Only by the Abolition of 
 
 Neutrality Can Wars be Quickly 
 
 and Forever Prevented 
 
 757 
 
 An Original Conception 
 
 for the Practical Advent of 
 
 Universal Perennial Peace 
 
 and Brotherhood 
 
 By 
 LUIGI CARNOVALE 
 
 Author of 
 "Why Italy Entered Into the Great War' 
 
 5th Edition 
 
 
 8 
 
 
 2 
 
 3 | CHICAGO
 
 Only by the Abolition of 
 
 Neutrality Can Wars be Quickly 
 
 and Forever Prevented 
 
 An Original Conception 
 
 for the Practical Advent of 
 
 Universal Perennial Peace 
 
 and Brotherhood 
 
 By 
 LUIGI CARNOVALE 
 
 Author of 
 Why Italy Entered Into the Great War" 
 
 Price 25 Cents 
 
 ITALIAN-AMERICAN 
 PUBLISHING CO. 
 
 3O North Michigan Ave., Room 93O 
 
 Chicago, Illinois 
 
 U. S. A.
 
 1917-1922. 
 
 First edition: in English and Italian languages, under the title 
 HUMAN SOLIDARITY SOLIDARIETA' UMANA in the bi- 
 lingual book Why Italy entered into the Great War Perche 
 I'ltalia e entrata nella Grande Guerra, Chicago, July, 1917. 
 
 Second edition: in English language, under the title ONLY BY 
 THE ABOLITION OF NEUTRALITY CAN WARS BE 
 QUICKLY AND FOREVER PREVENTED. Chicago, April, 1920. 
 
 Third edition: In Italian language, under the title SOLTANTO 
 L'ELIMINAZIONE DELLA NEUTRALITA POTRA SUBITO 
 E PER SEMPRE IMPEDIRE LE GUERRE. Chicago, May, 1920. 
 
 Fourth edition: in English language, under the title THE DIS- 
 ARMAMENT CONFERENCE AT WASHINGTON WILL BE A 
 FAILURE ONLY BY THE ABOLITION OF NEUTRALITY 
 CAN WARS BE QUICKLY AND FOREVER PREVENTED. 
 Chicago, November, 1921. 
 
 Fifth edition: In English language, under the title ONLY BY 
 THE ABOLITION OF NEUTRALITY CAN WARS BE QUICK- 
 LY AND FOREVER PREVENTED AN ORIGINAL CONCEP- 
 TION FOR THE PRACTICAL ADVENT OF UNIVERSAL 
 PERENNIAL PEACE AND BROTHERHOOD. Chicago, May, 1922. 
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1922, 
 
 BY 
 LUIGI CARNOVALE
 
 LUIGI CAKNOVALE
 
 Hie vobis bellum et pacem portamus; 
 utrum placet^ sumite. 
 
 2006716
 
 PRESS, (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania): 
 
 In his latest pamphlet Only by the Abolition of Neutrality can 
 War be quickly and forever prevented, Luigi Carnovale throws 
 additional light upon a subject that has been a problem of the 
 ages. 
 
 UNITY (Chicago, Illinois) : 
 
 Today's student of international affairs should turn particularly 
 to Mr. Carnovale's remarkable chapter Human Solidarity, in 'which 
 he sets forth a point of view as interesting as it is unique. 
 
 LLOYD'S (London, England) : 
 
 Such a collection of words, though they may be open to question, 
 speaks volumes. * * * Meanwhile, Mr. Carnovale gives us 
 something to think about. 
 
 GLASGOW TIMES (Glasgow, Scotland): 
 
 Mr. Carnovale's idea is a valuable contribution to political 
 thought. 
 
 HET NIEUfTS VAN DEN DAG (Amsterdam, Holland) : 
 
 From the standpoint of principle, we consider it undoubtedly to 
 be right. * * * It gives us a hitherto unthought of conception. 
 
 EVENING POST (Wellington, New Zealand, Australia): 
 The theory is ingenious and well argued. 
 
 CAROLINE B. STEPHEN, Principal of The Temple School, 
 
 (Washington, District of Columbia): 
 It seems to me to be the work of a real genius. 
 
 ETHEL TORREY HIBBARD, in Side Lights (Chicago, Illinois) : 
 Luigi Carnovale gives a striking analysis of the causes that 
 provoke wars, and his opinion of how they can be prevented. * * 
 * This deserves the attention of the Governments and Peoples, 
 if we are to believe that the world really wishes the advent 
 of universal and perennial peace. * * * Luigi Carnovale is 
 sowing the seeds. * * * He blazes a trail that gives us a radi- 
 ant hope. 
 
 S. B. McCORMICK, Chancellor, University of Pittsburgh, Penn- 
 sylvania : 
 
 It is a strong appeal for the development of a common sense of 
 justice among the peoples of the world rather than treaties or a 
 league of nations. 
 
 NORMAN B. BARR, Superintendent of Olivet Institute (Chicago, 
 
 Illinois) : 
 
 There is no question in my mind but what there is much value 
 in your suggestion, which you have well argued. 
 
 PROF. AU GUSTO MURRI, University of Bologna (Italy) : 
 I am entirely and absolutely of your opinion. 
 
 CARLO RIZZETTI, Senator (Rome, Italy) : 
 
 This monograph is very valuable and is written with great 
 humanitarian sentiment and with a very high civil aim. 
 
 EUGENIO SELVAGGI, Director of Museums (Lecce, Italy): 
 
 You have touched a very important subject which deserves to 
 be upheld and given wide propaganda.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 1917-1922 2 
 
 Portrait of the Author 4 
 
 Press and Individual Opinions regarding Only by 
 the Abolition of Neutrality can Wars be quickly 
 and forever prevented . 7 
 
 The Disarmament Conference at Washington will 
 be a failure 9 
 
 Preliminary Notes . * 14 
 
 Human Solidarity 17 
 
 Complementary Notes 44 
 
 The Omnipotents An Inspirational Prophecy . 48 
 
 Extracts from Press Reviews of the book, Why 
 Italy entered into the Great War, from which 
 the chapter entitled Human Solidarity here re- 
 produced is taken 51
 
 THE DISARMAMENT CONFERENCE AT 
 WASHINGTON WILL BE A FAILURE 1 
 
 JUST as the Paris Conference was a failure, so the 
 Disarmament Conference at Washington will be 
 a failure. 
 
 I mean to say that the Disarmament Conference 
 whether its final decision be in favor of a limitation of 
 armaments or in favor of complete disarmament of all 
 nations will not attain the end (immediate cessation 
 of wars, with universal and perennial peace) for which 
 it was staged in Washington with such a pomp of re- 
 ligious and diplomatic solemnity. It will not attain 
 its end, because the leit-motif of its academic discussions 
 was based exclusively on the false presumption that 
 armaments are the cause and the only cause of wars, 
 and that the limitation of armaments could result only 
 in the elimination of the cause of wars and the cessation 
 of wars with the consequent advent of universal and 
 perennial peace. 
 
 The Disarmament Conference at Washington, based 
 on such a gross error and allowing itself to be ruled 
 by it, forgot or feigned to forget, two indestructible 
 historical elements which cannot and should not be for- 
 gotten. 
 
 First. Armaments never were the cause and much 
 less the only cause of wars. Nations armed to the 
 teeth almost always have lived in peace with one 
 another and even on good terms with one another. 
 Let us note, for instance, the period preceding the 
 Great War. During that time, armaments reached 
 the most monstrous proportions, whether we consider 
 
 1 This chapter appeared for the first time in the edition of No- 
 vember, 1921. 
 
 9
 
 expenditures, quantity of material, or power for de- 
 structiveness, that evil human genius ever conceived 
 and produced; but they were not the cause of the 
 Great War; the nations most powerfully armed lived 
 in peace with each other for years and were even 
 on friendly terms with one another. Armaments 
 particularly such as those of the period preceding the 
 Great War were nothing, to speak plainly, but purely 
 industrio-commercial expedients employed by govern- 
 ments in the spirit of favoritism for the further fatten- 
 ing of cruel and insatiably greedy capitalists and spec- 
 ulators. 
 
 Second. The limitation of armaments never elimi- 
 nated and never will eliminate the cause of wars ; it 
 never determined and never will determine the cessation 
 of wars and the consequent advent of universal and 
 perennial peace. Much less could the limitation of 
 armaments proposed and supported by the Washington 
 Conference do so, for the simple reason that the decision 
 to reduce armaments, with the object of immediately 
 stopping wars and of bringing in a general and lasting 
 peace, would be nothing at the end of the story but the 
 official recognition and moral consecration (moral in the 
 governmental sense, it is understood) of the present 
 national-international status-quo. But the present na- 
 tional-international status-quo did not arise from prin- 
 ciples of justice. On the contrary, it is full of injustice 
 due to the profound social differentiations which, in the 
 complex struggle of life, favor unduly with material 
 commodities and joys of all kinds the small minorities 
 of the masterful, the selfish, the brutally unscrupulous ; 
 while, on the other hand, they work too great injury 
 through material privations and sorrows of all sorts 
 on the great majorities of the humble, the good, the 
 well-disposed. Such injustice is today more than ever 
 one of the main causes, if not indeed the main cause, 
 of wars. The Washington Conference, therefore, de- 
 10
 
 ciding in favor of the limitation of armaments, would 
 do nothing but decide, be it even involuntarily (I 
 want to be optimistic), in favor of the perpetuation 
 of one of the main causes or of the main cause of 
 wars: an end diametrically opposed to the one for 
 which the Conference was arranged and to the hopes 
 which it has awakened throughout the world. 
 
 Armaments never were and never will be the cause of 
 wars. 
 
 The reduction of armaments never eliminated and 
 never will eliminate the cause of wars; it never de- 
 termined and never will determine the cessation of wars 
 and the consequent advent of universal and perennial 
 peace. 
 
 It has never been possible to eliminate the cause 
 of wars. 
 
 Furthermore, it will never be possible to eliminate 
 the cause of wars, because such elimination would neces- 
 sitate at the same time the pre-existence, the existence 
 and the inalterable continuity of a conditio sine qua 
 non: the spiritual perfection of humankind. Such a 
 state will never be reached by the race in general, but 
 only by a part of it, and a very small part, alas! 
 it being impossible to depend upon the biblical "good 
 will" of the selfish and prepotent people who, by their 
 bestial and incorrigible instinct, have always been and 
 always will be arbiters in committing evil transcending 
 to murderous violence. The experience of humanity 
 through the ages teaches that the past can only repeat 
 itself with exactness in the future. 
 
 But if the cause of wars can never be eliminated, 
 owing to the fatal existence of evil in eternal struggle 
 with good, wars can be prevented. 
 
 This affirmation may seem like a paradox, knowing 
 
 that wars are the effect of certain determined causes, 
 
 and that the effects according to the old scholastic 
 
 principle generally accepted as a canon containing a 
 
 11
 
 fundamental and immutable philosophical substratum 
 cannot be prevented unless the causes which produce 
 them are first eliminated. But it is not a paradox ! It 
 is an absolute truth, and considering the lofty end at 
 which it aims it is one of the most solemn of absolute 
 truths. 
 
 Wars can be prevented. Wars can be prevented, and 
 without the necessity of first eliminating the causes of 
 which wars are the effect. I am demonstrating this 
 very clearly, in fact mathematically, in the present 
 Monograph by offering and developing an entirely new 
 conception: the abolition of neutrality. 
 
 According to my conception reduced in this Mono- 
 graph to a concrete plan which may very easily and 
 very quickly be put into action nations should not 
 bind themselves in any way, each of them remaining 
 free to arm or disarm at pleasure. Because armaments 
 I repeat are not the cause of wars. The cause of 
 wars is an element entirely strange to armaments and 
 absolutely independent from armaments, and what 
 is worse an indestructible element. 
 
 And if armaments are not the cause of wars, but 
 purely governmental industrio-commercial expedients, 
 as I said above, as well as infernal means which bellig- 
 erent nations employ to obtain more exterminating 
 results, disarmament cannot prevent wars ; because, even 
 without armaments, in the sense in which armaments 
 are produced by the so-called modern civilization, peo- 
 ples would fight with one another just as they always 
 fought in the past, whether human armaments consisted 
 only of the club, or the ordinary stone, or the simple 
 individual physical strength. 
 
 Disarmament partial or total, of a group of nations 
 or of all nations cannot prevent wars. 
 
 None of the old means excogitated by man, from the 
 origin of time to the present day, can succeed in pre- 
 venting wars. 
 
 12
 
 Only my new conception, the abolition of neutrality 
 which is based upon the altruistic principle of a compul- 
 sory intervention substantiated by a propulsive and de- 
 cisive action on the part of the whole world against any 
 aggressor can quickly and forever prevent wars and 
 automatically conduct all nations to a total and definite 
 disarmament. 
 
 Only the application of such an original conception 
 can immediately bring about the practical advent of 
 universal and perennial peace and, with peace, the real 
 brotherhood of the entire human race.
 
 PRELIMINARY NOTES 1 
 
 DURING the latter part of July, 1917, the Ital- 
 ian-American Publishing Company of Chicago 
 (U. S. A.) brought out my bi-lingual book 
 (English and Italian), WHY ITALY ENTERED INTO THE 
 GREAT WAR." 
 
 In the Fourth Part of this book, and especially in the 
 chapter entitled Human Solidarity, I said, among other 
 things, that the only means by which war can be pre- 
 vented is by abolishing the neutrality of nations, that 
 neutrality which corresponds exactly to selfishness, and 
 even worse, in individuals. 
 
 My book was received with the greatest interest in the 
 United States and in other parts of the world. But my 
 idea regarding neutrality as expressed in the chapter 
 entitled Human Solidarity notwithstanding the fact 
 that it touched a problem of the highest social import- 
 ance, which I enlarged upon and treated with true in- 
 telletto d'amore was not taken with the consideration 
 which I believed it merited. 
 
 And why? 
 
 The reason for this is most easily explained. 
 
 First The main object of my book was to make 
 Americans and others see, at the psychological moment, 
 the geographical, historical, ethnographical, strategic, 
 political, juridical, moral, and humanitarian reasons 
 which determined the entrance of Italy into the great 
 war: the main object as I summarized it in my dedica- 
 tion which I here reproduce in its entirety : 
 
 Appeared for the first time in the edition of April, 1920. 
 
 2 "Why Italy Entered into the Great War," by Luigi Carnovale, 
 673 pages large 8vo, with Tavola Clesiana and map of Italia 
 Irredenta. Italian-American Publishing Company, Chicago, 1917. 
 
 14
 
 This labor of love, written in exile, I dedicate to the 
 memory of the fallen and to the sorrows of the surviv- 
 ors, with thoughts reaching out toward the highest hu- 
 man ideals, to vindicate the honor of the Italian people 
 in the minds of those who are in ignorance of the truth. 
 
 My expressed hostility to the neutrality of nations 
 was simply one of the accessory arguments used to bet- 
 ter defend, and to give greater force to my main point, 
 but it was one of the most important points which I used 
 in the polemical part of the book itself. 
 
 Second Considering that the only means of prevent- 
 ing war is by the abolition of neutrality according to 
 my belief it goes without saying that any action to 
 abolish neutrality must necessarily precede the break- 
 ing out of war. When I wrote my book in Chicago, 
 where I have lived for several years, the great war had 
 already been in progress for some time. 3 And when it 
 was published, in 1917, the war had already raged for 
 three years. 
 
 As soon as the war was over, in the first part of NOT 
 vember, 1918, the attention of the world was quickly 
 drawn to, and absorbed by, the plan of the League of 
 Nations which was officially presented, discussed and 
 approved by the allied governments at the Paris Con- 
 ference. 
 
 I republish herewith my chapter entitled Human 
 Solidarity, confident that this time it will meet with 
 better fortune ; naturally not for my own sake, but for 
 the high humanitarian idea more vibrant today than 
 ever before of which the chapter itself treats and which 
 it defends. 
 
 The causes which provoked the great war exist today ; 
 and they can never be eliminated, because they spring 
 
 3 The great war broke out, July 28, 1914. Italy entered in on 
 May 23, 1915. My book was written in the latter part of 1915 and 
 during 1916. 
 
 15
 
 front the irrepressible passions which unfortunately are 
 innate to restless human nature. 
 
 War, however, can be prevented. But certainly not 
 by the ineffective means devised and used during the 
 past centuries and even continued to the present time; 
 and just as certainly not by means of the League of 
 Nations which, if it continues, will do nothing to allay 
 the rivalries and hatreds between peoples, but instead 
 will foment them more and more. 
 
 Wars can be prevented, notwithstanding the natural 
 and perpetual causes which tend to produce them, only 
 if conscientious men, who fortunately abound every- 
 where, will receive with sympathetic interest my idea 
 against neutrality ; only if individuals and nations, who 
 by the willingness, energy and perseverance of such 
 conscientious men, will consider the abolition of neu- 
 trality the most sacred and urgent duty to be accomp- 
 lished, the most sublime ideal to be reached by civiliza- 
 tion. 
 
 16
 
 "HUMAN SOLIDARITY." 1 
 
 THE Italian people, on account of one of the 
 natural laws which psychologically distinguish 
 the human races from one another, have im- 
 planted in them two sentiments : a sentiment of sym- 
 pathy for the weak, and a sentiment of indignation 
 against the strong who abuse and tyrannize over the 
 weak. These sentiments form, in the peculiar harmony 
 of their spiritual essence and of their practical work- 
 ings out, the granite-like foundation of their social life. 
 "Glance for a moment at the history of Italy from 
 the time of the famous republic of Magna Grecia, which 
 has grown and blossomed in the southern part of the 
 peninsula up to the present time, and one cannot fail 
 to see that the Italian people were always moved by the 
 condition of the weaker. They embraced their cause in 
 fact, and not alone in words, for magnanimous and not 
 for selfish and material reasons, especially when their 
 cause represented the trampling upon or simply the 
 menacing of their national liberties by presuming ty- 
 rants. 
 
 "And not only in battles of a collective public nature, 
 but also in the altercations of a private and personal 
 character, the Italian people have put in evidence or 
 better, into action their innate sentiments of sympathy 
 for the weaker and of indignation against the stronger 
 (strong naturally, in the brutally physical sense of the 
 word, be it understood). In America, for example 
 (particularly in the city where for many years I have 
 lived), I have frequently witnessed disputes between two 
 persons, usually for some trivial reason, which quickly 
 
 1 From the book "Why Italy Entered into the Great War" by 
 Luigi Carnovale. 
 
 17
 
 ended by their coming to blows. No one among the 
 bystanders ever moves to try to pacify the two disput- 
 ants or even to prevent the weaker from receiving the 
 worst of it. I have always seen the stronger throw the 
 weaker to the ground undisturbed by anyone; stamp 
 on his breast, his jaws, his nose, his eyes, transforming 
 his countenance into a horrible bloody mass, leaving him 
 half dead. The bystanders, even the acquaintances, 
 friends, or relatives of the weaker, look on with indiffer- 
 ence (as if it were a moving picture) or with vile 
 voluptuousness at the doglike fight, seeming to feel an 
 admiration for the stronger. 
 
 "In Italy, particularly in my native Calabria, which 
 with good reason is called strong and generous, nothing 
 of this kind could occur. There the bystanders, even 
 though they might be strangers, from the first word of 
 altercation interpose themselves between the disputants. 
 And if they are unable to calm them with reason and 
 re-establish peace between them and thus prevent the 
 bestial fight, they immediately sympathize with the 
 weaker ; they openly and resolutely take his part ; they 
 will not permit that a hair of his head shall be touched ; 
 they prefer even at the risk of death to themselves to 
 receive the blows from the stronger, on whose head will 
 descend, sooner or later, a general execration. 
 
 "Now this people, so sensitive, so just, so humane, 
 having at their command a sufficiently formidable army 
 and navy, could not remain inert before the violence 
 committed by the strong and tyrannical Austria against 
 little Serbia. They could not remain inert before the 
 incomparable crime committed by the strong and tyran- 
 nical Germany against little Belgium. They could not 
 remain inert before a scowling and brutal Teutonic 
 militarism which menaced with growing and strength- 
 ening gravity that republican France which had poured 
 out rivers of her blood for the unity and independence 
 of her Latin sister and for the triumph of democratic 
 18
 
 principles in all of Europe. They could not remain 
 inert before a scowling and brutal Teutonic militarism 
 which menaced with growing and strengthening gravity 
 that England which even in a time of general reaction 
 gave hospitality with generous and affectionate liber- 
 ality to the great exiles, to all the great Italian polit- 
 ical refugees from Giordano Bruno to Ugo Foscolo, 
 from Mazzini to Malatesta; to that England which, 
 with its battleship Intrepid and Argus, protected and 
 facilitated in the spring of 1860 the memorable landing 
 of The Thousand at Marsala (a disembarkation which 
 decided the national unity of Italy) ; that England 
 which received Garibaldi like a god when the Hero in 
 April, 1864*, went as a representative of the people of 
 the new Italy to visit London. They could not remain 
 inert before the scowling and brutal Teutonic militarism 
 which menaced with growing and strengthening gravity 
 that Russia whose great men such as Turghenieff, 
 Tchernichewsky, Tolstoy, Gogol, and Gorky always 
 admired and glorified Italy; that Russia which was the 
 first to send her sailors to Calabria and Sicily to succor 
 the people struck by the terrible earthquake of 1908. 
 
 "If the Italian people had remained inert, they would 
 have negated their incomparable moral personality 
 which is composed of altruism and gratitude; they 
 would have obscured their most radiant traditions of 
 thought and action ; they would have done that which is 
 worse : at the moment when death was preparing to shape 
 the new life of the world on the battlefields of old 
 Europe, they would have betrayed the cause of human- 
 ity, which must stand above every personal and national 
 interest, as the physical life of the universe stands peren- 
 nially above the single parts of which it is composed. 
 
 "It is useless to deny it. The word, opposed to the 
 
 fact, has never been of value. And it never will be, so 
 
 long as in the depths of certain human souls there dwell, 
 
 as the morchia at the bottom of jars of olive oil, as 
 
 19
 
 feccia in the bottom of wine casks, as lime in the bottom 
 of wells, those turbid and wicked instincts which are in 
 open antithesis to the sentiments of purity, compassion 
 and love upon which every civilization should lean and 
 from which it should evolve. 
 
 "The plea has always been made, and in every tone, 
 to the potentates of Europe, not to strengthen mili- 
 tarism ; but they have strengthened it and alas, how 
 well ! 
 
 "The potentates of Europe have been counseled in 
 every manner not to provoke war; but they have pro- 
 voked it, and how well ! 
 
 "Must one ignore the fact in this, the beginning of 
 the twentieth century, that the imperial soldiery, atavis- 
 tlcally imitating the hordes of Alaric and Attila, invade 
 the territories of small and independent nations, mas- 
 sacre men, outrage women, mutilate children, seize the 
 fruits of so much labor, burn homes, raze entire cities 
 to the ground; in such a manner for example, as the 
 Turks have been allowed to treat the Armenians for 
 years and years? 
 
 "If these things must be forgotten, then farewell to 
 human solidarity. 
 
 "After so many promises, after so much enthusiasm, 
 it could not be other (except for the weak who have the 
 simplicity to believe and expect i*) than an archaic, 
 empty and scoffing phrase, resurrecting once again the 
 ignoble farce of pulpiteers (both priests and laity) who 
 know only how to preach well and practice badly. The 
 pulpiteers who, when put to the test, know only how 
 to put in practice their selfish doctrine which is encased 
 in the parabolic formula, 'Lontana da me, e dove va 
 a. n 
 
 "The great crowned heads would not have wished 
 anything better ! 
 
 " l 'It may go where it will if it does not touch me.' 
 20
 
 "Fortunately the Italian people, with their awakened 
 intelligence, understood that words could not supplant 
 the facts. And they threw themselves into the war 
 (they, the Italian people, with their childlike hearts) to 
 meet facts with facts, action with action, physical force 
 with physical force ( a species of simiUa similibus cur- 
 antur), to teach the mob of querulous doctrinaires that 
 the trampled rights of the weak must be defended, not 
 with words, but at the sacrifice of life itself ; that the in- 
 nocent victims of barbarism (militaristic and non-mili- 
 taristic) must be avenged, not with words, but at the 
 sacrifice of life itself; that the true brotherhood of na- 
 tions, the ideal to which the human soul incessantly as- 
 pires, because of an immutable natural law, must be 
 affirmed, be exalted, be perpetuated, not with words but 
 at the sacrifice of life itself. 
 
 "The Italian people know well that after the great 
 war they will have no other reward than that of star- 
 vation, scorn and oblivion worse than before. But of 
 what importance is this? With spirits eminently poetic 
 and philosophic at the same time, inured to every priva- 
 tion, to every ingratitude, to every sorrow, they will be 
 convinced of having opened the way, with their purest 
 blood given the present order of things, the only way 
 that could lead to the longed-for universal peace. 
 And such knowledge will be sufficient to render them con- 
 tent, happy, and blessed. 
 
 "I have said, 'given the present order of things.' I 
 have said, 'the only way.' And I will explain. 
 
 "The life of a nation, nowadays, notwithstanding its 
 complexities, depends in great part on essentially in- 
 dustrial bases constructed by the people, not for their 
 own advantage, but for the advantage of a big-bellied 
 and cruel minority called plutocracy, which has nothing 
 else in common with the people except their simple 
 Darwinian origin. 
 
 "Such national industrialism, in order to maintain 
 21
 
 itself and prosper always to the benefit of the big- 
 bellied and cruel minority called plutocracy must 
 necessarily push itself into commercial competition 
 against the industrialism of another nation, or other 
 nations, and vice versa. But commerical competition, 
 in order to give financial results proportionate to the 
 insatiable greed of the nationalist plutocracy, must be 
 incessantly and strenuously favored and defended by 
 the State. 
 
 "Does a State government of the present day lend 
 itself to a partisanship so bold and iniquitous? 
 
 "Certainly it does ! 
 
 "And why shouldn't it, if the State government of 
 today, be it covered by a mask surmounted by a royal 
 crown, or be it a mask surmounted by a republican cap, 
 is none other than a being voluntarily placed at the 
 service of the big-bellied and cruel minority called 
 plutocracy ? 
 
 "Now a Government thus made, frankly, could not 
 without injury to itself put in action the military forces, 
 which are the positive forces of the State, except for the 
 protection of its master; or more correctly speaking, 
 for the protection of its mistress (plutocracy in the 
 Italian language is in the feminine gender). The war 
 which today rages in Europe is one provoked for no 
 other reason than that of jealousy of the German plu- 
 tocracy for the English commercial supremacy in the 
 world. 1 
 
 "In causes of a purely humanitarian character that 
 is, where the intellectual, moral and economic elevation, 
 justice, liberty and the happiness of the people are in- 
 volved the government of today never puts into action 
 the military forces of the State. And this is natural; 
 for if the military forces were to make the humanitarian 
 
 " ir rhe other causes which determined the great war (pan-Slav- 
 ism, French revenge, Italian Irredentism, etc.) were all of second- 
 ary importance." 
 
 22
 
 causes triumph, only one effect could follow: the end 
 of plutocracy; the end; that is, of inequality, of all 
 injustice, of all social tyrannies: an effect, as one can 
 see, completely opposed to that for which the military 
 forces of a nation exist today. In causes of a purely 
 humanitarian character, the Government of today em- 
 ploys only the negative force of the State: diplomacy, 
 which would have no other result than that of chatter- 
 ing ; stirring up confusion ; tangling the skeins of yarn 
 as much as possible; throwing dust in the eyes of the 
 masses ; anaesthetizing the nation ; reducing every heart 
 throb of collective life to status quo; to this most 
 convenient Latin ellipsis, (convenient for the strong, 
 but wickedly disastrous for the weak), which is fossilized 
 and is fossilizing. 
 
 "Must the nations continue to face a situation so 
 evident, so tangible in chronic evil, opposing the mur- 
 derous facts of the deaf and ferocious plutocrats with 
 only the usual innocuous words? 
 
 "If so, the people could not do other than rivet to 
 themselves the chains of servitude; they could not do 
 other than perpetuate \var, always to the advantage of 
 the more astute, who idly reap all of the benefits, and 
 to the damage of the credulous who labor and who 
 suffer. 
 
 "So long as nationalistic industrialisms with their 
 respective commercial competitions exist; so long as 
 plutocracies exist which have in their hands to dispose 
 of at their pleasure all of the positive forces of the 
 nations (from financial to military), duly legalized by 
 governments and blessed by religions, which are also, 
 by the grace of God, at the service of the strong; so 
 long as plutocracies provoke war because of a thirst for 
 riches and dominion, originated by innate hardness of 
 heart ; so long as all this exists, the inertia of the people, 
 armed only by old lachrymose and even scornful rhe- 
 toric, is not other, to my mind, than an incongruity, 
 23
 
 anachronism, folly, suicide. It is the fragile glass that 
 would resist the powerful blow of the sledge hammer, the 
 soap bubble that would resist the rock. 
 
 "The way must be changed. We are in a century in 
 which one must reasonably believe in only a single truth : 
 that which teaches or better, is demonstrated by 
 positive science. One must therefore live a little less in 
 the metaphysical world of dreams, and a little more in 
 the physical world of reality. 
 
 "The people must have facts. They must, without 
 distinctions, create among themselves a solid spiritual 
 alliance (prodrome of their universal political union) : 
 and establish as a fundamental principle of justice, in- 
 violate and invariable, that when a controversy between 
 two nations degenerates into war, each of the peoples 
 not involved in the controversy so degenerated must 
 a priori impose on their own government an armed 
 intervention in favor of the weaker nation which 
 one finds on the side of reason. On the side 
 of reason, not according to the porcine point 
 of view of the big-bellied, cruel minority called plutoc- 
 racy; not according to verbose partisan laws voted by 
 parliaments and sanctioned by kings, emperors or 
 presidents of republics; not according to the fantastic 
 and complacent sentences flung by petticoated come- 
 dians of the different arbitrary tribunals of the Hague. 
 But on the side of reason according to the judgment 
 that springs spontaneously, free from preconceived 
 ideas and passions; from free intellingence, from the 
 candid conscience of the people themselves: above all, 
 according to the natural guide of life which makes the 
 cause of the weak always beautiful, sacred, and worthy 
 of victory. 
 
 "Only in such a manner for the present can one curb 
 the aggressive mania of the stronger. Only in such a 
 manner can wars be prevented. 
 
 "In fact, if the Government of Francis Joseph, for 
 24
 
 example, could have known in anticipation that the 
 peoples of Europe, even of the whole world, would rise 
 up and intervene promptly with all of the positive forces 
 of their nations in defense of little Serbia, the Govern- 
 ment of Francis Joseph, however powerful and arro- 
 gant, however much upheld by that military colossus, 
 the German Empire, would never have dared to dictate 
 to the little Balkan nation who was defending her own 
 independence. It would not have had the insane temerity 
 to send to it in July, 1914, that ultimatum which un- 
 chained the most terrible inferno in the world's history. 
 "But the spiritual alliance of the people (prodrome 
 of a universal political union) can never be effected if 
 from the first the two most advanced groups of doc- 
 trinaires, which have an extraordinary moral ascend- 
 ancy over the people, do not know how to adapt effec- 
 tively their pacifist theories freed from every dogmatic 
 sophism to the events which day by day unfold them- 
 selves. 
 
 "The first group: those who limit human progress 
 to the struggle between classes (the economic problem) 
 are in favor of war only in the case where it is neces- 
 sary to defend from an invading foe the country in 
 which all the material interests of the national pro- 
 letariat are concentrated. These are the Conditional 
 Neutrals. 
 
 "The second group: those who await the destruction 
 of every political, judicial, military, economic and re- 
 ligious authority by revolution and are opposed to all 
 wars, because wars are made only for the round-bellies 
 of their masters. These are Absolute Neutrals. 
 
 "The members of these groups are doubltless ani- 
 mated by right motives. They aim at the high purpose 
 at which every open and active mind and sensitive heart 
 25
 
 aims: the emancipation of all oppressed beings. I 
 therefore wish to reason calmly with them. 1 
 
 "And I say to the Conditional Neutrals: 
 
 "The theory of war only for national defense, which 
 you sustain, is in open contradiction to the doctrines 
 which you say that you profess, doctrines which in 
 their idealistic contents are conspicuously and rigorously 
 international and do not admit of restrictions of any 
 sort. The cry, 'Workmen of every nation, unite!' in 
 which are synthesized those doctrines which cannot be 
 interpreted exclusively in the economic sense as you 
 seem to believe, must be interpreted logically in a much 
 wider sense, at least if one would not wish to belittle the 
 merit of him who launched it; must be interpreted in 
 a sense embracing every social problem from which the 
 economic problem cannot be eliminated without dis- 
 turbing the harmony or absolutely breaking the corn- 
 pages of things which regulate and perpetuate human 
 progress. 
 
 "Because the social question is many-sided. And the 
 economic problem is none other than a part of the social 
 question, one face of the polyhedron each part of 
 which is intimately connected with the others; and the 
 economic problem is even dependent upon the others 
 and it comes from one cause: ignorance. This was 
 clearly demonstrated three centuries ago, during the 
 most horrible torture of the lay and ecclesiastic in- 
 quistion, by that most daring father of universal com- 
 munism, my encyclopaedic fellow-countryman, Tommaso 
 Campanella. 
 
 "According to the belief of this giant precursor of 
 the civil redemption of humanity a belief which has 
 
 (<1 I do not occupy myself with the other groups of pacifists, be- 
 cause they being an emanation more or less direct from the plu- 
 tocracy cannot be logical. 
 
 " 'Let us not speak of them, but look and pass'." 
 (Dante, Inferno, Canto III.) 
 
 26
 
 been fully confirmed by the facts of the social situation, 
 our maladjustments come from the following causes: 
 
 "First Ignorance, which, preventing the knowledge 
 of true vices and of true virtues, generates and nour- 
 ishes evil, 'under which the world chafes and weeps.' 
 
 Second Blind Self-love; that is, Egotism, worthy 
 son of Ignorance. 
 
 Third Tyranny (false power). Sophism (false 
 science), Hypocrisy (false love), the three extreme evils 
 (the triple lies) which have 'root and fomentation' in 
 blind self-love. 
 
 "Fourth Famine; that is, misery (the economic 
 problem), wars, pestilence, envy, deceit, injustice, lux- 
 ury, sloth, disdain, all derived from the three extreme 
 evils to which they are hierarchically subject. 
 
 "Therefore, the economic problem cannot be detached 
 from the others ; cannot be settled independently of the 
 others. If it could thus be resolved, its isolated solution 
 could not attain its object (the moral betterment of the 
 world) toward which the whole question tends. And the 
 proof of this, my assertion, which at first seems a para- 
 dox, comes to us by means of this same plutocracy in an 
 unanswerable manner. 
 
 "It is a fact, and I trust that on this point there will 
 be no divergence of opinion, that plutocracy is composed 
 of flesh and bone, is of exactly the same species as the 
 proletariat. 
 
 "The plutocrats have splendidly solved the economic 
 problem to their own advantage. I trust that on this 
 point there may be no difference of opinion. 
 
 "But has the solution of the problem which has 
 brought all of the luxuries, all of the sensual pleasures 
 of life within the reach of the plutocrats, has it 
 brought to them a proportionate betterment? 
 
 "Absolutely it has not. 
 
 "The solution of the economic problem (luxuries and 
 sensual pleasures ad infinitum) has instead brought to 
 27
 
 the plutocrats a fearful moral retrogression visible 
 even to the blind. It has taught that this solution, when 
 unaccompanied by the solution of the other social prob- 
 lems, is not and never can be the panacea which is 
 preached by superficial and short-sighted theorists. It 
 has demonstrated once more, today more than ever, the 
 positive value of the truth which was proclaimed in the 
 difficult and dark ages by that great apostle from Stilo, 
 Calabria, who was, with Vinci, Pomponazzi, Telesio, 
 Bruno, and Galileo, one of the creative geniuses of mod- 
 ern positivism ; of that positivism which for the voluble 
 authority of the word substituted the solid authority of 
 facts ; of that positivism culminating in our day in the 
 monumental works of that other pure Italian who is 
 the living pride and glory of Italy : Professor Roberto 
 Ardigo. 
 
 "And if the cry which synthesizes the doctrine pro- 
 fessed by you, Conditional Neutrals, has a content con- 
 spicuously and rigorously international, I do not under- 
 stand with what conscience, or more, with what heart, 
 you can restrict the war to national defense only, per- 
 mitting the stronger nation, which is found on the side 
 of wrong, to assault and devour at its pleasure the 
 weaker nations which are found on the side of right. 
 
 "Such a restrictive principle (war only for national 
 defense) is an unheard of and selfish cruelty. It is the 
 most repugnant ironic interpretation of international- 
 ism, or what calls itself internationalism. It is the 
 absolute negation of every human and animal solidarity. 
 I say animal, because even the animals feel and practice 
 among themselves that which we humans call moral 
 solidarity toward the weak. The example of the dog 
 suffices to illustrate this. He continually risks his own 
 life to defend the weak and innocent sheep from the 
 strong, arrogant and savage wolf. 
 
 "And your own nation, my dear Conditional Neutrals, 
 would not be long in falling a victim to the plutocratic 
 28
 
 perfidy and cupidity of some stronger nation ; a victim 
 of your own error. 
 
 "Because it is not enough to wish to defend. One 
 must be able to defend. Serbia also wished to defend 
 herself against Austria. Belgium wished to defend 
 herself against Germany. But each one, being too 
 small, and in consequence too feeble compared with its 
 aggressors, was constrained to succumb (for the time 
 being), notwithstanding the fact that it based its de- 
 fense on its rights of independence and on points of 
 honor more than sacred. 
 
 "And if the social question embraces many other 
 problems besides that of the economic, and if the eman- 
 cipation of the oppressed depends on the parallel so- 
 lution of all of these problems and not on the solution 
 of only one of them, I do not understand why you, fol- 
 lowers of the cry which synthesizes the social question 
 in all of its idealistic entirety, must persist only in the 
 solution of the economic problem. I do not understand 
 how you can detach yourselves from or interest your- 
 selves so little in the other problems when it is demon- 
 strated that only the parallel solution of all, not the 
 isolated solution of one, can eliminate evils 'under which 
 the world trembles and weeps' ; the evils which retard the 
 longed-for emancipation. 
 
 "One knows that nowadays wars are not waged to 
 revenge the offended honor of Menelaus who may be 
 more or less crowned as, for example, was the myth- 
 ological war of Greece made against Troy of Homeric 
 memory. 
 
 "Wars nowadays, as has been hinted before and as 
 you yourselves, Conditional Neutrals, recognize, are 
 more for ends essentially economic; for ends such as the 
 doctrines which you are said to profess tend toward, even 
 when interpreted in their highest sense. 
 
 "And if they are made for ends essentially economic, 
 I do not see the reason for which you, followers of inter- 
 29
 
 nationalism reduced even to its lowest terms, that is, 
 to strictly economic terms, should abstain from inter- 
 vention. 
 
 "Because such ends, you object, do not touch the 
 economic interests of our national proletariat. 
 
 "That the economic interests of a neutral nation are 
 endangered given the present industrial and commer- 
 cial organization of the world by a war between two 
 or more nations, and especially by a war of such gigan- 
 tic proportions as that which has just ceased to rage 
 in old Europe and by reflection has affected the whole 
 world, is a self-evident truth to every intelligence. 
 
 "But even if to take it as an hypothesis the eco- 
 nomic interests of the neutral national proletariat were 
 not endangered by the war of others, you Conditional 
 Neutrals should consider it equally your duty to inter- 
 fere to defend the economic interests of the proletariat 
 of the weaker nation which is assaulted by the pluto- 
 cratically stronger, and this because of the factive ele- 
 ments and not the chatterings of the doctrines which 
 you say that you profess. 
 
 "The sentimental scruples which will not permit you 
 to intervene in war because you would be constrained 
 to kill your brothers, must be eliminated. 
 
 "In case of national defense would not the invaders 
 be your brothers whom you would be obliged to kill? 
 
 "Are not the scabs also your brothers, and brothers 
 of your own nation whom you fight and kill during the 
 strikes? 
 
 "And these strikes themselves which you are contin- 
 ually making as defensive means in the class struggle, 
 are they not substantially wars between brothers who 
 are exploited, and those who are not; wars of hate 
 between unionist -and non-unionist brothers? 
 
 "You unionist workmen strike, assault, and kill with- 
 out mercy your non-unionist brothers. And why? To 
 defend yourselves against their economic competition. 
 30 

 
 But these non-unionists rarely take your places in your 
 work for malignant reasons. In the majority of cases 
 they are none other (and I know this only too well) than 
 sons, brothers, husbands, and fathers reduced to ex- 
 treme misery. They, not knowing to what saint to pray 
 in their extremity or where to turn their heads, face your 
 insults with desperation in their souls and run to the 
 conquest of a mouthful of bread or a bit of coal which 
 may save those dependent upon them from starvation. 
 
 "You do not wish to face these facts. You do not 
 wish to know the reasons, which are beyond their con- 
 trol, which force your unfortunate brothers to enter into 
 competition against you. You know only that they 
 injure your cause, and for this you fight to destroy 
 them. 
 
 "And the gunman, so-called in America (I allude to 
 the savage private policemen charged to 'maintain 
 order' during the strikes) are they not also your 
 brothers? Why then do you fight and destroy them? 
 
 "Because they do not hesitate to. shoot you. Because 
 they do not hesitate to massacre your women and chil- 
 dren. 
 
 "I compare the scabs to the conscript soldiers. I 
 compare the gunmen to the professional soldier. The 
 unwilling action of the one (scab and conscript) is in- 
 spired as is the voluntary action of the other (gunman 
 and professional soldier) by plutocracy and is stirred 
 up by plutocracy and eventuates also to the advantage 
 of plutocracy. 
 
 "Now if you unionist workmen representing inter- 
 nationalism synthesized in the cry, 'Workmen of all 
 countries, unite!' if you fight to destroy scabs and 
 gunmen during strikes, why should you not fight to 
 kill soldiers in time of war? The scabs and gunmen, I 
 repeat, are your brothers as also are the soldiers. The 
 sins which the soldiers commit have the same root of evil 
 31
 
 as those of the scabs and gunmen; they have only one 
 root: plutocracy. This is the new and real Pandora's 
 box. 
 
 "And if, with the struggle of classes culminating in 
 the murder of scabs and gunmen during strikes, you, 
 Conditional Neutrals, economically defend your na- 
 tional proletariat interests against your national plutoc- 
 racy, you must at the same time and for the sake of the 
 international doctrine which you say you profess, not 
 only admit the justice of armed intervention in every 
 way today in defense,not only of the territorial integrity 
 of your nation, protecting the material interests of our 
 national proletariat, but, also in defense of the territor- 
 ial integrity including the material interests of all of 
 the other weaker nations assaulted by the common 
 enemy (plutocracy) for economic and insatiable greed. 
 
 "If you will persist in your restrictive attitude, Con- 
 ditional Neutrals, you will end by discrediting the cry 
 synthesizing the doctrine which you boast that you pro- 
 fess, because this cry was launched to give a deadly blow 
 by means of the union of workmen of every country, 
 not to the plutocracy of one nation only, but to plutoc- 
 racies of every nation. 
 
 "If the plutocracies of every nation, instead of dy- 
 ing, continue to fatten on the blood of the workmen of 
 every country, it signifies that your restrictive action 
 (that of conditional neutrality) is not the right inter- 
 pretation of the cry synthesized in the doctrine reduced 
 even to purely economic terms. 
 
 "And if, on the other hand, the workmen of five 
 of the greatest and most advanced nations of the world 
 (France, England, Russia, Japan and Italy) those 
 who have listened to the gospel synthesizing the doc- 
 trine in the cry, 'Workmen of all nations, unite !' had 
 placed themselves militarily at the side of Serbia and 
 Belgium, this would have signified that they repudiated 
 32
 
 the restrictive interpretation of conditional neutrality 
 and resolutely put into practice, especially the Italian 
 proletarians, all of the idealistic contents, conspicuously 
 and rigorously international, which their cry repre- 
 sented. 
 
 "You, Conditional Neutrals, must recognize the er- 
 ror into which you have fallen (error, considering the 
 time in which we live, considering the formidable posi- 
 tive efficiency reached by plutocracies). You must fol- 
 low the practical good sense of the people. If you do 
 not do this, your ranks will continually become thinner; 
 you will be swallowed tip in the furious whirlwind of 
 facts. 
 
 "If you obstinately refuse to follow the people in their 
 practical good sense, it means that you do not under- 
 stand their spirit. 
 
 "And the people will abandon you, and they will give 
 themselves to those who will know how to lead them by 
 a less tortuous road to their emancipation. 
 
 "Because the people are tired of waiting. Their 
 physical and moral sufferings are growing in propor- 
 tion to the commodities and sensual pleasures of plutoc- 
 racy. These sufferings have increased in constant 
 ratio to the increase of the sensual pleasure of the 
 plutocracy. 
 
 "The people are tired of waiting. 
 
 "Conditional Neutrals, meditate on these truths. 
 
 "And I say to the Absolute Neutrals: 
 
 "It is true, as you have held and as I myself main- 
 tain, that nowadays war is made for the round-bellies of 
 the plutocrats. But who does the fighting? Is it the 
 plutocrats who fight? The plutocrats only provoke 
 and direct wars. Those who in reality bear the brunt 
 of the war are the people whom the plutocrats dominate. 
 
 "Now among those who are at war are also Absolute 
 Neutrals garbed as soldiers, not willingly so, but be- 
 33
 
 cause of one of those partisan laws favorable to plutoc- 
 racy (military conscription) which has been spoken of 
 before. 
 
 "And if they are the people who must fight; and if 
 they are your brothers ; and if their industrial and 
 collective lives are placed in jeopardy, how can you re- 
 main disinterested and inert? 
 
 "You could remain thus disinterested and inert, only 
 if the plutocrats lived on a different planet from that 
 upon which the people live, on which your brothers live, 
 and where they could fight among themselves. 
 
 "But from the moment that the plutocrats inhabit a 
 planet inhabited also by the people, your brothers, and 
 with the positive means at their command to enable 
 them at their pleasure to provoke and direct wars, it 
 is necessary that you take an interested and active part 
 in such wars. 
 
 "Because the plutocrats lose nothing by wars; they 
 always gain. It is the people, your brothers, the humble, 
 those who have always striven and suffered day and 
 night who in war lose everything. Your absolute neu- 
 trality in the face of the weak massacred on the field 
 of battle, before their ravished virgins, their mutilated 
 children, their sacked and burned homes places you in 
 the same category as the authorities (sanctified after- 
 ward by the church) who retire to the solitude of the 
 desert and there, whistling at the oppressed, selfishly 
 and stupidly think of nothing except the eternal sal- 
 vation of their souls. 
 
 "You object: 'But why don't the people enter into 
 the sphere of our ideas which have no other reason for 
 being than that of liberating them by means of revolu- 
 tion (it not having been possible up to the present time 
 to do so by other means) from plutocratic tyranny 
 which starves and incites them to fratricidal butchery?' 
 
 "Before responding to such a question I assert my 
 34
 
 belief that the individualistic regime of life, which you 
 long for and defend, is possible. I believe it is possible, 
 not because of a more or less doctrinaire pretension, 
 but because most men if not all, certainly a large part 
 of them have already touched the point of moral puri- 
 ty sufficient to bring about the aforesaid regime from 
 the theoretic to the practical stage. I have no need to 
 search among the dead generations for proof of this 
 assertion. It suffices for me to look only among the 
 living, and not farther than my native land, to find the 
 corroborative proof of my belief and affirmation. 
 Roberto Ardigo, Pasquale Villari, Teodoro Moneta, 
 Guglielmo Marconi. 1 Who would presume to say that 
 these men, and others such as these or even of lesser 
 intellectual qualities would have need of any sort of 
 political, judicial, military, economic or religious author- 
 ity to live among themselves in perfect peace and 
 harmony? 
 
 "Besides this, there are an infinite number of private 
 business associations (without speaking of tribes falsely 
 called savage) which are satisfactorily regulated by 
 laws not written in any code; by laws which have no 
 substantial authority other than that which each person 
 feels within himself and obeys in his relation to others. 
 
 "He who admits the law of evolution must honestly 
 admit individualism. 
 
 "Because the law of evolution, morally speaking, im- 
 plies nothing else than the study of human virtues; 
 while individualism is nothing more than the exercise 
 of human virtues. 
 
 "Evolution is nothing more than the theory of civil 
 life; individualism is nothing more than the practice of 
 human life. 
 
 "Individualism so far as it represents the degree of 
 
 1 Since writing the above, Pasquale Villari and Teodoro Moneta 
 have died. I substitute in their places the names, not less worthy, 
 of Augusto Murri and Isidore Del Lungo. 
 
 35
 
 moral perfection already attained by man and according 
 to which he feels himself disposed to deal uprightly with 
 his fellow man and even capable of this is the supreme 
 ideal of evolution ; or I might say, is the complement of 
 evolution, did I not know that evolution as a synonym 
 of progress is infinite and therefore cannot have a com- 
 plement, at least in the absolute sense. 
 
 "After making this declaration in honor of the truth, 
 Absolute Neutrals, let me say: the people do not enter 
 within the radius of your ideas because they have not 
 yet arrived at the intellectual height necessary to 
 comprehend the sublimity of the goal to which you wish 
 to attain. And there are others who have reached such 
 height, but who do not wish to engage in a revolution, 
 because of a repugnance for a means so violent and 
 sanguinary ; and more than this, such methods have 
 never brought, as history teaches, substantial results 
 proportionate to the efforts and sacrifices made by revo- 
 lutionists. Such methods have never destroyed as they 
 should have, and they have not even arrested the sturdy 
 and arrogant vitality of plutocracies which incarnate 
 all of the evils of society. 
 
 "But because the people have not yet reached the nec- 
 essary intellectual height, and because they will not 
 engage in revolutions, do you believe, you Absolute 
 Neutrals, that you have the right to leave them to 
 themselves during a war, or to leave them in the power 
 of the more astute, of the stronger, of the more 
 malicious? 
 
 "To tell the truth, such a vindicative plan, however 
 negative it may be, is not compatible, a priori, with 
 your principles of universal brotherhood. It is un- 
 worthy of your civil apostolate. Especially if one con- 
 siders that you, outside of war (one means military 
 war), do not hesitate to break the rigidity of your 
 absolute neutrality which should be invulnerable by 
 36
 
 descending in the field to fight battles which are of a 
 strictly economic character ; battles which are not favor- 
 able to your individualistic theories. I am speaking of 
 partial strikes. Why should one discuss general strikes, 
 national or international, if, from the day that class 
 struggle enters into a practical phase, strikes of every 
 category are only made by rhetorical and high sound- 
 ing phrases? 
 
 "You Absolute Neutrals have gone far afield, into 
 absolutely hostile camps, to defend openly and energet- 
 ically the rights of those who strike against the cruel 
 greed of plutocracy, the competition of scabs, the vio- 
 lence of gunmen. 
 
 "However, those who strike do not comprise all of the 
 proletariat, but are only a small part of them (the 
 privileged part, a sort of caste), the part which is the 
 antithesis of your ideas. 
 
 "Because, according to the idealistic contents of the 
 doctrines which you say you profess, you work toward 
 the entire amelioration of all oppressed peoples without 
 distinction (there are hundreds of millions outside of 
 the unions) ; while the unionists who strike, work only to 
 their own exclusive material amelioration. 
 
 "You are working toward the destruction of plutoc- 
 racies since you are jusily convinced that on such de- 
 struction depends the solution of the entire social ques- 
 tion. The unionists instead, as soon as they have at- 
 tained the material betterment for which they struck, 
 are quieted as was the famous Cerberus of Dante: 
 
 " 'Cerberus, a cruel beast and strangely made, 
 Barks out of his three dog-like throats 
 At those who were there submerged. 
 
 " 'When Cerberus, the great worm, saw us 
 He opened his mouth and showed his tusks 
 37
 
 And quivered in every limb. 
 
 My guide 1 ... took up earth : and with full 
 
 Fists cast it into his ravening gullets. 
 
 As the dog that barking craves and 
 
 Grows quiet when he bites his food, for he 
 
 Strains and battles only to devour it, so did 
 
 Those squalid visages of Cerberus, the 
 
 Demon, who thundered on the spirits so they would 
 
 Fain be deaf.' 2 
 
 "And when the unionists believe themselves to be well 
 paid, they no longer fight the plutocrats. They recog- 
 nize the legitimate existence of the plutocrats; they 
 make them more solid ; they fatten them more and more. 
 They even come to a point where they admire, mag- 
 nify, and idolize them. One can see this in a thousand 
 cases. For the sake of brevity. I will cite only two which 
 are truly typical. One case, proving my first affirma- 
 tion that the unionists are selfishly quieted, after they 
 have obtained the raise of wages for which they have 
 struck; the second case proving my second affirmation 
 that the unionists, when they believe themselves well 
 paid, recognize even indirectly the legitimate existence 
 of the plutocracy, and fatten the plutocrats more and 
 more even though they do so involuntarily ; they admire, 
 they magnify, and they even idolize them hypocritically. 
 
 "The first case : The unionists who work in the great 
 clothing factory of H. S. & M., of Chicago, Illinois, 
 one day struck to obtain a raise of wages, H. S. & M. 
 raised the pay, according to the demands of the strikers. 
 These returned to their work satisfied. From that mo- 
 ment one saw no more life among them, they did not move 
 again, not even when their unionist brothers (the other 
 tailors of Chicago) were reduced to the most miserable 
 
 <<2 The epicures and gluttons of the Third Circle. Divine Com- 
 edy, Inferno, Canto VI ('Temple Classics'). 
 
 38
 
 economic condition and struck solidly and fought des- 
 perately for weeks to obtain for themselves a raise of 
 wages from the other local manufacturers. 1 
 
 "The second case : The employees of the automo- 
 bile manufacturer, H. F., of Detroit, Michigan, believe 
 that they are well paid. But this fact does not prevent 
 this good man from annually accumulating millions 
 and millions of dollars for his own benefit from the work 
 for which the laborers believe (bless them!) that the 
 munificent plutocrat has paid them so well. 
 
 "And besides this, the unionists do not even in the 
 final count obtain for themselves the benefits for which 
 they have struck. 
 
 "When the plutocrats accede to their demands by 
 augmenting the pay of the strikers, the latter believe 
 that they have won. But this is simply an illusion. 
 The truth is very different. And it is the plutocrats who 
 lose nothing. That which they give with one hand, they 
 take with the other hand; they even retake double or 
 more. (The plutocrats know arithmetic very well; in- 
 tellectually speaking they know little besides arith- 
 metic.) 
 
 "An example : the miners struck for a raise of wages. 
 The employers acceded to the demands and increased 
 their pay. But they afterward sold the coal to the same 
 employees with an increase of price, corresponding to 
 or more than making up the raise of wage which the 
 strike had obliged them to yield. Without considering 
 that such a raise of wages, wisely transformed by the 
 plutocrats into a raise in price, falls on the shoul- 
 ders also of unionists of the other categories of workers 
 who have not struck ; it falls also on the shoulders of the 
 workmen who cannot or will not join the unions; it 
 
 '^During the tailors' strike of Chicago in 1915 it was shown 
 that some women workers did not receive more than $1.75 per 
 week. Of this amount they were obliged to use daily ten cents for 
 carfare to go and return from work. 
 
 39
 
 falls therefore on the shoulders of that eternal, useful, 
 patient, and beaten ass: the people. 
 
 "And who suffers the other inconveniences which are 
 born out of strikes? Certainly not the plutocrats; in- 
 stead, it is the just who suffer for the unjust. In the 
 Chicago tailors' strike of 1915, of which we have made 
 mention for example, I personally knew many who at 
 the beginning of the strike were without a penny in 
 their pockets. These poor creatures, during the long 
 weeks of the strike, did not receive one cent of assist- 
 ance from the union of which they were a part; thus 
 they and their families suffered from hunger; while the 
 plutocrats (the employers who resisted the strike) did 
 not miss their Lucullan meals any more than before the 
 strike. It is true that a certain sum (a few thousand 
 dollars) was collected at that time, but such alms (coin- 
 ing in great part from private individuals, certainly 
 not from the proletariat, and I do not know with what 
 conscience and dignity it was accepted by the strike 
 leaders) was unequal to the needs of the strikers, partly 
 because it was unequally distributed, not to say worse. 
 
 "Now if you, Absolute Neutrals, take an active part 
 in partial strikes to aid unionists who are substantially 
 none other than the privileged minority of the pro- 
 letariat, as plutocracy is none other than the privileged 
 minority of the bourgeoisie, with much more reason 
 should you take an active part in the war, which is 
 made to aid the weaker nations to free themselves from 
 the cupidity of the stronger; in wars which are much 
 nearer to revolutions than strikes, especially if one con- 
 siders that only theoretically do you combat the unions, 
 while you defend the weaker nations. You theoretically 
 fight against unionist laborers, but practically you aid 
 them in their strikes against their oppressors. In fact, 
 you preach one thing and you practice another. 
 
 "How much this system has damaged your cause you 
 yourselves can well imagine, especially if you consider 
 40
 
 that by aiding the unionists in a strike you do not de- 
 stroy the positive forces of the plutocracy, but instead, 
 you augment and perpetuate them; while aiding the 
 weaker nations in war you destroy the positive forces of 
 plutocracies; or if you do not destroy them, you be- 
 gin to destroy them, which amounts to the same thing. 
 
 "The groups which, inspired by the individualistic 
 doctrines, are hoping to reach their goal by means of 
 partial strikes, are like those who grind water in a 
 mortar; the groups which obstinately remain in a ver- 
 bose and virulent inertia during such a war as that of 
 Europe a war which opens a new historical epoch 
 are groups which are not in touch with life, are against 
 life, and in consequence against humanity which loves 
 life, against humanity which is life. 
 
 "They will be struck by the fatal law of elimination 
 because of their own fault. They will perish. 
 
 "Absolute Neutrals, meditate upon these truths! 
 
 "The Italian people believed that the theory of con- 
 ditional neutrality (war only for national defense) and 
 the theory of absolute neutrality (peace at any price) 
 if put into practice would have driven humanity back 
 into the primitive chaos of barbarism where nothing 
 but brute force reigned ; would have trampled under foot 
 the foundation of every idea of justice and civilization. 
 
 "Because the tyrants, always thirsting for more 
 riches and dominion, commit at their pleasure any sort 
 of crime, secure of immunity. Who indeed could punish 
 them if the people of the nations who are not implicated 
 in wars, wars incited by the stronger nations which are 
 in the wrong, against the weaker nations which are in 
 the right, did not combine solidly and practically with 
 the latter? 
 
 "Non-intervention before an evil is committed, and 
 the cry of peace after the evil is committed, would be 
 a fine comedy for crowned and uncrowned villains. 
 
 "In such way the mine owner could very well, for ex- 
 41
 
 ample, have his striking miners, with wives and children, 
 killed by his gunmen ; then he could demand peace and 
 all would be happily ended. 
 
 "What a festa! What a game! 
 
 "The splendid example of practical human solidarity 
 given by the Italian people, imposing on their own gov- 
 ernment armed intervention in the great war in de- 
 fense of the weaker nations which were assaulted by the 
 stronger, might be pondered upon and imitated by other 
 peoples. 
 
 "This example shows in a solemn manner how it may 
 be possible, even easy, to bring about the spiritual alli- 
 ance of the people, provided that the Conditional Neu- 
 trals and the Absolute Neutrals recognize their error. 
 
 "Certain it is that the spiritual alliance of a people 
 will not destroy military influence in twenty-four hours, 
 but by strengthening, holding back skillfully and ener- 
 getically these forces against the plutocracy which owns 
 them, the spiritual alliance of the people would be able 
 immediately to put an end to war. 
 
 "Do not in heaven's name repeat the old ritornello : 
 'This war will be the last. This war will signal the end 
 of militarism. After this war we shall have permanent 
 universal peace,' etc. 
 
 "I conclude : 
 
 "As long as there are national industrial plutocracies 
 with their related commercial competitions between na- 
 tions, there will be militarism and there will be war. 
 
 "Because militarism (I speak of the militarism of 
 today) is none other than an organism created and 
 maintained by plutocracies to defend the infinite inter- 
 ests of plutocracies, the infinite increase of plutocracies. 
 
 "Plutocracies are the cause. Militarism is the effect. 
 Can one destroy the effect without first destroying the 
 cause? 
 
 42
 
 "And can one prevent war only by preaching peace 
 and continuing to kneel at the feet of potentates? 
 
 "War has existed since man existed. 
 
 "Peace has been preached since war existed. 
 
 "But the preaching of peace has never been able to 
 prevent war, because war is a material fact, is action, 
 while the preaching of peace is an immaterial fact; 
 nothing but words. 
 
 "If the preaching of peace could have prevented war, 
 it would have done so from the first day or during the 
 centuries in which peace has opposed itself to war. 
 
 "And we cannot wait until the potentates themselves 
 prevent it, because war is the life of potentates. And 
 the potentates are not so tender, nor even so foolish as 
 to sacrifice their own lives for the love of peace. 
 
 "War will be prevented only when the preaching of 
 peace shall be transformed into a spiritual alliance of 
 the peoples ; only when it shall transform itself into the 
 armed intervention of a people (allied spiritually among 
 themselves) in defense of the weaker nation which is in 
 the right, and which has been assaulted by the stronger 
 nations which are in the wrong. 
 
 "Only then the pure blood of the youth of Italy, 
 and of the whole world, spilled in rivers on the fields of 
 Europe for the past three years, can seriously prelude 
 universal peace so longed for by humanity, and a last- 
 ing universal peace which is so necessary to humanity." 
 
 43
 
 COMPLEMENTARY NOTES. 1 
 
 First Note: How can one determine wrong from 
 right? 
 
 Because of the unceasing struggle between men since 
 their savage state up to the present civilization (so- 
 called), they are not in ignorance of the elements which 
 constituted and which themselves now constitute the 
 causes which have provoked and now provoke struggles. 
 
 It is just in consequence of such knowledge the re- 
 sult of the fratricidal experience of thousands of years 
 that men have learned to form a clear and definite 
 idea of the moral essence summarized in the words wrong 
 and right. Thus those two antithetic words have 
 emerged from their original abstract and vague signif- 
 icance into a concrete and solid form, which the mature 
 intelligence of man can discern without the least effort. 
 
 Second Note: How can one judge, when a war 
 breaks out, who is in the wrong and who is in the right ? 
 
 If men know, from the fratricidal experience of thou- 
 sands of years, the difference between wrong and right, 
 it is easy for them to judge, when a war breaks out, 
 which side is wrong and which is right. It is easy, 
 also, because human judgment instinctively seeks in- 
 dividual self-preservation, which is social preservation. 
 And social preservation could not survive if men, in 
 formulating their judgments, did not hold scrupulously 
 to the most rigorous equity: if they should forget, or 
 pretend to forget, that weaker human beings have finally 
 the right to live and to enjoy the blessings of life with 
 the stronger, or even more than the stronger. 
 
 Third Note : How can one discredit, how can one give 
 
 a mortal blow to the traditional principle of neutrality ? 
 
 Neutrality has always been considered as a right 
 
 legitimately exercised by people who were not involved 
 
 Appeared for the first time in the edition of April, 1920.
 
 in war. And during wars, neutral countries have en- 
 joyed the advantages of immunity and even the respect 
 of the victims, that is of the weaker nations which have 
 been provoked, assaulted and trodden upon by the 
 stronger ones. 
 
 If, however, the truth is no longer hidden from the 
 people ; if it is said to them that neutrality, instead of 
 being a right legitimately exercised, is an act of col- 
 lective and cruel selfishness which encourages and per- 
 petuates war: an act of shameful collective cowardice 
 which makes a neutral nation an accomplice of the 
 strong who wish to, and do make war; that it is the 
 gravest sort of a crime which is committed against so- 
 ciety ; that it is the gravest sort of crime committed 
 toward that spiritual substratum which should regulate 
 the life of society and assure its progress toward the 
 more sincere and practical ideals of human brotherhood : 
 a crime for which neutrals should be proclaimed enemies 
 of humanity by the public opinion of the world, and as 
 such should be morally condemned to contempt and 
 execration, and materially, should be condemned to 
 commercial boycotting, to starvation: then neutrality 
 will lose its prestige, and, with its prestige, its reason 
 for being. 
 
 Fourth Note: How can a neutral people force its 
 own government to take part in a war, when It breaks 
 out, in defense of the right side? 
 
 The people taken en masse do not belong to any 
 party; they do not serve any privileged class. They 
 are free. They are powerful. "Its own are all things 
 between earth and heaven," says Tommaso Campanella. 
 Consequently they are impartial : that is to say they are 
 inclined by natural impulse to judge with perfect hon- 
 esty between wrong and right in a war which may break 
 out between two or more nations. 
 
 It was just this inflexible rectitude maintained un- 
 corrupted and undaunted through the social storms of 
 all ages which created the well known and significant 
 45
 
 phrase vox populi, vox Dei, which fully symbolizes the 
 idea of human justice. 
 
 The people, being free, powerful and impartial, are 
 also generous ; they feel the offenses offered to others 
 as if they were offered to themselves, and an irresis- 
 tible and heroic force, which I have called human soli- 
 darity, always impels them to take the side of the weaker 
 who have been provoked and assaulted by the stronger. 
 
 Therefore it would be easy for a people, in case of 
 impending war, to force its own government which 
 would obstinately keep the nation neutral in the inter- 
 ests of the belligerent side which is in the wrong to 
 armed intervention in favor of the side which is right. 
 
 That this was not difficult of accomplishment, was 
 proved by the Italian people in the spring of 1915 in a 
 manner now written large in history ; in a manner which 
 can well be an example to all peoples and an admonition 
 to all governments, present and future, in all parts of 
 the world. 
 
 Fifth Note: What reason have I for the belief that 
 only by the abolition of neutrality can war be quickly 
 and forever prevented? 
 
 Three thousand four hundred and sixteen years 
 elapsed between the making of the first treaty known 
 to history, that of the Amphictyones in 1496 B. C., up 
 to breaking out of the great war July 28, 1914. 
 
 During this time there were fifteen hundred treaties 
 stipulated in the world, various ones of which were 
 called leagues. A treaty was signed on an average of 
 once every twenty-seven months. Treaties of peace, 
 arbitration, division, alliance, confederation, composi- 
 tion, commerce, friendship, concord, union, reconcilia- 
 tion, navigation, subsidies, etc. Treaties of perpetual 
 confederation, perpetual peace, perpetual alliance, per- 
 petual union, good friendship, definite peace, etc. 1 
 
 lf The number 1500 includes only the "principal" treaties, not 
 46
 
 But all of these things have not succeeded in prevent- 
 ing wars. 
 
 And much less could the League of Nations succeed, 
 formed, as it was, during the year 1919 as a corollary 
 of the great war. 
 
 No treaty can prevent wars. No treaty could ever 
 prevent wars. Because the present treaties, including 
 that which is called the League of Nations, are nothing 
 other and treaties of the future could be nothing other 
 than a repetition of preceding treaties. Because the 
 present treaties, including that which is called League 
 of Nations, do not represent, and future treaties could 
 not represent, the genuine will of the people, but they 
 do represent and could represent instead, as have the 
 preceding treaties, the authority of the governments 
 which always have been emanations of the privileged 
 classes and not the emanation of the people, as I posi- 
 tively demonstrated in the chapter entitled Human 
 Solidarity; and, indeed., as has been too well confirmed 
 by the facts officially and publicly laid before the world 
 from the day when the peace negotiations were begun at 
 the Paris Conference up to the present time. 
 
 Only my idea against neutrality a conception which 
 never before has been advanced in any part of the world 
 nor in any epoch can quickly and forever prevent wars. 
 
 Only by this newest conception, based exclusively on 
 the just authority of the people and not on the partisan 
 authority of the governments, can finally after thou- 
 sands of years of hate, struggles, bloodshed, extermi- 
 nation, sorrow, mourning and misery of every sort be 
 initiated on the earth the true and perennial kingdom 
 of peace, love and happiness. 
 
 those of "secondary" importance; not the permanent tribunal of in- 
 ternational arbitration at the Hague instituted July 29, 1899; not the 
 national and international peace societies and Congresses which 
 flourished before and after the above tribunal. 
 
 47
 
 THE OMNIPOTENTS AN INSPIRATIONAL 
 PROPHECY 1 
 
 THE present great war is the logical and natural 
 epilogue of the evils committed by the privi- 
 leged class during its long dominion over the 
 world. It is the culmination of that which this class 
 could practically always commit to the harm of the en- 
 tire world. 
 
 It is true that the defenders of human rights have 
 counterposed across the centuries the fruits of their 
 minds, vigorous, noble, and immortal; the impulse of 
 their conscience, kind, pitiful, and affectionate; the 
 martyrdoms of their flesh, heroic, magnanimous, and 
 sublime. But all this effusion of beauty has not been 
 able to prevent the opening of that Pandora's box and 
 the escaping of the miasm of its putrid contents to the 
 infection of the entire social organism. 
 
 This indicates that the intellectual, moral, and ma- 
 terial elements used by the defenders of human rights, 
 however much they may spring from the purest foun- 
 tains of thought and sentiments, and however ardently 
 they may have reached toward the holiest ideals of life, 
 were not adaptable to human nature ( neither to the 
 oppressors nor to the oppressed). If they had been 
 adaptable, humanity would have assimilated them. And 
 at the present time there would be neither oppressed nor 
 oppressors. All would have already entered voluntarily 
 or involuntarily into that longed-for phase of civil life. 
 
 *I herewith reproduce this chapter from my bi-lingual book 
 WHY ITALY ENTERED INTO THE GREAT WAR PERCHfc 
 L' ITALIA fe ENTRATA NELLA GRANDE GUERRA (Chicago, 
 July, 1917), believing that the present status of international-polit- 
 ical-economical events (April-May, 1922), so full of radiant hopes, 
 justify recognition of my inspirational prophecy. 
 
 48
 
 Into that phase in which the people, all peoples with- 
 out distinction, can find only justice, liberty, prosperity, 
 brotherhood, peace, and happiness. 
 
 From the ruins of the great war, saturated by the 
 blood and anguish of all the human family, will arise a 
 breath of new and vitalizing energy. This breath will 
 create a new order of men, who will be omnipotent, and 
 will be called the Omnipotent 8. 
 
 I predict this with the emotion born of inmost cer- 
 tainty. 
 
 The Omnipotents will take the place of those (both 
 lay and ecclesiastic) who have never done other than 
 defend in vain the rights of humanity. 
 
 The Omnipotents will overthrow those (lay and eccle- 
 siastic) who do not do other than obstinately further 
 evil. 
 
 But their work the work of the Omnipotents will 
 not have the sudden destructive violence of seismic 
 movements. Their work will be like the gradual, fruit- 
 ful virtue of the sun which appears every morning on the 
 horizon. Their work will have the active principle of 
 love, and, as such, will penetrate into the debilitated so- 
 cial organism (and no deleterious influence will be able 
 to stop it) ; it will purify ; it will heal ; it will be raised 
 to the highest summits of physical, psychological, and 
 spiritual perfection, to the point where the poetical 
 dream of my Campanella will finally become a reality 
 always progressive and triumphant in the daily and 
 perennial life of the human race : 
 
 pietas, o prisca fides, o Candida corda, 
 Lugentum ignorantumque atri abler e color es; 
 Exulet Impletas, fraudes, mendacla, lltes. 
 Nee tlmeant agnvae lupum, aut armenta leonem; 
 Inque bonum popull dlscent regnare tyrannl; 
 Ocla cessarunt et cessavere Idbores, 
 Nam labor est locus, In multos partltus amice. 
 49
 
 O pity, faith, pure heart, 
 
 Of lying and ignorance the black colors have faded. 
 
 Wickedness, deceit, lying, and wrangling, will have 
 
 burned out. 
 No longer will the lambs fear the wolves, nor the herds 
 
 the lion, 
 
 And let the people teach the tyrants to rule well, 
 Laziness will cease and labors will become 
 A pleasure, when divided equally among many friends. 1 
 
 1 Appropos of the above chapter, I quote comment of the CHI- 
 CAGO DAILY TRIBUNE the World's Greatest Newspaper: 
 
 "Mr. Carnovale has been thorough in his explanation. * * * 
 In the concluding chapter the author says that "the present war 
 is the logical and natural epilogue of the evils committed by the 
 privileged class during their long dominion over the world." This 
 privileged and dominant class must pass away, Mr. Carnovale 
 declares, and "from the ruins of this great war, saturated by the 
 blood and anguish of all the human family, will arise a breath of 
 new and vitalizing energy. This breath will create a new order of 
 men, who will be omnipotent, and who will be called the Omnip- 
 otents" The function of this high order will be to defend the 
 rights of humanity "their work will be like the gradual, fruitful 
 virtue of the sun which appears every morning on the horizon. 
 * * * Upon this note of poetic vision the book closes. This uplift 
 of hope and ardor of expression should not be regarded as in any 
 way an indication of careless historic research or record. It is 
 rather the effort of a creative and eager mind to lift itself above 
 the dark chaos and agony of the present time." 
 
 SO
 
 Extracts from Press Reviews of the book, 
 WHY ITALY ENTERED INTO THE 
 GREAT WAR, from which the chapter en- 
 titled Human Solidarity here reproduced is 
 taken. 
 
 THE MANCHESTER GUARDIAN (Manchester, England): 
 
 "Why Italy entered into the Great War." By Luigi Carnpvale. 
 In English and Italian. Chicago: Italian-American Publishing 
 Company. Pp. 673. 
 
 To the deep love of country which has inspired this book is 
 added the pathos of exile. The writer who cannot be in the midst 
 of the fighting and struggle in his native land, has put into his 
 work a burning zeal and energy. Others will fight better because 
 of him, he hopes. Italia chiamb. Alas! all his care in documenta- 
 tion may go unrewarded yet awhile, for the world is reading 
 newspapers, pamphlets, and brief impressions, and has hardly the 
 time or rather the patience for such fundamental work as 
 Signer Carnovale's. But he writes for a judicial time, which shall 
 surely come; and he has given himself space and leisure in stating 
 the whole case of his country. Such a book has permanent value 
 as a source of reference, from the very completeness which may 
 frighten hasty readers today. So we have the whole story of the 
 relations of Italy and Austria from the middle of the eighteenth 
 century told in great detail, with copious notes and documents. The 
 tale of the Trentino, the tale of Trieste, the old memories of the 
 Risorgimento and of the martyrs are here to rouse the heart that 
 sinks a little under the rather poor story of official Italy under the 
 Triplice. It comes down to the entry of Italy into the war, and con- 
 tains much that English readers did not find in their newspapers. 
 * * * This crowded and enthusiastic book may strike some as 
 fanatical should they happen on the reference to Meucci, "the 
 defrauded inventor of the telephone which today is called the 
 Bell." But Signor Carnovale's own theme is too absorbing to admit 
 of many irrelevances it is the only one and his duty too clear; 
 to justify the fighters throughout the generations, and to win for 
 them not merely reasoned approval but the recognition .of their 
 glory. 
 
 THE LONDON TIMES (London, England) : 
 
 The author writes this book to defend his country from the 
 charges made that Italy had been guilty of treachery in declaring 
 void the treaty of the Triple Alliance. 
 
 51
 
 OXFORD JOURNAL (Oxford, England): 
 
 Signer Carnovale gives the full text of the communications which 
 passed betweent the Great Powers in the last few days before the 
 war commenced. This fact alone renders the work of permanent 
 value. 
 BRISTOL EVENING NEWS (Bristol, England) : 
 
 All students of European politics should read "Why Italy 
 Entered into the Great War," by Luigi Carnovale. It is one of 
 the most valuable works which has been issued since the outbreak 
 of the war. 
 
 BRISTOL TIMES AND MIRROR (Bristol, England) : 
 
 A glance only at Luigi Carnovale's volume, "Why Italy Entered 
 into the Great War," will be found enough to convince the most 
 sceptical of the righteousness of Italy's action. 
 
 EDINBURGH EVENING DISPATCH (Edinburgh, Scotland): 
 
 * * * The book is passionately patriotic. * * * The general 
 reader will find enough to clearly understand the Italian's motive 
 in entering the war and will follow the operations on the Italian 
 front with more interest and deeper sympathy. 
 
 THE EVENING NEWS (Edinburgh, Scotland) : 
 
 * * * From a chapter showing the splendid patriotism which 
 prompted our Allies' action the writer goes on to show that the 
 love of humanity had much to do with the decision. * * * The 
 refutation of the charge that British and French gold held sway 
 forms an enlightening chapter. 
 
 THE GLASGOW HERALD (Glasgow, Scotland): 
 
 * * * Sig. Carnovale has carried out with meticulous care his 
 self-imposed task of justifying to the world the action of his native 
 country in entering the war. * * * Part IV recaptiulates with 
 all of the author's idealistic fervor the actual reasons which 
 plunged his country into the strife. 
 
 THE EVENING TIMES (Glasgow, Scotland) : 
 
 In a handsome volume of almost 700 pages Signer Luigi Car- 
 novale justifies the action of his native country in breaking the 
 Triple Alliance. * * * Of course, the people of this country 
 and France need no such justification. But Signor Carnovale's 
 volume is none the less interesting and valuable. * * * The 
 present generation of readers knows comparatively little of what 
 the Italian Peninsula passed through from the time of Maria 
 Theresa down to the unification in 1870. * * Here in the first 
 part of the book we have the story told briefly and in the enthusi- 
 astic language of intense patriotism. * * * The second part 
 is of equal interest and perhaps of greater importance. * * * 
 In the third part Signor Carnovale deals with the events leading 
 up to Italy's entrance on the field of strife. This section is of 
 special value for the official documents which it includes. * * * 
 
 52
 
 The fourth and concluding part is that most characteristic of the 
 author's fervid style. * * * It may be explained that the 
 great bulk of this noteworthy contribution to the history of the war 
 is due to the fact that it includes not only an excellent English 
 translation, but the original Italian text. 
 
 SCOTSMAN (Edinburgh, Scotland): 
 
 Sig. Carnovale's volume is physically gather a heavy book be- 
 cause it appears in two languages English and Italian, but there 
 is no sort of heaviness at all about its literary or about its patri- 
 otic spent. 
 
 THE CORK EXAMINER (Cork, Ireland) : 
 
 * * * It is evident that the author caused much examination 
 of conscience in the United States even before that country joined 
 in on the same side as Italy. 
 
 THE HAMILTON DAILY TIMES (Hamilton, Canada) : 
 
 This is an ambitious and important volume, one half of which is 
 in the English Language and the other half in the Italian language. 
 It is a defense of Italy's participation in the war by Luigi Carno- 
 vale, the Italian author and statesman. 
 
 THE AUCKLAND STAR (Auckland, New Zealand, Australia): 
 The author of "Why Italy Entered into the Great War," an 
 Italian by birth, living in the United States, possesses the special 
 qualifications for his task in that he knows intimately the feelings 
 and aspirations of the Italian people, and at the same time, because 
 of his residence in America, is able to bring to bear upon recent 
 events something of the judicial spirit which is difficult to pre- 
 serve in the midst of the popular excitement that prevails in a 
 country actively engaged in a great war. Signor Carnovale vigor- 
 ously resents the suggestion that Italy entered the war from a 
 selfish desire to acquire Trent and Trieste, or that she was guilty 
 of an act of treachery in declaring void the treaty of the Triple 
 Alliance. He shows that the sentiments which irresistibly pushed 
 Italy to war were sympathy for the weak nations whose liberty 
 and honour were assailed by the Central Powers. * * * The 
 author sustains his contentions by copious quotations from public 
 documents. His book is a valuable contribution to the history of 
 the war. 
 
 LE RAPPEL (Paris, France) : 
 
 There has been called to our attention a large and fine volume 
 by Luigi Carnovale, published in Chicago in English and Italian, 
 "Why Italy Entered in the Great War." * * * The question 
 of irredentism is treated in a masterful manner. 
 
 REVUE BLEUE (Paris, France) : 
 
 The object of the work by Luigi Carnovale is to explain to the 
 Americans the reasons for which Italy entered into the war against 
 her ancient allies. * * * One of the most important points 
 
 53
 
 which the author brings out is a respect for the rights of the 
 weaker and love for humanity. 
 
 DIARIO DE NOTICIAS (Lisbon, Portugal) : 
 
 Of all of the works on the war which have passed through our 
 hands in these tragic years, none has seemed more complete, more 
 minute and more conclusive than that written by Signor Carnovale. 
 * * * It clears many points which at first seemed complicated 
 even in the eyes of the best educated. * * * We recognize in 
 the work of Signor Carnovale a burning love of country, an ardor 
 of defense which was necessary to confute the adversaries who 
 accused Italy. 
 
 LA RAZON (Buenos Aires, Argentina) : 
 
 Signor Carnovale with a vast erudition and a clear historical 
 vision narrates in "Why Italy Entered into the Great War" events 
 from ancient times to the great national and international move- 
 ments which preceded the consolidation of the Italian unity. * * 
 The author of this interesting book shows himself to be an 
 Italian inamoured of his country and of the ideals of its history, 
 and he shows himself to be an historian of exceptional value. His 
 work will serve to increase the love and respect of the public for 
 the great Italy which is fighting and triumphing. 
 THE JAPAN TIMES (Tokyo-Yokohama, Japan) : 
 
 Mr. Carnovale's former book on the immigrants in North Amer- 
 ica has won him a reputation as a student of international affairs 
 and a capable writer. 
 
 THE UNION (Shanghai, China): 
 
 This work of 673 pages gives the history of Italy. It is full 
 of illuminating reading and exceedingly interesting. The book 
 is well worth reading. 
 
 SOUTH CHINA MORNING POST (Hongkong, China) : 
 
 Mr. Carnovale's book is very readable and should interest 
 everyone who is interested in Italy. The author has a consummate 
 grasp of Italian history. 
 
 SHANGHAI MERCURY (Shanghai, China) : 
 
 To those who wish to know why Italy entered into the great 
 war, we recommend this well written and valuable work. English 
 and alien readers will find it well worth studying. The author, 
 who is proud of his country, in issuing this book has bestowed on 
 Italy an excellent deed which deserves his country's thanks. 
 
 THE CHICAGO EVENING POST (Chicago, Illinois) : 
 
 The author gives an historical justification for Italy's entry 
 into the war that is complete. He gives this not only as an historian 
 but as an Italian; that is to say he puts over the actual feeling 
 as well as the intellectual position of the patriotic Italian. And 
 lastly he writes as a philosopher whose vision not bounded by the 
 war, who does not visualize war as something good in contradis- 
 
 54
 
 tinction to something puerile called pacifism, but who can see paci- 
 fism as a good which is to be won through the present war. * 
 * * Mr. Carnovale, who, according to an announcement, will 
 shortly give us a life of the great Italian thinker Campanella, is 
 himself what might be called an Utopian philosopher. He sees 
 this war as the logical result of a system of life that has been 
 contemptuous of Utopian dreaming and he sees the futility of the 
 age-long efforts to reform it. * * * Mr. Carnovale's pages 
 reveal the typical Italian as a man with a vivid historical sense 
 as well as the artistic sense, with which alone we credit him. He 
 is emotional, it is true, but when he puts his emotions into "lost 
 causes," causes which he knows send their adherents to martyrdom, 
 people of slower blood must take off their hats. * * * To read 
 these pages is to understand very thoroughly and to sympathize 
 deeply with Italy's aims in the war. To read the concluding 
 chapter is to realize that after Kultur has been put into its place, 
 the Latin spirit may have momentous contributions to make to our 
 revolving human life. In the past our educational orientation 
 toward Germany has given us a very incomplete share in Euro- 
 pean culture. France we have known fairly well, but of Italian 
 thought we have known very little. Mr. Carnovale may do much 
 to correct our perspective. 
 
 THE CHICAGO TRIBUNE (Chicago, Illinois) : 
 
 Mr. Carnovale has been thorough in his explanations. * * * 
 In the concluding chapter the author says that "the present war is 
 the logical and natural epilogue of the evils committed by the 
 privileged class during their long dominion over the world." 
 This privileged and dominant class must pass away, Mr. Carno- 
 vale declares, and "from the ruins of this great war, saturated by 
 the blood and anguish of all the human family, will arise a breath 
 of new and vitalizing energy. This breath will create a new order 
 of men, who will be' omnipotent, and who will be called the 
 Omnipotent*." The functions of this high order will be to defend 
 the rights of humanity "their work will be like the gradual, 
 fruitful virtue of the sun which appears every morning on the 
 horizon." * * * Upon this note of poetic vision the book closes. 
 This uplift of hope and ardor of expression should not be regarded 
 as in any way an indication of careless historic research or record. 
 It is rather the effort of a creative and eager mind to lift itself 
 above the dark chaos and agony of the present time. 
 THE CHICAGO DAILY JOURNAL (Chicago, Illinois): 
 
 This is a book with a double text, English and Italian * * * 
 and a very interesting book it is. 
 
 CHICAGO HERALD AND EXAMINER (Chicago, Illinois): 
 
 Mr. Carnovale has a strong, firm grasp on history, and he goes 
 back many decades to trace the evolution of causes behind Italy's 
 union with the Allies. * * * This volume should be a valuable 
 
 55
 
 addition to the library of any person who would delve deeply into 
 
 the motives behind the war. 
 
 THE WOMEN'S PRESS (Chicago, Illinois) : 
 
 In reviewing "Why Italy Entered into the Great War," by Luigi 
 Carnovale, one feels a debt of gratitude to the ^ author for those 
 details of Italy's history of which most of us are in ignorance. The 
 history of Italy lacks the dramatic quality of France. The French 
 emotionalism makes for picturesqueness. The Italian temperament 
 is rather one of passionate loyalty, a dogged belief in its rights, and 
 the firm adherence to those rights, which is the making of martyrs. 
 The book on the whole is a valuable acquisition to our ever in- 
 creasing war library. In the author's purity of diction, his pre- 
 cision of execution and his unbiased but patriotic point of view, 
 he has given us a document of enormous value, not only as a book 
 of reference, but as a work of history which an eager army of 
 knowledge seekers will gladly welcome. 
 
 UNITY (Chicago, Illinois) : 
 
 Our own Chicago Carnovale has produced in "Why Italy En- 
 tered into the Great War," what is unquestionably the most val- 
 uable contribution to European political history that has been in- 
 spired by the war. It is a book that will stay on the shelf of the 
 student, and whoever undertakes to deal with Italian subjects or 
 interests will have to reckon with this book. * * * It is not 
 alone to this portion of Mr. Carnovale's book, however, that today's 
 student of international affairs should turn, but particularly to his 
 very remarkable chapter of "Human Solidarity," in which he sets 
 forth a point of view as interesting as it is unique. * * * In 
 a phrase, the solution offered for the prevention of war is the 
 abolition of neutrality. Mr. Carnovale urges that every nation, 
 when a weaker nation is attacked by a stronger, should leap to 
 arms in defense of the weaker nation, on the ground that "the 
 cause of the weak is always beautiful, sacred and worthy of 
 victory." Had the Central Powers, he contends, known that no 
 nation would remain neutral, but that instantly, upon the attempted 
 infringement of the independence of Serbia, the world would 
 have taken up arms in her defense, they would never have entered 
 upon their disastrous enterprise. * * * It, of course, is obvious that 
 the weaker nation may not always be in the right, but it must be 
 remembered that it is the people, and not the governments, upon 
 which the author is relying for action. It is that fundamental sense 
 of justice and right, that almost instinctive feeling for human 
 liberty, characteristic of the masses of the people everywhere, 
 which he believes could be depended upon to determine whether 
 the weaker nation involved in any given case is right or wrong. * 
 ' This deep, spontaneous, untaught wisdom of the people 
 puts to shame the self-seeking diplomacy of their rulers. Just 
 as in the late war, the people of Italy, cognizant of the human 
 issues involved, forced their government to enter the conflict in be- 
 half of little Serbia and Belgium, so it seems probable that the 
 people of any nation, since the people are always far ahead of their 
 
 56
 
 governments in love of liberty and devotion to justice, might in 
 any given case force such action upon their governments as would 
 bring about intervention on the side of right. It is this divine 
 common sense of the people of the world which Mr. Carnovale 
 embodies in his phrase, "Human Solidarity." It is, of course, only 
 in this spiritual entente of the peoples of the world that the hope 
 of the world lies today. The need is for them to learn how to 
 make this force effective that they may more readily control their 
 governments instead of being controlled by them. Then one might 
 hope, not only for the defense of a weaker nation, but for such 
 action on the part of the people of an aggressor nation as would 
 prevent its aggression. 
 
 THE DIAL (Chicago, Illinois).* 
 
 A work of marked value for the study of one phase of the 
 present world-conflict is Luigi Carnovale's bi-lingual volume, 
 "Why Italy Entered into the Great War." * * * Mr. Carno- 
 vale has a reputation as a journalist both in Italy and America and 
 is one of the younger school of radical reformers. * * * As 
 a resident of Chicago he casts his eye not only over the Great 
 War, but over some of the lesser wars, which in our own city and 
 country have been caused by economic injustice. 
 
 *Now of New York, N. Y. 
 
 THE ROCKFORD DAILY STAR (Rockford, Illinois) : 
 
 The latest book by Luigi Carnovale deals with Italian history in 
 an orderly though very spirited manner. Signor Carnovale writes 
 with fluency and force. His words have what is now commonly 
 understood as "pep." The text, printed in both English and Italian, 
 will hold the reader in rapt interest, whether he may choose to 
 differ with the author on sociological questions or not. 
 
 THE JOLIET HERALD-NEWS ( Joliet, Illinois) : 
 * * * These are the reasons given by Luigi Carnovale for the 
 appearance of one of the most careful and instructive analysis 
 that we have seen, bearing upon the European war. Signor 
 Carnovale, now a resident of Chicago and author of several note- 
 worthy volumes, tells in English and Italian "Why Italy Entered 
 into the Great War." The painstaking research of Signor Carno- 
 vale has produced a volume valuable, not only for its complete 
 justification of Italy's course in the European conflict, but as an 
 historical work. 
 
 THE BULLETIN (San Francisco, California) : 
 
 It is by far the most comprehensive volume on this subject that 
 has thus far come to us and explains fully the position of Italy. 
 
 LOS ANGELES EXAMINER (Los Angeles, California) : 
 
 If ever there lived one peculiarly fitted to enact the role of ad- 
 vocate and apologist for the Italian people, that man is Luigi 
 Carnovale, author of "Why Italy Entered into the Great War." 
 It is a great book in some respects. * * * It is a mine of 
 
 57
 
 information in regard to the history of the Peninsula during the 
 nineteenth century. True, this elaborate and comprehensive resume 
 is written with a pen dipped in vitriol; but the student of welt- 
 politik will not mind that on account of its value as history for 
 ready reference. * * * These contributions to the literature 
 of the struggle are important enough to entitle Signor Carnovale's 
 work to an important place in every international, diplomatic, 
 public and well equipped private library in .the United States. 
 The book is scholarly, interesting and impressive. 
 
 LOS ANGELES TIMES (Los Angeles, California) : 
 
 No part of public school education is more deficient in fact than 
 that relating to modern Italy; and as a result, comparatively few 
 Americans have more than the vaguest conception of an historical 
 background. * * * Signor Carnovale, with the dramatic and 
 temperamental enthusiasm of his race, has written this comprehen- 
 sive book to show the reasons for Italy's course. 
 
 THE LOS ANGELES TRIBUNE (Los Angeles, California) : 
 
 This book makes Italy's case clear to the world and is one of 
 the most important documents of the war. 
 
 SOUTHWESTERN FREEMASON (Los Angeles, California) : 
 
 An historical volume ("Italy and the Great War") which is a 
 pertinent contribution to the literature of these eventful times. 
 
 OAKLAND TRIBUNE (Oakland, California) : 
 
 Carnovale's book is a hideous record, written with clarity, 
 sanity, and deliberation, leading the mind to see a series of pictures 
 beginning with old Roman days and proving the historic rights of 
 Italy and the lands she claims today. The struggles of Dante, 
 Garibaldi, Mazzini, Cavour and other patriots to realize this 
 complete unity are graphically and poetically set forth, for the 
 author is a poet as well as a vivid historian. 
 
 MERCURY HERALD (San Jose, California) : 
 
 Flaming bursts of patriotism illuminate each chapter in spite of 
 an evident desire to relate impartially the wrongs which Italy has 
 suffered. It is good to know a patriot such as Signor Carnovale ; 
 it is inspiring to read his book, and long before one arrives at the 
 final determination of Italy to enter the war in 1915, not a doubt 
 remains but that it was high sentiments only which pushed the 
 Italians to war against Austria. Beyond a doubt, Italy's position has 
 been vindicated long since, but if there remain any thoughtful 
 Americans who still question it they should read this masterful 
 volume. 
 
 THE HARTFORD COURANT (Hartford, Connecticut) : 
 
 The book is a valuable historical work apart from its prime 
 motive, and contains a mass of information which should prove 
 useful in justifying both to English and Italian readers the course 
 taken by Italy in the present conflict. 
 
 58
 
 THE HARTFORD TIMES (Hartford, Connecticut): 
 
 This large and important volume gives in both English and 
 Italian the reasons for Italy's entrance into the war on the side 
 of the Allies. Signor Carnovale has made quite clear that the 
 true place of Italy is with those peoples who fight for govern- 
 ment by the people. 
 
 WATERBURY REPUBLICAN (Waterbury, Connecticut): 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, the brilliant historian of Chicago, has just 
 produced a bulky book, "Why Italy Entered into the Great War." 
 The author shows the artist's hand often in the marshalling of 
 his facts. The passage of the death of the wife of Garibaldi is 
 powerfully pathetic. Not long, however, does Carnovale rest on 
 this or any other theme. There is a nervous energy, a stir of the 
 library impulse surging through every chapter. 
 
 WASHINGTON EVENING STAR (Washington, District of Co- 
 lumbia) : 
 
 It is a brilliant exposition argument, description, persuasion 
 with the fires of its own Italian spirit shimmering through it. 
 Eminently worth one's study and consideration is this fervid and 
 eloquent study of Italy in the light of its present glorious contri- 
 bution to the war for the world's freedom. 
 
 THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION (Atlanta, Georgia): 
 
 The reader will find this one of the most interesting books 
 that has been written during the war and it will take its place 
 as one of the best reference books that has been published up to 
 this time. 
 
 THE INDIANAPOLIS STAR (Indianapolis, Indiana) : 
 
 Carnovale's book is printed both in English and Italian and is 
 well written in a straightforward, connected, narrative form. He 
 presents the case of his country not emotionally, but calmly and 
 judicially, but it is a story to excite the sympathy and to stir the 
 heart of humanity. * * * The author is a newspaper writer of 
 experience and standing, and his work has the stamp of authority. 
 
 THE AMERICAN FREEMASON (Storm Lake, Iowa) : 
 
 * * * The work has an enduring value, of interest beyond 
 
 the period of the war. 
 
 THE COURIER-JOURNAL (Louisville, Kentucky): 
 
 The average American is abysmally ignorant of modern Ital- 
 ian history. He may have a smattering of French, English and 
 German history in the past fifty years, but he knows little of the 
 rise of the peninsular kingdom. To him Luigi Carnovale's new 
 book can be emphatically recommended. Signor Carnovale calls 
 his volume, "Why Italy Entered Into the Great War," but in 
 tracing causes and effects he covers almost the entire field of 
 Italian history. * * * Signor Carnovale writes with a fluent 
 pen, and if he errs it is on the side of patriotism and enthusiasm. 
 
 59
 
 * * * One of the most brilliant chapters is a philosophic dis- 
 cussion of human solidarity. He states his case clearly and con- 
 vincingly; his is a living and interesting presentation of the Ital- 
 ian point of view. 
 
 "LIGHT" (Louisville, Kentucky) : 
 
 Luigi Carnovale in "Why Italy Entered Into the Great War" has 
 added to the world's literature an interesting and instructive 
 book. 
 PORTLAND EVENING EXPRESS (Portland, Maine): 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, Italian, is master of his subject and what he has 
 to say about the great struggle into which his country was pushed 
 to war will be of particular interest to American readers. * * 
 
 * His pages lack neither beauty nor sentiment and from first to last 
 they exalt Italy. 
 
 THE NEW GUIDE (Baltimore, Maryland) : 
 
 The author wields a firm pen, supported by assured knowledge, 
 and when he is through with the subject nothing remains to be 
 said. * * * The motive of Italy is vindicated. 
 
 THE BOSTON ADVERTISER (Boston, Massachusetts) : 
 
 Luigi Carnovale's book will be a revelation. * * * It will 
 be a useful addition to war libraries. 
 
 THE CHRISTIAN REGISTER (Boston, Massachusetts): 
 
 This warm, eager defense of the Italian people, based on 
 historical facts, illuminated by illustrative incidents and inspired 
 by an invincible hope that after the world anguish of the great 
 war a new vitalizing energy shall purify the social organism and 
 bring justice, peace, and brotherhood to all peoples without dis- 
 tinction, has been written by a journalist of Chicago. * * * 
 The book is unusual in that it appeals equally to English and 
 Italian readers. It will promote a better acquaintance with our 
 Italian allies and their history. 
 
 THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR (Boston, Massachusetts) : 
 The publication of Mr. Carnovale's book at the present time 
 is particularly welcome and useful. * * * It is a welcome 
 reminder of the lofty motives by which Italy has been actuated 
 in the past. The fullness with which he deals with the Irredentist 
 question sheds a light on Italy's purpose in entering the war, and 
 the justice of her cause, which those who have not previously 
 given much study to the matter will find most useful. 
 
 THE LIVING AGE (Boston, Massachusetts) : 
 
 It is not surprising that the author's nationality and tempera- 
 ment should make his literary style at times too fervent, or that his 
 anticipations of future reconstruction, not only for Italy but for 
 the world, should be extremely radical. The book has permanent 
 historical value; and Americans who read it will feel a more 
 
 60
 
 earnest desire than ever that the results of the war may give to 
 Italy adequate compensation for the wrongs which she has suffered 
 in the past. 
 
 THE WRITER (Boston, Massachusetts) : 
 
 Writers on current topics especially need the historical and 
 political information that Mr. Carnovale gives in a very inter- 
 esting way. 
 
 THE DAILY COURIER (Lowell, Massachusetts) : 
 
 It is a formidable array of facts, and leaves one clear in the 
 view that no matter what the present threat may be on the line of 
 the Piave, the Italian armies will never yield to a foe that has 
 been feared for more than a century. Students of Italian will find 
 this book of double value. 
 
 DETROIT TIMES (Detroit, Michigan): 
 
 This is the first book written in English, which gives the Italian 
 side of the question. The author is something of an idealist and 
 predicts that when the war is ended there will be a reign of "the 
 Omnipotents, who will work thru the active principle of love." 
 * * * This book is well worth the attention of the earnest 
 student who seeks truthfully to understand the causes and the 
 probable outcome of the war. As a history of Italy, it is a valuable 
 book of reference. 
 
 THE DETROIT FREE PRESS (Detroit, Michigan) : 
 
 This Italian author reviews the reasons which pushed the Ital- 
 ians into war against Austria. He shows that they were 
 not inspired as has been charged, either by French or British 
 gold, or because they were eager to acquire territory. Far nobler 
 motives have been ascribed; the human solidarity of the humble 
 and the weak; the rights of man violated under Prussianism. 
 
 THE DULUTH HERALD (Duluth, Minnesota): 
 
 Most interesting to American readers is the "human solidarity" 
 factor. * * * Mr. Carnovale's book is interesting not only for 
 its discussion of Italy's action, but for its summary of important 
 historical matters. 
 
 THE MENACE (Aurora, Missouri) : 
 
 The whole volume is a most luminously thoughtful and authorita- 
 tive treatment of vital and timely questions which ought to appeal 
 to every thoughtful American. Not only everyone who wishes to 
 keep abreast of the world events connected with the great war, 
 but for true Americans the story of Italy's long, heroic and finally 
 triumphant battle against despotism is a volume of first importance. 
 
 TRENTON TIMES-ADVERTISER (Trenton, New Jersey) : 
 
 This patriotic son of Italy has been plied with questions as to 
 why his country entered into the great struggle. There have been 
 intimations that she was guilty of infamous treachery. * * * 
 
 61
 
 The accusations have aroused the indignation of our author and he 
 repudiates them with considerable display of spirit. * * * Mr. 
 Carnovale's effort must take a place of importance in the literature 
 of the war. 
 THE WORLD (New York, N. Y.) : 
 
 It is an impressive recital. 
 THE MORNING TELEGRAPH (New York, N. Y.) : 
 
 Luigi Carnovale, of Chicago, makes a most interesting contribu- 
 tion to war literature. * * * The book is doubly valuable, for 
 that it is published in English and Italian. * * The argu- 
 ment made by Mr. Carnovale seems to be unanswerable from any 
 standpoint. 
 
 NEW YORK TIMES (New York, N. Y.) : 
 
 Luigi Carnovale's sturdy volume presents an eloquent defense 
 by an Italian, of Italy's participation in the war. 
 
 NEW YORK TRIBUNE (New York, N. Y.) : 
 
 Italy needs make no apology for her entrance into the great war. 
 * * * Yet for renewed reminder, for reference, and for lasting 
 record, it is well to have this compendious bi-lingual volume of 
 Mr. Carnovale. It is the most complete statement of the Italian 
 case and the most judiciously and authoritatively made, that we 
 have seen. 
 
 DEMOCRAT AND CHRONICLE (Rochester, New York): 
 
 It is a work of much interest and considerable scope by the 
 noted Italian writer whose present home is in Chicago. * * * 
 Mr. Carnovale does his country a great service * * *, and 
 his book is one of the literary products of the war that the historian 
 must take into consideration when preparing his account of the 
 great conflict, and one that those who aspire no higher than to be 
 well informed concerning events as they pass, ought to have for 
 handy reference. 
 
 THE ROCHESTER HERALD (Rochester, New York): 
 The book will be a useful addition to war libraries. 
 
 THE TROY RECORD (Troy, New York): 
 
 The American reader will find the work well deserving a care- 
 ful reading. It is entertainingly written and historical facts are 
 given with vivid detail. 
 
 THE POST EXPRESS (Rochester, New York) : 
 
 The book as an historical and political presentation of Italy's 
 case well deserves study. * * * Luigi Carnovale is a talented 
 and brilliant writer, and the enthusiasm with which he speaks of 
 his beloved Italy will appeal not only to Italians but to the mil- 
 lions who are interested in the land which was so dear to Byron, 
 Shelley, and Browning. 
 
 62
 
 CLEVELAND PLAIN DEALER (Cleveland, Ohio) : 
 
 To many of Anglo-Saxon antecedents the book will seem a bit 
 over-written, but it is, assuredly, a valuable contribution to the 
 literature of the great war. 
 
 CINCINNATI TIMES-STAR (Cincinnati, Ohio): 
 
 It is the first complete and authoritative history in English of the 
 conditions and events that lead up to the momentous action of May 
 23, 1915. 
 
 MORNING OREGONIAN (Portland, Oregon): 
 
 The literary style shown in the book is dashing and dramatic. 
 Argument is piled on argument, until a stirring climax is reached. 
 
 THE PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania) : 
 All that is necessary to say is that the book is an elaborate ex- 
 position of an important chapter in history, containing documents 
 which will be of importance to the historian who, when peace 
 arrives, undertakes a calm survey of the whole situation. 
 
 THE NORTH AMERICAN (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania) : 
 
 In Mr. Carnovale's book the question of irredentism assumes its 
 real aspect and volume as only one of many reasons that have de- 
 termined the Italian masses to risk all in an attempt to become a 
 world power. * * * Of the final outcome Mr. Carnovale's 
 work presents a significant forecast. 
 THE SCRANTON TIMES (Scranton, Pennsylvania) : 
 
 It is a painstaking work by an author who has written interest- 
 ingly and authoritatively upon Italy and Italians before now, and 
 gives to the reader the real Italian viewpoint and arguments on the 
 present war. * * * It is a work of the utmost value, making 
 for a more intelligent understanding of the Italian side. 
 THE PROVIDENCE JOURNAL (Providence, Rhode Island) : 
 
 Unique in certain respects, a volume just published in this country 
 deserves more than casual attention. * * * Mr. Carnovale 
 gives all the documents in the case, and he is wise to do this be- 
 cause without them it is impossible to comprehend the situation 
 with any degree of intelligence. 
 THE GALVESTON DAILY NEWS (Galveston, Texas) : 
 
 The volume is an especially valuable one for its historical con- 
 tents not only as they directly concern Europe, but as they affected 
 all Europe. 
 DESERET EVENING NEWS (Salt Lake City, Utah): 
 
 The work is of unusual interest showing clearly the justification 
 the Italian people feel in their part of the war; and the enthusiasm 
 and impassioned defense by one of her noted scholars writes un- 
 mistakably, if unconsciously, a limitless confidence in her cause. 
 HERALD -REPUBLIC AN (Salt Lake City, Utah) : 
 
 With an unerring accuracy of logic the author proves his point. 
 63
 
 But this is no mere cold array of figures and statement of facts. 
 It is written by an artist. 
 
 THE NEWS LEADER (Richmond, Virginia) : 
 
 The author whose fervid patriotism inspires a vigorous style 
 leads us into most interesting and long roads of history. * * * 
 Nor is the least valuable feature of his work the information it 
 gives regarding political evolution in Italy and its causes. 
 
 RICHMOND TIMES-DISPATCH (Richmond, Virginia): 
 
 The author is a distinguished Italian-American journalist and 
 a leader of Italian thought in this country, and he brings forth a 
 formidable array of proof that is historically incontestable to justi- 
 fy the course pursued by Italy. The book should be widely read 
 as it throws much light on questions and motives hitherto not 
 generally understood in America, even by native sons of Italy, now 
 citizens of the United States. 
 
 THE SPOKESMAN-REVIEW (Spokane, Washington): 
 
 This book is in the nature of a "Red Book" explaining the rea- 
 sons of Italy's change of front. 
 
 MILWAUKEE FREE PRESS (Milwaukee, Wisconsin): 
 It is a painstaking and illuminating volume. 
 
 THE LIVING CHURCH (Milwaukee, Wisconsin) : 
 
 It is unfortunate both for Italy and the United States that we 
 have habituated ourselves very calmly to think of the Italian as 
 a rough day-laborer. We will reap harvest in art, music, and the 
 humanities through the Italian blood poured into the melting pot. 
 Who ever reads this book, that founds all its claims on documents, 
 will finish with deep sympathy for Italy and the Italians in this 
 war. 
 
 AMERIKA (Madison, Wisconsin) : 
 
 A great work. A most convincing statement of facts and argu* 
 ments. Mr. Carnovale knows his subject from a to z, and his style 
 is fluent, forceful, filled to the brim with that vivacity of which the 
 French and Italians are the masters. Both his fancy and his 
 vocabulary seem inexhaustible. Nor does he lack equilibrium. He 
 presents with the greatest perspicuity the sufferings and aspirations 
 of the Italian people. * * * The author arouses our sympathy 
 for Italy and at the same time stirs our own patriotism to its pro- 
 foundest depths. For this lesson in devotion to our country we owe 
 Luigi Carnovale a debt of gratitude. 
 
 JOHN BASIL BARNHILL, editor Humanity First, (Xenia, Illinois) : 
 To me, your wonderful book, Why Italy entered into the Great 
 War, has become, in a sense, a veritable Bible of the loftiest elo- 
 quence and deepest political and social insight. 
 
 64
 
 PUBLICATIONS BY LUIGI CARNOVALE 
 
 A Visit to the Artist Andrea Cefaly 
 
 With Prefatory Letter of Cefaly Himself (Italy). 
 
 My Mother (Italy)- 
 
 The Dream of Francesco (Chicago, U. S. A.) 
 
 Journalism of Italian Emigrants in America 
 
 211 Pages, with cover designed by the artist E. Dl Pinto 
 (Chicago, U. S. A.). 
 
 Why Italy Entered Into the Great War-Perche 
 1'Italia e entrata nella Grande Guerra 
 
 673 Pages in English and Italian, with Tavola Clesiana 
 and Map. Large 8vo. (Chicago, U. S. A., July, 1917). 
 
 Only by the Abolition of Neutrality Can Wars be 
 Quickly and Forever Prevented Soltanto 1'Eli- 
 minazione della Neutralita potra subito e per 
 sempre impedire le Guerre 
 
 An Original Conception for the Practical Advent of Uni- 
 versal Perennial Peace and Brotherhood (Chicago, U.S.A., 
 1917, 1920, 1921, 1922). 
 
 IN PREPARATION 
 
 The Formation of the Italian Character 
 Tommaso Campanella 
 The Omnipotents 
 
 PUBLICATIONS RELATIVE TO LUIGI CARNOVALE 
 Luitfi Carnovale Patriotism and Humanity 
 
 By Vincenzo Carnovale (Roma, Italy, December, 1918). 
 
 Carnovale Apostle of Humanity The 
 Modern Idealist 
 
 By Ethel Torrey Hibbard (Chicago, U. S.A., March, 1922).