
nothing more than a set of roaring, scouring companions,
overcharged with wine ; but this is a scandalous mistake
foisted on the world by a sort of modern authors, who have
too literal an understanding ; and, because antiquity is to be
traced backwards, do therefore, like Jews, begin their books
at the wrong end, as if learning were a sort of conjuring.
These are the men who pretend to understand a book by
scouring through the index, as if a traveller should go about
to describe a palace, when he had seen nothing but the
privy; or like certain fortune-tellers in Northern America, who
have a way of reading a man's destiny by peeping into his
breech. For, at the time of instituting these mysteries, there
was not one vine in all Egypt, 2 the natives drinking nothing
but ale ; which liquor seems to have been far more ancient
than wine, and has the honour of owing its invention and
progress, not only to the Egyptian Osiris, 3 but to the Grecian
Bacchus, who, in their famous expedition, carried the receipt
of it along with them, and gave it to the nations they visited
or subdued. Besides, Bacchus himself, was very seldom, or
never drunk ; for it is recorded of him, that he was the first
inventor of the mitre, 4 which he wore continually on his
head (as the whole company of bacchanals did) to prevent
vapours and the headache after hard drinking. And for this
reason (say some) the Scarlet Whore, when she makes the
kings of the earth drunk with her cup of abomination, is
always sober herself, though she never balks the glass in her
1 Diod. Sic. L. I. Plut. de Iside et Osiride.
2 Herod. L. 2. 3 Diod. Sic. L. I and 3.
* Id. L. 4.
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 20/
turn, being, it seems, kept upon her legs by the virtue of her
triple mitre. Now, these feasts were instituted in imitation
of the famous expedition Osiris made through the world,
and of the company that attended him, whereof the baccha-
nalian ceremonies were so many types and symbols. From
which account l it is manifest, that the fanatic rites of these
bacchanals cannot be imputed to intoxications by wine,
but must needs have had a deeper foundation. What this
was, we may gather large hints from certain circumstances in
the course of their mysteries. For, in the first place, there
was, in their processions, an entire mixture and confusion of
sexes ; they affected to ramble about hills and deserts :
Their garlands were of ivy and vine, emblems of cleaving and
clinging ; or of fir, the parent of turpentine. It is added,
that they imitated satyrs, were attended by goats, and rode
upon asses, all companions of great skill and practice in
affairs of gallantry. They bore for their ensigns certain curious
figures, perched upon long poles, made into the shape and size
of the virga genitalis, with its appurtenances, which were so
many shadows and emblems of the whole mystery, as well as
trophies set up by the female conquerors. Lastly, in a certain
town of Attica, the whole solemnity stripped of all its types, 2
was performed in pun's naturalibus, the votaries not flying
in coveys, but sorted into couples. The same may be
farther conjectured from the death of Orpheus, one of" the
institutors of these mysteries, who was torn in pieces by
women, because he refused to communicate his orgies to
them ; 3 which others explained, by telling us he had castrated
himself upon grief, for the loss of his wife.
Omitting many others of less note, the next fanatics we
meet with, of any eminence, were the numerous sects of here-
tics appearing in the five first centuries of the Christian era,
from Simon Magus and his followers to those of Eutyches.
I have collected their systems from infinite reading, and,
comparing them with those of their successors, in the several
ages since, I find there are certain bounds set even to the
irregularities of human thought, and those a great deal nar-
rower than is commonly apprehended. For, as they all
1 See the particulars in Diod. Sic. L. 1 and 3.
a Dionysia Brauronia.
3 Vide Photium in excerptis e Conone.
2
208 A DISCOU-RSE ON THE MECHANICAL
frequently interfere, even in their wildest ravings ; so there is
one fundamental point, wherein they are sure to meet, as
lines in a centre, and that is, the Community of Women.
Great were their solicitudes in this matter, and they never
failed of certain articles, in their schemes of worship, on
purpose to establish it.
The last fanatics of note, were those which started up in
Germany, a little after the reformation of Luther ; springing
as mushrooms do at the end of a harvest ; such were John
of Leyden, David George, Adam Neuster, 1 and many others ;
whose visions and revelations, always terminated in leading
about half a dozen sisters a-piece, and making that practice
a fundamental part of their system. For, human life is a
continual navigation, and if we expect our vessels to pass
with safety through the waves and tempests of this fluctuat-
ing world, it is necessary to make a good provision of the
flesh, as seamen lay in store of beef for a long voyage.
Now from this brief survey of some principal sects among
the fanatics in all ages (having omitted the Mahometans
and others, who might also help to confirm the argument I
am about) to which I might add several among ourselves,
such as the Family of Love, Sweet Singers of Israel, and the
like : and from reflecting upon that fundamental point in
their doctrines about women, wherein they have so unani-
mously agreed ; I am apt to imagine, that the seed or
principle which has ever put men upon visions in things
1 John of Leyden, a fanatic tailor, whose real name was John
Boccold. He was the leader of those Anabaptists who, in 1533, seized
Munster. As head of this mob, he took upon himself to reform the
government. He was hailed as king and prophet ; but in 1536 was exe-
cuted, in the twenty-eighth year of his age. David George, born at Delft
in 1501, was the son of an acrobat. His real name was Jean de Coman.
He took the name of David, when he gave himself out as the Messiah.
He joined the Anabaptists, but afterwards set up a sect of his own. In
1542 appeared his famous " Wonderboek." He died in 1556. The
Neuster to whom Swift here refers is Adam Neuser, a Socinian theo-
logian of the sixteenth century. He strongly opposed the Elector of
the Palatinate in his attempts to introduce the system of the Genevan
ecclesiastical police, and attempted to introduce Socinianism. He was
imprisoned, but escaped, and fled to Constantinople, where he became
a Mohammedan. He died in 1576. All these individuals are notorious
for free living. In some of the sects the women went unclothed,
because they were considered to be the naked truth. fT. S.l
OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT. 209
invisible, is of a corporeal nature ; for the profounder
chemists inform us, that the strongest spirits may be ex-
tracted from human flesh. Besides, the spinal marrow
being nothing else but a continuation of the brain, must
needs create a very free communication between the superior
faculties and those below : and thus the thorn in the flesh
serves for a spur to the spirit. I think, it is agreed among
physicians, that nothing affects the head so much as a tenti-
ginous humour, repelled and elated to the upper region,
found, by daily practice, to run frequently up into madness.
A very eminent member of the faculty assured me, that,
when the Quakers first appeared, he seldom was without
some female patients among them for the furor
Persons of a visionary devotion, either men or women, are,
in their complexion, of all others the most amorous ; for,
zeal is frequently kindled from the same spark with other
fires, and, from inflaming brotherly love, will proceed to
raise that of a gallant. If we inspect into the usual process
of modern courtship, we shall find it to consist in a devout
turn of the eyes, called ogling ; an artificial form of canting
and whining by rote, every interval, for want of other matter,
made up with a shrug or a hum, a sigh or a groan ; the
style compact of insignificant words, incoherences, and re-
petition. These, I take to be the most accomplished rules
of address to a mistress ; and where are these performed
with more dexterity than by the saints ? Nay, to bring this
argument yet closer, I have been informed by certain san-
guine brethren of the first class, that, in the height and
orgasmus of their spiritual exercise, it has been frequent
with them ****** immediately after which, they found
the spirit to relax and flag of a sudden with the nerves, and
they were forced to hasten to a conclusion. This may be
farther strengthened, by observing, with wonder, how un-
accountably all females are attracted by visionary or en-
thusiastic preachers, though ever so contemptible in their
outward men ; whichj is usually supposed to be done upon
considerations purely spiritual, without any carnal regards at
all. But I have reason to think, the sex hath certain charac-
teristics, by which they form a truer judgment of human
abilities and performings, than we ourselves can possibly do
of each other. Let that be as it will, thus much is certain,
1. P
2IO MECHANICAL OPERATION OF THE SPIRIT.
that, however spiritual intrigues begin, they generally con-
clude like all others ; they may branch upward towards
heaven, but the root is in the earth. Too intense a con-
templation is not the business of flesh and blood ; it must,
by the necessary course of things, in a little time let go its
hold, and fall into matter. Lovers for the sake of celestial
converse are but another sort of Platonics, who pretend to
see stars and heaven in ladies' eyes, and to look or think
no lower ; but the same pit is provided for both ; and they
seem a perfect moral to the story of that philosopher, who,
while his thoughts and eyes were fixed upon the constella-
tions, found himself seduced by his lower parts into a ditch.
I had somewhat more to say upon this part of the subject,
but the post is just going, which forces me in great haste to
conclude,
Sir,
Yours, &x
Pray burn this letter as soon
as it conies to your hands.
PREFACES TO TEMPLE'S WORKS.
Sir William Temple died on 27th January, 1698-99. In his will he is
said to have left Swift the sum of ^100. Whether this be true or not, it
is certain that he was chosen to edit his patron's works and to receive the
proceeds of their sale. This Swift did, and he issued the works in five
volumes over a period of nearly ten years. The Letters were published
in 1700 (in two volumes) with a Dedication and Preface by Swift ; in
1 701 appeared the third part of Temple's Miscellanea, also with a
preface by Swift (the first two volumes had been issued by Temple him-
self) ; in 1703 he wrote a preface to the third volume of Temple's
Letters, and finally in 1709 a preface to the third part of the Memoirs.
By publishing the Memoirs he lost the favour of Lady Gifford, Temple's
sister, who considered the revelations made concerning the statesmen of
Temple's time as being unfit for public property. It was, indeed, owing
to Lady Gifford's opinion that the publication of the Memoirs was
delayed for so long. Mr. Forster, following Nichols, calculates that
Swift netted ^40 by each volume, but Mr. Craik considers the calculation
of doubtful accuracy. (See Craik's "Life of Swift," p. 75, note.) Forfull
particulars of these volumes see Bibliography of Swift's Writings.
[T. S.]
DEDICATION
TO THE FIRST TWO VOLUMES OF
SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE'S LETTERS.
To his most sacred Majesty, William the Third, King of
England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, &c. These letters
of Sir William Temple having been left to my care, they are
most humbly presented to your Majesty, by
Your Majesty's
Most dutiful
And obedient Subject,
Jonathan Swift.
PREFACE
TO
THE FIRST TWO VOLUMES
OF
SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE'S LETTERS,
1700.
THE collection of the following letters is owing to the
diligence of Mr. Thomas Downton, who was one of
the secretaries during the whole time wherein they bear
date ; and it has succeeded very fortunately for the public,
that there is contained in them an account of all the chief
transactions and negotiations which passed in Christendom
during the seven years wherein they are dated ; as the war
from Holland, which began in 1665 ; the treaty between his
Majesty and the Bishop of Munster, with the issue of it ; the
French invasion of Flanders in the year 1667 ; the peace
concluded between Spain and Portugal by the King's media-
tion ; the treaty at Breda j the triple alliance ; the peace at
Aix-la-Chapelle, in the first part ; and in the second part,
the negotiations in Holland in consequence of those alliances,
with the steps and degrees by which they came to decay ;
the journey and death of Madam; the seizure of Lorrain
and his excellency's recalling ; with the first unkindness be-
tween England and Holland, upon the yacht's transporting
his lady and family ; and the beginning of the second Dutch
war in 1672. With these are intermixed several letters,
familiar and pleasant.
I found the book among Sir William Temple's papers,
with many others, wherewith I had the opportunity of being
long conversant, having passed several years in his family.
2l6 PREFACE TO
I pretend no other part than the care that Mr. Downton's
book should be correctly transcribed, and the letters placed
in the order they were writ. I have also made some literal
amendments, especially in the Latin, French, and Spanish ;
these I took care should be translated and printed in another
column, for the use of such readers as may be unacquainted
with the originals. Whatever fault there may be in the
translation, I doubt I must answer for the greater part, and
must leave the rest to those friends who were pleased to
assist me. I speak only of the French and Latin ; for the
few Spanish translations I believe need no apology.
It is generally believed that this author has advanced our
English tongue to as great a perfection as it can well bear ;
and yet how great a master he was of it, as I think, never
appeared so much as it will in the following letters, wherein
the style appears so very different, according to the difference
of the persons to whom they were addressed ; either men of
business or idle, of pleasure or serious, of great or of less parts
or abilities, in their several stations ; so that one may dis-
cover the characters of most of those persons he writes to,
from the style of his letters.
At the end of each volume, is added a collection, copied
by the same hand, of several letters to this ambassador, from
the chief persons employed, either at home or abroad, in
these transactions, and during six years' course of his negotia-
tions ; among which are many from the pensionary John de
Witt, and all the writings of this kind that I know of, which
remain of that minister, so renowned in his time.
It has been justly complained of as a defect among us,
that the English tongue has produced no letters of any
value ; to supply which i4 has been the vein of late years, to
translate several out of other languages, though I think with
little success ; yet among many advantages, which might re-
commend this sort of writing, it is certain that nothing is so
capable of giving a true account of stories, as letters are ;
which describe actions while they are breathing, whereas all
other relations are of actions past and dead ; so as it has
been observed, that the epistles of Cicero to Atticus give a
better account of those times, than is to be found in any
other writer.
In the following letters the reader will everywhere discover
TEMPLE'S W0RK3. 217
the force and spirit of this author ; but that which will most
value them to the public, both at home and abroad, is, first,
that the matters contained in them were the ground and
foundation, whereon all the wars and invasions, as well as all
the negotiations and treaties of peace in Christendom, have
since been raised. And next, that they are written by a
person who had so great a share in all those transactions and
negotiations.
By residing in his family, I know the author has had
frequent instances from several great persons, both at home
and abroad, to publish some memoirs of those affairs and
transactions, which are the subject of the following papers ;
and particularly of the treaties of the triple alliance, and those
of Aix-la-Chapelle ; but his usual answer was, that whatever
memoirs he had written of those times and negotiations were
burnt; however, that perhaps after his death some papers
might come out, wherein there would be some account
of them. By which, as he often told me, he meant these
letters.
I had begun to fit them for the press during the author's
life, but never could prevail for leave to publish them ;
though he was pleased to be at the pains of reviewing, and
to give me his directions for digesting them in order. It has
since pleased God to take this great and good person to him-
self; and he having done me the honour to leave and
recommend to me the care of his writings, I thought I could
not at present do a greater service to my country, or to the
author's memory, than by making these papers public.
By way of introduction, I need only take notice, that
after the peace of the Pyrenees, and his Majesty's happy
restoration in 1660, there was a general peace in Christendom,
(except only the remainder of a war between Spain and
Portugal,) until the year 1665 ; when that between England
and Holland began, which produced a treaty between his
Majesty and the Bishop of Munster. And this commences
the following letters.
PREFACE
TO
THE THIRD PART
OF
' SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE'S
MISCELLANEA, 1701.
THE two following essays, "Of Popular Discontents,"
and " Of Health and Long Life," were written many
years before the author's death. They were revised and
corrected by himself; and were designed to have been part
of a Third Miscellanea, to which some others were to have
been added, if the latter part of his life had been attended
with any sufficient degree of health.
For the third paper, relating to the controversy about
" Ancient and Modern Learning," I cannot well inform the
reader upon what occasion it was writ, having been at that
time in another kingdom ; but it appears never to have been
finished by the author. 1
The two next papers contain the heads of two essays
1 It seems very improbable that Dr. Swift should be altogether
ignorant of the famous dispute about " Ancient and Modern Learning."
If he had not made his public declaration, he would highly, and with
justice, have resented the being taxed by any other with being ignorant
of a passage which made so great a noise in the commonwealth of
learning. At this time, however, the doctor, (being generally suspected
of being the author of " A Tale of a Tub," which came abroad some
time before, and which he did not think fit to own,) might fancy, that
by his disclaiming the knowledge of the occasion on which Sir William
wrote the above Essay, he should weaken the suspicion of his having
written "A Tale of a Tub," which last is a subsidiary defence of Sir
William Temple. [D. S.]
PREFACE TO TEMPLE'S WORKS. 2IQ
intended to have been written upon the "Different Con-
ditions of Life and Fortune," and upon " Conversation."
I have directed they should be printed among the rest,
because I believe there are few who will not be content to
see even the first draught of anything from the author's
hand.
At the end I have added a few translations from Virgil,
Horace, and Tibullus, or rather imitations, done by the
author above thirty years ago ; whereof the first was printed
among other Eclogues of Virgil, in the year 1679, but
without any mention of the author. They were indeed
not intended to have been made public, till I was informed
of several copies that were got abroad, and those very
imperfect and corrupt. Therefore the reader finds them
here, only to prevent him from finding them in other places
very faulty, and perhaps accompanied with many spurious
additions.
Jonathan Swift.
PREFACE
TO
THE THIRD VOLUME
OF
SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE'S LETTERS,
1703.
THE following papers are the last of this, or indeed of
any kind, about which the author ever gave me his
particular commands. They were corrected by himself, and
fairly transcribed in his lifetime. I have in all things
followed his directions as strictly as I could ; but accidents
unforeseen having since intervened, I have thought convenient
to lessen the bulk of this volume. To which end, I have
omitted several letters addressed to persons with whom this
author corresponded without any particular confidence,
farther than upon account of their posts : because great
numbers of such letters, procured out of the office, or bv
other means, (how justifiable I shall not examine,) have been
already printed : but, running wholly upon long dry subjects
of business, have met no other reception than merely what
the reputation of the author would give them. If I could
have foreseen an end of this trade, I should, upon some
considerations, have longer forborne sending th se into the
world. But I daily hear, that new discoveries of original
letters are hasting to the press : to stop the current of which,
I am forced to an earlier publication than I designed. And
therefore I take this occasion to inform the reader, that
these letters, ending with the author's revocation from his
employments abroad, (which in less than two years was
followed by his retirement from all public business,) are the
PREFACE TO TEMPLE'S WORKS. 221
last he ever intended for the press ; having been selected by
himself from great numbers yet lying among his papers.
If I could have been prevailed with by the rhetoric of
booksellers, or any other little regards, I might easily, instead
of retrenching, have made very considerable additions : and
by that means have perhaps taken the surest course to
prevent the interloping of others. But, if the press must
needs be loaded, I would rather it should not be by my
means. And therefore I may hope to be allowed one word
in the style of a publisher, (an office liable to much censure
without the least pretensions to merit or to praise,) that if I
have not been much deceived in others and myself, the reader
will hardly find one Letter in this collection unworthy of the
author, or which does not contain something either of enter-
tainment or of use.
PREFACE
TO
THE THIRD PART
OF
SIR WILLIAM TEMPLE'S MEMOIRS;
FROM THE PEACE CONCLUDED 1 679 TO THE TIME OF THE
AUTHOR'S RETIREMENT FROM PUBLIC BUSINESS.
[first published in 1709.]
IT was perfectly in compliance to some persons for whose
opinion I have great deference, that I so long withheld
the publication of the following papers. They seemed to
think, that the freedom of some passages in these Memoirs
might give offence to several who were still alive; and whose
part in those affairs which are here related, could not be
transmitted to posterity with any advantage to their reputa-
tion. But whether this objection be in itself of much weight,
may perhaps be disputed; at least it should have little
with me, who am under no restraint in that particular;
since I am not of an age to remember those transactions, nor
had any acquaintance with those persons whose counsels or
proceedings are condemned, and who are all of them now
dead.
But, as this author is very free in exposing the weakness
and corruptions of ill ministers, so he is as ready to commend
the abilities and virtue of others, as may be observed from
several passages of these Memoirs ; particularly of the late
Earl of Sunderland, with whom the author continued in the
most intimate friendship to his death ; and who was father of
that most learned and excellent lord, now secretary of state:
PREFACE TO TEMPLE'S WORKS. 223
as likewise, of the present Earl of Rochester ; and the Earl
of Godolphin, now lord treasurer, represented by this im-
partial author as a person at that time deservedly entrusted
with so great a part in the prime ministry ; an office he now
executes again with such universal applause, so much to the
Queen's honour and his own, and to the advantage of his
country, as well as of the whole confederacy.
There are two objections I have sometimes heard to have
been offered against those Memoirs that were printed in the
author's life-time, and which these now published may perhaps
be equally liable to. First, as to the matter ; that the author
speaks too much of himself : next, as to the style ; that he
affects the use of French words, as well as some turns of ex-
pression peculiar to that language.
I believe, those who make the former criticism do not
well consider the nature of memoirs : it is to the French (if
I mistake not) we chiefly owe that manner of writing : and
Sir William Temple is not only the first, but I think the only
Englishman, (at least of any consequence,) who ever attempted
it. The best French memoirs are writ by such persons as
were the principal actors in those transactions they pretend
to relate, whether of wars or negotiations. Those of Sir
William Temple are of the same nature ; and therefore, in
my judgment, the publisher (who sent them into the world
without the author's privity) gave them a wrong title, when
he called them " Memoirs of what passed in Christendom,"
&c, whereas it should rather have been " Memoirs of the
Treaty at Nimeguen," which was plainly the sense of the
author, who in the epistle tells his son, that " in compliance
with his desire, he will leave him some memoirs of what
passed in his public employments abroad ; " and in the book
itself, when he deduces an account of the state of war in
Christendom, he says, it is only to prepare the reader for a
relation of that famous treaty; where he and Sir Lionel
Jenkins were the only mediators that continued any consider-
able time ; and as the author was first in commission, so in
point of abilities or credit, either abroad or at home, there was
no sort of comparison between the two persons. Those
memoirs, therefore, are properly a relation of a general
treaty of peace, wherein the author had the principal as well
as the most honourable part in quality of mediator ; so that
224 PREFACE TO
the frequent mention of himself seems not only excusable
but necessary. The same may be offered in defence of the
following papers ; because, during the greatest part of the
period they treat of, the author was in chief confidence with
the king his master. To which may be added, that, in the
few preliminary lines at the head of the first page, the author
professes he writ those papers " for the satisfaction of his
friends hereafter, upon the grounds of his retirement, and his
resolution never to meddle again with public affairs." As to
the objection against the style of the former Memoirs, that it
abounds in French words and turns of expression ; it is to
be considered, that at the treaty of Nimeguen, all business,
either by writing or discourse, passed in the French tongue;
and the author having lived so many years abroad, in that
and foreign embassies, where all business, as well as conver-
sation, ran in that language, it was hardly possible for him to
write upon public affairs without some tincture of it in his
style, though in his other writings there be little or nothing
of it to be observed ; and as he has often assured me, it was
a thing he never affected ; so, upon the objections made to
his former Memoirs, he blotted out some French words in
these, and placed English in their stead, though perhaps not
so significant.
There is one thing proper to inform the reader, why these
Memoirs are called the Third Part, there having never been
published but one part before, where, in the beginning, the
author mentions a former part, and in the conclusion pro-
mises a third. The subject of the first part was chiefly the
triple alliance, during the negotiation of which my Lord
Arlington was secretary of state and chief minister. Sir
William Temple often assured me, he had burnt those
Memoirs ; and for that reason was content his letters during
his embassies at the Hague and Aix-la-Chapelle, should
be printed after his death, in some manner to supply that
loss.
What it was that moved Sir William Temple to burn those
first Memoirs, may perhaps be conjectured from some passages
in the second part, formerly printed. In one place, the author
has these words : " My Lord Arlington, who made so great
a figure in the former part of these Memoirs, was now grown
out of all credit," &c. In other parts he tells us, "That lord
temple's works. 225
was of the ministry which broke the triple league ; advised
the Dutch war and French alliance; and, in short, was
the bottom of all those ruinous measures which the court
of England was then taking ; " so that, as I have been
told from a good hand, and as it seems very probable, he
could not think that lord a person fit to be celebrated for
his part in forwarding that famous league while he was
secretary of state, who had made such counterpaces to destroy
it. At the end I have subjoined an Appendix, containing,
besides one or two other particulars, a Speech of Sir William
Temple's in the House of Commons ; and an Answer of the
King's to an Address of that House, relating to the Bill of
Exclusion ; both which are mentioned in these Memoirs.
I have only farther to inform the reader, that, although
these papers were corrected by the author, yet he had once
intended to insert some additions in several places, as
appeared by certain hints or memorandums in the margin ;
but whether they were omitted out of forgetfulness, neglect,
or want of health, I cannot determine ; one passage relating
to Sir William Jones he was pleased to tell me, and I have
added it in the Appendix. The rest I know nothing of;
but the thread of the story is entire without them.
1.
CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS IN
ATHENS AND ROME.
"The Dissensions in Athens and Rome" is Swift's first essay in
politics. It was published shortly after his return to England in the
company of his patron, Lord Berkeley, in 1701.
The year before had been a particularly critical one as regards the
relationship between the representatives of the people and the monarchy.
The Tories had strenuously opposed a Resumption Bill, by which King
William's Dutch adherents were to continue to benefit from the estates
in Ireland which had been forfeited after the Revolution of 1688. In
the House of Commons, where the Tory element was very strong,
William found his bitterest opponents. The Whig Upper House suc-
ceeded in helping him to a victory over the Resumption Bill, but the
victory was dearly bought. Both houses took up an attitude to each
other of determined opposition. The elections of February, 1701,
resulted in a large addition to the Tory strength ; this, with the fact of
the death of the only surviving son of Princess Anne, compelled the king to
make terms with the stronger party. The unpopular Partition Treaty was
seized on as offering a ready excuse for the Tories' demands. They were
not satisfied with the dismissal of the Whig Lord Chancellor, Lord Somers,
but they took steps to impeach him along with Lords Orford, Halifax, and
the Earl of Portland, for their share in the treaty. At the same time
the Commons addressed William to remove these lords from his councils
and court. The House of Lords took up the case of their fellow-peers,
and petitioned the king to await the issue of their trial. It was at this
juncture that Swift stepped in with his pamphlet. While being a defence
of Somers, it brought both parties to a sense of the dangers they were
courting by a piece of admirable comparison. Happily for Swift's
reputation, events followed which justified his prognostications. The
death of James II. ended in Louis XIV. ; s acknowledgment of the
Pretender. This roused the English people to an ardent expression of
loyalty to William, and the November elections found Parliament
strongly Whig, and all for the king.
Swift's avowal of the authorship brought him the friendship of Somers,
Bishop Burnet, and the leaders of the Whig party. So highly was the
pamphlet thought of, that it was considered by many that either Somers
or the Bishop of Salisbury had written it.
The " balance of power " theory, which Swift assumes in this
pamphlet, was one commonly accepted by the politicians of his day.
The Revolution had upset the doctrine of the divine right of kings.
Society was now considered, as Locke expounded it — a collection of in-
dividuals who had originally entered on a contract to give up some por
tion of their liberty in order to maintain the harmony of the body politic.
This theory Swift found elaborated in detail in Harrington's "Oceana."
It is not a theory which Swift could accept without many reservations.
In spite of his antagonism to Hobbes, Swift had much in common with
that acute thinker ; and we find, in the course of this essay, that the
power of the people becomes the power of the king. He felt instinc-
tively that the dangers from a democracy were not a whit less harmful
than those which had resulted from a monarchy. [T. S.]
A
DISCOURSE
O F T H E
Contefts and Dljfenjions
BETW EEN THE
NOBLES and the COMMONS
I N
ATHENS and ROME,
WITH THE
Conferences they had upon both thofe
STATES.
-•Si tibi vera videtur
Dcdc mantis ; & ft falja efl accing".re contra, Lucrec.
LONDON:
Printed (ox John Null neat Stationers- Hall, 170U
DISCOURSE, &c.
CHAP. I.
""PIS agreed, that in all government there is an absolute
■*■ unlimited power, which naturally and originally seems to
be placed in the whole body, wherever the executive part of
it lies. This holds in the body natural ; for wherever we
place the beginning of motion, whether from the head, or the
heart, or the animal spirits in general, the body moves and
acts by a consent of all its parts. This unlimited power,
placed fundamentally in the body of a People, is what the
best legislators of all ages have endeavoured, in their several
schemes or institutions of government, to deposit in such
hands as would preserve the people from rapine and op-
pression within, as well as violence from without. Most of
them seem to agree in this, that it was a trust too great to be
committed to any one man or assembly, and, therefore, they
left the right still in the whole body ; but the administration
or executive part, in the hands of the one, the few, or the
many, into which three powers all independent bodies of men
seem naturally to divide ; for by all I have read of those
innumerable and petty commonwealths in Italy, Greece, and
Sicily, as well as the great ones of Carthage and Rome, it
seems to me, that a free People met together, whether by
compact, or family government, as soon as they fall into any
acts of civil society, do of themselves divide into three
powers. The first is that of some one eminent spirit, who,
having signalized his valour and fortune in defence of his
country, or by the practice of popular arts at home, comes to
have great influence on the people, to grow their leader in
warlike expeditions, and to preside, after a sort, in their civil
assemblies ; and this is grounded upon the principles of
nature and common reason, which, in all difficulties or
232 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
dangers, where prudence or courage is required, rather incite
us to fly for counsel or assistance to a single person, than a
multitude. The second natural division of power is, of such
men, who have acquired large possessions, and consequently
dependencies, or descend from ancestors who have left them
great inheritances, together with an hereditary authority.
These easily uniting in thoughts and opinions, and acting in
concert, begin to enter upon measures for securing their
properties, which are best upheld by preparing against in-
vasions from abroad, and maintaining peace at home ; this
commences a great council, or Senate of Nobles, for the
weighty affairs of the nation. The last division is, of the
mass or body of the people, whose part of power is great and
indisputable, whenever they can unite either collectively, or
by deputation, to exert it. Now the three forms of govern-
ment so generally known in the schools, differ only by the
civil administration being placed in the hands of one, ot
sometimes two, (as in Sparta,) who were called Kings ; or in
a senate, who were called the Nobles ; or in the people col-
lective or representative, who may be called the Commons.
Each of these had frequently the executive power in Greece,
and sometimes in Rome ; but the power in the last resort
was always meant by legislators to be held in balance among
all three. And it will be an eternal rule in politics among
every free people, that there is a balance of power to be
carefully held by every state within itself, as well as among
several states with each other.
The true meaning of a balance of power, either without or
within a state, is best conceived by considering what the
nature of a balance is. It supposes three things : First, the
part which is held, together with the hand that holds it ; and
then the two scales, with whatever is weighed therein. Now
consider several states in a neighbourhood; in order to
preserve peace between these states, it is necessary they
should be formed into a balance, whereof one or more are to
be directors, who are to divide the rest into equal scales, and,
upon occasion, remove from one into the other, or else fall
with their own weight into the lightest ; so, in a state within
itself, the balance must be held by a third hand, who is to
deal the remaining power with the utmost exactness into the
several scales. Now it is not necessary, that the power
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 233
should be equally divided between these three; for the balance
may be held by the weakest, who, by his address and con-
duct, removing from either scale and adding of his own, may
keep the scales duly poised. Such was that of the two kings
of Sparta, the consular power in Rome, that of the kings of
Media before the reign of Cyrus, as represented by Xenophon;
and that of the several limited states in the Gothic institution.
When the balance is broken, whether by the negligence,
folly, or weakness of the hand that held it, or by mighty
weights fallen into either scale, the power will never continue
long in equal division between the two remaining parties, but
(till the balance is fixed anew) will run entirely into one.
This gives the truest account of what is understood in the
most ancient and approved Greek authors, by the word
Tyranny, which is not meant for the seizing of the un-
controlled or absolute power into the hands of a single
person (as many superficial men have grossly mistaken) but
for the breaking of the balance by whatever hand, and leaving
the power wholly in one scale : For tyranny and usurpation
in a state are by no means confined to any number, as might
easily appear from examples enough ; and, because the point
is material, I shall cite a few to prove it.
The Romans 1 having sent to Athens, and the Greek cities
of Italy, for the copies of the best laws, chose ten legislators
to put them into form, and, during the exercise of their
office, suspended the consular power, leaving the administra-
tion of affairs in their hands. These very men, though
chosen for such a work, as the digesting a body of laws for
the government of a free state, did immediately usurp
arbitrary power : ran into all the forms of it, had their guards
and spies after the practice of the tyrants of those ages,
affected kingly state, destroyed the Nobles, and oppressed
the People ; one of them proceeding so far as to endeavour to
force a lady of great virtue : the very crime, which gave occa-
sion to the expulsion of the regal power but sixty years before,
as this attempt did to that of the Decemviri.
The Ephori in Sparta were at first only certain persons
deputed by the kings to judge in civil matters, while they
were employed in the wars. These men, at several times,
1 Dionys. Hal. lib. 10.
234 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
usurped the absolute authority, and were as cruel tyrants as
any in their age.
Soon after the unfortunate expedition into Sicily, 1 the
Athenians chose four hundred men for administration of
affairs, who became a body of tyrants, and were called, in the
language of those ages, an Oligarchy, or Tyranny of the Few ;
under which hateful denomination they were soon after de-
posed in great rage by the People.
When Athens was subdued by Lysander, 2 he appointed
thirty men for the administration of that city, who immediately
fell into the rankest tyranny ; but this was not all ; for, con-
ceiving their power not founded on a basis large enough,
they admitted three thousand into a share of the government ;
and thus fortified, became the cruellest tyranny upon record.
They murdered in cold blood great numbers of the best men,
without any provocation, from the mere lust of cruelty, like
Nero or Caligula. This was such a number of tyrants
together, as amounted to near a third part of the whole city ;
for Xenophon tells us, 3 that the city contained about ten
thousand houses ; and allowing one man to every house, who
could have any share in the government, (the rest consisting
of women, children, and servants,) and making other obvious
abatements, these tyrants, if they had been careful to adhere
together, might have been a majority even of the people
collective.
In the time of the second Punic war, 4 the balance of power
in Carthage was got on the side of the people, and this to a
degree, that some authors reckon the government to have
been then among them a dominatio plebis, or Tyranny of the
Commons ; which it seems they were at all times apt to fall
into, and was at last among the causes that ruined their
state : and the frequent murders of their generals, which
Diodorus 5 tells us was grown to an established custom among
them, may be another instance, that tyranny is not confined to
numbers.
I shall mention but one example more among a great
number that might be produced ; it is related by the author
last cited. 6 The orators of the people at Argos (whether you
1 Thucyd. lib. 8. 2 Xenoph. de Rebus Grtec. 1. 2.
3 Memorab. lib. 3. 4 Polyb. Frag. lib. 6.
6 Lib. 20. 8 Lib. 15.
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 235
will style them, in modern phrase, great speakers of the
house ; or only, in general, representatives of the people col-
lective) stirred up the commons against the nobles, of whom
1 600 were murdered at once ; and at last, the orators them-
selves, because they left off their accusations, or, to speak
intelligibly, because they withdrew their impeachments;
having, it seems, raised a spirit they were not able to lay.
And this last circumstance, as cases have lately stood, may
perhaps be worth noting.
From what has been already advanced, several conclusions
may be drawn.
First, That a mixed government, partaking of the known
forms received in the schools, is by no means of Gothic in-
vention, but hath place in nature and reason, seems very
well to agree with the sentiments of most legislators, and to
have been followed in most states, whether they have
appeared under the name of monarchies, aristocracies, or
democracies : For, not to mention the several republics of
this composition in Gaul and Germany, described by Caesar
and Tacitus, Polybius tells us, the best government is that,
which consists of three forms, Regno, Optimatium, et Populi
imperio ; x which may be fairly translated, the King, Lords,
and Commons. Such was that of Sparta, in its primitive
institution by Lycurgus ; who, observing the corruptions and
depravations to which every of these was subject, com-
pounded his scheme out of all ; so that it was made up of
Reges, Seniores, et Populus. Such also was the state of
Rome under its consuls ; and the author tells us, that the
Romans fell upon this model purely by chance, (which I
take to have been nature and common reason,) but the
Spartans by thought and design. And such at Carthage was
the summa reipublicce, 2 or power in the last resort ; for they
had their kings, called Suffetes, and a Senate, which had the
power of nobles, and the people had a share established too.
Secondly, It will follow, that those reasoners, who employ
so much of their zeal, their wit, and their leisure for the up-
holding the balance of power in Christendom, at the same
time that by their practices they are endeavouring to destroy
it at home, are not such mighty patriots, or so much i/i the
1 Frag. lib. 6. a Id. ib.
236 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
true interest of their country, as they would affect to be
thought, but seem to be employed like a man, who pulls
down with his right hand what he has been building with
his left.
Thirdly, This makes appear the error of those, who think
it an uncontrollable maxim, that power is always safer lodged
in many hands than in one : For, if these many hands be
made up only from one of the three divisions before-men-
tioned, it is plain from those examples already produced, and
easy to be paralleled in other ages and countries, that they
are capable of enslaving the nation, and of acting all manner
of tyranny and oppression, as it is possible for a single person
to be, although we should suppose their number not only to
be of four or five hundred, but above three thousand.
Again, it is manifest, from what has been said, that, in
order to preserve the balance in a mixed state, the limits of
power deposited with each party ought to be ascertained,
and generally known. The defect of this is the cause that
introduces those stragglings in a state, about Prerogative and
Liberty ; about Encroachments of the Few upon the Rights
of the Many, and of the Many upon the Privileges of the
Few, which ever did, and ever will, conclude in a Tyranny ;
first, either of the Few, or the Many ; but at last, infallibly
of a single person : For whichever of the three divisions in
a state is upon the scramble for more power than its own,
(as one or other of them generally is,) unless due care be
taken by the other two, upon every new question that arises,
they will be sure to decide in favour of themselves, talk
much of inherent Right ; they will nourish up a dormant
power, and reserve privileges in petto, to exert upon occasions,
to serve expedients, and to urge upon necessities ; they
will make large demands, and scanty concessions, ever
coming off considerable gainers : Thus at length the balance
is broke, and Tyranny let in, from which door of the three
it matters not.
To pretend to a declarative right upon any occasion what-
soever, is little less than to make use of the whole power ;
that is, to declare an opinion to be law, which has always
been contested, or perhaps never started at all before such
an incident brought it on the stage. Not to consent to the
enacting of such a law, which has no view beside the general
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 237
good, unless another law shall at the same time pass, with
no other view but that of advancing the power of one party
alone ; what is this but to claim a positive voice as well as a
negative? 1 To pretend that great changes and alienations
of property have created new and great dependencies, and,
consequently, new additions of power, as some reasoners
have done, is a most dangerous tenet. 2 If dominion must
follow property, let it follow in the same pace ; for, change
in property through the bulk of a nation makes slow
marches, and its due power always attends it. To conclude,
that whatever attempt is begun by an assembly ought to be
pursued to the end, without regard to the greatest incidents
that may happen to alter the case ; to count it mean, and
below the dignity of a house, to quit a prosecution; to
resolve upon a conclusion, before it is possible to be apprised
of the premises ; to act thus, I say, is to affect not only
absolute power, but infallibility too. 3 Yet such unaccount-
able proceedings as these have popular assemblies engaged
in, for want of fixing the due limits of power and privilege.
Great changes may indeed be made in a government, yet
the form continue, and the balance be held : But large in-
tervals of time must pass between every such innovation,
enough to melt down and make it of a piece with the con-
stitution. Such, we are told, were the proceedings of Solon,
when he modelled anew the Athenian Commonwealth ;
1 On the second of April, 1701, the House of Commons sent up to
the House of Peers the bill for the land-tax, to which they had coupled,
or, as the phrase went, tacked, a clause for the sale of the forfeited
estates in Ireland, to follow upon the resumption of the grants of the
said estates, made by King William to the Countess of Orkney, his
mistress, and to several of his favourites. This being thought to en-
croach upon the privileges of the peers, was the subject of warm dis-
cussion between the two Houses, and the bill was only passed by the
special interference of the king, who dreaded the consequences of the
dispute to which it gave rise. [S.]
2 In the bill for resumption of the forfeited estates in Ireland was a
clause for erecting a judicature to decide the claims touching the said
property. And, in other respects, the House acted as if the peculiar
extent and importance of these forfeitures had given the national council
a greater title to interfere in the management of them, than in the dis-
posal of escheats of less importance. [S.]
3 Alluding to the commons declining to give up the impeachment of
the four lords, although they experienced the difficulty of supporting it
by specific articles of accusation. [S.]
238 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
and what convulsions in our own, as well as other states,
have been bred by a neglect of this rule, is fresh and notori-
ous enough : It is too soon, in all conscience, to repeat this
error again.
Having shown, that there is a natural balance of power in
all free states, and how it hath been divided, sometimes by
the people themselves, as in Rome, at others by the institu-
tions of the legislators, as in the several states of Greece and
Sicily ; the next thing is to examine what methods have been
taken to break or overthrow this balance, which every one of
the three parties hath continually endeavoured, as opportu-
nities have served ; as might appear from the stories of most
ages and countries : For, absolute power in a particular
state is of the same nature with universal monarchy in several
states adjoining to each other. So endless and exorbitant
are the desires of men, whether considered in their persons
or their states, that they will grasp at all, and can form no
scheme of perfect happiness with less. Ever since men
have been united into governments, the hopes and en-
deavours after universal monarchy have been bandied among
them, from the reign of Ninus, to this of the Most Christian
King ; in which pursuits commonwealths have had their
share, as well as monarchs : So the Athenians, the Spartans,
the Thebans, and the Achaians, did several times aim at the
universal monarchy of Greece ; so the commonwealths of
Carthage and Rome affected the universal monarchy of the
then known world. In like manner has absolute power
been pursued by the several parties of each particular state ;
wherein single persons have met with most success, though
the endeavours of the Few and the Many have been frequent
enough ; but, being neither so uniform in their designs, nor
so direct in their views, they neither could manage nor main-
tain the power they had got ; but were ever deceived by the
popularity and ambition of some single person. So that it
will be always a wrong step in policy, for the Nobles and
Commons to carry their endeavours after power so far as
to overthrow the balance : And it would be enough to
damp their warmth in such pursuits, if they could once
reflect, that in such a course they will be sure to run upon
the very rock that they meant to avoid ; which, I suppose,
they would have us think is the tyranny of a single person.
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 239
Many examples might be produced of the endeavours of
each of these three rivals after absolute power ; but I shall
suit my discourse to the time I am writing in, and relate
only such dissensions in Greece and Rome, between the
Nobles and Commons, with the consequences of them,
wherein the latter were the aggressors.
I shall begin with Greece, where my observation shall
be confined to Athens, though several instances might be
brought from other states thereof.
CHAP. II.
Of the Dissensions in Athens, between the Few and the Many.
Theseus is the first who is recorded, with any appearance of
truth, to have brought the Grecians from a barbarous manner
of life, among scattered villages, into cities; and to have
established the popular state in Athens, assigning to himself
the guardianship of the laws, and chief command in war.
He was forced, after some time, to leave the Athenians to
their own measures, upon account of their seditious temper,
which ever continued with them, till the final dissolution of
their government by the Romans. It seems, the country
about Attica was the most barren of any in Greece ; through
which means it happened, that the natives were never
expelled by the fury of invaders, (who thought it not worth
a conquest,) but continued always aborigines ; and therefore
retained, through all revolutions, a tincture of that turbulent
spirit wherewith their government began. This institution of
Theseus appears to have been rather a sort of mixed
monarchy than a popular state, and for aught we know,
might continue so during the series of kings, till the death of
Codrus. From this last prince, Solon was said to be de-
scended ; who, finding the people engaged in two violent
factions of the Poor and the Rich, and in great confusion there-
upon ; refusing the monarchy which was offered him, chose
rather to cast the government after another model, wherein he
madedue provision for settling the balance of power, choosing
a senate of four hundred and disposing the magistracies and
240 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
offices according to men's estates ; leaving to the multitude
their votes in electing, and the power of judging certain pro-
cesses by appeal. This council of 400 was chosen, 100 out
of each tribe, and seems to have been a body representative
of the people; though the people collective reserved a
share of power to themselves. It is a point of history per-
plexed enough ; but this much is certain, that the balance
of power was provided for ; else Pisistratus, called by authors
the Tyrant of Athens, could never have governed so peace-
ably as he did, without changing any of Solon's laws. 1 These
several powers, together with that of the Archon or chief
magistrate, made up the form of government in Athens, at
what time it began to appear upon the scene of action and
story.
The first great man bred up under this institution was
Miltiades, who lived about ninety years after Solon, and is
reckoned to have been the first great captain, not only of
Athens, but of all Greece. From the time of Miltiades
to that of Phocion, who is looked upon as the last famous
general of Athens, are about 1 30 years ; after which, they were
subdued and insulted by Alexander's captains, and continued
under several revolutions a small truckling state of no name
or reputation, till they fell, with the rest of Greece, under the
power of the Romans.
During this period from Miltiades to Phocion, I shall
trace the conduct of the Athenians with relation to their
dissensions between the People and some of their Generals ;
who, at that time, by their power and credit in the army, in
a warlike commonwealth, and often supported by each other,
were, with the magistrates and other civil officers, a sort of
counterpoise to the power of the people, who, since the death
of Solon, had already made great encroachments. What
these dissensions were, how founded, and what the con-
sequences of them, I shall briefly and impartially relate.
I must here premise, that the Nobles in Athens were not
at this time a corporate assembly, that I can gather ; there-
fore the resentments of the Commons were usually turned
against particular persons, and by way of articles of impeach-
ment. Whereas the Commons in Rome and some other
1 Herodot. lib. I.
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 241
states, as will appear in a proper place, though they followed
this method upon occasion, yet generally pursued the en-
largement of their power by more set quarrels of one entire
assembly against another. However, the custom of particular
impeachments being not limited to former ages, any more
than that of general struggles and dissensions between fixed
assemblies of Nobles and Commons ; and the ruin of Greece
having been owing to the former, as that of Rome was to the
latter ; I shall treat on both expressly ; that those states who
are concerned in either, (if, at least, there be any such now
in the world,) may, by observing the means and issues
of former dissensions, learn whether the causes are alike in
theirs j and if they find them to be so, may consider whether
they ought not justly to apprehend the same effects.
To speak of every particular person impeached by the
Commons of Athens, within the compass designed, would
introduce the history of almost every great man they had
among them. I shall therefore take notice only of six, who,
living at that period of time when Athens was at the height
of its glory, (as indeed it could not be otherwise while such
hands were at the helm) though impeached for high crimes
and misdemeanours, such as bribery, arbitrary proceedings,
misapplying or embezzling public funds, ill conduct at sea,
and the like, were honoured and lamented by their country
as the preservers of it, and have had the veneration of all ages
since paid justly to their memories.
Miltiades 1 was one of the Athenian generals against the
Persian power, and the famous victory at Marathon was
chiefly owing to his valour and conduct. Being sent some
time after to reduce the Island of Paros, he mistook a great
fire at a distance for the fleet, and being no ways a match
for them, set sail for Athens : At his arrival he was impeached
by the Commons for treachery, though not able to appear by
reason of his wounds, fined 30,000 crowns, and died in
prison. Though the consequences of this proceeding upon
the affairs of Athens were no otherwise than by the untimely
loss of so great and good a man, yet I could not forbear
relating it.
1 Lord Orford seems to be presented under the character of Miltiades,
as well as under that of Themistocles ; as the cases of Pericles and
Alcibiades both apply to the character of Halifax. [S.]
I. R
242 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
Their next great man was Aristides. 1 Beside the mighty
service he had done his country in the wars ; he was a person
of the strictest justice, and best acquainted with the laws as
well as forms of their government, so that he was in a manner
Chancellor of Athens. This man, upon a slight and false
accusation of favouring arbitrary power, was banished by
ostracism ; which, rendered into modern English, would signify,
that they voted he should be removed from their presence
and councils for ever. But they had soon the wit to recal
him, and to that action owed the preservation of their state
by his future services. For it must be still confessed in
behalf of the Athenian People, that they never conceived
themselves perfectly infallible, nor arrived to the heights of
modern assemblies, to make obstinacy confirm what sudden
heat and temerity began. They thought it not below the
dignity of an assembly to endeavour at correcting an ill step ;
at least to repent, though it often fell out too late.
Themistocles 2 was at first a Commoner himself. It was he
that raised the Athenians to their greatness at sea, which he
thought to be the true and constant interest of that Common-
wealth ; and the famous naval victory over the Persians at
Salamis was owing to his conduct. It seems the people
observed somewhat of haughtiness in his temper and be-
haviour, and therefore banished him for five years ; but
finding some slight matter of accusation against him, they
sent to seize his person, and he hardly escaped to the Persian
court ; from whence, if the love of his country had not
surmounted its base ingratitude to him, he had many
invitations to return at the head of the Persian fleet, and
take a terrible revenge ; but he rather chose a voluntary death.
The people of Athens impeached Pericles 3 for misapplying
the public revenues to his own private use. He had been a
person of great deservings from the Republic, was an admir-
able speaker, and very popular. His accounts were confused,
and he could not then give them up ; 4 therefore, merely to
1 Lord Somers. [Orrery.]
a Admiral Russell, created Earl of Orford. [Orrery.]
8 Under the fate of Pericles, and again under that of Alcibiades, Swift
points out circumstances parallel to the case of Halifax. [S.]
4 In Faulkner's edition (1735) this passage is given — "and he
wanted time to adjust them." [T. S.]
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 243
divert that difficulty, and the consequences of it, he was forced
to engage his country in the Peloponnesian war, the longest
that ever was known in Greece, and which ended in the
utter ruin of Athens.
The same people having resolved to subdue Sicily, sent a
mighty fleet under the command of Nicias, Lamachus, and
Alcibiades : the two former, persons of age and experience ;
the last, a young man of noble birth, excellent education, and
a plentiful fortune. A little before the fleet set sail, it seems,
one night, the stone-images of Mercury, placed in several
parts of the city, were all pared in the face : This action the
Athenians interpreted for a design of destroying the popular
state ; and Alcibiades, having been formerly noted for the like
frolics and excursions, was immediately accused of this, He,
whether conscious of his innocence, or assured of the
secrecy, offered to come to his trial before he went to
his command ; this the Athenians refused ; but as soon as
he was got to Sicily, they sent for him back, designing
to take the advantage, and prosecute him in the absence of
his friends, and of the army, where he was very powerful.
It seems, he understood the resentments of a popular
assembly too well to trust them ; and, therefore, instead of
returning, escaped to Sparta , where his desires of revenge
prevailing over his love to his country, he became its greatest
enemy. Meanwhile the Athenians, before Sicily, by the
death of one commander, and the superstition, weakness,
and perfect ill-conduct of the other, were utterly destroyed,
the whole fleet taken, and a miserable slaughter made of the
army, whereof hardly one ever returned. Some time after
this, Alcibiades was recalled upon his own conditions by the
necessities of the People ; and made chief commander at
sea and land ; but his lieutenant engaging against his
positive orders, and being beaten by Lysander, Alcibiades
was again disgraced and banished. However, the Athenians
having lost all strength and heart since their misfortune at
Sicily, and now deprived of the only person that was able to
recover their losses, repent of their rashness, and endeavour
in vain for his restoration ; the Persian lieutenant, to whose
protection he fled, making him a sacrifice to the resentments
of Lysander, the general of the Lacedemonians, who now
reduces all the dominions of the Athenians, takes the city, razes
244 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
their walls, ruins their works, and changes the form of their
government ; which, though again restored for some time by
Thrasybulus, (as their walls were rebuilt by Conon,) yet here
we must date the fall of the Athenian greatness ; the domi-
nion and chief power in Greece from that period to the
time of Alexander the Great, which was about fifty years,
being divided between the Spartans and Thebans. Though
Philip, Alexander's father, (the most Christian king of that
age,) had indeed some time before begun to break in upon
the republic of Greece by conquest or bribery, particularly
dealing large money among some popular orators, by which
he brought many of them (as the term of art was then) to
Philippize.
In the time of Alexander and his captains, the Athenians
were offered an opportunity of recovering their liberty, and
being restored to their former state ; but the wise turn they
thought to give the matter, was by an impeachment and
sacrifice of the author to hinder the success. For, after the
destruction of Thebes by Alexander ; this prince designing
the conquest of Athens, was prevented by Phocion, 1 the
Athenian general, then ambassador from that state ; who, by
his great wisdom and skill at negotiations, diverted Alexander
from his design, and restored the Athenians to his favour.
The very same success he had with Antipater after Alexan-
der's death, at which time the government was new regulated
by Solon's laws : But Polyperchon, in hatred to Phocion,
having by order of the young king, (whose governor he was,)
restored those whom Phocion had banished, the plot suc-
ceeded ; Phocion was accused by popular orators, and put
to death.
Thus was the most powerful commonwealth of all Greece,
after great degeneracies from the institution of Solon, utterly
destroyed by that rash, jealous, and inconstant humour of
the People, which was never satisfied to see a general either
victorious or unfortunate ; such ill judges, as well as re-
warders, have Popular Assemblies been, of those who best
deserved from them.
Now, the circumstance which makes these examples of
more importance is, that this very power of the People in
1 William Bentinck, Earl of Portland. [Orrery.]
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 245
Athens, claimed so confidently for an inherent right, and in-
sisted on as the undoubted privilege of an Athenian born,
was the rankest encroachment imaginable, and the grossest
degeneracy from the form that Solon left them. In short,
their government was grown into a dominatio plebis, or
Tyranny of the People, who by degrees had broke and over-
threw the balance, which that legislator had very well fixed
and provided for. This appears not only from what has
been already said of that lawgiver ; but more manifestly from
a passage in Diodorus ; ' who tells us, that Antipater, one of
Alexander's captains, " abrogated the popular government (in
Athens) and restored the power of suffrages and magistracy
to such only as were worth two thousand drachmas ; by which
means, (says he,) that Republic came to be [again] administered
by the laws of Solon." By this quotation 'tis manifest that
this great author looked upon Solon's institution, and a
popular government, to be two different things. And as for
this restoration by Antipater, it had neither consequence nor
continuance worth observing.
I might easily produce many more examples, but these
are sufficient : and it may be worth the reader's time to re-
flect a little on the merits of the cause, as well as of the men,
who had been thus dealt with by their country. I shall
direct him no further than by repeating, that Aristides 2 was
the most renowned by the people themselves for his exact
justice and knowledge in the law. That Themistocles 3 was
a most fortunate admiral, and had got a mighty victory over
the great King of Persia's fleet ; that Pericles 4 was an able
minister of state, an excellent orator, and a man of letters ;
and, lastly, that Phocion, 5 besides the success of his arms,
was also renowned for his negotiations abroad, having in an
embassy brought the greatest monarch of the world at that
time to the terms of an honourable peace, by which his
country was preserved.
I shall conclude my remarks upon Athens with the
character given us of that People by Polybius. " About this
time, (says he,) the Athenians were governed by two men,
quite sunk in their affairs ; had little or no commerce with
1 Lib. 18. a Somers. * Orford.
* Halifax. * Portland.
246 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
the rest of Greece, and were become great reverencers of
crowned heads."
For, from the time of Alexander's captains, till Greece
was subdued by the Romans, (to the latter part of which
this description of Polybius falls in,) Athens never produced
one famous man either for counsels or arms, or hardly for
learning. And, indeed, it was a dark insipid period through
all Greece : for except the Achaian league under Aratus
and Philopcemen, 1 and the endeavours of Agis and Cleomenes
to restore the state of Sparta, so frequently harassed by
tyrannies occasioned by the popular practices of the Ephori,
there was very little worth recording. All which conse-
quences may perhaps be justly imputed to this degeneracy
of Athens.
CHAP. III.
Of the Dissensions between the Patricians and Plebeians
in Rome, with the Consequences they had upon that State.
Having in the foregoing Chapter confined myself to the
proceedings of the Commons only, by the method of im-
peachments against particular persons, with the fatal effects
they had upon the state of Athens ; I shall now treat of the
dissensions at Rome, between the People and the collective
body of the Patricians or Nobles. It is a large subject, but
I shall draw it into as narrow a compass as I can.
As Greece, from the most ancient accounts we have of it,
was divided into several kingdoms, so was most part of
Italy 2 into several petty commonwealths. And as those
kings in Greece are said to have been deposed by their
People upon the score of their arbitrary proceedings ; so, on
the contrary, the commonwealths of Italy were all swallowed
up, and concluded in the tyranny of the Roman emperors.
However, the differences between those Grecian monarchies
and Italian Republics were not very great : for, by the
accounts Homer gives us of those Grecian princes who came
to the siege of Troy, as well as by several passages in the
1 Polyb. 2 Dionys. Halicar.
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 247
Odyssey ; it is manifest, that the power of these princes in
their several states was much of a size with that of the kings
in Sparta, the Archon at Athens, the Suffetes at Carthage,
and the Consuls in Rome : So that a limited and divided
power seems to have been the most ancient and inherent
principle of both those People in matters of government.
And such did that of Rome continue from the time of
Romulus, though with some interruptions, to Julius Csesar,
when it ended in the tyranny of a single person. During
which period (not many years longer than from the Norman
conquest to our age) the Commons were growing by degrees
into power and property, gaining ground upon the Patricians,
as it were, inch by inch, till at last they quite overturned the
balance, leaving all doors open to the practices of popular
and ambitious men, who destroyed the wisest republic, and
enslaved the noblest people that ever entered upon the stage
of the world. By what steps and degrees this was brought
to pass shall be the subject of my present enquiry.
While Rome was governed by kings, the monarchy was
altogether elective. Romulus himself, when he had built
the city, was declared king by the universal consent of the
People, and by augury, which was there understood for
Divine appointment. Among other divisions he made of
the People, one was into Patricians and Plebeians : the
former were like the Barons of England some time after the
conquest ; and the latter are also described to be almost
exactly what our Commons were then. For they were
dependents upon the Patricians, whom they chose for their
patrons and protectors, to answer for their appearance, and
defend them in any process : they also supplied their
patrons with money in exchange for their protection. This
custom of patronage, it seems, was very ancient, and long
practised among the Greeks.
Out of these Patricians Romulus chose a hundred to be a
Senate, or Grand Council, for advice and assistance to him
in the administration. The Senate, therefore, originally
consisted all of nobles, and were of themselves a standing
council, the People being only convoked upon such occasions,
as by this institution of Romulus fell into their cognizance :
Those were, to constitute magistrates, to give their votes for
making laws, and to advise upon entering on a war. But
248 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
the two former of these popular privileges were to be con-
firmed by authority of the Senate ; and the last was only per-
mitted at the King's pleasure. This was the utmost extent
of power pretended to by the Commons in the time of Ro-
mulus ; all the rest being divided between the King and the
Senate, the whole agreeing very nearly with the constitution
of England for some centuries after the conquest.
After a year's interregnum from the death of Romulus,
the Senate of their own authority chose a successor, and a
stranger, merely upon the fame of his virtue, without asking
the consent of the Commons ; which custom they likewise
observed in the two following kings. But in the election of
Tarquinius Priscus, the fifth king, we first hear mentioned,
that it was done, populi impetrata venia ; which indeed was
but very reasonable for a free people to expect ; though I
cannot remember, in my little reading, by what incidents
they were brought to advance so great a step. However it
were, this prince, in gratitude to the People, by whose con-
sent he was chosen, elected a hundred Senators out of the
Commons, whose number, with former additions, was now
amounted to three hundred.
The People having once discovered their own strength,
did soon take occasion to exert it, and that by very great
degrees. 1 For at this king's death, (who was murdered by
the sons of a former,) being at a loss for a successor, Servius
Tullius, a stranger, and of mean extraction, was chosen pro-
tector of the kingdom by the People, without the consent of
the Senate ; at which the Nobles being displeased, he wholly
applied himself to gratify the Commons, and was by them
declared and confirmed no longer protector, but King.
This prince first introduced the custom of giving freedom
to servants, so as to become citizens of equal privileges with
the rest, which very much contributed to increase the power
of the People.
Thus in a very few years the Commons proceeded so far,
as to wrest even the power of choosing a king entirely out of the
hands of the Nobles ; which was so great a leap, and caused
such a convulsion and struggle in the state, that the consti-
1 Alluding to the great rebellion, and protectorship of Oliver Crom-
well. [S.]
I
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 249
tution could not bear it ; but civil dissensions arose, which
immediately were followed by the tyranny of a single person,
as this was by the utter subversion of the regal government,
and by a settlement upon a new foundation. For the Nobles,
spited at this indignity done them by the Commons, firmly
united in a body, deposed this prince by plain force, and
chose Tarquin the Proud, 1 who, running into all the forms
and methods of tyranny, after a cruel reign, was expelled by
a universal concurrence of Nobles and People, whom the
miseries of his reign had reconciled.
When the Consular government began, the balance of
power between the Nobles and Plebeians was fixed anew.
The two first Consuls were nominated by the Nobles, and
confirmed by the Commons ; and a law was enacted, That no
person should bear any magistracy in Rome, injussu populi ;
that is, without consent of the Commons.
In such turbulent times as these, many of the poorer
citizens had contracted numerous debts, either to the richer
sort among themselves, or to senators and other nobles : and
the case of debtors in Rome for the first four centuries 2
was, after the set time for payment, no choice but either
to pay or be the creditor's slave. In this juncture, the
Commons leave the city in mutiny and discontent, and will
not return but upon condition to be acquitted of all their
debts; and moreover, that certain magistrates be chosen
yearly ; whose business it shall be to defend the Commons
from injuries. These are called Tribunes of the People,
their persons are held sacred and inviolable, and the People
bind themselves by oath never to abrogate the office. By
these Tribunes, in process of time, the People were grossly
imposed on to serve the turns and occasions of revengeful or
ambitious men, and to commit such exorbitances, as could
not end but in the dissolution of the government.
These Tribunes, a year or two after their institution, kindled
great dissensions between the Nobles and the Commons on
the account of Coriolanus, a nobleman, whom the latter had
impeached, and the consequences of whose impeachment
(if I had not confined myself to Grecian examples for that
part of my subject) had like to have been so fatal to their
1 James II. [S.] 2 Ab urbe condita.
2$0 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
state. And from this time, the Tribunes began a custom of
accusing to the People whatever noble they pleased, several
of whom were banished or put to death in every age.
At this time the Romans were very much engaged in wars
with their neighbouring states ; but upon the least intervals
of peace, the quarrels between the Nobles and the Plebeians
would revive ; and one of the most frequent subjects of their
differences was the conquered lands, which the Commons
would fain have divided among the public ; but the Senate
could not be brought to give their consent. 1 For, several of
the wisest among the Nobles began to apprehend the growing
power of the People; and therefore knowing what an accession
thereof would accrue to them by such an addition of property,
used all means to prevent it : for this the Appian family was
most noted, and thereupon most hated by the Commons.
One of them having made a speech against this division of
lands, was impeached by the People of high treason, and a
day appointed for his trial; but disdaining to make his
defence, chose rather the usual Roman remedy of killing
himself : after whose death the Commons prevailed, and the
lands were divided among them.
This point was no sooner gained, but new dissensions
began ; for the Plebeians would fain have a law enacted to
lay all men's rights and privileges upon the same level ; and to
enlarge the power of every magistrate within his own juris-
diction, as much as that of the Consuls. The Tribunes also
obtained to have their numbers doubled, which before was
five ; and the author tells us, that their insolence and power
increased with their number, and the seditions were also
doubled with it. 2
By the beginning of the fourth century from the building
of Rome, the Tribunes proceeded so far in the name of the
Commons, as to accuse and fine the. Consuls themselves,
who represented the kingly power. And the Senate ob-
serving, how in all contentions they were forced to yield to
the Tribunes and People, thought it their wisest course to
give way also to time : therefore a decree was made to send
ambassadors to Athens, and to the other Grecian common-
wealths planted in that part of Italy called Graecia Major, to
1 Allusion to the forfeited lands in Ireland. [S.]
2 Dionys. Halicar.
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 25 1
make a collection of the best laws ; out of which, and some
of their own, a new complete body of law was formed, after-
ward known by the name of the Laws of the Twelve Tables.
To digest these laws into order, ten men were chosen, and
the administration of all affairs left in their hands ; what use
they made of it has been already shown. It was certainly a
great revolution, produced entirely by the many unjust en-
croachments of the People ; and might have wholly changed
the fate of Rome, if the folly and vice of those, who were
chiefly concerned, could have suffered it to take root.
A few years after, the Commons made farther advances on
the power of the Nobles ; demanding among the rest, that the
Consulship, which hitherto had only been disposed to the
former, should now lie in common to the pretensions of any
Roman whatsoever. This, although it failed at present, yet
afterward obtained, and was a mighty step to the ruin of the
commonwealth.
What I have hitherto said of Rome has been chiefly col-
lected out of that exact and diligent writer Dionysius Hali-
camasseus; whose history (through the injury of time) reaches
no farther than to the beginning of the fourth century after the
building of Rome. The rest I shall supply from other
authors, though I do not think it necessary to deduce this
matter any farther so very particularly as I have hitherto
done.
To point at what time the balance of power was most
equally held between the Lords and Commons in Rome
would perhaps admit a controversy. Polybius tells us, 1 that
in the second Punic war the Carthaginians were declining,
because the balance was got too much on the side of the
People, whereas the Romans were in their greatest vigour by
the power remaining in the Senate; yet this was between
two and three hundred years after the period Dionysius ends
with ; in which time the Commons had made several farther
acquisitions. This, however, must be granted, that, (till
about the middle of the fourth century,) when the Senate
appeared resolute at any time upon exerting their authority,
and adhered closely together, they did often carry their point.
Besides, it is observed by the best authors, 2 that in all the
1 Fragm. lib. 6. 2 Dionys. Hal. Plutarch, &c.
252 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
quarrels and tumults at Rome, from the expulsion of the
kings; though the People frequently proceeded to rude contu-
melious language, and sometimes so far as to pull and hale
one another about the forum ; yet no blood was ever drawn
in any popular commotions, till the time of the Gracchi.
However, I am of opinion, that the balance had begun many
years before to lean to the popular side. But this default was
corrected, partly by the principle just mentioned, of never
drawing blood in a tumult ; partly by the warlike genius of
the People, which in those ages was almost perpetually em-
ployed ; and partly by their great commanders, who, by the
credit they had in their armies, fell into the scales as a farther
counterpoise to the growing power of the People. Besides,
Polybius, who lived in the time of Scipio Africanus the
younger, had the same apprehensions of the continual en-
croachments made by the Commons ; and being a person of
as great abilities, and as much sagacity as any of his age ; from
observing the corruptions, which, he says, had already entered
into the Roman constitution, did very nearly foretel what
would be the issue of them. His words are very remarkable,
and with little addition may be rendered to this purpose i 1
" That those abuses and corruptions, which in time destroy
a government, are sown along with the very seeds of it, and
both grow up together ; and that as rust eats away iron, and
worms devour wood, and both are a sort of plagues born and
bred along with the substance they destroy ; so with every
form and scheme of government that man can invent, some
vice or corruption creeps in with the very institution, which
grows up along with, and at last destroys it." The same
author, 2 in another place, ventures so far as to guess at the
particular fate which would attend the Roman government.
He says, its ruin would arise from the popular tumults, which
would introduce a dominatio plebis, or Tyranny of the People ;
wherein it is certain he had reason ; and therefore might have
adventured to pursue his conjectures so far, as to the conse-
quences of a popular tyranny, which, as perpetual experience
teaches, never fails to be followed by the arbitrary govern-
ment of a single person.
About the middle of the fourth century from the building
i Lib. 5. 2 Fragm. lib. 6.
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 253
of Rome, it was declared lawful for nobles and plebeians to
intermarry ; which custom, among many other states, has
proved the most effectual means to ruin the former, and raise
the latter.
And now the greatest employments in the state were, one
after another, by laws forcibly enacted by the Commons,
made free to the People ; the Consulship itself, the office of
Censor, that of the Quaestors or Commissioners of the
Treasury, the office of Praetor or Chief Justice, the priest-
hood, and even that of Dictator. The Senate, after long
opposition, yielding, merely for present quiet, to the con-
tinual urging clamours of the Commons, and of the Tribunes
their advocates. A law was likewise enacted, that the ple-
biscite., or a Vote of the House of Commons, should be of
universal obligation ; nay, in time the method of enacting
laws was wholly inverted : for, whereas the Senate used of
old to confirm the plebiscita ; the People did at last, as they
pleased, confirm or disannul the senatusconsidta}
Appius Claudius brought in a custom of admitting to the
Senate the sons of freedmen, or of such who had once been
slaves ; by which, and succeeding alterations of the like
nature, that great council degenerated into a most corrupt
and factious body of men, divided against itself, and its
authority became despised.
The century and half following, to the end of the third
Punic war by the destruction of Carthage, was a very busy
period at Rome : the intervals between every war being so
short, that the Tribunes and People had hardly leisure or
breath to engage in domestic dissensions : however, the
little time they could spare was generally employed the same
way. So, Terentius Leo, a Tribune, is recorded to have
basely prostituted the privileges of a Roman citizen, in per-
fect spite to the Nobles. So, the great African Scipio and
his brother, after all their mighty services, were impeached
by an ungrateful Commons.
However, the warlike genius of the people, and continual
employment they had for it, served to divert this humour
from running into a head, till the age of the Gracchi.
These persons, entering the scene in thetime of a full peace,
1 Dionys. Hal. lib. ii.
254 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
fell violently upon advancing the power of the People, by
reducing into practice all those encroachments which they
had been so many years gaining. There were at that time
certain conquered lands to be divided, besides a great private
estate left by a king. These, the Tribunes, by procurement
of the elder Gracchus, declared by their legislative authority,
were not to be disposed of by the Nobles, but by the
Commons only. The younger brother pursued the same
design ; and, besides, obtained a law, that all Italians should
vote at elections, as well as the citizens of Rome : in short,
the whole endeavours of them both perpetually turned upon
retrenching the Nobles' authority in all things, but especially
in the matter of judicature. And although they both lost
their lives in those pursuits, yet they traced out such ways as
were afterward followed by Marius, Sylla, Pompey, and Caesar,
to the ruin of the Roman freedom and greatness.
For in the time of Marius, Saturninus, a Tribune, procured
a law, that the Senate should be bound by oath to agree to
whatever the People would enact : and Marius, himself,
while he was in that office of Tribune, is recorded to have
with great industry used all endeavours for depressing the
Nobles, and raising the People ; particularly for cramping the
former in their power of judicature, which was their most
ancient inherent right.
Sylla, by the same measures, became absolute tyrant of
Rome ; he added three hundred Commons to the Senate,
which perplexed the power of the whole order, and rendered
it ineffectual ; then flinging off the mask, he abolished the
office of Tribune, as being only a scaffold to tyranny, whereof
he had no farther use.
As to Pompey and Caesar, Plutarch tells us, that their
union for pulling down the Nobles (by their credit with the
People) was the cause of the civil war, which ended in the
tyranny of the latter; both of them in their consulships
having used all endeavours and occasions for sinking the
authority of the Patricians, and giving way to all encroach-
ments of the People, wherein they expected best to find their
own account.
From this deduction of popular encroachments in Rome,
the reader will easily judge, how much the balance was fallen
upon that side. Indeed, by this time the very foundation
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 255
was removed, and it was a moral impossibility that the Re-
public could subsist any longer. For the Commons having
usurped the offices of state, and trampled on the Senate,
there was no government left but a dominatio plebis. Let us
therefore examine how they proceeded in this conjuncture.
I think it is an universal truth, that the People are much
more dexterous at pulling down and setting up, than at pre-
serving what is fixed ; and they are not fonder of seizing
more than their own, than they are of delivering it up again
to the worst bidder, with their own into the bargain. For,
although in their corrupt notions of divine worship, they are
apt to multiply their gods ; yet their earthly devotion is
seldom paid to above one idol at a time, of their own crea-
tion ; whose oar they pull with less murmuring, and much
more skill, than when they share the lading, or even hold the
helm.
The several provinces of the Roman empire were now
governed by the great men of their state; those upon the
frontiers, with powerful armies, either for conquest or de-
fence. These governors, upon any designs of revenge or
ambition, were sure to meet with a divided power at home,
and therefore bent all their thoughts and applications to close
in with the People, who were now by many degrees the
stronger party. Two of the greater spirits that Rome ever
produced happened to live at the same time, and to be
engaged in the same pursuit ; and this at a conjuncture the
most dangerous for such a contest. These were Pompey and
Caesar, two stars of such a magnitude, that their conjunction
was as likely to be fatal as their opposition.
The Tribunes and People, having now subdued all com-
petitors, began the last game of a prevalent populace, which
is that of choosing themselves a master ; while the Nobles
foresaw, and used all endeavours left them to prevent it.
The People at first made Pompey their admiral, with full
power over all the Mediterranean ; soon after Captain-General
of all the Roman forces, and governor of Asia. Pompey, on
the other side, restored the office of Tribune, which Sylla
had put down ; and in his Consulship procured a law for ex-
amining into the miscarriages of men in office or command
for twenty years past. Many other examples of Pompey's
popularity are left us on record, who was a perfect favourite
256 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
of the People, and designed to be more ; but his preten-
sions grew stale for want of a timely opportunity of introduc-
ing them upon the stage. For Cassar, with his legions in
Gaul, was a perpetual check upon his designs ; and in the arts
of pleasing the People, did soon after get many lengths
beyond him. For he tells us himself, that the Senate, by a
bold effort, having made some severe decrees against his
proceedings, and against the Tribunes ; these all left the city,
and went over to his party, and consequently along with
them the affections and interests of the People ; which is
farther manifest from the accounts he gives us of the citizens
in several towns mutinying against their commanders, and
delivering both to his devotion. Besides, Caesar's public and
avowed pretensions for beginning the civil war were, to
restore the Tribunes and the People, oppressed (as he pre-
tended) by the Nobles.
This forced Pompey, against his inclinations, upon the
necessity of changing sides, for fear of being forsaken by
both ; and of closing in with the Senate and chief magistrates,
by whom he was chosen general against Cassar.
Thus at length the Senate (at least the primitive part of
them, the Nobles) under Pompey, and the Commons under
Caesar, came to a final decision of the long quarrels between
them. For, I think, the ambition of private men did by no
means begin or occasion this war ; though civil dissensions
never fail of introducing and spiriting the ambition of private
men ; who thus become indeed the great instruments for de-
ciding such quarrels, and at last are sure to seize on the
prize. But no man that sees a flock of vultures hovering
over two armies ready to engage, can justly charge the blood
drawn in the battle to them, though the carcases fall to their
share. For, while the balance of power is equally held, the
ambition of private men, whether orators or great com-
manders, gives neither danger nor fear, nor can possibly
enslave their country ; but that once broken, the divided
parties are forced to unite each to its head, under whose
conduct or fortune one side is at first victorious, and at last
both are slaves. And to put it past dispute, that this entire
subversion of the Roman liberty and constitution was altoge-
ther owing to those measures which had broke the balance
between the Patricians and Plebeians, whereof the ambition of
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 257
particular men was but an effect and consequence ; we need
only consider, that when the uncorrupted part of the Senate
had, by the death of Csesar, made one great effort to restore
the former state and liberty ; the success did not answer their
hopes ; but that whole assembly was so sunk in its autho-
rity, that those patriots were forced to fly, and give way to
the madness of the People ; who, by their own dispositions,
stirred up with the harangues of their orators, were now wholly
bent upon single and despotic slavery. Else, how could
such a profligate as Antony, or a boy of eighteen, like
Octavius, ever dare to dream of giving the law to such an
empire and People? Wherein the latter succeeded, and
entailed the vilest tyranny that Heaven, in its anger, ever in-
flicted on a corrupt and poisoned People. And this, with so
little appearance at Csesar's death, that when Cicero wrote to
Brutus, how he had prevailed by his credit with Octavius to
promise him (Brutus) pardon and security for his person ;
that great Roman received the notice with the utmost in-
dignity, and returned Cicero an answer, (yet upon record,) full
of the highest resentment and contempt for such an offer, and
from such a hand.
Here ended all show or shadow of liberty in Rome.
Here was the repository of all the wise contentions and
struggles for power between the Nobles and Commons,
lapped up safely in the bosom of a Nero and a Caligula, a
Tiberius and a Domitian.
Let us now see, from this deduction of particular impeach-
ments, and general dissensions in Greece and Rome, what
conclusions may naturally be formed for instruction of any
other state, that may haply upon many points labour under
the like circumstances.
CHAP. IV.
Upon the subject of impeachments we may observe, that
the custom of accusing the Nobles to the People, either by
themselves, or their orators, (now styled An Impeachment
in the Name of the Commons,) has been very ancient both
in Greece and Rome, as well as Carthage; and therefore
i. s
258 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
may seem to be the inherent right of a free People ; nay,
perhaps it is really so j but then it is to be considered, first,
that this custom was peculiar to republics, or such states
where the administration lay principally in the hands of the
Commons, and ever raged more or less, according to their
encroachments upon absolute power ; having been always
looked upon by the wisest men and best authors of those
times as an effect of licentiousness, and not of liberty; a
distinction, which no multitude, either represented or col-
lective, has been at any time very nice in observing. How-
ever, perhaps this custom in a popular state, of impeaching
particular men, may seem to be nothing else, but the People's
choosing upon occasion to exercise their own jurisdiction in
person; as if a king of England should sit as chief justice in
his court of King's Bench ; which, they say, in former times
he sometimes did. But in Sparta, which was called a kingly
government, though the People were perfectly free, yet
because the administration was in the two kings and the
Ephori, (with the assistance of the Senate,) we read of no im-
peachments by the People. Nor was the process against
great men, either upon account of ambition or ill conduct,
though it reached sometimes to kings themselves, ever
formed that way, as I can recollect, but only passed through
those hands where the administration lay. So likewise,
during the regal government in Rome, though it was instituted
a mixed monarchy, and the People made great advances in
power, yet I do not remember to have read of one impeach-
ment from the Commons against a patrician, until the
consular state began, and the People had made great en-
croachments upon the administration.
Another thing to be considered is, that, allowing this right
of impeachment to be as inherent as they please : yet, if the
Commons have been perpetually mistaken in the merits of
the causes and the persons, as well as in the consequences of
such impeachments upon the peace of the state ; we cannot
conclude less, than that the Commons in Greece and Rome
(whatever they may be in other states) were by no means
qualified, either as prosecutors or judges in such matters ;
and, therefore, that it would have been prudent to reserve
these privileges dormant, never to be produced but upon
very great and urging occasions, where the state is in apparent
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 259
danger, the universal body of the people in clamours against
the administration, and no other remedy in view. But for a
few popular orators or tribunes, upon the score of personal
piques ; or to employ the pride they conceive in seeing themselves
at the head of a party ; or as a method for advancement ; or
moved by certaifi powerful arguments that could make
Demosthenes philippize : for such men, I say, when the
state would of itself gladly be quiet, and hath, besides, affairs
of the last importance upon the anvil, to impeach Miltiades,
after a great naval victory, for not pursuing the Persian fleet ;
to impeach Aristides, the person most versed among them in
the knowledge and practice of their laws, for a blind suspicion
of his acting in an arbitrary way, {that is, as they expound it,
not in concert with the People); to impeach Pericles, after all
his services, for a few inconsiderable accounts; or to impeach
Phocion, who had been guilty of no other crime but negotiating
a treaty for the peace and security of his country : what could
the continuance of such proceedings end in, but the utter
discouragement of all virtuous actions and persons, and con-
sequently in the ruin of a state ? Therefore the historians of
those ages seldom fail to set this matter in all its lights ;
leaving us in the highest and most honourable ideas of those
persons, who suffered by the persecution of the People,
together with the fatal consequences they had, and how the
persecutors seldom failed to repent, when it was too late.
These impeachments perpetually falling upon many of the
best men both in Greece and Rome, are a cloud of witnesses,
and examples enough to discourage men of virtue and
abilities from engaging in the service of the public ; and help
on the other side to introduce the ambitious, the covetous,
the superficial, and the ill designing; who are as apt to be bold,
and forward, and meddling, as the former are to be cautious,
and modest, and reserved. This was so well known in
Greece, that an eagerness after employments in the state was
looked upon by wise men as the worst title a man could set
up ; and made Plato say ; " That if all men were as good as
they ought to be, the quarrel in a commonwealth would be,
not, as it is now, who should be ministers of state, but who
should not be so." And Socrates is introduced by Xenophon, 1
1 Lib. iii. Memorab.
26o CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
severely chiding a friend of his for not entering into the
public service, when he was every way qualified for it. Such
a backwardness there was at that time among good men to
engage with a usurping People, and a set of pragmatical
ambitious orators. And Diodorus tells us, 1 that when the
petalism 2 was erected at Syracuse, in imitation of the
ostracism at Athens, it was so notoriously levelled against all
who had either birth or merit to recommend them, that who-
ever possessed either withdrew for fear, and would have no
concern in public affairs. So that the people themselves were
forced to abrogate it, for fear of bringing all things into con-
fusion.
There is one thing more to be observed, wherein all the
popular impeachments in Greece and Rome seem to have
agreed ; and that was, a notion they had of being concerned
in point of honour to condemn whatever person they im-
peached ; however frivolous the articles were upon which they
began, or however weak the surmises whereon they were to
proceed in their proofs. For, to conceive that the body of
the People could be mistaken, was an indignity not to be
imagined, till the consequences had convinced them, when it
was past remedy. And I look upon this as a fate to which
all popular accusations are subject ; although I should think
that the saying, Vox populi vox Dei, ought to be understood
of the universal bent and current of a People, not of the bare
majority of a few representatives ; which is often procured by
little arts, and great industry and application ; wherein those,
who engage in the pursuits of malice and revenge, are much
more sedulous than such as would prevent them.
From what has been deduced of the dissensions in Rome
between the two bodies of Patricians and Plebeians, several
reflections may be made.
First, That when the balance of power is duly fixed in a
state, nothing is more dangerous or unwise than to give way
to the first steps of popular encroachments, which is usually
done either in hopes of procuring ease and quiet from some
vexatious clamour, or else made merchandize, and merely
1 Lib. ii.
2 Popular votes of banishment by petalism were so called, because
the voters inscribed the name of the accused person on a leaf, as in the
ostracism it was marked on a shell. [S.]
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 261
bought and sold. This is breaking into a constitution to
serve a present expedient, or supply a present exigency :
the remedy of an empiric, to stifle the present pain, but
with certain prospect of sudden and terrible returns. When
a child grows easy and content by being humoured; and
when a lover becomes satisfied by small compliances, without
farther pursuits; then expect to find popular assemblies
content with small concessions. If there could one single
example be brought from the whole compass of history, of
any one popular assembly, who, after beginning to contend
for power, ever sat down quietly with a certain share ; or if
one instance could be produced of a popular assembly that
ever knew, or proposed, or declared what share of power was
their due ; then might there be some hopes that it were a
matter to be adjusted by reasonings, by conferences, or
debates : but since all that is manifestly otherwise, I see no
other course to be taken in a settled state, than a steady
constant resolution in those, to whom the rest of the balance
is entrusted, never to give way so far to popular clamours, as
to make the least breach in the constitution, through which
a million of abuses and encroachments will certainly in time
force their way.
Again, from this deduction it will not be difficult to gather
and assign certain marks of popular encroachments ; by
observing which, those who hold the balance in a state may
judge of the degrees, and, by early remedies and application,
put a stop to the fatal consequences that would otherwise
ensue. What those marks are has been at large deduced,
and need not be here repeated.
Another consequence is this, that (with all respect for
popular assemblies be it spoken) it is hard to recollect
one folly, infirmity, or vice, to which a single man is
subjected, and from which a body of commons, either
collective or represented, can be wholly exempt. For, beside
that they are composed of men with all their infirmities
about them, they have also the ill fortune to be generally led
and influenced by the very worst among themselves, I mean
popular orators, tribunes, or, as they are now styled, great
speakers, leading men, and the like. Whence it comes to
pass, that in their results we have sometimes found the same
spirit of cruelty and revenge, of malice an i pride, the same
262 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
blindness and obstinacy and unsteadiness, the same un-
governable rage and anger, the same injustice, sophistry, and
fraud, that ever lodged in the breast of any individual.
Again, in all free states, the evil to be avoided is tyranny,
that is to say, the summa imperii, or unlimited power solely
in the hands of the One, the Few, or the Many. Now, we
have shown, that although most revolutions of government in
Greece and Rome began with the Tyranny of the People, yet
they generally concluded in that of a single person ; so that
a usurping populace is its own dupe, a mere underworker,
and a purchaser in trust for some single tyrant, whose state
and power they advance to their own ruin, with as blind an
instinct as those worms that die with weaving magnificent
habits for beings of a superior nature to their own.
CHAP. V.
Some reflections upon the late public proceedings among
us, and that variety of factions into which we are still so
intricately engaged, gave occasion to this discourse. I am
not conscious, that I have forced one example, or put it into
any other light than it appeared to me long before I had
thought of producing it.
I cannot conclude, without adding some particular re-
marks upon the present posture of affairs and dispositions in
this kingdom.
The fate of empire is grown a common-place : that all
forms of government having been instituted by men, must be
mortal like their authors, and have their periods of duration
limited, as well as those of private persons. This is a truth
of vulgar knowledge and observation : but there are few who
turn their thoughts to examine how those diseases in a state
are bred, that hasten its end ; which would, however, be a
very useful inquiry. For, although we cannot prolong the
period of a commonwealth beyond the decree of Heaven, or
the date of its nature, any more than human life beyond the
strength of the seminal virtue, yet we may manage a sickly
constitution, and preserve a strong one ; we may watch and
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 263
prevent accidents ; we may turn off a great blow from with-
out, and purge away an ill humour that is lurking within :
and by these, and other such methods, render a state long-
lived, though not immortal. Yet some physicians have
thought, that if it were practicable to keep the several
humours of the body in an exact equal balance of each with
its opposite, it might be immortal, and so perhaps would a
political body, if the balance of power could be always held
exactly even. But, I doubt, this is as impossible in practice
as the other.
It has an appearance of fatality, and that the period of a
state approacheth, when a concurrence of many circumstances,
both within and without, unite toward its ruin ; while the
whole body of the People are either stupidly negligent, or else
giving in with all their might to those very practices that are
working their destruction. To see whole bodies of men
breaking a constitution by the very same errors that so many
have been broke before ; to observe opposite parties who
can agree in nothing else, yet firmly united in such measures
as must certainly ruin their country ; in short, to be en-
compassed with the greatest dangers from without, to be torn
by many virulent factions within ; then to be secure and
senseless under all this, and to make it the very least of our
concern ; these, and some others that might be named, appear
to me to be the most likely symptoms in a state of a sickness
unto death.
Quod procul a nobis flectat for tuna gubernans .
Et ratio pot ins, quam res persuadeat ipsa.
LUCRET.
There are some conjunctures, wherein the death or disso-
lution of government is more lamentable in its consequences,
than it would be in others. And, I think, a state can never
arrive to its period in a more deplorable crisis, than at a time
when some prince in the neighbourhood, of vast power and
ambition, lies hovering like a vulture to devour, or, at least,
dismember its dying carcase ; by which means it becomes
only a province or acquisition to some mighty monarchy,
without hopes of a resurrection.
1 know very well, there is a set of sanguine tempers, who
deride and ridicule, in the number of fopperies, all such ap-
264 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
prehensions as these. They have it ready in their mouths,
that the people of England are of a genius and temper never
to admit slavery among them ; and they are furnished with
a great many common-places upon that subject. But it
seems to me, that such discoursers do reason upon short views,
and a very moderate compass of thought. For, I think it a
great error to count upon the genius of a nation as a standing
argument in all ages, since there is hardly a spot of ground
in Europe, where the inhabitants have not frequently and
entirely changed their temper and genius. Neither can I see
any reason, why the genius of a nation should be more fixed
in the point of government than in their morals, their learning,
their religion, their common humour and conversation, their
diet and their complexion ; which do all notoriously vary
almost in every age, and may every one of them have great
effects upon men's notions of government.
Since the Norman conquest, the balance of power in
England has often varied, and sometimes been wholly over-
turned. The part which the Commons had in it, that most
disputed point in its original, progress, and extent, was, by
their own confessions, but a very inconsiderable share.
Generally speaking, they have been gaining ever since,
although with frequent interruptions and slow progress. The
abolishing of villanage, together with the custom introduced
(or permitted) among the Nobles, of selling their lands in the
reign of Henry the Seventh, was a mighty addition to the
power of the Commons : yet I think a much greater happened
in the time of his successor, at the dissolution of the abbeys ;
for this turned the clergy wholly out of the scale, who had so
long filled it, and placed the Commons in their stead, who, in
a few years, became possessed of vast quantities of those and
other lands, by grant or purchase. About the middle of
Queen Elizabeth's reign, I take the power between the Nobles
and the Commons to have been in more equal balance, than
it was ever before or since. But then, or soon after, arose a
faction in England, which, under the name of Puritan, began
to grow popular, by moulding up their new schemes of re-
ligion with republican principles in government ; and, gaining
upon the prerogative as well as the Nobles, under several
denominations, for the space of about sixty years, did at last
overthrow the constitution, and, according to the usual course
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 265
of such revolutions, did introduce a Tyranny, first of the
People, and then of a single person.
In a short time after, the old government was revived.
But the progress of affairs for almost thirty years, under the
reigns of two weak princes, 1 is a subject of a different nature ;
when the balance was in danger to be overturned by the
hands that held it, which was at last very seasonably pre-
vented by the late revolution. However, as it is the talent
of human nature to run from one extreme to another, so in
a very few years we have made mighty leaps from prerogative
heights into the depth of popularity, and I doubt to the very
last degree that our constitution will bear. It were to be
wished, that the most august assembly of the Commons would
please to form a Pandect of their own power and privileges,
to be confirmed by the entire legislative authority, and that
in as solemn a manner (if they please) as the Magna Charta.
But to fix one foot of their compass wherever they think fit,
and extend the other to such terrible lengths, without de-
scribing any circumference at all, is to leave us and themselves
in a very uncertain state, and in a sort of rotation, that the
author of the Oceana 2 never dreamed on. I believe the most
hardy tribune will not venture to affirm at present, that any
just fears of encroachment are given us from the regal power,
or the Few : and is it then impossible to err on the other
side ? How far must we proceed, or where shall we stop ?
The raging of the sea, and the madness of the people, are
put together in Holy Writ ; and it is God alone who can say
to either, Hitherto shalt thou pass, and no farther.
The balance of power in a limited state is of such absolute
necessity, that Cromwell himself, before he had perfectly
confirmed his tyranny, having some occasions for the ap-
pearance of a parliament, was forced to create and erect an
entire new House of Lords (such as it was) for a counterpoise
to the Commons. And, indeed, considering the vileness of
1 Charles II. and James II. [H.]
2 Mr. James Harrington, who, in the time of the Commonwealth,
published an Utopian scheme of government, entitled, "The Common-
wealth of Oceana." Several speculative persons, and among others Mr.
Henry Neville, embraced his visions, and held a club called the Rota,
in Palace Yard, Westminster, to consider of means to make his plan
efficient. One article was that a part of the senate should go out by
rote, and become incapable of serving for a certain time. [S.]
266 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
the clay, I have sometimes wondered, that no tribune of that
age durst ever venture to ask the potter, What dost thou
make? But it was then about the last act of a popular
usurpation ; and Fate, or Cromwell, had already prepared
them for that of a single person.
I have been often amazed at the rude, passionate, and mis-
taken results, which have at certain times fallen from great
assemblies, both ancient and modern, and of other countries
as well as our own. This gave me the opinion, I mentioned
a while ago, that public conventions are liable to all the in-
firmities, follies, and vices of private men. To which, if
there be any exception, it must be of such assemblies, who
act by universal concert, upon public principles, and for
public ends ; such as proceed upon debates without unbe-
coming warmths, or influence from particular leaders and
inflamers ; such, whose members, instead of canvassing to
procure majorities for their private opinions, are ready to
comply with general sober results, though contrary to their
own sentiments. Whatever assemblies act by these, and
other methods of the like nature, must be allowed to be
exempt from several imperfections, to which particular men
are subjected. But I think the source of most mistakes and
miscarriages in matters debated by public assemblies, ariseth
from the influence of private persons upon great numbers,
styled, in common phrase, leading men and parties. And,
therefore, when we sometimes meet a few words put toge-
ther, which is called the Vote or Resolution of an Assembly,
and which we cannot possibly reconcile to prudence, or pub-
lic good, it is most charitable to conjecture, that such a Vote
has been conceived, and born, and bred in a private brain ;
afterward raised and supported by an obsequious party ; and
then with usual methods confirmed by an artificial majority.
For, let us suppose five hundred men, mixed in point of
sense and honesty, as usually assemblies are; and let us
suppose these men proposing, debating, resolving, voting,
according to the mere natural motions of their own little or
much reason and understanding ; I do allow, that abundance
of indigested and abortive, many pernicious and foolish
overtures would arise, and float a few minutes ; but then
they would die and disappear. Because, this must be said
in behalf of human kind, that common sense and plain
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 267
reason, while men are disengaged from acquired opinions,
will ever have some general influence upon their minds ;
whereas the species of folly and vice are infinite, and so
different in every individual, that they could never procure a
majority, if other corruptions did not enter to pervert men's
understandings, and misguide their wills.
To describe how parties are bred in an assembly, would
be a work too difficult at present, and perhaps not altogether
safe. Periculoscz plenum opus alece. Whether those, who
are leaders, usually arrive at that station more by a sort of
instinct or secret composition of their nature, or influence of
the stars, than by the possession of any great abilities, may be a
point of much dispute; but when the leader is once fixed, there
will never fail to be followers. And man is so apt to imitate, so
much of the nature of sheep, (imitatores, servum pecus,) that
whoever is so bold to give the first great leap over the heads
of those about him, (though he be the worst of the flock,)
shall be quickly followed by the rest. Besides, when parties
are once formed, the stragglers look so ridiculous and be-
come so insignificant, that they have no other way but to
run into the herd, which at least will hide and protect them ;
and where to be much considered, requires only to be very
violent.
But there is one circumstance with relation to parties,
which I take to be, of all others, most pernicious in a state ;
and I would be glad any partizan would help me to a toler-
able reason, that because Clodius and Curio happen to agree
with me in a few singular notions, I must therefore blindly
follow them in all : or, to state it at best, that because
Bibulus the party-man is persuaded that Clodius and Curio
do really propose the good of their country as their chief end ;
therefore Bibulus shall be wholly guided and governed by
them in the means and measures towards it. Is it enough
for Bibulus, and the rest of the herd, to say, without further
examining, " I am of the side with Clodius, or I vote with
Curio " ? Are these proper methods to form and make up
what they think fit to call the united wisdom of the nation ?
Is it not possible, that upon some occasion Clodius may be
bold and insolent, borne away by his passion, malicious and
revengeful ? That Curio may be corrupt, and expose to sale
his tongue or his pen ? I conceive it far below the dignity,
268 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS
both of human nature and human reason, to be engaged in
any party, the most plausible soever, upon such servile
conditions.
This influence of One upon Many, which seems to be as
great in a People represented, as it was of old in the Com-
mons collective, together with the consequences it has had
upon the legislature, has given me frequent occasion to reflect
upon what Diodorus tells us of one Charondas, a lawgiver to
the Sybarites, an ancient people of Italy, who was so averse
from all innovation, especially when it was to proceed from
particular persons : and, I suppose, that he might put it out
of the power of men fond of their own notions to disturb
the constitution at their pleasures, by advancing private
schemes ; that he provided a statute, that whoever proposed
any alteration to be made, should step out and do it with a
rope about his neck : if the matter proposed were generally
approved, then it should pass into a law ; if it went into the
negative, the proposer to be immediately hanged. Great
ministers may talk of what projects they please ; but I am de-
ceived if a more effectual one could ever be found for taking
off (as the present phrase is) those hot, unquiet spirits, who
disturb assemblies, and obstruct public affairs, by gratifying
their pride, their malice, their ambition, or their avarice.
Those who in a late reign began the distinction between
the personal and politic capacity, seem to have had reason,
if they judged of princes by themselves ; for, I think, there
is hardly to be found through all nature a greater difference
between two things, than there is between a representing
commoner in the function of his public calling, and the same
person when he acts in the common offices of life. Here he
allows himself to be upon a level with the rest of mortals ;
here he follows his own reason, and his own way , and rather
affects a singularity in his actions and thoughts, than servilely
to copy either from the wisest of his neighbours. In short,
here his folly and his wisdom, his reason and his passions,
are all of his own growth, not the echo or infusion of other
men. But when he is got near the walls of his assembly, he
assumes and affects an entire set of very different airs ; he
conceives himself a being of a superior nature to those with-
out, and acting in a sphere where the vulgar methods for the
conduct of human life can be ol no use. He is listed in a
IN ATHENS AND ROME. 269
party where he neither knows the temper, nor designs, nor
perhaps the person, of his leadei ; but whose opinions he
follows and maintains with a zeal and faith as violent as a
young scholar does those of a philosopher whose sect he is
taught to profess. He has neither opinions, nor thoughts,
nor actions, nor talk, that he can call his own, but all con-
veyed to him by his leader, as wind is through an organ.
The nourishment he receives has been not only chewed,
but digested, before it comes into his mouth. Thus in-
structed, he follows the party, right or wrong, through all his
sentiments, and acquires a courage and stiffness of opinion
not at all congenial with him.
This encourages me to hope, that, during the present
lucid interval, the members retired to their homes may sus-
pend a while their acquired complexions, and, taught by the
calmness of the scene and the season, reassume the native
sedateness of their temper. If this should be so, it would
be wise in them, as individual and private mortals, to look
back a little upon the storms they have raised, as well as
those they have escaped : to reflect, that they have been
authors of a new and wonderful thing in England, which is,
for a House of Commons to lose the universal favour of the
numbers they represent : to observe how those whom they
thought fit to persecute for righteousness' sake have been
openly caressed by the people ; and to remember how them-
selves sate in fear of their persons from popular rage. Now,
if they would know the secret of all this unprecedented pro-
ceeding in their masters, they must not impute it to thei* -
freedom in debate, or declaring their opinions, but to that
unparliamentary abuse of setting individuals upon their
shoulders, who were hated by God and man. For it seems
the mass of the people, in such conjunctures as this, have
opened their eyes, and will not endure to be governed by
Clodius and Curio, at the head ot their myrmidons, though
these be ever so numerous, and composed of their own re-
presentatives.
This aversion of the people against the late proceedings of
the Commons is an accident, that, if it last a while, might be
improved to good uses for setting the balance of power a
little more upon an equality than their late measures seem
to promise or admit. This accident may be imputed to two
270 CONTESTS AND DISSENSIONS, &C.
causes : the first is a universal fear and apprehension of the
greatness and power of France, whereof the people in general
seem to be very much and justly possessed, and, therefore,
cannot but resent to see it, in so critical a juncture, wholly
laid aside by their ministers, the Commons. The other
cause is a great love and sense of gratitude in the people to-
ward their present King, grounded upon a long opinion and
experience of his merit, as well as concessions to all their
reasonable desires; so that it is for some time they have
begun to say, and to fetch instances where he has in many
things been hardly used. How long these humours may
last, (for passions are momentary, and especially those of a
multitude,) or what consequences they may produce, a little
time will discover. But whenever it comes to pass that a
popular assembly, free from such obstructions, and already
possessed of more power than an equal balance will allow,
shall continue to think they have not enough, but by
cramping the hand that holds the balance, and by impeach-
ments or dissensions with the nobles, endeavour still for
more; I cannot possibly see, in the common course of things,
how the same causes can produce different effects and con-
sequences among us, from what they did in Greece and
Rome.
THOUGHTS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS.
These "Thoughts" were never issued in separate form, but were
included in the various volumes of "Miscellanies" issued during and
after Swift's lifetime. The "Miscellanies" of 1711 include those
usually stated to have been " written in 1706," and end with "Censure
is the tax a man pays to the public for being eminent." Other
" Miscellanies," published after 171 1, contain the further "Thoughts"
as far as those of 1726. These are also to be found in volume one
of Faulkner's edition (1735). The continuing "Thoughts " of 1726 are
from Hawkesworth's edition (1766) of Swift's works. See also notes on
p. 282 of present edition. [T. S.]
THOUGHTS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS,
MORAL AND DIVERTING. 1
(OCTOBER, 1706.)
WE have just religion enough to make us hate, but not
enough to make us love one another.
Reflect on things past, as wars, negotiations, factions, &c.
We enter so little into those interests, that we wonder how
men could possibly be so busy and concerned for things so
transitory; look on the present times, we find the same
humour, yet wonder not at all.
A wise man endeavours, by considering all circumstances,
to make conjectures, and form conclusions ; but the smallest
accident intervening, (and in the course of affairs it is im-
possible to foresee all,) does often produce such turns and
changes, that at last he is just as much in doubt of events, as
the most ignorant and unexperienced person.
Positiveness is a good quality for preachers and orators,
because he that would obtrude his thoughts and reasons
upon a multitude, will convince others the more, as he
appears convinced himself.
How is it possible to expect that mankind will take advice,
when they will not so much as take warning ?
I forget whether advice be among the lost things, which
Ariosto says may be found in the moon ; that, and time,
ought to have been there.
No preacher is listened to but Time, which gives us the
1 These maxims were jotted down in consequence of a resolution
adopted by Swift and Pope, in conjunction, to mark down the loose
thoughts which occurred to them through the day, without attending to
any order or formality of expression. [S.]
I. T
274 THOUGHTS ON
same train and turn of thought that elder people have in vain
tried to put into our heads before.
When we desire or solicit any thing, our minds run wholly
on the good side or circumstances of it ; when it is obtained,
our minds run wholly on the bad ones.
In a glass house, the workmen often fling in a small
quantity of fresh coals, which seems to disturb the fire, but
very much enlivens it. This may allude to a gentle stirring
of the passions, that the mind may not languish.
Religion seems to have grown an infant with age, and re-
quires miracles to nurse it, as it had in its infancy.
All fits of pleasure are balanced by an equal degree of
pain or languor ; 'tis like spending this year, part of the next
year's revenue.
The latter part of a wise man's life is taken up in curing
the follies, prejudices, and false opinions he had contracted
in the former.
Would a writer know how to behave himself with relation
to posterity, let him consider in old books what he finds that
he is glad to know, and what omissions he most laments.
Whatever the poets pretend, it is plain they give immor-
tality to none but themselves ; 'tis Homer and Virgil we re-
verence and admire, not Achilles or JEneas. With historians
it is quite the contrary ; our thoughts are taken up with the
actions, persons, and events we read, and we little regard the
authors.
When a true genius appears in the world, you may know
him by this sign, that the dunces are all in confederacy
against him.
Men who possess all the advantages of life, are in a state
where there are many accidents to disorder and discompose,
but few to please them.
'Tis unwise to punish cowards with ignominy ; for if they
had regarded that, they would not have been cowards :
Death is their proper punishment, because they fear it
most.
The greatest inventions were produced in the times of
ignorance; as the use of the compass, gunpowder, and print-
ing ; and by the dullest nation, as the Germans.
One argument to prove that the common relations of
ghosts and spectres are generally false, may be drawn from
VARIOUS SUBJECTS. 275
the opinion held, that spirits are never seen by more than
one person at a time ; that is to say, it seldom happens to
above one person in a company to be possessed with any
high degree of spleen or melancholy.
I am apt to think, that, in the day of judgment, there will
be small allowance given to the wise for their want of morals,
and to the ignorant for their want of faith, because both are
without excuse. This renders the advantages equal of
ignorance and knowledge. But some scruples in the wise,
and some vices in the ignorant, will perhaps be forgiven, upon
the strength of temptation to each.
The value of several circumstances in history, lessens very
much by distance of time, although some minute circum-
stances are very valuable ; and it requires great judgment in
a writer to distinguish.
'Tis grown a word of course for writers to say, This critical
age, as divines say, This sinful age.
'Tis pleasant to observe how free the present age is in lay-
ing taxes on the next. Future ages shall talk of this ; this
shall be famous to all posterity ; whereas their time and
thoughts will be taken up about present things, as ours are
now.
The chameleon, who is said to feed upon nothing but air,
has of all animals the nimblest tongue.
When a man is made a spiritual peer, he loses his surname ;
when a temporal, his Christian name.
It is in disputes, as in armies, where the weaker side sets
up false lights, and makes a great noise, to make the enemy
believe them more numerous and strong than they really
are. 1
Some men, under the notion of weeding out prejudices,
eradicate virtue, honesty, and religion.
In all well-instituted commonwealths, care has been taken
to limit men's possessions ; which is done for many reasons,
and, among the rest, for one which, perhaps, is not often
considered ; that when bounds are set to men's desires,
after they have acquired as much as the laws will permit
them, their private interest is at an end, and they have no-
thing to do but to take care of the public.
1 In Faulkner's edition (1735) this passage is— "that the enemy
may believe them to be more numerous," &c. [T. S.]
276 THOUGHTS ON
There are but three ways for a man to revenge himself of
the censure of the world; 1 to despise it, to return the like, or to
endeavour to live so as to avoid it. The first of these is
usually pretended, the last is almost impossible, the universal
practice is for the second.
Herodotus tells us, that in cold countries beasts very
seldom have horns, but in hot they have very large ones.
This might bear a pleasant application.
I never heard a finer piece of satire against lawyers, than
that of astrologers, when they pretend, by rules of art, to tell
when a suit will end, and whether to the advantage of the
plaintiff or defendant ; thus making the matter depend
entirely upon the influence of the stars, without the least
regard to the merits of the cause.
The expression in Apocrypha about Tobit and his dog
following him, I have often heard ridiculed ; yet Homer has
the same words of Telemachus more than once ; and Virgil
says something like it of Evander. And I take the book of
Tobit to be partly poetical.
I have known some men possessed of good qualities
which were very serviceable to others, but useless to them-
selves ; like a sun-dial on the front of a house, to inform
the neighbours and passengers, but not the owner within.
If a man would register all his opinions upon love, politics,
religion, learning, &c, beginning from his youth, and so go on
to old age, what a bundle of inconsistencies and contradictions
would appear at last !
What they do in heaven we are ignorant of ; what they do
not we are told expressly, that they neither marry, nor are
given in marriage.
When a man observes the choice of ladies now-a-days in
the dispensing of their favours, can he forbear paying some
veneration to the memory of those mares mentioned by
Xenophon, 2 who, while their manes were on, that is, while
they were in their beauty, would never admit the embraces
of an ass.
'Tis a miserable thing to live in suspense ; it is the life of
a spider. Vive quidem, pende tamen, imj>roba, dixit. 3
1 Faulkner's edition (1735) has it — " of a censorious world." [T.S.]
* De re equestri. 3 Ovid. Metam.
VARIOUS SUBJECTS. 277
The stoical scheme of supplying our wants by lopping
off our desires, is like cutting off our feet, when we want
shoes.
Physicians ought not to give their judgment of religion,
for the same reason that butchers are not admitted to be
jurors upon life and death.
The reason why so few marriages are happy, is, because
young ladies spend their time in making nets, not in making
cages.
If a man will observe as he walks the streets, I believe
he will find the merriest countenances in mourning coaches.
Nothing more unqualifies a man to act with prudence,
than a misfortune that is attended with shame and guilt.
The power of fortune is confessed only by the miserable ;
for the happy impute all their success to prudence or merit.
Ambition often puts men upon doing the meanest offices;
so climbing is performed in the same posture with creeping.
Ill company is like a dog, who dirts those most whom he
loves best.
Censure is the tax a man pays to the public for being
eminent. 1
Although men are accused for not knowing their own
weakness, yet, perhaps, as few know their own strength. It
is in men as in soils, where sometimes there is a vein of gold,
which the owner knows not of.
Satire is reckoned the easiest of all wit ; but I take it to be
otherwise in very bad times : for it is as hard to satirize well
a man of distinguished vices, as to praise well a man of
distinguished virtues. It is easy enough to do either to
people of moderate characters.
Invention is the talent of youth, and judgment of age ; so
that our judgment grows harder to please, when we have
fewer things to offer it : this goes through the whole com-
merce of life. When we are old, our friends find it difficult
to please us, and are less concerned whether we be pleased
or no.
No wise man ever wished to be younger.
An idle reason lessens the weight of the good ones you
gave before.
1 These are all the " Thoughts" that appeared in the " Miscellanies "
printed in 171 1. [T. S.J
278 THOUGHTS ON
The motives of the best actions will not bear too strict an
inquiry. It is allowed, that the cause of most actions, good
or bad, may be resolved into the love of ourselves ; but the
self-love of some men, inclines them to please others ; and the
self-love of others is wholly employed in pleasing themselves.
This makes the great distinction between virtue and vice.
Religion is the best motive of all actions, yet religion is
allowed to be the highest instance of self-love.
When the world has once begun to use us ill, it afterwards
continues the same treatment with less scruple or ceremony,
as men do to a whore.
Old men view best at distance with the eyes of their under-
standing, as well as with those of nature.
Some people take more care to hide their wisdom, than
their folly.
Arbitrary power is the natural object of temptation to a
prince, as wine or women to a young fellow, or a bribe to a
judge, or avarice to old age, or vanity to a female.
Anthony Henley's farmer dying of an asthma, said, " Well,
if I can get this breath once out, I'll take care it shall never
get in again."
The humour of exploding many things under the name of
trifles, fopperies, and only imaginary goods, is a very false
proof either of wisdom or magnanimity, and a great check
to virtuous actions. For instance, with regard to fame : there
is in most people a reluctance and unwillingness to be for-
gotten. We observe even among the vulgar, how fond they
are to have an inscription over their grave. It requires but
little philosophy to discover and observe that there is no
intrinsic value in all this ; however, if it be founded in
our nature, as an incitement to virtue, it ought not to be
ridiculed.
Complaint is the largest tribute Heaven receives, and the
sincerest part of our devotion.
The common fluency of speech in many men, and most
women, is owing to a scarcity of matter, and a scarcity of
words ; for whoever is a master of language, and has a mind
full of ideas, will be apt, in speaking, to hesitate upon the
choice of both ; whereas common speakers have only one
set of ideas, and one set of words to clothe them in ; and
these are always ready at the mouth ; so people come faster
VARIOUS SUBJECTS. 2?9
out of a church when it is almost empty, than when a crowd
is at the door.
Few are qualified to shine in company ; but it is in most
men's power to be agreeable. The reason, therefore, why
conversation runs so low at present, is not the defect of
understanding, but pride, vanity, ill-nature, affectation, sin-
gularity, positiveness, or some other vice, the effect of a wrong
education.
To be vain, is rather a mark of humility than pride. Vain
men delight in telling what honours have been done them,
what great company they have kept, and the like, by which
they plainly confess that these honours were more than their
due, and such as their friends would not believe, if they had
not been told : whereas a man truly proud, thinks the
greatest honours below his merit, and consequently scorns to
boast. I therefore deliver it as a maxim, that whoever desires
the character of a proud man, ought to conceal his vanity.
Law, in a free country, is, or ought to be, the determina-
tion of the majority of those who have property in land.
One argument used to the disadvantage of Providence, I
take to be a very strong one in its defence. It is objected,
that storms and tempests, unfruitful seasons, serpents, spiders,
flies, and other noxious or troublesome animals, with many
other instances of the same kind, discover an imperfection in
nature, because human life would be much easier without
them ; but the design of Providence may clearly be perceived
in this proceeding. The motions of the sun and moon, in
short, the whole system of the universe, as far as philosophers
have been able to discover and observe, are in the utmost
degree of regularity and perfection ; but wherever God hath
left to man the power of interposing a remedy by thought or
labour, there he hath placed things in a state of imperfection,
on purpose to stir up human industry, without which life
would stagnate, or indeed rather could not subsist at all :
Curis acuuntur mortalia corda.
Praise is the daughter of present power.
How inconsistent is man with himself?
I have known several persons of great fame for wisdom in
public affairs and councils, governed by foolish servants.
I have known great ministers, distinguished for wit and
learning, who preferred none but dunces.
280 THOUGHTS ON
I have known men of great valour, cowards to their wives.
I have known men of the greatest cunning, perpetually
cheated.
I knew three great ministers, who could exactly compute
and settle the accounts of a kingdom, but were wholly
ignorant of their own economy.
The preaching of divines helps to preserve well inclined
men in the course of virtue, but seldom or never reclaims the
vicious.
Princes usually make wiser choices than the servants whom
they trust for the disposal of places : I have known a prince,
more than once, choose an able minister : but I never ob-
served that minister to use his credit in the disposal of an
employment to a person whom he thought the fittest for it.
One of the greatest in this age 1 owned, and excused the
matter to me from the violence of parties, and the unreason-
ableness of friends.
Small causes are sufficient to make a man uneasy, when
great ones are not in the way : for want of a block he will
stumble at a straw.
Dignity, high station, or great riches, are in some sort
necessary to old men, in order to keep the younger at a
distance, who are otherwise too apt to insult them upon the
score of their age.
Every man desires to live long ; but no man would be old.
Love of flattery, in most men, proceeds from the mean
opinion they have of themselves ; in women, from the
contrary.
If books and laws continue to increase as they have done
for fifty years past, I am in concern for future ages, how any
man will be learned, or any man a lawyer.
Kings are commonly said to have long hands ; I wish they
had as long ears.
Princes in their infancy, childhood, and youth, are said to
discover prodigious parts and wit, to speak things that
surprise and astonish : strange, so many hopeful princes,
and so many shameful kings ! If they happen to die young,
they would have been prodigies of wisdom and virtue : if
they live, they are often prodigies indeed, but of another sort.
1 Harley. [S.]
VARIOUS SUBJECTS. 28 1
Politics, as the word is commonly understood, are nothing
but corruptions, and consequently of no use to a good king,
or a good ministry : for which reason all courts are so over-
run 1 of politics.
Silenus, the foster-father of Bacchus, is always carried by
an ass, and has horns on his head. The moral is, that
drunkards are led by fools, and have a great chance to be
cuckolds.
Venus, a beautiful, good-natured lady, was the goddess of
love ; Juno, a terrible shrew, the goddess of marriage ; and
they were always mortal enemies.
Those who are against religion, must needs be fools ; and
therefore we read that of all animals, God refused the first-
born of an ass.
A very little wit is valued in a woman, as we are pleased
with a few words spoken plain by a parrot.
A nice man is a man of nasty ideas.
Apollo was held the god of physic, and sender of diseases.
Both were originally the same trade, and still continue.
Old men and comets have been reverenced for the same
reason ; their long beards, and pretences to foretell events.
I was asked at court, what I thought of an ambassador,
and his train ; who were all embroidery and lace ; full of
bows, cringes, and gestures ? I said, " it was Solomon's
importation — gold and apes." 2
There is a story in Pausanias of a plot for betraying a city
discovered by the braying of an ass : the cackling of geese
saved the Capitol, and Catiline's conspiracy was discovered
by a whore. These are the only three animals, as far as I
remember, famous in history for evidences and informers.
Most sorts of diversion in men, children, and other
animals, are an imitation of fighting.
Augustus meeting an ass with a lucky name, foretold
himself good fortune. I meet many asses, but none of them
have lucky names.
If a man makes me keep my distance, the comfort is, he
keeps his at the same time.
Who can deny that all men are violent lovers of truth,
1 Scott has "full." [T. S.]
2 Scott and Hawkesworth print this in the third person singular — "A
person was asked," &c. The text is as Faulkner prints it. [T. S.]
282 THOUGHTS ON
when we see them so positive in their errors ; which they will
maintain out of their zeal to truth, although they contradict
themselves every day of their lives ?
That was excellently observed, say I, when I read a
passage in an author, where his opinion agrees with mine.
When we differ, there I pronounce him to be mistaken.
Very few men, properly speaking, live at present, but are
providing to live another time.
As universal a practice as lying is, and as easy a one as it
seems, I do not remember to have heard three good lies in
all my conversation, even from those who were most celebrated
in that faculty. 1
THOUGHTS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS
CONTINUED. 1726. 2
Laws penned with the utmost care and exactness, and in the
vulgar language, are often perverted to wrong meanings ;
then why should we wonder that the Bible is so ?
A man seeing a wasp creeping into a vial filled with honey,
that was hung on a fruit tree, said thus : " Why, thou sottish
animal, art thou mad to go into the vial, where you see many
hundred of your kind dying before you ? " — " The reproach
is just," answered the wasp, " but not from you men, who are
so far from taking example by other people's follies, that you
will not take warning by your own. If after falling several
times into this vial, and escaping by chance, I should fall in
again, I should then but resemble you."
An old miser kept a tame jackdaw, that used to steal
pieces of money and hide them in a hole ; which the cat
1 The "Thoughts" given in Faulkner's edition of 1735 end here.
These also are all that are given in volume iii. of Hawkesworth's
edition, 1766 (pp. 272-284). [T. S.]
2 From Hawkesworth's edit. 1766, vol. xii. (vol. xxii. of complete
edition), pp. 234-242. Hawkesworth suggests that these "Thoughts,"
with the " Bons Mots de Stella," formed part of Sheridan's proposed
collections of " Contes a rire " and " Bon Mots." Swift referred to these
collections in a letter to Sheridan under date March 27, 1733 (Scott's
edit., 1824, vol. xviii., p. 100). [T. S.]
VARIOUS SUBJECTS 283
observing, asked, "Why he would hoard up those round
shining things that he could make no use of?" — "Why,"
said the jackdaw, " my master has a whole chest full, and
makes no more use of them than I."
Men are contented to be laughed at for their wit, but not
for their folly.
If the men of wit and genius would resolve never to com-
plain in their works of critics and detractors, the next age
would not know that they ever had any.
After all the maxims and systems of trade and commerce, a
stander-by would think the affairs of the world were most
ridiculously contrived.
There are few countries, which, if well cultivated, would
not support double the number of their inhabitants, and yet
fewer where one-third part of the people are not extremely
stinted even in the necessaries of life. I send out twenty
barrels of corn, which would maintain a family in bread for
a year, and I bring back in return a vessel of wine, which
half a dozen good fellows would drink in less than a month,
at the expense of their health and reason.
A motto for the Jesuits :
Qua regio in terris nostri non plena laboris ?
A man would have but few spectators, if he offered to shew
for threepence how he could thrust a redhot iron into a barrel
of gunpowder, and it should not take fire.
Query, Whether churches are not dormitories of the living
as well as of the dead ?
Harry Killegrew said to Lord Wharton, "You would
not swear at that rate, if you thought you were doing God
honour."
A copy of verses kept in the cabinet, and only shewn to a
few friends, is like a virgin much sought after and admired ;
but when printed and published, is like a common whore,
whom anybody may purchase for half-a-crown.
Lewis the XlVth of France spent his life in turning a good
name into a great.
Since the union of divinity and humanity is the great
article of our religion, it is odd to see some clergymen,
in their writings of divinity, wholly devoid of humanity.
284 THOUGHTS ON
The Epicureans began to spread at Rome in the empire
of Augustus, as the Socinians, and even the Epicureans too,
did in England toward the end of King Charles the
Second's reign ; which is reckoned, though very absurdly,
our Augustan age. They both seem to be corruptions occa-
sioned by luxury and peace, and by politeness beginning to
decline.
Sometimes I read a book with pleasure, and detest the
author.
At a bookseller's shop some time ago I saw a book with
this title : " Poems by the author of The Choice." Not
enduring to read a dozen lines, I asked the company with me,
whether they had ever seen the book, or heard of the poem
whence the author denominated himself; they were all as
ignorant as I. But I find it common with these small dealers
in wit and learning, to give themselves a title from their first
adventure, as Don Quixote usually did from his last. This
arises from that great importance which every man supposes
himself to be of.
One Dennis, commonly called " the critic," who had writ a
threepenny pamphlet against the power of France, being in
the country, and hearing of a French privateer hovering
about the coast, although he were twenty miles from the sea,
fled to town, and told his friends, " they need not wonder at
his haste; for the King of France, having got intelligence
where he was, had sent a privateer on purpose to catch him."
Dr. Gee, prebendary of Westminster, who had writ a small
paper against Popery, being obliged to travel for his health,
affected to disguise his person, and change his name, as he
passed through Portugal, Spain, and Italy ; telling all the
English he met, "that he was afraid of being murdered, or
put into the Inquisition." He was acting the same farce at
Paris, till Mr. Prior (who was then secretary to the embassy)
quite disconcerted the doctor, by maliciously discovering the
secret; and offering to engage body for body, that not a
creature would hurt him, or had ever heard of him or his
pamphlet.
A chambermaid to a lady of my acquaintance, thirty miles
from London, had the very same turn of thought ; when
talking with one of her fellow-servants, she said, "I hear it is
all over London already that I am going to leave my lady : "
VARIOUS SUBJECTS, 285
and so had a footman, who, being newly married, desired his
comrade to tell him freely what the town said of it.
When somebody was telling a certain great minister that
people were discontented. " Pho," said he, " half a dozen
fools are prating in a coffeehouse, and presently think their
own noise about their ears is made by the world."
The death of a private man is generally of so little
importance to the world, that it cannot be a thing of great
importance in itself; and yet I do not observe, from the
practice of mankind, that either philosophy or nature have
sufficiently armed us against the fears which attend it.
Neither do I find anything able to reconcile us to it, but
extreme pain, shame, or despair ; for poverty, imprisonment,
ill fortune, grief, sickness, and old age, do generally fail.
Whence comes the custom of bidding a woman look upon
her apron-strings to find an excuse ? Was it not from the
apron of fig-leaves worn by Eve, when she covered herself,
and was the first of her sex who made a bad excuse for
eating the forbidden fruit ?
I never wonder to see men wicked, but I often wonder to
see them not ashamed.
Do not we see how easily we pardon our own actions and
passions, and the very infirmities of our bodies ; why should
it be wonderful to find us pardon our own dulness ?
There is no vice or folly that requires so much nicety and
skill to manage, as vanity ; nor any which, by ill management,
makes so contemptible a figure.
Observation is an old man's memory.
Eloquence, smooth and cutting, is like a razor whetted
with oil.
Imaginary evils soon become real ones by indulging our
reflections on them ; as he, who in a melancholy fancy sees
something like a face on the wall or the wainscot, can, by two
or three touches with a lead pencil, make it look visible, and
agreeing with what he fancied.
Men of great parts are often unfortunate in the manage-
ment of public business, because they are apt to go out of
the common road by the quickness of their imagination.
This I once said to my Lord Bolingbroke, and desired he
would observe, that the clerks in his office used a sort
of ivory knife with a blunt edge to divide a sheet of paper,
286 THOUGHTS ON
which never failed to cut it even, only requiring a steady hand:
whereas if they should make use of a sharp pen-knife, the
sharpness would make it go often out of the crease and dis-
figure the paper.
" He who does not provide for his own house," St. Paul
says, " is worse than an infidel." And I think, he who
provides only for his own house, is just equal with an
infidel.
Jealousy, like fire, may shrivel up horns, but it makes them
stink.
A footman's hat should fly off to everybody : and therefore
Mercury, who was Jupiter's footman, had wings fastened to
his cap.
When a man pretends love, but courts for money, he is
like a juggler, who conjures away your shilling, and conveys
something very indecent under the hat.
All panegyrics are mingled with an infusion of poppy.
I have known men happy enough at ridicule, who upon
grave subjects were perfectly stupid ; of which Dr. Echard of
Cambridge, who writ " The Contempt of the Clergy," was a
great instance.
One top of Parnassus was sacred to Bacchus, the other to
Apollo.
Matrimony has many children ; Repentance, Discord,
Poverty, Jealousy, Sickness, Spleen, Loathing, &c.
Vision is the art of seeing things invisible.
The two maxims of any great man at court are, always to
keep his countenance, and never to keep his word.
I asked a poor man how he did ? He said, he was like a
washball, always in decay.
Hippocrates, Aph. 32. Sect. 6, observes, that stuttering
people are always subject to a looseness. I wish physicians
had power to remove the profusion of words in many people
to the inferior parts.
A man dreamed he was a cuckold; a friend told him it was
a bad sign, because, when a dream is true, Virgil says it passes
through the horned gate.
Love is a flame, and therefore we say beauty is attractive;
because physicians observe that fire is a great drawer.
Civis, the most honourable name among the Romans ; a
citizen, a word of contempt among us.
VARIOUS SUBJECTS. 287
A lady who had gallantries and several children, told her
husband he was like the austere man, who reaped where
he did not sow.
We read that an ass's head was sold for eighty pieces of
silver ; they have lately been sold ten thousand times dearer,
and yet they were never more plentiful.
I must complain the cards are ill shuffled, till I have a
good hand.
When I am reading a book, whether wise or silly, it seems
to me to be alive and talking to me.
Whoever live at a different end of the town from me, I look
upon as persons out of the world, and only myself and the
scene about me to be in it.
When I was young, I thought all the world, as well as my-
self, was wholly taken up in discoursing upon the last new
play.
My Lord Cromarty, after fourscore, went to his country
house in Scotland, with a resolution to stay six years there
and live thriftily, in order to save up money, that he might
spend in London.
It is said of the horses in the vision, that " their power was
in their mouths and in their tails." What is said of horses in
the vision, in reality may be said of women.
Elephants are always drawn smaller than life, but a flea
always larger.
When old folks tell us of many passages in their youth
between them and their company, we are apt to think how
much happier those times were than the present.
Why does the elder sister dance barefoot, when the
younger is married before her ? Is it not that she may
appear shorter, and consequently be thought younger than
the bride ?
No man will take counsel, but every man will take money :
therefore money is better than counsel.
I never yet knewawag, (as the term is,) who was not a dunce.
A person reading to me a dull poem of his own making, I
prevailed on him to scratch out six lines together ; in turn-
ing over the leaf, the ink being wet, it marked as many lines
on the other side ; whereof the poet complaining, I bid him
be easy, " for it would be better if those were out too."
At Windsor I was observing to my Lord Bolingbroke,
288 THOUGHTS ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS.
" that the tower where the maids of honour lodged (who
at that time were very handsome) was much frequented
with crows." My lord said, "it was because they smelt
carrion."
A TRITICAL ESSAY
UPON THE
FACULTIES OF THE MIND.
u
TO
SIR,
JDEING so great a lover of antiquities, it was reasonable
J~J to suppose, you would be very much obliged with any-
thing that was new. I have been of late offended with many
writers of essays and moral discourses, for running into stale
topics and threadbare quotations, and not handling their sub-
ject fully and closely: all which errors I have carefully
avoided in the following essay, which I have proposed as a
pattern for young writers to imitate. The thoughts and obser-
vations being entirely new, the quotations untouched by others,
the subject of mighty importance, and treated with much order
and perspicuity : it has cost me a great deal of time ; and I
desire you will accept and consider it as the utmost effort of my
genius.
A TRITICAL ESSAY
UPON THE
FACULTIES OF THE MIND. 1
PHILOSOPHERS say, that man is a microcosm, or little
world, resembling in miniature every part of the great ;
and, in my opinion, the body natural may be compared to
the body politic ; and if this be so, how can the Epicurean's
opinion be true, that the universe was formed by a fortuitous
concourse of atoms, which I will no more believe, than that
the accidental jumbling of the letters in the alphabet, could
fall by chance into a most ingenious and learned treatise of
philosophy. Risum teneatis amid — Hor. This false opinion
must needs create many more ; 'tis like an error in the first
concoction, which cannot be corrected in the second ; the
foundation is weak, and whatever superstructure you raise
upon it, must, of necessity, fall to the ground. Thus, men
are led from one error to another, until, with Ixion, they
embrace a cloud instead of Juno, or, like the dog in the
fable, lose the substance in gaping at the shadow. For such
opinions cannot cohere ; but, like the iron and clay in the
toes of Nebuchadnezzar's image, must separate and break in
pieces. I have read in a certain author, that Alexander
wept because he had no more worlds to conquer ; which he
need not have done, if the fortuitous concourse of atoms
could create one ; but this is an opinion, fitter for that
many-headed beast, the vulgar, to entertain, than for so wise
a man as Epicurus ; the corrupt part of his sect only
1 This essay is a parody on the pseudo-philosophical essays of the
time, in which all sense was lost in the maze of inconsequential quota-
tions. It was written in 1707-8, and the "Miscellanies" of 1711
places its publication in August, 1707. [T. S.]
292 A TRITICAL ESSAY UPON THE
borrowed his name, as the monkey did the cat's claw to draw
the chesnut out of the fire.
However, the first step to the cure, is to know the disease ;
and though truth may be difficult to find, because, as the
philosopher observes, she lives in the bottom of a well, yet
we need not, like blind men, grope in open daylight. I hope
I may be allowed, among so many far more learned men, to
offer my mite, since a stander-by may sometimes, perhaps,
see more of the game, than he that plays it. But I do not
think a philosopher obliged to account for every phenomenon
in nature, or drown himself with Aristotle, for not being able
to solve the ebbing and flowing of the tide, in that fatal
sentence he passed upon himself, Quia te non capio, tu capies
me.
Wherein he was at once the judge and the criminal, the
accuser and executioner. Socrates, on the other hand, who
said he knew nothing, was pronounced by the oracle to be
the wisest man in the world.
But to return from this digression. I think it as clear as
any demonstration in Euclid, that nature does nothing in
vain : if we were able to dive into her secret recesses, we
should find that the smallest blade of grass, or more con-
temptible weed, has its particular use ; but she is chiefly
admirable in her minutest compositions ; the least and most
contemptible insect most discovers the art of nature, if I may
so call it; though nature, which delights in variety, will
always triumph over art ; and as the poet observes,
Naluram expellas furcd licet, usque recurret. — Hor. 1
But the various opinions of philosophers have scattered
through the world as many plagues of the mind, as Pandora's
box did those of the body ; only with this difference, that
they have not left hope at the bottom. And if Truth be
not fled with Astrea, she is certainly as hidden as the source
of Nile, and can be found only in Utopia. Not that I
would reflect on those wise sages ; which would be a sort of
ingratitude ; and he that calls a man ungrateful, sums up all
the evil that a man can be guilty of.
Ingratum si dixeris, omnia diets.
1 Lib. I. Epist. X. 24.
FACULTIES OF THE MIND. 293
But, what I blame the philosophers for, (though some
/nay think it a paradox,) is chiefly their pride ; nothing less
than an ipse dixit, and you must pin your faith on their
sleeve. And though Diogenes lived in a tub, there might
be, for aught I know, as much pride under his rags, as in
the fine-spun garments of the divine Plato. It is reported
of this Diogenes, that when Alexander came to see him, and
promised to give him whatever he would ask, the cynic only
answered ; " Take not from me what thou canst not give me,
but stand from between me and the light ; " which was
almost as extravagant as the philosopher, that flung his
money into the sea, with this remarkable saying
How different was this man from the usurer, who, being
told his son would spend all he had got, replied, " He can-
not take more pleasure in spending, than I did in getting it."
These men could see the faults of each other, but not their
own ; those they flung into the bag behind ; non videmus
id ?nanticce quod in tergo est. I may perhaps be censured
for my free opinions by those carping Momuses whom
authors worship, as the Indians do the devil, for fear. They
will endeavour to give my reputation as many wounds, as
the man in the almanack ; but I value it not ; and perhaps
like flies, they may buzz so often about the candle, till they
burn their wings. They must pardon me, if I venture to
give them this advice, not to rail at what they cannot under-
stand ; it does but discover that self-tormenting passion of
envy, than which the greatest tyrant never invented a more
cruel torment :
Invidid Siculi non invenere Tyranni
Tormentum majus — Juven. 1
I must be so bold to tell my critics and witlings, that they
are no more judges of this, than a man that is born blind
can have any true idea of colours. I have always observed,
that your empty vessels sound loudest : I value their lashes
as little as the sea did those of Xerxes, when he whipped it.
The utmost favour a man can expect from them is, that
1 This quotation is ascribed to Juvenal in Faulkner's edition (1735),
as well as in the " Miscellanies" of 171 1 and 1733, and Hawkesworth's
edition (1766) ; but Scott places it correctly to Horace, Lib. I. Epist. II.
58. [T. S.]
294 A TRITICAL ESSAY UPON THE
which Polyphemus promised Ulysses, that he would devour
him the last : they think to subdue a writer, as Caesar did his
enemy, with a Vent, vidi, via. I confess I value the opinion
of the judicious few, a R r, 1 a D s, 2 or a W k ;
but for the rest, to give my judgment at once, I think the
long dispute among the philosophers about a vacuum, may
be determined in the affirmative, that it is to be found in a
critic's head. They are at best but the drones of the learned
world, who devour the honey, and will not work themselves :
and a writer need no more regard them, than the moon does
the barking of a little senseless cur. For, in spite of their
terrible roaring, you may, with half an eye, discover the ass
under the lion's skin.
But to return to our discourse : Demosthenes being asked
what was the first part of an orator, replied, Action : what
was the second, Action : what was the third, Action, and
so on, ad infinitum. This may be true in oratory ; but con-
templation in other things, exceeds action. And, therefore,
a wise man is never less alone, than when he is alone :
Nunquam minus solus, quam cum solus.
And Archimedes, the famous mathematician, was so in-
tent upon his problems, that he never minded the soldiers
who came to kill him. Therefore, not to detract from the just
praise which belongs to orators, they ought to consider, that
nature, which gave us two eyes to see, and two ears to hear,
has given us but one tongue to speak ; wherein, however,
some do so abound, that the virtuosi, who have been so long
in search for the perpetual motion, may infallibly find it
there.
Some men admire republics, because orators flourish
there most, and are the great enemies of tyranny ; but my
opinion is, that one tyrant is better than a hundred. Be-
1 Thomas Rymer (1638 or 9 — 17 13). Wrote an unsuccessful tragedy,
" Edgar," and " A View of the Tragedies of the Last Age." But is
noted for his edition of the " Fcedera," of which he published fifteen
volumes during his lifetime. [T. S.]
2 John Dennis, poet and critic (1657 — 1733-4). Wrote several dra-
matic pieces, including " Plot and no Plot " and " Liberty Asserted."
He was an excellent critic, if a poor poet. He became blind in his old
age and died in extreme poverty. [T. S.]
FACULTIES OF THE MIND. 295
sides, these orators inflame the people, whose anger is really
but a short fit of madness.
Ira furor brevis est — Hor. 1
After which, laws are like cobwebs, which may catch small
flies, but let wasps and hornets break through. But in ora-
tory the greatest art is to hide art.
Art is est celare art em.
But this must be the work of time. We must lay hold on
all opportunities, and let slip no occasion, else we shall be
forced to weave Penelope's web, unravel in the night what
we spun in the day. And therefore I have observed, that
Time is painted with a lock before, and bald behind, signify-
ing thereby, that we must take time (as we say) by the fore-
lock, for when it is once past, there is no recalling it.
The mind of man is at first (if you will pardon the ex-
pression) like a tabula rasa, or like wax, which, while it is
soft, is capable of any impression, till time has hardened it.
And at length death, that grim tyrant, stops us in the midst
of our career. The greatest conquerors have at last been
conquered by death, which spares none, from the sceptre to
the spade.
Mors omnibus communis.
All rivers go to the sea, but none return from it. Xerxes
wept when he beheld his army, to consider that in less than
a hundred years they would be all dead. Anacreon was
choked with a grape-stone ; and violent joy kills as well as
violent grief. There is nothing in this world constant, but
inconstancy ; yet Plato thought, that if virtue would appear
to the world in her own native dress, all men would be
enamoured with her. But now, since interest governs the
world, and men neglect the golden mean, Jupiter himself, if
he came to the earth, would be despised, unless it were, as
he did to Danae, in a golden shower. For men now-a-days
worship the rising sun, and not the setting.
Donee erisfelix multos numerabis amicos.
1 Lib. I. Epist. II. 62,
296 A TRITICAL ESSAY UPON THE FACULTIES, &C.
Thus have I, in obedience to your commands, ventured
to expose myself to censure, in this critical age. Whether I
have done right to my subject, must be left to the judgment
of my learned reader : however, I cannot but hope, that
my attempting of it may be encouragement for some able
pen to perform it with more success.
THE BICKERSTAFF PAMPHLETS.
The almanack-makers of the seventeenth century called themselve Philo-
maths. In reality they were quacks trading on the credulity of a public
willing to pay for the information supplied. A particular "philomath,"
named John Partridge, who was a cobbler by trade, had made himself
widely known by his works on astrology and as editor of the "Merlinus
Liberatus." Indeed, his fame was European. Swift, ever ready to ex-
pose any form of humbug, took an opportunity early in the February of
1708 to tackle this of the philomath. Writing over the name of Mr.
Isaac Bickerstaff, a name his eye had casually caught over the sign of a
locksmith's shop, Swift, in admirable disguise, issued his " Predic-
tions for the Year 1708." He assumes himself to be the only serious
student of science. Among many of the events prophesied was ' ' a
trifle," which he only mentioned " to show how ignorant those sottish
pretenders to astrology are in their own concerns." The "trifle" was
the death of Partridge himself. "I have consulted the star of his
nativity," solemnly remarks the astrologer Isaac, "by my own rules,
and find that he will infallibly die upon the 29th of March next, about
eleven at night, of a raging fever."
On the 30th of March promptly appeared "a letter to a person of
honour," detailing "the accomplishment of the first of Mr. BickerstafFs
predictions." John Partridge had died, but Mr. Bickerstaff had made
an error by four hours. The writer of the letter was, of course, Swift
himself ; and the town rose to the fun. Most people, who were not
" in the know," took Bickerstaff quite seriously, and the Portuguese
Inquisition even went so far as to order the burning of his pamphlet, no
doubt because of the serious matters foretold of continental affairs and
personages. The Stationers' Hall assumed Partridge to be really dead,
and struck his name from its rolls. Following on this came a pamphlet
entitled, " 'Squire Bickerstaff Detected ; or, the Astrological Impostor
Convicted. By John Partridge." This was the joint production of three
wits, the Reverend Thomas Yalden, Nicholas Rowe, and William Con-
greve. In the person of Partridge they carried on the fun excellently
well, repudiating Bickerstaff, and complaining bitterly of the many in-
conveniences his pamphlet had caused him. He cannot leave his house
without being dunned for his own funeral expenses.
Partridge himself was at last "drawn," and his almanack for 1709
contains an indignant protest against the sham astrologer Bickerstaff,
and a solemn assertion that he, John Partridge, was, blessed be God,
alive and in good health.
The " Almanack for 1709 " gave Swift the opportunity for a "Vin-
dication." Animadverting on the indecency of the language of the
"almanack for the present year," Bickerstaff appeals to the learned
world to justify him. With regard to Partridge's assertion about his being
still alive, he argues five excellent points in proof that he cannot be.
Swift, in 1709, wound up the fun with "A Famous Prediction of
Merlin," issued as a broadsheet with a pretended prophecy in black
letter.
Scott, in his edition, reprints " An Answer to Bickerstaff. By a
Person of Quality," but I cannot trace the authorship of it. Neither
Forster nor Craik makes any reference to it. Whoever the writer was,
he was keenly alive to the fun of the thing. It is certainly not by Swift.
[T. S.]
PREDICTIONS
FOR THE
YEAR 1708.
Wherein the Month and Day of the
Month are fet down, the Perfons
named, and the great Actions and
Events of next Year particularly
related, as they will come to pafs.
Written to prevent the People of England from
being further imposd on by vulgar Almanack-
makers.
By ISAAC BICKERSTAFF Efq;
Sold by John Morphew near Stationers-Hall y
MDCCVIII
/Tis said, that the Author, when he had writ the following
Paper, and being at a loss what name to prefix to it, pass-
ing through Long- Acre, observed a sign over a house where a
locksmith dwelt, and found the tiame Bickerstaff written under
it ; which being a name somewhat uncommon, he chose to call
himself Isaac Bickerstaff. This name was someti?ne aftei'ward
made use of by Sir Richard Steele, and Mr. Addison, in the
Tatlers ; in which Papers, as well as many of the Spectators,
it is well known, that the Author had a considerable part.
[Note by Faulkner in the Dublin edition of 1735. — T. S.]
PREDICTIONS FOR THE YEAR 1708.
I HAVE long considered the gross abuse of astrology in
this kingdom, and upon debating the matter with myself,
I could not possibly lay the fault upon the art, but upon
those gross impostors, who set up to be the artists. I know
several learned men have contended, that the whole is a
cheat ; that it is absurd and ridiculous to imagine the stars
can have any influence at all upon human actions, thoughts,
or inclinations ; and whoever has not bent his studies that
way may be excused for thinking so, when he sees in how
wretched a manner that noble art is treated, by a few mean,
illiterate traders between us and the stars; who import a
yearly stock of nonsense, lies, folly, and impertinence, which
they offer to the world as genuine from the planets, though
they descend from no greater a height than their own
brains.
I intend, in a short time, to publish a large and rational
defence of this art, and therefore shall say no more in its
justification at present, than that it hath been in all ages
defended by many learned men, and among the rest by
Socrates himself, whom I look upon as undoubtedly the
wisest of uninspired mortals : to which if we add, that those
who have condemned this art, though otherwise learned,
having been such as either did not apply their studies this way,
or at least did not succeed in their applications : their testi-
mony will not be of much weight to its disadvantage, since
they are liable to the common objection of condemning what
they did not understand.
Nor am I at all offended, or think it an injury to the
art, when I see the common dealers in it, the Students in
astrology, the Philomaths, and the rest of that tribe, treated
by wise men with the utmost scorn and contempt ; but
rather wonder, when I observe gentlemen in the country,
302 PREDICTIONS FOR
rich enough to serve the nation in Parliament, poring in
Partridge's Almanack, to find out the events of the year, at
home and abroad ; not daring to propose a hunting match,
till Gadbury l or he have fixed the weather.
I will allow either of the two I have mentioned, or any other
of the fraternity, to be not only astrologers, but conjurers too,
if I do not produce a hundred instances in all their
Almanacks, to convince any reasonable man, that they do
not so much as understand common grammar and syntax ;
that they are not able to spell any word out of the usual road,
nor, even in their prefaces, to write 2 common sense, or
intelligible English. Then, for their observations and pre-
dictions, they are such as will equally suit any age or country
in the world. "This month a certain great person will be
threatened with death or sickness." This the newspaper
will tell them, for there we find at the end of the year, that
no month passes without the death of some person of note ;
and it would be hard, if it should be otherwise, when there
are at least two thousand persons of note in this kingdom,
many of them old, and the Almanack-maker has the liberty
of choosing the sickliest season of the year, where he may fix
his prediction. Again, " This month an eminent clergyman
will be preferred ; " of which there may be some hundreds,
half of them with one foot in the grave. Then, " Such a
planet in such a house shews great machinations, plots, and
conspiracies, that may in time be brought to light : " after
which, if we hear of any discovery the astrologer gets the
honour ; if not, his prediction still stands good. And at
last, " God preserve King William from all his open and
secret enemies, Amen." When, if the king should happen to
have died, the astrologer plainly foretold it; otherwise it passes
but for the pious ejaculation of a loyal subject : though it
unluckily happened in some of their Almanacks, that poor
King William was prayed for many months after he was
dead, because it fell out, that he died about the beginning of
the year.
To mention no more of their impertinent predictions, what
1 John Gadbury was a tailor of Oxford who ran an almanack on
similar lines to that published by Partridge, and in rivalry of the
London shoemaker-philomath. [T. S.]
2 "In these Prefaces correct common Sense "in first edition. [T. S.]
THE YEAR 1708. 303
have we to do with their advertisements about "pills and
drinks for the venereal disease ? " or their mutual quarrels in
verse and prose of Whig and Tory, wherewith the stars have
little to do ?
Having long observed and lamented these, and a hundred
other abuses of this art too tedious to repeat, I resolved to
proceed in a new way, which I doubt not will be to the
general satisfaction of the kingdom : I can this year produce
but a specimen of what I design for the future; having
employed most part of my time, in adjusting and correcting
the calculations I made for some years past, because I would
offer nothing to the world, of which I am not as fully satisfied,
as that I am now alive. For these two last years I have not
failed in above one or two particulars, and those of no very
great moment. I exactly foretold the miscarriage at Toulon, '
with all its particulars; and the loss of Admiral Shovel,"
though I was mistaken as to the day, placing that accident
about thirty-six hours sooner than it happened ; but upon
reviewing my schemes, I quickly found the cause of that
error. I likewise foretold the battle at Almanza 3 to the very
day and hour, with the loss on both sides, and the con-
sequences thereof. All which I shewed to some friends
many months before they happened; that is, I gave them
papers sealed up, to open in such a time, after which they
were at liberty to read them ; and there they found my pre-
dictions true in every article, except one or two very minute.
As for the few following predictions I now offer the world,
I forebore to publish them, till I had perused the several
Almanacks for the year we are now entered on. I found
them all in the usual strain, and I beg the reader will compare
their manner with mine : and here I make bold to tell the
world, that I lay the whole credit of my art upon the truth of
these predictions ; and I will be content, that Partridge, and
the rest of his clan, may hoot me for a cheat and impostor, if
I fail in any single particular of moment. I believe, any man
who reads this paper, will look upon me to be at least a
1 The unsuccessful attempt on the part of Prince Eugene and the
Duke of Savoy, assisted by the English fleet under Sir Cloudesly Shovel,
to reduce Toulon in 1707. [T. S.]
2 Sir Cloudesly Shovel's fleet was wrecked Oct. 22, 1707. [S.]
8 Fought on April 25, 1707. [T. S.]
304 PREDICTIONS FOR
person of as much honesty and understanding, as a common
maker of Almanacks. I do not !urk in the dark ; I am not
wholly unknown in the world ; I have set my name at length
to be a mark of infamy to mankind, if they shall find I
deceive them.
In one thing I must desire to be forgiven, that I talk more
sparingly of home affairs ; as it would be imprudence to
discover secrets of state, so it would be dangerous to my
person; but in smaller matters, and that are not of
public consequence, I shall be very free ; and the truth
of my conjectures will as much appear from these as the
other. As for the most signal events abroad in France,
Flanders, Italy, and Spain, I shall make no scruple to predict
them in plain terms : some of them are of importance, and
I hope I shall seldom mistake the day they will happen ;
therefore, I think good to inform the reader, that I all along
make use of the Old Style observed in England, which I
desire he will compare with that of the newspapers, at the
time they relate the actions I mention.
I must add one word more : I know it hath been the
opinion of several learned, who think well enough of the
true art of astrology, that the stars do only incline, and
not force, the actions or wills of men ; and therefore, how-
ever I may proceed by right rules, yet I cannot in prudence
so confidently assure the events will follow exactly as I pre-
dict them.
I hope I have maturely considered this objection, which in
some cases is of no little weight. For example : a man may,
by the influence of an over-ruling planet, be disposed or in-
clined to lust, rage, or avarice, and yet by the force of reason
overcome that bad influence ; and this was the case of
Socrates : but the great events of the world, usually depend-
ing upon numbers of men, it cannot be expected they should
all unite to cross their inclinations, from pursuing a general
design, wherein they unanimously agree. Besides, the in-
fluence of the stars reaches to many actions and events,
which are not any way in the power of reason ; as sickness,
death, and what we commonly call accidents, with many
more needless to repeat.
But now it is time to proceed to my predictions, which I
have begun to calculate from the time that the sun enters
THE YEAR 1708. 305
into Aries. And this I take to be properly the beginning of
the natural year. I pursue them to the time that he enters
Libra, or somewhat more, which is the busy period of the
year. The remainder I have not yet adjusted, upon account
of several impediments needless here to mention : besides,
I must remind the reader again, that this is but a specimen
of what I design in succeeding years to treat more at large,
if I may have liberty and encouragement.
My first prediction is but a trifle, yet I will mention it, to
shew how ignorant these sottish pretenders to astrology are
in their own concerns : it relates to Partridge the Almanack-
maker ; I have consulted the star of his nativity by my own
rules, and find he will infallibly die upon the 29th of March
next, about eleven at night, of a raging fever ; therefore I
advise him to consider of it, and settle his affairs in time.
The month of April will be observable for the death of
many great persons. On the 4th will die the Cardinal de
Noailles, Archbishop of Paris: on the nth, the young
Prince of Asturias, son to the Duke of Anjou : on the 14th,
a great peer of this realm will die at his country-house : on
the 19th, an old layman of great fame for learning : and on
the 23d, an eminent goldsmith in Lombard-Street. I could
mention others, both at home and abroad, if I did not con-
sider it is of very little use or instruction to the reader,
or to the world.
As to public affairs: On the 7th of this month there
will be an insurrection in Dauphine, occasioned by the op-
pressions of the people, which will not be quieted in some
months.
On the 1 5th will be a violent storm on the south-east coast
of France, which will destroy many of their ships, and some
in the very harbour.
The 19th will be famous for the revolt of a whole province
or kingdom, excepting one city, by which the affairs of a
certain prince in the alliance will take a better face.
May, against common conjectures, will be no very busy
month in Europe, but very signal for the death of the
Dauphin, which will happen on the 7th, after a short sick-
ness, and grievous torments with the strangury. He dies
less lamented by the court than the kingdom.
On the 9th, a Mareschal of France will break his leg by a
1. x
306 PREDICTIONS FOR
fall from his horse. I have not been able to discover whether
he will then die or not.
On the nth will begin a most important siege, which the
eyes of all Europe will be upon : I cannot be more par-
ticular : for, in relating affairs that so nearly concern the
confederates, and consequently this kingdom, I am forced
to confine myself, for several reasons very obvious to the
reader.
On the 15 th, news will arrive of a very surprising event,
than which, nothing could be more unexpected.
On the 19th, three noble ladies of this kingdom will,
against all expectation, prove with child, to the great joy of
their husbands.
On the 23d, a famous buffoon of the playhouse will die a
ridiculous death, suitable to his vocation.
June. This month will be distinguished at home by the
utter dispersing of those ridiculous deluded enthusiasts, com-
monly called the Prophets ; ' occasioned chiefly by seeing
the time come, that many of their prophecies should be
fulfilled, and then finding themselves deceived by contrary
events. It is indeed to be admired, how any deceiver can
be so weak to foretel things near at hand, when a very few
months must, of necessity, discover the imposture to all the
world ; in this point less prudent than common almanack-
makers, who are so wise to wander in general, and talk du-
biously, and leave to the reader the business of interpreting.
On the 1st of this month, a French General will be killed
by a random shot of a cannon-ball.
On the 6th, a fire will break out in the suburbs of Paris,
which will destroy above a thousand houses ; and seems to
1 The Protestants in Dauphine, called Casimars, mingled miracles
and prophecies with their religious fervour. Those who took refuge in
England attracted great attention under the title of the French prophets,
and were subject of much discussion, both from the press and pulpit.
In 1707-8, John Lacy, Esq... became a convert ; and, in the preface to a
work called "A Cry from the Desert," he confidently appeals to the
" subject matter and economy of four or five hundred prophetic
warnings, given under ecstacy in London." As impostors mingled
among the enthusiasts, the consequences began to assume rather an
alarming appearance. They undertook to raise a man from the dead,
and, having of course failed, were exposed to general ridicule, to which
a play, called " The Modern Prophets," written by Durfy, not a little
contributed. [S. amended.]
THE YEAR 1708. 307
be the foreboding of what will happen, to the surprise of all
Europe, about the end of the following month.
On the 10th, a great battle will be fought, which will begin
at four of the clock in the afternoon ; and last till nine at
night, with great obstinacy, but no very decisive event. I
shall not name the place, for the reasons aforesaid ; but the
commanders on each left wing will be killed. ... I see bon-
fires, and hear the noise of guns for a victory.
On the 14th, there will be a false report of the French
King's death.
On the 20th, Cardinal Portocarero will die of a dysentery,
with great suspicion of poison ; but the report of his inten-
tions to revolt to King Charles will prove false.
July. The 6th of this month, a certain General will, by
a glorious action, recover the reputation he lost by former
misfortunes.
On the 1 2th, a great commander will die a prisoner in the
hands of his enemies.
On the 14th, a shameful discovery will be made of a
French Jesuit, giving poison to a great foreign general ; and
when he is put to the torture, will make wonderful dis-
coveries.
In short, this will prove a month of great action, if I might
have liberty to relate the particulars.
At home, the death of an old famous senator will happen
on the 15th, at his country-house, worn out with age and
diseases.
But that which will make this month memorable to all
posterity, is the death of the French king, Louis the Four-
teenth, after a week's sickness, at Marli, which will happen
on the 29th, about six o'clock in the evening. It seems to
be an effect of the gout in his stomach, followed by a flux.
And, in three days after, Monsieur Chamillard will follow his
master, dying suddenly of an apoplexy.
In this month likewise an ambassador will die in London;
but I cannot assign the day.
August. The affairs of France will seem to suffer no
change for a while under the Duke of Burgundy's administra-
tion; but the genius that animated the whole machine being
gone, will be the cause of mighty turns and revolutions in the
following year. The new King makes yet little change
308 PREDICTIONS FOR
either in the army or the ministry; but the libels against
his father, that fly about his very court, give him un-
easiness.
I see an express in mighty haste, with joy and wonder in
his looks, arriving by break of day on the 26th of this month,
having travelled in three days a prodigious journey by land
and sea. In the evening I hear bells and guns, and see the
blazing of a thousand bonfires.
A young admiral of noble birth does likewise this month
gain immortal honour by a great achievement.
The affairs of Poland are this month entirely settled :
Augustus resigns his pretensions, which he had again taken
up for some time : Stanislaus is peaceably possessed of the
throne ; and the King of Sweden declares for the Emperor.
I cannot omit one particular accident here at home ; that
near the end of this month much mischief will be done at
Bartholomew Fair, by the fall of a booth.
September. This month begins with a very surprising fit
of frosty weather, which will last near twelve days.
The Pope having long languished last month, the swell-
ings in his legs breaking, and the flesh mortifying, will die
on the nth instant; and in three weeks' time, after a
mighty contest, be succeeded by a Cardinal of the imperial
faction, but native of Tuscany, who is now about sixty-one
years old.
The French army acts now wholly on the defensive,
strongly fortified in their trenches ; and the young French
King sends overtures for a treaty of peace by the Duke of
Mantua ; which, because it is a matter of state that concerns
us here at home, I shall speak no farther of it.
I shall add but one prediction more, and that in mystical
terms, which shall be included in a verse out of Virgil —
Alter erit jam Tethys, et altera, qiuz vehat, Argo,
Delect os heroas.
Upon the 25th day of this month, the fulfilling of this
prediction will be manifest to everybody.
This is the farthest I have proceeded in my calculations
for the present year. I do not pretend that these are all the
great events which will happen in this period ; but that those
I have set down will infallibly come to pass. It will perhaps
THE YEAR 1708. 309
still be objected, why I have not spoke more particularly of
affairs at home, or of the success of our armies abroad,
which I might, and could very largely have done : but
those in power have wisely discouraged men from meddling
in public concerns, and I was resolved by no means to give
the least offence. This I will venture to say, that it will be
a glorious campaign for the Allies, wherein the English
forces, both by sea and land, will have their full share of
honour : that Her Majesty Queen Anne will continue in
health and prosperity : and that no ill accident will arrive to
any in the chief ministry.
As to the particular events I have mentioned, the readers
may judge, by the fulfilling of them, whether I am of the
level with common astrologers ; who, with an old paltry cant,
and a few pot-hooks for planets to amuse the vulgar, have,
in my opinion, too long been suffered to abuse the world :
but an honest physician ought not to be despised, because
there are such things as mountebanks. I hope I have some
share of reputation, which I would not willingly forfeit for a
frolic or humour ; and I believe no gentleman who reads
this paper, will look upon it to be of the same last or mould
with the common scribbles that are every day hawked about.
My fortune has placed me above the little regard of writing
for a few pence, which I neither value or want : therefore,
let not wise men too hastily condemn this essay, intended
for a good design, to cultivate and improve an ancient
art, long in disgrace by having fallen into mean unskilful
hands. A little time will determine whether I have deceived
others or myself; and I think it no very unreasonable re-
quest, that men would please to suspend their judgments till
then. I was once of the opinion with those who despise all
predictions from the stars, till, in the year 1686, a man of
quality shewed me, written in his album? that the most
learned astronomer, Captain H[alley], assured him, he would
never believe anything of the stars' influence if there were
not a great revolution in England in the year 1688. Since
that time I began to have other thoughts, and after eighteen
1 Album is the name of a paper book, in which it was usual for a
man's friends to write down a sentence, with their names, to keep them
in his remembrance ; it is still common in some of the foreign univer-
sities. [S.]
3IO PREDICTIONS FOR THE YEAR 1708.
years diligent study and application, I think I have no reason
to repent of my pains. I shall detain the reader no longer
than to let him know, that the account I design to give of
next year's events, shall take in the principal affairs that
happen in Europe ; and if I be denied the liberty of offer-
ing it to my own country, I shall appeal to the learned
world, by publishing it in Latin, and giving order to have it
printed in Holland.
THE
ACCOMPLISHMENT
OF THE FIRST OF
MR. BICKERSTAFF'S PREDICTIONS,
BEING
AN ACCOUNT
OF THE DEATH OF
MR. PARTRIDGE, THE ALMANACK-MAKER,
UPON THE 29TH INSTANT,
IN A LETTER TO A PERSON OF HONOUR
[written in the year 1708.J
THE
ACCOMPLISHMENT
OF THE FIRST OF
MR. BICKERSTAFF'S PREDICTIONS.
My Lord,
T N obedience to your Lordship's commands, as well as to
-!■ satisfy my own curiosity, I have some days past enquired
constantly after Partridge the almanack-maker, of whom it
was foretold in Mr. Bickers taff's Predictions, published about
a month ago, that he should die the 29th instant, about
eleven at night, of a raging fever. I had some sort of know-
ledge of him, when I was employed in the revenue, because
he used every year to present me with his almanack, as he
did other gentlemen, upon the score of some little gratuity
we gave him. I saw him accidentally once or twice, about
ten days before he died, and observed he began very much
to droop and languish, though, I hear, his friends did not
seem to apprehend him in any danger. About two or three
days ago he grew ill, was confined first to his chamber, and
in a few hours after to his bed ; where Dr. Case * and Mrs.
Kirleus 2 were sent for to visit and to prescribe to him.
1 John Case was many years a noted practitioner in physic and as-
trology. He was looked upon as the successor of Lilly and of Saffold,
and possessed the magical utensils of both. He erased the verses of
his predecessor from the sign-post, and substituted in their stead this
distich, by which he is said to have got more than Dryden did by all
his works,
" Within this place
Lives Doctor Case. " [S.]
2 Mary Kirleus, widow of John Kirleus, son of Dr. Thomas Kirleus,
a collegiate physician of London. [S.]
Both Case and Mary Kirleus were famous quacks in London at the
time Swift wrote. [T. S.]
3 H AN ACCOUNT OF
Upon this intelligence I sent thrice every day one servant or
other to inquire after his health ; and yesterday about four in
the afternoon, word was brought me, that he was past hopes.
Upon which I prevailed with myself to go and see him,
partly out of commiseration, and, I confess, partly out of
curiosity. He knew me very well, seemed surprised at my
condescension, and made me compliments upon it, as well
as he could in the condition he was. The people about him
said he had been for some time delirious ; but when I saw
him he had his understanding as well as ever I knew, and
spoke strong and hearty, without any seeming uneasiness or
constraint. After I had told him I was sorry to see him in
those melancholy circumstances, and said some other civili-
ties suitable to the occasion, I desired him to tell me freely
and ingenuously, whether the predictions Mr. Bickerstaff had
published relating to his death, had not too much affected
and worked on his imagination. He confessed he had often
had it in his head, but never with much apprehension, till
about a fortnight before ; since which time it had the per-
petual possession of his mind and thoughts, and he did
verily believe was the true natural cause of his present dis-
temper : for, said he, " I am thoroughly persuaded, and I
think I have very good reasons, that Mr. Bickerstaff spoke
altogether by guess, and knew no more what will happen
this year than I did myself." I told him, his discourse sur-
prised me ; and I would be glad he were in a state of health
to be able to tell me what reason he had to be convinced of
Mr. Bickerstaff s ignorance. He replied, "I am a poor
ignorant fellow, bred to a mean trade, yet I have sense
enough to know, that all pretences of foretelling by astrology
are deceits, for this manifest reason : because the wise and
the learned, who can only judge whether there be any truth
in this science, do all unanimously agree to laugh at and
despise it ; and none but the poor ignorant vulgar give it
any credit, and that only upon the word of such silly wretches
as I and my fellows who can hardly write or read." I then
asked him, why he had not calculated his own nativity, to
see whether it agreed with Bickerstaff's prediction? At
which he shook his head, and said, " Oh ! sir this is no time
for jesting, but for repenting those fooleries, as I do now
from the very bottom of my heart." — "By what I can
PARTRIDGE'S DEATH. 315
gather from you," said I, " the observations and predictions
you printed with your almanacks, were mere impositions on
the people." He replied, " If it were otherwise, I should
have the less to answer for. We have a common form for
all those things : as to foretelling the weather, we never
meddle with that, but leave it to the printer, who takes it
out of any old almanack, as he thinks fit : the rest was my
own invention, to make my almanack sell, having a wife to
maintain, and no other way to get my bread ; for mending
old shoes is a poor livelihood ; and," (added he, sighing,) "I
wish I may not have done more mischief by my physic,
than my astrology ; though I had some good receipts from
my grandmother, and my own compositions were such, as I
thought could at least do no hurt."
I had some other discourse with him, which I now cannot
call to mind ; and I fear have already tired your lordship. I
shall only add one circumstance, that on his death-bed he
declared himself a nonconformist, and had a fanatic preacher
to be his spiritual guide. After half an hour's conversation
I took my leave, being almost stifled with the closeness of
the room. I imagined he could not hold out long, and
therefore withdrew to a little coffeehouse hard by, leaving a
servant at the house with orders to come immediately and
tell me, as near as he could, the minute when Partridge
should expire, which was not above two hours after ; when
looking upon my watch, I found it to be above five minutes
after seven : by which it is clear that Mr. Bickerstaff was
mistaken almost four hours in his calculation. In the other
circumstances he was exact enough. But whether he hath
not been the cause of this poor man's death, as well as the pre-
dictor, may be very reasonably disputed. However, it must
be confessed, the matter is odd enough, whether we should
endeavour to account for it by chance, or the effect of ima-
gination : for my own part, though I believe no man
hath less faith in these matters, yet I shall wait with some
impatience, and not without some expectation, the fulfilling of
Mr. Bickerstaff 's second prediction, that the Cardinal de
Noailles is to die upon the fourth of April ; and if that
should be verified as exactly as this of poor Partridge, I must
own I should be wholly surprised, and at a loss, and infallibly
expect the accomplishment of all the rest.
A
VINDICATION
F
Ifaac Bicker ft aff Efq;
AGAINST
What is Obie&ed to Him by
Mr. TartridgeJLtx his Almanack
for the prefent Year 1709*
Bj the faid ISbAC BICKERSTAFF £/fc
n-r t»j
LONDON.-
Printed in the Year MDCCIX*
ft
VINDICATION
OF
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, ESQ.
TV/f R. PARTRIDGE hath been lately pleased to treat me
-LV-*- after a very rough manner, in that which is called his
almanack for the present year : such usage is very indecent
from one gentleman to another, and does not at all contribute
to the discovery of truth, which ought to be the great end in
all disputes of the learned. To call a man fool and villain,
and impudent fellow, only for differing from him in a point
merely speculative, is, in my humble opinion, a very improper
style for a person of his education. I appeal to the learned
world, whether, in my last year's predictions, I gave him the
least provocation for such unworthy treatment. Philosophers
have differed in all ages, but the discreetest among them
have always differed as became philosophers. Scurrility and
passion, in a controversy among scholars, is just so much of
nothing to the purpose ; and at best a tacit confession of
a weak cause : my concern is not so much for my own
reputation, as that of the republic of letters, which Mr.
Partridge hath endeavoured to wound through my sides. If
men of public spirit must be superciliously treated for their
ingenious attempts, how will true useful knowledge be ever
advanced ? I wish Mr. Partridge knew the thoughts which
foreign universities have conceived of his ungenerous pro-
ceeding with me ; but I am too tender of his reputation to
publish them to the world. That spirit of envy and pride,
which blasts so many rising geniuses in our nation, is yet
unknown among professors abroad : the necessity of justify-
ing myself will excuse my vanity, when I tell the reader, that
320 A VINDICATION OF
I have received near a hundred honorary letters from several
parts of Europe, (some as far as Muscovy,) in praise of my
performance. Beside several others, which, as I have been
credibly informed, were opened in the post office, and never
sent me. It is true, the inquisition in Portugal was pleased
to burn my predictions, 1 and condemn the author and the
readers of them : but I hope at the same time, it will be
considered, in how deplorable a state learning lies at present
in that kingdom : and with the profoundest veneration for
crowned heads, I will presume to add, that it a little
concerned his Majesty of Portugal to interpose his authority
in behalf of a scholar and a gentleman, the subject of a
nation with which he is now in so strict an alliance. But the
other kingdoms and states of Europe have treated me with
more candour and generosity. If I had leave to print the
Latin letters transmitted to me from foreign parts, they would
fill a volume, and be a full defence against all that Mr.
Partridge, or his accomplices of the Portugal inquisition, will
be ever able to object ; who, by the way, are the only
enemies my predictions have ever met with at home or
abroad. But I hope I know better what is due to the
honour of a learned correspondence, in so tender a point.
Yet some of those illustrious persons will perhaps excuse me,
for transcribing a passage or two in my vindication. 2 The
most learned Monsieur Leibnitz thus addresses to me his
third letter : — " Illustrissimo Bickerstaffio astrologies instaura-
tori" &c. Monsieur Le Clerc, quoting my predictions in a
treatise he published last year, is pleased to say, " Ita nu-
perrime Bickerstaffius, magnum Mud Anglian sidus." Another
great professor writing of me, has these words : " Bicker-
staffius, nobilis Anglus, astrologorum hujusce sozculi facile
princeps." Signior Magliabecchi, the Great Duke's famous
library-keeper, spends almost his whole letter in compliments
and praises. 'Tis true, the renowned professor of astronomy
at Utrecht seems to differ from me in one article; but it is
after the modest manner that becomes a philosopher ; as,
"pace tanti viri dixerim: " and, page 55, he seems to lay the
1 This is fact. [S.]
2 The quotations here inserted are in imitation of Dr. Bentley, in some
part of the famous controversy between him and Mr. Boyle. [S.]
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, ESQ. 321
error upon the printer, (as indeed it ought,) and says, "vel
forsan error typographic cum alioquin Bickerstaffius vir doc-
tissimus," &>c.
If Mr. Partridge had followed this example in the con-
troversy between us, he might have spared me the trouble of
justifying myself in so public a manner. I believe few men
are readier to own their errors than I, or more thankful to
those who will please to inform him of them. But, it seems,
this gentleman, instead of encouraging the progress of his
own art, is pleased to look upon all attempts of that kind as
an invasion of his province. He has been indeed so wise as
to make no objection against the truth of my predictions,
except in one single point relating to himself: and to demon-
strate how much men are blinded by their own partiality, I
do solemnly assure the reader, that he is the only person from
whom I ever heard that objection offered; which consideration
alone, I think, will take off all its weight.
With my utmost endeavours I have not been able to trace
above two objections ever made against the truth of my last
year's prophecies : the first was, of a Frenchman, who was
pleased to publish to the world, "that the Cardinal de
Noailles was still alive, notwithstanding the pretended pro-
phecy of Monsieur Biquerstaffe : " but how far a Frenchman,
a Papist, and an enemy, is to be believed in his own case,
against an English Protestant, who is true to the government,
I shall leave to the candid and impartial reader.
The other objection is the unhappy occasion of this
discourse, and relates to an article in my predictions, which
foretold the death of Mr. Partridge to happen on March 29,
1708. This he is pleased to contradict absolutely in the
almanack he has published for the present year, and in that
ungentlemanly manner (pardon the expression) as I have
above related. In that work he very roundly asserts, that he
"is not only now alive, but was likewise alive upon that
very 29th of March, when I had foretold he should die."
This is the subject of the present controversy between us ;
which I design to handle with all brevity, perspicuity, and
calmness : in this dispute, I am sensible the eyes, not only
of England, but of all Europe, will be upon us ; and the
learned in every country will, I doubt not, take part on that
side where they find most appearance of reason and truth.
1. v
322 A VINDICATION OF
Without entering into criticisms of chronology about the
hour of his death, I shall only prove that Mr. Partridge is not
alive. And my first argument is thus: above a thousand
gentlemen having bought his almanacks for this year, merely
to find what he said against me, at every line they read, they
would lift up their eyes, and cry out, betwixt rage and
laughter, " they were sure no man alive ever writ such damned
stuff as this." Neither did I ever hear that opinion disputed ;
so that Mr. Partridge lies under a dilemma, either of disown-
ing his almanack, or allowing himself to be no man alive.
Secondly, Death is defined by all philosophers, a separation
of the soul and body. Now it is certain, that the poor
woman, who has best reason to know, has gone about for
some time to every alley in the neighbourhood, and sworn
to the gossips, that her husband had neither life nor soul in
him. Therefore, if an uninformed carcass walks still about,
and is pleased to call itself Partridge, Mr. Bickerstaff does
not think himself anyway answerable for that. Neither had
the said carcass any right to beat the poor boy, who happened
to pass by it in the street, crying, " A full and true account
of Dr. Partridge's death," &C. 1
Thirdly, Mr. Partridge pretends to tell fortunes, and
recover stolen goods ; which all the parish says, he must do
by conversing with the devil, and other evil spirits : and no
wise man will ever allow he could converse personally with
either till after he was dead. 1
Fourthly, I will plainly prove him to be dead, out of his
own almanack for this year, and from the very passage which
he produces to make us think him alive. He there says, " he
is not only now alive, but was also alive upon that very 29th
of March, which I foretold he should die on : " by this, he
declares his opinion, that a man may be alive now who was
not alive a twelvemonth ago. And, indeed, there lies the
sophistry of his argument. He dares not assert he was alive
ever since that 29th of March, but that he "is now alive, and
1 In the "Miscellanies" (1711), and in the editions published by
Faulkner and Hawkesworth, the passage beginning with " Death is
defined by all philosophers," and ending with " neither life nor soul in
him," is omitted. The paragraph here beginning " Thirdly " is in these
issues headed " Secondly," and so on. The reading in text is that of
the original edition, and this has been followed by Scott. [T. S.]
ISAAC BICKERSTAFF, ESQ. 323
was so on that day : " I grant the latter ; for he did not die
till night, as appears by the printed account of his death, in a
letter to a lord ; and whether he be since revived, I leave the
world to judge. This indeed is perfect cavilling, and I am
ashamed to dwell any longer upon it.
Fifthly, I will appeal to Mr. Partridge himself, whether it
be probable I could have been so indiscreet, to begin my
predictions with the only falsehood that ever was pretended
to be in them ? and this in an affair at home, where I had so
many opportunities to be exact ; and must have given such
advantages against me to a person of Mr. Partridge's wit and
learning, who, if he could possibly have raised one single
objection more against the truth of my prophecies, would
hardly have spared me.
And here I must take occasion to reprove the above-
mentioned writer of the relation of Mr. Partridge's death, in
a Letter to a Lord ; who was pleased to tax me with a mistake
of four whole hours in my calculation of that event. I must
confess, this censure, pronounced with an air of certainty, in
a matter that so nearly concerned me, and by a grave,
judicious author, moved me not a little. But though I was
at that time out of town, yet several of my friends, whose
curiosity had led them to be exactly informed, (for as to
my own part, having no doubt at all in the matter, I never
once thought of it,) assured me, I computed to something
under half an hour j which (I speak my private opinion) is
an error of no very great magnitude, that men should raise a
clamour about it. I shall only say, it would not be amiss, if
that author would henceforth be more tender of other men's
reputation, as well as his own. It is well there were no more
mistakes of that kind ; if there had, I presume he would have
told me of them with as little ceremony.
There is one objection against Mr. Partridge's death, which
I have sometimes met with, though, indeed, very slightly
offered, that he still continues to write almanacks. But this
is no more than what is common to all of that profession ;
Gadbury, Poor Robin, Dove, Wing, and several others, do
yearly publish their almanacks, though several of them have
been dead since before the Revolution. Now, the natural
reason of this I take to be, that, whereas it is the privilege of
authors to live after their death, almanack-makers are alone
324 A VINDICATION, &C.
excluded ; because their dissertations, treating only upon the
minutes as they pass, become useless as those go off. In
consideration of which, Time, whose registers they are,
gives them a lease in reversion, to continue their works after
death. Or, perhaps, a name can make an almanack as well
as it can sell one. And to strengthen this conjecture, I have
heard the booksellers affirm, that they have desired Mr.
Partridge to spare himself further trouble, and only lend
them his name, which could make Almanacks much better
than himself. 1
I should not have given the public, or myself, the trouble
of this vindication, if my name had not been made use of by
several persons to whom I never lent it; one of which, a few
days ago, was pleased to father on me a new set of predic-
tions. But I think these are things too serious to be trifled
with. It grieved me to the heart, when I saw my labours,
which had cost me so much thought and watching, bawled
about by the common hawkers of Grub-Street, which I only
intended for the weighty consideration of the gravest persons.
This prejudiced the world so much at first, that several of
my friends had the assurance to ask me whether I were in
jest ? to which I only answered coldly, " that the event would
shew." But it is the talent of our age and nation, to turn
things of the greatest importance into ridicule. When the
end of the year had verified all my predictions, out comes
Mr. Partridge's almanack, disputing the point of his death ;
so that I am employed, like the general who was forced
to kill his enemies twice over, whom a necromancer had
raised to life. If Mr. Partridge has practised the same ex-
periment upon himself, and be again alive, long may he con-
tinue so ; that does not the least contradict my veracity : but
I think I have clearly proved, by invincible demonstration,
that he died, at farthest, within half an hour of the time
I foretold, [and not four hours sooner, as the above-mentioned
author, in his letter to a lord, has maliciously suggested, with
a design to blast my credit, by charging me with so gross a
mistake.] 2
1 The passage beginning with " Or, perhaps," and ending with
" himself," is omitted by Scott. [T. S.J
2 The passage included in the square brackets is not in the first
edition, but Faulkner, Hawkesworth, and Scott give it, and Professor
Avber places it in square brackets also. [T. S.J
A FAMOUS PREDICTION OF MERLIN,
THE BRITISH WIZARD.
WRITTEN ABOVE A THOUSAND YEARS AGO, AND RELATING TO
THE YEAR 1709.
WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES. By T. N. PHILOMATH.
[WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1709.]
A
FAMOUS PREDICTION
OF
MERLIN.
LAST year was published a paper of Predictions, pre-
tended to be written by one Isaac Bickerstaff, Esq.; but
the true design of it was to ridicule the art of astrology, and
expose its professors as ignorant or impostors. Against this
imputation Dr. Partridge has learnedly vindicated himself in
his almanack for that year.
For a farther vindication of this famous art, I have thought
fit to present the world with the following prophecy. The
original is said to be of the famous Merlin, who lived about
a thousand years ago ; and the following translation is two
hundred years old, for it seems to be written near the end of
Henry the Seventh's reign. I found it in an old edition of
Merlin's prophecies, imprinted at London by Johan Hau-
kyns, in the year 1530, page 39. I set it down word for
word in the old orthography, and shall take leave to subjoin
a few explanatory notes.
ifceben antt Cert abbgfc to nine,
<©t* jfxmntt W 212Uoe tfjts is tfje S>ngne,
STamns Ifttbm ttons pstro3en,
TOaffee sans toetnng j&fjoes m f&03en.
Cijen comgtf) toortfje, Ik!) unOerstonoe,
dFrom Cotone of jfctont to tattgn fLonfce,
an ijetoie eben antt Cen. This line describes the year when
these events shall happen. Seven and ten make seventeen,
which I explain seventeen hundred, and this number added
to nine, makes the year we are now in ; for it must be
understood of the natural year, which begins the first of
January.
CamgS i^ibete ttogS, &c. The River Thames frozen
twice in one year, so as men to walk on it, is a very signal
accident, which perhaps hath not fallen out for several hun-
dred years before, and is the reason why some astrologers
have thought that this prophecy could never be fulfilled,
because they imagined such a thing would never happen in
our climate.
JFXQUX Coton Of i&tOffe, &c. This is a plain designation
of the Duke of Marlborough : one kind of stuff used to
fatten and is called marie, and everybody knows that borough
is a name for a town ; and this way of expression is after the
usual dark manner of old astrological predictions.
Cfjen Stjall ti)e dFgSfje, &c. By the fish is understood
the Dauphin of France, as their kings' eldest sons are called :
'tis here said, he shall lament the loss of the Duke of Bur-
gundy, called the Bosse, which is an old English word for
hump-shoulder, or crook-back, as that Duke is known to be;
and the prophecy seems to mean that he should be overcome
or slain. By the green berrys, in the next line, is meant the
young Duke of Berry, the Dauphin's third son, who shall not
merlin's prophecy. 329
have valour or fortune enough to supply the loss of his eldest
brother.
$rjnge &gmnele, &c. By Symnele, is meant the pre-
tended Prince of Wales, who, if he offers to attempt anything
against England, shall miscarry, as he did before. Lambert
Symnele is the name of a young man, noted in our histories
for personating the son (as I remember) of Edward the
Fourth.
&1tti NottoagS 13t|rtr, &c. I cannot guess who is meant
by Norway's pride; 1 perhaps the reader may, as well as the
sense of the two following lines.
l&eautltS Sfjall, &c. Reaums, or, as the word is now,
realms, is the old name for kingdoms : and this is a very
plain prediction of our happy union, with the felicities that
shall attend it. It is added that Old England shall be no
more, and yet no man shall be sorry for it. And indeed,
properly speaking, England is now no more, for the whole
island is one kingdom, under the name of Britain.