THE ROBERT E. COWAN COLLECTION l'RESi:XTEI) TO THK UNIVERSITY OF CHLIFORNIA 15 Y C. p. HUNTINGTON JUNE. 18Q7, Accession No, yd'O J J" Class No,'^'^^ 1 Htt<^ ri. i LUOklNU iNiO THINGS OR THE GREAT CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS Abraliam Lincoln's Last Warning to the American People. "It luis been indeed a trying' hour tor the Repubhc, but 1 see in the near future a crisis approaching" that unnerves me, and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. As a result of the war, corpo- rations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its REIGN by working on the prejudices of the people un- til ail wealth is aggregated in a few hands, and the Republic is de- stroyed. I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of the war. God grant that my suspicions may prove groundless." Was Lincoln mistaken ? Were his suspicions groundless ? We think not, as we shall endeavor to show, beyond all controversy, in these three small volumes. :^ r^ «^c^iTtt*-^. '^m-T^ LOOKING INTO THINGS I OR THE GREAT CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS BY Professor a. Huff ,r OP THK OF (UNIVEHSITT OAKLAND, CAL. And dedicated to the sacred memory of Abraham Lincoln, our mar- ♦ tyred President of the United States, whose last warning to the Amer- ican people we reproduce on the front page of these volumes, we remember to have read many years ago, and it has continued to haunt us Uke a phaniom with wonderful significance, from that day, until now we behold a complete fulfillment to the letter of every word in that fearful message. Published by the Author, October, 1892. 7 6~C?2>y PREFACE. The author of these small volumes, portraying the conspiracy that overthrew the Republic, is not a professional writer, neither has he ever taken much interest in partisan politics as such, but being a native born American citizen, as well as his ancestors before him, he has always felt a pride in American in- stitutions, and a desire to see our national affairs so conducted that we could transmit them to posterity improved rather than impaired. Among our early recollections was the story of the Revolution, which we heard directly from the lips of the heroes who fought that we might enjoy. They were my neighbors in my youth, and from them we received our first lessons in patriotism, and con- sequently an uncompromising love for liberty, equal righis, equal laws and equal opportunities for all , with an unbounded admira- tion for the founders of the Republic as well as for that grand- est of all political documents, that charter of human rights, the Dsclaration of Independence, which we now behold as having bpen overthrown by a band of as heartless and soulless a set of villains as ever scuttled a ship, or cut a throat. And, all we have to do is to look into things^ as becomes loyal American citi- zens, in order to understand that this is so. And the great question that confronts us now is, whether our blood-bought lib- erty is to go down in a eea of blood, or whether there is intelli- gence and patriotism enough in the American people to rescue them from the appalling doom that has befallen other Repub- lics heretofore. The author is one of the hopeful, but he re- alizes the danger, as well as the evil, of delay. Evidently we have been sleeping over a volcano ever since 1873. Evidently PREFACE. it is only the recollection of the recent scourge of the late civil war that has caused a dread of the recurrence of such scenes that has held the people in leash so long, and it is manifestly true, that it only needs a spark now to start a most disastrous conflagration, and this the author desires to avoid by thy use of gentle means, if possible. (Dynamite kicks backwards.) For the last thirty-five years of our life we have been deeply interested in science, a devoted student of mental philosophy irom the standpoint of brain knowltdge {phrenology') , in which we bave made new and very valuable discoveries, in connection with other kindred sciences, enough to immort lize any man, all of which renders us ":ore intensely in love with liberty and lib- eral institutions than ever, knowing full well that with the overthrow of the Republic, science wUl soon be relegated to ob- livion for long ages to come, as in the past, when ignorance, big- otry and intoleracce stalked boldly over all the earth. It is to i^revent such a. dire calamity, that we rest our pen from science, and wield it for humanity and liberty, kuowing mil well that man, without liberty to think, and act on his own re- sponsibility, is a iravest}/ on nature, an abortion in the universe. ^ Our task accomplished we hope to take up our pen in peace, and go on promulgating science, in all its wonderful and unsur- passed achievements. The object then of these little waifs, children of my own brain, is to add my mite, to that of a host of others of the good and true, to try and extricate ourselves from the fearful conse- quences of tlie terrible conspiracy that has already destroyed onr once glorious Republic of America. Let this be my apol- ogy for making this humble offering on the shrine of liberty. (Duty impels us.) One point we must mention here by way of contrast to show the difference in regard to national affairs now, and what they were when the author was a youth, sixty years ago, in north- western Ohio. Then you could buy the best of land for %1 25 per acre, but you could not buy a white man for any price. Black men in the South were worth $1000 per head. Now, PKEFAOB. good land, near a market city, is held for speculation, at SIOOO per acre, or in a city, at $1000 per front foot ; but men, oh! how cheap, especially about election time, you can buy them for about $1 25 per acre and pay it in whisky and tobacco. Oh! why is it, men are so cheap and dirt is so dear: men cheaper than dirt. In those early days we had no millionaires. Lawyers and ^ * ^ ¥: ^ffQJ•Q scarce. No saloons, and so buying and huck- stering in influences, and herding voters was not then under- stood as a business. But now how changed. I feel compelled to exclaim : "Oh! how has the mighty fallen. From being the greatest of nations — thou has descended to the lowest heliy From being the most exalted, the most progressive, the most libei^al, to be the most illiberal, degraded and wretched on earth. But why multiply words; the Bepublic is overthrown and the sooner we understand it the better. This last sentence may sound strange to some ears, but if you will join me while we look into things you will agree with me. Bemember the saying of Caesar after he had usurped the Im- perial Purjjle in Borne: *'As long as I could make them be- lieve they were free they gave me no trouble, but after they found out the truth, then came revolt." Bemember, also, that in the dying throes of the Bepublic of Bome, it had became a moneyed ^oligarchy, just as ours is to- day — history repeating itself. (See Webster's definition of oligarchy.) ♦Oligarchy, a G-reek word for few atid rale, a form t'f government in which the Bupreme power is in a few hands. A species of aristocracy. Moneyed oligai'chy is a compact between the few in power and the ^\ealthy to rule the State, or for that matter, the civil- ized world. [The Authok.] We have read with much pleasure the remarkable book of Mr. Edward Bellamy, entitled ** Looking Backward," and admire its contents very much. Its wonderful picture of a highly en- lightened state of society is possible, if we only had a republi- can form of government once more. It meets the requirements PRBFAOK. of human nature for the development of the good and true, and we hope it may prove to the present enslaved people of the world, what the North Star proved to be to the poor colored slave of only a few years ago ; something that we can travel in pursuit of, at least, until we arrive at the point where freedom is made possible by the restoration of the Republic. So cheer up and scramble on and never mind how dark, and dismal, and cold the night; day will break, the sun will rise, the fogs wij) iiee away, and then we will see the sun shine as beautiful as ever. Don't give up the race, but hie away to the promised land where all mankind are free. Edward Bellamy has given us the points of the compass to- ward which to travel, but he has not bridged the streams or swamps, or cleared the roads, and there are. numerous obstruc- tions to remove before we can realize the dream. The road may prove a hard road to travel, but if we keep right on we shall be nearing the ideal every day, and the road improving. At present the clouds portend a storm, and, for aught we can tell, we may travel through seas of blood to reach the goal. There is time yet for a thirty years' war as Europe once had, in which science and knowledge may be put back a thousand years, but we hope better things. The colored gentlemen never got to the North Star, nor is he likely to, but he got where he is, as free politically as his white brother, but that is not saying much, for he is not free from the usurper any more than his white brothers are. So we must all try and look into things, and when we know a little more we will know that we are all slaves now. In looking into things we readily discover that the great charter of human liberty, the Declai-ation of Independence, the foundation principles of our government is all right, as were also the Articles of Confederation in their day, but when we look into the Constitution we soon find some glaring inconsis- tencies, some weak points, some strong points, not consistent with each other, neither consistent with the foundation prin- PREFACE. ciples on which our system of government was supposed to rest, to wit: Liberty for man.. (See Declaration of Independ- ence.) That in consequence of these weak points and incon- gruities, our enemy, the enemy of human liberty, has taken un- due advantage, and so entered the citadel, overthreAv the Repub- lic and enslaved its citizens. Now the all-important question is, how to extricate ourselves from the reign of the usurper and so regain our b]ood-bought liberty ; this is the burning ques- tion now, liberty or slavery for man? '* Whawill be a traitor, knave. Wha sa base as be a slave, let him turn and flee." — Burns. When Madame Roland had devoted Jier life service to liberty for France and was about to be executed by her early friends, she cast her longing eyes across the public square, and behold- ing the statue to liberty, she exclaimed : ** Oh, liberty, liberty, how many crimes have been committed in thy name, (then sub- mitted her head to the fatal block) , so now the most dastardly crimes (unprovoked) have been committed in the name of lih- eriy^ and right under the folds of our own flag. INTRODUCTORY. Some monHis ago the author began to write up and expose the swindliijg transactions of the Union and Central Pacidc Railroads, but he had not proceeded far when he dis covered a line of conspiracies all linked together in one com- plete chain, of which the Railroads were only one link on the west end, and that this chain extends three-quarters of the way around the globe ; that it has its grappling irons on Mexico and South America, and already has anchored in India, Egypt Africa, China and Japan, in fact, all the world except the Bush- man and Tartar — even the Czar of Russia, who is now re- garded as the most despotic tyrant on earth, is not free from a master that controls both him and his subjects, and makes him more tyranical than be otherwise would be — some mysterious power behind his throne. In this little pamphlet. No. 1, we shall treat of liberty as the natural inherent right of man, and^of money and its control, in order that we may control our ov/n destiny. How, by the use and control of this convenient tool of trade and commerce, we may become free, happy and enlightened, or how, by its abuse, under the control of villians and knaves, we may become the most ignominious slaves on earth. That in consequence of this abuse of this implement of trade and commeice the wlmU^ ^ \ B R ^^' y f ' OF TMS f TJNTVKRaiTT '« 14 liOOKING INTO THINGS, OR of producers are always in exact inverse ratio to the wealth and afflaence of the idle nonproducer. The 3 per cent increase won't go around ; hence the more rich idlers, the more poor beggars, and both unnecessary excresences on society (both wans) — another bane of past ages. ( Now can you see into things ?) The old adage read.=j : " There is only a sixpence difference between the man that works and the man that plays, and the man that plays gets it!" Now how does the idle nonproducer get his wealth? Evidently it is most generally the unjust laws that enable him to get it, as we shall prove further on. But manifestly any law that favors one class or individual must do so at the expense of another class or individual. Evidently also such law must be unjust, tyrannical. These are grave questions, but all true statesmen should un- derstand them, and shape legislation accordingly (but how very rare true statesmen) ; hence false systems have been the rule more frequently than true systems. Hence all Europe, for long ages, with but few exceptions, has been victimized by vicious systems, that have robbed producers to enrich the idlers. It is so still, and the same systems have been introduced here early in our history, and has robbed, defrauded and.inipoverished the wealth producers in this unhappy country, until the republic is absolutely overthrown, extinct, except in name only. Even freedom in religion and education is toppling. Chief among these false systems is a delusive system of finance, a robber system of transportation, a system of deadly competi- tion among producers, and, fourthly, complete combination in money finance, transportation and exchange, all in the interest of idlers, nonproducers and speculators, with whom government officials co-operate in order to sustain the cormorants, cut-throat corruptionists, etc., for their own aggrandizement and at the expense o*' honest industry, in which struggle the women suffer most, because the most sensitive and helpless, and hence the frequent resort to a life of shame to escajje the immediate pangs of hunger and cold, those inexorable masters of the poverty THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 16 stricken. But these unjust systems of a barbarian age must go before we can enjoy perfect liberty, or even regain what we once had of that priceless inheritance. The most outrageous of all these unjust robber systems have been fastened on us without our knowledge or consent, and contrary to the cardinal prin- ciples on which our government was founded, as already alluded to. First in order then is to see what rights belong to us as a nation, and also as citizens, and so exchange the false and per- aicious, and introduce the true, the benificent, by reconstruc- tion from first foundation principles — the immortal Declaration of Lidependeyice and Natural Rights of Man. The* first question then is, Are we a sovereign nation, with sovereign rights like other nations? (See Declaration of Inde- pendence : *'A11 just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed.") Our liberation achieved, this prin- ciple was acknowleded by all civilized nations, and we were treated with as a sovereign nation, in which the sovereignly of its individuals is recognized, with self-government by each and each responsible to each, and united government for all, with liberty and independence for each and all. Now, with sovereign power always went the right to levy taxes and excises, and to coin, declare and issue its own money, and with that right also the right to make it on any material, whether gold, silver, copper, iron, brass, leather, cloth, paper, bark of trees, skins of animals, wood, precious stones, belts of wampum, measures of oil and flour, cakes of soap, tobacco, animals, slaves (men and women) , at fixed rates. See McCarty's Annual Statistician, 1881, page 509, also 604, in which we find almost everything has been used by the sovereigns of earth on which to place the insigna of sovereignty, his image and superscription. None dare dispute in his realm. It was protected by laws. To counterfeit or deny the king's money or authority was treason, and the culprit was visited with condign punishment, and it was rightly so, so long as the king was king. Why not ? Now re- verse the order. If we had a republic and the people were sov" 16 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB ereign, they would exercise sovereign rights, to declare and issue the money of the realm. As to the material or substance on which the royal prerogative was placed or stamped, that was not the essential principle. Evidently the essential principle was the authority of the sovereign to issue and declare money. Hence this right as well as the right to tax being twin attri- butes of sovereignty, were always hedged about with ample laws for their protection and enforcement by the sovereign, and pro' tect d him in his right as ala-ivful sovereign of the realm ; hence toj, without both of these very essential prerogatives, he would not, could not, be sovereign at all. Neither can we be a sover- eign nation or people without exercising both of these sovereign prerogatives (to levy taxes and issue money.) Bemember that man makes laws, and the laws made by men make money ; that, whatever the money is, it is just what the law mak s it — nothing more, nothing less. If the law makes it an honest dollar, it is so by virtue of law ; if a dishonest dollar, it is so by unjust law. Hear the Hon. William D. Kelly, Eepublican Member of Con- gress from Pennsylvania in 1886: " There never was an honest dollar made but what was made by a government, neither a gold dollar, a paper dollar, nor a silver dollar." Kelly was right, and on a line with the Supreme Court decisions, and we defy all the huckstering lawyers in the nation to prove to the contrary, including Kobert G. Ingersoll, the great. Hear him : ** God makes money." No, sir ; God never made a dollar in the world, neither an honest nor a dishonest dollar, a gold dollar, a silver dollar, a paper nor a leather dollar, a nickel, nor even a brass cent, God made man and man made money (log cabin school- house education). Well, where did Kobert G. ^et his educa- tion? Was it in the holy of holies, or, later on, in the * * * * ■* * ■^, or, still more recently, in the unholy temple of the inon^y ghouls ? Now remember, a question correctly stated is already hall debated. The right then to declare and issue the money is a sovereign right of the nation, and in a republic, where sover- THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW T8. 17 eighty inheres in its people, it is the right of the people to deter- mine for themselves whether they will use money at all or not in their transaction of business and exchange of commodities If they decide to use money, tokens representing value, it is their inherent right to do so. And all their laws for the collec- tion of debts, payment of taxes, exchange of commodities, wages, etc., will be framed to suit the medium through which exchanges are efifect d. If the people, in the exercise of this, their sovereign prerogative, decide not to use money tokens, but exchange commodities direct, then they have the right to do so, as well as to fix the standard of value at which commodities may be exchanged, both at home and abroad ; also make bills of lading and bills of exchange international and binding by treaty, by Congressional enactment, by consent of its people, and so cut off speculation, profit mongering, cornering, and all the host of robbing schemes, and so make it possible and easy to be honest with all mankind, and so treat each other like brothers, instead of cut-throats or robbers, much less that ex- ecrable practice of calling men brothers in order that we may rob and enslave them. As an example as to the right of kings, emperors, etc., to coin, declare and issue the money, read the early history of Kome, Greece, Egypt, Persia, Sparta ; read Lycurgus' law making the money of iron ; read also in the New Testament concerning the case where the scribes (lawyers) and pharisees (priests) te pted one Jesus by presenting him a small coin of Caesar* to see if he would recognize the sovereign right of Csesarf to coin and declare money, and collect tribute, but he was not entrapped. He hastily acknowledged both these sovereign rights of Caesar.* These are not exceptional cases, but the rule. All kings, queens, emperors, empresses, sovereign pontiffs and potentates, ,-n all ages, where money was used at all, had a right to demand *Why did they not arrest him for being a tramp? He was certainly guilty of that crime. T Judea was a conquered province of Rome at the time. 16 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR service, and pay in the king's money,, or token, for the service performed. Hence, too, the universal custom of engraving the imag .; and supersciption of the reigning sovereign on the money of the realm. Hence, too, we, the people of this sovereign na. tion, must exercise this sovereign prerogative to declare and issue the money. For these reasons we, the people, conferred these sovereign prerogatives of levying taxes, and excises and declaring and issuing the money en Congress, to do these things for us, as our constituted agents. (See the Constitution.) The one sovereign power to levy taxes and excises. Congress has car- ried out on the most gigantic scale — on everything tangible and intangible, in every imaginable form (even our credulity is taxed) . The other sovereign prerogative, to declare and issue the money, Congress has either i'armed out or almost entirely ignored, by limiting its issue to certain materials very scarce and hard to obtain, or else, still worse, issuing something- resembling but still not money, or else, most outrageous of all, conferring power on a corporation not un ler the control of the people, neither delegated in the Constitution, to issue a fraudu- lent representation of money, which is no: money (the bank note is only a promise to pay money) , and all for the purpose of aggrandizing the corporation at the expense of the people (mys- terious power) . We are not unmindful of a decision giving legal sanction to bank notes in some respects when the legal tender cases were last argued in the Supreme Court by Butler and Chittenden, but the fact that the constitutionality of the banking law was not under discussion at the time only shows Low ready is our highest tribunal to serve corporations. But still there is one very material point not yet decided. Would this same court now decide that these bankers' notes are lawful money of the realm when in fact they read on their face only a promise to pay money ? If they do so decide, then the bankers are sovereign, and the people have no rights. How is it anyhow? Evidently the people never knowingly surrendered to the bank- ing oligarchy (mystery inexplicable here). Let us know the THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 19 worst. (B. F. Butler to the front once more.) The Supreme Court did decide, however, that the bank note was lawful in a limited sense, and by courtesy just what was stipulated in the law, nothing more, nothing less (as much as to say they are not unlawful, they are not counterfeit), but the greenback a lawful money of the realm in peace or war, and to the extent that the law made them lawful money of the realm, nothing more, noth- ing less. But it was limited al ^o by exceptions. (See further on) . See also decisions of United States Supreme Court (Judge Field, only, dissenting — seven to one). What is the reason now that C ngress will not heed the decisions of the Supreme Court, and so dechire and issue the constitutional, lawf nl money, the money of the nation? A.nswer : Because they belong with the conspirators, the oligarchy, and with them Tammany throne, New York, is higher authority than the Supreme Court of the United States, with all the people. (The people be d d.) But let us look ialo things. We have had the bitter experience now for over one hundred years, law or no law, Constitution or no Constitution; we now understand its diabolical effects. We have had the revohitiou from liheriy to slavery — fifty million slaves on one side, an enthroned oligarchy of millionaires on the other, falsehood, falsc- systems everywhere, no safety any- where, until, between the two thieves, unlimited taxation and no money, but fraudulent representation of money, or the amount entirely inadeciuate to meet tlie requirements of busi- ness, the people have been robbed, ruined, defrauded and en slaved, until Life is a burden, liberty afavce^ and the right to pur- sue aftei' happiness a. snare, a delusion, and a mockery. (Stop thief, stop!) 20 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB CHAPTER IV. PINANCIAIj eights — NATIONAL. EIGHTS OP CITIZENS — CIECDIiATING MEDIUM— EQUITY IN BUSINESS AND COMMEECE ASSUEED — MONEY LOANING NOT THE BEST WAT — EQUITY IN COM- MEECE — EQUITABLE BUSINESS. The people have an inherent right to control their own destiny by controlling their own money and legislation. Now, as a people, we must look into things, exercise our senses and judg- ment, and assert our natural, inherent right to control our own destiny, and, to this end, we must control the money, first hav- ing decided whether we will use money in the exchange of com- modities or not, also to determine the material on wh'ch this insignia of sovereignty shall be printed, as well as the amount to print. It is all-important that we have enough money to transact all the business of the nation on a cash basis — no bor- rowing, no premium, or interest ; that, to this end, we declare that in the substance or material useeculation cut off, lieiiig in business unnecessary, truth will become tashiouable ouce more, and honesty the best policy, humanity redeemed, good triumphant, the medium of exchange free, man free. Thus plunderers, it would be more on the line of justice for the Government to issue itK money and liquidate every honest debt of its private loyal Citizens. It would noi then make repai'atiou for tne vast wrong committed against the people by wicked, outrageous legislation in the interest of a class in the last thirty years, to say noth. iug about furmer legislatiuu. It could not then atone for tUe generation of tho dead and hopelessly bankrupt, made so designedly by those who now get tho nation 8 money without interest to loan back to us on their own terms, and aa thoy keep tbe toll-gate, not one dollar can get into circulation until it has paid toll to baukers — those who control. Thus they oonirol our destiny for gt»od or evil, life or death— mostly death. 24 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR a truly honest national money, for which every loyal citizen would be responsible to each other and to all the world, to th« extent of of all he could perform and all he had to exchange. Hence each and all would be the redeemers of the money, and the money would be as constantly redeemed by them in things having intrinsic value in themselves, whether the money had intrinsic value in its substance or not. Thus the lawful money of the realm would perform the functions of facilitating ex- changes of commodities, without regard to the intrinsic value of its substance. All the value required is lawful recognition. What the law recognizes will pay i^ny debt in any honest court or anywhere else in the realm. Gold money or silver money can do no more. The law itself can have no other object than the happiness of the people. To this end all laws must be made, and made to conform to equal and exact justice to all, no priv- ileges to any. Law itself can never fav^r one class except at the expense of others, to whom it is tyranny. Laws of monarchial governments do this, but not so of laws democratic, laws repub_ lican, made for the good of man, but not for man's destruction. But why conduct business on the bankers', brokers' and business men's paper, on which 90 per cent of all the business is now done? Theii paper has no intrinsic value in substance, and all the bankers, brokers and business men combined are not as re- liable for their paper notes, checks, etc., as the whole nation is for its money, for the all-sufficient reason that they, the bankers, brokers and business men, are only a part of the nation them- selves, and therefore only a part of the nation's responsibility, and ecjually bound for the national money — all is more respon- sible than part. So long as they are citizens of the nation tbey too must be subject to law, just as all loyal citizens are. This lawful money of the realm must be issued only to those render- ing service or delivering goods. This the poorest man can do; the rich can do no more. So the distribution would be impar- tial. The rich, idle speculator could live on his money only whilst it lasted. He could not get it for nothing to loan back to THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS, 26 US at a premium, as lie does now, and so liTe off us, as he does now. He could not eat his supper and save it at the same time (at our expense) , as he does under the enthroned monopoly of his own ordaining. As to the amount of money to be issued, the ordained govern- ment will go on issuing the money just as long as the people are willing to redeem it in service or valuables. Thus the only limitation to the amount of money to issue would be the amount of service or labor the people could perform and the value of goods delivered . Thus every man or woman could be employed ; none ever need be idle so long as nature's resources are unde- veloped. Thus the money would find its way into circulation in sufficient amount, without the paying of a premium (inter- est), just the way it got into circulation during the rebellion (nothing unconstitutional in that) , instead of issuing it to the rich, idle villainous few, who now live off me and you. But see, the enthroned monopoly now gets its government money into circulation by buying votes and purchasing influences of lawyers, judges. Congressmen, etc. Then with the balance they go into business, loaning us the bank notes or money out of our own national treasury, on mortgages on our property at half value, interest double, and so live off us, without rendering service or value, and so we become better servants than chat- tel slaves — no loss to them if we die to morrow (slaves cheap as dirt). And your children are equally bound to be The servants of the high-toued oligar-kee (oligarchy). *' He that is borrower is servant to he that is lender," as was said by one of old. It is so still, as true as ever, and these scribes (lawyers) , priests, pharisees (hypocrits) , are stili devour- ing wiaows' houses and robbing orphans, as of old, and intro" dncing hell* on earth, as usual (Stop thief, stop!) ♦See definition of hell- Sheol. Hebrew Hades, Greek; English thegrave, the place of the dead. See Josephus; also revised New Testament. Look into thing*. "Be sure you arc right, then go ahead.'' 3L00KING INTO THINGS, OB CHAPTER V BEGINNING OF CONSPIKACY— CONSTITUTIONAL WEAKNESS— EXPO- SURE OF CONSPIEACY -THE BEGINNING OF REBELLION — OLD DEMAND NOTES—CONSPIRATOES AT WORK — IGNORANCE OF POLITICIANS — LEGERDEMAIN IN FINANCE Constitutional weakness is the inherent cause of the overthrow. Too many limitations always proved weakly. But now we m'lst go on Avith the expose of the old fraudulent system of bondage and servitude, to show you why and how it came about, that the people of this once great republic lost their liberty and became enslaved, and also how to recover our lost liberty. Remember, that vse had been recognized by all civilized nations as a sover- eign nation, yet our own law-makers always seemed to hesitate as to the sovereign right of the people of the nation to control their own finances on a basis commensurate with their other sovereign rights. We could levy and pay taxes to our hearts' content; but a republican money — oh, no, that would never do, and the amount of gold and silver mon^y in the country was never sufficient to do the business of the country. All men of s nse knew that, and we had no mines until recently, and even now they are utterly inadequate to meet the requirements of the business, as from 90 to 95 per cent of the business transac- tions is done on bankers', brokers' or business men's paper; so we are at their mercy — no independence here. And so some times going forwarvis on shams or no money, and again back- ward in consequence of our shams and frauds. We have been so constantly cursed and outraged as to completely paralyze all honest effort,, all honest industry, and so force bankruptcy and ruin on millions of the people, with losses incalculable in the aggregate— hundreds of millions of dollars about once in ten to THE CONSPIRACT THAT NOW IS. 27 twenty years between these devastating paralytic strokes, in which thousands of men, women and children were driven to degradationy despair^ and death, by some mighty Moloch, some mysterious power to them unknown, but terribly destructive in its effects on society and civilization. (Mystery of mysteries,) So that with many lawful awful debts to pay, but no lawful money with which to pay the awful lawful debts, and debts could not be paid with labor or goods except by the consent of the creditar, and that not easily obtained, debt, with usury, and bondage became the inevitable doom. "A vicious monster of such lildeous mien. That to be hated needs but to be seen."— The Mystery of Aces. But almost omnipotent for mischief — a dangerous power. Now, reader, be patient whilst I unravel one of the most gigantic con- spiracies to rob and enslave the people of this nation that ever transpired on earth, compared to which the crime of CsBsar as- suming the imperial purple and of Cataline's conspiracy and the treasoniof Benedict Arnold are trifles. Although the begin- ning of the conspiracy was long before the war of the rebellion, which, in fact, was only a part of the scheme. Kemember also that many of the perpetrators themselves were deceived and made to assume a roll through party discipline that they did not understand, but to the original plotters all understood, long be- forehand, every point carefully adjusted even to the details, and carried out on the line of preconcerted action. Our task for the present begins with the war of the rebellion; in Pamphlets Nos. 2 and 3 we shall pursue our foe through the dark ages. But what we shall expose is not the public acts so generally pub* lished and understood, but to expose the secret plotting and scheming so carefully covered up as not to be understood by the public, or, still worse, the public misled by wilful or ignorant lying. The beginning of the rebellion was one link in the conspiracy, but a very important link to our enemy the foe of liberty. The year 1861 brings ua to tho breaking out of the rebellion, Abraham Lincoln being thou President, and Salmon P. Chase, 28 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB Secretary. Soon an extra session of Congress was called, and on July 17th, 1861, the issuing of $60,000,000* in United States demand notes, to tide the nation over until the next regular ses- sion of Congress, was determined upon. This sum proved quite suiScient, $60,030,000 being issued and made receivable by the Executive, Lincoln and Chase, for duties on imports, for which the Government had alwaps demanded coin. These notes, issued from h^iUd to hand, with the power to tax — both sovereign pre- rogatives of the nation — became par with gold, and always re- mained at par with gold; even in the darkest days of the rebel- lion they bore the same premium as gold, I mention this because the partisan press has done a great deal of hard lying in regard to these so called old demand notes. For the truth of this see the London Times' prices current. *From the year 1861 until 1880 they were not legal tender, lawful money, in England; neither was our gold and silver money legal tender, nor is it now. But business men could use them to pay duties to our own Government on their goods sent here to be sold, and so they served the purpose of a convenif nee in trade and commerce, just as well or better than coin, being more convenient. (Now note, that this is just exactly the functions that money should perform, nothing more, nothing less.) Of course these notes were a promise to pay on demand in coin, but, remember, coin pay- ments had already been suspended, and not one dollar of them was redeemed until January 1st, 1879 a period of nineteen years without a redeemer; just receivable by the Government that issued them, as an honest government should always do with its money^issued. We have occasionally met with a soldier or citizen that got some of these demand notes early in the war, and after keeiing them some time, got a premium eijual to gold; but in this mat- ter the business men generally kept this to themselves and profited by'\he igpoyance of the holder. The wise-looking, owl -eyed banker understood this trick, and as fast as he got hold ♦Sec Wiadom'B official document, page 78. THE CON3PIRA.0Y THAT NOW IS. 29 of these demand notes— received by the Government for duties on goods imported into the country — he sold them at a premium with his gold and silver to business men with which to pay du- ties to the Government. This he continued to do until January 1st, 1879. This was a great source of profit to Shylock — and a secret to him. In regard to the value of these notes at home and abroad the public was k pt in ignorance as much as possible. But now comes a bill before Congress, January 22d, 1862 (see Windom's official document, page 80), providing for the issuing of a legal tender, national money. It reads: **Tiiis note is a legal tender in payment of all debts, public and private, and exchangeable for bonds of the United States bearing 6 per cent interest when presented in amounts of fifty dollars or multiples thereof." This full legal tender money, iesued by the exercise of the sovereign power of the Government, would have paid any debt and purchased any property in the United States. Sub- sequent events prove this. Even the gold and silver money and bullion could have all been bought and paid for with this money. No money can do more. Now notice the feature in this bill making the legal tender notes exchangeable foi: bonds after July 1st, 1863. (See Windom*s document, page 156 ) This was the time when the depreciated greenback began to be converted into interest bearing bonds, dollar for dollar. This feature met the approval of the money changers of Wall street. New York. But the feature making it a full legal tender by the exercise of the sovereign prerogative — right of the Government — stirred up the finance fakirs equal to the howling dervishes of India. Thad Stevens, then in Congress from Pennsylvania, said : "It raised a howl equal to that of the money changers in the temple ab Jerusalem when one Jesus drove them forth.*' See the Windom document, page 83. These finance fakirs then swarmed to "Washington like vul- tures, and into the lobby they besieged the Senate, where they found their associate jugglers, and so overpowered the House and destroyed the legal tender feature of the bill. (The Senat 80 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OS was always their favorite resort. See Thacl Stevens' dying testimony in regard to national bankers and the Senate, in the introductory.) But, reader, is it not strange that these citizen bankers should presume to dictate the financial policy of the nation, and absolutely prevent Congress from exercising this sovereign right in behalf of its people ? Is it not strange that a handful of curbstone brokers, gutter snipes, bulls and bears, gamblers on margins, can dictate our finances, and so control the destiny of our sixty million ptople for life or death ? Yet they did it, and that shows the animus of our foes. And is it not strange that a few scavengers can get laws made that will enable them to live and riot and rot in luxury, whilst millions toil and slave and die? Yet it is so, and these scavengers live by devouring the substance of their fellows — a system of canibal civilization— a system by which the scribes (lawyers) and pharisees (hypocrites) live now, and go on devouring the houses of widows and orphans, just as they did of old, and call it Christian civili- zation. Rather call it the oligarchy of pagan Rome resurrected. But many of these psuedo statesmen plead ignorpnce. See Windom's document, page 81. Senator Fessenden says : ** No one seems to know much on finances." In fact the mere politi- tician never does. He just knows enough to get tlnre and d(»uble his salary. And those ignorant statesmen were changing their minds daily. — Ibid. Secretary Chase recommends these measures. See Windom's document, same page; also the Na- tional Banking law, which he afterwards regretted as the mis- take of his life. See further on. These vampires, vultures from the robbers roost (New York) , knew what they were doing. They who have ruled and degraded the world for thousands of years by a system of legerdemain in finance, and kept the people impoverished and in ignorance through all these generations, thought to continue their reign forever. But the log schoolhouse -will defeat their scheming yet. These notes, not legal tender, but exchangeable for bonds of the United States when presented in amounts of fifty dollars THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 8 1 (S50) or multiples thereof, as before stated, became the method by which the Government money — greenbacks — non-interest bearing, was converted into interest bearing bond debt. This they call:jd borrowing money, and so continued on and on issu- ing greenbacks and converting them into bonds on which to base their base bank notes, on which to obtain interest again — interest twice. Now, reader, see the incentive to the banker to clutch every greenback and convert it into bonds, as it was good to him for ^1,90 by virtue of his bank charter. So he was no slow to convert his greenbacks into bonds, and so retire the Government money and inflate with bank notes instead, to be loaned on mortgages, and the country and people loaded down with oxerwhelnmig , everlasting, crushing debt. The money based on the entire wealth and sovereign power of the nation, a full and comj)lete legal tender, was not permit - tod to be born as such. The reason why the people never knew — some mysterious power behind the republic not then visible (see further on) — but the fraudulent misrepresentation of money, a promise on its face to pay money which they did not have. But with an exceptional clause on its back, a hypocritical de- vice to deceive the unwary farmer and soldier, susceptible of a double meaning, thus mutilated, shorn of sovereign power, legal tender only in part, it was thus repudiated by its maker, the United States Government — virtually a bastard, denied by its parents, discredited in its own house, the United States Treas- ury, It reads on its back as follows : '* This note is legal tender at its face value for all debts, public and private, except interest on the ])ublic debt and duties on imports" [to the Government].* Thus it was legal tender to soldier, sailor, citizen, but not to the bondholder lor interest on his bond, but would be legal toni politically degraded and destroyed. Also Seymour, Democratic nominee for President, opposed the fraud, and was withdrawn by August Belmont (banker, agent of the Kothschilds), chairman of the Democratic National Central Committee, on the eve of an elec- tion. (Mysterious transaction by the enthroned money power.) Garfield did not belong to the gold ring of Tammany, and they could not trust him. He had to be slain, not simply because of his political opinions, but because he was opposed to church and state as well He might be in the way. Study Guiteau's state- ments when on trial for the murder of Garfield. They are very significant. They were * * * * . jje claims he was only an instrument in the hands of God to take Garfield out of the way. A.11 made plain in volume 3. But now let us return to our subject. The remaining $346,090,000 greenbacks, being re- ceivable by the Government (its maker) for duties on imports (t5»xes) , is as good as gold. The sovereign power to declare and issue money and levy taxes being united now, why not exercise this power, already conceded by the Supreme Court. Oh, the rea- son is plain. The oligarchy reigns and rules, the limited republic c?e/M?ic/, citizens no rights (never had much), bond slaves the 46 LOOXINO INTO THIKOS, OB same as chattel slaves and don't need money. And so the con- spiracy goes on IriumphanUy. Now, reader, I have followed this line in detail to prove to you the nature of the national debt, that it was never necessary, but was concocted by the conspir- ators to destroy the natiion's money and the liberty of the people, and to aggrandize themselves. Thus an infamous crime was committed against the people of the nation — treason, treason^ noihing less. OHAPTEB VII. CONSPIKACT TBIUMPHANT — BOND SLAVERY PERPETUAIj— INDICT- MENT FOR TREASON — IGNORANCE AND CONSPIRACY — PARTY TRICKERY AND DECEPTION — TREACHERY OF SHERMAN. But the republic defunct, our enemy goes on reveling in his ill-gotten gains and gloating over his victims. How often we hear it said that the national debt was made for money borrowed to carry on the war — base falsehood. The debt was made by the destruction of the very money paid to the soldier and citizen for service performed and valuables deliv- ered. Then, to consummate the infamous villainy, converted into interest bearing l ond debt after the war is over, for the soldier and farmer to pay interest on, as well as their children and grandchildren after them forever — one billion eight hun • dred million dollars in order that the banker might have bonds on which to base his bank notes (see banking law further on*) , and so draw interest twice on what was a fraud in the first place; and so farmer and soldier pay twice on the same fraud, and when he borrows the bank notes he pays interest' again, compounded *Some very simple minded people tell us that these benificent bankers were prompted by patriotism to loan their money to save tha coiantry, dnd must now be paid. This evidently is a mistake. They do not want the debt paid, never did, and they hav« been doing all in their power to prevent us from ever paying it. It is bonds perpetual they want. THE CONSPIRA.CT THAT NOW IS. 47 three or four times, before the money can be got into circula- tion. So the bankers' notes loaned on mortgages are now sweep- ing the land from under farmers' and soldiers' feet, and, in con- sequence of unlimited taxation and bond debt, the people have already paid on the original bond debt of ^1,800 ;000,000 more than S4:,000,000 in principal and interest, and still the debt not half paid, and private debts (mortgages incalculable) they are still paying, and the same time buying in theso long time, frau- dulent, forged gold bonds at a premium of 263^3 cents. See Secretary Windom's last great feat in financial jugglery further on . This premium made possible hj forgery, perjury and fraud. See Congressman Plum's expose, further on. This whole in- famous business of destroying greenbacks — contracting the cur- rency, converting it into bonds — was begun early in the war and carred on very slily. Lincoln opposed it then, find said : ** If a government contracted a debt with a certain amount of money in circulation, and then diminished the volume of money be- fore the debt was paid, it was the most heinous crime a govern- ment could commit against its people." We know now by a most bitter experience of twenty-eight years that this is true, and we now indict the reigning oligarchy as guilty of tlie greatest of crimes — treason — and treason is the capital crime in the cal- endar, covers all other crimes. Conspiracy against the liberty of the people is equivalent to a conspiracy to overthrow a mon- archy. Why not? If one is treason, so is the other» and the instigators are guilty of every crime under the sun. It was not merely a mistake in policy — the ringleaders understood it. Lincoln, though "dead, yet speaketh." On the same line Salmon P. Chase said : " My agency in procuring the National Bank act was the greatest mistake of my life. It has built up a monop- oly that afifects every interest of the country. It should be repealed. But before that can be accomplished the people will be arrayed on one side and the bank^ on the other in such a con- flict as was never witnessed in this country." Chase, though dead, yet speaketh. Let the conflict come on. Give us liberty or 48 IiOOEINO INTO THINGS, OB death^-lihevty for man* death to the enthroned monopoly that has destroyed the republic. See Lincoln's warning once more. See Secretary Chase's speech in the Windom document, pages 80 81, in which he favored the banking law, but which he regretted afterwards (just quoted). See also his speech, same document, page 83, in regard to premium on gold, but the greenback not a depreciated currency. This was good Republican doctrine until the oligarchy got possession of the Gove-nment after Lincoln's assassination. Then all was changed. See also Fessenden's speech once more, in which he pleads ignorance. But the trait- orous crew of tricksters from the throne of TamT.any, New York, understood the matter, and so consummated the diabolical plot. Be it remmbered, that during the war the Republican party and Us press. Tribune and others, steadily maintained that the green- back was the lawful money of the country, and as constantly quoted gold at a premium, whilst the Democratic party and its press quite as generally adhered to coin or coin basis as the standard and the greenback unconstitutional and a depreciated currency. With the Republican party this counted for disloy, alty. But the war over, Lincoln dead," Johnson broken down- Greeley deceased, the Republican pai*ty and its press changed their tone and stigmatized the same money, repudiated the child of their own creation and plotted its destruction. Mysterious infiaence — dictation from Tammany; both parties disloyal now; both opposed to national paper money; both in favor of bond- age, bond frauds and the fraudulent bank notes based on long time gold bonds, and gold as the standard money of the world — base lie again. There is no standard money of the world; never was. Every nation does, or should, fix their own standard; all do not, however. We have ours fixed for us now by the * * * * * * * , and that fixes us. Gold debt impossible of pay - ment and bank notes not legal tender is paraded as the grandest • Bv liberty we do not mean license to Impose burdens on others, or treat them wrongfully in any way. Our enemy has exercised that kind of liberty too much already. There is a perfect law of liberty. See further on. THB OONSPIBAOY THAT NOW IS. ^9 financial system the world ever saw! See John Sherman's Mana- fiold, Ohio, speech in 1876 (base fraud) — th3 country prosper- ous (base lie), business men realizing 10 per cent on their investments. Oh, John Sherman, look here. Greenbacks purposely depre- ciated by law, and bought up at an average of 50 cents on the dol- lar, in C-in, then converted into interest beariLg bonds, dollar for dollar. Then the bonds made par by legal enactments (the credit strengthening and refunding schemes in 1869 and 1870) — one hundred per cent by this fraudulent scheme. Then the infam- ous banking law alreudy in existence. You deposit your new coin bonds (still yours and drawing interest) and draw 90 per cent in bank notes to loan at 10 to 30 per cent interest, on which you pay no interest to the Government, but to loan to the people. Thus your available aesets are doubled once more by legal en- actment, your wealth quadrupled in four to six^years by laws of your own ordaining. But what becomes of those not in busi- ness — the toilers? Oh, John, you had better flee the wrath to come. The people will find you out. (Business is business.) Your great financial system is the grandest scheme to p^et the money out of the pockets of the toilers, and into your own pocket, the world ever saw, sure enough. But why this somer- sault — why this change of base ? Once the Republican party fathered the national money, then it changed its tone and adopted the fraudulent born child of sin, of rubber parentage. Some invisible mysterious power somewhere, evidently from Europe. Dictation from London, Berlin, and Wall street; dictation from Tammany's throne. So you see gold payment is impossible, and slavery to gold- bug humbugs inevitable. Can you see now what gold debt and goKl basis means? It would be better that all the gold in the world should be sank in the middle of the sea than that man- kind should be any longer enslaved to gold, with inevitable debt, gold bonds to base bank notes on, interest twice or thrice, all a fraud. So the war for the destruction of the na- 50 LOOKING INTO THINOS, OB tion's own money, such as it was, and the substitution of bank notes, with debt everlasting, went on and on until the republic was destroyed, our national, natural, inherent right to control our owe destiny revolutionized, and the people in hopeless bondage, the bonds to be paid in gold that a few men own, and which you cannot get without buying, and that only makes more debt. Look here, reader. The debts of the world now payable in gold amount to ^150,000,000.000. To satisfy these debts there is only $3,700,000,000 gold coin in all the world. How do you expect to pay these gold debts (frauds)? But Jauuary 1st, 1879, John Sherman issued hia edict, green- backs receivable for duties on imports, since which time the degraded greenback is as good or better than gold. Thus, you see, the lawful paper money is just as lawful and just as good as the lawful gold-bug money, and always better than bankers' notes. The danger now is that an edict from an unfriendly sec- retary might countermand the edict ('f Sherman, and so destroy the utility of the nation's own money. Evidently we are the subjects of the enthroned oligarchy, and an edict from one of their appointed officials means more than any law of Congress. Now that we see what an edict from an appointed official can do, we are forced to exclaim : Oh, John Sherman, why did you delay your edict so long? You undoubtedly knew the effect it would have, and if you had only issued your edict in time we would never have had any bonded debt at all. But we see the banking law was already m existence, and the enthroned monop- oly wanted bonds to base their bank notes on, and so you were willing to sell the whole iiation into bondage just to accommo- date them. Perhaps it was an accommodation to yourself, John, as you are a banker and millionaire ? How much did you and your partners in crime make? What of those immense amounts that no man can number — hundreds of millions and billions? Not merely the interest on the national bond nest-egg, with bank notes to loan (interest twice), but with control of money went everything else — the manipulation of all trade, traffic, transpor- THE OONSPIRAOY THAT NOW IS. 51 tation, legislation, official position, luxurious living, good fitanamg, honors at home and abroad, in good odor with the European dynasties, in league with the devil — you dance, dodge the people with the devil all round the wond. But listen. The day of reckoning is at hand. What you ha\e made is best told by what we have lost. Let us see. Forty billions of debt of all kinds for us to pay interest on; our homes lost, the accumulations of ages lost; thirty years of toil lost; our tempers lost; liheriy lost, and our children enslaved for generations unborn; men cheaper than dirt, women a drug in the market; the countrv full of violence, on the verge of despair; millionaires on one hand, beggars and criminals multiplying; virtue dying out. And yet these lying politicians are still reit- erating the same old, stereotyped lie — the country prosperous. Base lie. The speculators only are prosperous; the masses, the toilers, have lost all, and are in hopeless bondage and despair. Deny it who dare. These horrible conditions are the effect of a cause sufficient to produce them, just as certain as that the sun shines. The immediate cause is vicious legislation that cannot be concealed any longer. We see the effect; we know the cause. Even though the cause may be covered up, the truth will out, and then how transparent the whole thing becomes. Don't tell us it is providential; it smells of vicious legislation. Vicious legislation is destructive of life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness, and so produces hell on earth. The rich, idle villains are the cause of the poor beggars. But during all this diabolical transaction you blubbered and shed tears all over the country in regard to the depreciated greenback — depreciated by your own treacherous gang — and the horrors of greenback inflation, which you now pretend to dread as you would a poisonous sirocco, all on account, as you say, of the disturbance in business it would cause and the consequent losses to the laboring classes. You treacherous villains, it is not the laboring element that loses by inflation of national money; it is the banker. It is contraction uf the national money volume that destroys the laboring cle- 52 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB ment, and inflation with bank notes makes millionaires of book- ers and slavey beggars and criminals of toilers. And yet the bank note was never any better than the degraded greenback. It is not receivable now for duties on imports; neither will bank notes pay a debt in court if the creditor declines to receive them; but with the greenback how different. It will now pay any and all taxes and any honest debt in any honest court, ex- cept the fraudulent bond debt. See all the legal tender deci- sions, United States Supreme Court, Judge Field, only, dis- senting. But the bank note, made receivable by courtesy, had a power to draw interest and rob the toilers, and they hare done their work only too well, for as greenback inflation diminished bank notes were issued and loaned, and tlie country inflated with bank notes, Joans and mortgages multiplied. No objections to bank note inflation, and overwhelming, everlasting debt for the de^ spoiled, mortgaged, debr -ridden toilers — worse than chattel slavery. Mysterious power! It is often said that the Government bonds were to be paid in coin, principal and interest. I answer : Only one issue of such bonds ever was made that I can find in the Windom document, and it claims to give ali, and that a 10 40 bond, authorizing $900,000,000, bearing 6 per cent interest. The same bill also provided for the issue of $300,000,000 in treasury notes (green- backs) and $50,000,000 fractional currency. It was passed March 3d, 1863. Of these 10 40 bonds only $75,000,000 was ever issued, but thes?, like ali other bonds and notes were finally converted into the 5 20 currency bonds, or, still later on, into gold bonds under the credit strengthening and refunding acts. See Windom's official document, page 83. It seems as though these bonds were issued with the expectation of realizing coin on their sale, but as they found they could not obtain coin they bartered the seventy five million for greenbacks. On this point the document is not plain* neither is it necessary, as all bonds of every description, except the Union and the Central Pacific THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 53 Kailroad bonds, were refunded under a change of contract. "We shall treat of the railroad bonds separately in pamphlet No. 2. They are now called currency sixes, because the interest is 6 per cent in gold coin, but the principal paid in currency (green- backs) when due, just the same as the (thers before they were refunded, in 1870. It is barely possible that some disposition was mad<3 of these 10-40 bonds by which the gold shipped to England was obtained from California. On this point the official document (Windom's) is silent— manipulated by Government agents (bankers). Too much secrecy and mystery. As there has been much said and published, falsely, in regard to the Gov- ernment borrowing money abroad to carry on the war, which must be paid in coin, I will now give the only reliable facts in relation to the matter that I can find. I copy verbatim. See Windom's official document, page 79: *• In March, 1863, it became necessary to transmit a consider- able amount of funds to London for a special purpose, for which an appropriation had been mada by Congress, and it was thought advisable to deposit a certain amount of securities witV a Lon- don banker against which bills might be drawn.* So to meet th^'s, 5 20 bonds to the amount of $10,000,000 were accordingly placed in the hands of two distinguished citizens, to whose care the negotiation was committed.! The negotiation failed, and ^6,000,000 of the bonds was returned to the Treasury. It was * The Windom rtocnment is silent in reference to the character of the obliga- tions that had to be be met in London, but the most probable solution is that it was to pay for a lot of muskets purchased of Austria early in the war before our own manufacture was completed. T Five-twenty bonds were never coin bonds (interest only in coin.) I One of these distinguished citizens was Jay Cook. See Windom's document* page 87. This Jay Co..k was also the president of the first National Bank organ- ized under the law, his bank located at Washington, D. C. Who the other geutle- man was does not appear, but evidently he was a national banker also, as the national bankers were the only authorized agents of the Q-overnment in negotiat- ing bouds and trading them ofif for greenbacks, treasury notes, etc. But these gentlemen failed to negotiate in behalf of the Government that sent them. The reason is plain. They could do better as co-conspirators, acting for tiiemselves to •ubvert and overthrow the GK>verument. 54 LOOKING INTO THINOS, OB thought advisable that the amount of $4,000,000 should remain, and that exchange should be drawn against it and the bonds dis- posed of abroad if a favorable market should be found," etc. So little or nothing came of this. **Buttomeet these bills, soon to mature, in London, gold was shipped from California." See Windom's document, same place. Now note particularly the time — March 3d, 1863. Just one month prior to this the National Banking law had been passed. So the distinguished gentlemen just referred to, bankers them- selves, could sa/ to these London bankers: * 'Now, gentlemen, as bankers and citizens, we will co-operate together to make all we can in this transaction. Here is the scheme now ready. We have the National Banking law just passed, in accordance with your advice [ see Hazzard's circular] . We can now invest our coin in depreciated greenback treasury notes at fifty cents or less on the dollar. Then present these treasury notes at the Secretary's oAice and receive bonds, dollar for dollar, drawing 6 per cent interest. This equals 12 per cent on our coin investment— our incomes doubled at once, our wealth doubled. Th?n deposit these bonds with the Secretary at Washington, as heretofore stated. Then go to the Comptroller of Currency and for each one hundred dollars of these same bonds deposited, and draw- ing interest to us in coin at 6 per cent, draw ninety dollars in bank notes, to loan to farmers and business men over our own counters, on our own terms — interest again for us [but none to the Government] ; our bank notes printed cheaper than we could print them ourselves; our available assets doubled once more/ incomes doubled once more; four dollars on interest for each coin dollar invested, with interest on interest compounding. You see, there is millions in it for us. This is much 1 etter than dealing with the Government. For further information of this see the Hazzard circular, further on; it is of a few months' y proclama- tion of President Lincoln, January 3, 1863, John Sherman in the United States Senate, February, 1863, introduced the na- tional bank bill by which the banking bondholders is enabled to make interest on his money twice whilst ordinary money loaners cannot make it but once. This is a great royal preroga- tive in itself, but that is not all; after he has got his royal charter he gets hundreds of millions more right out of our own treasury to loan back to us for all he can get, say 10, 20, 30, 50 or 70 per cent, ui)on depending our necessities, but always on approved B curity. This infamous, treasonable bill was hurredly passed through both houses of congress and sighed by President Lincoln in five days from its introduction, by the rich, high toned, silver mounted senators, in full connivance with the silk hat aristoc- racy hot from the throne of Tammany, New York, whilst Lincoln and other loyal members of congress were all engrossed by the war. *Hasty legislation, sure CLOUgh, for a measure fraught with such great advantages to the few favored ones and such fearful effects to the unsnspectiug many in which the dostiny of a nation was to be determined. Conspirc^cy — stolen legislation — nothing else. A most diabolical outrage fastened on the coun- try by a foreign oligarchy in connivance with traitors at home. Yes; in one month after chattel slavery was abolished, both blacks and whites, soldiers and citizens, men, women and-child- ren's lives, liberty and fortunes were placed at the mercy of a corporation without our knowledge or consent — not a syllable in the Constitution, not a word in any party platform, or in the public press, or even dreamed of by the people in relation thereto— yet that corporation succeeded in its treacherous work and has controlled business and legislation to such an extent as to absorb the 3 ^er cent, net, accumulations of ages, and make ♦Oh, this mysterious power ; so silent, bo treacherouB. 62 liOOKINa INTO THINGS, OK debts on posterity for a^es to come. Oh! for a Jackson or a Jefferson, Democrat or Republican, to compel them to bring in their deposits and then cut off the monster's head, Tha*: Con- gress had power, under the Constitution, to coin and issue money, whether gold, silver or paper, has always been con- tended for by our ablest statesmen, and at that time, also, by Lincoln, Stevens and others. See, also, all the legal tender de- cisions of the United States Supreme Court. But for Congress to confer such unlimited power on a corporation, a third party, ■would be an unwarranted assumption of power not delegated in the Constitution, and for Congress to do so is to utterly over- throw and ultimately destroy the foundation on wiiich our gov- ernment was supposed to rest, to wit: The sovereignty of the people and nation* and substitute the sovereignty of a corpora- tion not responsible to the people. It is revolutionary, it is treason to the people and nation. Still bear in mind, that in a republic, all just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed; even minorities have inaJienable rights. But as W6 ** look into things" it becomes painfully evident that there always was an inherent weakness in the Constitution which we must now understand and eliminate, but in doing so we are glad to know that we need not disturb the foundation principles on which the Constitution itself was supposed to rest, to wit : The Declaration of Independence ^ that charter of human liberty, equal rights, equal laws, and equal opiDortunities. That even the minority have certain inalienable, rights — rights svhich the law cannot wrest from them without their consent. Even individuals have thw right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, until he forfeits the same by tresi^assinng on the self same rights in others. So, even, majority rule is limited by the welfare of the whole. **Thus far can'st thou go and no further.*' And so from this embodiment of justice, the light of America, the hope cf tha *No principal can erer permit an agent to go on appointing agents withomt hli consent for it wo«ld ignore and ruin the principal. THE CONSPTRAOT THAT NOW IS. 63 worldf from which we may reconstruct and so regain onr blood bought liberty. Kemember, that according to the wise pro- visions, we have a natural inherent right to do so. (See Dec- laration of Independence.) CHAPTEE IX. TNFIiUT^NCE OF HAMILTON — HAMILTON'S LIMITED EEPUBLIC — NA- TIONAL BANKS — Jackson's veto — Hamilton's oligaechy — VETO POWER of PRESIDENTS — TAMMANY RING RULE. The influence of Alexander Hamilton in the formation of the Constitution a cause for its weakness and defects. It is often asserted that Hamilton was in favor of a limited Monarchy but we have not been able to find such declaration in his public acts. But that he had a great influence in the forma- tion of the Constitution, no one will deny that witl look into tilings and, as we do, not desire to do the memory of the de- ceased any injustice. We simply give the facts as we find them. It is very plain, however, that he was in favor of a iim- ited 7'epubhc. He was not willing to trust to the people, hence, his opposition to the doctrines and teachings of Franklin, Paine, Hancock, Madison, Munros, Burr, Randolph and others. He could not trust the people to control or direct their own destiny. On the contrary he insisted that they must be con- trolled or restrained in some way by some extran- eous power, potentate or provision, human or divine, in some very important particulars, for which, see his proposed Constitution, submitted to the Convention in federalist papers, published by Lipincott & Co., edited by J. C. Hamil- ton, a grandson of Alexander Hamilton, page 31. This proposed Constitution, though not exactly as ours is now, is almost tilmost identical in some very important respects, and we now ]5:now, by a bitter experience of meai^ '^ars, that these limita- 64 liOOMiffd tmo THllfdii, OR tions are more destructive to life, liberty and happiness, than Monarchy limited or unlimited. In his proposed Constitution there ^was to be no limit to the power to levy taxes. (Great power.) He also made promise for the veto power of the President.* He also provided for a Senate composed of middle-aged men of wealth and influence, not elected by the people, but without whose sanction no law could be passed, but these Senators could secure their saats by means of their wealth and influence — chiefly their wealth, as now. No power was conferred in his Constitution for coining, declaring or issuing money of any kind, not even metal money. He readily recognized this sovereign prerogative in regard to other nations, but no power vested in our own nation to coin, declare or issue money. Of course it would be dependent on some power or potentate, foreign or domestic, to furnish the money. Thus shorn of an important sovereign prerogative, it was not in fact a sovereign nation — not in fad a republic. Thus the wealfJi^, born with a silver spoon in their mouth, could con- duct the business and political affairs of the nation in their interest. It would be a government of the wealthy by the wealthy and for the wealthy. Thus, the Senators and the wealthy once in power, the people are powerless to control their own destiny. Our chosen representatives become so many ciphers — a dead weight, an unnecessary expense, held in check by the same power, and the power unlimited; an oligarchy pure and simple, and unlimited whenever they chose to exercise it. See Webster's unabridged. Perhaps it was this traitor statesman in sheep's clothing, secretary of Washington, that manipulated the old fraud miscalled continental money, as it was based on the Spanish milled dollar that we did not have, but expected to get some time, somehow, providentially or otherwise. You see, however, that he was a great stickler for the king's money, or perhaps he was a secret emissary of the King of * * * * •In a republic thoTeto power mnet belong to the people, so they can control heir own destiny. THE OONSPIBAOY THAT NOW IS. 65 and sworn confederate of the * * * ^ * * , all made plain in pamphlet No. 3. But it is very evident he was iu favor of a limited republic. The people could not be trusted to govern themselves, and so control their own destiny; they mus^ be held in check somehow by somebody, friendly or unfriendly. Now, my reader, be patient. Permit me to explain some things in regard to the state of affairs at the time when the so- called continental currency was issued, as there has been very much published that is misleading in regard to it. First. — There was no United States then as now. The thirteen states or colonies had only confederated together, proclaimed their freedom from Cjlreat Britain and entered into an agreement (articles of confederation) to stand together against their com- mon enemy. Second — They had no constitution empowering the Congress to issue money of any kind as they have now — not even metal money. The several States had existed as so many separate forms of government, each legislating to suit themselves* up to that time, 1776, and later, 1790; so that each had a money system of their own to suit themselves. Third — They had no President as now. Washington was the first President elected after the Constitution was adopted, as above. They had lived wi'hout the Constitution from 1776 to 1789, thirteen years, and had neither a President nor a Senate. The Continental Congress was a truly representative body, and aimed to carry out the will of the i^eople, their constituents. Fourth — The Continental Congress was not composed of two houses, higher and lower, as they are now. They were all of one grade, and they chose their own president (or chairman, John Hancock), who simply presided over their deliberations, signed bills, etc., but had no veto power. Fifth — As they had no power given them to coin, declare or issue money, they never did so. To do so would have been an usurpation of power. All they could do, and that was wha • OrlglnaUy colonies of Great Britain. 66 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB . they did, was to give a printed promise to do sometbing some time, and this is the purport of the promise as engraved on the face of sample bills which are still in existence: Continental Congress promise to pay sixty Spanish milled dollars, or their equivalent in gold or silver bullion, six months after the treaty of peace and the acknowledgment of the independence of iho United States. And as they gained their independendence, but uot the Spanish milled dollar or gold and silver bullion (which was very scarce then) , they seem to have changed their minds — they seem to have very wisely concluded that as all had lost, but none had lost so much as the men who had lost their lives, and as the living had gained their liberty, they were all gainers, and so quit even and let it die, they did not redeem it. They could not do so without taxing the living and the widows and orphans of the dead, and making the people who had lost pay ove; again — wise conclusion. See the Windom official document, page 31. But now we must go on with Hamilton- and his checks on the liberty of the people. See Federalist papers, page 33, where he estimates values by the money of the King of Spain — Span- ish king's money all right; his sovereign right respected, his money the lawful money of the realm,* but the republic having no lawful money of its own, a mere suppliant at some other body's throne. Thus limited, deprived of this necessary imple- ment of trade and commerce, the republic was doomed from the beginning — denied a right always awarded all sovereign nations under the sun except oars. How absurd! Thus we would have a republic without freedom, but with the right to tax unlimited. You will see how the so-called governmant could levy taxes to an unlimited amount, and compel us to pay, money or no money, and perform service, pay or no pay. Thus deprived, it has coma to pass that we have no right now, only the right to pay taxes. Tiiis we now object to. Slaves nre exempt from taxation in ali •Tefbe a S^aator a man mxiBt have a r^^Ityyaltied ato»«|lU)ije*ib miUtdcMlari. - THE CONSPIKAOY THAT NOW IS. 67 civilized countries under the sun. Such were the provisions in the Constitution proposed bj this distinguished statesman. It did not even provide for the coining of metal money — gold or silver. But his proposed Constitution was considerably modi- . lied in some respects, but not much in regard to money. The Constitution finally adopted did provide that Congress should have the power to coin money and regulate the value thereof, emit bills of credit, etc., but these etceteras have been variously construed from time to time to suit interested parties and rob and defraud the people. Hamilton tJ^ave expression to his opinion in the matter by hav- ing a National Bank law passed in Congress on the 8th of Feb- ruary, 1791, at the first session of Congress under the Constitu- tion, George Washington being at that time President and Alex- ander Hamilton Secretary of the Treasury. See Windom's ofiicial document, page 22 — thirty-nine members in favor, twenty opposed. Among those opposed were James Madison, James Monroe, Edmund Kandolph, then Attorney General, and Thomas Jefi'ersoD, then Secretary of State; other opponents not named, but all opposing it on the ground of unconstitutionality — not a word in the Constitution providing for its establishment. It was a joint stock concern, with" ^10,000,000 of capital. The Government, so called, a stockholder, took $2,000,000 in stock, borrowed the specie of Holland, and paid it in "like a little man." How the others paid does not appear — probably stole in on the Government's shoulders, as they do now. See Windom's document, pages 27-35. Even the Government so called made money off its subjects, but withdrew its stock and paid its bor- rowed money — probably got ashamed of its partners. The balance went on to the end of its charter, banking on Govern- ment deposits, just as ours do now. It spent much money influ- encing legislation, just as ours do now; it had more power than the President, just as ours has now; it was a source of profit to the stockholders, Government and all, but the profits to custom- ers, the people, were doubtful, probably a little belter than no 68 liOOKING INTO THINGS, OR money or the irresponsible -wildcat bank notes. But it was a pro. lific source cf corruption, just as ours is now — very secret and very select, its methods past finding out even by the committee appointed for the purpose. Still their capstal was very limited, nejther were they backed up by all the money in the icorld, as ours are now; neither had they learned their power, as ours have now; their organizations were not so perfect as to rob every branch of industry, as it is now. Their first charter expired in 1811. See Windom's document, page 22. But in 1816 they obtained a charter for a second national bank, (Calhoun in favor this time), and went on more corrupt than ever, with Nicholas Biddle as chief, until the expiration of the charter in 1836. This time they chartered this second so-called United States bank with ^35,000,000 of capital, largely British stockholders. Just how much stock the British subjects held the public never knew. That was their own business. But Jackson being elected^ 1832, he compelled them to bring in the government deposits and set his democratic-republican foot on the thing, and cut off its head ; too transparentUy unconsti- tutional — Old JNick has got too much power — (in partnership with the. Senate) ; more power than the President ; just as Nick the Third now has; he was banking on government deposits and getting interest on what he owed, just as our Nicks do ; it was a system of jugglery in finance just like the Windom system. (See further on.) But no danger now to our horde of young Nicks ; charters made perpetual by royal edict of Secrviarj Sher- Sherman , a prince of the realm. See further on. These schemers, or another brood of them, tried to get reinstated in 1840 by the election of General W. H. Harrison. This was the celebrated hard cider (with a stick in it) campaign. Gen- eral Harrison dying, "Vice President John Tyler took the chair, and when they got the bill through once more (in connivance with the Senate) , he cut off the other end of the thing with his long sword — veto. In both of these campaigns these tricksters spent millions to get into power, but were defeated, and so were THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 6d hel(3 at bay until the war of the rebellion, then they stole in through the Senate and have kept on with their treacherous plot from that day to this. 80 you see Humilt* n was in favor of a limited republic controlled by a moneyed oligarchy. But of these cheeks so conspicuous of late and so destructive to liberty and the natural rights of man, proposed by Hamilton as a check on the people, the power of the Pesident exercised by Cleveland so frequently, one hundred and forty four times more than was done by all the Presidents previously, and wheneyer the matter in question was not in accord with his policy, and his policy was always tin accord with New York dictation. (Tammany rule.) Rememembef too that his policy was expressed in advance of his iniu^uration by letters to his frien Is in Ojngresi urging that body to pass a law before adjournment providing for the retirement of the remaining greenbacks and stopping the coin- age of silver. Remember that ex-Preside^t Hayes in his inau- gural insisted on the same thing, and that Fernando Wood (Democrat) of New York seconded Haj^es' scheme by introduc- ing a new long time gold bond scheme to bank on. No partisan quarrel then— Tammany rule; Democrats and Republicans both obedient to their masters; no war on hand then to make a national debt necessary. Remember too that Grant early in his administration sent a few million dollars surplus coin to New York to buy up greenbacks without informing the ring mast rs previously of his intention. This act of his bankrupted some of the gamblers on margins. They immediately sent for him, cornered him, and made him promise then and there never to do the like again without notifying them beforehand. President Grant was their most obedient henchman ever afterwards. His first act was to veto a very just bill for the equalization of oldiers' bounties, for the passage of which he had pledged him- self, but signed a bill to double up his own salary. He also ligned the credit strengthening and refunding fraud. The In iian thieving ring was fixed up good as new, silver demonetized THE CONSPIRAOr THAT NOW IS. 71 and other frauds perpetrated too numerous to mention.* The salary grab, although unconstitutional, has never been repealed or corrected. The credit s rengthening act, also unconstitu- tional, still stands as the policy. Neither has silver been restor 'I— demonetized by stealth, bribery and perjury, all un- constitutional of IRACT THAT NOW IS. 87 Th^^rj we linve the National Bank of the Repnhlic in New York witli $930,000 of the G«)verniDeiit money. W ho presi es over that bank ? Jolin Jay Knox, an ex Com]itrollpr of thp Currpucy. He too lias his arm into the Treasnry up to t! p olhow, • nank here in Wash i no ton. Mr. Bayne— That is not located alongside the Treasury De- partmpnt. Mr. We.wefc— How far from it? Mr. Baynr— Down on ISeventh street. [Laughter.] Ond word moi-c* Mr. Weaver- No siv; I do not wish to be further inter* iMiptpd. Mv timp \a liniitfd. Mr. Bayne— M»'. Creswpil j^ not president of that bank. Mr. Weavf'R — Wei I, Ml (jreswpll's bank is using Govern- ment money, a^ I undeistand. If I have the wrong bank ln of the lu;vty ninth Contrress by three ])rominpnt TrpHKury .)fli«*i5ns. concerning one of whom (pra'-e to his n.^hes) I Kv M L'ot sa\' a word but two otiier Tn^asnry officials, the Tipas- iirer of the United States. Mr Jirdan, anrnirieiit s^ockhol.lers in it to day. How mivh Govei'nmpnt money lias this buiik y One million one hnn- drpd thniman'l d::l ars it «lejH>^it>d bonis to the amount of $;l 000.000 an I receivpd SI. 100.000 of Government fun'«^'), which am«/Unt the Western National Bank will be authorized to hold as a fixed balance. Eespt-ci. Lilly yuuiB. ' C. S. FAIECHILDS, Secretary. This Secretary Fairchilds was Cltveland's Secretary after the retirement of Jord in and Manning on account of ill health and enough money to stock their own bank. (Discretionary power of the Secretary — see the law. Cleveland's clubs, warm from the throne of Tammany, New York.) So you see Democrats and Rf^publicans sailing in the same piratical craft. After hav- ing scuttled the ship of State and fastened its passengers down below the hatchways of everlasting bondage to corporate rule, they divide out our Treasury as their lawful prey and the people their lawful slaves — the spoils system . bee Wordsworth's Rob Boy: For why? Because the gold old rule sufficeth them ; the simple plan That they should take who have the power, and they should rule who can, And then [Mr. Weaver continuing] at this session of Congress the Secretary of the Treasury has sent in an item showing a de- fit iency in tlie tetegtaphic expenditures, and he states in his letter that the deticiency is solely owingto the large amounts of deposits placed m the national banks. Ihat is to say, the cost of this telegraphinc:, both to and from the banks tbut are using this Government money for nothing, is j)aid out ol the Treasury of the United States; aud in order to meet this expense an item has been allowed in the urgent deticiency bill which ijassed this House. What excuse is there for this? THE OONSPIBAOY THAT NOW IS. 89 Mr. BATNB-^Wbat is the date of the letter jnst read by the gentleman? Mb. Weaver— October 8, 1887. Then we have also the Third National Bank of Buffalo, N. Y. Whose bank is that? It is a banu controlled by gentlemen promineut in the Standard Oil Trust. Yes, the {Standard Oil Company has its hands in the Treasury also, through this and other bauks. Think of the burning shame and disgrace of such a tran-action! No wonder the people are losing confidence in the Government. Mk. Webek— May I ask the gentleman Mr. Weaver — I cannot yield to the gentleman. A Membi£R (on the Republican side) — We will extend your time. Mr. Weaver— No, you will not, I fear. The Chairman — The gentleman fiom Iowa declines to yield. Mk, We web — This Standard Oil bank, the Third National B:iiik of jjuffalo, has ^165,000 of Government money; and the Seabjard National Bank of New York, in which Darnel O'Day, the general manager of the St mdard Oil Pjpe Line, and J. J. Vandergrift, the president of the Stin lard Oil Pipe Line, are pr »minent stockholders, has $515, OjO of GovernmRnt money. The president and tieasurer of the American Bankers' Asso- ciation are presiding over national bauks which have been desig- nate I as depositories, and twelve out of the twenty-one mem- bers uf the executive council of that "trust." are also connected with banks that are depositories and that are using Government moaey. Mr. Chairman, it is true that one and all of lhe?e "trusts" that are choking the very life out of the people of this country are, through their national banks, using to a greater or less extent the Government money, and are using it to oppress the people, I say this is a public outrage and villainous shame. Here Con- gress has been sitting for nearly three months, and not a half dozen voices have been raised against it, not a move has been maite to remedy the evil or to rebuke the crime. On the con- trary, efforts have been ma le to extend the privileges of the batiks. I denounce it, and I trust I shall be p irdoned by my L)emocratic brethren for my Jefft^rsonian and Jacksonian eccdn- tricities on this subject. I think we have reached i time when t le Democratic party can afford to be Democratic. •Now, Mr. Chairman, I have already indicate 1 that this money is n )t in the Treasury, but in the banks. The baiks are simply the lenses through which, like a radiation, this money reacheu will inevitably precipitate a panic, and nothing can prevent it. You cannot lake it from circulation again through the banks without serious embarrassment. Tiiis bill will not have the effect which is desired, nor will the >:ecretary of the Treasury undertake to carry it out He dare not. He may undertake to buy a few bonds with the sur- plus a 'tually in the Treasury and not in the banks, or which may I, ere,. fter accumulate. He will not undertake the respon sibilityof calling the money into the Treasury in thepre^.ect stringency in the money market, The banks, sir, are the masters ni the situa'.ion. and not the Secretary; but, you will answer, we can demand the money of the banks or compel them to sell their bonds hehl for deposits. You can do nothing of the kind. They will say to you: Our bonds are valuable and we do not want to sell. If you want your money we will call in our loans and pay, but you, Mr. Secretary, must take the lesponsibility of a panic, which is likely to follow, Tiiat is what they will say. Another fact Mr. Chairman: The Secretary has increased the premium on these bonds by this enormous system of deposits, and this bill proposes to authorize him to buy tbe bonds at the premium to which his wretched policy has boomed them. This is something worse than folly. By this policy he boomed the price of the bonds in the haads of the bondholders, and now you propose to buy these bonds back at the increased price. Well, indeed, may the Secretary of tlie Treasury hesitate He was authorized, if he saw proper, to buy under the law of March 3, 1881, but he was never authorized by any law to first boom the bonds and then buy them back at the increased pre- mium. It this proposition passes and the Secretaiy undertakes to call in his money, I. say to the business men of the country they had better prepare to stand from under.. You all know that as well as I do. What shall be done, then? Ah, I will tell you the r^^medy. What power have we over these bondholders? I wish 1 Lad everv tax-payer of the country within sound of my voice. What have we the power to do? More than ^2,400,000,000 of interest have been paid by the people to bondholders since the close of the war, and more than $1,600,000,000 of pnncipii, making $4,000,000,000, a sum as great as the present national debt of England !* * It will now take more wheat and cotton to pay the balance at present pricea than it would hav» taken in the first place to have paid the whole fraudulent «8 prices were thea. THE CONSPIRACY TKJlX KOW lU^-^ ' 91 What isi the present proposition? It is that we shall compel the people of the United States to pay over 25 per cent, pre- mium on the bonds lield by these bondholders. Why, that is not a statutory obiigaMon. Have we ever contracted to pay it ? We have t]|k3 money in the Treasury and we Lav« the moral right to insist on payment at par under the sovereign power possessed by the Government. England at one time insisted upon this right and exercised tht^ power. You will find the whole matter ably set forth in Senator Sherman's speech on the credit-strenglheniDg act and the funding bill previous to the issue of these very bonds. Mr. Chairman, at the proper time I give notice I will move as a substitute that which I ask the Clerk to read. The Ckrk read as follows : Be it enacted, etc., That the Secretary of the Trcacurv is hereby authoriTef en below pur for many yea-s, {ind ^hp poiir*/ of in- croasinrr the deposits was orJejed by the [)r^senr Sicret;try, as I am a' I vised. TiiR rHAiRMAT^ — The time of the g^ntl^man from Iowa has expii-ed. nJR. B\YNE — [ ask unanimous consent that the gentleman's tim^^ l.'p *'xUmi 'e 1. 1\.'b. Mills- 1 must ohj^'ct to ^hnt. We hnve n^•t the time. Wf w;jnt lo ^yt a vote on tiiis. if i.tossible. Tae p:en' lenii.n f j om Mair.e will now take the fl(K)r, a<"M-or' s^ e the fact that there are S45,000,000 more in circulation now than there was "■And now John Sherman would issue $200,000,000 more new long-time bonds with which to refund these old frauds once more. See further on. 1(M2 LOOKING INtpO THTN08, OR on^ year ago, wliicli shows tliut there is no hoarding of the pub" lie m')iiey by the Treasury. ''Taere is no doubt, I admit," continued Mr. Windom, *'that there is s(jiue pressure f.)r money, but it is, in my opinion, as I have already aid, greatly exaggerate.!. When the Democrats came into power, in l«8o, there wis a surplus of ^21,000,000 in the Tre.is iry! At that time there were 11^194.000,01)0 of 3 per cent bonds subject to call at any moment, which could be paid at par Instead of paying it off tUey permitted that surplus to accumulate until on September 1st, eighteen months after they hii\ comf^ into power, there was $76,000,000 in the Treasury and $562 000,000 bonds piid off." Bat this is not the only sale of the people. They are sold every day at wholesale and retail ; sometimes by btate blocks, city blocks, county bh^cks, township block, in blocks by school districts, and as blockheads by the acre, about election time, and paihland. Now, reader, contrast this treat- ment of the honest, inlustrious, horny-handed yeomanry with the treatment awarded t^ boodlers at the Palace de Hote by offi- cials in high places. See your salary grabbing, land gra^^bing, bond forgers, per- jurers — the whole villainous crew to whom has been given the power to control our destiny, for good or ill. No wonder we ha^e been torn and gored and eaten up by bulls and bears who now rake and riot and rot in luxury and idleness whilst honest citizens suffer and die. In the early days of the Grecian and Roman republics they printed their money on any substance most convenient, but when they had become great and powerful and had carried THB OONSPIBACT THAT 2T0W IS. 105 home the valuable metals of all nations, and had made slaves of their enemies, the noble, high-toned Senators, and patricians, then proceeded to enslave their less favored citizens. This was accomplished by making a change in their money system. For this purpose a decree was issued requiring that their money should be printed on gold. A few men then owned principally all the gold in the world. This was giving free coinage, which gave them the monopoly of money, and as it proved entirely in- adequate to meet the requirements of business, paying taxes, etc., they soon began loaning their money at higher and higher rates of interest until 100 per cent was asked and paid, but soon, also, the few owned all the land and all the property and held all tKe oflSoes, fixed their own salaries, enormously high, and spent their time in idleness, extravagance, excess and de- bauchery, the most hideous the world ever saw. The Senators, high toned, the rich few, bought their way to the Senate just as ours do now. Their Csesars bought their way to the throne as ours do now. The people were sold like sheep in the sham • bles just as ours are now. The people were sold also for debt as private citizens until men and women slaves became a drug in the market at $5 per head for poets, artists and artisans of the highest order, and no law for their ptotection; their masters could kill them with impunity and throw their carcasses in the roadway for scavengers to feed upon. Such was rotten Rome after she became an oligarchy, and to the same conditions are we tending, so look into things before it is everlastingly too late. But now comes John Sherman, the high priest of the Repub- lican party, with another new scheme to make the national debt perpetual and banking and bond slavery everlasting. The wily old schemer, tool of the money power himself, brings in another bill for the issue of ^200,000,000 new, long-time, gold bonds to meet a deficiency likely to occur in August, 1891, of $51,000,000. See Forum for February. (Partisan press silent as usual.) Why $200,000,000 to meet a deficiency of $51,- 000,000, and money enough in the Treasury to meet that? (8se 106 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OR Secretary Foster's report four months later on.) And after a profligate Congress had squandered $1,000,000,000 in two years, a considerable portion of which was for premium on forged, fraudulent bonds (see Plumb's expose once more) and other outrages too numerous to mention, it would now saddle a long- time bond debt on its suffering, starving, underfed, overworked, mortgage-ridden, toiling victims, in order that bankers and their pards may have more bonds to base their bank notes on and obtain deposits with which to make good times for it and their plundering, plutocratic crew. No war on hand now; you slimy old trickster; $200,000,000 added to the national debt; 180 new banks with $1,000,000, each; bankers available assets almost doubled; their incomes doubled; a magnificent gift to their partners in crime in order that their high toned, criminal crew may live and riot and rot, in luxury, extravagance, rapacity and idleness, as usual; more millionaires, more tramps, more men, women and children doomed to degra- dation, desolation despair and death.* It means more Hell on earth, more saicides, more insanity, more divorces, more dives, more crime, more degradation and starvation for toilers. Well, Sherman, you old reincarnated pagan, there ought to be a hell on earth for such as you, so you could have a taste of your own medicine during your lifetime — scientific theology. I am heartily glad I left the Republican party before it fell from grace, sold out to * * * , because totally depraved, and went into partnership with Beelzebub. The following paragraph by John Ruskin, the English re- former, is appropriate just now : ** There is really nothing more monstrous in any recorded savagery or absurdity of mankind than that governments should be able to get money for any folly they choose to commit by selling to capitalists the right of taxing future generations to the end of time. All the cruelist wars inflicted, all the basest 'This enthroned monopoly calls this a sound financial systam. If so, thtn any •ystsm of robbery is sound— so is rot. THE CONSPIRACY THAT NOW IS. 107 luxuries grasped by the idle classes, are thus paid for by the poor a hundred times over," An3\Yer to Goldsmith's lines : lU fares the land to hateful hells a prey; Where wealth accumulates hell's to pay. The barbarous bondage system of the dark ages must go. The bondage system is a monster of such hideom mien That to be hated needs but to be seen. Scourge of the ages, destroyer of mankind, Thy god is gold, the golden calf thy shrine. Transplant of Europe, poisonous upas tree, Thy presence presages slavery here ; The widow's wail, the orphan's tear Are music in thy stolid ear. This monster beast of ancient date Lies folded now in every State, Its crooked ways past finding out. But of its want there is no doubt. Men of America! your duty now is plain; This cruel Shylock system must be slain. Up goes the axe, down goes the spade, To lop a head and dig a srave. Now let the East attack it at the head, The West oppose its stealthy tread; Then will the South and Middle States Bounce the serpent with their flails. Thy venerable age cannot save thee. Sworn enemy of the brave and free. Up, fellow slaves, be free or die Crush the reptile or no why. But now reader le^ us look into things and see if we can de- vise any way by which we can extricate ourselves from this mighty octopus, the enthroned monopoly of Lincoln that destroyed the republic and now gloats over our lost liberty, with the im- pertinent question, "What are you going to do about it?" Well, we admit with mortification and rpgret that we have lost all and feel deeply our degradation, still we are human and the right to life, liberty and happiness is inherent in our nature. •'Hope springs ever in the human breast, Mftn never is, but alwayt to b« blest."— Pope. 108 iiOOKINO INTO THINGS, OR And we hereby declare our unalterable, unconquerable hos- tility to the ursurper (oligarchy) ; hostility to tyrants is obedience to Godf and now we demand of Congress and officials a reckon- ing and accounting for our lost liberty, lost property and im- mense indebtedness; and we further demand the restoration of our losses and of our sovereign rights as citizens and as a nation, as per Declaration of Independence, for which alone the war of the Kevolution and the war of the Kebellion was fought and gained. We, the people, behold with sadness, sorrow and shame, the sundering of the supposed safeguards of the Con- stitution until we see plainly its provisions have proven only a rope of sand in the hands of designing villains. We also see that laws made by Congress are too much like frail, rotten nets of the fishermen that serve only to entangle the small fish while the sharks and gudgeons break through and then turn and de- vour alL Therefore, we, the people, regard this as the last chance at a peaceful solution of the trouble, and we now call on Congress to return to their allegiance to the people whom you call your constituents and show your sincerity by making pro- visions at the incoming session for a convention of delegates, to be chosen by the people, in the near future, to meet and frame a new Constitution, based on said Dec aration of American In- dependence, which will guarantee to the nation all sovereign powers necessary for the restoration and perpetuation of the lib- erty of the people; that said convention should meet not later than 1893; said convention to consist of about one hundred members, from every State in the Union, and no more than three from any one State; that the delegates to said convention must be representative of all classes of interests; not merely a convention of officials, or lawyers or bankers, or farmers or mechanics, but of loyal citizens, male and female; that when said convention assembles and organize they will go to work de- liberately, free from partisan bias, until their business is accuio- plished, when they will submit their work to the people of the United States for adoption or rejection; and further, that Con- THE CONSPIEAOr THAT NOW IS. 109 gresa shall make provision for all necessary expenses of the con- vention and carrying the same to completion on the most economical plan. We, the people, demand the above so as to enable us to control our own destiny as a sovereign nation com- mensurate with the sovereign rights of any nation. By refusing to do this the people will know, without doubt, whose agents you are. If you have any dOubt as to the constitutionality of such national convention the vote, of the people will remove that doubt. Remember, the people by their chosen delegates made the present Constitution, and ju^»t so the people's delegates may make, alter or amend the same. Remember, also, that Congress itself cams into existence, in the first place, by virtue of the will of the people. Will members of Congress now return to their allegiance to the people? If not, why not? and if not, cease drawing salaries from us. You have no right to tax slaves. We belong to masters (corporations) of your own ordaining and that takes all the traffic will bear now. No doubt our masters pay you well. If not, why tax them. Taxaiion without repre- sentation is anti-democratic and anti-republican and unendurable. We, the people, have tried a limited republic governed by a foreign and domestic oligarchy long enough to know that it is the most tyrannical system of government on earth, not even excepting the government of Russia. We, the people, will have no patchwork, no more apologies, no half-way measures, no compromises with the usurper. If we have any thrones in America they must be cold thrones— too many warm thrones now on earth. This is not revolutionary ^ hut evolutionary^ all perfectly consist- ent with the first foundation principles upon which our govern- ment rests, and all -r.ade plain and possible, so that we have a right to. life and the means whereby life is sustained — liberty to do as we please with ourselves, and our own own, so lon^ as we do not infringe on the selfsame rights of others, and so be permitted to pursue alter our own happiness and welfare, now and forever; and we further declare that the false systems inaug- 110 liOOKINO INTO THINGS, OR urated by said usurper must be eliminated and the rights of the people restored to them, as individuals comprising the nation, and as a nation to coin, declare and issue the money of the na- tion, whatever that may be, to be commensurate with the re- quiremtnts of business without paying immense revenue (mt rest usury) to the usurper now in power for the privilege of tr.nsacting our own legitimate business, so that we may be permitted to so regulate our own commerce, transportation and trade iu the the interest of all, instead of the sole interest of the wealthy, iJle few, as now. That to be a member of this convention the delegate must be a loyal citizen of the United States, of mature age ami sound mind; second, he or she must be in favor of a republican form of government, pure, simple and unlimited, and in strict ac- c( rd with the Declaration of Independence. To this end he c nnot be an ojBficial or agent, in any capacity whatever, of the u urpers, either as representative elect or by appointment. Said delegate must also ignore all past partisan affilations and labor o'^ly for the reconstruction of the Government for the good of the whole people, by the people and for the people — a republic pure, simple and unlimited, instead of a government of the w( althy, by the wealthy and for the wealthy as now. That when such convention has assembled and organized, it is found that there is a superabundance of representation of any particular class of citizens, or that any of its delegates be not entirely in sympathy with the objects of the convention, the con- vention shall have power to purge itself of such persons or par- ties. To this end we call upon the loyal, liberal press and citi- zens everywhere to give voice and influence to the foregoing call in response to an humble citizen. Now, my reader, we will say in conclusion that if you have been an attentive reader you will see how hopeless is the task of extricating ourselves from the thraldom under which we are struggling unless we do take the very steps pointed out in these THE OONSPIRAOY THAT NOW IS. Ill pages. They are perfectly peaceful and all provided for in that greatest of all political documents under the sun, the Declara- tion of Independence, for which the War of the Revolution was fought and won, to wit, liberty for man. Now permit me to point out one feature that should be prominent in the new Constitution in order that we may realize the republic pure and simple and unlimited. Here is the little joker by which this whole business may be carefully adjusted. It should have been provided for in the first place in the Constitution, but, as you will have observed if you have been an attentive reader, the Constitution was manipulated in such a mysterious manner that it absolutely overthrew the very foundation principles of the republic which it was supposed to subserve. We will now give you in a few words the plank in a platform adopted at the State Convention of the California Nationalists. It has been tried in Switzerland and has served the purpose admirably. It is known as the *'Iniatiave, Imperative Mandate and Referendum." Its meaning is obscure, but put in English it means this : That all laws necessary and desirable for the welfare of the people must originate with the people, and that when the people demand of the legislative body, by petition or otherwise, the enactment of certain laws which they deem necessary for their welfare and happiness, and signed by 3 per cent of the people, the legisla- tive body must take action or resign (Imperative Mandate) , and formulate the same into law and submit it to a vote of the peo- ple for adoption or rejection before it can be enforced (Referen- dum) . Thus the veto power would be in the hands of the peo- ple, just where it must be in a republic. This would be exactly on a line with the Declaration of Independence, which says : "All just powers of the government are derived from the con- sent of the governed." Thus the government would be admin- istered for the good of the public. (See Declaration of Inie- pendence.) Now had this provision been embodied in the very first article of the Constitution itself, and all other articles in the Constitution been in accord with this, then due regard had 112 LOOKING INTO THINGS, OB to other articles also in the Declaration of Tndependence^to wit, that all men are created equal (politically) , that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Re- member, these are inalienable. Even the law cannot wrest these natural, inalienable rights from us. The law can only protect each and all in these selfsame rights so long as we do not forfeit them by our misconduct — the misconduct of trying to deprive others of these selfsame natural and inalienable rights that we claim for ourselves. This then is the natural law of perfect liberty for nmn^ already alluded to in this volume, and without which man is a travesty in nature, an abortion in the universe, a menial paralytic, an irresponsible , idiotic monstrosity. With no liberty to think, no liberty to act. He cannot grow to be a Man, The readers of this volume, also vohniie No. 2, will notice spaces occupied by stars, thus * * ''^. This is done for pru- dential reasons for the present, still we desire that every pur- chaser, no difference who, or where, or how, will send us their name and address, and we will in due time send the key words, without additional expense, so you will understand the whole plot. Price of Vol. 1, now published, 25 cents • Vol. 2, nearly ready, 25 cents " Vol. 3, later on, - 25 cents Each volume will be quite distinct in itself, but all neces- sary to a complete understanding- of the whole conspirrn^" ■- portrayed by Lincoln. f f^' The trade sui)plio(l at usual rulo. 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