I m , . '' ^H i < ... -i DANTE AND OTHER ESSAYS DANTE AND OTHER ESSAYS BY R. W. CHURCH BOHBT1HK DEAN OK ST. PAUL'* Hon&on MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK 1893 All rights rtttrvtd First Edition 1888 Rtfrinttd 1889, 1891, 1893 CONTENTS PAGE DANTE . ... 1 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH . 193 'SORDELLO* . 221 DANTE 1 [JAN. 1850] THE Divina Commedia is one of the landmarks of history. More than a magnificent poem, more than the beginning of a language and the opening of a national literature, more than the inspirer of art, and 1 Dante's Divine Comedy, the Inferno ; a literal Prose Trans- lation, with the Text of the Original. By J. A. CARLYLE, M.D., London : 1849. I have never quite forgiven myself for not having said more of the unpretending but honest and most useful volume which stood at the head of this essay when it first appeared as an article. It was placed there, according to what was then a custom of article writers, as a peg to hang remarks upon which might or might not be criticisms of the particular book so noticed. It did not offer itself specially to my use, and my attention was busy with my own work. But this was no excuse for availing myself of a good book, and not giving it the notice which it deserved. To an English student beginning Dante, and wishing to study him in a scholarly manner, it is really more useful than a verse translation can be ; and I have always greatly regretted that the plan of translating the whole work was dropped for want of the appreciation which . . the first instalment ought to have had. (1878.) & B 2 DANTE the glory of a great people, it is one of those rare and solemn monuments of the mind's power, which measure and test what it can reach to, which rise up ineffaceably and for ever as time goes on, mark- ing out its advance by grander divisions than its centuries, and adopted as epochs by the consent of all who come after. It stands with the Iliad and Shakespeare's Plays, with the writings of Aristotle and Plato, with the Novum Organon and the Principia, with Justinian's Code, with the Parthenon and St. Peter's. It is the first Christian poem ; and it opens European literature, as the Iliad did that of Greece and Rome. And, like the Iliad, it has never become out of date ; it accompanies in undiminished freshness the literature which it began. We approach the history of such works, in which genius seems to have pushed its achievements to a new limit, with a kind of awe. The beginnings of all things, their bursting out from nothing, and gradual evolution into substance and shape, cast on the mind a solemn influence. They come too near the fount of being to be followed up without our feeling the shadows which surround it. We cannot but fear, cannot but feel ourselves cut off from this visible and familiar world as we enter into the cloud. And as with the processes of nature, so it is with those off- springs of man's mind, by which he has added per DANTE 3 manently one more great feature to the world, and created a new power which is to act on mankind to the end The mystery of the inventive and creative faculty, the subtle and incalculable combinations by which it was led to its work, and carried through it, are out of the reach of investigating thought. Often the idea recurs of the precariousness of the result ; by how little the world might have lost one of its ornaments by one sharp pang, or one chance meet- ing, or any other among the countless accidents among which man runs his course. And then the solemn recollection supervenes, that powers were formed, and life preserved, and circumstances ar- ranged, and actions controlled, that thus it should be : and the work which man has brooded over, and at last created, is the foster-child too of that " Wisdom which reaches from end to end, strongly and sweetly disposing all things." It does not abate these feelings that we can follow in some cases and to a certain extent, the progress of a work. Indeed, the sight of the particular accidents among which it was developed which belong per- haps to a heterogeneous and widely discordant order of things, which are out of proportion and out of harmony with it, which do not explain it, which have, as it may seem to us, no natural right to be connected with it, to bear on its character, or contribute to its 4 DANTE accomplishment, to which we feel, as it were, ashamed to owe what we can least spare, yet on which its forming mind and purpose were dependent, and with which they had to conspire affects the imagination even more than cases where we see nothing. We are tempted less to musing and wonder by the Iliad, a work without a history, cut off from its past, the sole relic and vestige of its age, unexplained in its origin and perfection, than by the Divina Commedia, destined for the highest ends and most universal sympathy, yet the reflection of a personal history, and issuing seemingly from its chance incidents. The Divina Commedia is singular among the great works with which it ranks, for its strong stamp of personal character and history. In general we asso- ciate little more than the name not the life of a great poet with his works ; personal interest belongs more usually to greatness in ita active than its crea- tive forms. But the whole idea and purpose of the Commedia, as well as its filling up and colouring, are determined by Dante's peculiar history. The loftiest, perhaps, in its aim and flight of all poems, it is also the most individual ; the writer's own life is chronicled in it, as well as the issues and upshot of all things. It is at once the mirror to all time of the sins and perfections of men, of the judgments and grace of God, and the record, often the only one, of the trans- DANTE 5 lent names, and local factions, and obscure ambitions, and forgotten crimes, of the poet's own day ; and in that awful company to which he leads us, in the most unearthly of his scenes, we never lose sight of himself. And when this peculiarity sends us to history, it seems as if the poem which was to hold such a place in Christian literature hung upon and grew out of chance events, rather than the deliberate design of its author. History indeed here, as generally, is but a feeble exponent of the course of growth in a great mind and great ideas. It shows us early a bent and purpose the man conscious of power and intending to use it and then the accidents among which he worked : but how that current of purpose threaded its way among them, how it was thrown back, de- flected, deepened, by them, we cannot learn from history. It presents but a broken and mysterious picture. A boy of quick and enthusiastic temper grows up into youth in a dream of love. The lady of his mystic passion dies early. He dreams of her still, not as a wonder of earth, but as a Saint in Paradise, and relieves his heart in an autobiography, a strange and perplexing work of fiction quaint and subtle enough for a metaphysical conceit ; but, on the other hand, with far too much of genuine and deep feeling. It is a first essay ; he closes it abruptly as if dissatisfied with his work, but with the resolution 6 DANTE of raising at a future day a worthy monument to the memory of her whom he has lost. It is the promise and purpose of a great work. But a prosaic change seems to come over this half-ideal character. The lover becomes the student the student of the thir- teenth century struggling painfully against difficul- ties, eager and hot after knowledge, wasting eyesight and stinting sleep, subtle, inquisitive, active -minded and sanguine, but omnivorous, overflowing with dialec- tical forms, loose in premiss and ostentatiously rigid in syllogism, fettered by the refinements of half- awakened taste, and the mannerisms of the Proven- cals. Boethius and Cicero, and the mass of mixed learning within his reach, are accepted as the conso- lation of his human griefs; he is filled with the passion of universal knowledge, and the desire to communicate it. Philosophy has become the lady of his soul to write allegorical poems in her honour, and to comment on them with all the apparatus of his learning in prose, his mode of celebrating her. Further, he marries ; it is said, not happily. The antiquaries, too, have disturbed romance by discover- ing that Beatrice also was married some years before her death. He appears, as time goes on, as a burgher of Florence, the father of a family, a politician, an envoy, a magistrate, a partisan, taking his full share in the quarrels of the day. At length we see him, DANTE 7 at once an exile, and the poet of the Commedia. Beatrice reappears shadowy, melting at times into symbol and figure but far too living and real, addressed with too intense and natural feeling, to be the mere personification of anything. The lady of the philosophical Canzoni has vanished. The student's dream has been broken, as the boy's had been ; and the earnestness of the man, enlightened by sorrow, overleaping the student's formalities and abstractions, reverted in sympathy to the earnestness of the boy, and brooded once more on that Saint in Paradise, whose presence and memory had once been so soothing, and who now seemed a real link between him and that stable country, " where the angels are in peace." Round her image, the reflection of purity, and truth, and forbearing love, was grouped that con- fused scene of trouble and effort, of failure and suc- cess, which the poet saw round him ; round her image it arranged itself in awful order and that image, not a metaphysical abstraction, but the living memory, freshened by sorrow, and seen through the softening and hallowing vista of years, of Beatrice Portinari no figment of imagination, but God's creature and servant A childish love, dissipated by study and business, and revived in memory by heavy sorrow a boyish resolution, made in a moment of feeling, interrupted, though it would be hazardous to 8 DANTE say in Dante's case, laid aside, for apparently more manly studies, gave the idea and suggested the form of the " Sacred poem of earth and heaven." And the occasion of this startling unfolding of the poetic gift, of this passage of a soft and dreamy boy, into the keenest, boldest, sternest of poets, the free and mighty leader of European song, was, what is not ordinarily held to be a source of poetical inspira- tion, the political life. The boy had sensibility, high aspirations, and a versatile and passionate nature ; the student added to this energy, various learning, gifts of language, and noble ideas on the capacities and ends of man. But it was the factions of Florence which made Dante a great poet. But for them, he might have been a modern critic and essayist born before his time, and have held a high place among the writers of fugitive verses ; in Italy, a graceful but trifling and idle tribe, often casting a deep and beautiful thought into a mould of expressive diction, but oftener toying with a foolish and glittering con- ceit, and whose languid genius was exhausted by a sonnet. He might have thrown into the shade the Guidos and Cinos of his day, to be eclipsed by Petrarch. But he learned in the bitter feuds of Italy not to trifle ; they opened to his view, and he had an eye to see, the true springs and abysses of this mortal life motives and passions stronger than lovers' DANTE 9 sentiments, evils beyond the consolations of Boethius and Cicero ; and from that fiery trial which without searing his heart, annealed his strength and purpose, he drew that great gift and power by which he stands pre-eminent even among his high compeers, the gift of being real. And the idea of the Commedia took shape, and expanded into its endless forms of terror and beauty, not under the roof-tree of the literary citizen, but when the exile had been driven out to the highways of the world, to study nature on the sea or by the river or on the mountain track, and to study men in the courts of Verona and Ravenna, and in the schools of Bologna and Paris perhaps of Oxford. The connexion of these feuds with Dante's poem has given to the middle age history of Italy an interest of which it is not undeserving in itself, full as it is of curious exhibitions of character and contrivance, but to which politically it cannot lay claim, amid the social phenomena, so far grander in scale and purpose and more felicitous in issue, of the other western nations. It is remarkable for keeping up an antique phase, which, in spite of modern arrangements, it has not yet lost. It is a history of cities. In ancient history all that is most memorable and instructive gathers round cities; civilisation and empire were concentrated within walls ; and it baffled the ancient 10 DANTE mind to conceive how power should be possessed arid wielded, by numbers larger than might be collected in a single market-place. The Roman Empire indeed aimed at being one in its administration and law; but it was not a nation, nor were its provinces nations. Yet everywhere but in Italy it prepared them for becoming nations. And while everywhere else parts were uniting and union was becoming organisation and neither geographical remoteness, nor unwieldiness of numbers, nor local interests and differences, were untractable obstacles to that spirit of fusion which was at once the ambition of the few and the instinct of the many ; and cities, even where most powerful, had become the centres of the attracting and joining forces, knots in the political network while this was going on more or less happily throughout the rest of Europe, in Italy the ancient classic idea lingered in its simplicity, its narrowness and jealousy, wherever there was any political activity. The history of Southern Italy indeed is mainly a foreign one, the history of modern Rome merges in that of the Papacy ; but Northern Italy has a history of its own, and that is a history of separate and independent cities points of reciprocal and indestructible repulsion, and within, theatres of action where the blind tendencies and traditions of classes and parties weighed little on the freedom of individual character, and citizens could DANTE 11 watch and measure and study one another with the minuteness of private life. Two cities were the centres of ancient history in its most interesting time. And two cities of modern Italy represent, with entirely undesigned but curiously exact coincidence, the parts of Athens and Eome. Venice, superficially so unlike, is yet in many of its accidental features, and still more in its spirit, the counterpart of Rome, in its obscure and mixed origin, in its steady growth, in its quick sense of order and early settlement of its polity, in its grand and serious public spirit, in its subordination of the individual to the family, and the family to the state, in its combina- tion of remote dominion with the liberty of a solitary and sovereign city. And though the associations and the scale of the two were so different though Rome had its hills and its legions, and Venice its lagunes and galleys the long empire of Venice, the heir of Carthage and predecessor of England on the seas, the great aristocratic republic of a thousand years, is the only empire that has yet matched Rome in length and steadiness of tenure. Brennus and Hannibal were not resisted with greater constancy than Doria and Louis XII. ; and that great aristocracy, long so proud, so high-spirited, so intelligent, so practical, who com- bined the enterprise and wealth of merchants, the self- devotion of soldiers and gravity of senators, with the 12 DANTE uniformity and obedience of a religious order, may compare without shame its Giustiniani, and Zenos, and Morosini, with Roman Fabii and Claudii. And Rome could not be more contrasted with Athens than Venice with Italian and contemporary Florence stability with fitfulness, independence impregnable and secure, with a short-lived and troubled liberty, empire meditated and achieved, with a course of barren intrigues and quarrels. Florence, gay, capri- cious, turbulent, the city of party, the head and busy patroness of democracy in the cities round her Florence, where popular government was inaugurated with its utmost exclusiveness and most pompous ceremonial ; waging her little summer wars against Ghibelline tyrants, revolted democracies, and her own exiles ; and further, so rich in intellectual gifts, in variety of individual character, in poets, artists, wits, historians Florence in its brilliant days recalled the image of ancient Athens, and did not depart from its prototype in the beauty of its natural site, in its noble public buildings, in the size and nature of its territory. And the course of its history is similar and the result of similar causes a traditional spirit of freedom, with its accesses of fitful energy, its periods of grand display and moments of glorious achievement, but producing nothing politically great or durable, and sinking at length into a resigned servitude. It had DANTE 13 its Peisistratidae more successful than those of Athens ; it had, too, its Harmodius and Aristogeiton ; it had its great orator of liberty, as potent and as unfortunate as the antagonist of Philip. And finally, like Athens, it became content with the remembrance of its former glory, with being the fashionable and acknowledged seat of refinement and taste, with being a favoured dependency on the modern heir of the Caesars. But if to Venice belongs a grander public history, Floren- tine names and works, like Athenian, will be living among men, when the Brenta shall have been left unchecked to turn the lagunes into ploughland, and when Home herself may no longer be the seat of the popes. The year of Dante's birth was a memorable one in the annals of Florence, of Italy, and of Chris- tendom. 1 The year 1265 was the year of that great victory of Benevento, where Charles of Anjou over- threw Manfred of Naples, and destroyed at one blow the power of the house of Swabia. From that time till the time of Charles V., the emperors had no footing in Italy. Further, that victory set up the French influence in Italy, which, transient in itself, produced such strange and momentous consequences, by the intimate connexion to which it led between 1 May 1265. (Pelli.) Battle of Benevento: Feb. 26, 126|. The Florentine year began March 25. 14 DANTE the French kings and the popes. The protection of France was dearly bought by the captivity of Avignon, the great western schism, and the consequent secu- larisation of the Papacy, which lasted on uninterrupted till the Council of Trent. Nearly three centuries of degradation and scandal, unrelieved by one heroic effort among the successors of Gregory VII., connected the Keformation with the triumph of Charles and the Pope at Be ne veil to. Finally, by it the Guelf party was restored for good in Florence ; the Guelf democracy, which had been trampled down by the Uberti and Manfred's chivalry at Monteaperti, once more raised its head ; and fortune, which had long wavered between the rival lilies, finally turned against the white one, till the name of Ghibelline became a proscribed one in Florence, as Jacobite was once in Scotland, or Papist in England, or Royalist in France. The names of Guelf and Ghibelline were the inheritance of a contest which, in its original meaning, had been long over. The old struggle between the priesthood and the empire was still kept up tradi- tionally, but its ideas and interests were changed: they were still great and important ones, but not those of Gregory VII. It had passed over from the mixed region of the spiritual and temporal into the purely political. The cause of the popes was that of the independence of Italy the freedom and alliance DANTE 16 of the great cities of the north, and the dependence of the centre and south on the Roman See. To keep the Emperor out of Italy to create a barrier of powerful cities against him south of the Alps to form behind themselves a compact territory, rich, removed from the first burst of invasion, and main- taining a strong body of interested feudatories, had now become the great object of the popes. It may have been a wise policy on their part, for the main- tenance of their spiritual influence, to attempt to connect their own independence with the political freedom of the Italian communities; but certain it is that the ideas and the characters which gave a religious interest and grandeur to the earlier part of the contest, appear but sparingly, if at all, in its later forms. The two parties did not care to keep in view principles which their chiefs had lost sight of. The Emperor and the Pope were both real powers, able to protect and assist ; . and they divided between them those who required protection and assistance. Geographical position, the rivalry of neighbourhood, family tradition, private feuds, and above all private interest, were the main causes which assigned cities, families, and individuals to the Ghibelline or Guelf party. One party called themselves the Emperor's liegemen, and their watchward was authority and 16 DANTE law; the other side were the liegemen of Holy Church, and their cry was liberty ; and the distinc- tion as a broad one is true. But a democracy would become Ghibelline, without scruple, if its neighbour town was Guelf ; and among the Guelf liegemen of the Church and liberty, the pride of blood and love of power were not a whit inferior to that of their opponents. Yet, though the original principle of the contest was lost, and the political distinctions of parties were often interfered with by interest or accident, it is not impossible to trace in the two factions differences of temper, of moral and political inclinations, which though visible only on a large scale and in the mass, were quite sufficient to give meaning and reality to their mutual opposition. These differences had come down, greatly altered of course, from the quarrel in which the parties took their rise. The Ghibellines as a body reflected the worldliness, the licence, the irreligion, the reckless selfishness, the daring insolence, and at the same time the gaiety and pomp, the princely magnificence and generosity and largeness of mind of the house of Swabia ; they were the men of the court and camp, imperious and haughty from ancient lineage or the Imperial cause, yet not wanting in the frankness and courtesy of nobility; careless of public opinion and public rights, but not dead to the grandeur of public DANTE 17 objects and public services. Among them were found, or to them inclined, all who, whether from a base or a lofty ambition, desired to place their will above law l the lord of the feudal castle, the robber-knight of the Apennine pass, the magnificent but terrible tyrants of the cities, the pride and shame of Italy, the Visconti and Scaligers. That renowned Ghibel- line chief, whom the poet finds in the fiery sepulchres of the unbelievers with the great Ghibelline emperor and the princely Ghibelline cardinal the disdainful and bitter but lofty spirit of Farinata degli Uberti, the conqueror, and then singly and at his own risk, the saviour of his country which had wronged him, represents the good as well as the bad side of his party The Guelfs, on the other hand, were the party of the middle classes ; they rose out of and held to the people ; they were strong by their compactness, their organisation in cities, their commercial relations and interests, their command of money. Further, they 1 "Maghinardo da Susinana (il Demonic, Purg. 14) fu uno grande e savio tiranno . . . gran castellano, e con molti fedeli : savio fu di guerra e beue avventuroso in piu battaglie, e al suo tempo fece gran cose. Ghibellino era di sua nazione e in sue opere ; ma co' Fiorentini era Guelfo e nirnico di tutti i loro nimici, o Guelfi o Ghibellini che fossono." G. Vill. vii. 149. A Ghibelline by birth and disposition j yet, from circumstances, a close ally of the Guelfs of Florence. C 18 DANTE were professedly the party of strictness and religion, a profession which fettered them as little as their opponents were fettered by the respect they claimed for imperial law. But though by personal unscrupu- lousness and selfishness, and in instances of public vengeance, they sinned as deeply as the Ghibellines, they stood far more committed as a party to a public meaning and purpose to improvement in law and the condition of the poor, to a protest against the insolence of the strong, to the encouragement of industry. The genuine Guelf spirit was austere, frugal, independent, earnest, religious, fond of its home and Church, and of those celebrations which bound together , Church and home ; but withal very proud, very intolerant ; in its higher form intolerant of evil, but intolerant always to whatever displeased it Yet there was a grave and noble manliness about it which long kept it alive in Florence. It had not as yet turned itself against the practical corruptions of the Church, which was its ally ; but this also it was to do, when the popes had forsaken the cause of liberty, and leagued themselves with the brilliant tyranny of the Medici. Then Savonarola invoked, and not in vain, the stern old Guelf spirit of resist- ance, of domestic purity and severity, and of domestic religion, against unbelief and licentiousness even in the Church ; and the Guelf " Piagnoni " presented, in DANTE 19 a more simple and generous shape, a resemblance to our own Puritans, as the Ghibellines often recall the coarser and worse features of our own Cavaliers. In Florence, these distinctions had become mere nominal ones, confined to the great families who carried on their private feuds under the old party names, when Frederick II. once more gave them their meaning. " Although the accursed Guelf and Ghibelline factions lasted amongst the nobles of Florence, and they often waged war among them- selves out of private grudges, and took sides for the said factions, and held one with another, and those who called themselves Guelf s desired the establish- ment of the Pope and Holy Church, and those who called themselves Ghibellines favoured the Emperor and his adherents, yet withal the people and common- alty of Florence maintained itself in unity, to the wellbeing and honour and establishment of the commonwealth." l But the appearance on the scene of an emperor of such talent and bold designs revived the languid contest, and gave to party a cause, and to individual passions and ambition an impulse and pretext The division between Guelf and Ghibelline again became serious, involved all Florence, armed house against house, and neighbourhood against neighbourhood, issued in merciless and vindictive 1 G. VUlani, vi 33. 20 DANTE warfare, grew on into a hopeless and deadly breach, and finally lost to Florence, without remedy or repair, half her noble houses and the love of the greatest of her sons. The old badge of their common country became to the two factions the sign of their impla- cable hatred ; the white lily of Florence, borne by the Ghibellines, was turned to red by the Guelfs, and the flower of two colours marked a civil strife as cruel and as fatal, if on a smaller scale, as that of the English roses. 1 It was waged with the peculiar characteristics of Italian civil war. There the city itself was the scene of battle. A thirteenth-century city in Italy bore on its face the evidence that it was built and arranged for such emergencies. Its crowded and narrow streets were a collection of rival castles, whose tall towers, rising thick and close over its roofs, or hanging perilously over its close courts, attested the emulous pride and the insecurity of Italian civic life. There, within a separate precinct, flanked and faced by jealous friends or deadly enemies, were clustered to- gether the dwellings of the various members of each great house their common home and the monument of their magnificence and pride, and capable of being, as was so often necessary, their common refuge. In these fortresses of the leading families, scattered 1 G. Villani, vi. 33, 43 ; Farad. 19. DANTE 21 about the city, were the various points of onset and recovery in civic battle ; in the streets barricades were raised, mangonels and crossbows were plied from the towers, a series of separate combats raged through the city, till chance at length connected the attacks of one side, or some panic paralysed the resistance of the other, or a conflagration interposed itself between the combatants, burning out at once Guelf and Ghibelline, and laying half Florence in ashes. Each party had their turn of victory ; each, when vanquished, went into exile, and carried on the war outside the walls ; each had their opportunity of remodelling the orders and framework of govern- ment, and each did so relentlessly at the cost of their opponents. They excluded classes, they proscribed families, they confiscated property, they sacked and burned warehouses, they levelled the palaces, and outraged the pride of their antagonists. To destroy was not enough, without adding to it the keenest and newest refinement of insult. Two buildings in Florence were peculiarly dear among their "can luoghi " to the popular feeling and the Guelf party : the Baptistery of St. John, " il mio bel San Giovanni," " to which all the good people resorted on Sundays," l where they had all received baptism, where they had been married, where families were solemnly 1 G. Villani, vL 33, iv. 10 ; Inf. 19 ; Farad. 25. 22 DANTE reconciled ; and a tall and beautiful tower close by it, called the "Torre del Guardamorto," where the bodies of the "good people," who of old were all buried at San Giovanni, rested on their way to the grave. The victorious Ghibellines, when they levelled the Guelf towers, overthrew this one, and endeavoured to make it crush in its fall the sacred church, " which," says the old chronicler, " was pre- vented by a miracle." The Guelfs, when their day came, built the walls of Florence with the stones of Ghibelline palaces. 1 One great family stands out pre-eminent in this fierce conflict as the victim and monument of party war. The head of the Ghibellines was the proud and powerful house of the Uberti, who shared with another great Ghibelline family, the Pazzi, the valley of the upper Arno. They lighted up the war in the Emperor's cause. They supported its weight and guided it. In time of peace they were foremost and unrestrained in defiance of law and in scorn of the people in war, the people's fiercest and most active enemies. Heavy sufferers, in their property, and by the sword and axe, yet untamed and incorrigible, they led the van in that battle, so long remembered to their cost by the Guelfs, the battle of Monteaperti (1260) 1 G. Villani, vi. 39, 65. DANTE 23 Lo strazio, e '1 gran scempio Che fece 1' Arbia colorata in rossa. Inf. 10. 1 That the head of their house, Farinata, saved Florence from the vengeance of his meaner associates, was not enough to atone for the unpardonable wrongs which they had done to the Guelfs and the demo- cracy. When the red lily of the Guelfs finally supplanted the white one as the arms of Florence, and the badge of Guelf triumph, they were pro- scribed for ever, like the Peisistratidae and the Tarquins. In every amnesty their names were excepted. The site on which their houses had stood was never again to be built upon, and remains the Great Square of Florence; the architect of the Palace of the People was obliged to sacrifice its symmetry, and to place it awry, that its walls might not encroach on the accursed ground. 2 " They had been," says a writer, contemporary with Dante, speaking of the time when he also became an exile ; " they had been for more than forty years outlaws from their country, nor ever found mercy nor pity, remaining always abroad in great state, nor ever abased their honour, seeing that they ever abode 1 The slaughter and great havoc, I replied, That coloured Arbia's flood with crimson stain. * G. Villani, vi. 33, viii. 26 ; Vasari, Arnol/o di Lapo, i. 255 (Fir. 1846). 24 DANTE with kings and lords, and to great things applied themselves." 1 They were loved as they were hated. When, under the protection of a cardinal, one of them visited the city, and the chequered blue and gold blazon of their house was, after an interval of half a century, again seen in the streets of Florence ; " many ancient Ghibelline men and women pressed to kiss the arms," 2 and even the common people did him honour. But the fortunes of Florentine factions depended on other causes than merely the address or vigour of their leaders. From the year of Dante's birth and Charles's victory, Florence, as far as we shall have to do with it, became irrevocably Guelf. Not that the whole commonalty of Florence formally called itself Guelf, or that the Guelf party was coextensive with it; but the city was controlled by Guelf councils, devoted to the objects of the great Guelf party, and received in return the support of that party in curbing the pride of the nobles and maintaining democratic forms. The Guelf party of Florence, though it was the life and soul of the republic, and irresistible in its disposal of the influence and arms of Florence, and though it embraced a large number of the most powerful families, is always spoken of as something distinct from, and external to, the govern- ing powers, and the whole body of the people. It 1 Ditto Compagni, p. 88. * Ibid. p. 107. DANTE 25 was a body with a separate and self-constituted existence; in the state and allied to it, but an independent element, holding on to a large and comprehensive union without the state. Its organi- sation in Florence is one of the most curious among the many curious combinations which meet us in Italian history. After the final expulsion of the Ghibellines the Guelf party took form as an institution, with definite powers, and a local existenca It appears with as distinct a shape as the Jacobin Club or the Orange Lodges, side by side with the government. It was a corporate body with a common seal, common property, not only in funds but lands officers, archives, a common palace, 1 a great council, a secret committee, and last of all, a public accuser of the Ghibellines ; of the confiscated Ghibelline estates one-third went to the republic, another third to compensate individual Guelfs, the rest was assigned to the Guelf party. 2 A pope (Clement IV., 1265-68) had granted them his own arms ; 3 and their device, a red eagle clutching a serpent, may be yet seen, with the red lily, and the party-coloured banner of the commonalty, on the battlements of the Palazzo Vecchio. But the expulsion of the Ghibellines did but little 1 Giotto painted in it : Vauari, Vtt. di Giotto, p. 814. G. Villani, viL 2, 17. Ibid. viL 2. 26 DANTE to restore peace. The great Guelf families, as old as many of the Ghibellines, had as little reverence as they for law or civic rights. Below these, the acknowledged nobility of Florence, were the leading families of the " people," houses, created by successful industry or commerce, and pushing up into that privileged order, which, however ignored and even discredited by the laws, was fully recognised by feel- ing and opinion in the most democratic times of the republic. Rivalries and feuds, street broils and con- spiracies, high-handed insolence from the great men, rough vengeance from the populace, still continued to vex jealous and changeful Florence. The popes sought in vain to keep in order their quarrelsome liegemen ; to reconcile Guelf with Guelf, and even Guelf with Ghibelline. Embassies went and came, to ask for mediation and to proffer it ; to apply the healing paternal hand ; to present an obsequious and ostentatious submission. Cardinal legates came in state, and were received with reverential pomp ; they formed private committees, and held assemblies, and made marriages ; they harangued in honeyed words, and gained the largest promises ; on one occasion the Great Square was turned into a vast theatre, and on this stage one hundred and fifty dissidents on each side came forward, and in the presence and with the benediction of the cardinal kissed each other DANTE 27 on the mouth. 1 And if persuasion failed, the Pope's representative hesitated not to excommunicate and interdict the faithful but obdurate city. But whether excommunicated or blessed, Florence could not be at peace; however wise and subtle had been the peacemaker's arrangements, his departing cortege was hardly out of sight of the city before they were blown to the winds. Not more successful were the efforts of the sensible and moderate citizens who sighed for tranquillity within its walls. Dino Com- pagni's interesting though not very orderly narrative describes with great frankness, and with the perplex- ity of a simple-hearted man puzzled by the continual triumph of clever wickedness, the variety and the fruitlessness of the expedients devised by him and other good citizens against the resolute and incor- rigible selfishness of the great Guelfs ever, when checked in one form, breaking out in another ; proof against all persuasion, all benefits ; not to be bound by law, or compact, or oath ; eluding or turning to its own account the deepest and sagest contrivances of constitutional wisdom. A great battle won against Ghibelline Arezzo* raised the renown and the military spirit of the Guelf party, for the fame of the battle was very 1 G. Villani, vii. 56. 1 Campaldino, in 1289. O. VilL vii. 131 ; Dino Comp. p. 14. 28 DANTE great ; the hosts contained the choicest chivalry of either side, armed and appointed with emulous splen- dour. The fighting was hard, there was brilliant and conspicuous gallantry, and the victory was com- plete. It sealed Guelf ascendancy. The Ghibelline warrior-bishop of Arezzo fell, with three of the Uberti, and other Ghibelline chiefs. It was a day of trial. "Many that day who had been thought of great prowess were found dastards, and many who had never been spoken of were held in high esteem." It repaired the honour of Florence, and the citizens showed their feeling of its importance by mixing up the marvellous with its story. Its tidings came to Florence so runs the tale in Villani, who declares what he " heard and saw " himself at the very hour in which it was won. The Priors of the Republic were resting in their palace during the noonday heat ; suddenly the chamber door was shaken, and the cry heard : " Rise up ! the Aretini are defeated." The door was opened, but there was no one ; their ser- vants had seen no one enter the palace, and no one came from the army till the hour of vespers, on a long summer's day. In this battle the Guelf leaders had won great glory. The hero of the day was the proudest, handsomest, craftiest, most winning, most ambitious, most unscrupulous Guelf noble in Florence one of a family who inherited the spirit and reck- DANTE 29 lessness of the proscribed Uberti, and did not refuse the popular epithet of "Afalefami" Corso Donati. He did not come back from the field of Campaldino, where he had won the battle by disobeying orders, with any increased disposition to yield to rivals, or court the populace, or respect other men's rights. Those rivals, too and they also had fought gallantly in the post of honour at Campaldino were such as he hated from his soul rivals whom he despised, and who yet were too strong for him. His blood was ancient, they were upstarts ; he was a soldier, they were traders ; he was poor, they the richest men in Florence. They had come to live close to the Donati, they had bought the palace of an old Ghibel- line family, they had enlarged, adorned, and fortified it, and kept great state there. They had crossed him in marriages, bargains, inheritances. They had won popularity, honour, influence ; and yet they were but men of business, while he had a part in all the political movements of the day. He was the friend and intimate of lords and noblemen, with great con- nexions and famous through all Italy ; they were the favourites of the common people for their kindness and good nature ; they even showed consideration for Ghibellines. He was an accomplished man of the world, keen and subtle, " full of malicious thoughts, mischievous and crafty ;" they were inexperienced in 30 DANTE intrigue, and had the reputation of being clumsy and stupid. He was the most graceful and engaging of courtiers ; they were not even gentlemen. Lastly, in the debates of that excitable republic he was the most eloquent speaker, and they were tongue-tied. 1 "There was a family," writes Dino Compagni, " who called themselves the Cerchi, men of low estate, but good merchants and very rich ; and they dressed richly, and maintained many servants and horses, and made a brave show ; and some of them bought the palace of the Conti Guidi, which was near the houses of the Pazzi and Donati, who were more ancient of blood but not so rich ; therefore, seeing the Cerchi rise to great dignity, and that they had walled and enlarged the palace, and kept great state, the Donati began to have a great hatred against them." Villani gives the same account of the feud. 2 " It began in that quarter of scandal the Sesto of Porta St. Piero, between the Cerchi and Donati, on the one side through jealousy, on the other through churlish rude- ness. Of the house of the Cerchi was head Messer Vieri de' Cerchi, and he and those of his house were people of great business, and powerful, and of great relationships, and most wealthy traders, so that their company was one of the greatest in the world ; men they were of soft life, and who meant no harm; 1 Dino C Ibid. vii. 89 (1283). DANTE 39 Not perhaps in these troops of revellers, but amid music and song, and in the pleasant places of social and private life, belonging to the Florence of arts and poetry, not to the Florence of factions and strife, should we expect to find the friend of the sweet singer, Casella, and of the reserved and bold speculator, Guido Cavalcanti ; the mystic poet of the Vita Nuova, so sensitive and delicate, trembling at a gaze or a touch, recording visions, painting angels, composing Canzoni and commenting on them ; finally devoting himself to the austere consolations of deep study. To superadd to such a character that of a democratic politician of the Middle Ages, seems an incongruous and harsh combination. Yet it was a real one in this instance. The scholar's life is, in our idea of it. far separated from the practical and the political j we have been taught by our experience to disjoin enthusiasm in love, in art, in what is abstract or imaginative, from keen interest and successful interference in the affairs and conflicts of life. The practical man may sometimes be also a dilettante; but the dreamer or the thinker, wisely or indolently, keeps out of the rough ways where real passions and characters meet and jostle, or if he ventures, seldom gains honour there. The separation, though a natural one, grows wider as society becomes more vast and manifold, as its ends, functions, and pursuits are dis- 40 DANTE entangled, while they multiply. But in Dante's time, and in an Italian city, it was not such a strange thing that the most refined and tender interpreter of feeling, the popular poet, whose verses touched all hearts, and were in every mouth, should be also at once the ardent follower of all abstruse and difficult learning, and a prominent character among those who admini- stered the State. In that narrow sphere of action, in that period of dawning powers and circumscribed knowledge, it seemed no unreasonable hope or unwise ambition to attempt the compassing of all science, and to make it subserve and illustrate the praise of active citizenship. 1 Dante, like other literary cele- brities of the time, was not less from the custom of the day, than from his own purpose, a public man. He took his place among his fellow-citizens : he went out to war with them ; he fought, it is said, among the skirmishers at the great Guelf victory of Campal- dino ; to qualify himself for office in the democracy, he enrolled himself in one of the Guilds of the people, and was matriculated in the "Art" of the Apothecaries ; he served the State as its agent abroad ; be went on important missions to the cities and courts of Italy according to a Florentine tradition, which enumerates fourteen distinct embassies, even to Hungary and France. In the memorable year of Vide the opening of the De Monarchia. DANTE 41 Jubilee, 1300, he was one of the Priors of the Re- public. There is no shrinking from fellowship and co-operation and conflict with the keen or bold men of the market-place and council -hall, in that mind of exquisite and, as drawn by itself, exaggerated sensibility. The doings and characters of men, the workings of society, the fortunes of Italy, were watched and thought of with as deep an interest as the courses of the stars, and read in the real spectacle of life with as profound emotion as in the miraculous page of Virgil ; and no scholar ever read Virgil with such feeling no astronomer ever watched the stars with more eager inquisitiveness. The whole man opens to the world around him : all affections and powers, soul and sense, diligently and thoughtfully directed and trained, with free and concurrent and equal energy, with distinct yet harmonious purposes, seek out their respective and appropriate objects, moral, intellectual, natural, spiritual, in that admirable scene and hard field where man is placed to labour and love, to be exercised, proved, and judged. In a fresco in the chapel of the old palace of the Podesta ! at Florence is a portrait of Dante, said to be by the hand of his contemporary Giotto. It was discovered in 1841 under the whitewash, and a tracing 1 The Bargello, a prison (1860); a museum (1878). Vvb Vasnri, p. 811. 42 DANTE made by Mr. Seymour Kirkup has been reproduced in facsimile by the Arundel Society. The fresco was afterwards restored or repainted with no happy success. He is represented as he might have been in the year of Campaldiuo (1289). The countenance is youthful yet manly, more manly than it appears in the engravings of the picture ; but it only suggests the strong deep features of the well-known traditional face. He is drawn with much of the softness, and melancholy pensive sweetness, and with something also of the quaint stiffness of the Vita Nuova with his flower and his book With him is drawn his master, Brunette Latini, 1 and Corso Donati. We do not know what occasion led Giotto thus to associate him with the great "Baron." Dante was, indeed, closely connected with the Donati. The dwelling of his family was near theirs, in the "Quarter of Scandal," the Ward of the Porta St Piero. He married a daughter of their house, Madonna Gemma. None of his friends are commemorated with more affection than the companion of his light and way- ward days, remembered not without a shade of anxious sadness, yet with love and hope, Corso's brother, Forese. 2 No sweeter spirit sings and smiles in the illumined spheres of Paradise, than she whom Forese remembers as on earth one, 1 He died in 1294. G. VU1. viii. 10. Purg. c. 23. DANTE 43 Che tra bella e buona Non so qual fosse piu. Purg. c. 24. 1 and who, from the depth of her heavenly joy, teaches the poet that in the lowest place among the blessed there can be no envy 2 the sister of Forese and Corso, Piccarda. The Commedia, though it speaks, as if in prophecy, of Corso's miserable death, avoids the mention of his name. 3 Its silence is so remark- able as to seem significant. But though history does not group together Corso and Dante, the picture represents the truth their fortunes were linked together. They were actors in the same scene at this distance of time two of the most prominent ; though a scene very different from that calm and grave assembly which Giotto's placid pencil has drawn on the old chapel wall. The outlines of this part of Dante's history are so well known that it is not necessary to dwell on them ; and more than the outlines we know not The family quarrels came to a head, issued in parties, and the parties took names ; they borrowed them from two rival factions in a neighbouring town, Pistoia, whose feud was imported into Florence ; and the Guelfs became divided into the Black Guelfs who were led 1 My sister, good and beautiful which moat I know not. WRIGHT. Farad, r. 3. Purg. c. 24, 82-87. 44 DANTE by the Donati, and the White Guelfs who sided with the Cerchi. 1 It still professed to be but a family feud, confined to the great houses ; but they were too powerful and Florence too small for it not to affect the whole /Republic. The middle classes and the artisans looked on, and for a time not without satisfaction, at the strife of the great men; but it grew evident that one party must crush the other, and become dominant in Florence ; and of the two, the Cerchi and their White adherents were less formidable to the democracy than the unscrupulous and overbearing Donati, with their military renown and lordly tastes ; proud not merely of being nobles, but Guelf nobles ; always loyal champions, once the martyrs, and now the hereditary assertors, of the great Guelf cause. The Cerchi with less character and less zeal, but rich, liberal, and showy, and with more of rough kindness and vulgar good-nature for the common people, were more popular in Guelf Florence than the " Parte Guelfa ; " and, of course, the Ghibellines wished them well. Both the con- temporary historians of Florence lead us to think that they might have been the governors and guides of the Republic if they had chosen, and had known how ; and both, though condemning the two parties equally, seemed to have thought that this would have 1 In 1300. G. VUlani, viii. 38, 39. DANTE 45 been the best result for the State. But the accounts of both, though they are very different writers, agree in their scorn of the leaders of the White Guelfs. They were upstarts, purse-proud, vain, and coarse- minded ; and they dared to aspire to an ambition which they were too dull and too cowardly to pursue, when the game was in their hands. They wished to rule ; but when they might, they were afraid. The commons were on their side, the moderate men, the party of law, the lovers of republican government, and for the most part the magistrates; but they shrank from their fortune, "more from cowardice than from goodness, because they exceedingly feared their adversaries." l Boniface VIII. had no prepos- sessions in Florence, except for energy and an open hand; the side which was most popular he would have accepted and backed ; but " he would not lose," he said, " the men for the women." " lo non voglio perdere gli tiomini per le fcmminette," * If the Black party furnished types for the grosser or fiercer forms of wickedness in the poet's Hell, the White party surely were the originals of that picture of stupid and cowardly selfishness, in the miserable crowd who moan and are buffeted in the vestibule of the Pit, 1 Dino Comp. p. 45. 1 I am not going to lose the men for the old women. Ibid. p. 62. 46 DANTE mingled with the angels who dared neither to rebel nor be faithful, but " were for themselves ; " and who- ever it may be who is singled out in the " setta dei ttivi," for deeper and special scorn he, Che fece per vilta il gran rifiuto. Inf. c. 3, 60. 1 the idea was derived from the Cerchi in Florence. A French prince was sent by the Pope to mediate and make peace in Florence. The Black Guelfs and Corso Donati came with him. The magistrates were overawed and perplexed. The White party were, step by step, amused, entrapped, led blindly into false plots, entangled in the elaborate subtleties, and exposed with all the zest and mockery, of Italian intrigue finally chased out of their houses and from the city, condemned unheard, outlawed, ruined in name and property, by the Pope's French mediator. With them fell many citizens who had tried to hold the balance between the two parties ; for the leaders of the Black Guelfs were guilty of no errors of weak- ness. In two extant lists of the proscribed con- demned by default, for corruption and various crimes, especially for hindering the entrance into Florence of Charles de Valois, to a heavy fine and banishment then, two months after, for contumacy, to be burned alive if he ever fell into the hands of the Republic 1 The coward who the great refusal made. DANTE 47 appears the name of Dante Alighieri ; and more than this, concerning the history of his expulsion, we know not. 1 Of his subsequent life, history tells us little more than the general character. He acted for a time in concert with the expelled party, when they attempted to force their way back to Florence ; he gave them up at last in scorn and despair ; but he never returned to Florence. And he found no new home for the rest of his days. Nineteen years, from his exile to his death, he was a wanderer. The character is stamped on his writings. History, tradition, docu- ments, all scanty or dim, do but disclose him to us at different points, appearing here and there, we are not told how or why. One old record, discovered by antiquarian industry, shows him in a village church near Florence, planning, with the Cerchi and the White party, an attack on the Black Guelfs. In another, he appears in the Val di Mngra, making peace between its small potentates : in another, as the inhabitant of a certain street in Padua. The tra- ditions of some remote spots about Italy still connect his name with a ruined tower, a mountain glen, a cell in a convent In the recollections of the following generation, his solemn and melancholy form mingled 1 Pelli, Memorie per terrire alia vita di Dante. Fir. 1823, pp. 105, 106. 48 DANTE reluctantly, and for a while, in the brilliant court of the Scaligers ; and scared the women, as a visitant of the other world, as he passed by their doors in the streets of Verona. Rumour brings him to the West with probability to Paris, more doubtfully to Oxford. But little certain can be made out about the places where he was an honoured and admired, but it may be, not always a welcome guest, till we find him sheltered, cherished, and then laid at last to rest, by the Lords of Ravenna. There he still rests, in a small, solitary chapel, built, not by a Florentine, but a Venetian. Florence, " that mother of little love, : ' asked for his bones ; but rightly asked in vain. 1 His place of repose is better in those remote and forsaken streets " by the shore of the Adrian Sea," hard by the last relics of the Roman Empire the mausoleum of the children of Theodosius, and the mosaics of Justinian than among the assembled dead of St. Croce, or amid the magnificence of Santa Maria del Fiore. 8 1 See Dr. Barlow's Sixth Centenary Festivals of Dante. (1866.) 3 These notices have been carefully collected by Pelli, who seems to have left little to glean (Afemoric, etc., Ed. 2d, 1828). A few additions have been made by Oerini (Mem, Stor. delta Lunigiana), and Troya ( Veltro Allegorico), but they are not of much importance. Arrivdbene (Secolo di Dante) has brought together a mass of illustration which is very useful, and would be more so, if he were more careful and quoted his authorities. DANTE 49 The Commedia, at the first glance, shows the traces of its author's life. It is the work of a wanderer. The very form in which it is cast is that of a journey, difficult, toilsome, perilous, and full of change. It is more than a working out of that touching phraseology of the Middle Ages, in which " the way " was the technical theological expression for this mortal life ; and " viator " meant man in his state of trial, as " com- prehensor " meant man made perfect, having attained to his heavenly country. It is more than merely this. The writer's mind is full of the recollections and definite images of his various journeys. The permanent scenery of the Inferno and Purgatorio, very variously and distinctly marked, is that of travel The descent down the sides of the Pit, and the ascent of the Sacred Mountain, show one familiar with such scenes one who had climbed painfully in perilous passes, and grown dizzy on the brink of narrow ledges over sea or torrent. It is scenery from the gorges of the Alps and Apennines, or the terraces and precipices of the Kiviera. Local reminiscences abound : the severed rocks of the Adigo Valley the waterfall of St. Benedetto the crags of Pietra-pana and St. Leo, which overlook the plains of Lucca and Balbo arranges these materials with sense and good feeling ; though, as a writer, he is below his subject. A few traits and anecdotes maybe found in the novelists as Sacchetti. [1850.] 50 DANTE Ravenna the "fair river" that flows among the poplars between Chiaveri and Sestri the marble quarries of Carrara the "rough and desert ways between Lerici and Turbia," and those towery cliffs, going sheer into the deep sea at Noli, which travellers on the Corniche road some thirty years ago may yet remember with fear. Mountain experience furnished that picture of the traveller caught in an Alpine mist and gradually climbing above it ; seeing the vapours grow thin, and the sun's orb appear faintly through them; and issuing at last into sunshine on the mountain top, while the light of sunset was lost already on the shores below : Ai raggi, morti g& nei baasi lidL Purg. 17. 1 or that image of the cold dull shadow over the tor- rent, beneath the Alpine fir Un' ombra smorta Qual sotto foglie verdi e rami nigri Sovra suoi freddi rivi, 1' Alpe porta. Purg. 33. 8 or of the large snowflakes falling without wind, among the mountains 1 The beams on the low shores now lost and dead. * A death-like shade Like that beneath black boughs and foliage green O'er the cold streams in Alpine glens display'd. WRIGHT. DANTE 51 d' un cader lento Piovean di fuoco dilatate falde Come di neve in Alpe senza venta Inf. 14. 1 He delights in a local name and local image the boiling pitch, and the clang of the shipwrights in the arsenal of Venice the sepulchral fields of Aries and Pola the hot-spring of Viterbo the hooded monks of Cologne the dykes of Flanders and Padua the Maremma, with its rough brushwood, its wild boars, its snakes, and fevers. He had listened to the south wind among the pine tops, in the forest by the sea, at Ravenna. He had watched under the Carisenda tower at Bologna, and seen the driving clouds " give away their motion " to it, and make it seem to be falling ; and had noticed how at Rome the October sun sets between Corsica and Sardinia. 2 His images of the sea are numerous and definite the ship back- ing out of the tier in harbour, the diver plunging after the fouled anchor, the mast rising, the ship going fast before the wind, the water closing in its wake, the arched backs of the porpoises the forerunners of a gale, the admiral watching everything from poop to prow, the oars stopping altogether at the sound of 1 O'er all the samiy desert falling slow, Were showerM dilated flakes of fire, like snow On Alpine summits, when the wind is low. WuiOHT. Inf. 31, 18. 52 DANTE the whistle, the swelling sails becoming slack when the mast snaps and falls. 1 Nowhere could we find sc many of the most characteristic and strange sensations of the traveller touched with such truth. Every one knows the lines which speak of the voyager's sinking of heart on the first evening at sea, and of the long- ings wakened in the traveller at the beginning of his journey by the distant evening bell ; 2 the traveller's morning feelings are not less delicately noted the strangeness on first waking in the open air with the sun high ; morning thoughts, as day by day he wakes nearer home ; the morning sight of the sea- beach quivering in the early light Da lun tui 10 Conobbi il tremolar dcllu marina. Purg. 1, 117. 8 the tarrying and lingering, before setting out in the morning 4 Noi cravam lunghesso '1 mare ancora, Come gente che pensa al suo cammino, Che va col cuore, e col corpo dimora. 6 Inf. 17, 16, 81 ; Purg. 24 ; Parad. 2 ; Inf. 22 ; Purg. 30 ; Parad. 25 ; Inf. 7. Purg. 8. "Era gii 1' ora," etc. 3 I knew from far the sea-beach trembling. * Purg. 19, 27, 1, 2. 4 By ocean's shore we still prolonged our stay Like men, who, thinking of a journey near, Advance in thought, while yet their limbs delay. WEIGHT. DANTE 53 He lias recorded equally the anxiety, the curiosity, the suspicion with which, in those times, stranger met and eyed stranger on the road ; and a still more characteristic trait is to be found in those lines where he describes the pilgrim gazing around in the church of his vow, and thinking how he shall tell of it : E quasi peregrin che si ricrea Nel tempio del suo voto riguardando, E spera g& ridir coin' ello stea Parad. 3 1. 1 or again, in that description, so simple and touching, of his thoughts while waiting to see the relic for which he left his home : Quale e colui che forse di Croazia Viene a veder la Veronica nostra, Che per 1' antica fama non si sazia, Ma dice nel pensier, I'm che si mostra ; Signer mio Gesu Cristo, Dio veracc, Or fu si fatta la serabianza vostra ? Parad. 31.* 1 And like a pilgrim who with fond delight Surreys the temple he has vow'd to see, And hopes one day its wonders to recite. WEIGHT 8 Like one who, from Croatia come to see Our Veronica (image long adored), Gazes, as though content he ne'er could be Thus musing, while the relic is pourtray'd " Jesus my God, my Saviour and my Lord, were thy features these I see display'd ? " WRIGHT. Quella imagine benedetta U qnale Gesu Criato lascio a 54 DANTE Of these years then of disappointment and exile the Divina Commedia was the labour and fruit. A story in Boccaccio's life of Dante, told with some detail, implies indeed that it was begun, and some progress made in it, while Dante was yet in Florence begun in Latin, and he quotes three lines of it continued afterwards in Italian. This is not impos- sible; indeed the germ and presage of it may be traced in the Vita Nuova. The idealised saint is there, in all the grace of her pure and noble humbleness, the guide and safeguard of the poet's soul. She is already in glory with Mary the queen of angels. She already beholds the face of the Everblessed. And the envoye of the Vila, Nuova is the promise of the Commedia. "After this sonnet" (in which he de- scribes how beyond the widest sphere of heaven his love had beheld a lady receiving honour, and dazzling by her glory the unaccustomed spirit) " After this sonnet there appeared to me a marvellous vision, in which I saw things which made me resolve not to noi per esempio della sua bellissima figura. Vita, Nuova, page 353. He speaks of the pilgrims going to Rome to see it ; compare also the sonnet to the pilgrims, Vita Nuova, p. 355 : Deh peregrini, che pensosi andate Forsc di cosa che non v'e presente, Venite voi di si lontana gente, Com' alia vista voi ne dimostratc T DANTE 55 speak more of this blessed one, until such time as I should be able to indite more worthily of her. And to attain to this, I study to the utmost of my power, as she truly knows. So that, if it shall be the plea- sure of Him, by whom all things live, that my life continue for some years, I hope to say of her that which never hath been said of any woman. And afterwards, may it please Him, who is the Lord of kindness, that my soul may go to behold the glory of her lady, that is, of that blessed Beatrice, who gloriously gazes on the countenance of Him, qui est per omnia secula benedictus." l It would be wantonly violating probability and the unity of a great life, to suppose that this purpose, though transformed, was ever forgotten or laid aside. The poet knew not indeed what ho was promising, what he was pledging himself to through what years of toil and anguish he would have to seek the light and the power he had asked ; in what form his high venture should be realised. But the Corn-media is the work of no light resolve, and we need not be surprised at finding the resolve and the purpose at the outset of the poet's life. We may freely accept the key supplied by the words of the Vita Nuova. The spell of boyhood is never broken, through the ups and downs of life. Hia 1 Vita Nwna, last paragraph. Se Purg. 80 ; Farad. 30, 6, 28-33. 56 DANTE course of thought advances, alters, deepens, but ia continuous. From youth to age, from the first glimpse to the perfect work, the same idea abides with him, " even from the flower till the grape was ripe." It may assume various changes an image of beauty, a figure of philosophy, a voice from the other world, a type of heavenly wisdom and joy but still it holds, in self-imposed and willing thraldom, that creative and versatile and tenacious spirit. It was the dream and hope of too deep and strong a mind to fade and come to naught to be other than the seed of the achievement and crown of life. But with all faith in the star and the freedom of genius, we may doubt whether the prosperous citizen would have done that which was done by the man without a home. Bea- trice's glory might have been sung in grand though barbarous Latin to the literati of the fourteenth cen- tury ; or a poem of new beauty might have fixed the language and opened the literature of modern Italy ; but it could hardly have been the Commedia. That belongs, in its date and its greatness, to the time when sorrow had become the poet's daily portion, and the condition of his life. The Commedia is a novel and startling apparition in literature. Probably it has been felt by some, who have approached it with the reverence due to a work of such renown, that the world has been generous in DANTE f>7 placing it so high. It seems so abnormal, so lawless, so reckless of all ordinary proprieties and canons of feeling, taste, and composition. It is rough and abrupt ; obscure in phrase and allusion, doubly obscure in purpose. It is a medley of all subjects usually kept distinct : scandal of the day and transcendental science, politics and confessions, coarse satire and angelic joy, private wrongs, with the mysteries of the faith, local names and habitations of earth, with visions of hell and heaven. It is hard to keep up with the ever- changing current of feeling, to pass as the poet passes, without effort or scruple, from tenderness to ridicule, from hope to bitter scorn or querulous complaint, from high-raised devotion to the calmness of prosaic subtleties or grotesque detail. Each separate clement and vein of thought has its precedent, but not their amalgamation. Many had written visions of the unseen world, but they had not blended with them their personal fortunes. St. Augustine had taught the soul to contemplate its own history, and had traced its progress from darkness to light ; l but he had not interwoven with it the history of Italy, and the consummation of all earthly destinies. Satire was no new thing ; Juvenal had given it a moral, some of the Provencal poets a political turn ; St. Jerome had kindled into it fiercely and bitterly 1 See Convitv, 1 . 2. 58 DANTE even while expounding the Prophets; but here it streams forth in all its violence, within the precincts of the eternal world, and alternates with the hymns of the blessed. Lucretius had drawn forth the poetry of nature and its laws ; Virgil and Livy had unfolded the poetry of the Roman Empire ; St Augustine, the still grander poetry of the history of the City of God ; but none had yet ventured to weave into one the three wonderful threads. And yet the scope of the Italian poet, vast and comprehensive as the issue of all things, universal as the government which directs nature and intelligence, forbids him not to stoop to the lowest caitiff he has ever despised, the minutest fact in nature that has ever struck his eye, the merest personal association which hangs pleasantly in his memory. Writing for all time, he scruples not to mix with all that is august and permanent in history and prophecy, incidents the most transient, and names the most obscure ; to waste an immortality of shame or praise on those about whom his own generation were to inquire in vain. Scripture history runs into profane; Pagan legends teach their lesson side by side with Scripture scenes and miracles ; heroes and poets of heathenism, separated from their old classic world, have their place in the world of faith, dis- course with Christians of Christian dogmas, and even mingle with the Saints; Virgil guides the poet DANTE 59 through his fear and his penitence to the gates of Paradise. This feeling of harsh and extravagant incongruity, of causeless and unpardonable darkness, is perhaps the first impression of many readers of the Commedia. But probably as they read on, there will mingle with this a sense of strange and unusual grandeur, arising not alone from the hardihood of the attempt, and the mystery of the subject, but from the power and the character of the poet. It will strike them that words cut deeper than is their wont ; that from that wild uncongenial imagery, thoughts emerge of singular truth and beauty. Their dissatisfaction will be chequered, ever, disturbed for we can often bring ourselves to sacrifice much for the sake of a clear and consistent view by the appearance, amid much that repels them, of proofs undeniable and accumulating of genius as mighty as it is strange. Their perplexity and disappointment may grow into distinct condemna- tion, or it may pass into admiration and delight j but no one has ever come to the end of the Commedia without feeling that if it has given him a new view and specimen of the wildness and unaccountable waywardness of the human mind, it has also added, as few other books have, to his knowledge of its feelings, its capabilities, and its grasp, and suggested larger and more serious thoughts, for which he may 60 DANTE be grateful, concerning that unseen world of which he is even here a member. Dante would not have thanked his admirers for becoming apologists. Those in whom the sense of imperfection and strangeness overpowers sympathy for grandeur, and enthusiasm for nobleness, and joy in beauty, he certainly would have left to themselves. But neither would he teach any that he was leading them along a smooth and easy road. The Commedia will always be a hard and trying book ; nor did the writer much care that it should be otherwise. Much if thii is no doubt to be set down to its age ; much of its roughness and extravagance, as well as of its beauty its allegorical spirit, its frame and scenery. The idea of a visionary voyage through the worlds of pain and bliss is no invention of the poet it was one of the commonest and most familiar mediaeval vehicles of censure or warning ; and those who love to trace the growth and often strange fortunes of popular ideas, or whose taste leads them to disbelieve in genius, and track the parentage of great inventions to the foolish and obscure, may find abundant materials in the literature of legends. 1 But his own age the age which received the Commedia with mingled enthusiasm and wonder, and called it the Divine, was as much perplexed as we are, though probably rather 1 Vide Oranam, DanU, pp. 535, iqq. Ed. 2*. DAKTE 61 pleaded thereby than offended. That within a century after its composition, in the most famous cities and universities of Italy, Florence, Venice, Bologna, and Pisa, chairs should have been founded, and illustrious men engaged to lecture on it, is a strange homage to its power, even in that time of quick feeling ; but as strange and great a proof of its obscurity. What is dark and forbidding in it was scarcely more clear to the poet's contemporaries. And he, whose last object was amusement, invites no audience but a patient and confiding one. O voi che siete in piccioletta barca, Desiderosi di ascoltar, seguiti Dietro al mio legno che cantando varca, Tornate a riveder 11 vostri liti : Non vi mettete in pelago, che foree Perdendo me rimarreste smarritL L' acqua ch' io prendo giammai non si corse : Minerva spira, e conducemi Apollo, E nuove muse mi dimostran 1' One. Voi altri pochi, che drizzaste '1 collo Per tempo al pan degli angeli, del quale Vivesi qui, ma non si vien satollo, Metier potete ben per 1' alto sale Vostro navigio, servando mio solco Dinanzi all' acqua che ritorna eguale. 62 DANTE Que gloriosi che passaro a Colco, Non s' ammiraron, come voi farete, Quando Jason vider fatto bifolco. Parad. 2. 1 The character of the Commedia belongs much more, in its excellence and its imperfections, to the poet himself and the nature of his work, than to his age. That cannot screen his faults ; nor can it arrogate to itself, it must be content to share, his glory. His leading idea and line of thought w:u> 1 ye who fain would listen to my song, Following in little bark full eagerly My venturous ship, that chanting hies along Turn back unto your native shores again ; Tempt not the deep, lest haply losing me, In unknown paths bewildered ye remain. I am the first this voyage to essay ; Minerva breathes Apollo is my guide ; And new-born muses do the Bears display. Ye other few, who have look'd up on high For angels' food betimes, e'en here supplied Largely, but not enough to satisfy, Mid the deep ocean ye your course may take, My track pursuing the pure waters through, Ere reunites the quickly-closing wake. Those glorious ones, who drove of yore their prow To Colchos, wonder'd not as ye will do, When they saw Jason working nt the plough. WRIGHT'S Dante DANTE 63 much more novel then than it is now, and belongs much more to the modern than the mediaeval world. The Story of a Life, the poetry of man's journey through the wilderness to his true country, is now in various and very different shapes as hackneyed a form of imagination, as an allegory, an epic, a legend of chivalry were in former times. Not, of course, that any time has been without its poetical feelings and ideas on the subject ; and never were they deeper and more diversified, more touching and solemn, than in the ages that passed from St. Augustine and St. Gregory to St. Thomas and St. Bonaventura. But a philosophical poem, where they were not merely the colouring, but the subject, an epos of the soul, placed for its trial in a fearful and wonderful world, with relations to time and matter, history and nature, good and evil, the beautiful, the intel- ligible, and the mysterious, sin and grace, the infinite and the eternal and having in the company and under the influences of other intelligences, to make its choice, to struggle, to succeed or fail, to gain the light, or be lost this was a new and unattempted theme. It has been often tried since, in faith or doubt, in egotism, in sorrow, in murmuring, in affectation, sometimes in joy in various forms, in prose and verse, completed or fragmentary, in reality or fiction, in the direct or the shadowed story, in the 64 DANTE Pilgrim's Progress, in Rousseau's Confessions, in Meister and Faust, in the Excursion. It is common enough now for the poet, in the faith of human sympathy, and in the sense of the unexhausted vastness of his mysterious subject, to believe that his fellows will not see without interest and profit, glimpses of his own path and fortunes hear from his lips the disclosure of his chief delights, his warn- ings, his fears follow the many-coloured changes, the impressions and workings of a character, at once the contrast and the counterpart to their own. But it was a new path then ; and he needed to be, and was, a bold man, who first opened it a path never trod without peril, usually with loss or failure. And certainly no great man ever made less secret to himself of his own genius. He is at no pains to rein in or to dissemble his consciousness of power, which he has measured without partiality, and feels sure will not fail him. " Fidandomi di me piu che di un altro " ' is a reason which he assigns without reserve. We look with the distrust and hesitation of modern days, yet, in spite of ourselves, not with- out admiration and regret, at such frank hardihood. It was more common once than now. When the world was young, it was more natural and allowable it was often seemly and noble. Men knew not 1 Truntinjj myself more than any one else. Convito, 1, 10. DANTE 65 their difficulties as we know them we, to whom time, which has taught so much wisdom, has brought so many disappointments we who have seen how often the powerful have fallen short, and the noble gone astray, and the most admirable missed their perfection. It is becoming in us to distrust ourselves to be shy if we cannot be modest ; it is but a respectful tribute to human weakness and our brethren's failures. But there was a time when great men dared to claim their greatness not in foolish self-complacency, but in unembarrassed and majestic simplicity, in magnanimity and truth, in the consciousness of a serious and noble purpose, and of strength to fulfil it. Without passion, without elation as without shrinking, the poet surveys his superiority and his high position, as something external to him ; he has no doubts about it, and affects none. He would be a coward, if he shut his eyes to what he could do ; as much a trifler in dis- playing reserve as ostentation. Nothing is more striking in the Commedia than the serene and un- hesitating confidence with which he announces himself the heir and reviver of the poetic power so long lost to the world the heir and reviver of it in all its fulness. He doubts not of the judgment of posterity. One has arisen who shall throw into the shade all modern reputations, who shall bequeath to Christen- F 66 DANTE dom the glory of that name of Poet, " che pih dura o pih onora," hitherto the exclusive boast of heathenism, and claim the rare honours of the laurel : Si rade volte, padre, se ne coglie Per trionfare o Cesare o poeta (Colpa e vergogna dell' umane voglie), Che partorir letizia in su la lieta Delfica ilriu dovria la fronda Peneia quando alcun di se asseta. Parad. I. 1 He has but to follow his star to be sure of the glorious port: 2 he is the master of language ; he can give fame to the dead no task nor enterprise appals him, for whom spirits keep watch in heaven, and angels have visited the shades "tal si parti dal cantar alleluia:" who is Virgil's foster-child and familiar friend. Virgil bids him lay aside the last vestige of fear. Virgil is to " crown him king and priest over himself," 8 for a higher venture than 1 For now so rarely Poet gathers these, Or Ctesar, winning an immortal praise (Shame nnto man's degraded energies), That joy should to the Delphic God arise When haply any one aspires to gain The high reward of the Peneian prize. WRIGHT. * Brunette Latini's Prophecy, Inf. 15. 4 See the grand ending of Purg. 27 : Tratto t' ho qui con ingegno e con arto : Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce : Fuor se' dell" erte vie, fuor se' dell' arte. DANTE 67 heathen poetry had dared ; in Virgil's company he takes his place without diffidence, and without vain- glory, among the great poets of old a sister soul. 1 Poiche la voce fu restata e queta, Vidi quattro grand' ombre a noi venire : Sembianza avean ne trista ne lieta : Vedi il sole cho 'n fronte ti riluce. Vede 1" erbetta, i fieri, e gli arboscelli Che questa terra sol da se produce. Mentre clie vegnon lieti gli occhi belli Che lagrimando a te veuir mi fenno, Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra ellL Non aspettar mio dir piu ne niio cenno : Libero, dritto, sano e tuo arbitrio, E fallo fora non fare a suo senno : Perch' io te sopra te corono e raitrio. Thus far with art and skill thy steps I've nrged. Take thou thy pleasure for thine escort now Forth of the steep and narrow ways emerged. Behold the sun upon thy forehead thrown Behold the trees, the flowers, of every hue, In this most happy soil spontaneous sown. Here may'st thou stray, or rest beneath the shade, Till, bright with joy, those eyes shall greet thy view While erst suffused with tears, implored my aid. No more from me expect or sign or word : Thy will henceforth is upright, free, and sound : To slight its impulse were a sin : then, lord, Be o'er thyself; be mitred, and be crowned. WRIGHT. 1 Purg. c. 21. 68 DANTE Cos! vidi adunar la bella scuola Di quel signer dell' altissimo canto Che sovra gli altri come aquila vola. Da ch' ebber ragionato insieme alquanto Volsersi a me con salutevol cenno E '1 mio maestro sorrise di tanto. E pin -this a partisan Would make it ; which most wrong, 'tis hard to say Let, let the Ghibellines pursue their arts Beneath some other ensign ; for accurst Is he who it and equity disparts. WIUOHT. 90 DANTE VIII., to keep out such an emperor as Dante ima- gined, than the Ghibelline nobles and potentates. Dante's political views were a dream ; though a dream based on what had been, and an anticipation of what was, in part at least, to come. It was a dream in the Middle Ages, in divided and republican Italy, the Italy of cities of a real and national government, based on justice and law. It was the dream of a real state. He imagined that the Roman Empire had been one great state ; he persuaded himself that Christen- dom might be such. He was wrong in both instances ; but in this case, as in so many others, he had already caught the spirit and ideas of a far-distant future ; and the political organisation of modern times, so familiar to us that we cease to think of its exceeding wonder, is the practical confirmation, though in a form very different from what he imagined, of the depth and farsightedness of those expectations which are in outward form so chimerical " i miei non fcdsi errori." He had studied the "infinite disorders of the world " in one of their most unrestrained scenes, the streets of an Italian republic. Law was powerless, good men were powerless, good intentions came to naught ; neither social habits nor public power could resist, when selfishness chose to have its way. The Church was indeed still the salt of the nations ; but it DANTE 91 had once dared and achieved more ; it had once been the only power which ruled them. And this it could do no longer. If strength and energy had been enough to make the Church's influence felt on govern- ment, there was a Pope who could have done it a man who was undoubtedly the most wondered at and admired of his age, whom friend or foe never charac- terised, without adding the invariable epithet of his greatness of soul the " magnanimus peccator," 1 whose Roman grandeur in meeting his unworthy fate fasci- nated into momentary sympathy even Dante. 2 But 1 Benvenuto da Imola. * Veggio in Alagna entrar lo fiordaliso, E nel vicario suo Cristo esser catto ; Veggiolo on' altra volta esser deriso ; Veggio rinnovellar 1'aceto e '1 fele, E tra vivi ladroni essere anciso. Purg. 20. Entering Alagna, to the fleur-de-lis, And in his Vicar Christ a captive led, I see Him mocked a second time ; again The vinegar and gall produced I see ; And Christ Himself 'twixt living robbers slain. WEIGHT. O. Villani, viii. 63. Come magnanimo e valente, disse, Dacchlper tradimento, come Gait Crislo, voglio esstr prcso e mi convitne morire, almeno voglio morire come Papa ; e di presente si fece parare dell' ammanto di San Piero, e colla corona di Con- stantino in capo, e colle chiavi e croce in mano, e in su la scdia papale si pose a sedere, e giunto a lui Sciarra e gli altri suoi nimici, con villane parole lo scherniro. 92 DANTE among the things which Boniface VIII. could not do, even if he cared about it, was the maintaining peace and law in Italian towns. And while this great political power was failing, its correlative and anta- gonist was paralysed also. "Since the death of Frederic II.," says Dante's contemporary, " the fame and recollections of the empire were wellnigh extin guished." 1 Italy was left without government " come nave senza nocchiero in gran tempesta " to the mercies of her tyrants : Che le terre d'ltalia tutte piene Son di tiranni, e un Marcel diventa Ogiii villan, che parteggiando viene. Purg. 6. 8 In this scene of violence and disorder, with the Papacy gone astray, the empire debased and impotent, the religious orders corrupted, power meaning lawless- ness, the well-disposed become weak and cowardly, religion neither guide nor check to society, but only the consolation of its victims Dante was bold and hopeful enough to believe in the Divine appointment, and in the possibility, of law and government of a state. In his philosophy the institutions which pro- vide for man's peace and liberty in this life are part 1 Dino Compagni, p. 135. * That full of tyrants is Italia's land ; And Marcellus straight accounted is Each peasant vile that wields a factions hand. WRIGHT. DANTE 93 of God's great order for raising men to perfection ; not indispensable, yet ordinary parts ; having their important place, though but for the present time; and though imperfect, real instruments of His moral government. He could not believe it to be the intention of Providence that on the introduction of higher hopes and the foundation of a higher society, civil society should collapse and be left to ruin, as henceforth useless or prejudicial in man's trial and training. He saw the significant intimations of nature, that law and its results, justice, peace, and stability, ought to be and might be realised among men ; he could not think that they had lost their meaning and faded away before the announcement of a kingdom not of this world. And if the per- fection of civil society had not been superseded by the Church, it had become clear, if events were to be read as signs, that she was not intended to supply its political offices and functions. She had taught, elevated, solaced, blessed, not only individual souls, but society ; she had for a time even governed it : but though her other powers remained, she could govern it no longer. Failure had made it certain that, in his strong and quaint language, " Ftrtus author- izandi regnum nostrce mortalitatis est contra nafuram ecdesice; ergo non est de numero virtutum suarum." 1 1 The power to grant authority in that which is the king- 94 DANTE Another and distinct organisation was required for this, unless the temporal order was no longer worthy the attention of Christians. This is the idea of the De Monarchia ; and though it holds but a place in the great scheme of the Commedia, it is prominent there also an idea seen but in a fantastic shape, encumbered and confused with most grotesque imagery, but the real idea of polity and law, which the experience of modern Europe has attained to. He found in clear outline in the Greek philosophy the theory of merely human society ; and raising its end and purpose, "finem totius humance civilitatis," to a height and dignity which Heathens could not fore- cast, he adopted it in its more abstract and ideal form. He imagined a single authority, unselfish, inflexible, irresistible, which could make all smaller tyrannies to cease, and enable every man to live in peace and liberty, so that he lived in justice. It is simply what each separate state of Christendom has by this time more or less perfectly achieved. The theoriser of the Middle Ages could conceive of its accomplishment only in one form, as grand as it was impossible a universal monarchy. dom of oar mortal state is contrary to the nature of the Church. Therefore it is not in the number of the Church's powers. De Monarch, lib. iii. p. 188, Ed. FraticellL DANTE 95 But he did not start from an abstraction. He believed that history attested the existence of such a monarchy. The prestige of the Roman Empire was then strong. Europe still lingers on the idea, and cannot even yet bring itself to give up its part in that great monument of human power. But in the Middle Ages the empire was still believed to exist. It was the last greatness which had been seen in the world, and the world would not believe that it was over. Above all, in Italy, a continuity of lineage, of lan- guage, of local names, and in part of civilisation and law, forbad the thought that the great Roman people had ceased to be. Florentines and Venetians boasted that they were Romans : the legends which the Florentine ladies told to their maidens at the loom were tales of their mother city, Rome. The Roman element, little understood, but profoundly reverenced and dearly cherished, was dominant; the conductor of civilisation, and enfolding the inheritance of all the wisdom, experience, feeling, art, of the past, it elevated, even while it overawed, oppressed, and enslaved. A deep belief in Providence added to the intrinsic grandeur of the empire a sacred character. The flight of the eagle has been often told and often sung; but neither in Livy nor Virgil, Gibbon nor Bossuet, with intenser sympathy or more kindred power, than in those rushing and unflagging verses in 96 DANTE which the Middle- Age poet hears the imperial legis lator relate the fated course of the "sacred sign," from the day when Pallas died for it till it accom- plished the vengeance of heaven in Judaea, and afterwards, under Charlemagne, smote down the enemies of the Church. 1 The following passage, from the De Monarchia, will show the poet's view of the Roman Empire, and its office in the world : To the reasons above alleged, a memorable experience brings confirmation : I mean that state of mankind which the Son of God, when He would for man's salvation take man upon Him, either waited for, or ordered when so He willed. For if from the fall of our first parents, which was the starting-point of all our wanderings, we retrace the various dispositions of men and their times, we shall not find at any time, except under the divine monarch Augustus, when a perfect monarchy existed, that the world was everywhere quiet And that then mankind was happy in the tranquillity of universal peace, this all writers of history, this famous poets, this even the Scribe of the meekness of Christ has deigned to attest And lastly, Paul has called that most blessed condition, the fulness of time. Truly time, and the things of time, were full, for no mystery of our felicity then lacked ite minister. But how the world has gone on from the time when that seamless robe was first torn by the claws of covetousness, we may read, and would that we might not 1 Farad, c. 6. DANTE 97 also see. race of men, by how great storms and losses, by how great shipwrecks hast thou of necessity been vexed since, transformed into a beast of many heads, thou hast been struggling different ways, sick in understanding, equally sick in heart. The higher intellect, with its invincible reasons, thou reckest not of ; nor of the inferior, with its eye of experience ; nor of affection, with the sweetness of divine suasion, when the trumpet of the Holy Ghost sounds to thee " Behold, how good is it, and how pleasant, brethren, to dwell together in unity." De Monarch, lib. i. p. 54. Yet this great Roman Empire existed still unim- paired in name not unimposing even in what really remained of it. Dante, to supply a want, turned it into a theory a theory easy to smile at now, but which contained and was a beginning of unknown or unheeded truth. What he yearns after is the pre- dominance of the principle of justice in civil society. That, if it is still imperfect, is no longer a dream in our day ; but experience had never realised it to him, and he takes refuge in tentative and groping theory. The divinations of the greatest men have been vague and strange, and none have been stranger than those of the author of the De Monarchia. The second book, in which he establishes the title of the Roman people to Universal Empire, is as startling a piece of mediaeval argument as it would be easy to find. As when we cannot attain to look upon a cause, we U 98 DANTE commonly wonder at a new effect, so when we know the cause, we look down with a certain derision on those who remain in wonder. And I indeed wondered once how the Roman people had, without any resistance, been set over the wprld ; and looking at it superficially, I thought that they had obtained this by no right, but by mere force of arms. But when I fixed deeply the eyes of my mind on it, and by most effectual signs knew that Divine Provi- dence had wrought this, wonder departed, and a certain scornful contempt came in its stead, when I perceived the nations raging against the pre- eminence of the Roman people : when I see the people imagining a vain thing, as I once used to do ; when, moreover, I grieve over kings and princes agreeing in this only, to be against their Lord and his anointed Roman Emperor. Wherefore in derision, not without a certain grief, I can cry out, for that glorious people and for Caesar, with him who cried in behalf of the Prince of Heaven, "Why did the nations rage, and the people imagine vain things ; the kings of the earth stood up, and the rulers were joined in one against the Lord and his anointed." But (because natural love suffers not derision to be of long duration, but, like the summer sun, which, scattering the morning mists, irradiates the east with light, so prefers to pour forth the light of correction) therefore to break the bonds of the ignorance of such kings and rulers, to show that the human race is free from their yoke, I will exhort myself, in company with the most holy Prophet, taking up hia following words, " Let us break their bonds, and cast away from ua their yoke." De Monarch, lib. ii. p. 68. And to prove this pre-eminence of right in the DANTE 99 Roman people, and their heirs, the Emperors of Christendom, he appeals not merely to the course of Providence, to their high and noble ancestry, to the blessings of their just and considerate laws, to their unselfish guardianship of the world " Romanum imperium de fonte nascitur pietatis;" not merely to their noble examples of private virtue, self-devo- tion, and public spirit " those most sacred victims of the Decian house, who laid down their lives for the public weal, as Livy not as they deserved, but as he was able tells to their glory; and that un- speakable sacrifice of freedom's sternest guardians, the Catos ; " not merely to the " judgment of God " in that great duel and wager of battle for empire, in which heaven declared against all other champions and "co-athletes" Alexander, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, and by all the formalities of judicial combat awarded the great prize to those who fought, not for love or hatred, but justice " Quis igiiur nunc adeo obtusce mentis est, qui non videat, sub jure duelli gloriosum populum coronam totius orbis esse lucratumf" not merely to arguments derived "from the principles of the Christian faith" but to miracles. "The Roman empire," he says, "was, in order to its perfections, aided by the help of miracles ; therefore it was willed by God ; and, by consequence, both was, and is, of right." And these miracles, "proved by the testi- 100 DANTE mony of illustrious authorities," are the prodigies of Livy the ancile of Numa, the geese of the Capitol, the escape of Clelia, the hail-storm which checked Hannibal. 1 The intellectual phenomenon is a strange one. It would be less strange if Dante were arguing in the schools, or pleading for a party. But even Henry of Luxemburg cared little for such a throne as the poet wanted him to fill, much less Can Grande and the Visconti. The idea, the theory, and the argument, are of the writer's own solitary meditation. We may wonder. But there are few things more strange than the history of argument. How often has a cause or an idea turned out, in the eyes of posterity, so much better than its arguments. How often have we seen argument getting as it were into a groove, and unable to extricate itself, so as to do itself justice. The everyday cases of private experience, of men defend- ing right conclusions on wrong or conventional grounds, or in a confused form, entangled with con- clusions of a like yet different nature ; of arguments, theories, solutions, which once satisfied, satisfying us no longer on a question about which we hold the same belief of one party unable to comprehend the arguments of another of one section of the same 1 De Monarch, lib. ii. pp. 62, 66, 78, 82, 84. 108-114, 116, 72-76. DANTE 101 side smiling at the defence of their common cause by another are all reproduced on a grander scale in the history of society. There too, one age cannot comprehend another; there too it takes time to disengage, subordinate, eliminate. Truth of this sort is not the elaboration of one keen or strong mind, but of the secret experience of many; "nihil sine cetate est, omnia tempus expectant" l But a counterpart to the De M&narchia is not wanting in our own day ; theory has not ceased to be mighty. In warmth and earnestness, in sense of historic grandeur, in its support of a great cause and a great idea, not less than in the thought of its motto, cts Koipavos , De Maistre's volume Du Pape, recalls the antagonist De M&narchia ; but it recalls it not less in its bold dealing with facts, and its bold assumption of prin- ciples, though the knowledge and debates of five more busy centuries, and the experience of modern courts and revolutions, might have guarded the Piedmontese nobleman from the mistakes of the old Florentine. But the idea of the De Monarchia is no key to the Commedia. The direct and primary purpose of the Commedia is surely its obvious one. It is to stamp a deep impression on the mind, of the issues of good 1 "Nothing is without its age and date ; all things wait for their time." Tertull. 102 DANTE and ill doing here of the real worlds of pain and joy. To do this forcibly, it is done in detail of course it can only be done in figure. Punishment, purification, or the fulness of consolation are, as he would think, at this very moment, the lot of all the numberless spirits who have ever lived here spirits still living and sentient as himself: parallel with our life, they too are suffering or are at rest. Without pause or interval, in all its parts simultaneously, this awful scene is going on the judgments of God are being fulfilled could we but see it. It exists, it might be seen, at each instant of time, by a soul whose eyes were opened, which was carried through it. And this he imagines. It had been imagined before ; it is the working out, which is peculiar to him. It is not a barren vision. His subject is, besides the eternal world, the soul which contemplates it ; by sight, according to his figures in reality, by faith. As he is led on from woe to deeper woe, then through the tempered chastisements and resignation of Purgatory to the beatific vision, he is tracing the course of the soul on earth, realising sin and weaning itself from it of its purification and preparation for its high lot, by converse with the good and wise, by the remedies of grace, by efforts of will and love, perhaps by the dominant guidance of some single pure and holy influence, whether of person, or insti- DANTE 103 tution, or thought. Nor will we say but that beyond this earthly probation, he is not also striving to grasp and imagine to himself something of that awful process and training, by which, whether in or out of the flesh, the spirit is made fit to meet its Maker, its Judge, and its Chief Good. Thus it seems that even in its main design the poem has more than one aspect ; it is a picture, a figure, partially a history, perhaps an anticipation. And this is confirmed, by what the poet has himself distinctly stated, of his ideas of poetic composition. His view is expressed generally in his philosophical treatise, the Convito ; but it is applied directly to the Commedia, in a letter, which, if in its present form of doubtful authenticity, without any question represents his sentiments, and the substance of which is incorpo- rated in one of the earliest writings on the poem, Boccaccio's commentary. The following is his account of the subject of the poem : For the evidence of what is to be said, it is to be noted, that this work is not of one single meaning only, but may be said to have many meanings ("polysensuum"). For the first meaning is that of the letter another is that of things signified by the letter ; the first of these is called the literal sense, the second, the allegorical or moral. This mode of treating a subject may for clearness' sake be considered in those verses of the psalm, " In exitu Israel" " When Israel came out of Egypt, and the house of Jacob 104 DANTE from the strange people, Judah was his sanctuary, and Israel his dominion." For if we look at the Utter only, there is here signified the going out of the children of Israel in the time of Moses if at the allegory there is signified our redemption through Christ if at the moral sense there is signified to us the conversion of the soul from the mourning and misery of sin to the state of grace if at the anagogic sense, 1 there is signified the passing out of the holy soul from the bondage of this corruption to the liberty of everlasting glory. And these mystical meanings, though called by different names, may all be called allegorical as distinguished from the literal or historical sense. . . . This being considered, it is plain that there ought to be a twofold subject, concerning which the two corresponding meanings may proceed. Therefore we must consider first concerning the subject of this work as it is to be understood literally, then as it is to be con- sidered allegorically. The subject then of the whole work, taken literally only, is the state of souk after death considered in itself. For about this, and on this, the whole work turns. But if the work be taken allegorically its subject is man, as, by his freedom of choice deserving well or ill, he is subject to the justice which rewards and punishes. 2 The passage in the Convito is to the same effect ; but his remarks on the moral and anagogic meaning may be quoted : 1 LUera gesta refert, quid credos allegoria Moralis quid agas, quid 8]>eres anagoyia. De Wittc's note from Buti. 1 Ep. ad Kan Grand. 6, 7. DANTE 105 The third sense is called moral ; that it is which readers ought to go on noting carefully in writings, for their own profit and that of their disciples ; as in the Gospel it may be noted when Christ went up to the mountain to be transfigured, that of the twelve Apostles he took with him only three ; in which morally we may understand, that in the most secret things we ought to have but few companions. The fourth sort of meaning is called anagogic, that is, above our sense ; and this is when we spiritually interpret a passage, which even in its literal meaning, by means of the things signified, expresses the heavenly things of everlasting glory ; as may be seen in that song of the Prophet, which says that in the coming out of the people of Israel from Egypt, Judah was made holy and free ; which, although it is manifestly true according to the letter, is not less true as spiritually understood ; that is, that when the soul comes out of sin, it is made holy and free, in its own power. 1 With this passage before us there can be no doubt of the meaning, however veiled, of those beautiful lines, already referred to, in which Virgil, after having conducted the poet up the steeps of Purgatory where his sins have been one by one cancelled by the ministering angels, finally takes leave of him, and bids him wait for Beatrice, on the skirts of the earthly Paradise : Come la scala tut la sottu noi Fu corsa e fummo in su '1 grado superno, 1 Convito, Tr. 2, c. 1. 106 DANTE In me ficc6 Virgilio gli occhi suoi, E disse : " II temporal fuoco, e 1' eterno Veduto hai, figlio, e se' venuto in parte Ov' io per me piu oltre non discerno. Tratto t' ho qui con ingegno e con arte : Lo tuo piacere omai prendi per duce ; Fuor se' dell' erte vie, fuor se' dell' arte. Vedi il sole che 'n fronte ti riluce : Vedi 1' erbetta, i fiori, e gli arboscelli Che quella terra sol da se produce. Mentre che vegnon lieti gli occhi belli Che lagrimando a te venir mi fenno, Seder ti puoi e puoi andar tra elli. Non aspettar inio dir piu nfc mio cenno : Libero, dritto, sano e tuo arbitrio, E fallo fora non fare a suo senno : Perch' io te sopra te corono e mi trio." Purg. c. 27. 1 1 When we had ran O'er all the ladder to its topmost round, As there we stood, on me the Mantuan fix'd His eyes, and thus he spake : " Both fires, my son, The temporal and the eternal, thou hast seen : And art arrived, where of itself my ken No further reaches. I with skill and art, Thus far have drawn thee. Now thy pleasure take For guide. Thou hast o'ercome the steeper way, O'ercome the straiten Lo ! the sun, that darts His beam upon thy forehead : Io ! the herb, The arborets and flowers, which of itself This land pours forth profuse. Till those bright eye With gladness come, which, weeping, made me haste DANTE 107 The general meaning of the Commedia is clear enough. But it certainly does appear to refuse to be fitted into a connected formal scheme of interpreta- tion. It is not a homogeneous, consistent allegory, like the Pilgrim's Progress and the Fairy Queen. The allegory continually breaks off, shifts its ground, gives place to other elements, or mingles with them like a stream which suddenly sinks into the earth, and after passing under plains and mountains, reappears in a distant point, and in different scenery. We can, indeed, imagine its strange author commenting on it, and finding or marking out its prosaic substratum, with the cold-blooded precision and scholastic dis- tinctions of the Convito. However, he has not done so. And of the many enigmas which present them- selves, either in its structure or separate parts, the key seems hopelessly lost The early commentators are very ingenious, but very unsatisfactory ; they see where we can see, but beyond that they are us full of uncertainty as ourselves. It is in character with that solitary and haughty spirit, while touching universal To succour thee, thou mayest or seat thee down, Or wander where thou wilt. Expect no more Sanction of warning voice or sign from me, Free of thine own arbitrament to choose, Discreet, judicious. To distrust thy sense Were henceforth error. I invest thee then With crown and mitre, sovereign o'er thyself."- CART. 108 DANTE sympathies, appalling and charming all hearts, to have delighted in his own dark sayings, which had meaning only to himself. It is true that, whether in irony, or from that quaint studious care for the appearance of literal truth, which makes him apologise for the wonders which he relates, and confirm them by an oath, " on the words of his poem," l he provokes and challenges us ; bids us admire " doctrine hidden under strange verses;" 2 bids us strain our eyes, for the veil is thin : Aguzza, qui, letter, ben 1' occhi al vero : Che il velo e ora ben tanto sottile, Certo, che il trapassar dentro e leggiero. Purg. c. 8. 8 1 Sempre a quel ver, ch' ha faccia di menzogna, De' 1' uom chiudcr le labbra, quanto puote, Per6 che senza colpa fa vcrgogna. Ma qui tacer nol posso ; c per le note Di questa Commedia, letter, ti giuro S' elle non sien di lunga grazia vote, etc. Inf. 16. That truth which bears the semblance of a lie Should never pass the lips, if possible : Though crime be absent, still disgrace is nigh, But here I needs must speak ; and by the rhymes Reader of this my Comedy, I swear, So may they live with fame to future times. WEIGHT. * Inf. 9. * Reader ! here sharpen to the truth thy sight ; For thou with care may'st penetrate the veil, So finely woven, and of texture slight DANTE 109 But eyes are still strained in conjecture and doubt. Yet the most certain and detailed commentary, one which should assign the exact reason for every image or allegory, and its place and connexion in a general scheme, would add but little to the charm or to the use of the poem. It is not so obscure but that every man's experience who has thought over and felt the mystery of our present life, may supply the commentary the more ample, the wider and more various his experience, the deeper and keener his feeling. Details and links of connexion may be matter of controversy. Whether the three beasts of the forest mean definitely the vices of the time, or of Florence specially, or of the poet himself " the wickedness of his heels, compassing him round about " may still exercise critics and antiquaries ; but that they carry with them distinct and special impressions of evil, and that they are the hindrances of man's salvation, is not doubtful. And our know- ledge of the key of the allegory, where we possess it, contributes but little to the effect. We may infer from the Convito 1 that the eyes of Beatrice stand definitely for the demonstrations, and her smiles for the persuasions of wisdom; but the poetry of the Paradiso is not about demonstrations and persuasions, 1 Convito, Tr. 3, c. 15. 1 1 DANTE but about looks and smiles; and the ineffable and holy calm "serenitatis et ceternitatis afflatus' 1 which pervades it, comes from its sacred truths, and holy persons, and that deep spirit of high-raised yet com- posed devotion, which it requires no interpreter to show us. Figure and symbol, then, are doubtless the law of composition in the Commedia ; but this law discloses itself very variously, and with different degrees of strictness. In its primary and most general form it is palpable, consistent, pervading. There can be no doubt that the poem is meant to be understood figuratively no doubt of what in general it is meant to shadow forth no doubt as to the general meaning of its parts, their connexion with each other. But in its secondary and subordinate applications, the law works to our eye at least irregularly, unequally, and fitfully. There can be no question that Virgil, the poet's guide, represents the purely human element in the training of the soul and of society, as Beatrice does the divine. But neither represent the whole ; he does not sum up all appliances of wisdom in Virgil, nor all teachings and influences of grace in Beatrice ; these have their separate figures. And both represent successively several distinct forms of their general antitypes. They have various degrees of abstractness, and narrow down, according to that order of things DANTE 1 1 1 to which they refer and correspond, into the special and the personal. In the general economy of the poem, Virgil stands for human wisdom in its widest sense ; but he also stands for it in its various shapes, in the different parts. He is the type of human philosophy and science. 1 He is, again, more definitely, that spirit of imagination and poetry, which opens men's eyes to the glory of the visible, and the truth of the invisible ; and to Italians, he is a definite embodiment of it, their own great poet, " votes, poeta noster" 2 In the Christian order, he is human wisdom, dimly mindful of its heavenly origin presaging dimly its return to God sheltering in heathen times that "vague and unconnected family of religious truths, originally from God, but sojourning without the sanction of miracle or visible home, as pilgrims up and down the world." 8 In the political order, he is the guide of law-givers, wisdom fashioning the im- pulses and instincts of men into the harmony of society, contriving stability and peace, guarding justice; fit part for the poet to fill, who had sung the origin of Rome, and the justice and peace of Augustus. In the order of individual life, and the progress of the individual soul, he is the human con- 1 " O tu cb* onori ogni scienza ed arte." Inf. 4. " Quel sario gentil, che tutto seppe." Inf. 7. " II mar di tutto'l senno."- In'. 8. a De Afonurchia. * XewmauV Anant 112 DANTE science witnessing to duty, its discipline and its hopes, and with yet more certain and fearful presage, to its vindication; the human conscience seeing and acknowledging the law, but unable to confer power to fulfil it wakened by grace from among the dead, leading the living man up to it, and waiting for its light and strength. But he is more than a figure. To the poet himself, who blends with his high argu- ment his whole life, Virgil had been the utmost that mind can be to mind teacher, quickener and revealer of power, source of thought, exemplar and model, never disappointing, never attained to, observed with "long study and great love i" 1 Tu duca, tu signer, e tu maestro. Inf. 2. And towards this great master, the poet's whole soul is poured forth in reverence and affection. To Dante he is no figure, but a person with feelings and weaknesses overcome by the vexation, kindling into the wrath, carried away by the tenderness, of the moment. He reads his scholar's heart, takes him by the hand in danger, carries him in his arms and in his bosom, "like a son more than a companion," rebukes his unworthy curiosity, kisses him when he shows a noble spirit, asks pardon for his own mis- takes. Never were the kind yet severe ways of a 1 fy. i. DANTE 113 master, or the disciple's diffidence and open-hearted- ness, drawn with greater force, or less effort ; and he seems to have been reflecting on his own affection to Virgil, when he makes Statins forget that they were both but shades : Or puoi la quantitate Coraprender dell' amor ch' a te mi scalda, Quando dismento la nostra vanitate Trattando V ombre come cosa salda. Purg. 21. l And so with the poet's second guide. The great idea which Beatrice figures, though always present, is seldom rendered artificially prominent, and is often entirely hidden beneath the rush of real recollections, and the creations of dramatic power. Abstractions venture and trust themselves among realities, and for the time are forgotten. A name, a real person, a historic passage, a lament or denunciation, a tragedy of actual life, a legend of classic times, the fortunes of friends the story of Francesca or Ugolino, the fate of Buonconte's corpse, the apology of Pier dello Vigne, the epitaph of Madonna Pia, Ulysses's western voyage, the march of Roman history appear and absorb for themselves all interest : or else it is a philosophical 1 See now how brightly beaming Towards thce the fire of my affection springs, When I forget our airy essence, deeming Of empty shadows, aa substantial things. WKIOHT I 114 DANTE speculation, or a theory of morality, or a case of con- science not indeed alien from the main subject, yet independent of the allegory, and not translatable into any new meaning standing on their own ground, worked out each according to its own law ; but they do not disturb the main course of the poet's thought, who grasps and paints each detail of human life in its own peculiarity, while he sees in each a significance and interest beyond itself. He does not stop in each case to tell us so, but he makes it felt. The tale ends, the individual disappears, and the great allegory resumes its course. It is like one of those great musical compositions which alone seem capable of adequately expressing, in a limited time, a course of unfolding and change, in an idea, a career, a life, a society where one great thought predominates, recurs, gives colour and meaning, and forms the unity of the whole, yet passes through many shades and transitions ; is at one time definite, at another sug- gestive and mysterious ; incorjx>rating and giving free place and play to airs and melodies even of an alien cast; striking off abruptly from its expected road, but without ever losing itself, without breaking its true continuity, or failing of its completeness. This then seems to us the end and purpose of the Corn-media, ; to produce on the mind a sense of the judgments of God, analogous to that produced by DANTE 115 Scripture itself. They are presented to us in the Bible in shapes which address themselves primarily to the heart and conscience, and seek not carefully to explain themselves. They are likened to the " great deep," to the " strong mountains " vast and awful, but abrupt and incomplete, as the huge, broken, rugged piles and chains of mountains. And we see them through cloud and mist, in shapes only approxi- mating to the true ones. Still they impress us deeply and truly, often the more deeply because uncon- sciously. A character, an event, a word, isolated and unexplained, stamps its meaning ineffaceably, though ever a matter of question and wonder; it may be dark to the intellect, yet the conscience understands it, often but too well. In such suggestive ways is the Divine government for the most part put before us in the Bible ways which do not satisfy the under- standing, but which fill us with a sense of reality. And it seems to have been by meditating on them, which he certainly did, much and thoughtfully and on the infinite variety of similar ways in which tho strongest impressions are conveyed to us in ordinary life, by means short of clear and distinct explanation by looks, by images, by sounds, by motions, by remote allusion and broken words, that Dante was led to choose so new and remarkable a mode of con- veying to his countrymen his thoughts and feelings 116 DA.NTE and presentiments about the mystery of God's counsel. The Bible teaches us by means of real history, traced so far as is necessary along its real course. The poet expresses his view of the world also in real history, but carried on into figure. The poetry with which the Christian Church had been instinct from the beginning, converges and is gathered up in the Commedia. The faith had early shown its poetical aspect. It is superfluous to dwell on this, for it is the charge against ancient teaching that it was too large and imaginative. It soon began to try rude essays in sculpture and mosaic : expressed its feeling of nature in verse and prose, rudely also, but often with originality and force ; and opened a new vein of poetry in the thoughts, hopes, and aspira- tions of regenerate man. Modern poetry must go back, for many of its deepest and most powerful sources, to the writings of the Fathers, and their followers of the School. The Church further had a poetry of its own, besides the poetry of literature ; it had the poetry of devotion the Psalter chanted daily, in a new language and a new meaning; and that wonderful body of hymns, to which age after age had contributed its offering, from the Ambrosian hymns to the Veni, Sancie Spiritus of a king of France, the Pange lingua of Thomas Aquinas, the Dies irce, and Stabat Mater, of the two Franciscan LAtfTE 117 brethren, Thomas of Celauo, and Jacopone. 1 The elements and fragments of poetry were everywhere in the Church in her ideas of life, in her rules and institutions for passing through it, in her preparation for death, in her offices, ceremonial, celebrations, usages, her consecration of domestic, literary, com- mercial, civic, military, political life, the meanings and ends she had given them, the religious seriousness with which the forms of each were dignified in her doctrine, and her dogmatic system her dependence on the unseen world her Bible. From each and all of these, and from that public feeling which, if it expressed itself but abruptly and incoherently, was quite alive to the poetry which surrounded it, the poet received due impressions of greatness and beauty, of joy and dread. Then the poetry of Christian religion and Christian temper, hitherto dis- persed, or manifested in act only, found its full and distinct utterance, not unworthy to rank in grandeur, in music, in sustained strength, with the last noble voices from expiring Heathenism. But a long interval had passed since then. The Commcdia first disclosed to Christian and modern Europe that it was to have a literature of its own, great and admirable, though in its own language and embodying its own ideas. " It was as if, at some of 1 Trench, Sacred Latin Poetry, 1849. 118 DANTE the ancient games, a stranger had appeared upon the plain, and thrown his quoit among the marks of former casts, which tradition had ascribed to the demi-gods." 1 We are so accustomed to the excellent and varied literature of modern times, so original, so perfect in form and rich in thought, so expressive of all our sentiments, meeting so completely our wants, fulfilling our ideas, that we can scarcely imagine the time when this condition was new when society was beholden to a foreign language for the exponents of its highest thoughts and feelings. But so it was when Dante wrote. The great poets, historians, philo- sophers of his day, the last great works of intellect, belonged to old Rome and the Latin language. So wonderful and prolonged was the fascination of Rome. Men still lived under its influence ; believed that the Latin language was the perfect and per- manent instrument of thought in its highest forms, the only expression of refinement and civilisation ; and had not conceived the hope that their own dialects could ever rise to such heights of dignity and power. Latin, which had enchased and preserved such precious remains of ancient wisdom, was now shackling the living mind in its efforts. Men imagined that they were still using it naturally on all high themes and solemn business ; but though 1 Hallam's Middle Ages, c. ix. vol. iii. p. 563. DANTE 119 they used it with facility, it was no longer natural ; it had lost the elasticity of life, and had become in their hands a stiffened and distorted, though still powerful, instrument. The very use of the word latino in the writers of this period, to express what is clear and philosophical in language, 1 while it shows their deep reverence for it, shows how Latin civilisa- tion was no longer their own, how it had insensibly become an external and foreign element But they found it very hard to resign their claim to a share in its glories ; with nothing of their own to match against it, they still delighted to speak of it as "our language," or its writers as "our poets," "our historians." 2 The spell was indeed beginning to break. Guido Cavalcanti, Dante's strange, stern, speculative friend, who is one of the fathers of the Italian language, is characterised in the Commedia 3 by his scornful dislike of Latin, even in the mouth of Virgil. Yet Dante himself, the great assertor, by argument and example, of the powers of the Vulgar tongue, once dared not to think that the Vulgar tongue could bo other to the Latin, than as a subject to his sovereign. Ho 1 Parad. 3, 12, 17. Convil. p. 108. " A pifi LatiiiamcnU vcdere la seutenza letterale. " 2 Vide the De Monarchies. 8 Inf. 10, and compare the Vit. N. p. 334, ed. Fraticelli. 120 PANTE was bolder when ho wrote De Fulgari Eloquio; but in the earlier Conviio, while pleading earnestly for the beauty of the Italian, he yields with reverence the first place to the Latin for nobleness, because the Latin is permanent, and the Vulgar subject to fluctua- tion and corruption ; for power, because the Latin can express conceptions to which the Vulgar is unequal ; for beauty, because the structure of the Latin is a masterly arrangement of scientific art, and the beauty of the Vulgar depends on mere use. 1 The very title of his poem, the Commedia, contains in it a homage to the lofty claims of the Latin. It is called a Comedy, and not Tragedy, he says, after a marvel- lous account of the essence and etymology of the two, first, because it begins sadly, and ends joyfully ; and next, because of its language, that humble speech of ordinary life, "in which even women converse." 2 1 Convito, L 5. 9 Ep. ad Kan Grand. 9, a curious specimen of the learning of the time : " Scienduin est, quod Comaedia dicitur a KUfj.ii, villa et woi], quod est cattius, unde Cbmaedia quasi villanus cantus. Et est Comcedia genus quoddam poeticce narrationis, ab omnibus aliis differens. Diflert ergo a Tragoedia in materia per hoc, quod Tragoedia in principio est admirabilis et quieta, in fine fcetida et horribilis ; et dicitur propter hoc a rpayot, i.e. hircus, et uSrj, quasi cantus hircinus, i.e. foetidus ad modum hirci, ut patet per Scnecam in suis tragcediis. Comcedia vero inchoat asperitatem alicujus rei, sed ejus materia prospere terminatur, ut patet per Tereutium in suis Comcediis. . . . Similiter diiFeruiit DANTE 121 He honoured the Latin, but his love was for the Italian. He was its champion and indignant defender against the depreciation of ignorance and fashion. Confident of its power and jealous of its beauty, he pours forth his fierce scorn on the blind stupidity, the affectation, the vainglory, the envy, and above all, the cowardice of Italians who held lightly their mother tongue. " Many," he says, after enumerating the other offenders, "from this pusillanimity and cowardice disparage their own language, and exalt that of others ; and of this sort are those hateful in modo loquendi ; elate et sublime Tragcedia, Comcedia vero remisse et humiliter sicut vult Horat in Poet ... Et per hoc patet, quod Comcedia diciter pnesens opus. Nam si ad materiam respiciamus, a principio horribilis et foetida est, quia Infernus: in fine prospera, desiderabilis et grata, quia Paradisua. Si ad moduiu loquendi, remissus est modus et bumilis, quia locutio Vulgaris, in qua et mulierculae communicant. Et sic patct quia Comcedia dicitur." Cf. de Vulg. Eloq. 2, 4, Parad. 80. He calls the ^Eneid, " f alta Tragedia," Inf. 20, 113. Compare also Boccaccio's explanation of his mother's dream of the peacock. Dante, he says, is like the Peacock, among other reasons, " because the peacock has coarse feet, and a quiet gait ; " and "the vulgar language, on which the Commcdia supports itaelf, is coarse in comparison with the high and masterly literary style which every other poet uses, though it be more beautiful than others, being in conformity with modern minds. The quiet gait signifies the humility of the style, which U necessarily required in Commcdia, as those know who under stand what is meant by Cammed ia." 122 DANTE dastards of Italy abbominevoli cattivi d' Italia who think vilely of that precious language ; which, if it is vile in anything, is vile only so far as it sounds in the prostituted mouth of these adulterers." 1 He noted and compared its various dialects ; he asserted its capabilities not only in verse, but in expressive, flexible, and majestic prose. And to the deliberate admiration of the critic and the man, were added the homely but dear associations, which no language can share with that of early days. Italian had been the language of his parents " Questo mio Volgare fu il con- giugnitwe delli mid generanti, che con esso parlavano" and further, it was this modern language, "guesto mio Volgare" which opened to him the way of know- ledge, which had introduced him to Latin, and the sciences which it contained. It was his benefactor and guide he personifies it and his boyish friend- ship had grown stronger and more intimate by mutual good offices. " There has also been between us the goodwill of intercourse ; for from the beginning of my life I have had with it kindness and conversation, and have used it, deliberating, interpreting, and question- ing ; so that, if friendship grows with use, it is evident how it must have grown in me." 2 From this language he exacted a hard trial, a work which should rank with the ancient works. 1 Convito, i 11. * Convito, L 13. DANTE 123 None such had appeared ; none had even advanced such a pretension. Not that it was a time dead to literature or literary ambition. Poets and historians had written, and were writing in Italian. The same year of jubilee which fixed itself so deeply in Dante's mind, and became the epoch of his vision the same scene of Roman greatness in its decay, which after- wards suggested to Gibbon the Decline and Fall, prompted, in the father of Italian history, the desire to follow in the steps of Sallust and Livy, and prepare the way for Machiavelli and Guicciardini, Davila, and Fra Paolo. 1 Poetry had been cultivated in the 1 G. Villani was at Rome in the year of jubilee 1300, and describes the great concourse and order of the pilgrims, whom he reckons at 200,000, in the course of the year. "And I," he proceeds, "finding myself in that blessed pilgrimage in the holy city of Rome, seeing the great and ancient things of the same, and reading the histories of the great deeds of the Romans, written by Virgil, and by Sallust, and Lucan, and Titus Livius, and Valerius and Paulus Orosius and other masters of histories, who wrote as well of the smaller matters as of the greater, con- cerning the exploits and deeds of the Romans ; and further, of the strange things of the whole world, for memory and example's sake to those who should come after I, too, took their style and fashion, albeit that, as their scholar, I be not worthy to execute such a work. But, considering that our city of Florence, the daughter and creation of Rome, was in its rising, and on the eve of achieving great things, as Rome was in its decline, it seemed to me convenient to bring into this volume and new chronicle all the deeds and beginnings of the city of Florence, 124 DANTE Roman languages of the West in Aquitaine and Provence, especially for more than two centuries; and lately, with spirit and success, in Italian. Names had become popular, reputations had risen and waned, verses circulated and were criticised, and even descended from the high and refined circles to the workshop. A story is told of Dante's indignation, when he heard the canzoni which had charmed the Florentine ladies mangled by the rude enthusiasm of a blacksmith at his forge. 1 Literature was a growing fashion ; but it was humble in its aspirations and efforts. Men wrote like children, surprised and pleased with their success ; yet allowing themselves in mere amusement, because conscious of weakness which they could not cure. Dante, by the Divina Commedia, was the restorer of seriousness in literature. He was so by the magnitude and pretensions of his work, and by the earnestness of its spirit. He first broke through the so far as I have been able to gather and recover them ; and for the future, to follow at large the doings of the Florentines, and the other notable things of the world briefly, as long as it may be God's pleasure ; under which hope, rather by his grace than by my poor science, I entered on this enterprise : and so, in the year 1300, being returned from Rome, I began to compile this book, in reverence towards God and St John, and com- mendation of our city of Florence." O. VUl. viii. 36. 1 Scuxhetti, Nov. 114. DANTE 125 prescription which had confined great works to the Latin, and the faithless prejudices which, in the language of society, could see powers fitted for no higher .task than that of expressing, in curiously diversified forms, its most ordinary feelings. But he did much more. Literature was going astray in its tone, while growing in importance ; the Commedia checked it. The Provencal and Italian poetry was, with the exception of some pieces of political satire, almost exclusively amatory, in the most fantastic and affected fashion. In expression, it had not even the merit of being natural ; in purpose it was trifling ; in the spirit which it encouraged, it was something worse. Doubtless it brought a degree of refinement with it, but it was refinement purchased at a high price, by intellectual distortion, and moral insensi- bility. But this was not all. The brilliant age of Frederick II., for such it was, was deeply mined by religious unbelief. However strange this charge first sounds against the thirteenth century, no one can look at all closely into its history, at least in Italy, without seeing that the idea of infidelity not heresy, but infidelity was quite a familiar one ; and that side by side with the theology of Aquinas and Bona- ventura, there was working among those who in- fluenced fashion and opinion, among the great men, and the men to whom learning was a profession, a 126 DANTE spirit of scepticism and irreligion almost monstrous for its time, which found its countenance in Frederick's refined and enlightened court. The genius of the great doctors might have kept in safety the Latin Schools, but not the free and home thoughts which found utterance in the language of the people, if the solemn beauty of the Italian Commedia had not seized on all minds. It would have been an evil thing for Italian, perhaps for European literature, if the siren tales of the Decameron had been the first to occupy the ear with the charms of a new language. Dante has had hard measure, and from some who are most beholden to him. No one in his day served the Church more highly than he whose faith and genius secured on her side the first great burst of imagination and feeling, the first perfect accents of modern speech. The first-fruits of the new literature were consecrated and offered up. There was no necessity, or even probability in Italy in the four- teenth century that it should be so, as there might perhaps have been earlier. It was the poet's free act free in one, for whom nature and heathen learning had strong temptations that religion was the lesson and influence of the great popular work of the time. That which he held up before men's awakened and captivated minds, was the verity of God's moral government. To rouse them to a sense DANTE 127 of the mystery of their state ; to startle their common- place notions of sin into an imagination of its variety, its magnitude, and its infinite shapes and degrees ; to open their eyes to the beauty of the Christian temper, both as suffering and as consummated ; to teach them at once the faithfulness and awful freeness of God's grace ; to help the dull and lagging soul to conceive the possibility, in its own case, of rising step by step in joy without an end of a felicity not unimaginable by man, though of another order from the highest perfection of earth ; this is the poet's end. Nor was it only vague religious feelings which he wished to excite. He brought within the circle of common thought, and translated into the language of the multitude, what the Schools had done to throw light on the deep questions of human existence, which all are fain to muse upon, though none can solve. He who had opened so much of men's hearts to them- selves, opened to them also that secret sympathy which exists between them and the great mysteries of the Christian doctrine. 1 He did the work, in his day, of a great preacher. Yet he has been both claimed and condemned, as a disturber of the Church's faith. He certainly did not spare the Church's rulers He thought they were betraying the most sacred of all trusts ; and if history is at all to be relied on, he 1 Vide Ozanam. 128 DANTE had some grounds for thinking so. But it is confus- ing the feelings of the Middle Ages with our own, to convert every fierce attack on the Popes into an anticipation of Luther. Strong language of this sort was far too commonplace to be so significant No age is blind to practical abuses, or silent on them ; and when the Middle Ages complained, they did so with a full-voiced and clamorous rhetoric, which greedily seized on every topic of vilification within its reach. It was far less singular, and far less bold, to criticise ecclesiastical authorities, than is often sup- posed ; but it by no means implied unsettled faith, or a revolutionary design. In Dante's case, if words have any meaning not words of deliberate qualifica- tion, but his unpremeditated and incidental expres- sions his faith in the Divine mission and spiritual powers of the Popes was as strong as his abhorrence of their degeneracy, and desire to see it corrected by a power which they would respect that of the temporal sword. It would be to mistake altogether his character, to imagine of him, either as a fault or as an excellence, that he was a doubter. It might as well be supposed of Aquinas. No one ever acknowledged with greater serious- ness, as a fact in his position in the world, the agree- ment in faith among those with whom he was born. No one ever inclined with more simplicity and DANTE 129 reverence before that long communion and consent in feeling and purpose, the "publicus sensus" of the Christian Church. He did feel difficulties ; but the excitement of lingering on them was not among his enjoyments. That was the lot of the heathen ; Virgil, made wise by death, counsels him not to desire it : " Matte & chi spera, che nostra ragione Possa trascorrer la 'nfinita via Che tiene una sustanzia in tre Persone. State contenti, umana gente, al quia ; Che se potuto aveste veder tutto, Meatier non era partorir Maria : E disiar vedeste senza frutto Tai, che sarebbe lor disio quetato, Ch' eternamente e dato lor per lutto ; I* dico d' Aristotile e di Plato, E di molti altri :" e qui chin6 la fronte, E piu non disse, e rinia.se turbato. Purg. c. 3. 1 1 "Insensate he, who thinks with mortal ken To pierce Infinitude, which doth enfold Three Persons in one Substance. Seek not then, O mortal race, for reasons but believe, And be contented ; for had all been seen, No need there was for Mary to conceive. Men have ye known, who thus desired in vain ; Ami whose desires, that might at rest have been, Now constitute a source of endless pain ; Plato, the Stagirite ; and many more, I here allude to ;" then his head he bent, Was silent, and a troubled aspect wore. WRIGHT. K 130 DANTE The Christian poet felt that it was greater to believe and to act. In the darkness of the world one bright light appeared, and he followed it Pro- vidence had assigned him his portion of truth, his portion of daily bread ; if to us it appears blended with human elements, it is perfectly clear that he was in no position to sift them. To choose was no trial of his. To examine and seek, where it was impos- sible to find, would have been folly. The authority from which he started had not yet been seriously questioned ; there were no palpable signs of doubt- fulness on the system which was to him the repre- sentative of God's will j and he sought for none. It came to him claiming his allegiance by custom, by universality, by its completeness as a whole, and satisfying his intellect and his sympathies in detail. And he gave his allegiance reasonably, because there was nothing to hope for in doubting wisely, because he gave it loyally and from his heart. And he had his reward the reward of him who throws himself with frankness and earnestness into a system ; who is not afraid or suspicious of it ; who is not unfaithful to it. He gained not merely power he gained that freedom and largeness of mind which the suspicious or the unfaithful miss. His loyalty to the Church was no cramping or blinding service ; it DANTE 131 left to its full play that fresh and original mind, left it to range at will in all history and all nature for the traces of Eternal wisdom, left it to please itself with all beauty, and pay its homage to all excellence. For upon all wisdom, beauty, and excellence, the Church had taught him to see, in various and duly distinguished degrees, the seal of the one Creator. She imparts to the poem, to its form and progressive development, her own solemnity, her awe, her calm, her serenity and joy ; it follows her sacred seasons and hours ; repeats her appointed words of benedic- tion and praise ; moulds itself on her belief, her ex- pectations, and forecastings. 1 Her intimations, more or less distinct, dogma or tradition or vague hint, guide the p'bet's imagination through the land where all eyes are open. The journey begins under the Easter moon of the year of jubilee, on the evening of Good Friday ; the days of her mourning he spends in the regions of woe, where none dares to pronounce the name of the Redeemer, and he issues forth to " behold again the stars," to learn how to die to sin and rise to righteousness, very early in the morning, as it begins to dawn, on the day of the Resurrection. The whole arrangement of the Purgatorio is drawn from Church usages. It is a picture of men suffering in calm and holy hope the sharp discipline of repent- 1 See an article in the Brit. Critic, No. 65, p. 120. 132 DANTE ance, amid the prayers, the melodies, the consoling images and thoughts, the orderly ritual, the hours of devotion, the sacraments of the Church militant. When he ascends in his hardiest flight, and imagines the joys of the perfect and the vision of God, his abundant fancy confines itself strictly to the limits sanctioned by her famous teachers ventures into no new sphere, hazards no anticipations in which they have not preceded it, and is content with adding to the poetry which it elicits from their ideas, a beauty which it is able to conceive apart altogether from bodily form the beauty, infinite in its variety, of the expression of the human eye and smile the beauty of light, of sound, of motion. And when his song mounts to its last strain of triumph, and the poet's thought, imagination, and feeling of beauty, tasked to the utmost, nor failing under the weight of glory which they have to express, breathe themselves forth in words, higher than which no poetry has ever risen, and represent, in images transcending sense, and baffling it, yet missing not one of those deep and transporting sympathies which they were to touch, the sight, eye to eye, of the Creator by the creature he beholds the gathering together, in the presence of God, of " all that from our earth has to the skies returned," and of the countless orders of their thrones mirrored in His light DANTE 1 33 Mira Quanto e '1 convento delle bianche stole l under a figure already taken into the ceremonial of the Church the mystic Rose, whose expanding leaves image forth the joy of the heavenly Jerusalem, both triumphant and militant. 2 1 Behold How great the gathering of the white-stoled throng. 3 See the form of benediction of the " Rosa d'oro." Rituum Ecdesice Rom. Libri Tres. fol. xxxv. Venct 1516. Form of giving : " Accipe rosam de manibus nostris. . . . per quam designatur gaudium utriusque Hierusalem triumphantis scilicet et militantis ecclesice, per quam omnibus Christi fidelibus inani- festatur flos ipse pretiosissimus qui est gaudium et corona sanctorum omnium." He alludes to it in the Convito, iv. 29. isplendor di Dio, per cu' io vidi L' alto trionfo del regno verace, Dammi virtu a dir com' io lo vidu Lume e lassu, che visibile face Lo creature a quella creature, Che solo in lui vedere ha la sua pace E si distende in circular figura In tanto, che la sua circonferenza Sarebbe al Sol troppo larga cintura. E come clivo in acqua di suo imo Si specchia quasi per vedersi adorno. Quanto e nel verde e no' noretti opimo ; 81 soprastando al lume intorno intorno Vidi specchiarsi in piu di mille soglie, Quauto di noi lassu fatto ha ritorno. 1 34 DANTE But this universal reference to the religious ideas of the Church is so natural, so unaffected, that it leaves him at full liberty in other orders of thought. He can afford not to be conventional he can afford se 1' infimo grado in se raccoglie 81 grande lume, quant' e la larghezza Di questa rosa nell' estreme foglie ? Nel giallo della rosa sempiteraa, Che si dilata, rigrada, e rcdole Odor di lode al Sol, che sempre verna, Qual' e colui, che tace e dicer vuole, Mi trasse Beatrice, e disse ; mira Quanto e '1 convento delle bianche stole ! Vedi nostra Citta quanto ella gira ! Vedi li nostri scanni si ripieni, Che poca gente omai ci si disira. In forma dunque di Candida rosa Mi si mostrava la milizia sauta, Chenel sao sangue Cristo fecc sposa. Parad.30, 31. splendour of the Godhead, by whose aid I saw the triumph of that kingdom true, Give me the power to tell what I surveyed. A light there is above, which plainly shows The Great Creator to the creature, who In seeing Him alone can find repose. And in a circle spreads to such degree, That for the sun would its circumference A girdle of too great dimensions be : DANTE 1 35 to be comprehensive and genuine. It has been re- marked how, in a poem where there would seem to be a fitting place for them, the ecclesiastical legends of the Middle Ages are almost entirely absent. The sainted spirits of the Paradiso are not exclusively or chiefly the Saints of popular devotion. After the Saints of the Bible, the holy women, the three great And as a cliff looks down upon the bed Of some clear stream, to see how richly crowned , With flowers and foliage is its lofty head ; So, all from earth who hither e'er returned, Seated on more than thousand thrones around, Within the Eternal Light themselves discerned. And if the very lowest step receives A light so great, how wonderful must be The Rose expanded in its utmost leaves ? Within the yellow of the Rose eternal Which spreads its leaves, all redolent of praise, Unto the sun whoso beams are ever vernal, Like one who her desire to speak suppresses, Me Beatrice drew with her ; as she cried, " See the vast number of these snow-white dresses See how extensive is our city ; see Our benches are so nearly occupied, That few new comers may admitted be." In semblance like unto the whitest rose That sacred band I saw enthroned above, Which for His Spouse in death our Saviour chose. WBIOIIT. 136 DANTE Apostles, the Virgin mother, they are either names personally dear to the poet himself, friends whom he had loved, and teachers to whom he owed wisdom or great men of masculine energy in thought or action, in their various lines "compensations and antagonists of the world's evils" Justinian and Constantine, and Charlemagne the founders of the Orders, Augustine, Benedict, and Bernard, Francis and Dominic the great doctors of the Schools, Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura, whom the Church had not yet canonised. And with them are joined and that with a full consciousness of the line which theology draws between the dispensations of nature and grace some rare types of virtue among the heathen. Cato is admitted to the outskirts of Purgatory ; Trajan, and the righteous king of Virgil's poem, to the heaven of the just. 1 1 Chi crederebbe giu nel mondo errante, Che Rifeo Trojano ' in questo tondo Fosse la quinta delle luci sante ? Ora conosce assai di quel, che '1 mondo Veder non pu6 della divina grazia ; Benchfe sua vista non discerna il fondo. Parad. c. 20. Who, in this erring world of man below, Would think the Trojan Riphcus e'er could be The fifth effulgence of this holy bow I 1 Khipeus justissimus uuus Qui fuit in Teucris, et servantissimus aequi. ;En. ii DANTE 137 Without confusion or disturbance to thd religious character of his train of thought, he is able freely to subordinate to it the lessons and the great recollec- tions of the Gentile times. He contemplates them with the veil drawn off from them as now known to form but one whole with the history of the Bible and the Church, in the design of Providence. He pre sents them in their own colours, as drawn by their own writers he only adds what Christianity seems to show to be their event Under the conviction, that the light of the Heathen was a real guide from above, calling for vengeance in proportion to unfaith fulness, or outrage done to it " He that nurtureth the heathen, it is He that teacheth man knowledge shall not He punish?" the great criminals of profane history are mingled with sinners against God's revealed will and that, with equal dramatic power, with equal feeling of the greatness of their loss. The story of the voyage of Ulysses is told with as much vivid power and pathetic interest as the tales of the day. 1 He honours unfeignedly the old heathen's brave disdain of ease ; that spirit, even to old age, eager, fresh, adventurous, and inquisitive. Full well discerns he now the heavenly Grace, Which mortals, blindly groping, cannot see, Although unable all its depth to trace. WRIGHT. 1 Inf. c. 26. 138 DANTE His faith allowed him to admire all that was beauti- ful and excellent among the heathen, without forget- ting that it fell short of what the new gift of the Gospel can alone impart. He saw in it proof that God had never left His will and law without their witness among men. Virtue was virtue still, though imperfect, and unconsecrated generosity, largeness of soul, truth, condescension, justice, were never unworthy of the reverence of Christians. Hence he uses without fear or scruple the classic element. The examples which recall to the minds of the peni- tents, by sounds and sights, in the different terraces of Purgatory, their sin and the grace they have to attain to, come indiscriminately from poetry and Scripture. The sculptured pavement, to which the proud are obliged ever to bow down their eyes, shows at once the humility of St. Mary and of the Psalmist, and the condescension of Trajan ; and elsewhere the pride of Nimrod and Sennacherib, of Niobe, and Cyrus. The envious hear the passing voices of courtesy from saints and heroes, and the bursting cry, like crashing thunder, of repentant jealousy from Cain and Aglaurus ; the avaricious, to keep up the memory of their fault, celebrate by day the poverty of Fabricius and the liberality of St. Nicolas, and execrate by night the greediness of Pygmalion and Midas, of Achan, Heliodorus, and Crassus. DANTE 139 Dante's all-surveying, all-embracing mind, was worthy to open the grand procession of modern poets. He had chosen his subject in a region remote from popular thought too awful for it, too abstruse. He had accepted frankly the dogmatic limits of the Church, and thrown himself with even enthusiastic faith into her reasonings, at once so bold and so undoubting her spirit of certainty, and her deep contemplations on the unseen and infinite. And in literature, he had taken as guides and models, above all criticism and all appeal, the classical writers. But with his mind full of the deep and intricate questions of metaphysics and theology, and his poetical taste always owning allegiance to Virgil, Ovid, and Statius keen and subtle as a Schoolman as much an idolater of old heathen art and grandeur as the men of the Renaissance his eye is yet as open to the delicacies of character, to the variety of external nature, to the wonders of the physical world his interest in them as diversified and fresh, his impressions as sharp and distinct, his rendering of them as free and true and forcible, as little weakened or confused by imita- tion or by conventional words, his language as elastic, and as completely under his command, his choice ot poetic materials as unrestricted and original, as if he had been born in days which claim as their own such freedom, and such keen discriminative sense of what 140 DANTE is real, in feeling and image ; as if he had never felt the attractions of a crabbed problem of scholastic logic, or bowed before the mellow grace of the Latins. It may be said, indeed, that the time was not yet come when the classics could be really understood and appreciated ; and this is true, perhaps fortunate. But admiring them with a kind of devotion, and showing not seldom that he had caught their spirit, he never attempts to copy them. His poetry in form and material is all his own. He asserted the poet's claim to borrow from all science, and from every phase of nature, the associations and images which he wants ; and he showed that those images and associa- tions did not lose their poetry by being expressed with the most literal reality. But let no reader of fastidious taste disturb his temper by the study of Dante. Dante certainly opened that path of freedom and poetic conquest, in which the greatest efforts of modern poetry have followed him opened it with a magnificence and power which have never been surpassed. But the greatest are but pioneers ; they must be content to leave to a posterity, which knows more, if it cannot do as much, a keen and even growing sense of their defecta The Commedia is open to all the attacks that can be made on grotesqueness and extravagance. This is partly owing, doubtless, to the time, in itself DANTE 141 quaint, quainter to us, by being remote and ill-under- stood ; but even then, weaker and less daring writers than Dante do not equally offend or astonish us. So that an image or an expression will render forcibly a thought, there is no strangeness which checks him. Barbarous words are introduced, to express the cries of the demons or the confusion of Babel even to represent the incomprehensible song of the blessed ; * inarticulate syllables, to convey the impression of some natural sound the cry of sorrowful surprise : Alto sospir, che duolo strinse in hui ; Purg. 16. 2 or the noise of the cracking ice : Se Tabernicch Vi fosse su caduto, o Pietra-pana Non avria pur del orlo fatto crtccA ; //. 32.* oven separate letters to express an image, to spell a name, or as used in some popular proverb. 4 He 1 Parad. 7, 1-3. 1 A sigh profound he drew, by brief intense. Forced into "Oh!" 1 For Tambernicchi falling down below, Or Pietra-paua hurled in ruin there, Had now e'en cracked its margin with the blow. 4 To describe the pinched face of famine ; Parean 1' occhiaje annella senza gemme. Chi uel viso degli uomini legge OMO Ben avria quivi conosciuto 1' emme (M). Purg. 23. 142 DANTE employs without scruple and ofton with marvellous force of description, any recollection that occurs to him, however homely, of everyday life ; the old tailor threading his needle with trouble (Inf. 1 5) ; the cook's assistant watching over the boiling broth (Inf. 21) ; the hurried or impatient horse-groom using his curry-comb (Inf. 29) ; or the common sights of the street or the chamber the wet wood sputtering on the hearth : Come ositiveness. He is saying that he does not wish his Can/oui tu be explained in Latin to those who could not read them in Italian : " Che sarebbe sposta la loro sentcnzia cola dove elle non la potusono colla loro bcllezza portarc. E ]>eru sappia ciascuno cho nulla cosa per legame musaico (i.e. poetico) armonizzata, si pu6 della sua loquela in ultra trasmutare sen/a rompere tutta la sua dolcezxa e armonia. E questa e la ragiono per cho Omero non si inuti) mai dl Greco in latino, comu 1' altru scritture cho avemo da loro. Convito, i. c. 8, p. 49. Dr. Carlyle has given up the idea of attempting to represent Dante's verse by English verse, and has confined himself to assisting Englishmen to read him in his own language. His prose translation is accurate and forcible. [18f>0.] 156 DANTE seldom dwelt on at length, but carried at once to the mind, and stamped upon it sometimes by a single word. The sense of morning, its inspiring and cheer- ing strength, softens the opening of the Inferno; breathes its refreshing calm, in the interval of repose after the last horrors of hell, in the first canto of the Purgatorio ; and prepares for the entrance into the earthly Paradise at its close. In the waning light of evening, and its chilling sense of loneliness, he prepared himself for his dread pilgrimage : Lo giorno se n' andava, e 1' aer bruno Toglieva gli animai che sono 'n terra Dalle fatiche loro ; ed io sol uno M' apparechiava a sostener la guerra SI del cammino, e si della pietate. Inf. 2. 1 Indeed there is scarcely an hour of day or night which has not left its own recollection with him ; of which we cannot find some memorial in his poem. Evening and night have many. Evening, with its softness and melancholy its exhaustion and languor, 1 The day was closing, and the dusky air On all the creatures of the earth bestowed Rest from their labours ; I alone prepare To struggle against pity, and to dare A conflict with the horrors of the road, Which an unerring memory shall declare. WRIGHT. DANTE 157 after the work, perhaps unfulfilled, of day its regrets and yearnings its sounds and doubtful lights, the distant bell, the closing chants of Compline, the Salve Eegina, the Te lucis ante terminum with its insecurity, and its sense of protection from above broods over the poet's first resting-place on his heavenly road that still, solemn, dreamy scene the Valley of Flowers in the mountain side, where those who have been negligent about their salvation, but not alto- gether faithless and fruitless, the assembled shades of great kings and of poets, wait, looking upwards, "pale and humble," for the hour when they may begin in earnest their penance. (Purg. 7 and 8.) The level, blinding evening beams (Purg. 15); the contrast of gathering darkness in the valley or on the shore with the lingering lights on the mountain (Purg. 17); the rapid sinking of the sun, and approach of night in the south (Purg. 27); the flaming sunset clouds of August ; the sheet-lightning of summer (Purg. 5) have left pictures in his mind, which an incidental touch reawakens, and a few strong words are sufficient to express. Other appearances he describes with more fulness. The stars coming out one by one, baffling at first the eye : Ed ecco intorno di cbiarezza pan Nascer un lustro sopra quel che v' era, A guisa l' orizzonte, che rischiari. 158 DANTE E si come al salir di prima sera Comincian per lo del nuove parvenze, Si che la cosa pare e iwn par vera ; Parad. \ 4. 1 or else, bursting out suddenly over the heavens : Quando colui che tutto il mondo allume, Del' emisperio nostro si discende, E '1 giorno d' ogni parte si consuma ; Lo ciel che sol di lui prima s' accende, Suhitamente si rifa parvente Per molte luci in che una risplende ; Parad, 20. 2 or the effect of shooting-stars : Quale per li seren tranquilli e puri Discorre ad ora ad or subito fuoco Movendo gli occhi che stavan sicuri, E pare stella che tramuti loco. 1 And lo, on high, and lucid as the one Now there, encircling it, a light arose, Like heaven when rc-illnmined by the sun : And as at the first lighting up of eve The sky doth new appearances disclose, That now seem real, now the sight deceive. WBIOHT. 1 When he, who with his universal ray The world illumines, quits our hemisphere, And, from each quarter, daylight wears away ; The heaven, erst kindled by his beam alone, Sudden its lost effulgence doth repair By many lights illumined but by one. Ibid. DANTE 159 Se non che dalla parte onde s" accende Nulla sen perde, ed esso dura poco ; Parad. 15. 1 or, again, that characteristic sight of the Italian summer night the fire-flies : Quantc il villan che al poggio si riposa, Nel tempo che colui che '1 mondo schiara La faccia sua a noi tien men ascosa, Come la mosca cede alia zenzara, Vede lucciole giii per la vallea Forse.coli dove vendeuimia ed ara. Inf. 26. 2 Noon, too, does not want its characteristic touches the lightning-like glancing of the lizard's rapid motion : Come il ramarro sotto la gran fersa 1 As oft along the pure and tranquil sky A sudden fire by night is seen to dart, Attracting forcibly the heedless eye ; And seems to be a star that changes place, Save that no star is lost from out the part It quits, and that it lasts a moment's space. WRIGHT * As in that season when the sun least veils His face that lightens all, what time the fly Gives place to the shrill gnat, the peasant then, Upon some cliff reclined, beneath him sees Fire-flies innumerous spangling o'er the rale, Vineyard or tilth, where his day-labour lies. CABT. 160 DANTE Ne' di canicular cangiando siepe Folgore par, se la via attraversa ; Inf. 25. 1 the motes in the sunbeam at noontide (Parad. 14) ; its clear, diffused, insupportable brightness, filling all things : E tutti eran gia pieni Dell' alto dl i giron del sacro nionte. Purg. 19. 2 and veiling the sun in his own light : lo veggio ben si come tu t' annidi Nel proprio fame. SI come '1 sol che si cela egli stessi Per troppa luce, quando '1 caldo ha rose Le temperanze de' vapori spessi. Parad. 5. 8 But the sights and feelings of morning are what 1 As underneath the dog-star's scorching ray The lizard, darting swift from fence to fence, Appears like lightning, if he cross the way. WKIOHT. * Now throughout all the sacred mountain were The circles filled with light ; and as we went, The youthful sun was shining in our rear. 8 I see full well how in the light divine Thou dwellest (lit " makest thy nest "). And as the sun conceals himself from view, Amid the splendour of the new-born day, When he hath chased away the early dew. Ibid. DANTE 161 he touches on most frequently ; and he does so with the precision of one who had watched them with often-repeated delight : the scented freshness of the breeze that stirs before daybreak : E quale annunziatrice degli albori Aura di maggio muovesi ed olezza Tutta impregnata dull' erba e da' fiori ; Tal mi senti' un vento dar per mezza La fronte ; Purg. 24. 1 the chill of early morning (Purg. 19); the dawn stealing on, and the stars, one by one, fading " infino alia piu bella" (Parad. 30); the brightness of the " trembling morning star "- Par treniolando mattutina Stella ; the serenity of the dawn, the blue gradually gathering in the east, spreading over the brightening sky (Parad. 1); then succeeded by the orange tints and Mars setting red, through the mist over the sea : Ed ecco, qual sol presso del mattino Per 11 gross! vapor Marte rosseggia 1 As when, announcing the approach of day, Impregnated with herbs and flowers of Spring, Breathes fresh and redolent the air of May Such was the breeze that gently fann'd my head ; And I perceived the waving of a wing Which all around ambrosial odours shed. WRIGHT. M 162 DANTE Giu nel ponente, sopra '1 suol marine, Cotal m* apparve, s' io ancor lo veggia, Un lume per lo mar venir ei ratto Che '1 muover suo nessun volar pareggia ; Purg. 2. 1 the distant sea-beach quivering in the early light : L* alba vinceva 1' ora mattutina Che fuggia innanzi, si che di lontano Conobbi il tremolar ddla marina; Purg. I. 2 the contrast of east and west at the moment of sun rise, and the sun appearing, clothed in mist : Io vidi gia nel cominciar del giorno La parte oriental tutta rosata E 1' altro ciel di bel sereno adorno ; E la faccia del sol nascere ombrata SI che per temperanza di vapori L* occhio lo sostenea lungo fiato; Purg. 3. s 1 When lo ! like Mars, in aspect fiery red Seen through the vapour, when the morn is nigh Far in the west above the briny bed, So (might I once more see it) o'er the sea A light approach'd with such rapidity, Flies not the bird that might its equal be. WRIGHT. * Now 'gan the vanquish'd matin hour to flee ; And seen from far, as onward came the day, I recognised the trembling of the sea. Ibid. 1 Ercwhile the eastern regions have I seen At daybreak glow with roseate colours, and The expanse beside all beauteous and serene : DANTE 163 or breaking through it, and shooting his bqams over the sky : Di tutte parti saettava il giorno Lo sol ch' avea con le saette conte Di mezzo '1 ciel cacciato 1 Capricorno. Purg. 2. 1 But light in general is his special and chosen source of poetic beauty. No poet that we know has shown such singular sensibility to its varied appear- ances has shown that he felt it in itself the cause of a distinct and peculiar pleasure, delighting the eye apart from form, as music delights the ear apart from words, and capable, like music, of definite character, of endless variety, and infinite meanings. He must have studied and dwelt upon it like music. His mind is charged with its effects and combinations, and they are rendered with a force, a brevity, a precision, a heedlessness and unconsciousness of ornament, an indifference to circumstance and detail ; they flash out with a spontaneous readiness, a suitableness and felicity, which show the familiarity and grasp given only by daily observation, daily thought, daily And the sun's face so shrouded at its rise, And temper'd by the mists which overhung, That I could gaze on it with stcdfast eyes. WKIOHT. 1 On every side the sun shot forth the day, And had already with his arrows bright From the mid-heaven chased Capricorn away. Ibid, 164 DANTE pleasure. Light everywhere in the sky and earth and sea in the star, the flame, the lamp, the gem broken in the water, reflected from the mirror, trans- mitted pure through the glass, or coloured through the edge of the fractured emerald dimmed in the mist, the halo, the deep water streaming through the rent cloud, glowing in the coal, quivering in the lightning, flashing in the topaz and the ruby, veiled behind the pure alabaster, mellowed and clouding itself in the pearl light contrasted with shadow shading off and copying itself in the double rainbow, like voice and echo light seen within light, as voice discerned within voice, " guando una b ferrw, t V altra va e riede" the brighter "nestling" itself in the fainter the purer set off on the less clear, "come perla in bianca fronte " light in the human eye *nd face, displaying, figuring, and confounded with its expressions light blended with joy in the eye : luce Come letizia in pupilla viva ; and in the smile : Vincendo me col lume che vede abborre, 81 nescia e la subita rigilia, Finche la stimativa nol soccorre. Farad. 28. And as through fervour of the piercing light Is broken through the slumber of the night, And the awakened one hates what he sees (So lost to sense of all around he is, Till judgment re-illume his faculties). uneaty feelings produced by siyht or representation of something unnatural : Come per sostentar solajo o tetto Per mensola talvolta una figura Si vede giunger le ginocchia al petto, La qualfa del non ver vera rancura Nascer a chi la vede; cosl fatti Vid 1 io color. Purg. 10. As to support a roof or ceiling, oft A figure doth a bracket's place supply, The knees up-gathered to the breast aloft The unreal pain excites compassion true In him who sees it ; such when I explore These forms minutely, they appear to view. 174 DANTE science tributary to a poetry with whose general aim and spirit it has little in common tributary in its blushing in innocent sympathy for others : E come donna onesta che pcnnanc Di se sicura, e per V altnd fallenza Pure ascoltando timida si fane: Cosl Beatrice trasmut6 sembianza. Parad. 27. And like a modest damsel, who not fearing In her own self, yet wears a timid mien, The story of another's shame but hearing ; Such change the look of Beatrice displayed. asking and answering by looks only : Volsi gli ocelli agli occhi al signor mio ; Ond' flli in' assentl con lieto cenno Ci6 che chiedea la vista del disio. Ibid. 19. I bent my eyes on those of my dear lord, Who to the strong desire that mine expressed Rendered with joyful look a kind accord. ^catching the effect of words : Posto avea fine al suo ragionamento L' alto dottore, ad attento guardava Nella mia vista s' io parea con ten to. Ed io, cui nuova sole ancor frugava, Di fuor taceva e dentro dicea : forse Lo troppo dimandar ch' io fo, li grava. Ma quel padre verace, che s' accorse Del timido voler che non s' apriva, Parlando, di parlare ardir mi porse. Purg. 18 His reasoning ended, my exalted guide Attentively surveyed my countenance To see if I were fully satisfied. DANTE 175 exact forms, even in its technicalities. He speaks of the Mediterranean Sea, not merely as a historian, or And I, by further cravings now possest, Spake not aloud, but said within : " Perchance He by my constant questions is oppressed." But that true father, who at once perceived The timid wish I had not dared to tell, Soon by his speech my fear to speak relieved. Dante betraying Virgits presence to Statins, by his involuntary tmiU: Volser Virgil io a me queste parole Con viso che tacendo dicea : "taci ;" Ma non pu6 tutto la virtu che vuole ; Che riso e pianto son tanto seguaci Alia passion da cho ciascun si spicca, Che men seguon voler ne' piit veraci. lopur sorriti, come f uom ch' ammicca: Perche V ombra si tacque, riguardommi Negli occhi ove 'I sembiante piit rificca. E se tanto lavoro in bene assommi, Disse, perche la faccia tua testeso Un lampeggiar a' un riao dimostrommi T Purg. 21. These words made Virgil torn to where I stood, With look that silent said : " B silent thou ;" But Virtue cannot all that Virtue would ; For in the wake of passion, smile and tear So closely follow, that they least allow The will to govern is the most sincere. I smiled as one who winks : whereat the shade Refrained from words, and fastened on mine eye, In which more clearly is the soul pourtrayed. 176 DANTE an observer of its storms or its smiles, but as a geologist; 1 of light, not merely in its beautiful Success, he said, reward thy good intent, As these inform me, from thy features why The lightning of a smile was lately sent. W BIGHT. smiles and words together : Per le sorrise parolette brevi. Farad. 1. Those brief words accompanied with smiles. CAKY. eye meeting eye : Gli occhi ritorsi avanti Dritti nel lume della dolce guida Che sorridendo ardea negli occhi santL farad. 3. Called back mine eyes anon Full on the orbs of my loved guide directed, Which, as she smiled, with holy lustre shone, WBIG in. Come si vcde qui alcuna volta L' affetto nella vista, a' ello e tanto Che da lui sia tutta 1' anima tolta : Cosl nel fiammeggiar del fulgor santo A cui mi volsi, couobbi la voglia In lui di ragionarmi ancore alquanto. Parad. 18. And as sometimes, in this our mortal state, We see affection pictured in the eyes, Of power the soul entire to captivate. So, in the effulgence of that holy Same To which I turned, an ardent wish I saw With me a further intercourse to claim. WRIGHT. gentleness of voice : E cominciommi a dir soave e piana Con angelica voce in sua favella. Inf. 2. 1 7xi mayyior valle, in che 1' acqua si spandi. Parad. 9. DANTE 177 appearances, but in its natural laws. 1 There is a charm, an imaginative charm to him, not merely in And on mine ear in her own accents fell Tones soft and sweet of angel harmony. WRIGHT. E come agli occhi miei si fe* piu bella, Cos! con voce piu dolce e soave, Ma non con questa moderns favella, Dissemi ; farad. 16. And brighter as it grew before mine eyes, So with a voice more soft and sweetly faint (But not with that now used of modern guise) It answered Ibid. chanting : Te lucis ante si divotamente Le usci di bocca e con si dolce note, Che fece me a me uscir di mente. E 1' altre poi dolcemcntc e divote Seguitar lei per tutto 1' inno intero, Avendo gli occhi alle superne ruote. Purg. 8. Te lucis anU with such deep devotion Forth issued from her lips in notes so soft, My soul was ravished with intense emotion. Meanwhile the others, sweetly and devout, Keeping their eyes upon the wheels aloft Accompanied her voice the hymn throughout WRIGHT. chanting blended with th sound of the organ : Purg. 9. Vid supra, p. 151. 1 E.g. Purg. 15. 1 78 DANTE the sensible magnificence of the heavens, "in their silence, and light, and watchfulness," but in the system voices in concert : E come in voce voce si discerne Quando una eferma, e 'I altra va e riede. Parad. 8. And as distinctly voice from voice we hear, When, one sustained, the other comes and goes. WRIGHT. attitudes and gestures: e.g. Beatrice addressing him : Con atto e voce di spedito duce. Parad. 30. With gesture and with look commanding, she Began WRIGHT. Sordello eyeing the travellers : Venimmo a lei : o anima Lombards, Come ti stavi altera e disdcgnosa, E nel muover degli occhi onesta e tarda. Ella non ci diceva alcuna cosa, Ma lasciavane gir, solo guardando, A guisa di leon quando si posa. Purg. 6. To him advanced we. What disdain and pride, O Lombard soul, thy countenance bespoke ! Thine eyes, how moved they, slow and dignified To us the spirit not a word addressed, Letting us pass, and deigning but a look Like to a lion, when he lies at rest. WRIGHT. the angel moving "dry-shod" over the Stygian pool: Dal volto rimovea quell' aer grasso Menando la sinistra innanzi spesso, E sol di quell' angoscia parea lasso. Ben m' accorsi ch' egli era del ciel messo, E volsimi al maestro ; e quei fe' segno DANTE 179 of Ptolemy and the theories of astrology; and he delights to interweave the poetry of feeling and of the outward sense with the grandeur so far as he knew it of order, proportion, measured magnitudes, the relations of abstract forces, displayed on such a scene as the material universe, as if he wished to show that imagination in its boldest flight was not afraid of the company of the clear and subtle intellect Indeed the real never daunts him. It is his leading principle of poetic composition, to draw out of things the poetry which is latent in them, either Ch' io stcssi cheto ed inchinassi ed esso. Ahi quanto mi parea pien di disdegno. Poi si rivolse per la strada lorda, E non fe' motto a noi, ma fe, sembiante D* uomo cui altra cura strings e morde Che quella di colui che gli e davante. lit/. 9. The heavy air he from his visage cleared, Waving the left hand oft his face before, And weary with that single toil appeared. Heaven's messenger he was, I plainly saw, And to the master turned : whereat he straight Made sign that I should bend in silent awe. Ah I what disdain, me thought, his looks disclosed. Then back he turned along the filthy shore, Nor spoke a word ; but seemed like one tormented By other care and other trouble more Than by the thought of him within his view. WRIGHT. 180 DANTE essentially, or as they are portions, images, or reflexes of something greater not to invest them with a poetical semblance, by means of words which bring with them poetical associations, and have received a general poetical stamp. Dante has few of those indirect charms which flow from the subtle structure and refined graces of language none of that ex- quisitely-fitted and self-sustained mechanism of choice words of the Greeks none of that tempered and majestic amplitude of diction, which clothes, like the folds of a royal robe, the thoughts of the Latins none of that abundant play of fancy and sentiment, soft or grand, in which the later Italian poets delighted. Words with him are used sparingly, never in play never because they carry with them poetical recollec- tions never for their own sake ; but because they are instruments which will give the deepest, clearest^ sharpest stamp of that image which the poet's mind, piercing to the very heart of his subject, or seizing the characteristic feature which to other men's eyes is confused and lost among others accidental and common, draws forth in severe and living truth. Words will not always bend themselves to his demands on them; they make him often uncouth, abrupt, obscure. But he is too much in earnest to heed uncouthness ; and his power over language is too great to allow uncertainty as to what he means. DANTE 181 to be other than occasional. Nor is he a stranger to the utmost sweetness and melody of language. But it appears, unsought for and unlaboured, the spon- taneous and inevitable obedience of the tongue and pen to the impressions of the mind ; as grace and beauty, of themselves, " command and guide the eye " of the painter, who thinks not of his hand but of them. All is in character with the absorbed and serious earnestness which pervades the poem ; there is no toying, no ornament, that a man in earnest might not throw into his words ; whether in single images, or in pictures, like that of the Meadow of the Heroes (Inf. 4), or the angel appearing in hell to guide the poet through the burning city (Inf. 9) or in histories, like those of Count Ugolino, or the life of St Francis (Parad. 11) or in the dramatic scenes like the meeting of the poets Sordello and Virgil (Purg. 6), or that one, unequalled in beauty, where Dante himself, after years of forgetfulness and sin, sees Beatrice in glory, and hears his name, never but once pronounced during the vision, from her lips. 1 1 Io vidi gUt nel cominciar del giorno La parte oriental tutta rosata, E 1* altro ciel di bel sereno adorno, E la faccia del sol nasccre ombrata, 81 cbe per temperanza di vapori L* occhio lo sostenea lunga fiata ; Coal dentro una nuvola di fiori, 182 DANTE But this, or any other array of scenes and images, might be matched from poets of a far lower order Che dalle mani angeliche saliva, E ricadeva giu dentro e di fuori, Sovra candido vel cinta d* oliva Donna m' apparve sotto verde manto Vestita di color di fiamraa viva. E lo spirito mio, che gia cotanto Tempo era stato che alia sua presenza Non era di stupor, tremando, affranto. Senza degli occhi aver piu conoscenza, Per occulta virtu, che da lei mossc, D' antico amor senti' la gran potenza. Yolsimi alia sinistra col rispitto, Col quale il fantolin corre alia mamma, Qnando ha paura, o quando egli e afflitto, Per dicere a Virgil io : Men che dramma Di sangue m' e rimasa, che non tremi : Conosco i segni dell' antica fiamma. Ma Virgilio 11' avea lasciati scemi Di se, Virgilio dolcissimo padre, Virgilio, a cui per mia salute diemi : Dante, perchfc Virgilio se ne vada, Non piangcre anche, non piangere ancora Che pianger ti convien per altra spada. Regalmente nell' atto ancor proterva Continu6, come colui che dice, E il piii caldo parlar diretro serva, Guardami beu : ben son, ben son Beatrice : DANTE 183 than Dante : and to specimens which might be brought together of his audacity and extravagance, Come degnasti earcd, at Bristol, the first volume of the Lyrical Ballada, intended to be a joint work of Coleridge and Wordsworth, but to which Coleridge only contributed The Ancient Mariner, and two or three other pieces. The two friends went to Germany at the end of 1798, and Wordsworth, with his sister, spent the winter at Goslar. When he returned to England, he also returned for good to hi* O 194 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH own northern mountains and lakes. He settled, with his sister, near Grasmere, meaning to give himself to poetical composition as the business of his life, and in 1SOO published the second volume of the Lyrical Ballads. In 1802 he married Mary Hutchinson, and finally fixed his home in the lakes, though it was not till several years afterwards (1813) that he took up his abode in the place henceforth connected with his name, Rydal Mount. During all the early part of the century he was very busy. Besides shorter pieces, suggested by the incidents or feelings of the day, he was at work from 1799 to 1805 on a poem, The Prelude, describing the history and growth of his own mind, and intended to be an introduction to the greater philosophical poem which he was already meditating, The Recluse in part, and only in part, realised in The Excursion, The Excursion was published in 1814. Composition took many shapes in the various collections published by Wordsworth, from the Lyrical Ballads in 1800 down to his death. But especially his poetical efforts took the shape of the sonnet Large collections of sonnets marked the working of his thoughts and feelings on certain groups of subjects, or were the memorials of scenes which had interested him. He once, and early in his career, attempted the drama (The Borderers, 1795-96), but with little success. From the first he took a keen interest in all political and social questions, and he was an impassioned and forcible prose writer. His life was a long one, of steady work and much happiness. He died April 23, 1850, at Rydal Mount.] WORDSWORTH was, first and foremost, a philosophical thinker ; a man whose intention and purpose of life it was to think out for himself, faithfully and seri- ously, the questions concerning "Man and Nature and Human Life." He tried to animate and invest WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 195 with imaginative light the convictions of religious, practical, homely but high-hearted England, as Goethe thought out in his poetry the speculations and sceptical moods of inquisitive and critical Germany. He was a poet, because the poetical gift and faculty had been so bestowed on him that he could not fail in one way or another to exercise it : but in deliberate purpose and plan he was a poet, because poetry offered him the richest, the most varied, and the completest method of reaching truth in the matters which interested him, and of expressing and recom- mending its lessons, of "making them dwellers in the hearts of men." "Every great poet," he said, " is a teacher ; I wish either to be considered as a teacher or as nothing." Not like poets writing simply to please ; not like Lucretius or Pope, casting other men's thought into ingenious or highly-coloured or epigrammatic verse; not like Homer or Shakspere or Milton, standing in impersonal distance from their wonderful creations ; not like Shelley, full of philo- sophic ideas, but incapable, from his wild nature, of philosophic steadiness of thought ; not even like poets who write to give an outlet to their sense of the beauty, the strangeness, the pathetic mystery of the world, to unburden their misgivings, to invite sympathy with their sorrows or hopes, Wordsworth, with all his imagination, and in his moments of 196 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH highest rapture, has a practical sense of a charge committed to him. He is as much in earnest as a prophet, and he holds himself as responsible for obedience to his call and for its fulfilmeift, as a prophet " To console the afflicted ; to add sunshine to daylight by making the happy happier ; to teach the young and the gracious of every age to see, to think, and feel, and therefore to become more actively and securely virtuous," this is his own account of the purpose of his poetry. (Letter to Lady Beaumont, May 1807.) He has given the same account in the Preface to The Excursion. Not Chaos, not The darkest pit of lowest Erebus, Nor aught of blinder vacancy, scooped out By help of dreams can breed such fear and awe As fall upon us often when we look Into our minds, into the mind of man My haunt, and the main region of my song. Beauty a living presence of the earth, Surpassing the most fair ideal forma \Vhich craft of delicate spirits hath composed From earth's materials waits upon my steps ; Pitches her tents before me as I move, An hourly neighbour. Paradise, and groves Elysiau, Fortunate Fields like those of old Sought in the Atlantic main why should they b A history only of departed tilings, Or a mere fiction of what never was ? WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 197 For the discerning intellect of man, When wedded to this goodly universe In love and holy passion, shall find these A simple produce of the common day. I, long before the blissful hour arrives, Would chant, in lonely peace, the spousal verse Of this great consummation : and, by words Which speak of nothing more than what we are, Would I arouse the sensual from their sleep Of Death, and win the vacant and the vain To noble raptures ; while my voice proclaims How exquisitely the individual mind (And the progressive powers perhaps no 16M Of the whole species) to the external world Is fitted : and how exquisitely, too Theme this but little heard of among men The external world is fitted to the mind ; And the creation (by no lower name Can it be called) which they with blended might Accomplish : this is our high argument. Wordsworth's poetry and his idea of the office of poetry must be traced, like many other remarkable things, to the French Revolution. He very early, even in his boyhood, became aware of that sympathy with external nature, and of that power of discrimi- nating insight into the characteristic varieties of its beauty and awfulness, which afterwards so strongly marked his writings. " I recollect distinctly," he says of a description in one of his early poems, " the very 198 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH spot where this struck ma The moment was im- portant in my poetical history ; for I date from it my consciousness of the infinite variety of natural appearances which have been unnoticed by the poets of any age or country, and I made a resolution to supply in some measure the deficiency." We have abundant evidence how he kept his purpose. While Wordsworth was at Cambridge, the French Revolution was beginning. The contagion of the great ideas which it proclaimed caught him as it also laid hold on so many among the nobler spirits of the young generation. To him at that time, as he tells us himself, The whole earth The beauty wore of promise ; that which sets The budding rose above the rose full blown. The wonder, the sympathy, the enthusiasm which swept him and them away like a torrent, though in his case the torrent's course was but a short one, left ineffaceable marks on his character and his writings. He was not at first so easily shocked as others were at the excesses of the revolution. His stern North- country nature could bear and approve much terrible retribution for the old wrongs of the poor and the weak at the hands of nobles and kings. In his Apology for the French Revolution, 1793, he sneered at Bishop Watson for the importance which the Bishop attached WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 199 to " the personal sufferings of the late royal martyr," and for joining in the " idle cry of modish lamentation which has resounded from the court to the cottage"; and he boldly accepted the doctrine that in a time of revolution, which cannot be a time of liberty, "political virtues are developed at the expense of moral ones." But though the guillotine and the revolutionary tribunal had not daunted him, he recoiled from the military despotism and the fever of conquest in which they ended. The changes in his fundamental principles, in his thoughts of man and his duties, were not great : the change in his appli- cation of them and in his judgment of the men, the parties, the institutions, the measures, by which they were to be guarded and carried out, was great indeed. The hopes and affections which revolutionary France had so deeply disappointed were transferred to what was most ancient, most historic, most strongly rooted by custom and usage, in traditional and unreformed England. With characteristic courage he never cared to apologise for a political change which was M complete and striking as a change to a new religion. He scarcely attempted directly to explain it. He left it to tell its own story in his poetical creations, and in the elaborate pictures of character, bis own and others,' inserted into his longer works, Th Prelude and The Excursion. But he was not a man 200 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH to change with half a heart. He left behind him for ever all the beliefs and anticipations and illusions which, like spells, had bound him to Jacobin France. He turned away from it in permanent and strong disgust, and settled down into the sturdy English Tory patriot of the beginning of the century. But this unreserved and absorbing interest in the wonderful ideas and events of the French Revolution, transient as it was, had the effect upon him which great interruptions of the common course of things and life have on powerful natures. They were a call and a strain on his intellect and will, first in taking them in, then in judging, sifting, accepting or refusing them, which drew forth to the full all that he had of strength and individual character. But for that, he might have been, and doubtless would have been, the poet of nature, a follower, but with richer gifts, of Thomson, Akenside, perhaps Cowper. But it was the trial and the struggle which he went through, amid the hopes and overthrows of the French Revolution, which annealed his mind to its highest temper, which gave largeness to his sympathies and reality and power to his ideas. Every one knows that Wordsworth's early poetry was received with a shout of derision, such as, except in the case of Keats, has never attended the first appearance of a great poet. Every one knows, too, WILLIAM WOKDSWORTH 201 that in a quarter of a century it was succeeded by a growth of profound and enthusiastic admiration, which, though it has been limited by the rise of new forms of deep and powerful poetry, is still far from being spent or even reduced, though it is expressed with more discrimination than of old, in all who have a right to judge of English poetry. This was the inevitable result of the characteristic qualities of Wordsworth's genius, though for a time the quarrel between the poet and his critics was ag- gravated by accidental and temporary circumstances. Wordsworth is destined, if any poet is, to be im- mortal ; but immortality does not necessarily mean popularity. That in Wordsworth which made one class of readers find in him beauty, grandeur, and truth, which they had never found before, will certainly tell on the same class in future yean: What he has loved, Others will love, and he will teach them how. But mankind is deeply divided in its sympathies and tastes ; and for a large portion of it, not merely of those who read, but of those who create and govern opinion, that which Wordsworth loved and aimed at and sought to represent will always be the object, not only of indifference but of genuine dislike. Add to this that Wordsworth's genius, though great, and 202 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH noble, and lofty, was in a marked way limited, and that in his own exposition and defence of his view of poetry he was curiously and unfortunately one-sided and inadequate, and provokingly stiff and dogmatic. This, of course, only affected an extinct controversy. But the controversy marked at once the power and the bold novelty of Wordsworth's attempt to purify and exalt English poetry. Wordsworth was, and felt himself to be, a discoverer, and like other great dis- coverers, his victory was in seeing by faith things which were not yet seen, but which were obvious, or soon became so, when once shown. He opened a new world of thought and enjoyment to Englishmen ; hia work formed an epoch in the intellectual and moral history of the race. But for that very reason he had, as Coleridge said, like all great artists, to create the taste by which he was to be relished, to teach the art by which he was to be seen and judged. And people were so little prepared for the thorough and systematic way in which he searched out what is deepest or high- est or subtlest in human feeling under the homeliest realities, that not being able to understand him they laughed at him. Nor was he altogether without fault in the misconceptions which occasioned so much ridicule and scorn. How did he win this deep and lasting admiration 1 What was it in him which exposed him not merely WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 203 to the mocks of the scorner but to the dislike of the really able men who condemned him t That Wordsworth possessed poetical power of the very highest order could be doubted by no one who had read the poem which concluded the first volume of the fiercely attacked Lyrical Ballads the Lines written above Tintern Abbey. That which places a man high among poets, force and originality of thought, vivid- ness and richness of imagination, command over the instrument of language, in its purity, its beauty, and its majesty, could not be, and was never, denied. But this alone does not explain what is distinctive and characteristic in what called forth so much enthusiasm, and such an outcry of disapprobation. What was special in Wordsworth was the pene- trating power of his perceptions of poetical elements, and his fearless reliance on the simple forces of expression, in contrast to the more ornate ones. He had an eye to see these elements, where I will not say no one had seen or felt them, but where no one appears to have recognised that they had seen or felt them. He saw that the familiar scene of human life, nature, as affecting human life and feeling, and man as the fellow-creature of nature, but also separate and beyond it in faculties and destiny had not yet rendered up even to the mightiest of former poets all that they had in them to touch the human heart 204 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH And he accepted it as his mission to open the eyes and widen the thoughts of his countrymen, and to teach them to discern in the humblest and most unexpected forms the presence of what was kindred to what they had long recognised as the highest and greatest. Wordsworth's poetry was not only a powerful but a conscious and systematic appeal to that craving for deep truth and reality which had been gathering way ever since the French Revolution so terribly tore asunder the old veils of conventionality and custom. Truth is a necessary element in all good poetry, and there had been good poetry in the century before Wordsworth. But in Wordsworth the moral judgment and purpose of the man were joined to the poet's instinct and art ; and he did, as the most sacred and natural of duties, what he would anyhow have done from taste and for his pleasure. When that inflexible loyalty to truth which was the prime condition of all his writings not mere literal truth, but the truth which could only be reached by thought and imagination, when this had been taken in, it was soon seen what an amazing view it opened of the new riches and wonders of the world, a scene of dis- covery which Wordsworth was far from exhausting. It was a contrast, startling all and baffling many, to the way in which, since Shakspere and Milton, WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 205 poetry had been content to skim the surface of the vast awful tracts of life and nature, dealing with their certainties and riddles, with their beauty and their terror, under the guidance of sentiments put on for the most part like a stage dress, and in language which seemed not to belong to the world which we know. Thomson, Gray, and Burns, Wordsworth's immediate predecessors, had discovered, but only partially, the extent and significance of the faith which Wordsworth accepted and proclaimed in its length and breadth and height and depth, that Truth, in its infinite but ever self-consistent forms, is the first law of poetry. From his time, the eyes of readers, and the eyes of writers, have been opened ; and whatever judgment they may pass on his own poetry or his theories, they have followed both as critics and as composers, in the path which he opened. Hence his selection of subjects. He began with nature, as in the Evening Walk and the Descriptive Sketches. He had early and well learned his lesson of nature learned to watch and note in her that, to which other eyes were blind, of expression and novelty in common sights. A habit was formed of indefatigable observation, like that which was the basis of Turner's power. And to a mind thus trained the scenes through which he passed, and among which his life was spent, furnished never-cloying food. 206 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH His continental journeys left deep impressions upon him; these impressions were answered by those of his home. The "power of hills was on him"; the music of waters was in his ears ; light and darkness wove their spells for him. Looking to the same end as Turner, and working in the same spirit, he, with Turner, was a discoverer in the open face of nature : working apart from one another, these two mighty " Lords of the eye," seized and grasped what had always been visible yet never seen, and gave their countrymen capacities of perception and delight hardly yet granted to others. But as his mind grew, Nature, great as was her power, "fell back into a second place," and became important to him chiefly as the stage of man's action, and allied with his ideas, his passions and affections. And Man was interest- ing to him only in his essential nature, only as man. History had little value for him, except as it revealed character : and character had no interest unless, be- sides power or splendour, it had in it what appealed to human sympathies or human indulgence. For a Napoleon, with all his magnificence, he had nothing but loathing. Where he found truth, noble and affecting, not bare literal fact, but reality informed and aglow with the ideas and forms of the imagina- tion, and so raised by it to the power of an object of our spiritual nature, he recognised no differences WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 207 of high and low. In the same way as he saw great- ness in the ideal histories of Venice and Switzerland, and in the legends of Rome, even if they were fictions, so he saw greatness, the greatness of human affections and of the primary elements of human character, in the fortunes and the sufferings of Michael and the Leech gatherer. He was very bold for his time, and took all consequences, which were severe enough, when he insisted that the whole range of the beauti- ful, the pathetic, the tragic, the heroic, were to be found in common lowly life, as truly as in the epic and the drama, or in the grand legends of national history ; when he proclaimed that Verse may build a princely throne On humble truth. He claimed for Lucy Gray, for the " miserable mother by the Thorn," for the desolate maniac nursing her infant, the same pity which we give to Lear and Cor- delia or to " the dark sorrows of the line of Thebes." Not in play but in deepest earnest he dwelt on the awfulness, the wonder, the sacredness of childhood : it furnished in his hands the subject, not only of touching ballads, but of one of the most magnificent lyrical poems the ode on Immortality. He was con- vinced that if people would but think and be fair with themselves, they would not merely be moved by 208 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH humble tragedies, like Michael and the Brothers, but would feel that there was as much worthy of a poet's serious art in the agonies of the mother of the Idiot Boy, and the terrors of Peter Bell, as in the " majestic pains " of Laodamia and Dion. He has summed up his poetical doctrine with all his earnest solemnity in the thirteenth book of the Prelude : Here might I pause, and bend in reverence To Nature, and the power of human minds, To men as they are men within themselves. How oft high service is performed within, When all the external man is rude in show, Not like a temple rich with pomp and gold, But a mere mountain chapel, that protects Its simple worshippers from sun and shower. Of these, said I, shall be my song ; of these, If future years mature me for the task, Will I record the praises, making verse Deal boldly with substantial things ; in truth And sanctity of passion speak of these, That justice may be done, obeisance paid Where it is due : thus haply shall I teach, Inspire, through unadulterated ears Pour rapture, tenderness, and hope my theme No other than the very heart of man, As found among the best of those who live, Not unexalted by religious faith, Nor uninformed by books, good books, though few, In Nature's presence : thence may I select Sorrow that is not sorrow, but delight ; WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 209 And miserable love, that is not pain To hear of, for the glory that redoundt Therefrom to human kind, and what we are. Nature for all conditions wants not power To consecrate, if we have eyes to see, The outside of her creatures, and to breathe Grandeur upon the very humblest face Of human life. I felt that the array Of act and circumstance, and visible form, Is mainly to the pleasure of the mind What passion makes them ; that meanwhile the forms, Of Nature have a passion in themselves, That intermingles with those works of man To which she summons him ; although the works Be mean, have nothing lofty of their own ; And that the genius of the Poet hence May boldly take his way among mankind Wherever Nature leads ; that he hath stood By Nature's side among the men of old, And so shall stand for ever. All this doctrine was strange to his ago ; it has ceased to be so to ours. In various ways and with varying merit, Thackeray and Dickens and George Eliot, and a crowd of writers, poets and novelists, have searched out the motifs of the highest poetry in the humblest lives, and have taught the lesson that the real greatness and littleness of human life are not to be measured by the standards of fashion and pride. What made Wordsworth different from other popular P 210 WILLIAM WORDSWOBTH poets, and made him great, was a puzzle and a para- dox at first in his own time ; it is but a commonplace in ours. " It was the union of deep feeling with pro- found thought : the fine balance of truth in observing, with the imaginative faculty in modifying, the objects observed ; and, above all, the original gift of spread- ing the tone, the atmosphere, and with it the depth and height of the ideal world, around forms, inci- dents, and situations, of which, for the common view, custom had bedimmed all the lustre, had dried up the sparkle and the dewdrops. To find no contradic- tion in the union of old and new ; to contemplate the Ancient of Days and all His works with feelings as fresh as if all had then sprung forth at the first creative fiat ; characterises the mind that feels the riddle of the world, and may help to unravel it. To carry on the feelings of childhood into the powers of manhood ; to combine the child's sense of wonder and novelty with the appearances which every day for perhaps forty years have made familiar : With sun and moon and stars throughout the year, And man and woman this is the character and privilege of genius." (Cole- ridge, Biographia Liter aria, c. iv.) Thus his range of materials was very large ; his extensive scale of interests gave him great variety j WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 211 like his own skylark, he soars to the heavens, and drops into a lowly nest ; and as the wing sometimes flags, and the eye is wearied, his work was unequal, and there was sometimes want of proportion in his subject and his treatment of it But his principles of treatment, though he was not altogether happy in his exposition of them, were in accordance with his general idea of poetry. "I have at all times," he says, "endeavoured to look steadily at my subject." Where he succeeded and no man can always in thought and imagination see what he wants to see there was the fire and energy and life of truth, stamping all his words, governing his music and his movement, his flow or his rush. There is always the aim, the scrupulous, fastidious aim at direct expression at beautiful, suggestive, forcible, original expres- sion : but first of all at direct expression. This he called, somewhat oddly, restricting himself to the language of common life, in opposition to so-styled " poetic diction." Happily he was inconsistent with his own theory. He showed with Burns how far deep down the pathetic and the tender go in common life, and how its language can be made by cunning artists to minister to their expression : but there are regions in poetry of glory and nobleness and splendour where Burns never came, and there Wordsworth showed that he was master of a richer and subtler 212 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH wealth of words than common life supplies. But in his most fiery moments of inspiration and enthusiasm he never allowed himself to relax his hold on reality and truth : as he would scorn to express in poetry any word or feeling which was not genuine and natural, any sentiment or impulse short of or beyond the actual impression which caused them, so with the most jealous strictness he measured his words. He gave them their full swing if they answered to force and passion ; but he watched them all the same, with tender but manly severity. Hence with his power and richness of imagination, and his full command over all the resources of voice and ear, an austere purity and plainness and nobleness marked all that he wrote, and formed a combination as distinct as it was uncommon. To purity, purity of feeling, pure truthfulness of expression, he is never untrue. In the wild excitement, or the lawless exaggeration, as in the self-indulgence and foulness of passion, he will recognise no subject of true poetic art. Keenly alive to beauty, and deeply reverencing it, he puts purity and the severity of truth above beauty. With his eager instincts of joy, it is only the joy of the pure- hearted that he acknowledges. f Wordsworth's great poetical design was carried out, first in collections of short pieces, such as those of his earlier volumes, the Lyrical Ballads, and the WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 213 Poems of 1 807 ; then in a great mass of Sonnets, varying from some of the grandest in the language to some very commonplace; but as a whole, con- sidering their number, there are between four and five hundred of them, a collection of great nobleness and wonderful finish : and finally in the long poem of The Excursion, itself a fragment of a greater pro- jected whole, The Recluse. The Excursion was published in 1814, and it gave the key to all his poetical work. From that time to 1845 he published repeatedly new things and old : sonnets on all kinds of subjects, such as those on the River Duddon, the Ecclesiastical Sonnets, and those on the Punishment of Death ; Memorials of his Tours in Scotland and on the Continent ; classical compositions like Laodamid and Dion; tales in the romantic fashion, like The While Doe of Rylstone, or in the manner of the Lyrical Ballads, like Peter Bell, written in his earliest time, but not published till 1819. The reception of Peter Bell marks the change that had come over public opinion. "It was," says the biographer, "more in request than any of the author's previous publications " : it was published in April, and a new edition was wanted in May. Wordsworth had waited, and the world had begun to come round to him. Ridicule and dislike had not ceased. But in minds which loved nature, which loved nobleness, which loved reality, which loved 214 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH purity and truth, he had awakened a response of deep and serious sympathy, which placed him, in the judgment of increasing numbers, far above the great poetical rivals round him. It was in vain that The Edinburgh Review received The Excursion with its insolent, " This will never do " ; it only showed that the Review had mistaken the set of the tide, and had failed to measure the thoughts and demands of the coming time. Wordsworth's reception at Oxford in 1839 was an outward mark of the change, and of the way in which he had spoken to the hearts of men, and had been at length understood. The enthusiasm which gathered round him was most genuine, and it was wholesome and elevating ; it was one of the best influences of our time. But it became undiscriminating. It, not unnaturally, blinded men to defects, and even made them proud of defying the criticism which defects produced. And there were defects. In his earlier days, at the high tide of his genius and strength, amid works matchless for their power and simplicity and noble beauty, Wordsworth's composition was sometimes fairly open to the criticism, whether meant for him I know not, conveyed in the following lines by one who fully measured his greatness : 'Tis a speech That by a language of familiar lowness WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 215 Enhances what of more heroic vein Is next to follow. But one fault it hath ; It fits too close to life's realities. In truth to Nature missing truth to Art ; For Art commends not counterparts and copies, But from our life a nobler life would shape, Bodies celestial from terrestrial raise, And teach us not jejunely what we are, And what we may be, when the Parian block Yields to the hand of Phidias. (.4 Sicilian Summer, by Henry Taylor.) As life went on, he wrote a great deal, and with unequal power and felicity. It may be doubted whether he had the singularly rare capacity for undertaking, what was the chief aim of his life, a long poem especially a philosophical poem. Strong as he was, he wanted that astonishing strength which carried Milton without flagging through his tremend- ous task. Wordsworth's power was in burst* ; and he wanted to go against the grain of his real aptitudes, and prolong into a continuous strain inspiration which was meant for occasions. In The Excursion and The Prelude there are passages aa magnificent as perhaps poet ever wrote ; but they are not specimens of the context in which they are embedded, and which in spite of them, does not carry along with it the reader's honest enjoyment. We read on because we must In his more ambitious works, such as The 216 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH Excursion, Wordsworth seldom wants strength, finish, depth, insight. He not seldom wants the spring, the vividness, of his earlier works. There is always dignity, and often majesty; but there is sometimes pompousness. His solid weight and massiveness of thought interest us when we are in the humour for serious work ; but it is too easy to find them oppres- sive, and to complain of him as heavy and wearisome : nay, what is in him less excusable, obscure. And so with his various series of sonnets like those full of beauty as they are on the River Duddon: he took in too much in his scheme of the series, and there was not always material enough in comparison of the usually fine and careful workmanship. Further, Wordsworth, like other men, had his limitations. That large tracts of human experience and feeling were unvisited by him and were beyond his horizon, is not to be complained of : he deliberately and with high purpose chose to forego all that under the fascination of art might mislead or tempt. But of all poets who ever wrote, Wordsworth made himself most avowedly the subject of his own thinking. In one way this gives special interest and value to his work. But the habit of perpetual self-study, though it may conduce to wisdom, does not always conduce to life or freedom of movement. It spreads a tone of individuality and apparent egotism, which, though WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 217 very subtle and undefinable, is yet felt, even in some of his most beautiful compositions. We miss the spirit of "aloofness" and self-forgetfulness which, whether spontaneous or the result of the highest art, marks the highest types of poetry. Perhaps it is from this that he so rarely abandoned himself to that spirit of playfulness of which he has given us an example in the Kitten and falling leaves. The ideal man with Wordsworth is the hard-headed, frugal, unambitious dalesman of his own hills, with his strong affections, his simple tastes, and his quiet and beautiful home : and this dalesman, built up by communion with nature and by meditation into the poet - philosopher, with his serious faith and his never - failing spring of enjoyment, is himself. But nature has many sides, and lies under many lights ; and its measure reaches beyond the measure even of the great seer, with his true and piercing eye, his mighty imagination, and his large and noble heart. Wordsworth had not, though he thought he had, the power of interpreting his own principles of poetic composition. This had to be done for him by a more philosophical critic, his friend Coleridge. Words- worth, in his onslaught on the falsehood and unreality of what passed for poetic diction, overstated and mistook. He overstated the poetic possibilities of the speech of common life and of the poor. He 218 WILLIAM WORDSWORTH mistook the fripperies of poetic diction for poetic diction itself. Some effects of these exaggerations and mistakes are visible in his composition itself, though they offend less when the lines which tempt to severe criticism are read in their own place and context; but he would have done more wisely to have left them to find their own apology than to have given reasons which seemed paradoxes. In the hot controversy which followed, both disputants made false moves : the Edinburgh reviewers were false in their thrusts, Wordsworth was false in his parry. He was right in protesting against the doctrine that a thing is not poetical because it is not expressed in a certain conventional mintage ; he was wrong in denying that there is a mintage of words fit for poetry and unsuitable for ordinary prose. They were utterly wrong in thinking that he was not a most careful and fastidious artist in language; but they had some reason for their objections, and some excuse for their ridicule, when it was laid down without distinguishing or qualifying that there was no difference between the language of prose and poetry, and that the language of poetry was false and bad unless it was what might be spoken in the intercourse of common life. Wordsworth, confident of his side of truth, and stung by the flippancy and ignorant narrowness of his censors, was not the WILLIAM WORDSWORTH 219 person to clear up the dispute. Coleridge, under- standing and sympathising with what he really meant, never undertook a worthier task than when he brought his singular powers of criticism to bear on it, and helped men to take a mure serious and just measure of his friend's greatness. He pointed out firmly and clearly what was untenable in Words- worth's positions, his ambiguities, his overstatements. He put into more reasonable and comprehensive terms what he knew to be Wordsworth's meaning. He did not shrink from admitting defects, " character- istic defects," in his poetry; inequality of style, over-care for minute painting of details ; dispropor- tion and incongruity between language and feeling, between matter and decoration ; " thoughts and images too great for the subject." But then he showed at what a height, in spite of all, he really stood : his austere purity and perfection of language, the wideness of his range, the freshness of his thought, the unfailing certainty of his eye; his unswerving truth, and, above all, his magnificent gift of imagination, " nearest of all modern writers to Shakspere and Milton, yet in a kind perfectly un- borrowed and his own." No more discriminating and no more elevated judgment of Wordsworth's genius is to be found than that which Coleridge inserted in the volume which he called his Biographia Littraria. 'SORDELLO' READERS, and even students, of Mr. Browning, shy at Sordello. Mr. Hutton gives it up. Mr. Roden Noel expressly puts it aside, for he cannot make out its constructions. Mrs. Orr, in her handbook, does her best, but plainly feels it an ungrateful task to spend time upon it. And no wonder. Mr. Browning himself calls his poem a "Quixotic attempt" Per- plexity, bewilderment, is not the word to express the state of feeling which comes over the mind of the reader when he first opens the book, expecting that language will guide him along the threads of thought to an upshot, more or less distinct, of meaning. His first reading leaves him aghast. Where is he, and what is he among 1 He is to hear a story told : the story begins, stops for a parenthesis, stops for an address to Shelley, proceeds, breaks off, goes back at a jump thirty years, and we are transported, or rather have to find our way to an entirely different scene and different associations, and so, by hints, and 222 'BORDELLO' pictures, and enigmas, to yet another set of circum- stances, which follow like slides in a magic lantern. But what is the story all about ? We find at last a running commentary at the top of the page; but that is probably not an early discovery, and we go on hoping to find the clue, not outside, but in the poem itself. And yet it is not a thing to put down. We feel that we are in strong hands, and with eyes that have really seen seen, with keenness, with trouble, with thought only their owner is not dis- posed to save us any trouble in making us see what he has seen. It all has the oddness and unexpected- ness of a dream, where the things which happen, though they never surprise us, do not happen the least in the common order, and are not connected with the usual associations, familiar in waking life. Yet there come in flashes of sympathy, which illumi- nate dark depths of the heart, which we thought no one knew or imagined but ourselves. There come tracts of pictured landscape, like the back- ground of some great Umbrian or Venetian painter background only, with perhaps an unintelligible foreground and action. That autumn eve was stilled : A last remains of sunset dimly burned O'er the far forests, like a torch-flame turned By the wind back upon its bearer's hand ' SORDELLO ' 223 In one long flare of crimson ; as a brand The woods beneath lay black. A single eye From all Verona cared for the soft sky. Like Turner's pictures in his later manner when he is clear, he is very clear : when he is obscure, he is very obscure. And then the language : it is like unpointed Hebrew words, where you have the con- sonants, and, according as you know the language, put in the vowels. Ellipsis reigns supreme : preposi- tions and relatives are dispensed with : nominatives and accusatives play hide and seek round verbs : we get lost in the maze of transpositions, and stumble over irritating and obscure parentheses. And then the illustrations and allusions ! Sismondi and Milman will give us the history of the time, not quite the same as Mr. Browning's, but something like: the only thing that does not seem arbitrary is the geography. But Mr. Browning is a wide reader, and draws his illustrative materials from sources locked and sealed to us outsiders. How many of us we feel ourselves in asking tne question, to be the " Naddo," the typical critic, on whom Mr. Browning pours such persistent and varied scorn, but still, how many of us know "Pontapolin of the naked arm?" 1 Why is Cunizza's sphere the "Swooning 1 I leave this as it stands. But I must confess that Mr. Browuing might have expected hU readers to know their Don 224 ' SORDELLO ' sphere?" Why is Cunizza called Palma? Who is Dularete, and what is ' Saponian strength ?" Why is Fomalhaut chosen out of all the stars to be, in the language of a twelfth century lady, the type of a luminous orb ? What is the interpretation of the following passages ? Nature's strict embrace, Putting aside the past, shall soon efface' Its print as well And turn him pure as some forgotten vest, Woven of painted byssus, silkiest Tufting the Tyrrhene whelk's pearl-sheeted lip, Left welter where a trireme let it slip I' the sea, and vexed a satrap ; so the stain O' the world forsakes Sordello, with its pain, Its pleasure : how the tinct loosening escapes, Cloud after cloud ! Again : Heart and brain Swelled ; he expanded to himself again, As some thin seedling spice-tree starved and frail, Pushing between cat's head and ibis' tail. Crusted into the porphyry pavement smooth, Suffered remain just as it sprung, to soothe The Soldan's pining daughter, never yet Well in her chilly green-glazed minaret, When rooted up, the sunny day she died, And flung into the common court beside Its parent tree. Quixote (i. 11), or at least their Antiquary (ii. c. 30) and St. Konan'i Well, c. 30 [June 1887]. ' BORDELLO * 225 And if dictionaries help us to names, the names have to serve in a novel history. Alcamo and Nina are names connected with early Italian poetry in Sicily ; but Nina the poetess, in Crescimbeni and Sismondi, becomes Nina the poet in Mr. Browning. Ovid will tell us something of Cydippe, but her old lover Acontius is changed into Agathon. And then the words: " ginglingly," and "writhled," and "bloom- flinders," and " fastuous," and " mollitious," and many more, some no doubt picked out of local usage, but still to outsiders needing a glossary. Is it astonishing if, after wandering blindfold through what seems at first a hopeless labyrinth, some impatient reader should treat Bordello as the Italian in Giordano Bruno's story treated his "enigmatic prophet "- " Fratdlo, tu rum vuoi esser inteso : io non ti voglio intendere vai con cento diavoli " and kicked it, with an indignant malediction, into the dustrheap. What is there to save Sordello from the fate justly due to a o-Korctvop rony/m, like Lycophron's Cassandra 1 It is quite certain that nothing can be done with it, nothing can be made of it, without great attention and some trouble more trouble than we usually expect to be called upon to give to any book but one of high mathematics. Is it worth while to take this trouble f That depends. If we want the pleasant and per- q 226 ' BORDELLO ' t'ectly legitimate excitement of a dramatic story, with clearly-drawn characters and the interest of a well -developed plan, we had better keep our time for books where its employment will be more fully rewarded. If there is amusement to be found in Sordello it is the amusement of finding out puzzles. But if we are people of a tolerant disposition if we have realised how we all have our own ways of doing things, and then go on to reflect that a strong and deep and eager mind is very likely to have fits of self-will, and the quaint and perhaps unjustifiable habit of taking its own line in the teeth of what is accepted and usual, we may be tempted, by the obvious signs of the poet's being in earnest, and thinking that he has something worth telling to tell us, into a more patient and inquiring frame of mind. And if we begin to inquire, it is possible that we may find find something worth our trouble. The reading of Sordello is likely to be accompanied, even to the end, by a plentiful running commentary of notes of interrogation, and marks and sounds of even more energetic feeling. But it will be surpris- ing if we do not find a meaning, and a meaning worth writing an elaborate poem for. Who was Sordello, and what makes Mr. Browning choose him for a subject 1 Sordello's name would be a forgotten one, with those of other troubadours of ' SORDELLO ' 227 the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but that Danto has chosen that he shall never be forgotten. He was plainly a distinguished person in his time, a cunning craftsman in the choice and use of language ; but, if this was all, his name would only rank with a number of others, famous in their time, lost under the cloud of greater successors. He may have been something more than a writer or speaker : he may have been a ruler, though that is doubtful. But we know him, because in the antechamber of Purgatory he was so much to Dante. Through three cantos he is the companion and guide of the two great pilgrims. He is shown to us, as it were, in picture his solitariness, his lofty port, his melancholy majesty L'ombra tutu in ee romita. . . . Ella non ci diceva alcuna coea, Ma lasciuvane gir, solo guardando, A guisa di loon quando si poea. His presence calls forth some of Dante's deepest and most memorable laments over the miseries of Italy, ami the responsibilities of her indolent and incapable rulers. He leads his companions to the secret and guarded valley where kings and princes of the earth, who have meant to do their duty, but in the end have not fulfilled their trust, must wait outside of 228 ' BORDELLO ' Purgatory the hour of mercy ; where Dante sees their still sadness, and learns their names, and hears their evening hymns. And here we learn Dante's judgment on Sordello himself : he is placed by himself, more self-centred and in guise haughtier than even the rulers and judges in whose company he waits to begin his cleansing ; and he is placed among those who had great opportunities and great thoughts the men of great chances and great failures. The filling up the story of Sordello is plainly suggested by the fact we do not say the history, or the character, but the fact and existence of such a creation of human experience and human purpose as Dante's poem. Dante, the singer, the artist, who :ould see in the world about him what none other saw, but wielded the spell to make others see what he saw, seemed naturally to belong to that vast and often magnificent company, from Orpheus and Homer downwards, whose business in life seemed art and the perfection of art. Let the world go as it would, let men quarrel and change and suffer as they might, the artist was outside it all : he worked apart, using, it may be, the materials given him by active life ; but imagining, inventing, composing, painting, carving, building, singing, because that was his end and calling in life. He told on actual life according to his power, but he did not seek to tell on it. Virgil sang of ' BORDELLO ' 229 Rome indeed, but it was the ideal Koine which he imagined. But Dante, with his artist's eye and artist's strength, was from the beginning, and con- tinued to the end, in the closest contact with the most absorbing interests of human life. His course was shaped by two master influences : for himself, passionate and enduring love : for society, the enthusiasm for righteous government. And these, in a way never known in the world before, were taken up into the poet's nature, combined and fused with it and with each other in indestructible union, and moulded into a character in which we almost forget the poet, and such a poet, in the man. The poet-lover of course was no new thing. The poet- prophet, speaking of truth and sin and doom, had made his voice heard in the cities of Israel, had spoken in solemn tones in the choruses of Greek tragedy. In Dante a youth dreamed through in the sweetest of Italian homos : a manhood spent in effort, in struggle, in defeat, with keen and fierce and unsparing rivals, in the most stirring and revolu- tionary of Italian commonwealths : an old age dragged through in wandering and hopeless exile, learning nil the shapes and secrets of weakness, of wickedness, of pain to be found in that wild scene which Christendom then presented in Dante, all this made up the man who saw, and who wrote, the 230 ' BORDELLO ' Divina Commedia. It was no mere magnificent literary production of imaginative genius. It was as real as the man. His life-blood was in it, and with it all that he had seen and felt of the awful and mysterious lot of men : the splendid achievement, the irretriev- able fall, the unspeakable prize : the pangs of Fran- cesca and Ugolino, the solemn scene of preparation and self- discipline, the everlasting chant of the Mystic Rose. The influences which acted on Dante are, in the story, represented as acting on Sordello. Sordello is the child of the same time the time of awakening perception and longing for the beautiful : the time of awakening power in language and imaginative com- position : the time of moral and social anarchy in the cities of Italy anarchy which neither the Pope nor the Emperor, the supreme representatives of religion and law, could restrain, which they and their factions helped to make more hopeless and more cruel. The idea of a common good, a common government, was still recognised in the municipal order of the cities of Lombardy. The framework and outward form of their institutions were still popular; but from the closer intermeddling of the German Emperor with their affairs, the " tyrant " made his appearance earlier in them than in the Tuscan cities. No such catas- trophe had overtaken the cities of the Arno and the ' BORDELLO ' 231 Tiber as the destruction of Milan by Barbarossa. No such incredible and fiendish cruelty had tormented the southern cities as Padua and the cities of the March endured from Ecelin da Romano. This is the world in which Bordello's lot is cast, as Dante's was at Florence: a world more terrible in crime, more terrible in suffering than the worst times then at Florence : a world without the nobler instincts, tradi- tions, aspirations which at Florence were interwoven with the selfishness and bitterness of factious strife, and kept up the ideal and the hope of free citizen- ship, true justice, and generous patriotism in the famous Tuscan republic. The story, Mr. Browning informs us, is to set before us, with historical scenery more or less accurate, but not necessary to its unfold- ing, the " development of a soul," in its ideal growth, choice, and fate. As Florence to Dante, so Mantua to Sordello, but only in vague analogy. Sordello went through changes, temptations, sufferings : his aim in life altered, enlarged, absorbed him. But the progress from love and from art, to great public thoughts and wonderful achievements for mankind, which Dante accomplished, Sordello failed in. This, in its various movements and scenes, is the story. Sordello is meant to interest if not attract us. There is beauty, there is nobleness, there is truthfulness, there is resistance to temptation. But so it was : he 232 ' SORDELLO ' mistook the road, tried after it in earnest but missed it, and died. Mr. Browning has his own way of setting all this before us abrupt, dislocated, interrupted, incomplete, allusive, broken into by long monologues or medita- tions. Further, he tells the story, if we may say so, in his shirt-sleeves with the most pronounced and avowed contempt for mere proprieties as well as for solemnities and pomps : without pretending to help us if we are too slow to catch his humour, or his deep, shy conviction, or his outbursts of amusement : without mercy for us, if we are shocked at the near neighbourhood of the grotesque and the pathetic, the loftiest with the most repulsive and even broad. Is it too much to say that there is sometimes a spirit of mischief in him, and he seems not unwilling to throw us off the trail, or to tempt us into dark places without outlet, leaving us to make out our where- abouts 1 Lastly, he takes real men and women, who are known to have lived and acted at a certain time Sordello, and Ecelin the Monk and his ferocious sons, the younger Ecelin and Alberic, and Cunizza his famous daughter only Mr. Browning chooses that her name is her sister's, Palma 1 and Ecelin's terrible soldier, Taurello Salinguerra, and Ecelin's 1 See a list of the family in Rolandinus, ii. 171 (Muratori Pol. Till) ' SORDELLO ' 233 weird wife Adelaide, who reads the stars, and Azzo of Este, and Richard, Count of Saint Boniface all only too really actors in a dark and miserable time, of whose doings we may read authentic records in Italian chronicles and annals ; but, having taken them and their deeds, he transports them all to his own stage of imagination, and sees them only then as he chooses to think of them and to make them think and speak and do. He does what was a common practice at a certain period of classical literature, and to which our critical days have given, often very unjustly, the name of intentional forgery : the practice of taking up famous or well-known names into the sphere of imagination, and making them speak as it is thought they ought to speak making them speak what is believed to be true in the spirit though feigned in the letter, like the speeches of generals and statesmen in Thucydides or Livy. Mr. Browning takes great liberties : much greater than our historical drama- tists and novelists, when they present a Richard the Second or a Savonarola, perhaps no more than Dante has taken with some of his great names, perhaps with his Sordello and his Cunizza. Sordello, like Hamlet, comes from the poet's " inner consciousness " ; the scraps that we do possess about him Dante's mag- nificent picture in Purgatory, the scant notices col- lected in Troubadour histories, or the fuller but more 234 ' BORDELLO ' mythical accounts, like Platina's, Mr. Browning haughtily passes by. He has a Sordello of his own, utterly unlike anything written of him elsewhere, and of him he knows the innermost secret and struggles of his soul ; and it is his story, from his birth to his grave, with all its individual features and critical incidents, with his aspirations, and vicissitudes, that he will tell us if we have patience to listen. But for Dante so we are to understand the Sordello of Mr. Browning's imagination would have lived through the ages. Dante is the first of the great poets of the world who wrote with an idea and an end beyond his art itself, equal in its greatness to the compass of man's whole nature; for Lucretius wrote but for a philosophy, Lucan for a political regret. But such an effort was, sooner or later, in the necessity of things, as time, and time marked by the appearance of Christianity, went on. So Mr. Browning imagines that first effort coming before it was adequately fulfilled : it came in the imaginary Sordello, who represents a tendency, who is Dante's forerunner and herald star, because such an attempt must have been stirring in nobler souls, over and above the mere love and craft of poetry, as shown in the imaginary Eglamor, the representative of the Cinos and Guidos of Dante's time, the predecessors of Petrarch. Sordello is supposed to be much more ' SORDELLO ' 235 than the Troubadour known to history. His was the history of a great purpose, though a defeated one. "Gate-vein" of the "heart's blood" of truth and love and mercy u to Lombardy," he was " thy fore- runner, Florentine." But Dante absorbed him, "a herald star," Relentless into thy consummate orb That scared it from its right to roll along A sempiternal path with dance and song. Fulfilling its allotted period, Serenest of the progeny of God. But its brightness is not quenched or lost: it is " blent " for ever with Dante's splendours ; but, Still, what if I approach the august sphere Named now with only one name, disentwine That undercurrent soft and argentine From its fierce mate in the majestic mass, Leavened as the sea whose fire was mixed with glass In John's transcendent vision, and tell the story of Sordello, exhibit the " lustre " of his star by itself 1 ? So it pleases the poet to say, for only he knows it But why for he does not tell is this star called, "Serenest of the progeny of God?" Why, "His darling?" We ask, because not even in that realm where the poet disposes all things can we find the reason ; unless it be, that Sordello, like Francis, 236 ' BORDELLO ' opened his heart to the cries of the poor crowds. Here is an instance of what Mr. Browning asks from us. Is it part of our trial and discipline as his scholars, that we should read, and not know why 1 Or else, are we mere blind and common-place critics, such as the personage who plays a prominent part in the poem, the Jongleur, Nad do ? The first portion of the story describes the develop- ment of a rich and ambitious poetic nature, its triumphs and failures, its struggles to make its art minister to its pride and selfishness, its profound disappointment and despair, its opening into new life under the inspiration of love a love fuller and nobler than his own boyish fancy for Palma Palma's love for him, kindled by her belief in the depth and greatness of his soul, and her longing to live under its power and to behold achievements worthy of it in the world of men and of effort What shall those achievements be ? Then comes a long interlude on the poet's own account It is an apology a dis- closure for himself an apology in the guise of banter and skit for letting his own life and soul and purpose appear under the fractures and shortcoming of his poem : a disclosure, a shy, a half recalled disclosure, of what in his secret heart he has learned is the only object man ought to live for, the one supreme queen ind mistress, eclipsing all other charms and tempta- ' BORDELLO ' 237 tions, to whom all passion and all homage by right are due mankind, in all its mixed glory, in its misery and degradation and pathetic silence and patience, in its poorness and meanness and hopeless suffering, in its endless, immense eternal appeal for pity. The poor, blind, dumb multitudes of mankind whom no man can number, unknown, unheeded, helpless, and without hope, " Earth's immense and trampled multitude," whose troubles, whose sins are beyond all reach the " sheep having no shepherd " to Divine love, the "many-headed beast" to human scorn take a poetic shape, battered, worn, with traces of happier possibilities appeal infinitely to justice, compassion, sympathy, chivalrous manliness and patience, become an object for devotion and passion- ate enthusiasm : Cure-bit, erased, Broken up beauties ever took iny taste Supremely ; and I love you more, far more, Than her I looked should foot Jafe's temple-floor. Years ago, leagues at distance, when and where A whisper came, " Let others seek ! thy care Is found, thy life's provision : if thy race Should l)e thy mistress, and into one face The many faces crowd." This mistress his heart goes out to, as Francis longs for and espouses poverty. This great interest ia alone worth a strong man's strength and love. 238 ' BORDELLO ' " It is pleasant to be young," to watch the bright girls in the fruit-boats and under the bridges at Venice ; but there rises at his side the vision of the human race " sad, dishevelled ghost " and it lays a commanding claim on his devotion, paramount to all other. It is for her under the stress of that high truth, that on the greatest of men, thinker, maker, actor, comes all the greater the imperious de- mand for his self-dedication to his race, in the ignor- ance, the wretchedness, the evil, in which it needs his help that the story of Sordello is continued. What is it but the great truth, that every great life is the echo, strong or faint, of the One great Life of Love, that came to seek and to save that which was lostt The second portion of the story tells the opening of new thoughts and a new life to Sordello, under the influence of Palma. She has taught him that life needs a worthy object. He opens his eyes and sees, in palpable, individual proof, the miseries of his fellows. But how to remedy it 1 The great spell of the Middle Ages, the name of Rome, acts upon him. He learns its emptiness. Great factions divide society all round him, with great pretensions, and with great and equal and monstrous crimes. He learns who he is the long-lost son of the mighty warrior who seems to hold the fate of Italy for a ' SORDELLO ' 239 moment in his hands. Salinguerra would gladly make him head of a power which should crush all the petty tyrannies, and be able to defy Pope and Emperor. But that would be only to continue the reign of force, of wrong, of blood, which has made the earth so miserable for the crowds to whom his life is due. Sordello will have none of that. What is there to do? Mr. Browning does not tell us. Perhaps he might have used Salinguerra's offer, and used it in a new way : perhaps, have been a leader of mankind. Should he, or Ecelin, grasp the place and power of the House of Romano, and be supreme in North Italy ? But Sordello dies, and no work is done : nothing is left behind him but a mythical name. The power of Romano passes into the hands of the merciless Ecelin; and Salinguerra who, we may say in passing, is the one clearly and strongly painted character in the poem; the powerful, un- scrupulous, but not unkindly soldier; magnanimous, touchingly honest in his loyalty and content with the second place, smiling, or " immeasurably yawning " at Sordello's transcendental doctrines and long har- angues Salinguerra ends his career, as Italian warriors often did, in the prisons of the jealous police of order-keeping Venice. It was left to a greater soul to find the way which Sordello had failed in, to benefit his fellows, to do something for mankind. 240 ' BORDELLO ' But the teller of his story asks our kind thoughts for him, for the sake of what he died in striving after. The working out of the first part is comparatively without difficulty. The picture of Sordello's solitary boyhood, passed in a lonely castle and its surround- ing woods, near Mantua, an orphan page to an evil and mysterious mistress, with no one to play with and no one to love, left to himself, with nature and what there was in his weird home of art, self-centred, self-pleasing, gradually unfolding his strong, imagina- tive nature like a tree gradually bursting out in spring suggests a contrast with the city life of the boy described in the Vita Nuova. In spite of all perplexities of allusion or construction it is a charm- ing picture ; but it is as the richness and strangeness of Giorgione to the pure simplicity of line and tint in the Umbrians. You can believe Sordello foremost in the regal class Nature has broadly severed from her mass Of men, and framed for pleasure, as she frames Some happy lands, that have luxurious names, For loose fertility ; a footfall there Suffices to upturn to the warm air Half-germinating spices ; mere decay Produces richer life ; and day by day New pollen on the lily -petal grows, And still more labyrinthine buds the rose. ' SOUDELLO ' 241 The unfathomable doctrine of election is stamped upon all nature ; and Sordello is one of the elect. The lonely child works its imaginative will on its companions of nature, tree, and flower, and bird, and insect : creates its own wonderful world and its con- ditions, alters, transforms, tyrannises over it. The boy hears distant sounds of the great human drama, far from him, which he never sees ; but he makes one for himself, with names, and persons, and his- tories : he fights and conquers and rewards and punishes, a despot above law and fear ; and he has, too, glimpses of beauty only glimpses of living beauty the Palma of his future life ; but he can give a life of his own to the beauty of marble in one of the chambers which he haunts. A vault, see ; thick Black shade about the ceiling, though fine slits Across the buttress suffer light by fits Upon a marvel in the midst. Nay, stoop A dullish grey-streaked cumbrous font, a group Round it, each side of it, where'er one sees Upholds it ; shrinking Caryatides Of just-tinged marble like Eve's lilied flesh Beneath her milker's finger when the fresh First pulse of life shot brightening the snow. The font's edge burthens every shoulder, so They muse upon the ground, eyelids half closed ; Some, with meek arms behind their backs disposed, U 242 ' SORDELLO ' Some, crossed above their bosoms, some, to veil Their eyes, some, propping chin and cheek so pale. Some, hanging slack an utter helpless length Dead as a buried vestal whose whole strength Goes when the grate above shuts heavily. So dwell these noiseless girls, patient to see. Like priestesses because of sin impure Penanced for ever, who resigned endure, Having that once drunk sweetness to the dregs. And every eve, Bordello's visit begs Pardon for them : constant as eve he came To sit beside each in her turn, the same As one of them, a certain space : and awe Made a great indistinctness till he saw Sunset slant cheerful through the buttress chinks, Gold seven times globed ; surely our maiden shrinks And a smile stirs her as if one faint grain Her load were lightened, one shade less the stain Obscured her forehead, yet one more bead slipt From off the rosary whereby the crypt Keeps count of the contritions of its charge ? Then with a step more light, a heart more large, He may depart, leave her and every one To linger out the penance in mute stone. Ah, but Sordcllo ? 'Tis the tale I mean To tell you. So, unknown to himself, he develops power power within himself to see, to create, to combine, to colour, for his own delight ; he is his own singer, inexhaust- ible, untired, and he is his own audience. And out SOBDELLO ' 243 of this life, left all to itself, as the wild flower from its chance seed in kindly ground, Sordello grows to be a true poet ; and discovers it to himself and to others, in a Troubadour contest with the minstrel Eglamor the mind of real insight and genuine imagination matched against practised but artificial talent. But there are two classes of souls dowered with the great poetic gift, made to see and feel all that is great and beautiful, and to open the eyes of men to see and feel it too. Both have, it may be, in equal measure, that quick sense to which, as the days and years pass, is revealed in marvellous abundance, the mystery and loveliness of the world. Fresh births of beauty wake Fresh homage, every grade of love is past, With every mode of loveliness : then cast Inferior idols off their borrowed crown Before a coming glory. Up and down Runs arrowy fire, while earthly forms combine To throb the secret forth ; a touch divine And the sealed eyeball owns the mystic rod ; Visibly through his garden walketh God. So fare they. Now revert. One character Denotes them through the progress and the stir, A need to blend with eacb external charm, Bury themselves, the whole heart wide and warm, In something not themselves ; they would belong To what they worship stronger and more strong 244 ' SORDELLO Thus prodigally fed which gathers shape And feature, soon imprisons past escape The votary framed to love and to submit Nor ask, as passionate he kneels to it, Whence grew the idol's empery. So runs A legend ; light had birth ere moons and suns, Flowing through space a river and alone, Till chaos burst and blank the spheres were strown Hither and thither, foundering and blind : When into each of them rushed light to find Itself no place, foiled of its radiant chance. Let such forego their just inheritance ! For there's a class that eagerly looks, too, On beauty, but, unlike the gentler crew, Proclaims each new revealment born a twin With a distinctest consciousness within Referring still the quality, now first Revealed, to their own soul its instinct nursed In silence, now remembered better, shown More thoroughly, but not the less their own ; A dream come true ; the special exercise Of any special function that implies The being fair, or good, or wise, or strong, Dormant within their nature all along Whose fault ? So homage, other souls direct Without, turns inward. To which of these docs Sordello belong ? Alas , his child's life, his boy's life, has given him nothing to love, nothing to care for but himself: his gift has only created realms to do him homage : it has made ' SORDELLO ' 245 him his own idol, whose claims are absolute and limitless. Except the thrill at Palma's beauty, there is nothing outside him, to sway him, to claim duty and service. He finds himself a poet, saluted as such by the pathetic recognition of his defeated and broken- hearted rival, crowned by the hand of Palma herself. He is spellbound, fascinated by the amazement of un- imagined success. A career of intoxicating triumph and fame is before him. He is the favourite of Mantua, applauded, criticised, envied. Strength grows within him, and new and varied demands task it ; and the longing grows, too, for larger recognition, for more unqualified and exclusive worship. And Apollo has no reason to complain that his altars want incense " tantus doquentice vir existens non solum in poetando, sed quomodolibei loquendo," is the judgment handed down by his great successor. He has all he imagined : all he thought due to him. His " desire " is given him ; and with it " leanness sent into his soul." The worship asked for to himself ends in satiety, listlessness, despair. After all, he finds that he does not do his best. His conscience, as one who thinks and knows, reproaches him. He knows that there is something truer and deeper in him, than what he has to put forth on the spur of the moment, to keep his character with judges whom he sees through and despises. 246 ' SORDELLO ' Ere he could fix On aught, in rushed the Mantuans ; much they cared For his perplexity. . . . Whatever topics they might start Had to be groped for in his consciousness Straight, and as straight delivered them by guess. Only obliged to ask himself, " What was ?" A speedy answer followed ; but, alas, One of God's large ones, tardy to condense Itself into a period ; . . . . The question Naddo asked, Had just a lifetime moderately tasked To answer, Nadtlo's fashion. More disgust And more : why move his soul, since move it must At minute's notice or as good it failed To move at all ? The end was, he retailed Some ready-made opinion, put to use This quip, that maxim, ventured reproduce Gestures and tones at any folly caught Serving to finish with, nor too much sought If false or true 't was spoken. The great dream, that the world was to put its seal on his hungry self-worship, ends in blank disappoint- ment. All this is worked out into the details of a distinct story, with its incidents, scenery, vicissitudes, as if they had come from a chronicle with its exhi- bitions of character, feeling, mental activity, as a dramatist interprets and imagines them. Much of this continued illustration of the course and changes of such a soul as Sordello is supposed to be, is, as it ' BORDELLO ' 247 could not fail to be for a poet like Mr. Browning, powerful, subtle, and original. In some parts, it is not easy to follow his meaning : in some, we certainly need an explanatory note. But on the whole, what Bordello's strength and weakness are, what he wants and longs for, where he seeks his happiness and why he misses it, are perfectly intelligible. It is no recondite ^tory. He who turns round God's gifts to his own self-worship will lose what they were meant to bring him, and will find his self-worship a cheat and a delusion. But the second part is less intelligible. Sordello rises to a higher ideal of life. How this comes about through Palma's influence is told us, but does not appear as clearly as might be wished. But it does come about He learns that life is not for mere amusement, or pleasure, or glory, or even resigned disappointment; but that to satisfy the standard which he cannot but acknowledge, he must look at the world as it is, not as he may choose to imagine it: he must recognise that he is part of a great brotherhood, a great suffering brotherhood : that he owes it infinite obligations of patient sympathy, duty, help ; and that only a life led under the consciousness of these obligations can satisfy him and make him happy. Imagination, the poet's gift, even more than sight, has made him understand this : it is a gift for 248 ' SORDELLO ' which he is responsible. But the story passes on in Mr. Browning's hands into a pathetic tragedy. Sordello sees his mission, but somehow fails to fulfil it : resists the temptation that would divert him from it, resists it in its gross sense, and yet does not see to what account the occasion might be turned. The talent, one or five, is not put to wrong use, but is not used, because he fails to find, though he wishes, how to help mankind. This is his fault ; and so, because " what he should have been, could be, and was not " because he missed something which "he wished should go to him, not he to it" therefore Dante justly finds him, not among the lost, but among the greatly negligent, almost the "slothful servant," " servus piger " ; among the well-intentioned leaders of mankind who had trifled over their tasks. Dante did that which bound him for ever to his fellows ; which made all Italians henceforth brethren ; which gave eyes to see to all generations of mankind; which lifted their souls from the sin and soil of time to the eternal light. Sordello has remained a name a name added to a few ballads. But what Mr. Browning's telling does not make plain is, wherein was the failure. Doubtless, Sordello is beaten by his half-heartedness : he is, and he knows he is, too weak for a great work But where and how does this show itself? What is it that he ought SORDELLO* 249 to have done, might have done, and did not? His temptation, it would seem, was when, after Salinguerra had recognised him as his long-lost son, after he had listened, first with amusement and then with impatient scorn, to Bordello's pleadings for the poor and miserable multitudes, and finally had been cowed and overawed by Bordello's gathering earnestness and passion, Salinguerra had offered him the armed leadership of Lombardy, perhaps of Italy. There it was for him to take, if he would. But to take it, was to take it with its small chances of justice and mercy, with all its certainties witness Salinguerra himself of violence and cruelty : it was to continue that which had appalled his soul with its ghastly terrors. That, surely, was not what he was called to ; and he resisted the temptation. But he had only strength to refuse it, and no more : he had not heart or will to see what it led to; and refusing it, in Mr. Browning's story, he dies : his work left undone in despair, his divine work unfinished, while the poor hermit-bee, which had been working all the day, was able to accomplish what God had given it to do. By this, the hermit-bee has stopped His day's toil at Quito : the new-cropped Dead vine-leaf answers, now 'tis eve, he bit, Twirled so, and filed all day : the mantwn't fit Ood counselled for. Aa easy guess the word 250 ' BORDELLO * That passed betwixt them, and become the third To the soft small unfrighted bee, as tax Him with one fault so, no remembrance racks Of the stone maidens and the font of stone He, creeping through the crevice leaves alone. Alas, my friend, alas Sordello, whom Anon they laid within that old font tomb, And, yet again, alas. But then, what had he to do ? Was he too late for everything ? Was it the Nemesis of power wasted long ago ? Was the opportunity gone for being among the masters of thought, or the masters of action, or the masters, like St. Francis, of sympathy ? Could he have made a nobler use of what Salinguerra offered, for the real good of Italy, and had he not the heart t Or, is his death, which is told with such strange reticence, meant to leave us in darkness, with the suggestion that love may accomplish in another life what a poor fellow-mortal failed to accomplish here ? Che cima di giudizio non s'avvalla, Perche foco d'amor compia in tin punto, Ci6 che dee satisfar chi qui si etalla. Sordello, it must always be remembered, has wasted half his life, and, as he says, Nature does not give a second life to mend the first The man who has dawdled away his first years of power in what is frivolous and selfish, cannot start on the same ' BORDELLO ' 251 level with the man who from the first has been in earnest When, at last, Sordello comes to be in earnest, he has already lost much of his time of preparation for a true life's work. He has missed his chance of knowing its true conditions. So in his very earnestness he is continually jarring against these conditions. He sees great things done in the world Rome, for instance, or human civilisation and he wants to do great things. But he mistakes the way they are done not all at once, not by some great stroke, but as nature develops the tree, or as the coral-reef is built up. " A man can do but a man's portion, the last of each series of workmen." And then a low voice wound into his heart : "Sordello !" (Low as some old Pythoness Conceding to a Lydian King's distress The cause of his long error one mistake Of her past oracle) " Sordello, wake ! Qod has conceded two sights to a man One, of men's whole work, Time's completed plan, The other, of the minute's work, man's first Step to the plan's completeness : what's dispersed Save hope of that supreme step which, descried Earliest, was meant still to remain untried Only to give you heart to take your own Step, and there stay leaving the rest alone ? Where is the vanity ? Why count as one The first step, with the last step ? What is gone Except Koine's aery magnificence, 252 BORDELLO ' That last step you'd take first ? an evidence You were God : be man now ! Let those glance-: fall ! The basis, the beginning step of all, Which proves you just a man is that gone too ? Pity to disconcert one versed as you In fate's ill-nature ! but its full extent Eludes Sordello, even : the veil rent, Read the black writing that collective man Outstrips the individual ! Who began The acknowledged greatnesses ? Ay, your own art Shall serve us : put the poet's mimes apart Close with the poet's self, and lo, a dim Yet too plain form divides itself from him ! Alcamo's song enmeshes the lulled Isle, Woven into the echoes left erewhile By Nina, one soft web of song : no more Turning his name, then, flower-like o'er and o'er ! An elder poet in the younger's place ; Nina's the strength, but Alcamo's the grace : Each neutralizes each then ! Search your fill ; You get no whole and perfect Poet still New Ninas, Alcamos, till time's mid-night Shrouds all or better say, the shutting light Of a forgotten yesterday." The "multitude " of his imagination is a very different thing from the concrete multitudes whose various items meet him : the ideal Rome falls to pieces in the presence of the real Rome ; and he has not power to harmonise the two. How should he help the great " cause," not of Guelf or Ghibelline, ' BORDELLO ' 253 but of mankind ? He might help it by his gift as a poet he might help it by hand and action. Should he trust his great gift of access to the souls of men 1 Should he throw heart and life into its exercise ? or should he take the judge's badge, the soldier's sceptre, and rival Charlemagne and Hildebrand ? Ah, there is no time now for the first: he saw through the tempta- tion of the last, and refused to " oppress the world " He sees no other way. And so he failed. Who thus, by fortune ordering events, Passed with posterity, to all intents, For just the god he never could become. As Knight, Bard, Gallant, men were never dumb In praise of him : while what he should have been, Could be, and was not the one step too mean For him to take, we suffer fct this day Because of : Ecelin had pushed away Its chance ere Dante could arrive and take That step Sordello spurned, for the world's sake He did much but Sordello's chance was gone. Thus, had Sordello dared that step alone, Apollo had been compassed 'twas a Jit He withed should go to him, not he to it As one content to merely be supposed Singing or fighting elsewhere, while he dozed Really at home one who was chiefly glad To have achieved the few real deeds he had, Because that way assured they were not worth Doing, so spared from doing them henceforth 254 ' SORDELLO ' A tree that covets fruitage and yet tastes Never itself, itself. Had he embraced Their cause then, men had plucked Hesperian fruit And, praising that, just thrown him in to boot All he was anxious to appear but scarce Solicitous to be. A sorry farce Such life is, after all 1 There is a subtle Scotch proverb, "Good reason and part cause." There was "good reason" why he should shrink from taking the place which Salinguerra wanted him to take, and this was " part cause " why he did nothing more. But it was only " part cause **; the rest of the "cause" was his disinclination to think out something better and more troublesome. He failed, because wishes and will are not the same. He who began with requiring everything to bow to his will, ended by being unable to will the thing he would. He can save himself from being what he ought not to be what Salinguerra would have made him, the heir of the power of the house of Romano and of its selfishness and violence : further, the sup- planter of the rightful heirs, whom Salinguerra proposed to betray that step was "too mean for him to take ; " though it would have been better for the world if he had taken it, and kept out Ecelin and Alberic. But he did nothing more. They proved ' BORDELLO ' 255 Wherever's will To do, there's plenty to be done, or ill Or good. He would not do the ill, but cared not to do tht good from His strange disbelief that aught was ever to be done If the good had come to him of itself he would gladly have taken it. But he had not the will to imagine it, to seek it ; and so his noble and beautiful nature, with all its grand possibilities, sank into uselessness and into forgetfuluess. Failed, as so many have failed, as so few have not failed. But, as Mr. Browning teaches us, there are different kinds of failure. That there may be earthly falling short and imperfection, which is much greater and more hopeful than great earthly achieve- ment, is, indeed, one of his deepest convictions and favourite lessons. It is developed with great power, and greater clearness than here, in " Paracelsus " : growing out of the strange mixture, in the highest natures, of limitation and hope hope boundless, limitations impassable, puzzling, humbling. Besides failures which seem absolute and final, there are failures that carry away with them noble qualities and capacities full of promise, though they have been beaten here failures which are greater even in 256 ' BORDELLO ' disaster than the smooth perfect successes with which so many are content. Is not something to be put to the limitations of our short, mortal life 1 to the dis- parate conditions of soul and body an eternal soul with a body of time, bringing what belongs to the eternal into the mould of the temporary, and bursting the vessel too weak to receive it ? Now, of the present sphere we call Life, are conditions ; take but this among Many ; the body was to be so long Youthful, no longer : but, since no control Tied to that body's purposes his soul, She chose to understand the body's trade More than the body's self had fain conveyed Her boundless to the body's bounded lot. Hence, the soul permanent, the body not, Scarce the one minute for enjoying here, The soul must needs instruct her weak compeer, Run o'er its capabilities and wring A joy thence, she held worth experiencing : Which, far from half discovered even, lo, The minute gone, the body's power let go Apportioned to that joy's acquirement ! Broke Morning o'er earth, he yearned for all it woke, From the volcano's vapour-flag, winds hoist Black o'er the spread of sea, down to the moist Dale's silken barley-spikes sullied with rain, Swayed earthwards, heavily to rise again The Small, a sphere as perfect as the Great To the soul's absoluteness. Meditate ' SORDELLO ' 257 Too long on such a morning's cluster-chord And the whole music it was framed afford, The chord's might half discovered, what should pluck One string, his finger, was found palsy -struck. So, while Mr. Browning sorrowfully throws up his Bordello's earthly conquests, his attempt to bind him- self to his kind and do some great thing for it, his life wasted by half-heartedness and self-pleasing, he does not part without hope for his gentleness, his quick sym- pathies, his readiness to let in the love of his fellows, his nobler ideals, his refusal to exchange them for lower ones. Sordello falls short of the heroic, of the saintly, of that perfection which in its own conscious imperfection rises higher and higher after the divine and the unattainable. He falls short of this as much as he is above the narrow completeness represented by Eglamor, which accomplishes what it aims at because it aims but low ; which is not troubled, distracted, hindered by the mystery of wider and deeper thoughts ; which may be simple and sincere and contented in its limitations and lowliness ; which may be stupid and ignorant self-satisfaction, but which at any rate is incapable of the troubles and the hopes of greatness. Sordello, like so many of u?, is between the two. He has not made much of things here, though he had the eye to see and the soul to aspire. But may there not be a future for him still ? S 258 ' BORDELLO ' For did not Dante meet with Sordello at the foot of the steeps of the Mount of Cleansing having, it may be, long to wait, but still there, where no more change could harm him waiting amid " majestic pains," as after such an experience he might well wait in still, stern communion with himself till his time should come? The following lines seem to sum up the main drift of Sordello. They are clouded by an inexcus- able obscurity of language, allusion, and entangled thought Yet they present in dim and imperfect outline a great and profound idea, struggling to disclose itself. In their force, and in their defects in what they do, and in what they do not effect, they are characteristic of the whole attempt So much was plain then, proper in the past : To be complete for, satisfy the whole Series of spheres Eternity, his soul Exceeded, so was incomplete for, each Single sphere Time. But does our knowledge reach No farther ? Is the cloud of hindrance broke But by the failing of the fleshly yoke, Its loves and hates, as now when death lets soar Sordello, self-sufficient as before Though during the mere space that shall elapse Twixt his enthralment in new bonds, perhaps ? Must life be ever just escaped, which should Have been enjoyed ? nay, might have been and would, ' BORDELLO ' 259 Each purpose ordered right the soul's no whit Beyond the body's purpose under it Like yonder breadth of watery heaven, a bay, And that sky-space of water, ray for ray And star for star, one richness where they mixed As this and that wing of an angel, fixed, Tumultuary splendours folded in To die would soul, proportioned thus, begin Exciting discontent, or surelier quell The body if, aspiring, it rebel ? But how so order life ? Still brutalize The soul, the sad world's way, with muffled eyes To all that was before, all that shall be After this sphere and every quality -Save some sole and immutable Great and Good And Beauteous whither fate has loosed its hood To follow ? Never may some soul see All The Great Before and After, and the Small Now, yet be saved by this the simplest lore, And take the single course prescribed before, As the king-bird witli ages on his plumes Travels to die in his ancestral glooms ? But where descry the Love that shall select That course ? Here is a soul whom, to affect, Nature has plied with all her means, from trees And flowers e'en to the Multitude ! and these, Decides he save or no ? One word to end ! Ah my Bordello, I this once befriend And speak for you. Of a Power above you still Which, utterly incomprehensible, Is out of rivalry, which thus you can Love, tho' unloving all conceived by man 260 ' BORDELLO ' What need ! And of none the minutest duct To that out-nature, nought that would instruct And so let rivalry begin to live But of a power its representative Who, being for authority the same, Communication different, should claim A course, the first chose and this last revealed This Human clear, as that Divine concealed What utter need ! THE END FrinMty R. & R. CLARK, Edinburgh. MESSRS. MACMILLAN & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. BY THE SAME AUTHOR. MISCELLANEOUS WORKS By R. W. CHURCH, D.C.L., late Dean of St. Paul's. COLLECTED EDITION IN SIX VOLUMES. Globe 8vo. Cloth. 55. each. VOL. /.MISCELLANEOUS ESSAYS. TIMES " He makes us realise more clearly the men and the scenes he depicts than the standard historians and biographers who have dealt with the subjects more exhaustively." 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