THE ROBERT E. COWAN COLLECTION l'RESi:XTEI) TO THK UNIVERSITY OF CHLIFORNIA 15 Y C. p. HUNTINGTON JUNE. 18Q7, Accession No, yd'O J J" Class No,'^'^^ 1 Htt<^ ri. i LUOklNU iNiO THINGS OR THE GREAT CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS Abraliam Lincoln's Last Warning to the American People. "It luis been indeed a trying' hour tor the Repubhc, but 1 see in the near future a crisis approaching" that unnerves me, and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. As a result of the war, corpo- rations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its REIGN by working on the prejudices of the people un- til ail wealth is aggregated in a few hands, and the Republic is de- stroyed. I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of the war. God grant that my suspicions may prove groundless." Was Lincoln mistaken ? Were his suspicions groundless ? We think not, as we shall endeavor to show, beyond all controversy, in these three small volumes. :^ r^ «^c^iTtt*-^. '^m-T^ LOOKING INTO THINGS I OR THE GREAT CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS BY Professor a. Huff ,r OP THK OF (UNIVEHSITT OAKLAND, CAL. And dedicated to the sacred memory of Abraham Lincoln, our mar- ♦ tyred President of the United States, whose last warning to the Amer- ican people we reproduce on the front page of these volumes, we remember to have read many years ago, and it has continued to haunt us Uke a phaniom with wonderful significance, from that day, until now we behold a complete fulfillment to the letter of every word in that fearful message. Published by the Author, October, 1892. 7 6~C?2>y PREFACE. The author of these small volumes, portraying the conspiracy that overthrew the Republic, is not a professional writer, neither has he ever taken much interest in partisan politics as such, but being a native born American citizen, as well as his ancestors before him, he has always felt a pride in American in- stitutions, and a desire to see our national affairs so conducted that we could transmit them to posterity improved rather than impaired. Among our early recollections was the story of the Revolution, which we heard directly from the lips of the heroes who fought that we might enjoy. They were my neighbors in my youth, and from them we received our first lessons in patriotism, and con- sequently an uncompromising love for liberty, equal righis, equal laws and equal opportunities for all , with an unbounded admira- tion for the founders of the Republic as well as for that grand- est of all political documents, that charter of human rights, the Dsclaration of Independence, which we now behold as having bpen overthrown by a band of as heartless and soulless a set of villains as ever scuttled a ship, or cut a throat. And, all we have to do is to look into things^ as becomes loyal American citi- zens, in order to understand that this is so. And the great question that confronts us now is, whether our blood-bought lib- erty is to go down in a eea of blood, or whether there is intelli- gence and patriotism enough in the American people to rescue them from the appalling doom that has befallen other Repub- lics heretofore. The author is one of the hopeful, but he re- alizes the danger, as well as the evil, of delay. Evidently we have been sleeping over a volcano ever since 1873. Evidently PREFACE. it is only the recollection of the recent scourge of the late civil war that has caused a dread of the recurrence of such scenes that has held the people in leash so long, and it is manifestly true, that it only needs a spark now to start a most disastrous conflagration, and this the author desires to avoid by thy use of gentle means, if possible. (Dynamite kicks backwards.) For the last thirty-five years of our life we have been deeply interested in science, a devoted student of mental philosophy irom the standpoint of brain knowltdge {phrenology') , in which we bave made new and very valuable discoveries, in connection with other kindred sciences, enough to immort lize any man, all of which renders us ":ore intensely in love with liberty and lib- eral institutions than ever, knowing full well that with the overthrow of the Republic, science wUl soon be relegated to ob- livion for long ages to come, as in the past, when ignorance, big- otry and intoleracce stalked boldly over all the earth. It is to i^revent such a. dire calamity, that we rest our pen from science, and wield it for humanity and liberty, kuowing mil well that man, without liberty to think, and act on his own re- sponsibility, is a iravest}/ on nature, an abortion in the universe. ^ Our task accomplished we hope to take up our pen in peace, and go on promulgating science, in all its wonderful and unsur- passed achievements. The object then of these little waifs, children of my own brain, is to add my mite, to that of a host of others of the good and true, to try and extricate ourselves from the fearful conse- quences of tlie terrible conspiracy that has already destroyed onr once glorious Republic of America. Let this be my apol- ogy for making this humble offering on the shrine of liberty. (Duty impels us.) One point we must mention here by way of contrast to show the difference in regard to national affairs now, and what they were when the author was a youth, sixty years ago, in north- western Ohio. Then you could buy the best of land for %1 25 per acre, but you could not buy a white man for any price. Black men in the South were worth $1000 per head. Now, PKEFAOB. good land, near a market city, is held for speculation, at SIOOO per acre, or in a city, at $1000 per front foot ; but men, oh! how cheap, especially about election time, you can buy them for about $1 25 per acre and pay it in whisky and tobacco. Oh! why is it, men are so cheap and dirt is so dear: men cheaper than dirt. In those early days we had no millionaires. Lawyers and ^ * ^ ¥: ^ffQJ•Q scarce. No saloons, and so buying and huck- stering in influences, and herding voters was not then under- stood as a business. But now how changed. I feel compelled to exclaim : "Oh! how has the mighty fallen. From being the greatest of nations — thou has descended to the lowest heliy From being the most exalted, the most progressive, the most libei^al, to be the most illiberal, degraded and wretched on earth. But why multiply words; the Bepublic is overthrown and the sooner we understand it the better. This last sentence may sound strange to some ears, but if you will join me while we look into things you will agree with me. Bemember the saying of Caesar after he had usurped the Im- perial Purjjle in Borne: *'As long as I could make them be- lieve they were free they gave me no trouble, but after they found out the truth, then came revolt." Bemember, also, that in the dying throes of the Bepublic of Bome, it had became a moneyed ^oligarchy, just as ours is to- day — history repeating itself. (See Webster's definition of oligarchy.) ♦Oligarchy, a G-reek word for few atid rale, a form t'f government in which the Bupreme power is in a few hands. A species of aristocracy. Moneyed oligai'chy is a compact between the few in power and the ^\ealthy to rule the State, or for that matter, the civil- ized world. [The Authok.] We have read with much pleasure the remarkable book of Mr. Edward Bellamy, entitled ** Looking Backward," and admire its contents very much. Its wonderful picture of a highly en- lightened state of society is possible, if we only had a republi- can form of government once more. It meets the requirements PRBFAOK. of human nature for the development of the good and true, and we hope it may prove to the present enslaved people of the world, what the North Star proved to be to the poor colored slave of only a few years ago ; something that we can travel in pursuit of, at least, until we arrive at the point where freedom is made possible by the restoration of the Republic. So cheer up and scramble on and never mind how dark, and dismal, and cold the night; day will break, the sun will rise, the fogs wij) iiee away, and then we will see the sun shine as beautiful as ever. Don't give up the race, but hie away to the promised land where all mankind are free. Edward Bellamy has given us the points of the compass to- ward which to travel, but he has not bridged the streams or swamps, or cleared the roads, and there are. numerous obstruc- tions to remove before we can realize the dream. The road may prove a hard road to travel, but if we keep right on we shall be nearing the ideal every day, and the road improving. At present the clouds portend a storm, and, for aught we can tell, we may travel through seas of blood to reach the goal. There is time yet for a thirty years' war as Europe once had, in which science and knowledge may be put back a thousand years, but we hope better things. The colored gentlemen never got to the North Star, nor is he likely to, but he got where he is, as free politically as his white brother, but that is not saying much, for he is not free from the usurper any more than his white brothers are. So we must all try and look into things, and when we know a little more we will know that we are all slaves now. In looking into things we readily discover that the great charter of human liberty, the Declai-ation of Independence, the foundation principles of our government is all right, as were also the Articles of Confederation in their day, but when we look into the Constitution we soon find some glaring inconsis- tencies, some weak points, some strong points, not consistent with each other, neither consistent with the foundation prin- PREFACE. ciples on which our system of government was supposed to rest, to wit: Liberty for man.. (See Declaration of Independ- ence.) That in consequence of these weak points and incon- gruities, our enemy, the enemy of human liberty, has taken un- due advantage, and so entered the citadel, overthreAv the Repub- lic and enslaved its citizens. Now the all-important question is, how to extricate ourselves from the reign of the usurper and so regain our b]ood-bought liberty ; this is the burning ques- tion now, liberty or slavery for man? '* Whawill be a traitor, knave. Wha sa base as be a slave, let him turn and flee." — Burns. When Madame Roland had devoted Jier life service to liberty for France and was about to be executed by her early friends, she cast her longing eyes across the public square, and behold- ing the statue to liberty, she exclaimed : ** Oh, liberty, liberty, how many crimes have been committed in thy name, (then sub- mitted her head to the fatal block) , so now the most dastardly crimes (unprovoked) have been committed in the name of lih- eriy^ and right under the folds of our own flag. INTRODUCTORY. Some monHis ago the author began to write up and expose the swindliijg transactions of the Union and Central Pacidc Railroads, but he had not proceeded far when he dis covered a line of conspiracies all linked together in one com- plete chain, of which the Railroads were only one link on the west end, and that this chain extends three-quarters of the way around the globe ; that it has its grappling irons on Mexico and South America, and already has anchored in India, Egypt Africa, China and Japan, in fact, all the world except the Bush- man and Tartar — even the Czar of Russia, who is now re- garded as the most despotic tyrant on earth, is not free from a master that controls both him and his subjects, and makes him more tyranical than be otherwise would be — some mysterious power behind his throne. In this little pamphlet. No. 1, we shall treat of liberty as the natural inherent right of man, and^of money and its control, in order that we may control our ov/n destiny. How, by the use and control of this convenient tool of trade and commerce, we may become free, happy and enlightened, or how, by its abuse, under the control of villians and knaves, we may become the most ignominious slaves on earth. That in consequence of this abuse of this implement of trade and commeice the wlmU^ <dv- llized world is groaning in slavery to-day. That our own boasted Republic is no exception to the rule, that is, if our so called Re- public was a Republic, pure and simple, we, the people, conl<l control onr own financial svstem and so regain possession of onr own nation and so control our ovvu destiny, which, evideully and unfortunately for us, we never did, only in name, but the INTRODUCTORY. momentous question if, can we now have a republican form of government if we so desire? We think it is both possible and desirable. (So let us have light, more light.) INTItODUCTOiiY TO VOLUME 2. In pamphlet No. 2, same conspiracy, we will expose other links in the chain. First, the Credit Mobilier swindle, by which the company was hf Jjed, at our expense to vast sums of money and credits, amonnl iiig in the aggregate to nearly a billion of dolhirs, directly and indirectly, with privileges almost un- limited, only a small part of Avhich was ever necessary in con- struction of the roads, in fact, was not used in that way. Just tlieir share of the divide ; how tliey became the State ; assuming the prerogatives of the State ; refusing to p;iy taxes, but control legislation ; control the press and all business, as well as the political affair;^ of the State, until thepeople have no rights, and over whom they now terrorize under various pretexts. They also sA up a money standard of their own, thus usurp- ing the prerogative of the nation; also in this same pamphlet an exposition of how silver came to be demonetized. Another link in the same conspiracy, and done so slily that the people did not know it for years — some mysterious power behind the whole business, also the expose of the great American land piracy s.stem, only another link in the chain. We will also copy the Constitution of the United States, ver- batim, and show how its most valuable principles have been overthrown, and the Declaration of Independence ignored and destroyed. 'We will also write and submit a new Constitution, on a line with the Declaration of Independence, in order that we may have the Bepubiic pure and simple and unlimited ; the true Industrial Republic. INTRODUCTORY TO VOLUME 3. In pamphlet No. 3 we will expose the Western Milling AssGr elation, a secret oath-bound crew who fix the price on wheat and bread ; how they defraud the farmer on one hand and starve tlib consumer on the other. We have this confidentially from one once in the business. Also some points on the Indian ring, an- INTRODTJOTOBT. other link in the same chain ; the taxpayers and Indians both robbed ; also show conclusively the nature of the whole scheme for the overthrow of the Republic for many years before the breaking out of the Rebellion ; also the true reasons for the assassination of both Lincoln and Garfield, all in the same con- spiracy, oath-bound as usual. In these several pamphlets we shall endeavor to unravel to the satisfaction, of the most obtuse mind, how fearful was the conspiracy portrayed by Lincoln ; how by all the various acts of Congress, for thirty years or more, not one in the interest of the public, but all for the enthroned monopoly, and especially by the very fact of so much secrecy connected with such enact- ments involving hundreds of millions and billions of dollars, but all so carefully covered up and concealed, either ignorantly or by willful lying or silence on the most momentous ques- tions — questions involving not only the present generation, but questions involving the life of the Nation and of generations for ages unborn, thus proving conclusively that these last words of Lincoln were literally true, for the utterance of which, and others of similar import, he paid the penalty of death, and with his assassination the conspirators took possession, and from that day to this have been simply administering on the estate of the defunct Republic. No doubt John Wilkes Booth * * * * ^t * ^^g ^YiQ tool, but is that all? We never did believe the crime was simply the revenge of surrendering rebels ; but we must investigate the plot. Now reader let us calmly look into things, but keep these im- mortal lines of Goldsmith in mind: *' III fares the land to hastening ills a prey. Where wealth accumulates and men decay." (We will answer Goldsmith at the conxjlusion of volume No. 1.) So let us- lay aside all prejudice and partisan animosities, and think only of what is just and right and true and good for all mankind, and that will surely prove the best for us all in the INTKODUOTORT. near future. Let our motto be " Our Country, right or wrong," - Because when she is right We surely can abide her. And when she is wrong "We can help to right her. So now, fellow citizens, after one hundred years of experience, good, bad and indifferent, we a^-e certainly better able to see and understand the weak points, as well as the strong ones, and so profit by the past, correct our mistakes, whatever they may be, and so regain our lost fortunes, regain our lost liberty and realize what was contemplated in the foundation principles. (See Lincoln's warning, next page.) CHAPTEPi I. * THAT TERRIBLE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS — LINCOLN'S LAST WARN- ING —LINCOLN'S INTEGRITY— Lincoln's warning verified. RECONSTRUCTION NECCESSARY — OUR ENEMY IN DISGUISE. PRESENT CONDITION— OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS. We now repeat Abraham Lincoln's last warning to the Ameri- can people : ** It has been indeed a trying hour for the Republic, but I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of cor- ruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country wiD endeavor to prolong its reign by working on the prejudices of the people, until all wealth is aggregated in a few liands and the Eepublic is destroyed . I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before,, even in the midst of the war. God grant that my suspicions may prove groundless." The abov:i was taken from a letter written by President Lin- coln to a friend in Illinois, just after 'the surrender of General Lee, and before his own assassination, and published in Colum- bia^ Anna D. Weaver's paper. Some .very good people style this warning of Lincoln's a prophecy but th's is hardly permissible, Abraham Lincoln was a seer, and being behind the curtains, signing bills and seeing how things were going, he made it known just as soon as he thought it safe to do so, and then it proved too soon for his personal safety. Some of our politicans are trying to dis- countenance this warning. Such effort is useless, in as much as everything in it has had a literal fulfilment in every letter and line, and it would not be surprising if anything and everything relating to it had been hunted up and destroyed by the con- epirators. Of course they would do so now. Did Lincoln lie in regard to the enthroning of a monopoly to issue and control the money? Was he mistaken as to the intentions of the cjn- spirators. No doubt they tried to bribe and bulldose him, and that opened his eyes. No, sirs, his suspicions were not ground, less, and his immediate assassination after the utterance of this, his last warning, only proves too plainly that the culprits who suffered for that terrible crime were not the only criminals, and all subsequent legislation has shown, more and more conclu. sively, the na'ure of the whole horrible tragedy to overthrow the Republic, and they have done it, as we shall show to the most obtuse mind, especially in pamphlets No. 2 and 3 of thes3 series. But these last words of the martyred President were not the only warnings given by him, as well as by others. Hon. Thadeus Stevens (in the U. S. Senate at the THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW 1$. d time) , when on his death bed, said: *'Yes, we had to yield. The Seuate was stubborn. We did not, however, until we found the country must be lost or the bankers gratified, and we sought to save the country in spite of the cupidity of the wealthier cit- izens." You see, however, that was only jumping off the grid- iron into the fire. It is all plain now. Note how partisan prejudice has been kept alive between Democrats and Republicans, in regard to the most trivial ques- tions, while matters of the most momentous importance to the people and Nation have been passed over in silence or treated with contempt, thus keeping prejudice rampant, until all of Liberty has been lost except the name, whilst monopoly, which is only another name for monarchy, has perpetuated its reign until the constitutional guarantees have been all swept away step by step, until it is painfully evident that the only way out of the horrible dilemma without bloodshed is by reconstruction from the first foundation principles, strictly on a line with the original Declaration of American Independence, that grand old document, the lio"ht of America, the future light of the world, the liberator of all mankind. This is not treason, this is not war; nay, but it is treason not to do so. And to neglect to do so will result in war — horrible, inevitable war. So let us study first principles, the principles of liberty, for which only the war of the revolution, or rebellion either, wns justifiable. But study and understand it ^^ell, for we have a great task before us to overthrow the present usurpers in our f.wn country, and possibly the enthroned money power of the civilized world, before we can regain what we once enjoyed of that priceless boon, Uheriy for man. But for the proof of the above we must follow out and expose the monster in all his dia- bolical schemes, even before the war, and during and since the war. But with the assassination of Lincoln our real foe, the usurper, took possession and has been conducting our national affairs entirely in the interest of the conspirators, and from that day to this we, the people, have had no more voice, no more 4 LOOKING INTO THINGS, Oil influence in our national affairs than tlitj Tartars of Tartary or the Bushmen of Australia, except to pay taxes and interest. This enthroned money power of the world had been regarding our nation as a mere skirmishing ground. Only waiting until we should accumulate valuable property, then it started in -vvith the war of the rebellion. Then it started ia like a thief in the niglit. And never gave up until it put out the light. It began its death work with two airings to ita bow. So that if one tailed the other woiald go. The men in the lield did their work brave and bold. But our foe stole in like a wolf ti* the fold. In the year 'sixty- one the war was begun, In the year sixty- two it was all very blue, In the years sixty-three, sixty-four and sixty-five The nation in mourning, but our foe was alive. And enthroned was the villain on the spoils of the slain, Our chieftain entombed and our nation in chains. The rebellion was fought that the republic might live, Bui now we behold it laid low in ita grave. Now friends and fellow citizens, bound together by one com- mon desire — to wit, the happiness and welfare of humanity — can we see anything in our surroundings and conditions con- firmatory of that wond rf ul forecast of Abraham Lincoln ? See the money power of the civilized world — its head in Lon- don, its body in Europe, its clutch at our throats in America, its conspirators in New York ; Tammany Hall, of revolutionary fame, its headquarters, now controlled, and has been for thirty or forty years, by the political bosses of both the leading par' ^ies, and men of wealth and influence and a good representation of priests in black and white frocks, and who from their emi- nence control New York city, county and State, and the United States. See Father McGlynn's lectures, and he knows. He was there. He knew the place when cOtitroUed by the Tweed ring, now the political headquarters of the United States, its backers and abettors in the great, grand, gilded gold and bond room of tlie Brokers' Exchange, where the guilty, gilt edged, gold headed ghouls, worshippers of the god Gold, meet in solemn conclave to THE OONSPlfiACY THAT iTOV IS, ORH^^^*' ^ bay or sell bond slaves, men, women and children, for ages un- born; its chief henchmen the partisan bosses at Washington, who lead or drive the ignorant, blind voting CLittle in hum^n form to cast themselves, soul and body, under the gil led wheels of the golden car of the grinding, crushing, soul destroying Juggernaut. So ol this monster beast, enemy of mankind, beware, I pr»y, That sltteth on the waters many, deck'd out in fine array, That talketh kindly like a woman, and with her lips she saith, *»Come unto me all ye that labor and I will give you rest." But beware of the scarlet lady ; there's poison in her breath. She hath a body like a serpent, she will crush you to deatli. The scarlet lady hath a brother, * * ♦ . » •- They conspire to betray us, then enslave TlB« Then mock at Liberty. Yes. render, we shall prove conclusively to every unpreju- diced mind, as we look into things, that the people of this mighty and partly free ijation have been betrayed, lost their liberty and been sold into slavery at the instigation of a band of villains at home and abroad, some of whom may have acted their parts un. willingly, but acted it all th^ same as partisans. But as to the principal perpetrators, all understood long beforehand, e\'*^n in its details, and all carried out by preconcerted action. But be- fore doing which we ask your indulgence in the perusal of a few pages in regaid to the foundation principles on which our system of government is. based, as well as some very important principles in natural economic science that cannot be ignored with impunity, and the very attempt to ignore which is always attended with the most disastrous results to civilization and de- clention to barbarism as an inevitable result ; and first in order then is the natural rights of man inherent in his life and con- stitution and on a line with all else in nature. In our humble effort at an exposition of this infamous ooa- spiracy we have been fortunate in obtaining from a friend a rare document one probably not intended for the ordinary readar. 6 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR but, nevertheless of undoubted authorship. We shall use it extensively for reference. See it : '*Tbea.surer's Departmeyt, Office of the ) ** Secretary, Washington, D. C, August 6th, 1881. J **IIon. Francis A, Walker, Superintendent of Censv^, Washing- ton, J). C. — Sir : As requested in your letter of the 5th inst., I transmit herewith the information compiled under the super- vision of Mr. R. A. Bailey of this office concerning the old loans of the Government, and other matters in relation to the national debt transmitted to me under date of the 1st instant. ** Very respectfully yours, ** W, Windom, Secretary." From the above oflScial document we obtain most of our facts, and we defy coi*tradiotion, as it would be evidence in any honest court. CHAPTER n. THR NATXTRAIj RIGHTS OF MAN — ROBBER SYSTEMS — INCIPIENT ECONOMIO PRINCIPIiES — RIGHTS OF SOVEREIGNS— RIGHTS OF SOVEREIGN NATIONS. The sovereignty of the nation is based on the sovereignty of its individuals. Our Government, in contradistinction to mon- archial governments, is based on the principle that the people are sovereign, instead of some one person reigning and being sovereign and ruling by divine right, or the right of kings, and of whom it was claimed the king can do no wrong. The priest chose the king by command of god, the priest also being infal- lible, etc. On the contrary, we the people, are sovereign. See Declaration of Independence, which says : "All just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed.'* Therefore we, the people are sovereign. For this reason our legislators and oflSloials chosen by the people are our agents, and never should supercede their instructions. The Constitution was framed by the delegates, chosen by the people, to be a rule that neither Congress, President nor officials should ever vio- late, but all be in perfect accord with its provisions, so that laws THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. / enacted by them would not infringe on the natural, inalienable rights of the people— laws that would be just and impartial in all their bearings. Our system of government also recognized that all men are created free and equal (politically) ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights— to wit, life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights governments are instituted among men deriving their j ust powers from the consent of the governed."^ Evidently we have greatly departed from these foundation principles. Evidently the departure from these great first principles is the cause of our enslavement to-day, as we shall also prove in this eliort. But there was difficulty then in the way of their fulfil- ment, and there is still some difficulty ; but no valid reason can be given now why they should not be carried out to the letter, as we sha^l also show in this humble work. One difficulty at the time was, black chattel slavery existed in many of the States, and the evil had to be tolerated for a season in order that the colonies might be united against the common enemy, Great Britain. "They had to hang together or be hung separately." (So said Franklin.) And the people thm owning black slaves, and believing in it as a part of the divine plan, would not consent to their liberation. So' they wrote better than they practiced. The best of people do that ; sometimes many still do so. But the difficulty of black chattel slavery has at last been eliminated. One more difficulty remains to the complete fulfilment of what was possible in those same founda. tion principles, and that is, woman's emancipation ; but even that is nearing a fulfilment, prejudice dying out. Woman is feminine man just as much <5.s man is masculine man, and constitutes one-half the race ; has the same right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness that masculine man has ; and if we were as ready to grant liberty to others as we are to claim it for ourselves, the last prejudice would vanish. Herein is the per- *ror the above see Declaration of Independence. It should be suspended in map foim in every citizen's house, as well as every schoolhouse in the laud, and its principles faithfully inculcated in every child. 8 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR feet law of liberty — that each and every person of mature age and sound mind should be permitted to do as they please with themselves and their own, so long as they do not infringe on the selfsame right in others. Question— Are you ready to do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you ? But now we must pass to consider very briefly some important economic laws, involving the right to life, liberty, and the par suit of happiness. The right to life implies the right to the means whereby life is sustained — nature's resources, the earth, air and water, the liberty to use these, to enhance our happiness, and promote the welfare of others dependent on us, but never to deprive others of the selfs'ime rights we claim for ourselves. Herein is the perfect law of equity, of equal and exact justice, on nature' own plan. Our motto and practice niust be Live and Let Live, instead of tha 1 modern, diabolical practice of cut throat, cut the cuthroat's throat ; or that reptilian code of eat and be eaten in turn ; or, to the victors belong iiie spoils; or that might makes right; or, take all you can get, keep all you have got and pray fer more ; or, still farther, to follow the political code of that old prince of political corruptionists, Simon Cameron,"^ subtraction, division and s lence. But now you see there is a power above the repub- lic, that is greater than the republic, and a power behind every throne to day tnat is greater than the throne. It is still huaian, but Ave call it the organized money power of the civilized world, because it has only one head and is organized to rob all nations, both civilized and savage, by means of its own ordained meth- ods of business. It is a very potential power in civilized soci- ety, for good or evil, but not so potential among savages : first, because the savage has but little of which to be robbed ; second, because he has not adopted their business method, but he spends * Subtract from the public, divide with your pards, and ke«p «ilexice. (The thief ioee no more.) THE 0ON8PIRA0T THAT NOW IS. 9 much valuable time and labor traveling about, bartering, t'-ad- ing, swapping — one day he swaps sugar for sweetening and the next day swaps sweetening for sugar. His methods are child- like (ignorance is his master) , whilst organized greed of the money power and ignorance on our part is our masters alj-o. So let us look into things. But all civilized or half- civilized nations have found it advan- tageous to adopt tokens (stamped money, legalized counters), which all in that nation were bound to respect as the lawful mooey of the realm, and which was in fact a great convenience in trade and commerce — a real labor saving im]3lement in the exchange of commodities. Issued by the sovereign or chief authority of the nation, that all might enjoy its advantages in the transaction of business, the sovereign first giving it for goods or services performed. Thence it went on from subject to subject, doing its work of facilitating exchanges. As long as the king or sovereign lived and reigned, so long was his money good ; or in case the material on which to make his money was scarce, or his people with too much money, and too independent about their service, then he taxed them, and they had to come bringing it back to replenish his treasury. This made hard times, and caused subjects to revolt then just as it does now. When Solomon was king and reigned in Jerusalem he made money as plentiful in that city as stones, (see II Chronicles, 1st chap., 15th verse ; also 9th chap., 27tli verse.) But in doing this he taxed the peoiDle, thus calling in the gold and silver money, and so contracting the volume of money by using it to decorate the temple and other public and private buildings, and to pay his workmen and his numerous servants and singers, and support his numerous wives and concubines. But the contrac- tion of the currency and high taxes made hard times in the country and revolt among outlying tribes. (See Chronicles, 10th and 11th chapters ; read it for yourselves. Ten tribes revolt at one time.) Just as high interest, enormous taxes, 10 liOOKING INTO THINGS, OB low prices for commodities, lower wages or no work, the volume of money insufficient, looked up, destroyed or concentrated in a few hands m ikes laborers, farmers ind all classes of wealth producers revolt, causing over throw and death to the naticn, just as a lack of blood or con- sentration of it a*-, certain points of the body causes con gestion or paralysis and death to the patient. Bat the two sov- ereign prerogatives of declaring the money and collecting taxes was originally recognized as such and a right that none dare dispute to do so was counted disloyal and treasonable. The king had a right to cull for service, and pay in the king's money, and so the king could call forth an army with banners in a day and pay in the king's monsy. This was evidently a very imj ortant prerogative, without which the king is not povereign at all.* Equally important in a republic, without which the republic is not a sovereign nation ; or its people independent and just what we must have before we can have a free and independeN.i nalioti. This important sovereign prerogative of declaring and issuing the money was the general rule in ancient times ; but in modern times the oligarchy rules the civilized world, and for some mysteriou". reason, either ignorance or design, or both, we, the people, have always been deprived of this very important prerogative. We could call foith an army of men to be slaugh- tered at the cannon's mouth — life was cheap ; but the banners or cannons— no, no money to equip the army. It had to be borrowed from some other power or potentate, friendly or un- friendly, and always at great cost and danger. The failui'e to make ample provision in the Constitution for the exercise of this sovereign prerogative was evidently one of the v/eak jjoints. But now we must pass from this part of our subject tu take it up further on, as another great question presents itself for solution. ♦Before yoii spell nation with a big Nyou should include this sovereign preroga- tive to declare and issue the money, making the demand clear, decisive and un- equivocal, subject to the will of the bo ve reign people, who must control their own destiny by controlling the money and business methods, whatever the method may be. TBB CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 11 CHAPTER III. POLITICAL ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES — NATURAL BCONOMIO PRIN- CIPLES — ECONOMIC JUST PRINCIPLES— UNJUST ECONOMIC PRINCIPLES — SOVEREIGN RIGHTS OF NATIONS — GONSTITUTIOM OVERTHROWN. Economic principles — wealth dependent on labor applied to nature's resources, but necessarily slow of increase. Our practical, scientific, political economists tell us that the most favored nation does not increase in wealth more than 3 per cent per annum over and above all that is eaten up, dies off, burns down and goes to destruction. (The aggregation of prop- erty for which we are indebted should be reckoned out, as it is a delusion and does not help matters out in the long course of time, as all interest comes out of the producers, whether foreign or domestic,) A nation then that aggregates wealth at 3 per cent per annum would in course of time become wealthy. But it does not follow that all the people in that nation will be wealthy : that will depend largely on the internal economic principles adopted by that nation. Any system of barter, trade, finance or exchange that favors one class at the expense of an- other will surely aggrandize the one class and impoverish the other, and, however small the advantage at the beginning, it will eventually aggregate all wealth in the hands of the favored ones, and just as surely enslave those not of the favored class. Hence it also follows that if I, as an individual, am steady, industrious and economical, and lay by 3 per cent per annum, then I am doing well. If I make more somebody else is making less. Speculation is unjust, unnatural and impossible for any cousid- 12 liOOE-lI^G IKTU THlJNGb, OK erable length of time. It is a process of getting soniething-for nothing. If I am making 20, 50 or 100 per cent somebody else is being robbed, in some way, of what by natural right belongs to them. Hence great thrift is not possible for any one on any line of equitable dealing. The law. of equity, properly under- stood, is the law of cause and effect. You cannot produce some- thing from nothing, and the only law applicable here is the law of equivalent for equivalent. Hence, following strictly on the line of equity, inteiest, rent, profit is impossible, in the nature of things, and cannot be followed as a system for any consider- able length of time without disastrous results to the people of that nation. There is not an exception to these principles in the world. But it also violates other laws of nature too numer- ous to mention, and ultimately proves disastrous to the thought- less, rich idler, as well as to the overworked producer. When the natural laws are violated you cannot escape the legitimate effects. Herein is involved the rise and fall of na- tions, to which there are no exce])tions in the history of the world. But these natural, inexorable laws of Nature, are tha very laws so generally violated or overlooked. But you cannot ignore them, however much you may deplore them. All wise statesmen understand this. Those who live by usury (interest) , rent, speculation and spoliation simply live at the expense of others. It is a violation of both moral and natural law, and no human law or custom of society can make it just. Thomas Jefferson understood when he said, "The fathers have no right to fasten a debt on posterity," and again when he said, **A na- tional debt is as near a national fraud as anything can well be." Experience has proved this correct in our case. Here a great, unnecessary bond debt has proven to be not only an unpardon- able fraud, but an unmitigated curse— a cald-mity, instead of ** a blessing in disguise," as some of our traitor statesmen have assert- ed. It not only draws unjust interest, but it breeds debts unlim- ited, and when the legally constituted authorities legislate to make unnecessary, unjust debt and interest, only one solution of the THE CONSPIBACY THAT NOW IS. 13 qnestion can be ^iven, and that is, that it is done to enable the idle nonproducer to live and riot in luxury at the expense of the producers. It is absolutely iucom^^atible with sound repub- lican or democratic principles, where ecjual rights are supposed to be the rule ; bat in all monarchial governments it is the rule to uphold classandclasses at the expense of the masses (who hitherto have constituted the mulsills of society, so called). Hence every, law was made to subserve the classes, the aristoc- nicy and the throne, ULder the plea <A divine righ . But all laws in a republic that favor a class is revoluHonary , is treaso?i to the vf-public; it is monarchy established on the ruins of the repub- lic. But to fasten a great national debt on posterity violates another law of Nature. I see about me aged parents who have reared families. Now, sup^DOse the parents should die baakrup; to-morrow, and a son comes of age next day, would the law be just that would compel the son to pay the parents' debts? Not you would all say, " No, give the child a chance.''^ The parents then have no natural right to fasten a just debt on posterity How much less can a nation fasten an unjust debt on posterity, for the all-sufficient reason that it deprives posterity of the right to the means whereby life is sustained, and so deprives him of life, liberty, and the right to pursue after happiness in his own way . It virtually enslaves him, and relegates him to ignorance^ depri- vation, degradation, barbarism, and death, for something for which he is in no way responsible. We must also remember here, that all wealth, of whatever character, is originally the product of labor, expended on Na- ture's resources ; that the mere idler, speculator, beggar or thief ailds nothing to the wealth, but, conceal it as we may, he is a constant expense. Hence too the poverty and degradation *Our law-makers now have no law that compels the children to pay the parents* debts directly, but tho whole bondage system does so ; hence the whole bondage pywtejn is wrong, and liouce the law-makers have no just i-r moral right to flu-ust their long. nefarionH fingers into the future of lime and enslave children unborn. Hence the whole bondage system ii unnatural, unjust^and should not, cannot be tolerated. >^ \ B R ^^' y f ' OF TMS f TJNTVKRaiTT '« 14 liOOKING INTO THINGS, OR of producers are always in exact inverse ratio to the wealth and afflaence of the idle nonproducer. The 3 per cent increase won't go around ; hence the more rich idlers, the more poor beggars, and both unnecessary excresences on society (both wans) — another bane of past ages. ( Now can you see into things ?) The old adage read.=j : " There is only a sixpence difference between the man that works and the man that plays, and the man that plays gets it!" Now how does the idle nonproducer get his wealth? Evidently it is most generally the unjust laws that enable him to get it, as we shall prove further on. But manifestly any law that favors one class or individual must do so at the expense of another class or individual. Evidently also such law must be unjust, tyrannical. These are grave questions, but all true statesmen should un- derstand them, and shape legislation accordingly (but how very rare true statesmen) ; hence false systems have been the rule more frequently than true systems. Hence all Europe, for long ages, with but few exceptions, has been victimized by vicious systems, that have robbed producers to enrich the idlers. It is so still, and the same systems have been introduced here early in our history, and has robbed, defrauded and.inipoverished the wealth producers in this unhappy country, until the republic is absolutely overthrown, extinct, except in name only. Even freedom in religion and education is toppling. Chief among these false systems is a delusive system of finance, a robber system of transportation, a system of deadly competi- tion among producers, and, fourthly, complete combination in money finance, transportation and exchange, all in the interest of idlers, nonproducers and speculators, with whom government officials co-operate in order to sustain the cormorants, cut-throat corruptionists, etc., for their own aggrandizement and at the expense o*' honest industry, in which struggle the women suffer most, because the most sensitive and helpless, and hence the frequent resort to a life of shame to escajje the immediate pangs of hunger and cold, those inexorable masters of the poverty THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 16 stricken. But these unjust systems of a barbarian age must go before we can enjoy perfect liberty, or even regain what we once had of that priceless inheritance. The most outrageous of all these unjust robber systems have been fastened on us without our knowledge or consent, and contrary to the cardinal prin- ciples on which our government was founded, as already alluded to. First in order then is to see what rights belong to us as a nation, and also as citizens, and so exchange the false and per- aicious, and introduce the true, the benificent, by reconstruc- tion from first foundation principles — the immortal Declaration of Lidependeyice and Natural Rights of Man. The* first question then is, Are we a sovereign nation, with sovereign rights like other nations? (See Declaration of Inde- pendence : *'A11 just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed.") Our liberation achieved, this prin- ciple was acknowleded by all civilized nations, and we were treated with as a sovereign nation, in which the sovereignly of its individuals is recognized, with self-government by each and each responsible to each, and united government for all, with liberty and independence for each and all. Now, with sovereign power always went the right to levy taxes and excises, and to coin, declare and issue its own money, and with that right also the right to make it on any material, whether gold, silver, copper, iron, brass, leather, cloth, paper, bark of trees, skins of animals, wood, precious stones, belts of wampum, measures of oil and flour, cakes of soap, tobacco, animals, slaves (men and women) , at fixed rates. See McCarty's Annual Statistician, 1881, page 509, also 604, in which we find almost everything has been used by the sovereigns of earth on which to place the insigna of sovereignty, his image and superscription. None dare dispute in his realm. It was protected by laws. To counterfeit or deny the king's money or authority was treason, and the culprit was visited with condign punishment, and it was rightly so, so long as the king was king. Why not ? Now re- verse the order. If we had a republic and the people were sov" 16 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB ereign, they would exercise sovereign rights, to declare and issue the money of the realm. As to the material or substance on which the royal prerogative was placed or stamped, that was not the essential principle. Evidently the essential principle was the authority of the sovereign to issue and declare money. Hence this right as well as the right to tax being twin attri- butes of sovereignty, were always hedged about with ample laws for their protection and enforcement by the sovereign, and pro' tect d him in his right as ala-ivful sovereign of the realm ; hence toj, without both of these very essential prerogatives, he would not, could not, be sovereign at all. Neither can we be a sover- eign nation or people without exercising both of these sovereign prerogatives (to levy taxes and issue money.) Bemember that man makes laws, and the laws made by men make money ; that, whatever the money is, it is just what the law mak s it — nothing more, nothing less. If the law makes it an honest dollar, it is so by virtue of law ; if a dishonest dollar, it is so by unjust law. Hear the Hon. William D. Kelly, Eepublican Member of Con- gress from Pennsylvania in 1886: " There never was an honest dollar made but what was made by a government, neither a gold dollar, a paper dollar, nor a silver dollar." Kelly was right, and on a line with the Supreme Court decisions, and we defy all the huckstering lawyers in the nation to prove to the contrary, including Kobert G. Ingersoll, the great. Hear him : ** God makes money." No, sir ; God never made a dollar in the world, neither an honest nor a dishonest dollar, a gold dollar, a silver dollar, a paper nor a leather dollar, a nickel, nor even a brass cent, God made man and man made money (log cabin school- house education). Well, where did Kobert G. ^et his educa- tion? Was it in the holy of holies, or, later on, in the * * * * ■* * ■^, or, still more recently, in the unholy temple of the inon^y ghouls ? Now remember, a question correctly stated is already hall debated. The right then to declare and issue the money is a sovereign right of the nation, and in a republic, where sover- THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW T8. 17 eighty inheres in its people, it is the right of the people to deter- mine for themselves whether they will use money at all or not in their transaction of business and exchange of commodities If they decide to use money, tokens representing value, it is their inherent right to do so. And all their laws for the collec- tion of debts, payment of taxes, exchange of commodities, wages, etc., will be framed to suit the medium through which exchanges are efifect d. If the people, in the exercise of this, their sovereign prerogative, decide not to use money tokens, but exchange commodities direct, then they have the right to do so, as well as to fix the standard of value at which commodities may be exchanged, both at home and abroad ; also make bills of lading and bills of exchange international and binding by treaty, by Congressional enactment, by consent of its people, and so cut off speculation, profit mongering, cornering, and all the host of robbing schemes, and so make it possible and easy to be honest with all mankind, and so treat each other like brothers, instead of cut-throats or robbers, much less that ex- ecrable practice of calling men brothers in order that we may rob and enslave them. As an example as to the right of kings, emperors, etc., to coin, declare and issue the money, read the early history of Kome, Greece, Egypt, Persia, Sparta ; read Lycurgus' law making the money of iron ; read also in the New Testament concerning the case where the scribes (lawyers) and pharisees (priests) te pted one Jesus by presenting him a small coin of Caesar* to see if he would recognize the sovereign right of Csesarf to coin and declare money, and collect tribute, but he was not entrapped. He hastily acknowledged both these sovereign rights of Caesar.* These are not exceptional cases, but the rule. All kings, queens, emperors, empresses, sovereign pontiffs and potentates, ,-n all ages, where money was used at all, had a right to demand *Why did they not arrest him for being a tramp? He was certainly guilty of that crime. T Judea was a conquered province of Rome at the time. 16 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR service, and pay in the king's money,, or token, for the service performed. Hence, too, the universal custom of engraving the imag .; and supersciption of the reigning sovereign on the money of the realm. Hence, too, we, the people of this sovereign na. tion, must exercise this sovereign prerogative to declare and issue the money. For these reasons we, the people, conferred these sovereign prerogatives of levying taxes, and excises and declaring and issuing the money en Congress, to do these things for us, as our constituted agents. (See the Constitution.) The one sovereign power to levy taxes and excises. Congress has car- ried out on the most gigantic scale — on everything tangible and intangible, in every imaginable form (even our credulity is taxed) . The other sovereign prerogative, to declare and issue the money, Congress has either i'armed out or almost entirely ignored, by limiting its issue to certain materials very scarce and hard to obtain, or else, still worse, issuing something- resembling but still not money, or else, most outrageous of all, conferring power on a corporation not un ler the control of the people, neither delegated in the Constitution, to issue a fraudu- lent representation of money, which is no: money (the bank note is only a promise to pay money) , and all for the purpose of aggrandizing the corporation at the expense of the people (mys- terious power) . We are not unmindful of a decision giving legal sanction to bank notes in some respects when the legal tender cases were last argued in the Supreme Court by Butler and Chittenden, but the fact that the constitutionality of the banking law was not under discussion at the time only shows Low ready is our highest tribunal to serve corporations. But still there is one very material point not yet decided. Would this same court now decide that these bankers' notes are lawful money of the realm when in fact they read on their face only a promise to pay money ? If they do so decide, then the bankers are sovereign, and the people have no rights. How is it anyhow? Evidently the people never knowingly surrendered to the bank- ing oligarchy (mystery inexplicable here). Let us know the THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 19 worst. (B. F. Butler to the front once more.) The Supreme Court did decide, however, that the bank note was lawful in a limited sense, and by courtesy just what was stipulated in the law, nothing more, nothing less (as much as to say they are not unlawful, they are not counterfeit), but the greenback a lawful money of the realm in peace or war, and to the extent that the law made them lawful money of the realm, nothing more, noth- ing less. But it was limited al ^o by exceptions. (See further on) . See also decisions of United States Supreme Court (Judge Field, only, dissenting — seven to one). What is the reason now that C ngress will not heed the decisions of the Supreme Court, and so dechire and issue the constitutional, lawf nl money, the money of the nation? A.nswer : Because they belong with the conspirators, the oligarchy, and with them Tammany throne, New York, is higher authority than the Supreme Court of the United States, with all the people. (The people be d d.) But let us look ialo things. We have had the bitter experience now for over one hundred years, law or no law, Constitution or no Constitution; we now understand its diabolical effects. We have had the revohitiou from liheriy to slavery — fifty million slaves on one side, an enthroned oligarchy of millionaires on the other, falsehood, falsc- systems everywhere, no safety any- where, until, between the two thieves, unlimited taxation and no money, but fraudulent representation of money, or the amount entirely inadeciuate to meet tlie requirements of busi- ness, the people have been robbed, ruined, defrauded and en slaved, until Life is a burden, liberty afavce^ and the right to pur- sue aftei' happiness a. snare, a delusion, and a mockery. (Stop thief, stop!) 20 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB CHAPTER IV. PINANCIAIj eights — NATIONAL. EIGHTS OP CITIZENS — CIECDIiATING MEDIUM— EQUITY IN BUSINESS AND COMMEECE ASSUEED — MONEY LOANING NOT THE BEST WAT — EQUITY IN COM- MEECE — EQUITABLE BUSINESS. The people have an inherent right to control their own destiny by controlling their own money and legislation. Now, as a people, we must look into things, exercise our senses and judg- ment, and assert our natural, inherent right to control our own destiny, and, to this end, we must control the money, first hav- ing decided whether we will use money in the exchange of com- modities or not, also to determine the material on wh'ch this insignia of sovereignty shall be printed, as well as the amount to print. It is all-important that we have enough money to transact all the business of the nation on a cash basis — no bor- rowing, no premium, or interest ; that, to this end, we declare that in the substance or material use<l three things are neces- sarily considered— first, economy; second, convenience ; third, durability; — all considered and all adapted to the requirements of business and commerce at home and abroad, but always pro- tected, respecteci and defended at home by all loyal citizens of the realm as the money of the sovereign people, whether printed on gold, silver, nickel, copper, leather, paper or cloth, etc., so that there is abundance of it, and carries with ii the insignia of sovereignty, for which the whole nation is bound by law to accept as the lawful money of the realm; that for any person to counterfeit the same is a criminal offense, just as now — but to refuse to accept and respect the money is equivalent to dis- loyalty to the sovereign people. Such person mast be treated THE OONSPIRAOX THAT NOW IS. 21 as an alien, without the right to vote, hold office, own real estate, or collect debts in court. Said money must necessarily be ex- ecuted in the highest style of art, as a protection against coun- terfeiting, alteration or mutilation. We would also suggest that the insignia should be the national flag and the superscription of ** In the People We Trust" engraved on one side; on the op- posite side, if metal, a dove with an olive lea" in her mouth and a wreath of flowers around her neck, and the amount in value expressed as usual; and if on some fabric, as cloth, leather or paper, then, in addition to the above, the insignia (fl^ig) should be engraved on one end, and on the front, in the center, should be seated the Goddess of Justice with balances evenly poised, above which should be the words, "In the People We Trust"; on one side of Justice should be a figure of a female, on the other side a male, below in the foreground a group of children playing and above their heads the word ** Liberty," wnilst be- neath their feet the word *' Eureka." On the face of the bill should be the words "Lawful Money of the United States of America; 1, 5, 20, or 50 dollars sovereign money of the realm; on the back of these bills the figure of a ship under sail, waving grain in the ceLter, mountains in the background, and a railroad train on the lower margin carrying the American flag; also men, cattle, horses, sheep in sight, forests on the mountains, and somewhere "Lo," the lonely Indian, fishing or hunting. But how to get this sovereign money of the realm into circu- lation without the aid of banks? Answer: The Government ordained by the sovereign people of the nation will pay all per- sons performing service for the public, in whatever line, whether as officials or laborers, will be jDaid in the natijnal money, and as all transportation and communication will be carried on by the ordained Government — ordained by the people at a cost to the people (see pamphlet on Railroads, as well as all other sys- tems of improvements of public or national importance) — the Government, the authorized agent of the p ople, would issue its money for service performed or goods and valuables delivered, 22 liOOKIKCfr INTO THIKaS, OB just as it was issued during the war of the rebellion, but never to be converted into bonded debt, as that was. Then there should be no way to get money without rendering an equivalent. The millionaire would be an impossibility, as he could get only whit he honestly earned; the poorest man could earn as much as he. Thus the money of the nation, issued by the order of the people for their own convenience and benefit, and only for value received,* all would have the same opportu- nity to get money without borrowing and paying interest to the idle, rich, favored, aristocratic rascals. But the national money, issued and limited only by the amount of service or labor performed and valuables delivered, would be limited only by the amount of labor and valuables that could be obtained, and the amount of public improvements necessary for the public good, and no limitations to the public improve- ments. Still another great advantage accrues to us as laborers, citizens. We would own an equal, undivided interest in all public improvements, which constitutes national wealth, common- wealth, in which each and all are interested, with work for all, and work or starvation for the able bodied. Only the idiots, imbe- ciles or disabled would be supported at the public expense, but no dudes, drones, knaves, bankers, speculators, beggars or thieves to be supported. And so with equity in commerce, and arbitration to settle all disputes on equitable principles, lawyers become unnecessary. The monkey attorney, with laws of his own ordaining (Legal Jimmy's decisions, going back to the dark ages) becomes obso- lete; he can retire to the shades of oblivion, or sheol, with his •We do not antagonize the effort now being made under the present excruciating circumstances, to get government loans, if the people can do it; but it is of doubt- ful utility as a method and not compatible with a sound financial system. It is subject to many abuses. There might be favoritism shown; a host of agents also to be paid, more political patronage involved, the nature of security uncertain and the Vast amounts that would be required to extricate the people from debts of all kinds that would necessadly have to be paid again some time, oven though there was no interest at all to pay, would cause fluctuations in the volume of money and consequent'shrinkage of values. I will add, however, that, as a matter of justice to the people for the amounts of which they have been robbed by the legalized THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 23 dudes and dudees extinct, the missing link lost. Then also the long-fingered, long armed, dignified Latin court may retire to the gloom and solitude of an "innocuous desuetude"; justice se- cured without reference to the length of your purse, law or no law (arbitration); liberty, with self-government triumphant; equal rights secured. With an abundance cf work for all and equal opportunities for all, and no idlers to support, the toiler would get the benefit of his labor, there need not be any idle hands or empty stomachs, no naked backs, no underfed mothers, no overworked fathers or children, and soon no criminals. " We shall live to hail that season By gifted men foretold. When man shall live by reason And not alone by gold. When man tu man united, And every wrong thing righted. The whole world shall be lighted, As Eden was ot old."— McKay. But what next ? The people can cooperate — the weaver eat his bread at cost, the farmer wear his coat at cost, the butcher wear his boots at cost, the shoemaker eat his steaks at cost, travel on our own railroads at cost, transport our own goods at cost. Thus the government ordained by us will co operate with us, instead of our rich, idle masters under the government of their uwn ordaining, as now, and so make exchanges at cost, and so he(?uro equivalent for equivalent. With si>eculation cut off, lieiiig in business unnecessary, truth will become tashiouable ouce more, and honesty the best policy, humanity redeemed, good triumphant, the medium of exchange free, man free. Thus plunderers, it would be more on the line of justice for the Government to issue itK money and liquidate every honest debt of its private loyal Citizens. It would noi then make repai'atiou for tne vast wrong committed against the people by wicked, outrageous legislation in the interest of a class in the last thirty years, to say noth. iug about furmer legislatiuu. It could not then atone for tUe generation of tho dead and hopelessly bankrupt, made so designedly by those who now get tho nation 8 money without interest to loan back to us on their own terms, and aa thoy keep tbe toll-gate, not one dollar can get into circulation until it has paid toll to baukers — those who control. Thus they oonirol our destiny for gt»od or evil, life or death— mostly death. 24 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR a truly honest national money, for which every loyal citizen would be responsible to each other and to all the world, to th« extent of of all he could perform and all he had to exchange. Hence each and all would be the redeemers of the money, and the money would be as constantly redeemed by them in things having intrinsic value in themselves, whether the money had intrinsic value in its substance or not. Thus the lawful money of the realm would perform the functions of facilitating ex- changes of commodities, without regard to the intrinsic value of its substance. All the value required is lawful recognition. What the law recognizes will pay i^ny debt in any honest court or anywhere else in the realm. Gold money or silver money can do no more. The law itself can have no other object than the happiness of the people. To this end all laws must be made, and made to conform to equal and exact justice to all, no priv- ileges to any. Law itself can never fav^r one class except at the expense of others, to whom it is tyranny. Laws of monarchial governments do this, but not so of laws democratic, laws repub_ lican, made for the good of man, but not for man's destruction. But why conduct business on the bankers', brokers' and business men's paper, on which 90 per cent of all the business is now done? Theii paper has no intrinsic value in substance, and all the bankers, brokers and business men combined are not as re- liable for their paper notes, checks, etc., as the whole nation is for its money, for the all-sufficient reason that they, the bankers, brokers and business men, are only a part of the nation them- selves, and therefore only a part of the nation's responsibility, and ecjually bound for the national money — all is more respon- sible than part. So long as they are citizens of the nation tbey too must be subject to law, just as all loyal citizens are. This lawful money of the realm must be issued only to those render- ing service or delivering goods. This the poorest man can do; the rich can do no more. So the distribution would be impar- tial. The rich, idle speculator could live on his money only whilst it lasted. He could not get it for nothing to loan back to THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS, 26 US at a premium, as lie does now, and so liTe off us, as he does now. He could not eat his supper and save it at the same time (at our expense) , as he does under the enthroned monopoly of his own ordaining. As to the amount of money to be issued, the ordained govern- ment will go on issuing the money just as long as the people are willing to redeem it in service or valuables. Thus the only limitation to the amount of money to issue would be the amount of service or labor the people could perform and the value of goods delivered . Thus every man or woman could be employed ; none ever need be idle so long as nature's resources are unde- veloped. Thus the money would find its way into circulation in sufficient amount, without the paying of a premium (inter- est), just the way it got into circulation during the rebellion (nothing unconstitutional in that) , instead of issuing it to the rich, idle villainous few, who now live off me and you. But see, the enthroned monopoly now gets its government money into circulation by buying votes and purchasing influences of lawyers, judges. Congressmen, etc. Then with the balance they go into business, loaning us the bank notes or money out of our own national treasury, on mortgages on our property at half value, interest double, and so live off us, without rendering service or value, and so we become better servants than chat- tel slaves — no loss to them if we die to morrow (slaves cheap as dirt). And your children are equally bound to be The servants of the high-toued oligar-kee (oligarchy). *' He that is borrower is servant to he that is lender," as was said by one of old. It is so still, as true as ever, and these scribes (lawyers) , priests, pharisees (hypocrits) , are stili devour- ing wiaows' houses and robbing orphans, as of old, and intro" dncing hell* on earth, as usual (Stop thief, stop!) ♦See definition of hell- Sheol. Hebrew Hades, Greek; English thegrave, the place of the dead. See Josephus; also revised New Testament. Look into thing*. "Be sure you arc right, then go ahead.'' 3L00KING INTO THINGS, OB CHAPTER V BEGINNING OF CONSPIKACY— CONSTITUTIONAL WEAKNESS— EXPO- SURE OF CONSPIEACY -THE BEGINNING OF REBELLION — OLD DEMAND NOTES—CONSPIRATOES AT WORK — IGNORANCE OF POLITICIANS — LEGERDEMAIN IN FINANCE Constitutional weakness is the inherent cause of the overthrow. Too many limitations always proved weakly. But now we m'lst go on Avith the expose of the old fraudulent system of bondage and servitude, to show you why and how it came about, that the people of this once great republic lost their liberty and became enslaved, and also how to recover our lost liberty. Remember, that vse had been recognized by all civilized nations as a sover- eign nation, yet our own law-makers always seemed to hesitate as to the sovereign right of the people of the nation to control their own finances on a basis commensurate with their other sovereign rights. We could levy and pay taxes to our hearts' content; but a republican money — oh, no, that would never do, and the amount of gold and silver mon^y in the country was never sufficient to do the business of the country. All men of s nse knew that, and we had no mines until recently, and even now they are utterly inadequate to meet the requirements of the business, as from 90 to 95 per cent of the business transac- tions is done on bankers', brokers' or business men's paper; so we are at their mercy — no independence here. And so some times going forwarvis on shams or no money, and again back- ward in consequence of our shams and frauds. We have been so constantly cursed and outraged as to completely paralyze all honest effort,, all honest industry, and so force bankruptcy and ruin on millions of the people, with losses incalculable in the aggregate— hundreds of millions of dollars about once in ten to THE CONSPIRACT THAT NOW IS. 27 twenty years between these devastating paralytic strokes, in which thousands of men, women and children were driven to degradationy despair^ and death, by some mighty Moloch, some mysterious power to them unknown, but terribly destructive in its effects on society and civilization. (Mystery of mysteries,) So that with many lawful awful debts to pay, but no lawful money with which to pay the awful lawful debts, and debts could not be paid with labor or goods except by the consent of the creditar, and that not easily obtained, debt, with usury, and bondage became the inevitable doom. "A vicious monster of such lildeous mien. That to be hated needs but to be seen."— The Mystery of Aces. But almost omnipotent for mischief — a dangerous power. Now, reader, be patient whilst I unravel one of the most gigantic con- spiracies to rob and enslave the people of this nation that ever transpired on earth, compared to which the crime of CsBsar as- suming the imperial purple and of Cataline's conspiracy and the treasoniof Benedict Arnold are trifles. Although the begin- ning of the conspiracy was long before the war of the rebellion, which, in fact, was only a part of the scheme. Kemember also that many of the perpetrators themselves were deceived and made to assume a roll through party discipline that they did not understand, but to the original plotters all understood, long be- forehand, every point carefully adjusted even to the details, and carried out on the line of preconcerted action. Our task for the present begins with the war of the rebellion; in Pamphlets Nos. 2 and 3 we shall pursue our foe through the dark ages. But what we shall expose is not the public acts so generally pub* lished and understood, but to expose the secret plotting and scheming so carefully covered up as not to be understood by the public, or, still worse, the public misled by wilful or ignorant lying. The beginning of the rebellion was one link in the conspiracy, but a very important link to our enemy the foe of liberty. The year 1861 brings ua to tho breaking out of the rebellion, Abraham Lincoln being thou President, and Salmon P. Chase, 28 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB Secretary. Soon an extra session of Congress was called, and on July 17th, 1861, the issuing of $60,000,000* in United States demand notes, to tide the nation over until the next regular ses- sion of Congress, was determined upon. This sum proved quite suiScient, $60,030,000 being issued and made receivable by the Executive, Lincoln and Chase, for duties on imports, for which the Government had alwaps demanded coin. These notes, issued from h^iUd to hand, with the power to tax — both sovereign pre- rogatives of the nation — became par with gold, and always re- mained at par with gold; even in the darkest days of the rebel- lion they bore the same premium as gold, I mention this because the partisan press has done a great deal of hard lying in regard to these so called old demand notes. For the truth of this see the London Times' prices current. *From the year 1861 until 1880 they were not legal tender, lawful money, in England; neither was our gold and silver money legal tender, nor is it now. But business men could use them to pay duties to our own Government on their goods sent here to be sold, and so they served the purpose of a convenif nee in trade and commerce, just as well or better than coin, being more convenient. (Now note, that this is just exactly the functions that money should perform, nothing more, nothing less.) Of course these notes were a promise to pay on demand in coin, but, remember, coin pay- ments had already been suspended, and not one dollar of them was redeemed until January 1st, 1879 a period of nineteen years without a redeemer; just receivable by the Government that issued them, as an honest government should always do with its money^issued. We have occasionally met with a soldier or citizen that got some of these demand notes early in the war, and after keeiing them some time, got a premium eijual to gold; but in this mat- ter the business men generally kept this to themselves and profited by'\he igpoyance of the holder. The wise-looking, owl -eyed banker understood this trick, and as fast as he got hold ♦Sec Wiadom'B official document, page 78. THE CON3PIRA.0Y THAT NOW IS. 29 of these demand notes— received by the Government for duties on goods imported into the country — he sold them at a premium with his gold and silver to business men with which to pay du- ties to the Government. This he continued to do until January 1st, 1879. This was a great source of profit to Shylock — and a secret to him. In regard to the value of these notes at home and abroad the public was k pt in ignorance as much as possible. But now comes a bill before Congress, January 22d, 1862 (see Windom's official document, page 80), providing for the issuing of a legal tender, national money. It reads: **Tiiis note is a legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private, and exchangeable for bonds of the United States bearing 6 per cent interest when presented in amounts of fifty dollars or multiples thereof." This full legal tender money, iesued by the exercise of the sovereign power of the Government, would have paid any debt and purchased any property in the United States. Sub- sequent events prove this. Even the gold and silver money and bullion could have all been bought and paid for with this money. No money can do more. Now notice the feature in this bill making the legal tender notes exchangeable foi: bonds after July 1st, 1863. (See Windom*s document, page 156 ) This was the time when the depreciated greenback began to be converted into interest bearing bonds, dollar for dollar. This feature met the approval of the money changers of Wall street. New York. But the feature making it a full legal tender by the exercise of the sovereign prerogative — right of the Government — stirred up the finance fakirs equal to the howling dervishes of India. Thad Stevens, then in Congress from Pennsylvania, said : "It raised a howl equal to that of the money changers in the temple ab Jerusalem when one Jesus drove them forth.*' See the Windom document, page 83. These finance fakirs then swarmed to "Washington like vul- tures, and into the lobby they besieged the Senate, where they found their associate jugglers, and so overpowered the House and destroyed the legal tender feature of the bill. (The Senat 80 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OS was always their favorite resort. See Thacl Stevens' dying testimony in regard to national bankers and the Senate, in the introductory.) But, reader, is it not strange that these citizen bankers should presume to dictate the financial policy of the nation, and absolutely prevent Congress from exercising this sovereign right in behalf of its people ? Is it not strange that a handful of curbstone brokers, gutter snipes, bulls and bears, gamblers on margins, can dictate our finances, and so control the destiny of our sixty million ptople for life or death ? Yet they did it, and that shows the animus of our foes. And is it not strange that a few scavengers can get laws made that will enable them to live and riot and rot in luxury, whilst millions toil and slave and die? Yet it is so, and these scavengers live by devouring the substance of their fellows — a system of canibal civilization— a system by which the scribes (lawyers) and pharisees (hypocrites) live now, and go on devouring the houses of widows and orphans, just as they did of old, and call it Christian civili- zation. Rather call it the oligarchy of pagan Rome resurrected. But many of these psuedo statesmen plead ignorpnce. See Windom's document, page 81. Senator Fessenden says : ** No one seems to know much on finances." In fact the mere politi- tician never does. He just knows enough to get tlnre and d(»uble his salary. And those ignorant statesmen were changing their minds daily. — Ibid. Secretary Chase recommends these measures. See Windom's document, same page; also the Na- tional Banking law, which he afterwards regretted as the mis- take of his life. See further on. These vampires, vultures from the robbers roost (New York) , knew what they were doing. They who have ruled and degraded the world for thousands of years by a system of legerdemain in finance, and kept the people impoverished and in ignorance through all these generations, thought to continue their reign forever. But the log schoolhouse -will defeat their scheming yet. These notes, not legal tender, but exchangeable for bonds of the United States when presented in amounts of fifty dollars THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 8 1 (S50) or multiples thereof, as before stated, became the method by which the Government money — greenbacks — non-interest bearing, was converted into interest bearing bond debt. This they call:jd borrowing money, and so continued on and on issu- ing greenbacks and converting them into bonds on which to base their base bank notes, on which to obtain interest again — interest twice. Now, reader, see the incentive to the banker to clutch every greenback and convert it into bonds, as it was good to him for ^1,90 by virtue of his bank charter. So he was no slow to convert his greenbacks into bonds, and so retire the Government money and inflate with bank notes instead, to be loaned on mortgages, and the country and people loaded down with oxerwhelnmig , everlasting, crushing debt. The money based on the entire wealth and sovereign power of the nation, a full and comj)lete legal tender, was not permit - tod to be born as such. The reason why the people never knew — some mysterious power behind the republic not then visible (see further on) — but the fraudulent misrepresentation of money, a promise on its face to pay money which they did not have. But with an exceptional clause on its back, a hypocritical de- vice to deceive the unwary farmer and soldier, susceptible of a double meaning, thus mutilated, shorn of sovereign power, legal tender only in part, it was thus repudiated by its maker, the United States Government — virtually a bastard, denied by its parents, discredited in its own house, the United States Treas- ury, It reads on its back as follows : '* This note is legal tender at its face value for all debts, public and private, except interest on the ])ublic debt and duties on imports" [to the Government].* Thus it was legal tender to soldier, sailor, citizen, but not to the bondholder lor interest on his bond, but would be legal ton<ler for the payment of the principal after the bond was due, ♦Hod. Thadeus Stevens of PennBlvanIa, the honest old commoner, Member of Congress, and on the Finance Committee, in favor of fuU legal tender, opposed the exceptional clause, and with tears and sorrowing warned Congress and the people of the result, all of which has proved fearfully true. Oh, thla mysterious power! 8? LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR after five years and certainly within twenty.* The interest bear- ing debt was very small at this time — merely nominal — until after these notes were issued and bagan to be converted into bonds. Then it was a currency — paper money— debt until the change in the stipulation in 1869 and 1870. Now, reader, I have been thus particular in order to show you where the national debt had its incubation, in the issuing of bonds to take up greenbacks, as there has been a flood of lies told and published by the partisan press in regard to the Gov- ernment borrowing money — coin — at home and abroad with which to carry on the war. The Government did no such thing; it made the money, such as it was, to carry on the war, and then it created the national bond debt for the bankers to base their bank notes on. The National Banking law was passed February, 1863. QuEEBTES. — Now, If thcsc notes were not money, then the Government never borrowed any money. And, still further, if these greenbacks were not money, then the Government never paid the soldier at all. Evidently the soldier was to be paid in money. Peny this who dare. Did it ever occur to the soldier that he was performing service for notes that would be converted into bonds after the war was over, and on which he and his children and grandchildren would pay interest a hundred times over ? And, still further, if these notes were money, then our agents, Congress and officials have com- mitted tliL most heinous, unpardonable crime agaiiirA the people ever perpetrated on earth — dowmnght robbery^ nothing else — on which the sun ever shown, by converting the hard earned money into an interest bearing bond debt, and all done so slily, that the principals, the people — millions of them — don't know how it was done. Bat it is just like all the tricks of the fakirs and gamblers coTibined — now you see it and now you don't. ♦But until that time the Interest. 6 per cent, must be paid in coin. See Wlu- dom's document, pages 80 and 81. THE CONSPIBACY THAT NOW IS. ST We appeal to the bankers themselves, judges and lawyers to answer the above. We do not expect the partisan politician to do so; the mere politician don't know much, never did. See here, soldier, farmer, in what money were you paid for service performed and valuables delivered? Why, in green- backs, of course. Who made them? Government, of course. Did it compel you to take them? Yes; it was that or nothing. Now, look here, you blind guides, tools of the enthroned monopoly, you who set yourselves up as authority, you editors, lawyers, and law-makers, and presume to be the legal lights of the world, here are your tracks in the meal not yet cold, here is the bill providing for the issuing of these treasury notes— green- backs. We copy the act verbatim. See Windom's document, page 156. Deny it who dare. Legal Tender Notes.— "The act of February 5th, 1862 (XII Statutes, 345) , authorized the issue of $50,000,000 United States notes, not bearing interest, payable to bearer at the treasury of the United States, and of such denominations, not less than live dollars, as the Secretary of the Treasury might deem expedient, $50,000,000 to be applied to the redemption of old demand notes of act of July 17th, 1871. These notes to be legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private,'*' within the United States, except duties on importsf and interest on the public debt [as *You Bee by this very act that the principal of the bond debt could be paid in this same money after the bonds became due. But still the bond dabt was very small at that early date. A lot of bonds had been authorized— $250,000,000 July 17th, 1861. See the Windom document, page 78. Only one-third could be sold. See same document, page 79. Debt merely nominal; no coin bonds as yet; noth- ing to hinder the Government from printing more legal tenders and paying the bends at the time stipulated— five years, or within tweuty years, strictly according to agreement. These notes have always been legal tender in payment of private debts— are now. TThey have also been made receivable by the G«.vernment for duties on imports by edict of Secretary Sherman, January let, 1879. But so much of the stipulation as related to the payment of the public debt in this same kind of money was repu- diated by the twin villainous acts of Congress of 1869 and 1870— see further on; President Grant signed the bills— called the credit strengthening and refunding acts; also engineered by that traitor statesman in sheep's clothing. Secretary Sher- 84 LOOKING INTO THINUS, OB aforesaid], and to be exchangeable for six per cent United States bonds." The act of July 11th, 1862 (XII Statues, 532), authorized an additional issue of ^150,000,000, of such denominations as the Secretary of the Treasury might deem expedient, but no such note should be for a fractional part of a dollar, and not more than $35,000,000 of a lower denomination than five dollars, these notes to be a legal tender as before authorized. The act of March 3d, 1863 (XII Statutes, 710) , authorized an additional issue of $150,000,000, of such denomination, not less than one dollar as the Secretary of the Treasury might i3rescribe, which notes were made **a legal tender as before authorized." The same act limited the time in which treasury notes might be ex- changed for bonds to July 1st, 1863. See Wiudom's document, page 156. The amount of notes authorized by this act was to be in lieu of $100,000,000 authorized by the resolution of January 17th, 1863. See XII Stptutes, 822. Length of loan indefinite.* iimount authorized, $4:50,000,000. Amount issued, including re- issue, $1,640,559,94:7. Highest amount outstanding at one time, June 30, 1864, $440,338,902; sold at par; interest none.f Out- standing June 30th, 1880, $346,681,016." Jugglery, mystery and boodle here inexplicable. See Win- dom's official document, page 91. February 1st, 1866— War all over; Lincoln dead; McCullock, Secretary. But go on. April 12th, 1866, one year after General Lee's surrender (see Windom's * Now. reader, how was it, anyhow ? Were these purposely depreciatad treasury notes— greenbacks— a loan to soldier and farmer, which they were bound to accept as pay tor service performed and valuables delivered, as before stated ? It seems so, and that he would have it all to pay again some time, with interest and double interest? Yes. Well then, if so, soldier and farmer was not given to un- derstand it in that light when he was being paid. Mystt ry and jugylery iuexplic- ablel But these notes— greenbacks— issued to farmer and soldier as so much cash to which th» y were justly entitled, were gathered in by banker and sp cuiator after the war was ovtr, and converted into United States six per cent bonds, dollar lor dollar. T Did it ever occur to the soldier when he was fighting the battles that every time he was paid he was that much deeper in debt; and on inierest? Yet such is the fact. Look into things and don't be fooled. THE OONSPIRAOY TJEAT NOW IS. 35 document, page 91, or XIV Statutes, SI)— These 6-20 bonds were made to cover in all previous issues of both bonds and notes (greenbacks) , also all that came afterwards, and be a baf*is for bank notes, to loan to the soldier, farmer and citizen by the banker bondholder in lieu of greenbacks converted into bonds and then destroyed. These 5-20 currency bonds, so called because the principal was payable in the legal tender paper money at maturity, any time after five years and certainly within twenty. See Windom's document, page 81, as previously re- ferred to. But here is the famous 5-20 bond act, the identical document. We publish it verbatim as it passed both houses of Congress, and became a law, as aforesaid, April 12th, 1866 : *' Be it enacted, etc., that the act entitled *An Act to Provide Ways and Means to Support the Government,' approved March 3d, 1865, shall be extended and construed to authorize the Sec- retary of the Treasury, at his discretion, to receive any notes or other obligation issued under any act of Congress, whether bearing interest or not, in exchange for any description of bonds authorized by the act* to which this is an amendment, and also to dispose of any description of bonds authorized by said act either in the United States or elsewhere, to such an amount and at such rates as he may think advisable, for lawful money of the United States, orfrrany treasury notes, certificates of indebt- edness, or certificates of dex^osit, or other representatives of valuef which have been or which may be issued under any act of ♦This act ought to be entitled An Act to Destroy the Republic, Enthrone the Money Power and Enslave the People. Any other reading is misleading. Note the time— April 12th, 1866, one year after the surrender of Lee and the assassina- tion of Linboln. 1 Just what became of the various bank notes that were in t]»e country previous to the war seems to be a mystery, some writers asserting that they v ere taken in by the bankers and depoi^ited with the Government, for which they received green- backs in lieu. In either case there seems to be an opening here whereby the old dead and buried wild-cat bank frauds got converted Into national banks, and now constitute a part of the national debt, on which we are paying interest twice. It looks highly probable, but this is one of the unsolved mysteries as yet. More mystery 1 36 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB Congress; but nothing herein contained shall be construed to authorize any increase of the public debt. [These tricksters counted the greenback^, as public debt, non interest bearing, but converted into bonds they became interest bearing. This was the trick that misled the public, and by which they are still deceived. ] '^ Provided, Thsitoi United States notes — greenbacks — not more than ten millions of dollars may be retired and canceled within six months from the passage of this act, and thereafter not more than four millions of dollars in one month; and provided further. That the act to which this is an amendment shall continue and remain in full force in all of its provisions except as modified by this act." Under this act there was issued ^958,485,550 of bonds.* These bonds to be exchanged for greenbacks (and the greenbacks — United States notes — received for bonds were destroyed) were issued drawing 6 per cent interest, payable in the lawful money of the United States — of which there were three kinds, namely, gold, silver, and United States legal tender notes — at any time after five years and within twenty years, as before stated. "The expense of making the exchange of the notes was 355-1000 of one per cen', nominally par." See Windom's document, page 155. During and after the retiring and destruction of the green backs there was a lot of refunding certificates to take up — treas- ury notes (greenbacks) , old demand notes, fractional currency, postal "currency, good as gold, but most y converted into 5-20 currency bonds, or, still later on, into four per cent gold bonds, making a total of interest bearing bond debt of over $1,800,- 000,000 Here we have it — one billion eight hundred million of interest bearing bond debt made, beginning in 1865, increas- ing greatly after April 12th, and reaching its climax in 1880, but, counting the treasury notes as debt (base deception), never ♦These tricksters, knowing theiniquity contained in this law, thoucht to make a law that future Congresses could not repealf ftad BO make bond slavery per- petual. THE C0NSP1RA.CX THAT UP W IS, . 87 all told, reaching above $2,000,000,000. TlienSTCsrxffew no in- terest until after conversion into bonds; hence were not a bur- den, bat a great benefit as money, as a convenience in trade and commerce. Now, how much interest beiring bond debt was made for the purpose of carrying on the war? Evidently not much. This one billion eight hundred million of interest bearing bond debt;, ma le after the war is over, dedacte.l from $2, 703,000,000 all told, leaves but a small remainder. Liars, be dumb; your doom has come. Bond debt to ba=?e bank notes on! Deny it who dare. No wonder Lincoln was assassinated. Dead men tell no tales. Any and all bonds so issued to take up greenbacks became a basis for bank notes, and the bank notes were never any better than graenbacks— in fact not near so good. Not being le^^al tender, the banker bondholder could not be compelled to take his own bank notes, on his Government bonds, even after the bonds became due. But with the greenback it was diffirent: he originally had no claim for anything else after the bonds became due. Study the meaning of 5-20 currency bonis. Mysticism here! But can anything be more plain than that the interest bearing national debt was not made to carry on the war, for it was nearly all made after the war was ov6r. The interest bearing bond debt was very small as yet, in April, 1865, at the time of Lincoln's assassination, but rapidly increased by conversion of the national money, non interest bearing, into in- terest bearing bond debt. It was all called debt, but you must learn to discriminate between interest bearing bond debt and non interest bearing Government money in circulation. This process was continued on and on until 1880, and later even. The old demand notes, alw ys good as gold, now constitute a part of the fraudulent national debc. Mysterious influence I 38 liOOKlHQ INTO THIVaS, OB CHAPTER VI. OONSPIRAOY AND JUQQLEBY IN FINANOB — THE CONSTITUTION VIOLATED —THE MYSTERY OP GOLD BASIS EXPOSED — CON- SPIRACY SUCCESSFUL — BOND SLAVERY ESTABLISHED — THE FAROE OF SPECIE RESUMPTION. By partisan trickery and treachery, the people are deceived by both the political parties. Both Democrats and Republicans always counted the green- back money as a part of the national debt, but even then it drew no interest. Admitting it to be so, then the more of that kind of money the farmer and soldier got the more he was in debt, and the more he has to pay now, and with double interest at that. Oh, what inconsistency, deception and jugglery in finance! Quackery in finance is boodle, and causes hell on earth, and these quack financiers ought to have a dose of their own medi- cine some place here, or hereafter, but it looks now as though they might escape altogether. Henry Ward Beecher, the hell repeal preacher, repealed that famous institution fifty years too soon. Now, will our quill quibbling editors, shystering law- yers, and jughanule politicians dry up their mirage of legal lore about the Government borrowing money to carry on the war ? They did issue some coin bonds; they were a 10-40 bond, on which they expected to obtain coin, but failing in that, only $75,000,000 were ever issued (see VVindom's document, page 79), and these no doubt were bartered off for greenbacks fast enough, especially after the National Banking law was passed (see same page) . No, sirs; the war was principally carried on as follows : First three months with coin in the Treasury, received for duties on THE CONSPIRAOY THAT NOW IS. 89 imports, as usual, and the next six months with the demand notes, made receivable for duties on imports, issue of July 17th, 1861; then the balance of the time with these sams puriDosely depreciated greenbacks, quoted as low as 35 cents on the dollar as compared with coin, June, 1863, but on a par with both bonds and bank notes. Now, will our jughandle politicians tell us which it was that was up and which it was that was down ? Was it coin that was up? If so, then the bank note was down, the same as the bond and the greenback. Also tell us how either the bond or bank note helped to carry on the war or improve the credit of the Government, and why were the greenbacks re- tired, converted into 5-20 six per cent bonds when interest was paid in coin, when in currency 7 3-10 per cent, greenbacks and bonds nominally par with each other, and being rapidly ex- changed, uutil 1869-70, and afterwards converted into 4 and 4% per cent bonds untill879-80, or until the minimum of ^346,000,- 000 only of greenbacks remained unconverted into bonds, so that of all the greenbacks ever issaed they were all converted into bonds except this $316,000,000, thus making a bond debt on which to base bank notes ? (Proof positive — deny it who dare.) But with 1869-70 came another infamous scheme — a change of contract from a currency debt to a coin debt. See VVindom's document, page 93. It reads as follows verbatim : " The essential conditions of the new loan appear to me to be theso : •* First — That the principal and interest* shall be made pay- able in coin.f ** Second — That the bonds known as the 5-20 l^onds shall be received in exchange for the new bonds." Now see the Constuittion of the United States, Appendix D, art. 1, sec. 10 : Congress shall not pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or grant any title of nobility. Now, if this change here made from currency bonds to coin bonds is not a • Note the words principal and interest, instead of interest only, as before. TNot gold coin eitJier, but coin. 40 LOOKUP G INTO THINGS, OB change of contract and an ex post facto law and unconstitutional, then it would not be unconstitutional to grant titles of nobility and crown a king. This great, unconstitutional, contract repu- diating scheme of strengthening the public credit by promising to pay in coin under the plea of saving 2 per cent interest was a farce, a delusion, and a fraud. (Conspiracy.) In this infamous transaction the bankers, bondhohlers, realized a marginal rise in value on their i onds of ^600,000,000 in one night.* (Myster- ious power !) Had it not been for this infamous change in the contract the 5 20 currency bonds could all have been paid in greenbacks, commencing in 1870, strictly in accordance with the original contract. In this case the banker bondholder would have got his interest in coin, according to original stipulation, and got the same kind of money back that he gave for the bonds, but also greatly enhanced in value, whilst we would have had a full vol- ume of money all the while, perpetual prosperity, and no national debt now, or any unusual amount of private debts. So you see the national debt is^ fraud, and principally all the private debts. Mortgages, railroad bond debts, State debts, city, county, town, and school district debts are chickens hatched from the same cormorant brood — enthroned oligarchy, the few in office com- bined with the money monopoly. Let me give the true reasons for this change in the contract. A few men practically own all the gold in the world. If they do not have ihe gold in their immedia e possession, they have obligations that require gold payment; and so if you try to pay one gold debt you always have to make another gold debt, and that makes debt everlasting and enslaves all nations, and a na- tion once enslaved to gold is always enslaved to gold. In this connection the matter of ly^ to 2 percent difference in the inter- est cuts no figure in the infamous transaction. The whole debt ami inter st and all other debts— and their name is legion— have * But these two acts, brought about by bribery, corruption, and no doubt per- jury, also forgery. See Congressional doc, Plum's Expose, further on. THE CONSPIKA.CT THAT NOW IS. 41 grown out of the change made in the character of the debt from that of easy payment in greenbacks made receivable for all taxes, the equivalent of coin, on a line with the original con- tract, to a gold debt impossible of payment, all chargeable to this villanous change of contract. Another important feature of great advantage to those having the monopoly of gold is its scarcity, in consequence of which the owners can monopolize the whole product, and in certain emergencies control and dictate ]egislation all in their own in- terest, and as often as the emergencies arise double or treble their wealth and incomes in a few months or years. Secondly, the usefulness of silver money as a medium of exchange, although much more abundant than gold, is greatly crippled by being based on gold at the diclation of the gocd bug humbug^ (* * * * *****). See, it requires fourteen to sixteen ounces of cilver money to be equal to ooe ounce of gold; so silver money does not amount to much as an increase in the volume of money. If we must have metal money, why not make an ounce of silver money legal tender, lawful money, for just as much as an ounce of gold? Oh! the reason is plain. . We are not a nation of froemtn; neither is there a nation of freemen in all Europe; neither has there been for thousaFds of years. The republic of Venice catne the| nearest to it, especially in regard to a sy.stem of money, whilst France has the best system now. But we are all under the dominion of the gold -bug humbug dynasty of the * * * * ***** now, and it is headed, and has been for ages untold, by a secret, oath-bound crew, whose object is to keep the people in poverty, ignorance, and servitude, and so rule over them and live off them It aims to do so still. This gold-bug humbug has usually lived in grand style near the throne which it ruled. In addition to the above, the privilege of issuing paper notes based on their coin, said to be in their own vaults — very doubt- ful; the bank note only a promise to pay in coin; the coin hid away in a stocking or shipped out of the country; the coin re- deemer fled when wanted; the safe saved, the key in the broker*. 42 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB pocket; but three to five to ten or fifteen dollars in unredeemed notes in the pockets of the people, not worth the paper they were written on. This was one grand privilege for the bankers No wonder he dies hard. This is the specie basis system. Evi- dently it always was a fraud, practiced on the ignorant, gullible public. This was another great privilege. As the law permitted thorn to loan their notes — promises to pay — and collect interest or use them in business, they were enabled to make interest from three to five times on their actual coin in cash in their own vaults — its r^resence doubtful. Whenever they found they could make more by breaking up than continuing, they would break up and go somewhere else to start a new bank, but leave an agent, a lawyer, to collect interest, foreclose mortgages, etc., for the notes loaned, but never redeemed. This system was simply a great confidence game, in which the people lost both confidence and land, and all upheld by law. But for the further exposition of these infamous schemes see pamphlets Nos. 2 and 3 of this conspiracy. We must now return to the acts of Con- gress of 1869 and 1870, changing (Tarrency sixes into 4 and 43^ interest bearing gold bonds — imposs'ble of payment. An ex post facto law, unconstitutional ; the people betrayed, deceived, and outraged by banker and law-maker, who are now enthroned on the back of the limited republic, enforcing the^r edicts and dictates of Wall street. New York, Tammany, London, Berlin. and * ^ ^ * . But the character of the debt having been changed from a cur- rency debt to a coin debt, and the destruction of the nation*8 own money (the greenback) , nori interest bearing, decided on under the plea of reaching specie basis or resumption of specie payments; of tliis scheme Horace Greeley said the way to reach specie resumption was just to resume — beg^n to pay; but John Sherman was dictator and edict-maker then, and said it had to be done by issuing bonds to take up greenbacks, thus changing the greenback money into bond debt and then into ashes. This scheme was kept from the public by the whole rascally clan, by THE CONSPIRACY THAT WOW IS. iS willful, wicked lying, as long as T30ssible. Millions of onr in- telligent citizens (asses) don't understand it yet. But, oh! reader, we are not done, we are not free from this monster. Yet look info things. See the havoc caused by calling in and convert- ing $1,800,000,000 of hard-earned but fraudulent representation of money, by taxation and exchange, converting it into bond debt, to pay interest on forever, thus making bond slavery a fixed institution. They called khis paying the public debt— base lie, it was making public debt; it was simply base treason. We see the effect now, and know the cause; it cannot be concealed any longer. This infamous currency contraction mill of the golden god dynasty bankrupted 47,G03 fairly average honest busi- ness men to make millionaires of a few treacherous, traitorous, treasonable tricksters; and still the deadly devastation goes on. The Mint was also stopped and silver demonetized without the knowledge of the people. To make the death struggle of the republic more certain, this money destroying, soul devouring, gadgrind miU ground out millions of tramps, and made crim- inals of thousands of heretofore honest men It robbed the widows and orphans everywhere, sending thousands to untimely graves, and the public deceived by willful or ignorant lying. Amid all this bankruptcy and ruin, under the plea of reaching specie resumption or specie basis, all they had to do at any time was to honor the Government money by receiving it for taxes.* But the Government money was doomed. Not yet re- ceivable or respected by its maker, it was still bartered for bonds and destroyed until the limit of $346,000,000 was reached. Then 8})e('iG resumption took place by edict of Secretary Sherman making it receivable by the Government for duties on imports* Just what Horace Greeley advised; just what an honest Govern- ment would always do; just what Lincoln and Chase did before the moneyed oligarchy got into power. No need of contraction; *In proof of this assertion, see It is now twelve years since the degraded green, back was mad© receivable for taxes— duties to the Government; since when it lias always been good as gold coin. 44 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB no need of a great, overshc:cl owing national debt. Ho\7 truly did the great Jefferson express the truth when he said : "A national debt is as near a national fraud as anything can well be." We can see it now, and the men who cannot begin to see into things after tLirty years of grinding experience ought to be slaves; but even they have no right to vote to enahive their wives or children or those of their neighbors. (Ignoramuses, stop voting.) Kemember, that when the first SCO,000,000,000 of de- mand notes was issued those cut throat villains tried to depre ciate them, because there was no coin in the Treasury to redeem them with. But President Lincoln and Secretary Chase, advised of the situation, decided at once to receive them for duties on imports. TLey immediately became par with gold, and remained so until they too were finally converted into bonds after 1879. Now they constituta a part of the national debt, for hankers to base their base notes on, and dnw interest on what they owe. So the contract had to be changed.* Of tliis infamous refunding scheme Hon Benjamin Wade, then in the United States Senate from Ohio, said : '*I an for the laboring poit.'on of the people; the rich can take care of themselves.! We never agreed to jmy the 5 20 bonds in go' d, and I never will consent t ) have one payment for the bon i- holders and anoti;er for tbe people." Wade was right. We know it now, and John Sherman, with all his ill gotten w« aMh, is so much proof of this. lie engineered this infamous bill, the treacherous old * * * * villain. Had it not been for this /nfimons scheme, perpetrated against the tax paying producers of the nation, and the nature of the fraud kept in the dark, the * In pamphlet No. 2 we shaU expose Btill fnrtber tbe fraud of gold basis and Bpecie reHniiij)tion. It ahvays was a sham, a farce, au old-fashioned couudence game It smells of wild cat. pole-cot, his cat. 1 IJca'ltr, wliy shonhi ve provide by legislation for the rich, idle villain, but yo" Bee tLd,t is just what we have been doing. Stop thjef, stop! The tollers are the rifrhtfnl heirs to all this iieritage. Then \.'liy, oh! man, do yon toil and slave 1 hat i.Jle <iroues may live? God never made us so. THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 45 pnMio misled, by willful, traitorous lying, there never would Lave been any national debt, or any enthroned corporation cre- ated to issue and control the money, assassinate presidents, and rob and enslave a nation of freemen. Now when we consider these several villainous acts together — to wit, the mutilation of the legal tender greenbacks, followed by their conversion into bonds, for basis for bank notes, at the dictation of foreign autocrats of London, Berlin, and the ***** ***** ^ *, the change of the bonds from currency sixes ■•nto gold bonds — they constitute the most dastardly crime, fraud upon fraud, and wholesale scheme of robbery and plunder ever perpetrated on any people in the annals of history in the same length of time — llie natioaal debt all a fraud. Lincoln opposed it in its incipient stages, and was killed. Vice-President John- son succeeded Lincoln, and opposed it, and he wa>i politically degraded and destroyed. Also Seymour, Democratic nominee for President, opposed the fraud, and was withdrawn by August Belmont (banker, agent of the Kothschilds), chairman of the Democratic National Central Committee, on the eve of an elec- tion. (Mysterious transaction by the enthroned money power.) Garfield did not belong to the gold ring of Tammany, and they could not trust him. He had to be slain, not simply because of his political opinions, but because he was opposed to church and state as well He might be in the way. Study Guiteau's state- ments when on trial for the murder of Garfield. They are very significant. They were * * * * . jje claims he was only an instrument in the hands of God to take Garfield out of the way. A.11 made plain in volume 3. But now let us return to our subject. The remaining $346,090,000 greenbacks, being re- ceivable by the Government (its maker) for duties on imports (t5»xes) , is as good as gold. The sovereign power to declare and issue money and levy taxes being united now, why not exercise this power, already conceded by the Supreme Court. Oh, the rea- son is plain. The oligarchy reigns and rules, the limited republic c?e/M?ic/, citizens no rights (never had much), bond slaves the 46 LOOXINO INTO THIKOS, OB same as chattel slaves and don't need money. And so the con- spiracy goes on IriumphanUy. Now, reader, I have followed this line in detail to prove to you the nature of the national debt, that it was never necessary, but was concocted by the conspir- ators to destroy the natiion's money and the liberty of the people, and to aggrandize themselves. Thus an infamous crime was committed against the people of the nation — treason, treason^ noihing less. OHAPTEB VII. CONSPIKACT TBIUMPHANT — BOND SLAVERY PERPETUAIj— INDICT- MENT FOR TREASON — IGNORANCE AND CONSPIRACY — PARTY TRICKERY AND DECEPTION — TREACHERY OF SHERMAN. But the republic defunct, our enemy goes on reveling in his ill-gotten gains and gloating over his victims. How often we hear it said that the national debt was made for money borrowed to carry on the war — base falsehood. The debt was made by the destruction of the very money paid to the soldier and citizen for service performed and valuables deliv- ered. Then, to consummate the infamous villainy, converted into interest bearing l ond debt after the war is over, for the soldier and farmer to pay interest on, as well as their children and grandchildren after them forever — one billion eight hun • dred million dollars in order that the banker might have bonds on which to base his bank notes (see banking law further on*) , and so draw interest twice on what was a fraud in the first place; and so farmer and soldier pay twice on the same fraud, and when he borrows the bank notes he pays interest' again, compounded *Some very simple minded people tell us that these benificent bankers were prompted by patriotism to loan their money to save tha coiantry, dnd must now be paid. This evidently is a mistake. They do not want the debt paid, never did, and they hav« been doing all in their power to prevent us from ever paying it. It is bonds perpetual they want. THE CONSPIRA.CT THAT NOW IS. 47 three or four times, before the money can be got into circula- tion. So the bankers' notes loaned on mortgages are now sweep- ing the land from under farmers' and soldiers' feet, and, in con- sequence of unlimited taxation and bond debt, the people have already paid on the original bond debt of ^1,800 ;000,000 more than S4:,000,000 in principal and interest, and still the debt not half paid, and private debts (mortgages incalculable) they are still paying, and the same time buying in theso long time, frau- dulent, forged gold bonds at a premium of 263^3 cents. See Secretary Windom's last great feat in financial jugglery further on . This premium made possible hj forgery, perjury and fraud. See Congressman Plum's expose, further on. This whole in- famous business of destroying greenbacks — contracting the cur- rency, converting it into bonds — was begun early in the war and carred on very slily. Lincoln opposed it then, find said : ** If a government contracted a debt with a certain amount of money in circulation, and then diminished the volume of money be- fore the debt was paid, it was the most heinous crime a govern- ment could commit against its people." We know now by a most bitter experience of twenty-eight years that this is true, and we now indict the reigning oligarchy as guilty of tlie greatest of crimes — treason — and treason is the capital crime in the cal- endar, covers all other crimes. Conspiracy against the liberty of the people is equivalent to a conspiracy to overthrow a mon- archy. Why not? If one is treason, so is the other» and the instigators are guilty of every crime under the sun. It was not merely a mistake in policy — the ringleaders understood it. Lincoln, though "dead, yet speaketh." On the same line Salmon P. Chase said : " My agency in procuring the National Bank act was the greatest mistake of my life. It has built up a monop- oly that afifects every interest of the country. It should be repealed. But before that can be accomplished the people will be arrayed on one side and the bank^ on the other in such a con- flict as was never witnessed in this country." Chase, though dead, yet speaketh. Let the conflict come on. Give us liberty or 48 IiOOEINO INTO THINGS, OB death^-lihevty for man* death to the enthroned monopoly that has destroyed the republic. See Lincoln's warning once more. See Secretary Chase's speech in the Windom document, pages 80 81, in which he favored the banking law, but which he regretted afterwards (just quoted). See also his speech, same document, page 83, in regard to premium on gold, but the greenback not a depreciated currency. This was good Republican doctrine until the oligarchy got possession of the Gove-nment after Lincoln's assassination. Then all was changed. See also Fessenden's speech once more, in which he pleads ignorance. But the trait- orous crew of tricksters from the throne of TamT.any, New York, understood the matter, and so consummated the diabolical plot. Be it remmbered, that during the war the Republican party and Us press. Tribune and others, steadily maintained that the green- back was the lawful money of the country, and as constantly quoted gold at a premium, whilst the Democratic party and its press quite as generally adhered to coin or coin basis as the standard and the greenback unconstitutional and a depreciated currency. With the Republican party this counted for disloy, alty. But the war over, Lincoln dead," Johnson broken down- Greeley deceased, the Republican pai*ty and its press changed their tone and stigmatized the same money, repudiated the child of their own creation and plotted its destruction. Mysterious infiaence — dictation from Tammany; both parties disloyal now; both opposed to national paper money; both in favor of bond- age, bond frauds and the fraudulent bank notes based on long time gold bonds, and gold as the standard money of the world — base lie again. There is no standard money of the world; never was. Every nation does, or should, fix their own standard; all do not, however. We have ours fixed for us now by the * * * * * * * , and that fixes us. Gold debt impossible of pay - ment and bank notes not legal tender is paraded as the grandest • Bv liberty we do not mean license to Impose burdens on others, or treat them wrongfully in any way. Our enemy has exercised that kind of liberty too much already. There is a perfect law of liberty. See further on. THB OONSPIBAOY THAT NOW IS. ^9 financial system the world ever saw! See John Sherman's Mana- fiold, Ohio, speech in 1876 (base fraud) — th3 country prosper- ous (base lie), business men realizing 10 per cent on their investments. Oh, John Sherman, look here. Greenbacks purposely depre- ciated by law, and bought up at an average of 50 cents on the dol- lar, in C-in, then converted into interest beariLg bonds, dollar for dollar. Then the bonds made par by legal enactments (the credit strengthening and refunding schemes in 1869 and 1870) — one hundred per cent by this fraudulent scheme. Then the infam- ous banking law alreudy in existence. You deposit your new coin bonds (still yours and drawing interest) and draw 90 per cent in bank notes to loan at 10 to 30 per cent interest, on which you pay no interest to the Government, but to loan to the people. Thus your available aesets are doubled once more by legal en- actment, your wealth quadrupled in four to six^years by laws of your own ordaining. But what becomes of those not in busi- ness — the toilers? Oh, John, you had better flee the wrath to come. The people will find you out. (Business is business.) Your great financial system is the grandest scheme to p^et the money out of the pockets of the toilers, and into your own pocket, the world ever saw, sure enough. But why this somer- sault — why this change of base ? Once the Republican party fathered the national money, then it changed its tone and adopted the fraudulent born child of sin, of rubber parentage. Some invisible mysterious power somewhere, evidently from Europe. Dictation from London, Berlin, and Wall street; dictation from Tammany's throne. So you see gold payment is impossible, and slavery to gold- bug humbugs inevitable. Can you see now what gold debt and goKl basis means? It would be better that all the gold in the world should be sank in the middle of the sea than that man- kind should be any longer enslaved to gold, with inevitable debt, gold bonds to base bank notes on, interest twice or thrice, all a fraud. So the war for the destruction of the na- 50 LOOKING INTO THINOS, OB tion's own money, such as it was, and the substitution of bank notes, with debt everlasting, went on and on until the republic was destroyed, our national, natural, inherent right to control our owe destiny revolutionized, and the people in hopeless bondage, the bonds to be paid in gold that a few men own, and which you cannot get without buying, and that only makes more debt. Look here, reader. The debts of the world now payable in gold amount to ^150,000,000.000. To satisfy these debts there is only $3,700,000,000 gold coin in all the world. How do you expect to pay these gold debts (frauds)? But Jauuary 1st, 1879, John Sherman issued hia edict, green- backs receivable for duties on imports, since which time the degraded greenback is as good or better than gold. Thus, you see, the lawful paper money is just as lawful and just as good as the lawful gold-bug money, and always better than bankers' notes. The danger now is that an edict from an unfriendly sec- retary might countermand the edict ('f Sherman, and so destroy the utility of the nation's own money. Evidently we are the subjects of the enthroned oligarchy, and an edict from one of their appointed officials means more than any law of Congress. Now that we see what an edict from an appointed official can do, we are forced to exclaim : Oh, John Sherman, why did you delay your edict so long? You undoubtedly knew the effect it would have, and if you had only issued your edict in time we would never have had any bonded debt at all. But we see the banking law was already m existence, and the enthroned monop- oly wanted bonds to base their bank notes on, and so you were willing to sell the whole iiation into bondage just to accommo- date them. Perhaps it was an accommodation to yourself, John, as you are a banker and millionaire ? How much did you and your partners in crime make? What of those immense amounts that no man can number — hundreds of millions and billions? Not merely the interest on the national bond nest-egg, with bank notes to loan (interest twice), but with control of money went everything else — the manipulation of all trade, traffic, transpor- THE OONSPIRAOY THAT NOW IS. 51 tation, legislation, official position, luxurious living, good fitanamg, honors at home and abroad, in good odor with the European dynasties, in league with the devil — you dance, dodge the people with the devil all round the wond. But listen. The day of reckoning is at hand. What you ha\e made is best told by what we have lost. Let us see. Forty billions of debt of all kinds for us to pay interest on; our homes lost, the accumulations of ages lost; thirty years of toil lost; our tempers lost; liheriy lost, and our children enslaved for generations unborn; men cheaper than dirt, women a drug in the market; the countrv full of violence, on the verge of despair; millionaires on one hand, beggars and criminals multiplying; virtue dying out. And yet these lying politicians are still reit- erating the same old, stereotyped lie — the country prosperous. Base lie. The speculators only are prosperous; the masses, the toilers, have lost all, and are in hopeless bondage and despair. Deny it who dare. These horrible conditions are the effect of a cause sufficient to produce them, just as certain as that the sun shines. The immediate cause is vicious legislation that cannot be concealed any longer. We see the effect; we know the cause. Even though the cause may be covered up, the truth will out, and then how transparent the whole thing becomes. Don't tell us it is providential; it smells of vicious legislation. Vicious legislation is destructive of life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness, and so produces hell on earth. The rich, idle villains are the cause of the poor beggars. But during all this diabolical transaction you blubbered and shed tears all over the country in regard to the depreciated greenback — depreciated by your own treacherous gang — and the horrors of greenback inflation, which you now pretend to dread as you would a poisonous sirocco, all on account, as you say, of the disturbance in business it would cause and the consequent losses to the laboring classes. You treacherous villains, it is not the laboring element that loses by inflation of national money; it is the banker. It is contraction uf the national money volume that destroys the laboring cle- 52 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB ment, and inflation with bank notes makes millionaires of book- ers and slavey beggars and criminals of toilers. And yet the bank note was never any better than the degraded greenback. It is not receivable now for duties on imports; neither will bank notes pay a debt in court if the creditor declines to receive them; but with the greenback how different. It will now pay any and all taxes and any honest debt in any honest court, ex- cept the fraudulent bond debt. See all the legal tender deci- sions, United States Supreme Court, Judge Field, only, dis- senting. But the bank note, made receivable by courtesy, had a power to draw interest and rob the toilers, and they hare done their work only too well, for as greenback inflation diminished bank notes were issued and loaned, and tlie country inflated with bank notes, Joans and mortgages multiplied. No objections to bank note inflation, and overwhelming, everlasting debt for the de^ spoiled, mortgaged, debr -ridden toilers — worse than chattel slavery. Mysterious power! It is often said that the Government bonds were to be paid in coin, principal and interest. I answer : Only one issue of such bonds ever was made that I can find in the Windom document, and it claims to give ali, and that a 10 40 bond, authorizing $900,000,000, bearing 6 per cent interest. The same bill also provided for the issue of $300,000,000 in treasury notes (green- backs) and $50,000,000 fractional currency. It was passed March 3d, 1863. Of these 10 40 bonds only $75,000,000 was ever issued, but thes?, like ali other bonds and notes were finally converted into the 5 20 currency bonds, or, still later on, into gold bonds under the credit strengthening and refunding acts. See Windom's official document, page 83. It seems as though these bonds were issued with the expectation of realizing coin on their sale, but as they found they could not obtain coin they bartered the seventy five million for greenbacks. On this point the document is not plain* neither is it necessary, as all bonds of every description, except the Union and the Central Pacific THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 53 Kailroad bonds, were refunded under a change of contract. "We shall treat of the railroad bonds separately in pamphlet No. 2. They are now called currency sixes, because the interest is 6 per cent in gold coin, but the principal paid in currency (green- backs) when due, just the same as the (thers before they were refunded, in 1870. It is barely possible that some disposition was mad<3 of these 10-40 bonds by which the gold shipped to England was obtained from California. On this point the official document (Windom's) is silent— manipulated by Government agents (bankers). Too much secrecy and mystery. As there has been much said and published, falsely, in regard to the Gov- ernment borrowing money abroad to carry on the war, which must be paid in coin, I will now give the only reliable facts in relation to the matter that I can find. I copy verbatim. See Windom's official document, page 79: *• In March, 1863, it became necessary to transmit a consider- able amount of funds to London for a special purpose, for which an appropriation had been mada by Congress, and it was thought advisable to deposit a certain amount of securities witV a Lon- don banker against which bills might be drawn.* So to meet th^'s, 5 20 bonds to the amount of $10,000,000 were accordingly placed in the hands of two distinguished citizens, to whose care the negotiation was committed.! The negotiation failed, and ^6,000,000 of the bonds was returned to the Treasury. It was * The Windom rtocnment is silent in reference to the character of the obliga- tions that had to be be met in London, but the most probable solution is that it was to pay for a lot of muskets purchased of Austria early in the war before our own manufacture was completed. T Five-twenty bonds were never coin bonds (interest only in coin.) I One of these distinguished citizens was Jay Cook. See Windom's document* page 87. This Jay Co..k was also the president of the first National Bank organ- ized under the law, his bank located at Washington, D. C. Who the other geutle- man was does not appear, but evidently he was a national banker also, as the national bankers were the only authorized agents of the Q-overnment in negotiat- ing bouds and trading them ofif for greenbacks, treasury notes, etc. But these gentlemen failed to negotiate in behalf of the Government that sent them. The reason is plain. They could do better as co-conspirators, acting for tiiemselves to •ubvert and overthrow the GK>verument. 54 LOOKING INTO THINOS, OB thought advisable that the amount of $4,000,000 should remain, and that exchange should be drawn against it and the bonds dis- posed of abroad if a favorable market should be found," etc. So little or nothing came of this. **Buttomeet these bills, soon to mature, in London, gold was shipped from California." See Windom's document, same place. Now note particularly the time — March 3d, 1863. Just one month prior to this the National Banking law had been passed. So the distinguished gentlemen just referred to, bankers them- selves, could sa/ to these London bankers: * 'Now, gentlemen, as bankers and citizens, we will co-operate together to make all we can in this transaction. Here is the scheme now ready. We have the National Banking law just passed, in accordance with your advice [ see Hazzard's circular] . We can now invest our coin in depreciated greenback treasury notes at fifty cents or less on the dollar. Then present these treasury notes at the Secretary's oAice and receive bonds, dollar for dollar, drawing 6 per cent interest. This equals 12 per cent on our coin investment— our incomes doubled at once, our wealth doubled. Th?n deposit these bonds with the Secretary at Washington, as heretofore stated. Then go to the Comptroller of Currency and for each one hundred dollars of these same bonds deposited, and draw- ing interest to us in coin at 6 per cent, draw ninety dollars in bank notes, to loan to farmers and business men over our own counters, on our own terms — interest again for us [but none to the Government] ; our bank notes printed cheaper than we could print them ourselves; our available assets doubled once more/ incomes doubled once more; four dollars on interest for each coin dollar invested, with interest on interest compounding. You see, there is millions in it for us. This is much 1 etter than dealing with the Government. For further information of this see the Hazzard circular, further on; it is of a few months' <dar- lier date (but very secret). I must now call your attention to a very important point in this matter. Here is a nut for our lawyers, legal lutninaries, to THE OO SSPIRAOY THAT NOW IS. 55 crack. If these distinguished citizens, agents of our Govern- ment, failed to negotiate a loan on United States bonds, how come these London bankers to hold these claims against our nation? Did they steal them? Did our Government receive value for them? Ifc is not evident that we did directly. The transaction then, whatever it was, was between these distin- guished citizens of both England and the United States, in which neither of the governments are implicated; neither has either government any civil legal power in the matter. What- ever jurisdiction either government has in the matter is of a criminal character, and if this transaction has been detrimental to either nation, or its people, it is of the utmost importance that each and both nations look into fche matter. If neither na- tion is a party to the transaction, then it must have been a trans- action between these distinguished citizens, in which they con- fided entirely in each other f jr its fulfilment, and every bond held abroad is simply so much evidence of unauthorized com- plicity between these distinguished citizens. Now we come to the final question. If this complicity was of the nature of a con- spiracy to injure our nation and its citizens, would England un- dertake to justify or defend her conspiring citizens? Certainly not. In doing what these individuals did then they must have done it confiding in each other; and from their standpoint they could readily see that it would be only a few years until these distinguished citizens of both countries would own all the prop- erty in the United States, our Government be overthrown, and our i^eople enslaved. Now we have it — now we come to the famous Hazzard circular, which, though not positive proof of conspiracy, yet it is the stronp-est possible circumstantial evi- dence of the conspiracy, and when taken in connection with all the facts from that day to this, the evidence is simply over- whelming — Lincoln was right — and every excuse or apology offered in extenuation by any party is evidence of their own guilt or ignorance, and the law never excuses ignorance. So look out how you take sides with conspirators. 56 liOOKING INTO THINGS, OK We read and learn how in the early history of our country our trusted agents — Adams, Jay, Franklin, and Jefferson-— nego- tiated with Holland, France, and Spain, for which the United States was responsible; but this infamous transaction between distinguished citizens (bankers) of the United States and Lon don is a dog of another color, and cannot constitute an honor- able foreign national debt in any sense. The above trusted agents — Adams, Jay, Franklin, and Jefferson — in the discharge of their mission, Avent directly to the sovereign heads of the nations, presented their credentials and were duly received, their mission considered and acted on with the full knowledge and consent of the Government, our Government becoming responsible to the foreign Government furnishing the money, or interceding with its own citizons to do so, and holding our Government responsible for the transaction. See Windom's document, from 5th to 31st page. Look into things. Don't be fooled. CHAPTEE yill. THE PliOT DISCLOSED — liEGALIZED ROBBERY — THE HAZZARD CIR- CULAR — EARLY TREACHERY OF SHERMAN — CONSTITUTIONAL WEAKNESS — INFLUENCE OF HAMILTON — NATIONAL BANKS. V We have next in order a chapter in the conspiracy not visible for a long time, but plain enough now. See Hazzard's circular— the enthroning of the money monopoly. The mysterious power! Just listen. A leaflet from a London conspirator (banker) by the name of Hazzard to his co-conspirators — bankers in Amer- ica, in New York — one of which gets miscarried (alas! that they did not all miscarry), in 1862, early in the war, reveals the 58 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB plot.* See the Hazzard circular, published by the Chicago Express Publishing Company; price 10 cents. jgi^"^ These treacherous haD«l3 were not visible to the public when the conspirators were at their diabolical work, and the Senate— that high toned, dignified body of men of wealth and influenc , not elected by the jjeople — was in full sympathy and connivance with the conspirators, with only a few honorable exceptions, now Senators, mostly millionaires, right on the line with the old Roman Senators after she became a moneyed oli- garchy. See defioition. But see the Hazzard circular: '• We are now waitiug to get the Secretary of the TreaBury [Chasej to make this recommendation to Congress. It will not do to let the greenback circulate as money any length of time. We cannot control that. fMysterious power!] We must get coutrol of labcr by controlling wages. TWs can be done by controlling money." Here, my reader, is the key note to the whole situa- ation— conspiracy. Salmon P. Chase, Secretary, recommended the National Banking law, and John Sherman, then in the Sen- ate, introduced the bill. Lincoln, a true and honest statesman, saw this feature and it unnerved him. All true statesmen understand these things and they always ring out the warning notes. Franklin, Jefferson, Calhoun, Malison, Randolphs, (father and son) Monroe, Han- cock, Jackson, Wade, Stevens, Butler, Cooper, Heath, Harper, Weaver, DeLamatyr and a score of others, all constantly sound- ing the alarm. Our enemy so vigilant, so secret, so corrupt, they spare no expense for by the control of this convenient im- plement of trade and commerce — money — the destiny of nations is in their hands, to make them free, enlightened and happy, or •"Chattel slavery is about to be destroyed in the United States by the war power. This I and my European friends do not object to, as it is but the owning of the laborer and carries with it the care of the laborer. We prefer the European plan, led on by England— capital control of labor by controlling money. [Myisterious power,] The great debt, that oapitaUsts must see to, that is made out of the war must be used as a measure to control the volume of money. To accomplish thl« the bo.id.s must be used as a banking basis." THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 59 to make of them ignominious slaves. Our enemy chooses the latter, because by impoverishing us he keep:^ us in ignorance and servitude, knowing that an enlightened people would throw off th » yoke. Who so blind as not to see this now after a grind- ing experience of twenty-eight years? Evidently the whole plot had been prearranged and understood long beforehand. Just think, only twenty-eight years ago the property of this na- tion belonged to the people who had made it — no considerable debt — but now it is rapidly going into the hands oi those who control the money, but who never earned an ^honest dollar in their lives, ought to prove to the most obtuse mind that some- thing is wrong somewhere — some mysterious power at the bottom of the whole business. What is it some people imagine, that when they know gold money from silver money, and paper money from either, it is all they need to know about money, but if they would study its use as a convenience in trade and commerce, also its abuse, in the hands of knaves and villians and see what destruction and desolation can be wrought by its contro], you will then shudder at the name of oligarchy ; and when you understand that in consequenceof a fradulent national debt and a false system of finance forced upon the people with- out their knowledge or consent, with a false system of trade and deadly competition, a robber system of transportation and tax- ation for the benefit of capital, until the aggregate debts of all kinds drawing interest, from industry to nonproducing specu- lators and idlers, not less than forty billions, two-thirds of all the wealth now in Ja few hands and the balance rapidly going. Do you expect to get out by following the same false system — vain delusion — If every debt of every description was now can* celed and all the property restored to the people who made it, the same system to remain in force thirty year^ would produce like results. Evidently the conspirators don't intend you shall ever be free. They intend you and yourchildren and your ohild- rens' children shall be bond slaves to them and their children forever. Tkat is the European plan. (See Hazzard circular 60 liOOKINQ INTO THZNaS, OB further on.) But in all this infamous transaction the dogged silence of the public, partisan press, with but few exceptions, indicate that that they are either in the conspiracy or igno- rant, blind leaders of the blind. Oh I base, base conspiracy, the mysterious power above the limited republic and the power behind every throne to enlave the people of every nation. Such, my reader, is the status of this hidden, hideous money power. The mystery of mysteries I But how will we become free from the money power of the civilized world ? The answer is plain. If vicious laws can en- slave us, just laws can make us free. In a republic where all just powers of government are derived from the governed, **we, the people, ^^ must control the money, for if we do not we cannot control our own destiny. On the contrary, place this power to control the money in the hands of a corporation, as now, and they will as surely control our destiny for good or ill. On this point hear the immortal Bandolph, the eccentric Virginia statesman, in regard to the old national bank. * 'Charter this bank with ten million of capital, and let them learn their power, then find if you can, means to bell the cat. You will find that you have placed a club in their hands with which they can break your own heads, for they can fix the price of every acre of land from Florida to the Lake of the Woods." Bandolph was right. We chartered our oligarchy (banks) with nearly two billions of fraudulent, unnecessary bonds, to base their base bank notes on, and now they are breaking our heads and rob- bing us of land and labor from Florida to the Lake of the Woods and from Maine to California. And twenty-eight years of bit- ter experience proves that they absolutely fix the price of every day's work, every pound of beef, every loaf of bread, every bushel of wheat, every yard of cloth, every day*s rent, and every nickle spent. Enormous power, my friends, to confer on a corporation to be used at discretion. Enthroned money power, sure enough. Yes; that is just what it amounts to. Lincoln understood it. And all done by our silver mounted senators, THE OONSPIRA.OY THAT NOW IS. 61 mis-representatives, lawyers and bankers — combined traitors. In one month after chattel slavery was oestroyed l>y proclama- tion of President Lincoln, January 3, 1863, John Sherman in the United States Senate, February, 1863, introduced the na- tional bank bill by which the banking bondholders is enabled to make interest on his money twice whilst ordinary money loaners cannot make it but once. This is a great royal preroga- tive in itself, but that is not all; after he has got his royal charter he gets hundreds of millions more right out of our own treasury to loan back to us for all he can get, say 10, 20, 30, 50 or 70 per cent, ui)on depending our necessities, but always on approved B curity. This infamous, treasonable bill was hurredly passed through both houses of congress and sighed by President Lincoln in five days from its introduction, by the rich, high toned, silver mounted senators, in full connivance with the silk hat aristoc- racy hot from the throne of Tammany, New York, whilst Lincoln and other loyal members of congress were all engrossed by the war. *Hasty legislation, sure CLOUgh, for a measure fraught with such great advantages to the few favored ones and such fearful effects to the unsnspectiug many in which the dostiny of a nation was to be determined. Conspirc^cy — stolen legislation — nothing else. A most diabolical outrage fastened on the coun- try by a foreign oligarchy in connivance with traitors at home. Yes; in one month after chattel slavery was abolished, both blacks and whites, soldiers and citizens, men, women and-child- ren's lives, liberty and fortunes were placed at the mercy of a corporation without our knowledge or consent — not a syllable in the Constitution, not a word in any party platform, or in the public press, or even dreamed of by the people in relation thereto— yet that corporation succeeded in its treacherous work and has controlled business and legislation to such an extent as to absorb the 3 ^er cent, net, accumulations of ages, and make ♦Oh, this mysterious power ; so silent, bo treacherouB. 62 liOOKINa INTO THINGS, OK debts on posterity for a^es to come. Oh! for a Jackson or a Jefferson, Democrat or Republican, to compel them to bring in their deposits and then cut off the monster's head, Tha*: Con- gress had power, under the Constitution, to coin and issue money, whether gold, silver or paper, has always been con- tended for by our ablest statesmen, and at that time, also, by Lincoln, Stevens and others. See, also, all the legal tender de- cisions of the United States Supreme Court. But for Congress to confer such unlimited power on a corporation, a third party, ■would be an unwarranted assumption of power not delegated in the Constitution, and for Congress to do so is to utterly over- throw and ultimately destroy the foundation on wiiich our gov- ernment was supposed to rest, to wit: The sovereignty of the people and nation* and substitute the sovereignty of a corpora- tion not responsible to the people. It is revolutionary, it is treason to the people and nation. Still bear in mind, that in a republic, all just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed; even minorities have inaJienable rights. But as W6 ** look into things" it becomes painfully evident that there always was an inherent weakness in the Constitution which we must now understand and eliminate, but in doing so we are glad to know that we need not disturb the foundation principles on which the Constitution itself was supposed to rest, to wit : The Declaration of Independence ^ that charter of human liberty, equal rights, equal laws, and equal opiDortunities. That even the minority have certain inalienable, rights — rights svhich the law cannot wrest from them without their consent. Even individuals have thw right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, until he forfeits the same by tresi^assinng on the self same rights in others. So, even, majority rule is limited by the welfare of the whole. **Thus far can'st thou go and no further.*' And so from this embodiment of justice, the light of America, the hope cf tha *No principal can erer permit an agent to go on appointing agents withomt hli consent for it wo«ld ignore and ruin the principal. THE CONSPTRAOT THAT NOW IS. 63 worldf from which we may reconstruct and so regain onr blood bought liberty. Kemember, that according to the wise pro- visions, we have a natural inherent right to do so. (See Dec- laration of Independence.) CHAPTEE IX. TNFIiUT^NCE OF HAMILTON — HAMILTON'S LIMITED EEPUBLIC — NA- TIONAL BANKS — Jackson's veto — Hamilton's oligaechy — VETO POWER of PRESIDENTS — TAMMANY RING RULE. The influence of Alexander Hamilton in the formation of the Constitution a cause for its weakness and defects. It is often asserted that Hamilton was in favor of a limited Monarchy but we have not been able to find such declaration in his public acts. But that he had a great influence in the forma- tion of the Constitution, no one will deny that witl look into tilings and, as we do, not desire to do the memory of the de- ceased any injustice. We simply give the facts as we find them. It is very plain, however, that he was in favor of a iim- ited 7'epubhc. He was not willing to trust to the people, hence, his opposition to the doctrines and teachings of Franklin, Paine, Hancock, Madison, Munros, Burr, Randolph and others. He could not trust the people to control or direct their own destiny. On the contrary he insisted that they must be con- trolled or restrained in some way by some extran- eous power, potentate or provision, human or divine, in some very important particulars, for which, see his proposed Constitution, submitted to the Convention in federalist papers, published by Lipincott & Co., edited by J. C. Hamil- ton, a grandson of Alexander Hamilton, page 31. This proposed Constitution, though not exactly as ours is now, is almost tilmost identical in some very important respects, and we now ]5:now, by a bitter experience of meai^ '^ars, that these limita- 64 liOOMiffd tmo THllfdii, OR tions are more destructive to life, liberty and happiness, than Monarchy limited or unlimited. In his proposed Constitution there ^was to be no limit to the power to levy taxes. (Great power.) He also made promise for the veto power of the President.* He also provided for a Senate composed of middle-aged men of wealth and influence, not elected by the people, but without whose sanction no law could be passed, but these Senators could secure their saats by means of their wealth and influence — chiefly their wealth, as now. No power was conferred in his Constitution for coining, declaring or issuing money of any kind, not even metal money. He readily recognized this sovereign prerogative in regard to other nations, but no power vested in our own nation to coin, declare or issue money. Of course it would be dependent on some power or potentate, foreign or domestic, to furnish the money. Thus shorn of an important sovereign prerogative, it was not in fact a sovereign nation — not in fad a republic. Thus the wealfJi^, born with a silver spoon in their mouth, could con- duct the business and political affairs of the nation in their interest. It would be a government of the wealthy by the wealthy and for the wealthy. Thus, the Senators and the wealthy once in power, the people are powerless to control their own destiny. Our chosen representatives become so many ciphers — a dead weight, an unnecessary expense, held in check by the same power, and the power unlimited; an oligarchy pure and simple, and unlimited whenever they chose to exercise it. See Webster's unabridged. Perhaps it was this traitor statesman in sheep's clothing, secretary of Washington, that manipulated the old fraud miscalled continental money, as it was based on the Spanish milled dollar that we did not have, but expected to get some time, somehow, providentially or otherwise. You see, however, that he was a great stickler for the king's money, or perhaps he was a secret emissary of the King of * * * * •In a republic thoTeto power mnet belong to the people, so they can control heir own destiny. THE OONSPIBAOY THAT NOW IS. 65 and sworn confederate of the * * * ^ * * , all made plain in pamphlet No. 3. But it is very evident he was iu favor of a limited republic. The people could not be trusted to govern themselves, and so control their own destiny; they mus^ be held in check somehow by somebody, friendly or unfriendly. Now, my reader, be patient. Permit me to explain some things in regard to the state of affairs at the time when the so- called continental currency was issued, as there has been very much published that is misleading in regard to it. First. — There was no United States then as now. The thirteen states or colonies had only confederated together, proclaimed their freedom from Cjlreat Britain and entered into an agreement (articles of confederation) to stand together against their com- mon enemy. Second — They had no constitution empowering the Congress to issue money of any kind as they have now — not even metal money. The several States had existed as so many separate forms of government, each legislating to suit themselves* up to that time, 1776, and later, 1790; so that each had a money system of their own to suit themselves. Third — They had no President as now. Washington was the first President elected after the Constitution was adopted, as above. They had lived wi'hout the Constitution from 1776 to 1789, thirteen years, and had neither a President nor a Senate. The Continental Congress was a truly representative body, and aimed to carry out the will of the i^eople, their constituents. Fourth — The Continental Congress was not composed of two houses, higher and lower, as they are now. They were all of one grade, and they chose their own president (or chairman, John Hancock), who simply presided over their deliberations, signed bills, etc., but had no veto power. Fifth — As they had no power given them to coin, declare or issue money, they never did so. To do so would have been an usurpation of power. All they could do, and that was wha • OrlglnaUy colonies of Great Britain. 66 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB . they did, was to give a printed promise to do sometbing some time, and this is the purport of the promise as engraved on the face of sample bills which are still in existence: Continental Congress promise to pay sixty Spanish milled dollars, or their equivalent in gold or silver bullion, six months after the treaty of peace and the acknowledgment of the independence of iho United States. And as they gained their independendence, but uot the Spanish milled dollar or gold and silver bullion (which was very scarce then) , they seem to have changed their minds — they seem to have very wisely concluded that as all had lost, but none had lost so much as the men who had lost their lives, and as the living had gained their liberty, they were all gainers, and so quit even and let it die, they did not redeem it. They could not do so without taxing the living and the widows and orphans of the dead, and making the people who had lost pay ove; again — wise conclusion. See the Windom official document, page 31. But now we must go on with Hamilton- and his checks on the liberty of the people. See Federalist papers, page 33, where he estimates values by the money of the King of Spain — Span- ish king's money all right; his sovereign right respected, his money the lawful money of the realm,* but the republic having no lawful money of its own, a mere suppliant at some other body's throne. Thus limited, deprived of this necessary imple- ment of trade and commerce, the republic was doomed from the beginning — denied a right always awarded all sovereign nations under the sun except oars. How absurd! Thus we would have a republic without freedom, but with the right to tax unlimited. You will see how the so-called governmant could levy taxes to an unlimited amount, and compel us to pay, money or no money, and perform service, pay or no pay. Thus deprived, it has coma to pass that we have no right now, only the right to pay taxes. Tiiis we now object to. Slaves nre exempt from taxation in ali •Tefbe a S^aator a man mxiBt have a r^^Ityyaltied ato»«|lU)ije<wd S]^ai>*ib miUtdcMlari. - THE CONSPIKAOY THAT NOW IS. 67 civilized countries under the sun. Such were the provisions in the Constitution proposed bj this distinguished statesman. It did not even provide for the coining of metal money — gold or silver. But his proposed Constitution was considerably modi- . lied in some respects, but not much in regard to money. The Constitution finally adopted did provide that Congress should have the power to coin money and regulate the value thereof, emit bills of credit, etc., but these etceteras have been variously construed from time to time to suit interested parties and rob and defraud the people. Hamilton tJ^ave expression to his opinion in the matter by hav- ing a National Bank law passed in Congress on the 8th of Feb- ruary, 1791, at the first session of Congress under the Constitu- tion, George Washington being at that time President and Alex- ander Hamilton Secretary of the Treasury. See Windom's ofiicial document, page 22 — thirty-nine members in favor, twenty opposed. Among those opposed were James Madison, James Monroe, Edmund Kandolph, then Attorney General, and Thomas Jefi'ersoD, then Secretary of State; other opponents not named, but all opposing it on the ground of unconstitutionality — not a word in the Constitution providing for its establishment. It was a joint stock concern, with" ^10,000,000 of capital. The Government, so called, a stockholder, took $2,000,000 in stock, borrowed the specie of Holland, and paid it in "like a little man." How the others paid does not appear — probably stole in on the Government's shoulders, as they do now. See Windom's document, pages 27-35. Even the Government so called made money off its subjects, but withdrew its stock and paid its bor- rowed money — probably got ashamed of its partners. The balance went on to the end of its charter, banking on Govern- ment deposits, just as ours do now. It spent much money influ- encing legislation, just as ours do now; it had more power than the President, just as ours has now; it was a source of profit to the stockholders, Government and all, but the profits to custom- ers, the people, were doubtful, probably a little belter than no 68 liOOKING INTO THINGS, OR money or the irresponsible -wildcat bank notes. But it was a pro. lific source cf corruption, just as ours is now — very secret and very select, its methods past finding out even by the committee appointed for the purpose. Still their capstal was very limited, nejther were they backed up by all the money in the icorld, as ours are now; neither had they learned their power, as ours have now; their organizations were not so perfect as to rob every branch of industry, as it is now. Their first charter expired in 1811. See Windom's document, page 22. But in 1816 they obtained a charter for a second national bank, (Calhoun in favor this time), and went on more corrupt than ever, with Nicholas Biddle as chief, until the expiration of the charter in 1836. This time they chartered this second so-called United States bank with ^35,000,000 of capital, largely British stockholders. Just how much stock the British subjects held the public never knew. That was their own business. But Jackson being elected^ 1832, he compelled them to bring in the government deposits and set his democratic-republican foot on the thing, and cut off its head ; too transparentUy unconsti- tutional — Old JNick has got too much power — (in partnership with the. Senate) ; more power than the President ; just as Nick the Third now has; he was banking on government deposits and getting interest on what he owed, just as our Nicks do ; it was a system of jugglery in finance just like the Windom system. (See further on.) But no danger now to our horde of young Nicks ; charters made perpetual by royal edict of Secrviarj Sher- Sherman , a prince of the realm. See further on. These schemers, or another brood of them, tried to get reinstated in 1840 by the election of General W. H. Harrison. This was the celebrated hard cider (with a stick in it) campaign. Gen- eral Harrison dying, "Vice President John Tyler took the chair, and when they got the bill through once more (in connivance with the Senate) , he cut off the other end of the thing with his long sword — veto. In both of these campaigns these tricksters spent millions to get into power, but were defeated, and so were THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 6d hel(3 at bay until the war of the rebellion, then they stole in through the Senate and have kept on with their treacherous plot from that day to this. 80 you see Humilt* n was in favor of a limited republic controlled by a moneyed oligarchy. But of these cheeks so conspicuous of late and so destructive to liberty and the natural rights of man, proposed by Hamilton as a check on the people, the power of the Pesident exercised by Cleveland so frequently, one hundred and forty four times more than was done by all the Presidents previously, and wheneyer the matter in question was not in accord with his policy, and his policy was always tin accord with New York dictation. (Tammany rule.) Rememembef too that his policy was expressed in advance of his iniu^uration by letters to his frien Is in Ojngresi urging that body to pass a law before adjournment providing for the retirement of the remaining greenbacks and stopping the coin- age of silver. Remember that ex-Preside^t Hayes in his inau- gural insisted on the same thing, and that Fernando Wood (Democrat) of New York seconded Haj^es' scheme by introduc- ing a new long time gold bond scheme to bank on. No partisan quarrel then— Tammany rule; Democrats and Republicans both obedient to their masters; no war on hand then to make a national debt necessary. Remember too that Grant early in his administration sent a few million dollars surplus coin to New York to buy up greenbacks without informing the ring mast rs previously of his intention. This act of his bankrupted some of the gamblers on margins. They immediately sent for him, cornered him, and made him promise then and there never to do the like again without notifying them beforehand. President Grant was their most obedient henchman ever afterwards. His first act was to veto a very just bill for the equalization of oldiers' bounties, for the passage of which he had pledged him- self, but signed a bill to double up his own salary. He also ligned the credit strengthening and refunding fraud. The In iian thieving ring was fixed up good as new, silver demonetized THE CONSPIRAOr THAT NOW IS. 71 and other frauds perpetrated too numerous to mention.* The salary grab, although unconstitutional, has never been repealed or corrected. The credit s rengthening act, also unconstitu- tional, still stands as the policy. Neither has silver been restor 'I— demonetized by stealth, bribery and perjury, all un- constitutional of <Jourse— and our masters exultingly ask us: What are you going to do about it? Rather let us now ask our masters: What are you going to do next? We can only conjec- ture, probably sell men for debt as chattels, just as Rome diA.f Some mysterious power somewhere behind the whole business. See further on. President Harrison notifies members of Congress in advance that they need not pass any bill for the free coinage of silver, as he will not sign it if they do (plutocrat) ; and now we remem- ber that to do so would not be in a(^cordance with the * * * ♦ * * * * . Bee President Hayes.' objection to silver coin- age. Well, who is the **** ****^ Who are our masters? Who are the rulers of this limited republic any- hovv? Oh! they are in Europe, and in connivance with Tam- many of New York. We will trace him up soon. Whether Hamilton was in favor of a limited monarchy or not, he was evidently in favor of a limited republic. The veto power of the President was one limitation. Then the Senate, that high-toned body, not elected by the people, to dictate ap- pointments at home and abroad — a kingly prerogative; also the power to make treaties or annul them, and such powers of legis- lation that no law can pass without their sanction — absolute power. Then the republic shorn of its sovereign right to de-- clare and issue its own money, dependent on some domestic or ♦Neither nan any legislatu»n be accomplished of any importance without the consent of Tammany. Such is the veto power. T Probably the only reason why they do not sell men for debt now is, because the European plan causes less trouble— -uo care for the workers. See the Hazzard circular. 72 liOOEHNQ INTO THINGS, OB foreign power to do this for us. Now can you see, with these three checks, all favorites of Hamilton, but with unlimited power for levying taxes — the plan of Hamilton also — no wonder the republic was overthrown; no wonder ^e lost what little lib- erty we had. The republic was too limited to stand alone. No rights only the right to pay taxes; and when the money power was enthroned they just went on piling up taxes, tariffs for rev- enue, internal, external, eternal and infernal, just to show their authority. Then squander hundreds of millions and billions among their pet partisans, corporations and salary grabbers; then, still further, divide out any surplus cash in the treasury among themselves, and loan it back to us until they have gotten their deaiJi-gtnp (mortgages) on all we ever did own. See J. B, Weaver's and Plumb's expose, further on; also Windom's sys- tem of financial jugglery. Thus provided for, our oligarchy, in company with his high toned, silver-mounted, silver-tongued, silver-lined, grandly-dined and highly-wined Senators, mounted on the back of the limited republic, booted, heeled and spurred, his curb bit in the President's mouth, the gag rein in his own hand — no money for campaign expenses unless you do so and so. Candidates take money; then they dare not expose, but are eompelled to do their master's bidding or be exposed and de- feated. See Dorsey's expose of the Garfield campaign, himself chairman of the Republican National Committee, to be found in the archives at Washington, or of Robert G. Ingersoll, New York. So you see he can bring the presidents to their knees or kill them, and so ride rough shod over the people in company with his pot-bellied, plethoric, purse-proud, autocratic, self- imposed Senators, millionaires, who have got their seats by means fair or foul, mostly foul— eighty -eight Senators from forty- four States, with kingly prerogatives for their respective States*^ And who, that they may win the race. Must first secure their trenchmen; Then after they have won their place Proceed to place their henchmen THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW 13. 7S No thanks to us. Thus we have eighty-eight kings in the self- constituted imperial dynasty of the Amevican Senate in full part- nership with the money ghouls, who, to aggrandize themselves, are destroying civil liberty and civilization with their imperial prerogative, to hold the people's representatives in check, and so in full connivance with the money bags and barrels of New York, Tammany's throne, to keep the people in poverty, igno- rance and slavery forever. Thus the enthroned monopoly can ride like a grandee groom in company with his high-toi.ed senatorial groomsmen going to meet his gay dudee bride. What care they for our lost liber'^y, the cries of the suffering and dying? What care they for the ini^rease of crime, for then they double the police force, which we have to pay? What care they for the increase of insanity and suicides? They are deaf to all this. What care they for the widow's wail or the orphan's tears? They are music in these sinners' ears. But these high-toned Senators get themselves selected by the use of their wealth and influence— married relations, etc. See Standard Oil Paine, the Camrons (father and son) , Stanford, Fair, Ingalls, Sharon, Tabor, Hearst. Calvin Brice of New York, warm from the throne (Tam- many), buys a seat from Ohio — Ohio scarce of senatorial tim- ber. And when one of these finance fakirs gets seated it requires as much power to unseat him as it would to dethrone a king. The State must revolt and revolutionize to overthrow the rich, rascally villain, and then they go into hysteria. See Ingalls. But at last one of these royal cubs gets left — the great skin and bones of this Kansas dictator of the Senate, with a Robesperian head on his shoulders, blown away in a gentle zephyr (cyclone) — proof positive that the gentle zephyrs are good in their place — blown East of course, gone to join ** Beans" Pomeroy; got too far west for a young man of aristocratic aspirations; better stay east now and bloat up with your peers, young man. But, oh! what a loss to the Senate he was — such a grand man to keep political p,i- 'san prejudice alive. He could sit on a nest of stale partisan eggs a lifetime to hatch out one goslin that was 74 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR only a goose at last. But the people may congratulate them* selves. One silver- mounted Senator of wealth and influence, a patrician, dismounted counts more than twenty ordinary mem- bers of plebeian extraction in the lower house, and might in an emergency stand for more than all the lower house, that repre- sents the common people — a rather strong check, a gag rein. Now study Lincoln's last warning, study the meaning of en- throned monoply— to issue and control the money instead of the people controlling it themselves, until the people have lost control of everything and the republic is destroyed. Even the ballot is a ridiculous farce unless you use it for the good of the public, including yourself. You now vote for the Democratic or Republican candidates, but they both stand in with the en- throned monopoly and the ballot only seals your doom. No wonder Lincoln was unnerved when he saw the situation. Will we ever learn, even by bitter experience? We must look into things. Here is the tool, the entering wedge, that has done it, viz., the National Banking law. Re- member how it was smuggled through Congress in five days, during the war. It looks as innocent as a cherub, but beware of its fangs. It is written that the old serpent, Beelzebub, was more subtle thun any beast of the field. So was Nick Biddle the Second, and so is our young Nick the Third — very secret, very sly, and very treacherous. And so the limited republic was doomed to an early grave. This law was dictated by a monster in Europe desirous only of power and gain. See the Hazzard circular. Here is the mysterious power now above the limited republic — the power behind every throne, the power to enslave every nation, the mystery of mysteries, even the mystery of godliness, but all made plain in these series, especially in Nos. 2 and 3. This infamous bill, smuggled through Congress by traitors at home and abroad, is the enemy of light* and knowledge, the enemy of hberly, the enemy of mankind, * Give UB light, more light. THE CONSPIEACT THAT NOW IS. 76 CHAPTER X. NATIONAL BANKING LAW — NATIONAL BANKS AS AGENTS — NATIONAL BANKS SECKECY — BANKER's NOTES VS. NATIONAL MONEY — BANK CHARTERS VIOLATED — THE SENATE A CHECK. The National Bank law, the establishment of a privileged class, inconsistent with Republican institutions and therefore unconstitutional. Its provisions are that a company of five men may obtain a charter for a national bank by depositing $50,000 in United States bonds with the Secretary of the Treasury where it will remain as collateral security, but continue to draw interest from the Government to themselves, then with a certificate of such deposit they go to the Comptroller of the Currency and re- ceive $45,000 in national bank notes to take home and loan ever their own counter to business men and receive interest thus dr<*wing interest almost twice on their original investment, but paying no interest themselves while the people pay twice, first on the bonds and then on the notes. Before the money can be got into circulation the bankers' avail- able assets are almost doubled by legal enactments. The first thing, remember, is that the Government prints the bank notes, ready for signing, cheaper than bankers could print them — about % to 1 per cent for printing the notes and keeping the books by the Comptroller. Thus the favorite banker can go on loaning the notes over their own counter at 8, 10, 20, 30, 50, and 70 per cent, according to whbitever men's necessities compelled them to pay, and the bankers make the necessity by withholding his notes from circulation until he gets his price and,, he manages to invalidate or evade all laws in regard to interest and taxes. Thus 76 liOOKINQ INTO THINGS, OR he makes 16 to 74 per cent on the bank notes and bonds, exempi from taxation, thus not even paying the expense of schooling his own children. But why should the law provide for one class and not for another ? Why should one class live in idle- ness at the expense of' another class ? If Congress can legislate wealth, why not legislate to make us all wealthy? Of course this is impossible in the nature of things; therefore all legisla- tion favoring a class impoverishes the class not thus favored. The national banks, once established and authorized as the agents of the Government — (see Windom's official document, page 49, concerning old national banks, and pages 87 and 166, concerning present national banks) — immediately assumed con- trol, g"ving advice and dictating what must be done, just as though they were the only parties interested (also secretly con- spired), and they watched their interests very close, so close that they became a barricade between the people and Congress, and with officials always ready to interpose and prevent any legislation for the public. It might curtail their profits. They became the great tollgate through whose doors the bank notes and all other money found its way into circulation. The Government being tax collector with unlimted powers, the bankers receivers and distributors, governed only by their own greed and avarice, took all they could get, kept all they had, and preyed for more — business is business, you know. So they watched while we worked, and stole while we slept, and prayed and preyed while we wept. And so with the public partisan press, muzzled; the lawyers, judges and officials dumb as beetles; the clergy interested only in inesent revenue and future salvation. Thus the people were studiously kept in igno- rance. But why on earth should there be any secrets between the people and their lawfully constituted agents, officials, mem- bers of Congress, etc., when in fact there should be the utmost frankness between them. Every law, every enactment should be fully and fairly discussed and its effects fairly explained to the people, who have a right to know all the,,acts of their agents, THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 77 just as any principal has a right to know what his agents are doing. But see the National Banking law, stolen in like many others too tedious to mention, but made plain further on, and not one in twenty knows or understands them after twenty-five years of existence. The people cever knowing what is done inside the barricade until it is too late, the barricade soon becomes an impenetrable bastile for the conspiring traitors, but the people ignorant of the most momentous questions, involving hundreds of millions and billions, even life and death and the overthrow of the na- tion, all involved , but so secret, so sly, that the people never did find out except by the most bitter, heart-rending experience. Now we can contemplate the ruined homes, the men turned out to tramp, die and starve, the widows and orphans made desolate, the republic overthrown, to make a few millionaires that are de- structive to morality, virtue, honesty and integrity. (Millionaires are dangerous.) But see the advantage to the banker. He can eat liis supper and save it at the same time under this new-fangled system of legerdemain in finance. The Government bonds issued to retire greenback inflation — bonds on interest — and inflate with bank notes based on bonds never so good as green- backjj, must be borrowed to get into circulation, and so make a great multitude of individual debts (mortgages) and a great national debt. This infamous National Banking law was never sent out broadcast like other public documents pertaining to national matters. Instance the issues of the war — bloody shirt, the tariff, etc. So you see that although the purposely depreciated greenback was a fraud, the bond an unnecessary fraud, but the bank note, whether based on gold , silver or bonds, is a fraud, an unmitigated curse; the most vile, dishonest rep- resentation of money the wo7^ id ever saw — worse than no money; a source of corruption; a cancer on the body politic; a scab; a polluting, festering sore, full of all manner of uncleanness; a system of refined cruelty the most relentless and far reaching ever fastened on any people, savage or civilized, in any age of 78 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR the world — extending to generations unborn; a two-edged sword; a secret and dangerous enemy, incompatible with repub- lican government, where the r^eople have a right to know all that transpires, where equal rights should be the rule, and no secrets, Bu* what has become of your 3 per cent net increase in wealth ? Oh! all swallowed up m profits to the privileged class, who toil not, neither do they spin, but who live and not and rot in lux- ury at the expense (.f those who do. The banker has another advantage not contemplated when his charter was first granted. It was for twenty years, at the expi- ration of which time he was expected to settle up, cancel his charter, and liquidate all claims. But now, by edict of Secre- tary Sherman, he is relieved from ever settling up and redeem- ing his notes. The oligarchy is a law unto themselves, a double- dyed system of villainy — two great systems of debt, national and individual, established in lieu of the money destroyed. So you see that with the ending of the rebellion and the libera- tion of 3,000,000 slaves, but the enthroning of the money mo- nopoly (see Lincoln's warning), it has its clutch on our throats, and our teeming millions, ever increasing (now sixty-five mill- ions), all bondslavcs; the law not to be repealed (vested rights), just as though no one else had any rights only the bondholdiag bankers. The Government so called became a wet nurse for the whole band of conspirators, who are now whittling away at our throats, sapping the last drop of life blood of the people and nation. Their methods secret and past finding out. But why not issue an honest, national money, by exercise of the sovereign power of the nation, to be protected and respected by all law- abiding citizens as the money of the realm, whether printed on gold, silver, nickel, copper, paper, cloth or leather, as of old,* as set forth alread in this volume and put in circulation for ser- *A national money, national check token, bill of exchange, draft, all the same; no more necessity for printing the national money on gold or silver than there is |yi printing a visiting card on gold or silver, Metal money a superstition. THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 79 vice performed and valuables delivered, v^ith no interest to pay, no speculative bankers (»r idle conspirators to serve, no dicta- tion from Tammany, who, when congressional enactments suits them they obey the laws, and when they do not they set them at defiance and issue their own edict to suit the case. See here ; Secretary Sherman, an appointed official and banker him- self, on the inside ring of the bastile, one of the oligarchy, advised bankers whose charters were about to expire to just; change officials or change the name of their bank and organize as a new bank and so go on indefinitely. This has much to do in keeping up the premium on bonds. This is just why our masters want perpetual national debt, and perxietual national debt means perpetual servitude for the people, and is an unmit- igated curse under which the whole civilized world is writliing and groaning in agony today, and has been for ages. But is the base, dishonest bank note, based on fraudulent, unnecessary bonds, one whit more safe than the national money issued to the people for service performed and valuables delivered, (no in- terest to pay), as already alluded to in this volume? Of course not. So you see we have no use for the bank note, or wild cat, or stink cat either. No national debt, no bond necessary to pay interest on, no middle men necessary to be a toll gatherer, collect- ing interest twice, which we pay twice, and so live off of us, on what he owes the public. No monopoly necessary to issue and control the money, no secret conclaves, no stolen legislation, no bashle between the people and their agents' officials, no edicts by the appointed henchmen of the oligarchy, the self-imposed, self-constituted Senate in connivance with the Throne of Tam- many. It is a grave mistake to suppose that the Senate is a rep- resertative body, in any sense, for it is not. It was never in- tended to be. I', was intended to hold the people in check, and it has done its work eo effectually that the people's rights and liberties have been destroyed until the people have no rights — only the right to pay interest and taxes and iLterest and taxes im- unlimited, and I defy anyone to show me where Congress has 80 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR done one act of legislation for the general benefit of the public since the money power has been enthroned ; but legislation in- calculable for the benefit of the money power has been the rule. JBut, further, to issue bonds sufficient for basis for bank notes •to meet the requirements of business and keep everybody em- ployed in our country, of sixty million people, would require, at least, $bO per capita, and would require a perpetual bond debt of $3,000,000,000, and increasing all the while — interest twice — all accruing to. the enthroned monopoly. But the money issued by the government, for service performed and valuables de- livered, no interest anywhere, all net accumulations, all im- ;provements made accrues to the public and constitutes national wealth with liberty restored and with equal rights and equal opportunities for all. Remember too that we now live subject ■to an oligarchy that makes the laws to suit themselves, or sim- ply issues their edicts to suit the case ; but with a republican form of government, pure, simple and unlimited, based on the sovereignty of the people as per Declaration of Independence. :See Initiative further on. No law of importance could be passed and enforced without the consent of the people. But see now, under the reign of the Golden God Dynasty, we slave and toil and starve and die. Under edicts issued by the oli- garchy we eat, sleep, work, worship, weep, laugh, sorrow or sin. Under edicts we are robbed, imprisoned, hanged, burned, dried or frozen, killed, drowned and murdered. Under edicts issued by the irresponsible, self-constituted, self-ordained oligarchy for their own aggrandizement at our expense — see the reports of suffering everywhere, but especially from Kansas, Nebraska, Wisconsin, Iowa, Dakota. Oklahoma, Texas, etc. Let us have the Republic pure and simple and unlimited. The voice of an enlightened people is the voice of God. Let us have Light. (Ig- norance is not bliss.) The favorite banks have numerous privileges not enjoyed by common folks. They are made a depository for Government money, without interest, which they loan at enormous interests THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 81 See Secretary Windom's system of jugglery, further on ; alsc the law allowing him to do so. The banker makes rules also for receiving citizens' money on deposit at a low rate of inter- est and loaning it again at a high rate. See also the long ten- tacles of tliis huge octopus (devil fish) , which reaches into state, city, county and town treasuries. The officials every- where subservient ; levying taxes under any and every pretext for uecessary expenses and collecting all they possibly can, spending vast amounts extravagantly and then still having sur- plus cash depositing it with the legalized, exploiting, despoil- JDg dynasty. Study this monster in all his work. Seethe Key- stone bank of Pennsylvania and how public sworn officials favor their favorite depositors. See how the United States ex- aminer Drew and Comptroller Lacy gives Wannamaker the wink and he gets his deposits out and the trap falls on the unwary taxpayers, who lose a cool million. See Nashville, Tennessee, a short time ago, also Cleveland, Ohio, (about a million), also the State Treasury of Kansas, a few years ago, robbed twice. But are these exceptional cases? No ; they are the rule everywhere, the exceptional cases rare indeed, from the cliipf officials of the Government to the lowest tax collector en- 1 ig collections. If we complain he tells us to work a little haider, bo a little more economical and it will fill come out right in the end. Poor folks don't pay the taxes anyhow. Well, how is it that the rich, idle, speculator that never earned an honest dollar in his life, pays his taxes. Oh! he pays his by working bis jaw and getting deposits, and he tells you to stick to your old i^arty. The money rules and always will. Thus the fools submit and thus the money power, safely entrenched within the bastile^ by laws of his own ordaining and rides on triumphantly, but the people are learning, by a most bit- ter experience, the nature of the conspiracy in all its details. But the citizen is learning after his money is gone that his money is never so safe as when in his own custody. He is also learning that honest money is not what dishonest bankers, 82 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB conspiring lawyers, lawmakers want, but dishonest money bankers' notes based on unnecessary, fraudulent bonds, hidden, uncertain gold, all a farce, a fraud, a lie, a cheat. If the law- maker was honest, he has it in his power to make honest money, but being dishonest he conspires with the dishonest villain, (banker), to swindle the honest, confiding people, loot his own constituents, feather his own nest at their expense to the tune of hundreds of millions and billions lost to us. But as a good many of our members of Congress, especially Senators and of- ficials, judges, lawyers, idlers, speculators and cormorants all belong to the same inside ring of the same monopoly, spoken of by Lincoln, they have their secret political and business con- claves to concoct their nefarious schemes, (no reporters ad- mitted), not merely for securing interest, and double interest, but to agree as to what legislation they will need to enable them to form all kinds of trusts, combines, syndicates, etc., in rela- tion to tariffs and transportations, the amount of money to issue or retire, and Presidents to elect, defeat or assassinate. So this /errife/e tragedy still goes on unheeded and unchecked, the people constantly victimized by the greedy vampires of the plutocratic dynasty. Now reader would you like to belong to this infamous, soulless, cut-throat den of rats, vultures, cormo- rants, hyenas of the robbers' roost of spread eagles, gutter snipes, lame ducks, bulls, bears, etc., etc. It de^jends alto- gether on the length of your purse— $30,000 and the oath of a villain and $30,000 more in bank for a margin. Sixty thousand dollars in all is about the on y perquisite, just a trifle of honor or honesty, as much as is necessary among thieves, to wit, *'a fair divide." And you can be one of those royal cubs of the moneyed oligarchy, a prince of the realm, an heir to the throne of Tammany, and heir presumptive of the Golden God— dynasty of the civilized w?o?'/d— from whence you can contemplate yourself as an imperial /j/w^ocra/ of the realm of helly hades, sheot, etc., with full powers to enforce your edicts, man- dates, decrees, and so keep your throne warm by the sweat and THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. Od blood of those who toil and slave and die, and keep your soul saturated with the sobs and sighs of the orphans and the wails of widows whose homes have been made desolate by your clan; then hie you away to glory to pre empt in the heavenly land. Sixty thousand dollars, cheap as dirt to become a member of the great gadgrind mill of the money ghouls, and so control the destiny of man on earth **** #***^ CHAPTER XI, weaver's expose— steal and divide — EARLY WORK OP CON- SPIRATORS — WEAVER AND LINCOLN VINDICATED — PARTY TREACHERY. The Government a depositor with the national banks for vast amounts without interest for twenty-fivo years, but so adroitly concealed as not to be understood. Now we come to examine another link in this fearful conspir- acy — one still more completely covered up *than any heretofore exposed in the whole plot of crime, infamy and treachery. We had supposed the national bond nest egg to bank on, with the various powers it conferred, was sufficient to gratify the greed of the most avaricious, lucre-loving souls on earth; but here is another scheme, another link, in the infamous plot concocted during the war but so stealthily covered up and kept from the public for twenty-five years (see the law concerning deposits further on) , as to completley deceive the confiding people. But the war over the cry went forth. The nation, a nation of free- men, a national debt to pay, but home industry protected and nothing but unprecedented prosperity for the people. But what was the villains doing instead of paying off the public debt? They were just fixing it so that it never could be paid, and the vast revenues they were collecting was being divided out among themselves. In addition to converting the green- 84 liOOKINQ INTO THINGS, OB backs into bonds, they were also depositing out the surplus cash with the favorite banks throughout the country. (Time un- limited instead of paying off the national debt — base fraud, un- mitigated lie.) The m ney was being deposited out at the dis- cretion of the Secretary and the Secretaries were very free to help themselves in the exercise of this discretionary power, all provided for by the ingenious lawyer and high-toned, wealthy bankers, comprising the Congress, the people never dream- ing that such nefarious work was being done. Even business men, but few of them, knew of this treacherous scheme being carried on, and many members of Congress seems to be igno- rant of it, it was done so slily. These deposits were of any sur- plus money in the Treasury on satisfactory security with no in- terest to the Government whatever. This was a favor to nsi- tional banks, who, by their charters, were entitled to the inside ring and who have continued to divide the contents of tha Treasury among their pards, (a la Simon Cameron.) This in famous scheme was first publicly exposed by James B. Weaver in Congress, but even since this expose, the partisan press, Dem- ocratic and Republican, dare not publish the facts to the dear people as both parties are under obligations to these beneficent bankers for money subscribed to carry on their campaigns*, and so the money power rests secure on its throne which, like all other thrones, rests on ^the ignorance of the people ; but the light is beginning to break. Hon. J. B. Weaver of Iowa, in the House of Congress, Feb urary 29, 1888, during Cleveland's ^administration, H. B. 5034, Congressional Document, said : *'Sir, this country is now within the grasp of a gigantic, cold- blooded money trust, which limits the money output, pre- scribes the conditions on which it deigns to accept the currency at the hands of the Government, determines the channels *See James G. Blaine's speech in Chicago, October, 1888, in which he admitted that the bankers got Government money without interest. They just subscribed to the Democratic campaign fund. Why did he not expose the nepubliqana also ; one was just as deep in the mud as the other was in the mire. Tricksters don't leU on themselves. THE CONSPIRA.CY THAT NOW IS. 35 through which it shall reach the people, and the terms upoi. which it shall be doled oi^t. " This trust usurps the sovereignty of the nation, mocks ali the suffering of its victims, and relies upon the painful "neces- sities " of the situation to keep them in subjection. [Applause. ] *' For a quarter of a century this trust has overawed Congress, . and at this time is setting at defiance laws which it does not ap- prove. It is a national organization, with ramifications every- where. It holds annual sessions, has an executive council which meets in secret, and is clothed with power to collect large sums of money and to disburse the same for purposes which are not made public. It is the architect of our present, financial^slruoture. They have built it to suit the cupidity of the usurer, and so as to administer to the devouring appetite of money ghouls, rather than to serve the legitimate wants of busi- ness and trade. Tliey have made it a snare, a delusion, and a rack of torture to those who are content to accumulate wealth by production, and it has proved a bed of quicksand to business energy and honest thrift. "I regard the situation to-day as not presenting a contest be- tween the people and any Executive Department of this Gov- ernment, but a contest between the people and a non-political moneyed oligarchy that controls all departments and seeks tO' control all political j)arties. " Where is the money which this resolution seeks to have paid out in the purchase of Government bonds? It is not in the Treasury. Fifty-nine millions of it are in national banks, and they are using it without interest. The Secretary of the Treas- ury has serious doubt about his authority under the law of March 3, 1881, to purchase bonds with the money. It is a little singular that some doubt did not arise in his mind as to his power to deposit this amount of money in the national banks. "Under what law did he deposit it? You will find the law on page 365 of Loans and the Currency: All national banking associations designated for that purpose by the Secretary ■ of the Treasury shall be depositories of public money, except receipts from cus-. tome, uiider such regulations as may be prescribed by the Secretary, and they may also be employed as financial agents of the Government. [Congress here surrendered to the national bankers. The; AUTHOK. ] "Now, Mr. Chairman, when was that law passed? It was passed in June, 1864, daring the struggle for the pres3rvation of the Union, when the Government had to disburse large sums . of money in various parts of the country in payment of the Army and in payment for supplier. That was the necessity under which that law was passed, and, the necessity having, ceased, the rule ought to cease also. 86 liOOKlNa INTO THINGS, OR ** There was no design in the passage of that law to make th« national bank depositories of Government funds for their con- venience and benefit. It was the convenience of the Govern- ment that was uppermost in the minds of Congress, and when the necessity ceased the deposit of money in the national bauKs should have ceased also. But, sir, it is true that there are fifty or more national banks in this country that have been literally stuffed with Government money for the past quarter of a cen- tury ; i: oney wrung from the people by unjust and oppressive taxation has been stuffed into the banks, and by them loaned back to the poor wretches from whom it was extorted. Who on this floor will deny that? Fifty-nine millions! Where is it? Scattered promiscuously over the country, without regard to the convenience of the Government, utterly in defiance of sound policy, and solely with reference to the convenience and at the behest of the banks. •* Let me give you a specimen or two. I find on the list I hold in my hand the Hamilton National Bank, of Fort Wayne, Ind., which has nearly ^100,000 of the public money. Whose bank is that? That is the bank in which an ex-Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. McCuUoch) is largely interested. His salary as Secretary of the Treasury ceased long ago, but his profits from the use of this S100,000 of Government money continues and amounts to nearly or quite as much per annum as his salary used to be He is using the people's money that has been wrung from them at the expense of their homes, at the expense of thousands of hungry children all over this country who are hnlf clad, half fed, and less than half educated, [Applause.] Who else have their clutches on this Government money ? The Chase National Bank of New York has ^1, 100,000. Who pre- sides over the Chase National Bank? Mr. Cannon, late Comp- troller of the Currency. He still has his hand in the Treasury, and is using without interest $1,100,000 of Government funds, the profit upon which far exceeds the salary which he received when he was Comptroller of the Currency. Then comes the First National Bank of New York. That is the bank that was caught with ^43,000,000 of the public money in it when Mr. Sherman was Secret;iry of the Treasury, and when its own capi- tal stock amounted to less than a quarter of a million dollars. What kin I of oflicial honesty was this, and what an example to the country ! Thftt bank to-day has .^1, 100,000 of Government money wluch it has the use of without interest. While the farmers of my district and my State are ground down by their mortgages and crushed into the earth by their debts, this gentleman and his bank are the favored ones and have the free use of $1,100,000 of the people's money. THE C0NSI>IRACT THAT NOW IS. 87 Th^^rj we linve the National Bank of the Repnhlic in New York witli $930,000 of the G«)verniDeiit money. W ho presi es over that bank ? Jolin Jay Knox, an ex Com]itrollpr of thp Currpucy. He too lias his arm into the Treasnry up to t! p olhow, • n<l the protit which he derives from the nse of t]iisS930.()00 of th^ Gov- ernment funds far exceeds the sahiry which he received when he was Comptroller. Next we come to the National .Bank of the Ivepnhlic in the city of Washington, a bank in the same city with the national Treasury, and alongside of it. What nfce-sity is thpi'p tor a Governmei t depository here in Vv'ashinpffon ? Every bculy knows that it is a mere ^ratnitv to the bank, and I denounce it as a shampless exhibition of bad official morals. This National Bank of the Republic is presided over, lam told, by ex Postmaster-General Creswell. It has $165,000 of pnblie fnnds. Mi;. B\YNE— Did the gentleman mention the National Bank of thp R'M^'i^^lic? Mr. Weaver — Yes, sir; a V>ank here in Wash i no ton. Mr. Bayne— That is not located alongside the Treasury De- partmpnt. Mr. We.wefc— How far from it? Mr. Baynr— Down on ISeventh street. [Laughter.] Ond word moi-c* Mr. Weaver- No siv; I do not wish to be further inter* iMiptpd. Mv timp \a liniitfd. Mr. Bayne— M»'. Creswpil j^ not president of that bank. Mr. Weavf'R — Wei I, Ml (jreswpll's bank is using Govern- ment money, a^ I undeistand. If I have the wrong bank l<y the ear I have not th^^ w)Ong px-Fostmaster General by tlip par. [Liughter. ] I m^y have placed the right man in tlie wrong place Now I com''^ to the Wtstern National Bank of New Yf)rk. That bank, it wiM be remt-ml)f^jpd, was orjianized during the fce(?ond sessi.>n of the lu;vty ninth Contrress by three ])rominpnt TrpHKury .)fli«*i5ns. concerning one of whom (pra'-e to his n.^hes) I Kv M L'ot sa\' a word but two otiier Tn^asnry officials, the Tipas- iirer of the United States. Mr Jirdan, an<i ilip Hub tronsnrer of the United States, Mr. Oanda, were prominent in organizing that bink, ard are ])r'>rnirieiit s^ockhol.lers in it to day. How mivh Govei'nmpnt money lias this buiik y One million one hnn- drpd thniman'l d::l ars it «lejH>^it>d bonis to the amount of $;l 000.000 an I receivpd SI. 100.000 of Government fun<ls. wh ch orp beinp: used by this bank, as n'l t])» «e other ex officials are usino: (Tf)vernmpnt fMnl.*^, tor their own profit and a«lvan*aae. F. O. "Mfitln-isson. one of tlip prominent chr.raofpv*; in the inlam- ous sugar tnist, vvi»s cons^ icuous in organizing- thib bank and is 88 liOOKING INTO THINGS, OR a prominent stockholder in it. I examined the record with regard to this bank aad I want to give what it says. The book wliich designates the amount that these banks shall receive shows this o'-der cu..ceiniLg the Western National, Mr. Jordan's bank: Fill the bank from banks outside of New York. Is not that. good ? [Laughter. J I have a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury concerning this bink which T desire to read for the edification and and in- struction of this House. It is dated Washington, D. C, Octo- ber 8, 18/7, and is directed to the Treasurer of the United States : Sir: The Western National Bank of New York city has been designated a United State-fi depos-itory, and the security fi\id for the present at $1,000,000 of United Statt P 4 p. r cent bonds, lu ord«'r to avoid the usual delay in obtaining a ba anco by accumulating revenue deposits I will t'^auk you. when the bonds are received, to be Citused to be transferred to said bank irom national bank depositories other than th BO in New \vik city such amounts as m;:y be depositea therein to the c edit of your gi-ueral account, in excess of their authorizeu balances, until the Bill, of $1, Ou.OCO iB re.i«->'«^'), which am«/Unt the Western National Bank will be authorized to hold as a fixed balance. Eespt-ci. Lilly yuuiB. ' C. S. FAIECHILDS, Secretary. This Secretary Fairchilds was Cltveland's Secretary after the retirement of Jord in and Manning on account of ill health and enough money to stock their own bank. (Discretionary power of the Secretary — see the law. Cleveland's clubs, warm from the throne of Tammany, New York.) So you see Democrats and Rf^publicans sailing in the same piratical craft. After hav- ing scuttled the ship of State and fastened its passengers down below the hatchways of everlasting bondage to corporate rule, they divide out our Treasury as their lawful prey and the people their lawful slaves — the spoils system . bee Wordsworth's Rob Boy: For why? Because the gold old rule sufficeth them ; the simple plan That they should take who have the power, and they should rule who can, And then [Mr. Weaver continuing] at this session of Congress the Secretary of the Treasury has sent in an item showing a de- fit iency in tlie tetegtaphic expenditures, and he states in his letter that the deticiency is solely owingto the large amounts of deposits placed m the national banks. Ihat is to say, the cost of this telegraphinc:, both to and from the banks tbut are using this Government money for nothing, is j)aid out ol the Treasury of the United States; aud in order to meet this expense an item has been allowed in the urgent deticiency bill which ijassed this House. What excuse is there for this? THE OONSPIBAOY THAT NOW IS. 89 Mr. BATNB-^Wbat is the date of the letter jnst read by the gentleman? Mb. Weaver— October 8, 1887. Then we have also the Third National Bank of Buffalo, N. Y. Whose bank is that? It is a banu controlled by gentlemen promineut in the Standard Oil Trust. Yes, the {Standard Oil Company has its hands in the Treasury also, through this and other bauks. Think of the burning shame and disgrace of such a tran-action! No wonder the people are losing confidence in the Government. Mk. Webek— May I ask the gentleman Mr. Weaver — I cannot yield to the gentleman. A Membi£R (on the Republican side) — We will extend your time. Mr. Weaver— No, you will not, I fear. The Chairman — The gentleman fiom Iowa declines to yield. Mk, We web — This Standard Oil bank, the Third National B:iiik of jjuffalo, has ^165,000 of Government money; and the Seabjard National Bank of New York, in which Darnel O'Day, the general manager of the St mdard Oil Pjpe Line, and J. J. Vandergrift, the president of the Stin lard Oil Pipe Line, are pr »minent stockholders, has $515, OjO of GovernmRnt money. The president and tieasurer of the American Bankers' Asso- ciation are presiding over national bauks which have been desig- nate I as depositories, and twelve out of the twenty-one mem- bers uf the executive council of that "trust." are also connected with banks that are depositories and that are using Government moaey. Mr. Chairman, it is true that one and all of lhe?e "trusts" that are choking the very life out of the people of this country are, through their national banks, using to a greater or less extent the Government money, and are using it to oppress the people, I say this is a public outrage and villainous shame. Here Con- gress has been sitting for nearly three months, and not a half dozen voices have been raised against it, not a move has been maite to remedy the evil or to rebuke the crime. On the con- trary, efforts have been ma le to extend the privileges of the batiks. I denounce it, and I trust I shall be p irdoned by my L)emocratic brethren for my Jefft^rsonian and Jacksonian eccdn- tricities on this subject. I think we have reached i time when t le Democratic party can afford to be Democratic. •Now, Mr. Chairman, I have already indicate 1 that this money is n )t in the Treasury, but in the banks. The baiks are simply the lenses through which, like a radiation, this money reache<l the people. It is now in circulation, and the basinets. of the country has adjusted itself to it. Now, I repeat the question: Why was this money placed in 90 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB the ban\s in tbe first place? I know the answer, and the only answer waich can be given. It was done to avoid a panic which was 'lien impeodiog. Let us giant that to be true. I assert here and now that; if you recall that money as this bill is intended to do, yv>u will inevitably precipitate a panic, and nothing can prevent it. You cannot lake it from circulation again through the banks without serious embarrassment. Tiiis bill will not have the effect which is desired, nor will the >:ecretary of the Treasury undertake to carry it out He dare not. He may undertake to buy a few bonds with the sur- plus a 'tually in the Treasury and not in the banks, or which may I, ere,. fter accumulate. He will not undertake the respon sibilityof calling the money into the Treasury in thepre^.ect stringency in the money market, The banks, sir, are the masters ni the situa'.ion. and not the Secretary; but, you will answer, we can demand the money of the banks or compel them to sell their bonds hehl for deposits. You can do nothing of the kind. They will say to you: Our bonds are valuable and we do not want to sell. If you want your money we will call in our loans and pay, but you, Mr. Secretary, must take the lesponsibility of a panic, which is likely to follow, Tiiat is what they will say. Another fact Mr. Chairman: The Secretary has increased the premium on these bonds by this enormous system of deposits, and this bill proposes to authorize him to buy tbe bonds at the premium to which his wretched policy has boomed them. This is something worse than folly. By this policy he boomed the price of the bonds in the haads of the bondholders, and now you propose to buy these bonds back at the increased price. Well, indeed, may the Secretary of tlie Treasury hesitate He was authorized, if he saw proper, to buy under the law of March 3, 1881, but he was never authorized by any law to first boom the bonds and then buy them back at the increased pre- mium. It this proposition passes and the Secretaiy undertakes to call in his money, I. say to the business men of the country they had better prepare to stand from under.. You all know that as well as I do. What shall be done, then? Ah, I will tell you the r^^medy. What power have we over these bondholders? I wish 1 Lad everv tax-payer of the country within sound of my voice. What have we the power to do? More than ^2,400,000,000 of interest have been paid by the people to bondholders since the close of the war, and more than $1,600,000,000 of pnncipii, making $4,000,000,000, a sum as great as the present national debt of England !* * It will now take more wheat and cotton to pay the balance at present pricea than it would hav» taken in the first place to have paid the whole fraudulent «8 prices were thea. THE CONSPIRACY TKJlX KOW lU^-^ ' 91 What isi the present proposition? It is that we shall compel the people of the United States to pay over 25 per cent, pre- mium on the bonds lield by these bondholders. Why, that is not a statutory obiigaMon. Have we ever contracted to pay it ? We have t]|k3 money in the Treasury and we Lav« the moral right to insist on payment at par under the sovereign power possessed by the Government. England at one time insisted upon this right and exercised tht^ power. You will find the whole matter ably set forth in Senator Sherman's speech on the credit-strenglheniDg act and the funding bill previous to the issue of these very bonds. Mr. Chairman, at the proper time I give notice I will move as a substitute that which I ask the Clerk to read. The Ckrk read as follows : Be it enacted, etc., That the Secretary of the Trcacurv is hereby authoriTe<l and directed to apply the surplus money now in he TivtiaU-y and huch s-jrplas money as may hereafter be iu the Treaaury ar-i not '»iherwiRt appiopiiateo. to the redemption of United States bonds at T)ar until aU of said bonds, toge^h'-r with the accrued interest thereon, aie called atid i)did;and from and aU-m* Ibe date fixed in the call of the Secretary of the T'-^-asary for rlie pi'-senration and payment of said bonds, all interest thereon shall c^ase. And in making calls for bonds for redemption, as aforesaid, the Secretdry shall first c-i.'. the bonds he^d to Eecure Government deposits. Mr. Mills — I do not yield to have that pending. I only yielded the gentleman thirty minutes for debate. Mr. Weaver— I desire to offer it at the proper time. I had it read as a part of my remarks. Now, sir, I have the entire list in my hand of the national depositories Avhich have been createJ unler tije policy of the Treasury Department, and they number 298, whi3h number has probably been increased by the addition of eight or ten since the list was prepared. I append the list, and usk that it he printed in the Record. Mr. Springer — When was this policy inaugurated? Mr. Weaver— In October last. Mr. Randall — Earlier than that. Mr. Weaver— It was inaugurated in October, as I under- stand it — that is, the present extended policy ; but the law was passed in 1864, and to a limited extent banks have been des- ignated by all the Secretaries. The policy, however, of depos- iting the par value of 4:% per cent, bonds and 110 on 4 per cent, bonds was inaugurated hj the present Secretary of the Treas- ury during last summer fall. The policy theretofore obtaining only gave the banks from 80 to 90 per cent. Now we can begin to see why the internal revenue was and is still continued and collected even when the high protective tariff afforded more revenue than our officials could squander. 92 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR This revenue, collected at Government expense, was paid over to these favorite banks at the discretion of the Secretaries, some- times on the seeiiritj of bonds deposited and sometimes other- \\ise, but all these great secretaries and other officials were evi- dently good to themselves. Evidently it was just done to pro- vide for these favorite banks by furnishing them money to loan. Is this plain enough? the Governments collector for the golden God of dynasty, and the people the slaves and victimized by both. Our only apology for publishing this expose in full in this small volume is because this expose, although made three years ago, during Cleveland's subserviency, has never been refuted by either the Democratic or Republican press, neither dare they for they are both in the same boat, both tarred with the same stick and both belong to the same masters, so tl ey simply join drives, apply the party lash, double up their sala- ries, multiply their officials and greatly increasing the spoils of office by corrupt means, then join hands to defeat the man that makes the expose at the very next election. Not only Weaver, but any and every man that stands in their way. Democrat or Republican, and so kill, defeat or destroy the men that dare to tell the truth. Lincoln first, then Johnson, bulldozed for at- tempting to carry Lincoln's policy. Garfield would not obey Wall street's dictation, and so he had to be put out of the way by an instrument in the hands of God. (God and Wall street in partnership.) But go on, Greeley, Phillips, Butler, Lowe, Gillett, Delematyr, Ladd, Ewing, General Carey, Therman, Ste^^ens, Wade, Plumb, also S ymour, Democratic nominee for President, politically slaughtered by his own party at the com- mand of Tammany, also Peter Cooper, the great philanthropist, vilified to his grave because he opposed their schemes. The above, both Democrats and Republicans, crucified for telling the truth. So that with the honest men of both political parties out of the way the conspirators continue on with their death dealinir work. As partisans, however, they pretend to be ter- ribly opposed to each other on some trifling points — a few cents THE OONSPIBAOX THAT HOW JA» 93 difference on the tariff is enough to inaugurate a blood and thunder campaign and occupy Congress, session after session, and koep the blind fools quarreling over protection that pro- tects capital only. It was never intended for anything else. As long ago as 1840 and 1844 the agitation for a high protective tariff was urged on the ground of giving encouragement to cap- italists to invest in the infant industries until they could stand alone against foreign importations. The protection of labor was not thought of then— there was no labor strikes then in this country. But at last, during the war, capital got protection in the high protective tariff and our infant industries have grown to be giants and the protected capitalists are breaking our heads. What the people need now is protection against capital The capitalists are our masters. We want protection that protects everybody alike. And. whereas, between Whigs and Demo- crats, and Democrats and Kapublicans, there is a never ending dispute in regard to high or low tariff, we would suggest that both the -»]d parties agree to leave it out to arbitrators and let the new party, composed of the farmers, mechanics^ laborers and the horny-handed^ honest yeomanry of the country, now coming into power, settle this much vexed question to suit themselves. But, you see, whilst the tariff, as of old, is the great bugaboo of contention and animosity, but when it comes to dividing out the Treasury and despoiling the people they chum together like twins and adopt the same methods as that old plutocrat, Simon Cameron—subtraction, division and silence, (Stop thief, stop!) But follow on. Look into things. See what discretionary power for an official to exercise, and he only an appointed official at that. Being one of the ring, a chosen vassel, he could select his own favorite banks, first his own, of course. See Secretary Sherman's own bank— forty-three million, security satisfactory. Why yes ; his own long face. McCuUoch, Secretary also ; his bank named after his favorite chief, Hamilton; his face satisfac- tory also. (Stop thief, stop I) See, Mr. Camron (Democrat), 94 ijOoking into things, OB latp Gomptroller, backs up his cart; Eecnrity satisfactory. Then John J. Knox knocks the persimmons with his long pole (face). Also Postmaster Creswell makes a dive. Then Jordan and Daniel Manning, ex President Grover Cleveland's cubs, Seore- tai*y and Treasurer, just dividing out our Treasnry among them- Belves. But why not pay off the bond debt with this surplus cash? Oh! the bonds are not due yet; time of payment changed by forgery. See Hon. Ralph Plumb's expose further on No check to the villainy until all the political thieves havR grown rich — x uever ending system of robbery. Now comes the close of Mr. Weaver's expose: Mk. McMilltn— Will thf* gentleman from Towa r?ot state that thstt wa^ because the bonds were under par when the sysiem wcs in ■uoura^oil ? Mr. Weaver— I Vnow; but po w^r? the dppo=iit.s nnd^r pnr — v^ry far below t^ie valur of the b)n is in the lu irk-t Oar bonds hi.\e not l>f en below pur for many yea-s, {ind ^hp poiir*/ of in- croasinrr the deposits was orJejed by the [)r^senr Sicret;try, as I am a' I vised. TiiR rHAiRMAT^ — The time of the g^ntl^man from Iowa has expii-ed. nJR. B\YNE — [ ask unanimous consent that the gentleman's tim^^ l.'p *'xUmi 'e 1. 1\.'b. Mills- 1 must ohj^'ct to ^hnt. We hnve n^•t the time. Wf w;jnt lo ^yt a vote on tiiis. if i.tossible. Tae p:en' lenii.n f j om Mair.e will now take the fl(K)r, a<"M-or<linfr to arrant- ment. .Jn. ^'^ PAVER —I am very mnch oblif^ed to the 'leiitleman from Ttxas for his conrtpsv already ext'^idf^ 1. I know Iv <!^sires to st^cui>' s^ e <ly action, and I shall not it sist; nnd I tIiciefor=) a-k m^r Jv to print the list of national bank depuci'ones in the Rfioord. Tht.ie w:ts no objection.',' Eere foil )W-« a list of 2*8 banks, all branches of this infamous o'.ithroned monopoly of t]\e money pow(-r, with power to fix the <lestiny of the people and nation for life or de; th. But, says our lawyer politician, the faim^r don't need to meddle hi self about politif*al fiffiivs. A.11 he has to do is to work a little hnrder, be a little more economif^d, p«y up Ins taxes and interest, and it will h11 con^e out right in the end. But thes 21)8 banks, all of whom have had money, more or less, out of TBE OONSFIBACY THAT NOW IS. 95 our own Treasury without interest, some of them for twenty- five years. High tariff, plenty of surplus money in the Treas- ury to divide out with the enthroned monopoly to loan back to us. Do you see the point now? It issues its edicts. If you submit they rob and then starve you; if you resist the Govern- ment enforces their edicts (with more edicts). Grant early in his reign admonished the people that they must be law abiding. Harrison in his triumphal display of himself at Portland, Or., reiterates the injunction. So all these diabolical laws and edicts must be obeyed. The oligarchy rules. Our officials are their obedient henchmen and we must be obedient: law abiding citizens. (Edicts and all.) This expose was made public by Weaver, February 29, 1888, and it still stands undisputed ; but has the partisan press gwen it pubho ity? iVb ; it dare n^t do it, or the enthroned monopoly would starve them. They hold conventions, but no change of policy,* and so the people are virtually being crucified between the two old partisan thieves. Partisan prejudice still kept alive and the reign of the enthroned money power still assured. (See Lincoln's warning once more. See Secretary Chase also.) But now comes another expose. Evidently a law, has been tampered with. Enforce that, too ? Why, yes, if it favors the banker- bondholder at th9 expense of the people ; not otherwise. See it? * The Democratic party is not democratic neither is the Republican party re- publican, both sailing under false colors. . 96 LOOSING 13XT0 THINGS. Oft CHAPTER XII. LINCOLN VINDICATED— EABLY CONSPIEAOY AND FORGERY — THH FORGERY — THE CONSPIRATORS RUN MAD — CONSPIRATORS RON DOWN— CONSPIRACY EXPOSED. Bond forgery exopssd by Ralph Plumb, member of Congress from Illinois, also Windom's financial jugglery. Congressional Document, March 5th, 1888, Hon. Ralph Plumb in Congress on the Refunding Act : •* I come now, Mr. Chairman, to the consideration of the act passed July 14, 1870, known as the refunding act, under which the 4 per cent, bonds, so called, were issued, and with the in- dulgence of the committee I will make a brief statement of facts, such as I desired to make some days ago in respect to the variance found to exist between the laws as passed by Congress and as it is published in the Statutes at Large. An editorial in a prominent public journal, which claimed that the law as found in the statutes authorized the Secretary of the Treas- ury to call for redemption outstanding bonds in the order pre- scribed by law, caused me to investigate that question, and in doing so I determined to examine carefully the refunding act of July 14, 1870, and all the facts attending its passage. In thus pursuing the investigation I noticed that the report of the com- mittee of conference between the two Houses on the funding bill, and which was agreed toin the House of Representa- tives by a yea and nay vote, in providing for issuing one thousand millions of 4 per cent, bonds declared that said bonds were **redeemable at the pleasure of the United States for thirty years from the date of their issue,'* while in the act as published in the Statutes at Large the preposition "for" is omit- ted and * 'after" is inserted in its stead. This essential variance between the acts as voted upon and as printed in the Statutes at Large, so interested me that I determined to ascertain if possi- ble, which was correct, and for that purpose went to the btate Department and there examined the enrolled bill as signed by the Speaker of the House, the President Of the Senate, and as approved by the President. To my great surprise I found that THE OONSPIRAOr THAT NOW IS. 97 the word *'for" as above described had been erased and the word *'after" inserted in its stead, so that the enrolled blW reads **after" instead of *'for." Thinking it possible that the Enrolling Clerk had found that the record made by tho Secretary of the Senate contained the word *'after" and had made the erasure and alteration in the bill before it was signed, I next had recourse to the records made by both the Secretary of the Senate and the Clerk of the House in the original daily Journal of the proceedings of their respective bodies, a certified copy of which is before mr, and in both these original records the word "for" stands unaltered, just as it was when the yeas and nays were recorded on the final pas- sage of the bill and presumably as it was when^the enrolled bill was signed. Mr. Chairman, it would be difficult to find in our language two worJs with more opposite definitions than these prepositions **for" and "after." Webster says, ''The radical sense of 'for' is to go, to pass, to advance, to reach or stretch," and that it signi'iCs "during," and Worcester adopts the same definition. On the other hand, the same authorities define the word "after" to mean following, or later in time. It follows, then, as the law stands now upon the record of both Houses of Congress the bonds commonly called 4 percents are redeemable at the pleasure of the United States at any time during thirty years. See here is evidently a change made in a law thirty years ago, by some designing villain who no doubt made a fortune by it, but at an expense of millions to the people who pay taxes, and still the villain goes unpunished. Had it not been for this al- teration of a plain law, all these infamous bonds, (a fraud in the first place) could have been paid without one cent of pre- mium with this surplus cash. Had I, or any other ordinary man, made the least change in any legal document, wherein a few dollars and cents were involved, 1 would have lost my claim and been sent to prison as a felon, but these high toned villains, there is no law for them. But what do the rascals do? They just go on stealthily and defeat the man 'at the very next election, as usual, that dared to expose the crime. Oh for a rope to hang the dastardly villains; but no hanging for stealing, (the oligarchy rules). Now comes Windom's system of finan- cial jugglery, August and September, 1890. There comes the 98 IiOOEINa INTO THINGS, OB ery from all over this once happy country now — ruin, despair and degradation • farmers unable to pay their taxes or interest on mortgages, they beg Congr ss and the Legislatures to legis- late for them, but no, Congress is deaf to their entreaties. But look on the other side and see those that want money to grind the farmer and business men of the country — Here is more of the work of the gad grind mill of the ghouls. See the rich, idler speculator who has imported luxuries until the trade is against us. The bankers have not enough money to supply the demand. Millions of dollors are loaned in a day in New York alone at fabulous interest — 30 to 70 per cent, is asked and paid — but to tide the bulls and bears over and furnish them with gold to loan at robber rates, our Secretary of the Treasury, Windom, dumps the Treasury into the pool by buying up these changed, manipulated, forged bonds — penitentiary deserving fraud — and paying a premium of 25 to 26% cents, and takes up millions of these same bonds. Goverment credit, good? Yes, too good, made so by forgery to rob the tax-ridden farmer and toilers pro- ducer everywhere. Oh 1 what a tyrant is this enthroned money power. But beware, you villains ; you have stolen too much. When the honest yeomanry, the horny-handed farmer and the dear people find out your tricks — how you get your money, without interest, right out of their own Treasury to loan back to them on bankers' own terms — maybe bankers will flee the wrath to come. Your greed has outrun your discretion. You have gotten more than you can get away with. You may be glad to getaway without it, Shylock like. Every dollar of premium that has ever been paid on these Government bonds has been in consequence of this forgery and the system of depositing Government surplus money out in the banks without interest, time indefinite, on sat- isfactory security, sometimes bonds, sometimes long faces— see the law— at the discretion of the secretary; stolen legislatioa in both instances, to enable officials to stuff their own banks and the banks of their favorites with Government money without TrtK CONSPIRACY THAT NOW 13. 99 interest.* They simply subscribe to the campaign fund, and so help to get their co-conspirators re elected to their seats. So that, with a Congress as venal as they are penal, their nefarious work goes on. But a little more lighten the subject. Now see Secretary Windom's transaction. See San Francisco Chronicle, September 16th, a republican paper. Stop thief, stop ! " Secretary Windom, in a very few words, has disposed (d the contention that the present stringency in the New York money market, which it is attempted to dignify with th^ title of a crisis, is in anv way due to the linancial policv of the Administration. He points out that on March 1, 1889 there was in the Treasury a surplus of 848,000, and that within oi<:yhteen months from that time there had been paid off $171,000,000 of bonds at a cost, in round numbers, of $200,000,000. Daring the same period of time, under Cleveland's administration, there were paid off only $62,000,000 of bonds, and there remained in the Treasury a sur- plus of $76,000,000, though bonds m-ght have been purchased at. the time." The point is phin. To pay a debt of $171,000,000 he pays in gold $200,000,000. Now, my reader, tell mewhy it is that United States 4 to 4% per cent bonds sell at 25 to 30 per cent premium ? Is it in consequence of the 4 per cent interest? Hardly. Is it all attributable to the National Banking law that enables the banker to make interest almost twice on his bond ? Well, that has much to do with it, of course, but that is not all. See Sec- retary Windom once more. If this last transaction don't show up the iniquity of outrageous legislation for the last thirty years, then printer's ink is useless. See the Secretary using his discretionary power — fii'st to boom the bonds by deposits of money on bonds as security, without interest, for far more than their face value, to make premiums possible; then go in the market and buy them in. (Stop thief, stop!) See San Fran- cisco Chronicle of September 16th, 1890, published without comment : •'It has been said frequently in criticism of this Administra- tion that the stringency was due partly to the withdrawal of ♦ Already there has been paid In premiumi of $69,000,000. 100 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR deposits from the banks. This is arrant nonsense. There was about 843,000,000 on deposit in the banks when Harrison was inaugurated. I drew in $17,000,000 of it, and itwts terrible work. Yet it did not make a r^'pple. The last call was made nine months ago. *' Now permit me to tell you what the effect was. This money was deposited on the security of bonds— SlOO, 000 of 4 per cent bonds, receiving $110,000 in money; $100,000 of 4% percent bonds, receiving $100,000 in money. I called that in. Instead of a contraction every teller who had $1000 in 4 per cent bonds got $1700 sent to him."* Note.— Pay particular attention to this 10 per cent more than the face of the bonds deposited, no interest, to the Government. Now, reader, look into things. If you had one of these infam- ous, fraudulent, forged Government bonds, and you were one of the chartered aristocracy of the enthroned monopoly, and you could telegraph to our Secretary of the Treasury, and he would deposit with you the face value of your bond and 10 per cent m re, without interest, to use your lifetime and bequeath to your children, or to loan to needy customers on your own terms, you would not sell the bond at its face value, would you ? Yet that is just why the banker-bondholder wanted bonds to base his bank notes on, and the longer time the better for our masters, *' The people be damned." The people have no rights that their masters are bound to respect. A little more" of the " European plan," Hence too the forgery. Is not this plain enough? But still nothing is being done to dethrone the monster. Men of America! wherefore plow For the frauds who lay you low? Wherefore weave with toil and care The rich robes the dudees wear? —Parody on Shelley's "Toilers of England." As we loolc into things we discover that legislation, forgery and edicts fixes all for our masters, the enthroned monopoly, the ♦These very last figures, $1700, must be a mistake of the printer, as it does not coincide with the other figures; it would make it much more than 10 per cent. THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. lUl organized oligarchy, and that fixes us everlastingly.* Had it not been for the alteration of that one little word [for to after) after the bill had passed both Houses of Congress, rendering it impossible for the Government to pay the bonds until after thirty years, the Government could have called them in and paid them at par at any time when it had surplus cash. Remem- ber, these bonds were issued between 1870 and 1880 to refund old 5-20 currency sixes, all the same old fraud — greenbacks re- tired in the first place. But here is another sweet morsel. The people of the United States must be unexceptionally good slaves. See their indent- ures at auction, 30 per cent more than their face value. Better than colored folks ; the people of the United States all at auc- tion in one batch at the gilded palace, bond room brokers' ex- change New York, branch of the enthroned money power of the civilized world. See Secretary Windom's conversation with gold-bug gam- blers. Here it is : "What will you give for the 4 per cents? Mr. Fairchild paid 130 at one time." **It may be so," said Mr. Windom, **but it may likewise be that he paid too much. I certainly will not pay 130." *'Have you had any intimation of any large lot that is likely to be offered." *'I have not, though I might have. "We ought to use the money for purchasing the 4^/^ per cents which fall due next September. I should be willing, however, to make a small rea- sonable commission, but I do not think that 130 would be rea- sonable. A number of bankers pressed it and I said I would not pay that price for them." ** Would you go to 127?" Mr. Windom leaned back in his chair and smiled quickly as he answered : "I really think the stringency is greatly exag- gerated. I don't myself think that there is any necessity to make an offer for the 4 per cents. It is only in deference to the opinions of other people, and not my own, as there is no such pressing necessity for it, when you remeinbei> the fact that there are S45,000,000 more in circulation now than there was "■And now John Sherman would issue $200,000,000 more new long-time bonds with which to refund these old frauds once more. See further on. 1(M2 LOOKING INtpO THTN08, OR on^ year ago, wliicli shows tliut there is no hoarding of the pub" lie m')iiey by the Treasury. ''Taere is no doubt, I admit," continued Mr. Windom, *'that there is s(jiue pressure f.)r money, but it is, in my opinion, as I have already aid, greatly exaggerate.!. When the Democrats came into power, in l«8o, there wis a surplus of ^21,000,000 in the Tre.is iry! At that time there were 11^194.000,01)0 of 3 per cent bonds subject to call at any moment, which could be paid at par Instead of paying it off tUey permitted that surplus to accumulate until on September 1st, eighteen months after they hii\ comf^ into power, there was $76,000,000 in the Treasury and $562 000,000 bonds piid off." Bat this is not the only sale of the people. They are sold every day at wholesale and retail ; sometimes by btate blocks, city blocks, county bh^cks, township block, in blocks by school districts, and as blockheads by the acre, about election time, and pai<l for in whisky and tobacco. They ars^ sold to boudo- crats. Democrats, Republican rats. Railroad-rats, Aristocrats, Plutocrats, S.yndicates and Sunday -cats. Secretary William Windom did not buy in these forged bonds at this enormous premium to accommodate the *' poor, white trash, the mudsills of society," but to supi)ly the on- throned monopoly, with money to loan to b siness men, specu- lators themselves, at enormous rates of interest, 30 to 70 per percent, to be again recovered by the speculating business men off of their hard working, medy customers, with interest com- pounded. Yery likely our Secretray, William Windom, shared in the spoils. It is a part of the system of jugglery to divide the sj)oils. Our legislators tell us you cannot legislate wealth, and I agree with them. That is what hurts the 3 per cent earned — won't go around. It takes an army of toilers a lifetime to make a million- aire of one of these villains, and when he is made ho is tenfold more the child of hell than ever. Oh! this wonderful system of legerdemain in finance. John Sherman said it was the grandest system of * anking and finance the world ever saw. See his famous Mansfield, Ohio, speech in 1876 or 1878. As a banker you are correct, John. It is the best scheme on earth to enable the rich, idle villain to get the money out of the pockets of Uie poor toilers and into their own pockets the world ever saw, sure enough. Bond slavery made perpetual, led on by England, backed up by Europe; no care for the laborer. See all Europe, THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 103 Egypt, India, where millions die by starvation in order that the oiibs of royal bond lords and land lords may live and riot and rot in luxury and idleness at the expense of the toilers, who \jDork and slave arid starve and die. But for corruption in high places go now and see how our officials live and riot in druukenness at Washington and still amass their millions. Then follow your great high chief, the principal henchman of the enthroned monopoly, as he goes his rounds on business and pleasure, fixing up his fences in advance that he may succeed himself (as Tammany's principal herder and drover) . At San Francisco he is fondled and coddled, pam- pered, boodled, dumdoodled and boozled. A triumphal recep- tion on a grand scale, the reception card solid gold; the bay all aglow, the city a blaze of splendor, heavenly, magnificent, gorgeously grand, outrivaled only by the grand illuminatwn of Rome and its adjacent waters when the illustrious Nero, the Roman Jldler, Sodomite galoot, in a magnificent garden afloat and on a voluptuous bed decked out in flowers, perfumes and spices, and in plain view of the assembled populace, displayed him- self in ubiquitous, unpropitious^ innocuous desuetude SiS a. samplar of rotten Rome. Then go on to the feast of Harrison, Belshazzar and crew at the grand Palace de Hole, tick ts 320 per bloat, and 250 only could be bought, and these by nobles and politicians, none others for sale on any conditions. The plebeans and ordinary mortals were not admitted under any circumstances. Then the grand menu, enough to make the stomachs of gourmands break (try- ing to outrival Belshazzar or Vitelleas of old, on whose luxu- rious table were 70,000 different kinds of meat), and equally true that citizens were starving on the street. A great, grand vice royal regal feast of the gad-grind mills of the money ghouls, composed of the guilty, gilt-edged aristocracy of the inside ling, the coufidential press crew, and gold bugs, and humbugs not a few, with political pot boilers all in the stew, also bam- boozlers, buldosers, dam boodlers, pious preachers, grim croak- 104 , IiOOKINO INTO TEUN&S, OB ers, wine-soakers, gold-gamblers, oath-breakers, bribe takera, more too of lick-spittle, stink-finger, dirt-eating lawyers, brawlers and crawlers, and many more of brandy-smashers, lobby-stakera, finance fakirs, heart-breakers, maiden mashers, gin slingersy i'awning skinners, officials in blue, with a sprinkle of simpletons, silly things, dudes, du-dees and doo-dee-does, a great, grand spew, the whole kitii and kin held together by the cohesive power of public plunder. Now look on this. Now, rtiader, permit me to call your attention for a moment to another episode that transpired a ftw months earlier and at the village of Ashlani, Wis. At Ashland is located a United StatesLand Office. From the authorities came a notice to settlers on government land that unless they appeared on a day given and filed on their claims they would forfeit the same. So the claimants hurried to the Land Office to secure their claims. On arriving there they formed in lines to await their turns, when suddenly they were visited by a cyclone of wind and snow and an intense cold, so that the work went on very slowly. The peo 1 ', fearing that if they left the lines they would lose their claims, ' ontinued, both men and women, to stand up to their knees in snow, day and night, freezing and starving, until some of them actually fainted away, but were finally relieved by the humane citizens of A>hland. Now, reader, contrast this treat- ment of the honest, inlustrious, horny-handed yeomanry with the treatment awarded t^ boodlers at the Palace de Hote by offi- cials in high places. See your salary grabbing, land gra^^bing, bond forgers, per- jurers — the whole villainous crew to whom has been given the power to control our destiny, for good or ill. No wonder we ha^e been torn and gored and eaten up by bulls and bears who now rake and riot and rot in luxury and idleness whilst honest citizens suffer and die. In the early days of the Grecian and Roman republics they printed their money on any substance most convenient, but when they had become great and powerful and had carried THB OONSPIBACT THAT 2T0W IS. 105 home the valuable metals of all nations, and had made slaves of their enemies, the noble, high-toned Senators, and patricians, then proceeded to enslave their less favored citizens. This was accomplished by making a change in their money system. For this purpose a decree was issued requiring that their money should be printed on gold. A few men then owned principally all the gold in the world. This was giving free coinage, which gave them the monopoly of money, and as it proved entirely in- adequate to meet the requirements of business, paying taxes, etc., they soon began loaning their money at higher and higher rates of interest until 100 per cent was asked and paid, but soon, also, the few owned all the land and all the property and held all tKe oflSoes, fixed their own salaries, enormously high, and spent their time in idleness, extravagance, excess and de- bauchery, the most hideous the world ever saw. The Senators, high toned, the rich few, bought their way to the Senate just as ours do now. Their Csesars bought their way to the throne as ours do now. The people were sold like sheep in the sham • bles just as ours are now. The people were sold also for debt as private citizens until men and women slaves became a drug in the market at $5 per head for poets, artists and artisans of the highest order, and no law for their ptotection; their masters could kill them with impunity and throw their carcasses in the roadway for scavengers to feed upon. Such was rotten Rome after she became an oligarchy, and to the same conditions are we tending, so look into things before it is everlastingly too late. But now comes John Sherman, the high priest of the Repub- lican party, with another new scheme to make the national debt perpetual and banking and bond slavery everlasting. The wily old schemer, tool of the money power himself, brings in another bill for the issue of ^200,000,000 new, long-time, gold bonds to meet a deficiency likely to occur in August, 1891, of $51,000,000. See Forum for February. (Partisan press silent as usual.) Why $200,000,000 to meet a deficiency of $51,- 000,000, and money enough in the Treasury to meet that? (8se 106 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR Secretary Foster's report four months later on.) And after a profligate Congress had squandered $1,000,000,000 in two years, a considerable portion of which was for premium on forged, fraudulent bonds (see Plumb's expose once more) and other outrages too numerous to mention, it would now saddle a long- time bond debt on its suffering, starving, underfed, overworked, mortgage-ridden, toiling victims, in order that bankers and their pards may have more bonds to base their bank notes on and obtain deposits with which to make good times for it and their plundering, plutocratic crew. No war on hand now; you slimy old trickster; $200,000,000 added to the national debt; 180 new banks with $1,000,000, each; bankers available assets almost doubled; their incomes doubled; a magnificent gift to their partners in crime in order that their high toned, criminal crew may live and riot and rot, in luxury, extravagance, rapacity and idleness, as usual; more millionaires, more tramps, more men, women and children doomed to degra- dation, desolation despair and death.* It means more Hell on earth, more saicides, more insanity, more divorces, more dives, more crime, more degradation and starvation for toilers. Well, Sherman, you old reincarnated pagan, there ought to be a hell on earth for such as you, so you could have a taste of your own medicine during your lifetime — scientific theology. I am heartily glad I left the Republican party before it fell from grace, sold out to * * * , because totally depraved, and went into partnership with Beelzebub. The following paragraph by John Ruskin, the English re- former, is appropriate just now : ** There is really nothing more monstrous in any recorded savagery or absurdity of mankind than that governments should be able to get money for any folly they choose to commit by selling to capitalists the right of taxing future generations to the end of time. All the cruelist wars inflicted, all the basest 'This enthroned monopoly calls this a sound financial systam. If so, thtn any •ystsm of robbery is sound— so is rot. THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 107 luxuries grasped by the idle classes, are thus paid for by the poor a hundred times over," An3\Yer to Goldsmith's lines : lU fares the land to hateful hells a prey; Where wealth accumulates hell's to pay. The barbarous bondage system of the dark ages must go. The bondage system is a monster of such hideom mien That to be hated needs but to be seen. Scourge of the ages, destroyer of mankind, Thy god is gold, the golden calf thy shrine. Transplant of Europe, poisonous upas tree, Thy presence presages slavery here ; The widow's wail, the orphan's tear Are music in thy stolid ear. This monster beast of ancient date Lies folded now in every State, Its crooked ways past finding out. But of its want there is no doubt. Men of America! your duty now is plain; This cruel Shylock system must be slain. Up goes the axe, down goes the spade, To lop a head and dig a srave. Now let the East attack it at the head, The West oppose its stealthy tread; Then will the South and Middle States Bounce the serpent with their flails. Thy venerable age cannot save thee. Sworn enemy of the brave and free. Up, fellow slaves, be free or die Crush the reptile or no why. But now reader le^ us look into things and see if we can de- vise any way by which we can extricate ourselves from this mighty octopus, the enthroned monopoly of Lincoln that destroyed the republic and now gloats over our lost liberty, with the im- pertinent question, "What are you going to do about it?" Well, we admit with mortification and rpgret that we have lost all and feel deeply our degradation, still we are human and the right to life, liberty and happiness is inherent in our nature. •'Hope springs ever in the human breast, Mftn never is, but alwayt to b« blest."— Pope. 108 iiOOKINO INTO THINGS, OR And we hereby declare our unalterable, unconquerable hos- tility to the ursurper (oligarchy) ; hostility to tyrants is obedience to Godf and now we demand of Congress and officials a reckon- ing and accounting for our lost liberty, lost property and im- mense indebtedness; and we further demand the restoration of our losses and of our sovereign rights as citizens and as a nation, as per Declaration of Independence, for which alone the war of the Kevolution and the war of the Kebellion was fought and gained. We, the people, behold with sadness, sorrow and shame, the sundering of the supposed safeguards of the Con- stitution until we see plainly its provisions have proven only a rope of sand in the hands of designing villains. We also see that laws made by Congress are too much like frail, rotten nets of the fishermen that serve only to entangle the small fish while the sharks and gudgeons break through and then turn and de- vour alL Therefore, we, the people, regard this as the last chance at a peaceful solution of the trouble, and we now call on Congress to return to their allegiance to the people whom you call your constituents and show your sincerity by making pro- visions at the incoming session for a convention of delegates, to be chosen by the people, in the near future, to meet and frame a new Constitution, based on said Dec aration of American In- dependence, which will guarantee to the nation all sovereign powers necessary for the restoration and perpetuation of the lib- erty of the people; that said convention should meet not later than 1893; said convention to consist of about one hundred members, from every State in the Union, and no more than three from any one State; that the delegates to said convention must be representative of all classes of interests; not merely a convention of officials, or lawyers or bankers, or farmers or mechanics, but of loyal citizens, male and female; that when said convention assembles and organize they will go to work de- liberately, free from partisan bias, until their business is accuio- plished, when they will submit their work to the people of the United States for adoption or rejection; and further, that Con- THE CONSPIEAOr THAT NOW IS. 109 gresa shall make provision for all necessary expenses of the con- vention and carrying the same to completion on the most economical plan. We, the people, demand the above so as to enable us to control our own destiny as a sovereign nation com- mensurate with the sovereign rights of any nation. By refusing to do this the people will know, without doubt, whose agents you are. If you have any dOubt as to the constitutionality of such national convention the vote, of the people will remove that doubt. Remember, the people by their chosen delegates made the present Constitution, and ju^»t so the people's delegates may make, alter or amend the same. Remember, also, that Congress itself cams into existence, in the first place, by virtue of the will of the people. Will members of Congress now return to their allegiance to the people? If not, why not? and if not, cease drawing salaries from us. You have no right to tax slaves. We belong to masters (corporations) of your own ordaining and that takes all the traffic will bear now. No doubt our masters pay you well. If not, why tax them. Taxaiion without repre- sentation is anti-democratic and anti-republican and unendurable. We, the people, have tried a limited republic governed by a foreign and domestic oligarchy long enough to know that it is the most tyrannical system of government on earth, not even excepting the government of Russia. We, the people, will have no patchwork, no more apologies, no half-way measures, no compromises with the usurper. If we have any thrones in America they must be cold thrones— too many warm thrones now on earth. This is not revolutionary ^ hut evolutionary^ all perfectly consist- ent with the first foundation principles upon which our govern- ment rests, and all -r.ade plain and possible, so that we have a right to. life and the means whereby life is sustained — liberty to do as we please with ourselves, and our own own, so lon^ as we do not infringe on the selfsame rights of others, and so be permitted to pursue alter our own happiness and welfare, now and forever; and we further declare that the false systems inaug- 110 liOOKINO INTO THINGS, OR urated by said usurper must be eliminated and the rights of the people restored to them, as individuals comprising the nation, and as a nation to coin, declare and issue the money of the na- tion, whatever that may be, to be commensurate with the re- quiremtnts of business without paying immense revenue (mt rest usury) to the usurper now in power for the privilege of tr.nsacting our own legitimate business, so that we may be permitted to so regulate our own commerce, transportation and trade iu the the interest of all, instead of the sole interest of the wealthy, iJle few, as now. That to be a member of this convention the delegate must be a loyal citizen of the United States, of mature age ami sound mind; second, he or she must be in favor of a republican form of government, pure, simple and unlimited, and in strict ac- c( rd with the Declaration of Independence. To this end he c nnot be an ojBficial or agent, in any capacity whatever, of the u urpers, either as representative elect or by appointment. Said delegate must also ignore all past partisan affilations and labor o'^ly for the reconstruction of the Government for the good of the whole people, by the people and for the people — a republic pure, simple and unlimited, instead of a government of the w( althy, by the wealthy and for the wealthy as now. That when such convention has assembled and organized, it is found that there is a superabundance of representation of any particular class of citizens, or that any of its delegates be not entirely in sympathy with the objects of the convention, the con- vention shall have power to purge itself of such persons or par- ties. To this end we call upon the loyal, liberal press and citi- zens everywhere to give voice and influence to the foregoing call in response to an humble citizen. Now, my reader, we will say in conclusion that if you have been an attentive reader you will see how hopeless is the task of extricating ourselves from the thraldom under which we are struggling unless we do take the very steps pointed out in these THE OONSPIRAOY THAT NOW IS. Ill pages. They are perfectly peaceful and all provided for in that greatest of all political documents under the sun, the Declara- tion of Independence, for which the War of the Revolution was fought and won, to wit, liberty for man. Now permit me to point out one feature that should be prominent in the new Constitution in order that we may realize the republic pure and simple and unlimited. Here is the little joker by which this whole business may be carefully adjusted. It should have been provided for in the first place in the Constitution, but, as you will have observed if you have been an attentive reader, the Constitution was manipulated in such a mysterious manner that it absolutely overthrew the very foundation principles of the republic which it was supposed to subserve. We will now give you in a few words the plank in a platform adopted at the State Convention of the California Nationalists. It has been tried in Switzerland and has served the purpose admirably. It is known as the *'Iniatiave, Imperative Mandate and Referendum." Its meaning is obscure, but put in English it means this : That all laws necessary and desirable for the welfare of the people must originate with the people, and that when the people demand of the legislative body, by petition or otherwise, the enactment of certain laws which they deem necessary for their welfare and happiness, and signed by 3 per cent of the people, the legisla- tive body must take action or resign (Imperative Mandate) , and formulate the same into law and submit it to a vote of the peo- ple for adoption or rejection before it can be enforced (Referen- dum) . Thus the veto power would be in the hands of the peo- ple, just where it must be in a republic. This would be exactly on a line with the Declaration of Independence, which says : "All just powers of the government are derived from the con- sent of the governed." Thus the government would be admin- istered for the good of the public. (See Declaration of Inie- pendence.) Now had this provision been embodied in the very first article of the Constitution itself, and all other articles in the Constitution been in accord with this, then due regard had 112 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB to other articles also in the Declaration of Tndependence^to wit, that all men are created equal (politically) , that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Re- member, these are inalienable. Even the law cannot wrest these natural, inalienable rights from us. The law can only protect each and all in these selfsame rights so long as we do not forfeit them by our misconduct — the misconduct of trying to deprive others of these selfsame natural and inalienable rights that we claim for ourselves. This then is the natural law of perfect liberty for nmn^ already alluded to in this volume, and without which man is a travesty in nature, an abortion in the universe, a menial paralytic, an irresponsible , idiotic monstrosity. With no liberty to think, no liberty to act. He cannot grow to be a Man, The readers of this volume, also vohniie No. 2, will notice spaces occupied by stars, thus * * ''^. This is done for pru- dential reasons for the present, still we desire that every pur- chaser, no difference who, or where, or how, will send us their name and address, and we will in due time send the key words, without additional expense, so you will understand the whole plot. Price of Vol. 1, now published, 25 cents • Vol. 2, nearly ready, 25 cents " Vol. 3, later on, - 25 cents Each volume will be quite distinct in itself, but all neces- sary to a complete understanding- of the whole conspirrn^" ■- portrayed by Lincoln. f f^' The trade sui)plio(l at usual rulo. 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