216 
 
 V69c 
 
 ^: ~ 
 
 JFrance>* jTotce auD Ee^ources. 
 Cable of 900ignat0. 
 
 1793
 
 Ex Libris 
 C. K. OGDEN 1 
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 A 
 
 CiENERAL VIEW 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ACTUAL FORCE and RESOURCES 
 
 OF 
 
 FRANCE, 
 
 IN, JANUARY, M.DCC.XCIII. 
 
 TO WHICH IS ADDED, 
 
 A TABLE, 
 
 SHEWING THE DEPRECIATION OF 
 
 ASSIGNATS, 
 
 ARISING FROM THEIR INCREASE IN QIJANTITY. 
 
 By WILLIAM PLAYFAIR. 
 
 Let not him that girdeth on his harnefs, boaft himfelf as he 
 that putteth it off. 
 
 I Kings xx. ii« 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 L o N don: 
 
 Printed for JOHN STOCKDALE, Piccadilly. 
 
 1793- 
 [Price One Shilling and Six -pence,] 
 
 (Entercti at &tationer0 l?alU
 
 URL 
 
 fid 
 
 
 GENERAL VIEW, &c. 
 
 AS a war has taken place between this 
 country and France, it is of confider^ 
 able importance that the nation at large fhould 
 be able to form, as near as poffible, a true idea 
 of the force of their enemy. 
 
 The fituation of France is fuch as is quite 
 new in the annals of the world; and the force 
 of that wretched and divided people cannot 
 be eftimated according to any common rules: 
 hence it is, that, viewed in one way, that na- 
 tion feems to have immenfe refources, and to 
 be able, with impunity, to defy all Europe : 
 viewed in other points, it is equally demon- 
 
 A 2 ftrable. 
 
 ^^t^
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 Arable, that the internal fadlons of the country 
 will foon reduce it to a ftate of infignificance. 
 
 We muft not wonder then that opinions in 
 this country are divided, and that the public 
 newfpapers, which are fo frequently the guides 
 of public opinion with regard to the adual 
 ftate of affairs, as well as the records of recent 
 fafts, reprefent the ftate of France, as to 
 power and refources, very difterently, and each 
 according to the favorite views of its con- 
 duftors. 
 
 I claim the attention of the public for half 
 an hour on this important fubjed:, and with- 
 out pretending to any perfonal merit as a po^ 
 litician or financier, I found my claim to 
 attention on a fad; which is, that in May laft 
 I fhewed the ftate of French finances for the 
 year 1792, in a much truer light than Mr. 
 Cambon, deputy of the National Affembly, 
 and now member of the Convention. His 
 ftatement and mine are both printed, and the 
 fadts are fmce in my favour : I afferted that 
 eleven hundred French millions v/ould be ne- 
 ceffary for the year, and he eight hundred 
 snillions. The real fum has been 1250 mit- 
 
 lions j
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 lions ; but then I obferved at the time, that I 
 was under the mark, and he imagined he had 
 gone beyond it ; fo that his error was very 
 great, and mine inconfiderable. 
 
 As to affairs of general politics, I, in the 
 fame work (printed in Pari^, and publiihed 
 in London) demonflrated the impoffibility of 
 the conftitution maintaining its ground, the 
 fettled tendency of the revolution to a civil 
 war, and a fort of republic, denouncing, at 
 the fame time, the fchemes of the Jacobin 
 emiffaries upon England. I have had, and 
 ftill have, opportunities to know facts that very 
 few Englifhmen can know, and therefore at- 
 tribute my being right intirely to this circum- 
 ftance ; which, though it may not entitle me 
 to exult on my penetration, gives me fomc 
 right to claim attention from my country- 
 men. 
 
 We are told that France has 2,400,000 
 armed men ready to engage her enemies, when 
 we fliould be told that ihe has 2,400,000 
 who are not able to keep peace in their re- 
 fpeftive departments. 
 
 Wc
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 Wc are told that France has difcovered a 
 method of being able to fupport an expence of 
 7,000,000 fieri, a month, when we fhould be 
 told that file has found a method of running 
 7,000,000 a month in debt, without anypof- 
 fibihty of ever paying it, and w4th a certainty 
 of being very foon deprived even of that 
 ruinous refource. 
 
 We hear that France is free, and that the 
 whole nation (a few Ariftocrats excepted) is 
 contented and happy; when there is neither 
 fafety for individuals, Hberty of opinion, nor 
 unanimity; the lowefl dregs of the people 
 being in Paris, and every where elfe, the con- 
 dudors and tyrants of thofe who have the 
 vanity to fay they govern, and the weaknefs 
 to imagine that any one believes them. 
 
 We are told by themfelves, that their 
 fuccefs in September, Odtober, and Novem- 
 ber lafl, was owing to their courage and good 
 generalihip, when, in fadl, it was owing to 
 ill condud, and great miftakes in their ene- 
 mies. 
 
 Let
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 Let us throw afide the veil which their 
 repubhcan gafconade has thrown upon fad:s, 
 and we Ihall foon fee that France is only 
 fuperior to other nations in vanity, injuftice, 
 cruelty, and mifery ; in thefe, we will allow, 
 fhe is fuperior to the whole human race ; but 
 neither in freedom nor in force. 
 
 Firft, then, there are more than two mil- 
 lions and a half of fighting men in France ; 
 for every man is armed, from the age of 1 6 
 to that of 60 ; and many I have feen bearing 
 arms at 1 3 and at 70 : there muft, then, be 
 more than the number fpecified ; there muft 
 at leaft be four millions. This is an adroit 
 inanner, on their part, of telling a falfliood, 
 ^nd efcaping cenfure : they under- rate the 
 number to be thought within bounds ; but 
 then it is added, they can fendfuch a number 
 againji their enemies, which is very falfe. 
 
 Never was there a time when France could 
 fend fewer men into the field, for any conti- 
 nuance of time, and fupply them with necef- 
 faries, than at prefent; becaufe, in all the 
 towns and villages, they want guards againft 
 ^ach others becaufe there is no order, no 
 8 regularity,
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 regularity, and no induflry among thofe at 
 home, to fupply thofe who are in the field : 
 for this reafon we have heard of fo many 
 complaints made to th^ National Aflembly 
 againift the minifler of war (Pache). The 
 men had neither fhoes nor breeches ; for .the 
 1 80 millions of affignats a month, could 
 neither create taylors nor fhoemakers. No, 
 this enormous fum, which, in the time of 
 Auguftus, \vould have paid the whole ex- 
 pences of the Roman empire for nearly half 
 a year, by means of order and arrangement, 
 could not clothe the armies of Dumourier 
 and Cuftine for one month. 
 
 Can there be a clearer proof than this of 
 the neceffity of order, arrangement, and in- 
 duflry, to create force; and can any thing 
 fhew more diftindly the fallacy of eftimating 
 revenue by reams of paper, or force, by the 
 total number of armed men ? 
 
 That the armed men may aft, it is eflenti- 
 ally neceflary that there fhould remain a ftill 
 greater number imarmed. The whole nation^ 
 ** fay they," is a camp; and precifely, for 
 
 that
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 that reafon, there is not one regiment of 
 well-accoutered foldiers. 
 
 The truth is, that it was by an exertion 
 of the moft violent nature, that numbers of 
 men were colle<5ted fufficient to oppofe the 
 duke of Brunfwick's army, which was but 
 about 60,000 ftrong. Whole villages were 
 depopulated of the flower of their youth in 
 the northern parts of France ; and I fay it 
 from certain knowledge, that the numbers 
 who died from difeafe and fldrmifhes, amount- 
 ed, in three months, to three times the 
 whole number of their enemies. 
 
 The whole frontier of France, the fea- 
 coaft, and a few inacceflible parts excepted, 
 is become a fort of theatre for the war ; and 
 I venture to predidl, that when they are all 
 covered in the manner that neceflity will re- 
 quire, France will not be able to have, for 
 any length of time, an army of 200,000 
 men in any one quarter ; nor will that army 
 ever be either well clothed or well fed. 
 
 So much for the force by land ; fo much 
 for the millions that are to plant the tree of 
 
 B liberty.
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 liberty at Vienna, Peterfburg, and Pekln ; 
 and to fuch a number is adlually reduced that 
 army of breechlefs philofophers, who are to 
 fraternize all mankind, by fprcading affignats 
 and levying contributions. 
 
 With regard to their refource in finances, 
 that merits a very particular inveftigation ; 
 for upon that, in a great meafure, depends 
 the length of time, during which the French 
 nation will be able to tear herfelf to pieces, 
 and to difturb all Europe. 
 
 When the affignats were firfl Ifliied, there 
 was a great quantity of real fpecie in France, 
 The government created them rather for the 
 payment of debts, than for the ufual purpofes 
 of the treafury. 
 
 The lands of the clergy that were feized 
 by the firft affembly, ferved as a pledge for 
 the reimburfement, or rather annihilation, of 
 thefe affignats 5 and there was thus a real 
 value in the paper fo created. The 
 combination was by no means an ignorant 
 nor foolifh one ; nor were precautions want- 
 ing to give that paper credit. Had the orir 
 
 ginal
 
 ( II ) 
 
 ginal fyftem been carried into execution as it 
 was plan/ied, and had it not been extended 
 too far, and the affignats mifapphed, the 
 fcheme, great as it was, would have fucceeded 
 well, and might have had a happy termina- 
 tion. 
 
 To explain this, let us follow the affignats 
 through their different ftages; and, in fpeaking 
 of them, let us put all the fums in flerling 
 money, to avoid confuiion ; 24 livres 
 being always counted equal to the pound 
 fterling. 
 
 The firft creation of affignats, in the be- 
 ginning of 1790, was but equal to about one- 
 fourth of the currency in fpecie which is 
 reckoned to circulate ufually in the king- 
 dom ; and this fum was, in great part, paid 
 in the reimburfement of debts, contrad:ed 
 under different forms; fo that, in the firfl 
 inftance, it went into the hands of perfons 
 who were rich or eaiy. 
 
 As the church lands began to be fold at 
 the fame time, and the affignats were taken 
 at par in thefe purchafes, though paffing at 
 
 B 2 a lofs
 
 ( 12 ) 
 
 a lofs in the common affairs of life *, the 
 monied people fo reimburfed were very likely 
 to employ their affignats in purchafing church 
 lands, which, in fad;, they did ^ and as all 
 affignats paid for thefe lands were annulled 
 and burned, the quantity of paper did not 
 increafe very fail at lirft. 
 
 The progrefs of burning, and the hopes of 
 peace, quietnefs, and a revenue from taxes, 
 when the conflitution fhould be finifhed, 
 gave, defervedly, confiderable credit to a 
 paper, which, fmce thofe hopes have vanifhed, 
 and fince its quantity has been fo prodigi- 
 oufly increafed, dcferves no credit at all -, and, 
 in fad, obtains not much. By degrees, 
 however, the new affignats created bc^came 
 
 * As there were no af!ignats for lefs than 200 livres, 
 or about eight guineas, people were obliged to change 
 them for filver or gold. The firit day they appeared, 
 they were changed at d lofs of three per cent, but that 
 foon mounted to five, and by degrees, in about a year, 
 to 10. The fecond year they had got fo far as 40 per 
 cent, lofs.againft gold and filver, when a manoeuvre re- 
 eftablifhed them a little. They are, at prefent, only at 
 50 per cent. lofs. I fhall hereafter (hew why they are 
 not lower, as they have not recJ-y any intrinfic value at 
 this time. 
 
 r roore
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 more numerous, and ceafing to be paid to 
 public creditors for reimburfements, began to 
 be employed for every fort of payments, and 
 fupplied the place of taxes to the public 
 treafury. The affignat paid to the poor, or 
 to the merchant, ceafed to be employed in a 
 purchafe of church lanas ; it was immedi- 
 ately paffed in trade; the gold and filver, by 
 degrees, became dear and fcarce ; fmall 
 afiignats became neceflary, and were created; 
 fo that before the end of the year 1 791, a 
 traveller might go from one end of France 
 to the other, and fee neither gold, filver, 
 copper, nor any currency but the affignats, 
 which were at 28 per cent. lofs. 
 
 The conftitution was finillied, and was 
 accepted by that well-meaning, good-natured, 
 and unfortunate king, who has fo lately paid 
 fo dearly for his good intentions ; who has 
 expiated, in fo cruel a manner, his fatal 
 complaifance to a fet of levellers, whofe am- 
 bition and vanity could bear no fuperior ; but 
 who were too ignorant to fee that they would 
 themfelves alfo be amongft the number of 
 the viftims which their own hands vt^ere pre- 
 paring, Inftcad of tranquility and peace, 
 / the
 
 [Hi 
 
 the conftitutlon brought on more troubles, 
 and their termination feemed now not to be 
 fixed. A general miftruft took place, mixt 
 with defpondency ; and the affignats feverely 
 felt the fhock. 
 
 One hundred millions fterling was fup- 
 pofed to be the amount of fpecie circulating 
 in France before the revolution ; but when 
 the louis-d'ors and crowns had entirely dif- 
 appeared, the quantity of affignats in circu- 
 lation did not amount to more than 12 mil- 
 lions. This may be attributed to three 
 caufes : trade was at a ftand, and therefore 
 the mafs neceflary for circulation was dimi- 
 niihed : adly. That portion of the money in 
 the kingdom that was not in adlual circula- 
 tion, was in gold or filver -, but whenever it 
 was wanted for ufe, it was changed into 
 affignats ; for it is curious enough, that 
 though at fir ft, when people wanted to make 
 fmall paym.ents, they bought filver with 
 affignats : at kft they bought affignats with 
 filver, on purpofe to pay away. 
 
 The third reafon was, that the affignats 
 weru at par ii^ the payment of debts, of rent.
 
 [ ^5 ]' 
 
 and for jnany other things, of which the- 
 price eoiild not fo foon be changed ; and that 
 people parted with their affignats very readily, 
 ^nd had no defire to amafs a kind of money 
 that had neither intrinfic value; durability, 
 nor even beauty to recommend it, by which 
 means a fmaller fiim, by circulating more 
 quickly, replaced the gold and filver. That 
 being once, done, there was a new caufe for 
 the diminution of the affignats in value, and 
 it is this caufe which muft ultimately deflroy 
 their value altogether. 
 
 Until that terrible loth of Auguft, (when 
 I faw fcenes of rage and horror, which I 
 fhall never forget) the fame manner of cre- 
 ating affignats continued ; that is to fay, 
 though the number was ftill increafing, yet 
 they did not pafs the bounds of about two 
 millions fterling a month, and the whole mafs 
 was then about 80 millions fterling, (not 
 counting thofe that were burned) ; fo that 
 going on by the fame progreffion, it would 
 yet have been 10 months before the original 
 quantity of fpecie would have been fully re- 
 placed by paper. 
 
 From
 
 t i6 ] 
 
 From this epoch we may, however, date 
 the laft progreffion of exceffive expencc in 
 the fyftem of paper. September alone cofl 
 nearly eight millions fterling ; the fubfequent 
 months have each coft nearly as much; fo 
 that, in fad, the creation of affignats, fince 
 Auguft, is equal to above 32 millions fterling; 
 and in the fpring, inftead of diminiihing, that 
 expence muft increafe. The funi now cre- 
 ated is therefore about 112 millions fterling 
 of paper, and that is augmenting at the rate 
 of fix millions a month. 
 
 Add to this, that for fome time paft the 
 neceffity of manufadturing the affignats in 
 great hafte, prevents all thofe precautions 
 which are necefiary to avoid falfifi cation. 
 The wild afts of the Convention, furpaffing 
 even its predeceffors in rage, delirium, and 
 wickednefs, and going, like a ftiip in a tem- 
 peft, without any fixt guide, have deftroyed 
 that fmall degree of confidence that had re- 
 mained fo long. 
 
 What, then, has preferved any degree of 
 credit to thefe affignats, feeing that there is 
 no hope of reimburfement, but that, on the 
 
 contrary.
 
 [ 17 ] 
 
 contrar}', the quantity increafes more rapidly 
 than ever. 
 
 The caufes are various : the firft is, that 
 the want of order and authority over the 
 lower clafs of people, who, in faft, are the 
 mailers, and who live chiefly on dry bread, 
 has prevented the price of that article from 
 being raifed in any great degree ; and it is a 
 curious facft, that though all forts of luxuries 
 have increafcd in price, the affignat lofes 
 hardly any of its value againft bread, or the 
 bufhel of wheat, which ought naturally to 
 have rifen along with filver. The aflignat 
 continues ftill to pay debts, rent, and taxes, 
 at par, w^hich ferves greatly to preferve its 
 value. 
 
 Another caufe is, that "in Paris, upon the 
 Place de Vidloire, where gold and filver ufed 
 to be fold, the fellers have been, in a great 
 meafure, chafed away fince the loth of 
 Auguft ; and thofe that have been left are 
 employed by the treafury, fometimes, to bring 
 a greater quantity of gold than is wanted, 
 and, by fictitious bargains, influence the 
 market. The courfe of exchange is, in^a 
 C great
 
 ( i8 ) 
 
 great degree, regulated by the price of gold; 
 and ever lince Claviere has been in the de- 
 partment of finances, manoeuvres of this 
 kind * have been carried on to a great ex- 
 tent, and with confiderable fuccefs. 
 
 Although it is clear, that what I am now 
 faying is rather an alter tion than a demon - 
 flration, yet there is a fad: notoriouily known 
 to all the world, which fhews that the value 
 of the affignats is not regulated by the na- 
 tional affairs of France ; for if they were, 
 then the courfe of exchange, and the price 
 of gold and lilver, would rife and fall accord- 
 ing to the fuccefs or failure of thofe perfons 
 who govern the affairs of France 5 but it is 
 not fo. The value of the aifignats hardly 
 varied at all on the loth of Auguft, except 
 for a few days -, though, the conftitution 
 being overturned, it was clear that every 
 thing was to do over again, and that there- 
 fore the probability of the fpeedy winding 
 
 * The fame manoeuvres have been carried on upon 
 ^Change here in London, where the agents of the trea- 
 fury in France have Ibid bills on rari^, or bought them 
 at a high price, juft as it fuited the purpofe of keeping 
 up the nominal value of the alligiiat. 
 
 up
 
 ( 19 ) 
 
 up of affairs was entirely loft ; and this pro- 
 bability, while it lafted, was certainly one 
 caufe that gave a real folidity to the affignat. 
 While the horrid mafiacres of the 2d, 3d, 
 4th, and 5th of September, were carrying 
 on, the affignat was mounting in price ; and 
 it aftoniflicd not a little the merchants on the 
 'Change at London, that the credit of the 
 paper rofe as the Pruffian army approached 
 the capital of France, notwithanding it w^as 
 generally exped:ed that it would loon arrive 
 there. This is a plain proof that collateral 
 circumftances, and not confidence in the 
 ruling fyftem of affairs, regulated the value 
 of the affignats. 
 
 Since the republic, as they call it, has 
 overrun Brabant, and threatened the whcle of 
 Europe in a fit of folly and infolence, their 
 credit finks, and the death of their monarch, 
 which they pretended would enfure their 
 profperity, has ftill augmented their difcre- 
 dit : thus that famous republic, with its 
 claws extended on all fides, is like a crab, 
 and goes backwards inftead of advancing. 
 
 C 2 Such
 
 ( 20 ) 
 
 Such are nearly the reafons that operate in 
 preferving a degree of value to the affignats, 
 to which their real folidity does not entitle 
 them ; and thefe reafons are fupported with 
 force by the abfolute neceffity of ufing them, 
 as figns of value, there being no other in ,thc 
 whole country. 
 
 In what manner, therefore, their real want 
 of folidity, added to the great and conftant 
 increafe of their quantity, may, in the end, 
 operate, is difficult to guefs with any degree 
 of precifion, particularly when thefe caufes 
 are counterafted by one fo ftrong as abfolute 
 necejjity ; as they are the only figns of value 
 that exift over fuch an extenfive country. 
 
 Though from want of precedent of any 
 kind (for the American paper dollar was, in 
 many refpedls, diiterent) it is impoffible to 
 form a near eftimate of the time when this 
 paper will have an end ; yet it is very cer- 
 tain, that a continual increafe in the quantity 
 muft dimiiiifh the value, and that the dimi- 
 nution muft go on with an accelerated quick- 
 nefs; becaufe the more it lofes, the mor« 
 will be neceflary to fupply the wants of the 
 
 treafury.
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 treafury, and therefore the creation of paper 
 muft increafe in quantity. 
 
 They who know Httle of the matter fay, 
 that the nominal value fignifies nothing, or 
 but httle, for that two reams of paper muft 
 be printed off inftead of one, and then the 
 difficulty is finiflied. It is indeed true, that 
 there is a certain degree of juftnefs in this 
 oblervation, but it will not long hold good ; 
 beCciufe the livre Tournois, though only an 
 ideal value, is the meafure of the price of 
 many articles, which cannot eafily be changed; 
 as for inftance, the price of the four pound 
 loaf of bread, which ought to be 22 
 fols at Paris at prefent is but 12 in paoer 
 (which is but equal to three-pence Englifh 
 money). A change cannot be made in or- 
 dinary articles progreffively, and with the 
 fame rapidity that the paper Icfes its value, 
 becaufe the mob ^axes all neceffary articles, 
 and will not allow fuch augmentaiions to 
 take place ; for every man, as a buyer, con- 
 fiders the money he has, and compares it 
 with what he has to buy ; nor, indeed, is it 
 poffible to equalize revenues and prices in 
 fuch a complex machine as the purchafes and 
 
 falcs
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 {ales of a great town, like Paris, according 
 to the value of the affignat. 
 
 When, however, the nature of things is at 
 open war with any contrivance of men, the 
 contrivance muft, fooner or later, fall to the 
 ground. 
 
 If the continual importation of gold and 
 iilver from South America, by increafing the 
 quantity has diminifhed its value fo prodigi- 
 oufly, fmce the days of Henry the Vlllth, 
 how much more muft the increafc of paper 
 in France, which has but a fidlitious value, 
 decreafe its power of ferving as money. 
 
 The whole quantity of bullion imported 
 into Europe in one year (one with another) 
 has never been eftimated at more than about 
 5,000,000 fterling, and France creates as 
 much currency in twenty-four days. The 
 career down hill muft be then very rapid in- 
 deed. 
 
 I write this for the fatisfadlion of the pub- 
 lic, and for that reafon, finding that the dif- 
 ferent fads and reafonings about the affignats 
 
 wiU
 
 ( 23 ) 
 
 will not lead to any clear conclulion, except 
 the general one of their decreafe in value, I 
 am willing to run the rifk of giving the refult 
 of my own reflexions ; fhould time fhew me 
 to be wrong, I hope -my countrymen will 
 excufe me. 
 
 I think then it is likely that, when the 
 affignat falls to one- third of its value, the 
 order of prices, with regard to buying and 
 felling, will be fo much altered and con- 
 fufed, that it will occafion an almoft total 
 difcredit of that paper ; and I imagine that 
 difcredit muft take place towards the month 
 of May, or June, next; or, at furtheft, by the 
 month of September, fhould our war with 
 them continue. 
 
 As foon as the affignats ceafe, then the 
 power of the prefent government, if govern- 
 ment it can be called, will ceafe, but not till 
 then ; for I do not attempt to deny that fo 
 long as the affignat does fell at a certain price, 
 it is not much matter what that price is, 
 for two reams of paper, inftead of one, will 
 do, and, for the moment, anfwers the fame 
 
 end ;
 
 ( 24 ) 
 
 end; the only difference being, as I faid be- 
 fore, that it fhortens the career. 
 
 Thofe only who have been in France dur- 
 ing the Pvevolution, can tell how powerful an 
 engine the affignats have been : had fofne 
 celebrated emigrants taken my advice in the 
 year 1791, in making war upon the credit rf 
 France injiead of combating her troops y we 
 fhouldnot have had now to arm in England; 
 fo manv brave men would not have bled in the 
 field, nor fo virtuous a monarch on the fcaffold. 
 
 It has aflonilhed me, during thefe three 
 years nearly, (I mean ever fince the month 
 of June 1790) when the French began to turn 
 their vievv s to Avignon, and lay plans of ge- 
 neral conqueft, that the different nations did 
 not perceive that all their power of doing 
 mifchief lay in the credit of the paper, which 
 they created at will, and expended for the 
 worft of purpofes, 
 
 I wifli flill to dwell a little more upon thi^, 
 and fhall explain myfelf by a fimilitude which, 
 though very familiar, is very applicable. 
 
 4 Suppofe
 
 ( 25 ) 
 
 Suppofe the wiihing purfe of Fortuna- 
 tus were to drop into the hands of an indi- 
 vidual in London, who had no reh?ion, no 
 morahty, nor honour, but who had a fort of 
 wild enthufiaftic defire of diftating to all his 
 neighbours, and difturbing their domeftic 
 peace ; and for that purpofe diftributed bribes, 
 paid emiflaries, and ufed every effort that 
 money enables a man to make. Would not all 
 his neighbours foon feel the effeds of this, and 
 be rendered very miferable ? and not poffefling' 
 fuch a purfe themfelves, muft not they be 
 obliged to fubmit to a thoufand mortifications 
 and inconveniencies ? Would not then their 
 beft way be to take from him the fatal purfe, 
 and put it in the fire ? after which his reftlefs, 
 mifchievous character would be no longer 
 formidable to them, but mufl prey upon 
 himfelf. 
 
 It is clear, that as no nation in Europe has 
 1,000,000 fterling at its command in a year, 
 either for fecret fervices, or at the free difpo- 
 fition of its fovereign, or his minifters, and 
 as France has twenty, in point of intrigue, 
 corruption, and payment of emiffaries, under 
 whatever defcription they may be, fhe is more 
 D thaa
 
 ( 26 ) 
 
 than a match for all the others ; if therefore 
 we would gain an eafy vidory over that people, 
 let us undermine their credit* : at the expencc 
 of their paper, we fhall fave our own blood 
 and treafure, and, in faft, do them a fer- 
 vice ', for their power of going on to maffacre 
 and rob each other cannot be too foon put an 
 end to. 
 
 There is, I am vvell aware, an argument 
 that will be ufed again ft what I have faid re- 
 fpedling the affignats, which have now, fay 
 their advocates, all the eftates of the emigrants 
 to infure their payment; and I know this has 
 pbtalned for them a fort of credit. 
 
 I am not ignorant that there are near fifty 
 thoufand eftates to fell ; but I am not ignorant 
 either that there are not purchafers to be 
 found in France for five thoufand of them, nor 
 for two thoufand ; fo that, though thefe lands 
 would no doubt prove a great fource of reve- 
 nue, I do not fee any connection they have 
 with the affignats, nor any connexion that 
 
 * It is evidently not here that the way of undermining 
 their credit is to be difculTed ; it is the expediency of the 
 jneafure, not the manner of putting it into execution.
 
 ( 27 ) 
 
 can be created between them. As to people 
 from other nations going into France to buy 
 lands, they may meet with a few dupes, as 
 Ignorant youths fometimes fall in amongft 
 fliarpers ; but a man muft be very ignorant 
 indeed to purchafe property in a country, 
 where he mull: have the value /et upon the 
 produce by a mob, where his life muit be in 
 danger, and where the fyilem of equality tends 
 evidently to an equal diviiion of property. 
 
 The faifl is, that there are no purchafers 
 for thefe lands, and that there are not at pre- 
 fent any methods pradifed for diminifliing the 
 quantity of affignats. 
 
 Had France peaceable times, moderate 
 ftien at the head of affairs, and no foreign war, 
 I fliould confider the affignats as equal in 
 goodnefs to any paper that is not payable at 
 fight, or on a certain day ; but, furrounded 
 as ilie is with enemies which fhe has made, 
 torn with internal difcords, and about to have 
 ftill m.ore enemies, the ultimate fate of the 
 affignats muft be determined before there can 
 be time to turn about and change the fyftem. 
 That the members of the executive council 
 D 2 of
 
 ( 28 ) 
 
 of France, and of the Convention, knoW 
 their firength to confift in the credit of their 
 affignats there is no doubt; and as they know 
 that a war with England will much haften the 
 ruin of that credit, it is with good reafon that 
 they wifh to avoid it. 
 
 It would require infinitely longer time than 
 I fhould think proper to demand of the public, 
 to view the affair of affignats fo completely 
 as it deferves ; and I own frankly I have not 
 the vanity to think myfelf capable of doing the 
 fubjecfl juftice; but I think I can maintain 
 again ft whoever wifhes to combat it, that the 
 credit of the affignats is nearly over, and that 
 with them will immediately fall down to no- 
 thing the force of the French nation. 
 
 But v/hile the affignats continue to fervc 
 the purpofej let us fee how fir we in England 
 have a war to fear, and what fort of exertion 
 the French nation is at prefent capable of 
 making. 
 
 Firfl: of all we mull confider the nature of 
 the effort they have already made, which, 
 having been fuccefsful, may lead many people 
 
 to
 
 ( 29 ) 
 
 to believe, that they are capable of making 
 fuch another, and finally of conquering their 
 enemies. The laft campaign was begun too 
 late in the feafon by the combined forces, and 
 with too little warmth^ they adopted it partly 
 on compulfion, partly through a generous in- 
 tention to fupport the emigrants; and, laftly, 
 were deceived as to the interior ftate of the 
 country. The whole weight of the campaign 
 was laid upon the army of the king of Pruffia, 
 commanded by the duke of Brunfwick, who 
 led the only body of an army fufiiciently great 
 to m.ake any firm refiftance. 
 
 That this general did not take the precau- 
 tions neceflTary to fecure his fupplies of pro- 
 vifions is certain ; that he committed feveral 
 great errors is alfo, if not proved, at leail; very 
 ftrongly fufpeded : but waving thefe difcuf- 
 fions at prefent, fuppofe even that Dumourier 
 had all the merit pofiible in his condud, the 
 retreat of an army half famiflied and difeafed, 
 and in an enemy's country, was not a very 
 great vidory, gained by far fuperior forces. 
 This retreat being once effeded, there was not 
 any other body of troops fufficiently numerous 
 to make head againfl the P>ench army; and 
 6 the
 
 ( 30 ) 
 
 the fuccefs of a few months, on the part o^ the 
 French, was the inevitable confequence of the 
 retreat and difabled condition of the duke's 
 army. 
 
 To return once more to the effort madd 
 by the French to repel their enemies, let iis 
 conlidef that the unwife manifefio of the 
 Duke of Brunfwicfc occafioned the greatefi 
 effort that it was pofTible for a large city of 
 700,000 inhabitants, and a populous country, 
 to make. I was in Paris myfelf, and know 
 the feeling which it infpired. If the Duke's 
 army arrived at Paris, after what had happen- 
 ed on the loth of Auguft, nobody could 
 hope for mercy in that city. The Sans 
 Culottes had begun the attack on the palace, 
 and had been feconded by the national guards. 
 Now as they forced all the other inhabitants 
 to bear arms, every inhabitant, women and 
 children not excepted, was comprehended in 
 the revolt. The natural confequence. of 
 threatning fuch a numerous body of people, 
 who had the national treafury at their com- 
 mand, was, that they would in a fit of de- 
 fpair meet their enemies with all the forces 
 they could mufler, and fo they did, A mul- 
 titude^
 
 ( 31 ) 
 
 titude, compofed of all ages and of both fexes, 
 marched off to repulfe the enemy, who was 
 exaftly in fuch a fituation as rendered their 
 numbers formidable : at no great diftance 
 from Paris, fo that this multitude could 
 eafily perform the journey, and not having 
 proper fupplies either of men or provifions, 
 could he have gained a battle, it is much more 
 than probable that the Duke could never have 
 arrived at Paris. His enemies, on the contrary, 
 were prodigioufly numerous, actuated by de- 
 fpair, and fupported with every thing they 
 wanted. It was certainly only in hopes of be- 
 ing feconded by a party of the people them- 
 felves, that the Duke put himfelf in this fitua- 
 tion, and he had probably been mifinformed; 
 for though he might have had many friends 
 who otherwife Vv^ould have joined him, his ma- 
 nifefto rendered it impoflible for them to a6t ; 
 indeed it took away their inclination; and tho' 
 they might favour the royal caufe, few peo- 
 ple were ready to join againft their fellow- 
 citizens to put his threats in execution. Not- 
 withftanding the advantages which the French 
 had of meeting their enemy in a fick and fa- 
 mifhed condition, in the heart of their coun- 
 try^ in far inferior numbers, it is much 
 
 doubted
 
 (32.) 
 
 doubted whether, if a battle had been given, 
 they would not have loft it , and though Du- 
 mourier, certainly with a great fliare of art 
 and much to his praife, contrived to gain 
 time till nothing but a ihameful retreat was 
 poffible for his enemies, yet did he not once 
 dare to attack that difeafdd army in its re- 
 treat ; infomuch that 4II Europe imagined 
 there v/as a fort of peace made with the King 
 of Pruflia. That this was not the cafe has 
 fmce been clearly evident, and Dumourier's 
 enterprifmg fpirit gives every reafon to be- 
 lieve, that if then he did not adl, it was be- 
 caufe he knew he could not ad: fuccefs- 
 fully. 
 
 The overrunning Brabant and Savoy is nei- 
 ther a new fort of occurrence in war, nor any 
 thing wonderful; nor are fuch exploits in ge- 
 neral of the fmalleft advantage. The Turks 
 have befieged Vienna before now ; we have 
 pften overrun both France and Spain ; the 
 greateft Emperor Ruflia ever had was nearly, 
 at one time, driven from his capital, and the 
 great Frederick or Pruffia, not many years 
 ago, v/as driven from Berlin ; but all this has 
 jTfiade no great change in the boundaries of 
 
 empires.
 
 ( 33 ) 
 
 empires. We are therefore authorized by 
 hiftory to confider fuch fuccefles as of little 
 folid importance. But if they are of little 
 importance to well regulated armies, they are 
 of flill lefs to numerous armies levied in hafte, 
 as thofe of France will be in the next cam- 
 paign. Such armies ad: with the greateft 
 advantage upon their own territory, and in- 
 deed at a diftance from home their pofition 
 alone is fufficient to bring about a defeat. 
 
 Invafions and foreign \vars muft be fup- 
 ported by well difciplined troops, prudent 
 generals, and good precautions taken for fup- 
 plies, but not by great and numerous ar- 
 mies, which it is impoiTible to fupply at a 
 diilance. 
 
 Some perfons will fay that Brabant is now 
 become a department of France, but that 
 will not be believed by thofe who know that 
 men in a country where the language is dif- 
 ferent, coalefce with difficulty with the in- 
 habitants ; or by thofe who know how im- 
 poffible it is that the Brabancons can fo foon 
 have adopted the irreligion and levelling prin- 
 ciples of their conquerors ; principles which 
 
 E it
 
 .( 34 ) 
 
 i 
 
 it took the volatile French themfelves near 
 four years to attain, with all the incendiary 
 writings, cabals and intrigues, that could be 
 ufed, to bring them to what they are. There 
 are, indeed, people ignorant enough to ima- 
 gine, that another nation alfo will adopt all 
 this at once ; it cannot be ; it can but create 
 difguft, as acftually it does. But it w^ould 
 require too long time, and is too foreign from 
 my fubjecl, to fhew at prefent how amongft 
 the tricks of French Legiilators and Com- 
 miffaries, it is one, to make the voice of the 
 minority appear that of the majority, and 
 thereby give every thing the appearance which 
 fuits their wiflies and their intereft. 
 
 The ftate of things then has been, during 
 thelaft campaign, the moft favourable thatwas 
 poffible for armies fuch as France poflefies; yet 
 is there not a fmgle inftance when with equal 
 numbers they have gained either a battle or 
 a f^irmifh. At Jemappe their number was 
 treble that of the enemy, and though it 
 was their artillery that obtained them the vic- 
 tory, they loft more than four times as many 
 men as their enemies. The numbers who 
 have periflied from cold, hunger, and dif- 
 
 eafe
 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 eafe amongfl: the French, as well as in ikir- 
 miihes, are as lurprifingly great, as by the 
 ftatements to the National Afiembly they ap- 
 pear furprilingly fmall ; even at Paris the 
 people are not the dupes of that artifice, for 
 thofe volunteers who have returned have 
 fometimes told the truth, though it is clear 
 they dare not make it public. 
 
 The prefent campaign, wdiether England 
 had been engaged in it or not, mufl be very 
 different from the laft. The King of Pruffia 
 and the whole Empire (before it was but the 
 Emperor, as King of Hungary and Bohemia) 
 fight for their own political exiftence, and 
 therefore will fight well ; from being auxilia- 
 ries they are become principals ; inftead of 
 beginning in the month of Auguft they are 
 now nearly ready to begin, and they will not 
 a fecond time be deceived with regard to the 
 ftate of the country, neither is it likely that 
 they will publifh manifeftos of the fame na- 
 ture. 
 
 The finances of France are prodigioufly 
 more exhauiled fince that period, and the re- 
 mains of the unfortunate Houle of Bourbon, 
 E 2 the
 
 , ( 36 ) 
 
 the Dauphin excepted, who is too young to 
 reign, and is befides a prifoner, are all with 
 the confederate armies ^ and will enter France 
 to claim what a great part of the nation ftill 
 think their right, the throne of their an- 
 ceftors. 
 
 As t^ difcij}line, it will not be much me- 
 liorated in the French armies fince laft year, 
 becaufe thefe foldiers of liberty quit their poft 
 when they chufe, and the new armies will 
 be. formed this fpring chiefly from raw re- 
 cruits. 
 
 Such are the profpeds of France with re- 
 fpedl to her German enemies ; on the fide of 
 Savoy alfo there will certainly be a diverfiori 
 fufficient to divide her forces, occupy a part 
 of her attention, ard exhctufl: her finances. 
 Let us now come to the poffible exertions of 
 France againft England and Holland, 
 
 The manning and commanding of a navy 
 is a very different thing from fending out a 
 lancj army like Dumourier's, for it depends 
 not upon multitudes and numbers, and lea ft 
 
 of
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 of all upon that impetuous effort which adls 
 pnly for a few weeks. . 
 
 If with all the millions wafted, clothing 
 for 400,000 men could never be had, becaufe 
 there is neither induftry nor arran element in 
 the country, clothing which could not coft 
 one million fterling, how are the ihips of a 
 fquadron to bp furniflied with what is ne- 
 ceiTary ? 
 
 For the marine of France, which never 
 was equal to ours, there were about 1200 
 officers neceffary, and in laft Auguft there 
 were not 200 at all the different ports. From 
 the brave Albert de Rioms, down to the mid- 
 fhipman, almoft every officer was difgufted 
 with that fyftem of equality, which by a fort 
 of paradox, not eafily to be underftood, gave 
 the crew the right of commanding, and there- 
 fore impofed upon the pfficers a neceffity to 
 obey. 
 
 By land, fadden exertions may be made, 
 and every man counts for a foldier, but it is 
 not fo by fea ; the preparations are tedious, 
 require care, and are after all limited in their 
 
 extent.
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 extent. It is not here that the Marfcillois 
 and the aflaflins from the garrets in the 
 fuburbs of Paris, led on by valet de chambrcs 
 and girls, will defend their country againfl 
 our brave Engliih feamen, and experienced 
 captains. 
 
 I knovi^, however, that the French will 
 have men enough to man their navy, and 
 more than they have fliips to man, nor will 
 thefe be landfmen ; having now little or no 
 trade, they will eafily find feamen, and here 
 it fhould be obferved, that the poverty and 
 mifery of the country ferves in fome mea- 
 fure to give it ftrength, for all thofe men who 
 are without work to do, and bread to eat^ 
 are ready to fly to its defence. 
 
 The French marine wants officers, and it 
 will be impoffible for them to equip, in a 
 complete manner, above onehalf of their fhips. 
 They want alfo difcipline ; for it is no exag- 
 geration of the matter to fay, that the men 
 will not obey their officers ; and this is fo 
 true, that many officers who are well enough 
 difpofed to defend their country, have left the 
 fervice, merely becaufe they know that the 
 
 men
 
 (.39 ) 
 
 men only obey whilfl it is their good pleafure 
 fo to do, but that when they are difplealed, 
 they immediately put their captain in irons. 
 
 To all this it is to be added, that France 
 will require fupplies of corn and other pro- 
 vifions by fea, next fummer, to prevent a 
 famine, which a war with England will ren- 
 der it impoflible for them to obtain. This 
 may appear to be an affertion made upon the 
 faith of thofe rumours of famine already 
 ipread, but it is not fo. 
 
 By allftatements, and amongft others thofc 
 of Mr. Necker, France exported of grain of 
 all forts, one year with another, the value of 
 10 millions Tournois, which is not enoueh to 
 fupply the inhabitants of that country one 
 fortnight. The quantity of grain exported 
 on an average from any country, is the mea- 
 fure of the fjrplus produced above what is 
 confumed, which this ftatement proves to be 
 very little. 
 
 Ever fmce the revolution began, France 
 
 has been in want of grain, and obliged to have 
 
 fupplies, becaufe the circulation in the interior, 
 
 from one town ta another^ has been greatly 
 
 9 in-
 
 ( 40 ) 
 
 interrupted, and becaufe agriculture has httti 
 in fome degree negledted. 
 
 The circulation continues to be interrupt- 
 ed, which caufe alone is fufScient to produce 
 a partial famine ; and laft year the harveft was 
 jnegleded more than ever : add to this> that 
 the men in arms confume much more than 
 men at home. From all thefe caufes a fa- 
 mine is certain, if no fupplies come in from 
 other countries. It is, moreover, cerlainj 
 that neither ]aft year, nor the year before, 
 were fo plentiful as the year 1790, and evert 
 then there was not enough for the home con- 
 fumption, without foreign aid; 
 
 From the paper read by Mr. Kcrfaint to 
 the Convention, on a war with England, as 
 well as frorti citizen Briffot's report, it would 
 appear that their views extend to South Ame- 
 rica and our territories in the Eaft and Weft 
 Indies: fuch propofitlons, in the prefent cir- 
 cumftances of France, are perfedly contemp- 
 tible; and it is otily in the Convention, or the 
 Jacobin club, that the ignorance of men is 
 great enough to lifcen to them v/ithout hiffing 
 the reader from his place. 
 
 Irt
 
 ( 41 ) 
 
 In the prefent war, England may likewife 
 reckon much upon th*e ignorance of all thofe 
 who are employed in the marine and war de- 
 partments; as on purpofe to have, what they 
 called, ftaunch patriots, they, laft year, turned 
 out almoft all the clerks and fecretaries em- 
 ployed, and put in Jacobins who know no- 
 thing of the nature of thefe affairs. This 
 will appear to be a fadl of no fmall import- 
 ance to thofe Vv'ho know, that in great and 
 complicated affairs, a knowledge of the rou- 
 tine in which bufinefs has been ufed to go, is 
 very neceifary. 
 
 We may likewife, in this war, count 
 upon that fpirit of contradidlion which 
 frullrates exertion in every country wher^ 
 there are people of different parties; and we 
 may be aifured, that the town council of Breft, 
 and the other fea ports, will not always be of 
 the fame opinion as the minifter of the ma- 
 rine, who will therefore be croifed in many 
 of his operations, as he has always been ia 
 every armament for "St. Domingo, 
 
 The injury that their privateers may do to 
 our trade is the chief thing we have to fear ; 
 
 F but
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 but even that is more imaginary than real ; 
 for unlefs they can cope with us, or nearly fo, 
 in fhips of the line, the depredations by pri- 
 vateers will not be of much importance. 
 
 The queflion of war or peace, it was not my 
 bufinefs to difcufs : I know not the fecret 
 negociations, nor the conceffions which the 
 French might make; but were I to have given 
 my private opinion, it would have been, that 
 unlefs France abandoned, in the moft folemn 
 and complete manner, all idea of fp reading 
 her dominion, or extending her fyftem of 
 equaUty into other nations, it would be beft 
 for us to join in bringing her to reafon. Self- 
 prefervation feems to be no lefs the law of 
 political bodies than of individuals; and it is 
 certain, that fhould France fucceed in her 
 projedls on the Continent, England muft in 
 the end fubmit. I do not, indeed, imagine 
 France would fucceed though England fhould 
 remain neuter; but the poffibility of her doing 
 fo would, in that cafe, be greater, and for that 
 reafon we ought, in prudence, to bear our 
 part in putting an end to her career. 
 
 War
 
 ( 43 ) 
 
 War is certainly to be avoided, if with ho- 
 nour and fafety it can. The bleffings of 
 peace are ineftimable, ^nd certainly more fo at 
 this time than almoft at any other ; but 
 without France abandons her fyflem of uni- 
 verfal liberty, as flie calls it, our peace 
 could have been of no long continuance ; nor 
 can the leaft faith be given to her promifes, 
 becaufe the avowed fyftem of the levellers is, 
 that might creates right; and whatever they 
 have the power and will to do, they think 
 may lawfully be done. 
 
 It feems very clear that from a war with 
 France we have, atprefent, very little to fear; 
 we may reft aflured that it will be a fliort one; 
 and I am convinced, that if we adt in concert 
 with the powers on the Continent, and if, in- 
 ftead of a bloody manifeflo like the duke of 
 Brunfwick's, a wife and mild one fhall pre- 
 cede the army that is to enter France, no- 
 thing will be more acceptable to the great bulk 
 of the French nation, than to fee order re- 
 eflablifhed, in any manner that may forrri 
 fomething like a reafonable government. 
 
 F z The
 
 ( 44 )■ 
 
 The French have, both publicly and pri- 
 vately, declared that they will fend one hun- 
 dred thoufand men to invade this country : 
 there is little doubt but they will attempt it, 
 if it was for no other purpofe but to rid 
 their country of part of its unfortunate and 
 wretched inhabitants : whether they go to 
 the bottom of the fea in their attempt to 
 come over, or are deflroyed at the mouth of 
 our cannon, would be of no confequence to 
 the National Convention, as from the efFeft 
 of their proceedings, a famine muft, in a 
 fhort time, take them off were they to ftay 
 in their own country. 
 
 By their equality they have deflroyed nobi- 
 lity and gentry ; of courfe, all artizans in 
 every branch of bufinefs tending to luxury, 
 are out of employ, and are obliged to live as 
 a prey upon the public. For inftance : What 
 would become of the tradefmen in London, 
 and the public at large, were the nobility 
 and gentry to be chafed out of the country ? 
 This rnuft be better felt than it can be de- 
 fcribed, as it is well known to every indivi- 
 dual, that all arts, fciences, and trade, have 
 flouriflied, and ftill profper, by the wants of 
 the great and opulent of this kingdom. 
 
 There
 
 ( 45 ) 
 
 There are many perfons In the world to 
 whom vengeance is fweet; and perhaps it is 
 unfortunately but too true, that the violent 
 proceedings of the French make them very 
 proper objeds of anger. But revenge ought 
 never to be the ruling paffion of man 
 in any cafe, and leaft of all ought it to be ever 
 direfted againft a multitude, in which great 
 numbers muft be innocent, others ignorant, 
 and only a few guilty. 
 
 Though I am, and never have concealed it, 
 even when I ran fome perfonal rifk, a great 
 enemy to the French democrats: though I 
 know their villainy, and the unfairnefs of their 
 way of reafoning, I am far from thinking the 
 majority of the nation guilty 3 on the contrary 
 in Paris, where the guilt is certainly the 
 greateft, I am certain that nine out of ten de- 
 fer ve cenfure, only for not having had courage 
 enough to ad: when it was necellary. 
 
 Men, individually brave, do not always aft 
 in civil broils as if they were fo-, becaufe, astio 
 fingle exertion can produce any good effecft, 
 they only ad when they have confidence in 
 others who will ad with them. Now, very 
 
 unfor-
 
 ( 46 ) 
 
 unfortunately for the inhabitants of Paris, as 
 they bad been accuftomed to a fort of implicit 
 obedience in affairs of government, and were 
 obliged all at once to become governors, 
 ignorant at the fame time of the true 
 bafiS of liberty, and its firft principles, 
 which, it is too late for men to learn on a 
 fudden at years of maturity, there could be 
 no unity nor mutual confidence among them : 
 nor could even the great neceflity of the cafe 
 unite the inhabitants of a city, formerly 
 drowned in luxury and pleafure; and, ever 
 fince its revolt, the fport of intrigue. 
 
 Before the Revolution, France was infi- 
 nitely tcc) much corrupted for its inhabitants 
 to take advantage of the feeble ftate of its 
 Monarch, fo as to eftablifli liberty -, which to 
 men of purer manners and of a lefs volatile 
 characfler, would, at one time, have been not 
 very difficult. At prefent it is only by wading 
 through oceans of blood, and letting adverfity 
 and time teach wifdom to them, that they can 
 ever gain this end. Nay, it is much more 
 probable that they will fall under the hand of 
 fome defpot before they can accomplish their 
 defign ; for at prefent, governed as they arc 
 
 by
 
 ( 47 ) 
 
 by the lower order of people, who are th6 
 dupes and agents of the moft defigning 
 amongft themfelvds. Revolution muft follow 
 Revolution, until poverty, and equality in 
 mifery, will put an end to the contcft ; for as 
 long as they who take the lead can have the 
 means of enriching themfelves, others, who 
 want to be rich alfo, will overturn them and 
 take their place, as it has happened already. 
 
 It IS unlucky that in England any laa- 
 guage, truly defcriptive of thefe proceedings, 
 and of the perfons who govern Paris, is dif- 
 graceful, and feems like the language of 
 anger and prejudice. Fads feem exaggera- 
 tions ; and fuch epithets as fuit the cafe, can 
 only, with propriety, be ufed at Billingfgate. 
 I ihall not therefore attempt to defcribe the 
 manner in which Paris governs France, but 
 fhall beg leave literally to tranflate language 
 which I myfelf have heard employed by the 
 people in the gallery of the National Affembly 
 to its members ; and language which had the 
 immediate effedt of making the AlTembly 
 obey. I never was lucky enough to be pre- 
 fent at a very tumultuous debate. This is a 
 fpecimen of what paffed on every ordinary day, 
 J when
 
 ( 48 ) 
 
 when any queftlon that interefled the court, 
 or his late majefty, was difcufled*. 
 
 Upon a queftion feeming to go in favour 
 of the king, the galleries rofe, and faid, with 
 violent geftures and menaces, " Go home, 
 ** you rafcals; you men hired at eighteen 
 ** fhillings a day ; you don't deferve them. 
 ** Shame, fhame, you betray us ; we are 
 ** your mailers ; you are but deputies paid ; 
 ** you have fold us to the civil lift, you 
 ** anointed curs ; but we know how to be 
 " revenged upon rafcals like you, who were 
 *• eat up with poverty and lice till we took 
 •* you into pay, and you dare to betray the 
 <* nation, you dogs !" 
 
 I can only fay, that the French expreffions 
 were yet ftronger than thofe I give. This 
 Jiappened in an evening fitting. I was in 
 what is called " The Suppleant's Gallery,'' 
 
 * The queftion was concerning the terrace in the 
 garden of the Thuilleries, which garden being fhut, they 
 wanted to make public^ and by means of that queftion 
 to animate the people againft the king j in which they 
 Succeeded very rapidly, and very completely. 
 
 which
 
 [ 49 3 
 
 which had but few people in it, though the 
 pubHc galleries were very full. 
 
 The effedl of thefe threats was inftantane- 
 ous ; and on counting the voices the third 
 time, for the queftion had been divided, it 
 was found to be determined againft the king, 
 aeainft juftice, and againft common fenfe. 
 Such was, and ftill continues to be, the man- 
 ner in which the violent party triumphs over 
 the majority, upon all occafions, in which it 
 is thought to be worth while. Yet the na- 
 tion in which laws are fo palTed, pretends to 
 be free, and to prefent an example worthy 
 the im.itation of all the world. It is not 
 from men governed in this manner that Eng- 
 land has any thing to fear; and it is fur- 
 prifing that there (hould be men in England 
 fo loft to every fcnfe of fhame as to praife 
 the French government ; and what adds con- 
 fiderahly to the difgrace of fome fuch perfons 
 is, that they know, perfectly well, that what I 
 now have faid about thegalleries is ftri(flly true. 
 
 It is notorioufly known to all the world, 
 that on the loth of Auguft the Affembly 
 paiTed decrees at the requeft of every black- 
 guard who appeared at the bar, without fo 
 much as enquiring their names, in many 
 G cafes 5
 
 ( so ) 
 
 cafes ; and all the decrees paffed unanimcufiy 
 for feveral days. 
 
 Thus a ragged fellow, without coat or hat, 
 and covered with blood, appeared in the 
 name of the nation, and demanded the de- 
 throning of the king; others demanded a 
 republic, and a convention, liberty and equa- 
 lity ; and, fmce that time, it is by the fame 
 means that they have brought their unhappy 
 monarch to the block; loading him, during 
 his confinement, with abufe, from which, if 
 his former quality of king, if even his vir- 
 tues and love of his people could not exempt 
 him, he fhould at leaft have been fhielded by 
 his misfortunes. 
 
 The French nation is in a ftate of m^ad- 
 nefb and rage, dangerous to thofe who, with- 
 out precaution, approach too near, as indi- 
 vidual madmen are ; but to thole who, tak- 
 ing the proper meafures, attack them v/here 
 they are leaft able to refift, the danger can 
 h^ but fmall, and even then muft be but of 
 iliort duration. Without plan, without or- 
 der, and without induftry, what nation can 
 long be formidable ? and that the French 
 have any one of thefe great requifites to all 
 fucceis, i dtfy their moll firm friends and 
 4 ftrongeft
 
 C 5^ ) 
 
 ftrongeft advocates to prove ; and till they 
 can do fo, I muft perfiii: in thinking my 
 conclufions no lefs jufl and incontrovertible, 
 than I truft they will prove falutary to the 
 nation, in preventing all unreafonable appre- 
 henfion or defpondency. 
 
 Since writing my General Vie-iv of the Atiual 
 Force and Refources of Fra?2ce, I have 
 thought of a method of calculating the 
 rate, at which the affignats will probably 
 decreafe in value from their increafe in 
 quantity. 
 
 The
 
 ( 52 ) 
 
 The Table is fubjoined, and the grounds- 
 upon which it is calculated are as follows : 
 
 1. That the whole creation of affignats is Sterl. 
 actually equal to - - 1 1 2,000,000 
 
 2. That this quantity of paper only repre- 
 fents a fum in fpecie, of gold or filver, 
 
 equal to - - - 50,000,000 
 
 3» That the expence of each month in 
 France amount to a fum, in fpecie, equal 
 to - - - 4,000,000 
 
 4« That the wealth of the individuals of 
 the nation is dirainifhing, every month, 
 at the rate of - - - i,ooO,00» 
 
 If thefe data are right, then the diminution 
 of the value of the affignats, during the iirft 
 month, will be 112,000,000 -r- 50,000,000 
 =: 2,250,000 M 4 r: 8,900,000, which lall: 
 fum is neceffary for this month. Now this 
 is to be added to 1 12,000,000 for the begin- 
 ning of next month, which as the whole pro- 
 perty diminiflies, is to be divided by 49, and 
 thus the operation is to be repeated for every 
 future month. 
 
 TABLE
 
 ( 53 ) 
 
 TABLE (hewing the monthly Increafe in Quantity, and Di- 
 minution in Vahie, of the French Affignats, calculated after 
 the foregoing Data, which, though certainly not Exa6t, are 
 not very far from it. 
 
 Months from 
 
 Total Quan-I^.cal Value 
 
 Value of Pa- 
 
 c . 
 
 iuni i\ec-f- 
 
 Rate ot 
 
 this Time 
 
 tity of Af- 
 
 reprefented 
 
 per which 
 
 en -G 
 
 faryforEx- 
 
 Exchange 
 
 1793. 
 
 fignats cre- 
 
 by the Af- 
 
 is equal to 
 
 2 H. 
 
 pences per 
 
 as it ought 
 
 
 ated. 
 
 fignats. 
 
 I Million in 
 Specie. 
 
 1.1 
 
 Month. 
 
 to be. 
 
 February 
 
 II2,0C0,000 
 
 50,000,000 
 
 2,250,000 
 
 4- 
 
 8,900,000 
 
 13,2 
 
 March 
 
 i2e,900,ooo 
 
 49,000,000 
 
 2,467,000 
 
 4 
 
 9,868,000 
 
 12,2 
 
 April 
 
 130,768,000 
 
 48,000,000 
 
 2,724,000 
 
 4 
 
 10,896,000 
 
 11,0 
 
 May 
 
 141,164,000 
 
 47,000,000 
 
 3,003,000 
 
 4 
 
 I2,CI2,OCC 
 
 9^99 
 
 June 
 
 153,492,000 
 
 46,000,000 
 
 3,329,000 
 
 4 
 
 13,316,000 
 
 5,01 
 
 July 
 
 166,288,000 
 
 45,000,000 
 
 3,699,000 
 
 4 
 
 14,796,00c 
 
 8,xr 
 
 Auguft 
 
 181,768,000 
 
 44,ood,coo 
 
 4,120,000 
 
 4 
 
 16,480,000 
 
 7,28 
 
 September 
 
 197,164,000 
 
 43,000,000 
 
 4,599,000 
 
 4 
 
 18,596,00c 
 
 6,5-- 
 
 OQober 
 
 216,748,000 
 
 42,000,000 
 
 5,146,000 
 
 4 
 
 20,584,000 
 
 5»S2 
 
 November 
 
 136,844,000 
 
 41,000,000 
 
 5,774,000 
 
 4 
 
 23,096,000 
 
 5'i9 
 
 December 
 
 259,826,000 
 
 40,000,000 
 
 6,496,000 
 
 4 
 
 25,082,000 
 
 4»6i 
 
 Janua. 1794 
 
 285,138,000 
 
 39,000,000 
 
 7,328,000 
 
 4 
 
 29,312,000 
 
 4,09 
 
 February 
 
 315,310,000 
 
 33,000,000 
 
 8,293,000 
 
 4 
 
 33,172,000 
 
 5.61 
 
 March 
 
 348,962,008 
 
 37,000,000 
 
 9,413,000 
 
 4 
 
 37,652,000 
 
 3,iS 
 
 AprU 
 
 385,846,000 
 
 36,000,000 
 
 10,72 I jOOO 
 
 4 
 
 42,884,000 
 
 2>79 
 
 May 
 
 428,854,00c 
 
 35,000,000 
 
 12,252,000 
 
 4 
 
 49,008,000 
 
 2,44 
 
 June 
 
 477»070»ooo 
 
 34,000,000 
 
 14,054,000 
 
 4 
 
 56,il6,orc 
 
 2»I3 
 
 July 
 
 534,802,00c 
 
 33,000,000 
 
 16,183,000 
 
 4 
 
 64,732,00c 
 
 1,85 
 
 Augufl 
 
 598,662,000 
 
 32,000,000 
 
 18,715,000 
 
 4 
 
 74,860,000 
 
 1,60 
 
 September 
 
 673,586,000 
 
 31,000,000 
 
 21,731,000 
 
 4 
 
 86,924,000 
 
 1,38 
 
 Oftober 
 
 760,586,000 
 
 30,000,000 
 
 25,352,000 
 
 4 
 
 io'j,4oS,oco 
 
 1,20 
 
 Npvember 
 
 860,994,000 
 
 29,000,000 
 
 29,689,000 
 
 4 
 
 118,756,00c 
 
 1,01 
 
 [December 
 
 970,750,000 
 
 28,000,000 
 
 34,990,(.oo 
 
 4 
 
 I'?0,:^60;COO 
 
 0,83 
 
 It
 
 ( 54 ) 
 
 It is evident, that as my data are not very 
 exacl, fo neither can be my refults : that as 
 numbers of collateral caufcs are continually 
 operating, v^^hich are totally incalculable, I 
 fhall never find my table verified by experi- 
 ence with any degree of neamefs ; but I do 
 confider it as a matter both of curious and 
 important inquiry, to calculate how quickly 
 the affignat has a tendency to fmk in value 
 from its own nature only. I have already 
 obferved, that as circumftances may happen 
 to retard or haften this depreciation, we can 
 only, count upon that difcredit which"^ the^ 
 nature of things attaches to its exiftence : 
 thus the life of man, though eftimated at 
 70 years, is liable to be fhortened or length- 
 ened : but he who calculates upon the nature 
 and ftrength of man in general, will be right 
 in his conclu lions in general y though not in 
 p^articular cafes. 
 
 Such is the brilliant career which the con- 
 ftant augmentation of the quantity of affignats 
 prepares for that paper, which has, during three 
 years, fupported French vanity, French anar- 
 chy, and French infamy. The vanity will 
 have a fall with the affignats, the anarchy will 
 outlive them a long time, but the infamy will 
 be eternal*
 
 ( 55 ) 
 
 This Day is piiblijhedy in One Volume y RcyalPiiarti, 
 
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 llluftrated with Seventeen Maps, Charts, Views, and other Em- 
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