pm' HISPANIC Notes and Monographs ESSAYS, STUDIES, AND BRIEF BIOGRAPHIES ISSUED BY THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA PENINSULAR SERIES (iarcilaso dc la Vega and his son of the same namt San Pt dio Marlir. Toledo GARCILASO DE LA VEGA A Critical Study of His Life and Works HAYWARD KENISTON NEW YORK HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA 1922 COFVKUIHT, 1922 >. BY THE HISPANIC SOCIETY OF AMERICA CORNELL Publications Printing Co. Ithaca, N. Y. PREFACE V PREFACE The present study is the outgrowth of investigations begun in 1909 in the prepara- tion of a doctoral dissertation for Harvard University. Since that thesis was accepted in 191 1, several years of study in Europe and further investigations in this country have so developed the theme that the pre- sent volume, and a second volume, contain- ing a critical text and bibliography of the poet's works which is to appear shortly, have little resemblance to the original essay. In this volume I have attempted first to present the actual facts concerning the poet's life. Disregarding the numerous ac- counts which have no solid basis of informa- tion, I have endeavored to reconstruct the story of the man as he appears in original documents. But I have not contented my- self with recording specific references to him. We could form but a scanty picture HISPANIC NOTES 48731) vi GARCILASO DE LA VEGA from the scattered comments of his con- temporaries or the dry formulae of notarial documents. Fortunately, however, we know something of his whereabouts during most of his life and it has been my aim to trace his career by a study of other docu- ments of the time and of such of his poems as cast light on the events of his life, to visualize him as a person. In the study of his works, I have tried to record the results of my own investigations and my own impressions, without neglect- ing the vast body of criticism which already exists. It is true that I have not included all the thousands of mentions of Garcilaso which I have noted down ; they would have added to the bulk of the work rather than to its interest, for most of the praise of his verse is conventional. It has been my hope, not merely to summarize our present knowledge of his work but also to give an honest and sympathetic estimate of its value. In the Appendices will be found two documents of interest: the hitherto un- HISPANIC NOTES ' PREFACE vii published "Prueba de nobleza" of Garcilaso and the letter of Scipione Capece, from the rare edition of Donatus's Commentary on the Aenead, which has not before been re- published. The List of Works consulted contains only those which are frequently referred to in the Notes. I cannot fail to acknowledge here my in- debtedness to those who have preceded me in the study of Garcilaso; it is far greater than the Notes can possibly reveal. I would also express my gratitude to the many friends in Spain, Italy, and America who have so generously aided me with their counsel. H. K. - AND MONOGRAPHS CONTENTS Life PAGE Chapter I. Family Heritage . I Chapter II. School Days . . i8 Chapter III. In the King's Service 42 Chapter IV. An lU Fated Expe- dition 47 Chapter V. Knighthood and Marriage 56 Chapter VI. A Courtier of the Emperor 69 Chapter VII. Isabel Freire. 77 Chapter VIII. The Journey to Italy 85 Chapter IX. A Mission to France 97 Chapter X. Imperial Disfavor 103 Chapter XI. Exile in Naples 117 Chapter XII. The Expedition to Timis 129 Chapter XIII. The Last Campaign 142 Chapter XIV. The Tower of Le Muy 153 Chapter XV. The Chapel of the Rosary = 160 Chapter XVI. PersonaKty . . 171 IX X CONTENTS Works Chapter I. Spanish Verses 179 Chapter II. The Letters . . 265 Chapter III. The Latin Poems 270 Chapter IV. Versification 277 Chapter \\ Orthography. \"ocab - ulary, Grammar 347 Chapter VI. The Fort una of Gar- cilaso 363 Appendix A. Prueba de Nobleza 435 Appendix B. Letter of.Scipione Capece . 438 List of Works Consulted 439 Notes 455 LIFE : : *: «*; Bii Ihplacc of (jarcilaso GARCILASO DE LA VEGA CHAPTER I FAMILY HERITAGE On the northwestern slope of the sheer hill upon which Toledo is perched, a nar- row passage, half staircase, half alley, once called the Cuesta de Garcilaso de la Vega but now known as the Cuesta de Santo Domingo el Antiguo, drops down from the Plazuela de Padilla toward the Tagus. For the most, the houses which keep eternal shadow on the ill-paved way are prim, conventual, but a few rods down the slope another alley, the Cobertizo de Santo Domingo el Antiguo, as steep and dirty as the first, throws into relief an old, ruined building upon the corner. It is a grim, massive structure, built in the style that Andrea Navagero, ambassador of Venice at the court of Charles V, re- marked to be typical of the palaces of the Toledan nobihty, four-square and un- adorned, of rough stone with terra-cotta HISPANIC NOTES 2 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA courses, with small, square windows. ^ Above the broad doorway a white sign shows its present use: ''Ignacio Carrido, Cerrajeria", and within beneath a canvas awning, for the roof and floors are gone, the locksmith works in lonesome state. From the threshhold there is a glimpse, over the jagged line of roof -tiles, of the green Vega in the distance, where con agradable mansedumbre el Tajo va siguiendo su Jornada, 3^ regando los campos y arboledas con artificio de las altas ruedas. Set in the wall of the house is a white marble tablet which bears this inscription : "Aqui estuvo la casa solariega donde NACIO EN 1503 ELINSIGNE VATE — PRINCIPE DE LOS POETAS LIRICOS CASTELLANOS — Y VARON ESFORZADO EN EMPRESAS MILITARES — GARCI-LASSO DE LA VEGA. LA IMPERIAL CIUDAD DEDICA ESTE HUMILDE RECUERDO A LA PERDURABLE MEMORIA DE TAN ES- CLARECIDO HIJO. 1 7 DE AGOSTO DE 190O." In this seignorial house, then, was born HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 3 the poet and soldier of Toledo, Garcilaso de la Vega. But the date of his birth is by no means certain. Fernandez de Na- varrete in his Life of Garcilaso assigned it to the year 1503^ and since the publi- cation of his work (1850), that date has been generally accepted. He gives how- ever no authority for his statement and inasmuch as no parochial records for the period exist, we must seek for other evidences. The first of the biographers of Garcilaso, Fernando de Herrera, was not a contemporary of the poet, but he did know personally his son-in-law, Antonio Puertocarrero, and his statements are there- fore deserving of credit. In closing his account of the death of Garcilaso in 1536 he states that he died at the age of thirty- four,2 which would place his birth late in 1 501 or in 1502. He also tells us that he was married "soon after he was twenty- four or a little older" {"entrando en edad de 24 aiios poco mas^').^ But we now know that he was married in 1525,'' which would establish 1501 as the year of his AND MONOGRAPHS 4 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA birth. The only other evidence which bears upon the point is the statement of Pero Abrera, the only witness called to testify to Garcilaso's nobility during the formal examination, which always pre- ceded admission to the Order of Santiago, on September ii, 1523, that he was "about twenty -five years old" ("sera de hedad de veynte e cinco anos, poco mas menos'').^ Unfortunately this statement, which would place his birth in 1498, can- not be accepted as necessarily accurate. For the Spaniard of the early sixteenth century often had as hazy an idea of his age as the negro of slavery days, and even the Grand Duke of Alba, who was cer- tainly born in 1507 or 1508, glibly testified in 1543 that he "might be forty -three years old, "2 and Garcilaso's wife, Elena de Zufiiga, revealed an uncertainty as to the age of her children, less understand- able in a mother than in a father.^ The only value of Abrera's deposition is there- fore that it makes it probable that Gar- cilaso was born before, rather than after, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 5 1503. We shall not be far from the truth, if we say that Garcilaso was born in 1501.1 Concerning his forbears we are fortu- nately better informed and a brief glance at the -long line of illustrious ancestors whose blood was in his veins is interesting, as rendering intelligible certain character- istics strikingly evidenced in him.^ The original seat of the family de la Vega was at Torrelavega in the Asturias, in a plain on the banks of the little river Besaya close to the sea. The first member of the family of whom we have certain know- ledge is the Garcias Lasso, or Garci-Laso de la Vega, mentioned by Fernandez de Oviedo in his manuscript Batallas y quincuagenas as Merino Mayor de Cas- tilla in the reign of Fernando IV. » In the struggle for the regency of Castile during the minority of Alfonso XI which fol- lowed the death of Fernando IV, Garcilaso supported the party of the Infante Don Pedro and on the latter's death at Granada in 13 1 9, he assumed the guardianship of AND MONOGRAPHS 1 6 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA his posthumous daughter and his place in the control of the kingdom. When Alfonso XI was given the reins of government at the age of fourteen in 1325, Garcilaso was all-powerful among his advisors and was named Chancellor of the realm. But the ruthlessness with which he had suppressed his enemies bore its fruit; he was mur- dered on March 2, 1328 while at mass in the convent of San Francisco in Soria, whither he had gone to negociate with certain rebels against the king. His heir, Garcilaso de la Vega/ was still a lad at the time of his father's death, but he soon distinguished himself in the service of the king and during the siege of Gibral- tar in 1334 he bore a brave part in the rescue of the Spanish knights who had been cut off on La Isla. With his brother, Gonzalo Ruiz de la Vega, he was the first to cross the Salado on that memor- able day (October 30, 1340) when the forces of Castile and Portugal defeated the Moors. Named Adelantado Mayor de Castilla, Garcilaso was one of the first HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 7 of the nobles to feel the heavy hand of Pedro el Cruel after his accession to the throne in 1350. He was murdered in cowardly fashion in the palace in Burgos in 13 5 1 and his body thrown from the window to the square below. His son, once more named Garcilaso de la Vega, was rescued at the time by some of the servants and carried off to his estates in Asturias. From his marriage with Dona Mencia Cisneros,^ he had but one child, a daughter, Dona Leonor de la Vega. The male line of the family thus became extinct, but Dona Leonor became the second wife of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Almirante under Enrique HI, and the house of La Vega was thereby incorporated with that of Mendoza, which assumed the arms of the family of La Vega with their devise ''Ave Maria gratia plena." Don Diego and Dofia Leonor had three children. The eldest and heir to the estates was the celebrated Marquis of Santillana, Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, the chief literary figure of the fifteenth centu- i AND MONOGRAPHS 8 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA ry; the youngest was Dona Elvira Laso de la Vega. This daughter married Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, chatelain of Badajoz. Of their children, the eldest was Lorenzo Suarez de Figueroa, first Count of Feria; the second was Pero Suarez de Figueroa; the third was Gar- cilaso de la Vega. Pero Suarez married Dofia Blanca Sotomayor^ and their second son was given the name of Garcilaso de la Vega, according to the common Spanish custom of choosing a name from the maternal line for the younger sons. This Garcilaso, the father of the poet, was bom in Badajoz.^ He early entered the service of Ferdinand and Isabella and as their maestresala fought in the War of the Succession against King Alfonso of Portugal. For this he was rewarded in 1479 with the grant of all the tolls paid by the cattlemen on the sheep as they passed through Badajoz on their annual migration to the warm pastures of Ex- tremadura. Two years later, he was named a contino, or member of the per- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 9 sonal guard of the King and Queen. Dur- ing the War of Granada he bore a valiant part and early in the siege of Velezmalaga (April. 1487) with other gentlemen of the Court helped to save King Ferdinand's life. Although wounded in the capture of the suburbs of the town, he was able to serv^e in the siege of Malaga during the summer, where he acted as a captain. On the capture of the town of Vera in the following year (June 10), Garcilaso was made alcaide, or chatelain, but the forays of the Moorish chief. El Zagal. soon made it necessary for the sovereigns to dispatch him with reinforcements to protect the frontier. In the spring of 1489 Ferdinand took the field in force to besiege the town of Baza and Garcilaso is named as the captain of forty lances in the great throng of Spanish nobles who fought under the banner of the king. Baza finally capitu- lated on December 4 and the King and Queen, having accepted the surrender of Almeria. started for that city three days later. They were met outside the town AND MONOGRAPHS 10 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA by El Zagal, who came to offer them his possessions. Having received the Moorish prince with courtesy, they escorted him to the royal tent and served him a sumptu- ous repast. Among the Spanish nobles who served at this meal, Garcilaso is named as the cupbearer to El Zagal. Dtiring the next four years there is no mention of Garcilaso in the chronicles of the times. But curiously enough it is precisely to these years that belongs a tradition concerning him which gained wide currency in the following centuries. Briefly, the legend relates how Hernan Perez del Pulgar, "El de las hazanas," stole into Granada one night during the siege and with his dagger fastened upon the door of the mosque a parchment bear- ing the words, "Ave Maria gratia plena." On the discovery of this insult a Moorish knight, Tarfe, tore down the parchment, tied it to his horse's tail, and riding forth to the Spanish camp of Santa Fe, chal- lenged the Christians to send forth a champion, or several of them, to defend HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 11 the honor of their Lady. Garcilaso begged the king's permission to undertake the exploit but was denied the privilege be- cause of his youth. In spite of this refusal he slipped out of the camp, attacked and killed the arrogant Moor and presently, to the surprise of the Court, rode proudly into Santa Fe, bearing Tarfe's dripping head upon his lance and wearing the parchment upon his breast. As a reward he was granted the right to assume the words upon the parchment- as his devise and also the title of ''de la Vega," porque en la Vega hiciera campo con aquel pagano.^ The first version of this story to appear in print is to be found in the Romancero historiado of Lucas Rodriguez (1579) and further variants soon followed in the Romancero y tragedias of Gabriel Lobo Laso de la Vega (1587), the His tor ia de los vandos de los Zegries y Ahencerrages of Gines Perez de Hita (1595) and the Romancero general (1600). But the story AND MONOGRAPHS 12 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA must have been current before 1579, for it is the theme of one of the earliest of Lope de Vega's plays, Los hechos de Garcilaso de la Vega y Moro Tarfe,^ the only play of his which has survived in four acts, and Lope himself declares that he wrote his first play at the age of twelve, that is, in 1574. In fact it seems probable that the tradition goes back to the fifteenth century to another Garcilaso de la Vega, the third son of Gomez Suarez de Figueroa^ and uncle of the contino of the Catholic Monarchs, who was Comendador of Mon- tizon under Enrique IV. For Alonso de Palencia in his Cronica de Enrique IV^ tells how this Garcilaso, challenged to single combat by a Moor in the Vega of Malaga (1456), slew him and carried off his horse and other trophies and how, two years later, he was killed by a poisoned arrow near Baza, an event which was lamented by Gomez Manrique in his poem, La defunzion del noble cavallero G.^ Laso de la VegaA It is not strange that the exploits of this knight were confused with HISPANIC NOTES ^ LIFE AND WORKS 13 those of his nephew, who, as we shall see, later gained distinction under Ferdinand and Isabella, nor is it surprising that genealogists of the sixteenth century at- tributed this exploit to the Garcilaso who fought at the battle of the Salado in 1340 and thus accounted for the title and the arms of the family as well as of the family of the Mendozas.i It is one of the nimi- erous poetical traditions which has been transferred to another member of the family whose distinction attracted to him all the records of deeds of valor in the family, and which at the same time seeks to explain the origin of his titles and arms. Its chief historical interest is that it re- veals that its hero was deemed capable of performing the exploit which it relates. To return to the life of Garcilaso, the courtier of Ferdinand and Isabella, we find him named as ambassador to the Pope, Alexander VI, on March i, 1494. During the next five years he was a vigour- ous, if undiplomatic, representative of Spain at Rome during the troublous times AND MONOGRAPHS 14 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA of the invasion of Italy by Charles VIII of France. His affection for arms had not diminished, however, and in March, 1497 he bore a leading part under the Grand Captain, Gonzalo de Cordoba, in the capture of Ostia. His plain speech to Alexander VI finally made him unpopular with that pontiff and he left Rome on July I, 1499, returning to Spain in the company of Queen Juana of Naples, sister of Ferdinand V.^ At the Court he soon found himself high in the councils of the King and Queen and honors and rewards were showered upon him. In his absence he had been appointed governor of Jerez de la Frontera and he now received a similar office at Vera and Gibraltar. ^ In 1502 he was made a member ot the Privy Council and upon the death of Gutierre de Cardenas on January 21, 1503 was ap- pointed in his stead as Comendador Mayor de Leon. At the Cortes held in Toro in January, two years later, Garcilaso acted as its president. The beloved Queen Isabella had died in the preceding year HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 15 and when her daughter Juana with the consort, Philip I, landed at Corunna on April 28, 1506, the great majority of the Castilian nobles hastened to pay to them the tribute of their loyalty. When Ferd- inand V met Philip near Puebla de Sene- bria on Jime 20, Garcilaso was among the knights of Castile in the latter 's suite who appeared upon the field with a suit of armor beneath his cloak and it is re- lated that as Ferdinand greeted him and slapped his shoulder, he said, Hke Caesar to Brutus, in a voice filled with disap- pointment, "You, too, Garcia? {eY tu, Garcia, tambien?)''' For his devotion to Philip he was re- warded during the simimer by an appoint- ment as tutor and chief chamberlain to the Infante Fernando, second son of Philip and Juana and later king of Bo- hemia and emperor of Germany, who was then three years- old. Phihp's death on September 25th of the same year deprived him of his protector and when Ferdinand returned as regent he found that his de- AND MONOGRAPHS 16 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA sertion of his cause had cost him his favor. The latter years of his Hfe were uneventful; he died in the monastery of San Juan at Burgos, on September 8, 1512.1 Garcilaso de la Vega had married Dona Sancha de Guzman, whose lineage was as illustrious as his own, for the Guzmanes traced their ancestry to the earliest days of the County of Castile and boasted three queens from their stock. 2 Her grandfather was Fernan Perez de Guzman, "a soldier and a man of letters belonging to the high aristocracy of the country, and occupied in its affairs," famous as the author of the Generaciones y semhlanzas. Through the death of her brother, Pedro Suarez de Guzman, she had inherited the estates of Batres and in 1502 she and her husband acquired the estate of Cuerva. Later the estates of Arcos, estabUshed by Garcilaso's parents, were inherited and added to the patrimony. » Such are the antecedents of the man whose life we would study. They are HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 17 strong men, brave fighters for their kings, accomplished courtiers, men who have risen and who have fallen with the intri- cacy of royal whim, and yet men of letters, who have cherished a regard for the masters of the past and have striven to emulate their example. Their spirit is clearly reflected in the soldier and poet of Charles V. AND MONOGRAPHS 18 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA CHAPTER II SCHOOL DAYS Garcilaso de la Vega, bom as we have seen in 1501 or 1502, was the second of seven children. ^ The heir to the family estates, Pedro Laso de la Vega, who was destined to become notorious as one of the leaders of the Jimta of the Comunidad in Toledo in 1520 and 15 21, was apparently- much older than he, if we may judge by the position of leadership which he had won by 1520, and was probably bom before 1495. His youngest brother, Fer- nando de Guzman, was killed during the siege of Naples by Lautrec in 1527, at the age of twenty ;2 the older of his two sisters, Dofia Leonor de la Vega, married Luis Fernandez Puertocarrero, Count of Palma. Concerning the boyhood of Garcilaso the only information which we possess is the statement of Herrera that "he was brought HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 19 up in Toledo until he was old enough to serve the Emperor and follow his Court. "^ Navarrete doubts the accuracy of this statement, without alleging any reasons, and is inclined to the belief that he was educated at the Court, perhaps by Peter Martyr, 2 There seems to be no valid rea- son for questioning the authority of Her- rera, particularly because Garcilaso was a younger son of his house. What was the sort of education which he received in Toledo ? What, in general, was the educa- tion of the youth of the Spanish nobility in the first years of the sixteenth century ? There is no circimistantial account of edu- cational methods for precisely these years, but we may form some idea of the matter by studying the periods which preceded and which followed them. Queen Isabella had manifested a most lively interest in the education of her children and especially in that of the heir to the throne, Don Juan. For him she devised an elaborate system of training of which Fernandez de Oviedo has left us a AND MONOGRAPHS 20 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA detailed account in his Lihro de la Cdmara Real del Prinqipe Don Juan.^ The Queen instituted for her son's education a sort of miniature college, consisting of five masters, chosen from the high nobility, and five students, sons of the principal families of the realm. His instruction in Latin and the humanities was intrusted to Fray Diego de Deza and in the library of Isabella are noted a number of copy- books which the young prince had used for his compositions in Latin. Besides his formal studies he was taught to fence with the sword, to hunt, and above all, to sing and to play upon various instruments, organ, the clavichord, the viola, and the guitar. That these remained the principal fields of instruction in the following reigns is clear from the Relazione of the Venetian Ambassador at the Court of Charles V, Marino Cavalli, who briefly describes the training of the pages at the Imperial court, sons of counts and nobles. "They have their masters," he says, *'to teach them to dance, to fence, to ride and wheel HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 21 on horseback, and a little book-learning {un poco di letter e).'' ^ If these were the arts which kings felt worth inculcating in their princes and courtiers, we may be sure that -all of the nobility trained their sons in a similar fash- ion to fit them for service one day at the Court. There can be no doubt that Gar- cilaso too was trained in these accomplish- ments of the perfect gentleman. The only contemporary reference to his personal qualities, that of Fernandez de Oviedo, was that he was "an excellent player on the harp and a thorough gentleman {gentil musico de harpa e buen cavalier o),'' and to give weight to his opinion Oviedo adds, "and I saw him play several times."- Her- rera as well mentions his accomplishments saying, "He was very skilled in music, in the viola and the harp, and of great exper- ience in the training of a soldier {Fue mui diestro en la musica, i en la vihuela i arpa i exercitadissimo en la disciplina militar)."^ But Garcilaso was more than a courtly gentleman; he was also a scholar and in AND MONOGRAPHS 22 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA his youth he must have received far more than the smattering of letters provided for Prince Juan or the pages of Charles V. Let us see what this instruction must have been. The wave of humanistic studies which swept Italy in the first half of the fifteenth century was long in reaching Spain. ^ An- tonio de Lebrija, the father of Spanish himianism, returned from Italy in 1473 to teach Latin in the University of Seville ; in 1484 Lucio Marineo Siculo came to Salamanca from Sicily at the instigation of the Almirante, Fadrique Enriquez; and three years later the Count of Tendilla, on his return from his embassy in Rome, brought with him Peter Martyr of An- ghiera. Although Spain was still engrossed in its struggle to drive out the Moors, the Queen's interest in the promotion of learn- ing was already beginning to have its effect. In a letter to the Count of Tendilla Peter Martyr has left a humorous description of his first lecture on Juvenal at Sala- manca in September, 1488.2 It was a HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 23 1 Tuesday, the mid-week holiday, and as a result the whole University thronged to the lecture-hall. When Peter Martyr ar- rived, the throng was so dense that it was impossible for the beadles, in spite of shouts, threats, even of vigorous blows with lances and staffs, to open a passage- way for the professor. And so it was neces- sary to lift him up and pass him over the heads of the multitude to the platform. Hats innumerable were lost, and cloaks torn in the press. One of the beadles lost his crimson robe and later tried to make Martyr responsible for damages. When the lecttire was finished he was escorted to his lodgings like an Olympic victor. With all its playful exaggeration the letter is a docimient of the greatest significance, for it reveals that already learning was held in respect and was sought for with eagerness. No sooner was Granada captured early in 1492 than the Queen turned her atten- tion to encouraging even more the grow- ing interest in classical studies. At her AND MONOGRAPHS 24 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA command Peter Martyr opened a school at the Court for the youths of the nobility. "My house is filled all day," he says, "with a swarm of young nobles. Already they are being gradually reclaimed from those idle pursuits, to which they have been ac- customed since their boyhood, to the study of letters. Already they are beginning to learn that letters are not a hindrance to the profession of arms, as they have been led to believe by their elders, but rather a great assistance. "^ Some of his pupils attended his classes accompanied by their tutors, with whom they reviewed the day's lessons in the evening at home. So great was the popularity of his instruction that it was necessary a few years later to sum- mon Lucio Marineo from his chair at Salamanca to assist him in his work. 2 With such an enthusiasm current it was not long before the old Castilian prejudice against learning disappeared. We hear of the Marquis of Denia learning Latin at the age of sixty; Pedro Fernandez de Velasco, son of the Count of Haro, ex- HI SPANIC NOTES 1 LIFE AND WORKS I 25 pounded Pliny and Ovid at Salamanca, and even the ladies of the Court, following the leadership of the Queen, set them- selves to the task of mastering Latin and even Greek. ^ As Prescott has so well re- marked, "From a very early period, a courtly stamp was impressed on the poetic literature of Spain. A similar character was now imparted to its erudition; and men of the most illustrious birth seemed eager to lead the way in the difficult career of science, which was thrown open to the nation. "2 At Toledo the spread of the new move- ment had been evidenced as early as 1485 in the establishment of the Colegio de Santa Catalina by Francisco Alvarez, Maestrescuelas of the Cathedral. ^ This school, which was raised to the status of a imiversity in 1520, numbered among its professors during the early years of the sixteenth century several of the most dis- tinguished scholars in Spain. If Garcilaso received his early training in Toledo he must have sat under their instruction and AND MONOGRAPHS 26 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA it will be interesting to learn some of their names. As early as 1507, Dionisio Vaz- quez (147 9- 153 9) was professor of poetry and oratory at Toledo, where he remained until his appointment as the first inter- preter of the Bible at the University of Alcala in 1535.^ The most famous of the teachers of Toledo was Alfonso Cedillo, whom Lucio Marineo styled "a, man of unusual learning, to whom the city of Toledo, whose sons he so earnestly teaches, is under the greatest obligation {virum litteris insignem, cui quidem Toletana ci- vitas, cuius filios diligentissime docet, plu- rimum debet). "^ Cedillo was born in 1484 and for more than fifty years he gave out his learning to his pupils, among whom were Alejo Vane j as, author of the Primer a parte de las diferencias de libros que ay en el universo (1540), and Alvar Gomez de Castro, writer of Latin verse and famous as the biographer of the Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros.3 The last of the teachers of Toledo of whom there is mention is Juan Ramirez, another of the masters of Alvar HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 27 Gomez. Nicolas Antonio tells us that "he boarded noble youths at his house and instructed them in good manners and sound learning {Alebat domi adolescentes ingenuos, quos df morihus &" Uteris probe instUuehat) .''^-^ The high reputation which he enjoyed in his time is shown by his elec- tion to the chair of rhetoric at the Univer- sity of Alcala on the death of Antonio de Lebrija in 1522.2 Garcilaso nowhere men- tions his early masters, but his own writ- ings and particularly his Latin verses reveal how great was the debt he owed them. There still remains the more important question of the method and scope of ed- ucation in Spain in the first decades of the sixteenth century. In the absence of any definite studies on the subject, either by contemporaries or by modem scholars, we shall have to draw such conclusions as we can from other sources. Throughout the Middle Ages, in Spain as in the rest of Europe, the study of Latin and through it of the Seven Liberal Arts was the basis of all education. 3 In spite of the interest AND MONOGRAPHS 28 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA in the sciences revealed at the Court of Alfonso the Learned, it is probable that in general the Spaniards devoted most of their efforts to the arts of the "Trivium," grammar, rhetoric and logic; Isidore of Seville, in his encyclopaedic Etymolo- giarum libri xx, devotes more than three- fourths of his discussion of the liberal arts to the "Trivium" and more than a half to grammar alone. ^ It must be remembered that the term "grammar" included in the mind of the medieval teacher what is now termed ''language and literature"; but by the end of the Middle Ages the purely literary side was almost forgotten and a scholastic dialectic on the niceties of usage formed the substance of his instruction. He was content to study letters in the small doses quoted in Priscian's grammar or in the metrical Doctrinale of Alexander de Villadei, which had so largely replaced it. In a day when manuscripts were rare and costly it was natural that most of the instruction should be oral. The master HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 29 dictated to his pupils the rules of grammar and they committed these rules to mem- ory. As soon as the elements of the lan- guage were thus imparted, he began the study of elementary texts. These texts, chosen rather for their moral than for their literary value, were commonly called the "authors" (auctores); the principal works were the Disticha Catonis, the collection of fables which they ascribed to Aesop, the De contemptu miindi, attributed to Saint Bernard, the Facetus, also known as the M or OS us, — a collection of moral precepts, — a similar work known as the Floret us, and the Ecloga of Theodulus. Written in verse, these works were readily committed to memory and thus served as a foimda- tion for further teaching in the forms and syntax of Latin. In the more advanced stages of the study of grammar, the same methods were applied to the "Priscianus minor, or to the Dodrinale. By the four- teenth century the classical authors, with the exception of Virgil, were almost wholly neglected. Xor was the study of rhetoric AND MONOGRAPHS i 30 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA concerned with classical usage; rhetoric had been reduced to the learning of nota- rial formulae (dictamina) and to the com- position of epistles. Logic, which had never been treated in its metaphysical aspect, had been limited to instruction in the subtleties of the syllogism. Not the least of the contributions of the Humanistic movement in Italy was its reform of educational methods. ^ To Verge- rius and to Vittorino da Feltre and their followers, the modern world owes not merely the restoration of the Clas- sics as the only sound basis for the study of grammar and rhetoric, but also the establishment of the principle that educa- tion aims at the training of the perfect citizen and is essential not merely for the cleric or the doctor, but also for every man. Through their nimierous treatises on the theory and practise of education they spread their doctrines during the fifteenth century and by their text -books, such as Perotti's Grammatices Rudimenta and the Elegantiae of Lorenzo Valla and of Agos- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 31 tino Dati, they provided materials for a rational study of grammar and rhetoric. To what extent was their influence felt in Spain ? When Antonio de Lebrija returned to Spain in 1473, he no doubt found the old regime in education still in full sway. Among the manuscripts in Queen Isabella's library are listed copies of the Priscianus minor and the Doctrinale} But the new movement was not long in making itself felt. One of the first books printed in Spain was the grammar of Perotti (1477) ^ and four years later the publication of Lebrija's own Introductiones Latinae,^ so often reprinted in subsequent years, marks the turning point in the study of Latin. At about the same time appeared the first edition of Dati's Elegantiae to be issued from a Spanish press — there were three subsequent editions before the end of the century "* — and in 1490 Alfonso de Palencia printed his Latin- Spanish Voca- bulario,^ to be followed in 1492 and 1495 by the two parts of Lebrija's dictionary.® It AND MONOGRAPHS 32 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA is significant of the popularity of the new- methods that all of these works, with the exception of Perotti's grammar, were num- bered in the library of Prince Juan, who died in 1497.^ It is difficult to determine how far Lebrija and his Italian colleagues in Spain, like Peter Martyr and Marineo, attempted to carry the humanistic system of education. Vergerius' important work, De ingenuis moribus, was early known in Spain through an edition printed at Bar- celona in 1 48 1 2 and Lebrija's little essay, De liberis educandis, reveals- an intimate acquaintance with the educational theories of Aristotle, Plutarch and Quintilian, to whom the Italian educators as well had turned for their doctrine. ^ Unfortunately, Lebrija limits his study to the earliest years of the child's life and we can only divine that since he followed his masters in his precepts for these years he must also have used their methods in the later training. Even though Lebrija's Introductiones had revolutionized the teaching of formal HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 33 grammar in Spain, the elementar>^ texts used by students long remained those that the Middle Ages had employed. There is a long list of editions of the various "auctores," such as the Disticha Catonis, the fables of Aesop, and the Ecloga of Theodolus, printed either singly or in a collection known as Lihri minores, before the end of the century ;i Lebrija himself edited one of these collections which was first printed in 1525 at Alcala, after his death. 2 And the influence of the old method of studying rhetoric can be seen in the pubUcation of such works as the Ars epistolandi of Franciscus Xiger (1494) ' and the collection of Epistolae ex anti- quorum annalihus excerptae made by Lucio Marineo.* But the latter work is also significant because it shows that even if the Spanish humanists retained the art of epistolary composition as an important part of their study of rhetoric, they were now tiuning to the Classics for their models instead of the jejune formulae of the Mid- dle Ages. AND MONOGRAPHS 34 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA This phase of the revival of learning, the study of the Classics, is a feature of the movement in Spain as it was in Italy. We have seen with what eagerness the students of Salamanca crowded to hear a lecture on Juvenal. But listening to lectures does not make scholars; it is a vicarious enjoyment of literature. What we are interested to know is whether the students themselves read and studied the classical authors. For such a study the first requisite is obviously texts. In Spain there was no such activity in the printing of classical authors as marked the establishment of the press in Italy. But a number of works were published in the Peninsula. Of the prose writers, Sallust and Caesar were printed during the fif- teenth century, 1 the former's Opera (Va- lencia, 1477) being the second dated book to be printed in Spain. The Latin poets were more widely printed; Martial in 1490, the Metamorphoses of Ovid at about the same time; Virgil's Buccolica et geor- gica appeared in 1498, his Aenead, in HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 35 1505;! Persius was first printed at Seville in 1503.2 But this exhausts the list. As late as 1524 Lorenzo Balbo of Lille in the dedicatory epistle in the edition of the Argonautica of Valerius Flaccus explains that he and his colleagues in Latin liter- ature at Alcala had arranged to teach Virgil, Valerius Flaccus, Silvius Italicus, Cicero's Philippics and Quintus Curtius during the following winter but had found that aside from Virgil, not one of these authors was available. ^ This condition was somewhat remedied, however, by the publication of his own edition of the Argonautica, and by editions of Cicero's Opuscula, and of Quintus Curtius.^ In the same year there also appeared the first Spanish edition of Terence.^ It is, of course, possible that in exceptional cases students were able to secure foreign edi- tions or even manuscripts of the Classics: in the library of Prince Juan were printed editions of Terence and Pliny's Letters and a manuscript of Quintus Curtius;^ his mother's library contained numerous manu- AND MONOGRAPHS 36 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA scripts of Latin authors. But we may be sure that this was not true for the great majority of students. And it is most im- probable that Garcilaso enjoyed any such advantages. For his immediate family were apparently not enthusiastic about the new learning. His father did not know Latin and Martin de Viciana in his Libro de alahanqas d' las lenguas hebrea, griega, latina, castellana, y valenciana (Valencia, 1574)1 relates an anecdote of how, when ambassador to the Pope, he delivered an oration in Spanish at a certain poetical contest on Saint Peter's day, 1499, which rivaled any of the compositions in Latin and thereby demonstrated the superiority of the Castilian tongue. The poet's uncle, Lorenzo Suarez de Figueroa, was equally innocent of Latin; Peter Martyr in one of his letters to Ferdinand V,^ protests bitterly against his being sent back to Venice as ambassador, alleging that he could neither understand his diplomatic confreres nor be understood by them, through his ignorance of the standard HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 37 language of diplomacy. Nor is it prob- able that Garcilaso's mother knew Latin, for among the books which she left at her death in 1537, largely works of devo- tion, there was only one in Latin, a Vita Christi, and of this she also had a Castilian version.^ Latin was not the only language which the Spanish himianists cultivated. Lebrija was a distinguished scholar in Greek and made important contributions to its study, but his fame was surpassed in his time by that of the Portuguese Arias Barboso, professor at Salamanca. In spite of their lectures it is improbable that the study of Greek made any real progress in Spain until Cardinal Ximenez sum- moned to Alcala Demetrius of Crete, Juan de Vergara and other Hellenists, to assist in the preparation of the Greek text of the Complutensian Polyglot and until Brocar, the famous printer of the Univer- sity, made his first Greek types for that work and printed in 15 14 the Erotemata of Chrysoloras, the first Greek grammar ' AND MONOGRAPHS . 38 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA issued in Spain, and the Greek text of Musaeus' Hero and Leander.^ But even this wave of interest soon subsided, leav- ing only a few ripples of devotion to the culture of the Greeks, and the Spanish Renaissance was content to read its Greek in Latin or Castilian translations. There is one other feature of the human- ist movement in Spain which deserves mention; that is the critical study of their own tongue. Lebrija's Gramaiica caste- liana, published in 1492,2 antedates by many years the earliest vernacular gram- mars of Italian and French, for Gian- francesco Fortunio's Regole gramaticali was not published until 15163 and the first French grammar of French is the Trette de la grammere franqoeze (1550) of Louis Meigret." The value of Lebrija's service, to which he himself was fully alive, is not easily to be overestimated. It gave to Castilian usage a uniformity which was a powerful force in the establishment of good diction both in prose and poetry and made possible the production, early HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 39 in the sixteenth century, of such masterly prose as that of Juan de Valdes and such finished verse as that of Garcilaso. The pride which Lebrija evinces in the dignity and adequacy of CastiHan as a vehicle for literary expression became a character- istic of the Spaniards and was reflected in their works. ^ We may nov/ venture to form some pic- ture of the training in letters which Gar- cilaso as a boy received. As a child at home he must have learned to recite a few Latin prayers and hymns, so that when he first went to begin his lessons at the house of his master, he could under- stand the sounds of Latin. Through Lebrija's Introductiones, perhaps in the second edition, with its parallel passages of Latin and CastiHan, he learned the rudiments of grammar. His first book was the Disticha Catonis.- This and the other moral verses of its kind he committed to memory, for one of the chief tenets of humanistic education was the value of memory work: Italian boys of the period AND MONOGRAPHS 40 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA could recite all of Sallust, the Aenead, and other works, when they finished their studies, and this must have been the prac- tice in Spain as well. Then began the study of the masters, first of all Virgil, the great model, then Ovid, Martial and Persius of the poets and Sallust and Caesar of the historians. He was taught to imitate their work in Latin verse and prose of his own, and to write elegantly Latin letters to his teacher and to his friends. Perhaps too, he learned a smatter- ing of Greek. Certainly he learned to prize his own vigorous, majestic Castilian. But his training was not all work; he must be a broad, all-round man; and so he was encouraged to run and ride and fence, to build his body, and was taught to dance, to play on instrimients and sing, to fit him for the social duties of life. His father was dead, but his mother Doiia Sancha was solicitous of the welfare of her child- ren; his brother was being prepared at the Court to fill his place as head of the house;! he and his younger brother, Fran- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 41 CISCO de Guzman, who later was Maes- trescuelas at Badajoz, were receiving the training in letters and manners which be- fitted their noble station. And Garcilaso had no doubt already given evidence of unusual ability both in his studies and in in his sports. This is the sort of lad which we must picture, when one day in January, 1 516 word was brought to Toledo that King Ferdinand was dead. AND MONOGRAPHS 42 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA CHAPTER III IN THE KING'S SERVICE The Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal Ximenez, who had been named regent during the absence of the heir to the throne, Charles of Austria, vigorously upheld the authority of that prince until his arrival in Spain in September of the following year.i But the latter was not received with the general acclaim which his coun- sellors expected. The Cortes of Castile, Aragon and Cataluna were slow to recog- nize his title and issue the subsidies he demanded. For the Spaniards craved a Spanish king and they found Charles com- pletely in the hands of his Flemish advis- ers, surrounded by a Flemish court and ignorant even of the Castilian tongue. Toledo, in particular, irritated by the ap- pointment of a mere boy, the nephew of the hated Fleming Chievres, to the arch- bishopric of the Primate in place of the beloved Cardinal Ximenez, who had died HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 43 before he could reach the king to pay his allegiance, showed manifest signs of open revolt. At this juncture, the king re- ceived the news of his election as emperor and leaving Barcelona, hurried across Spain to embark for Flanders. At San- tiago he hastily simmioned the Cortes on April I, 1520 to make further requisition upon his Castilian possessions to cover the expenses of his journey. His demands were met by determined protests and Gar- cilaso's brother, Pedro Laso de la Vega, who was one of the Toledan representa- tives, was so outspoken in his opposition that the king banished him to his fortress of Gibraltar, inherited from his father, granting him forty days in which to ful- fill his command. 1 Garcilaso must have joined the Court by this time and arrayed himself among the supporters of the king, for on the 26th of April Charles, who had transferred the Cortes to Corunna, appointed him a contino, or member of his personal guard, with a salary of 45,000 maravedis a year. AND MONOGRAPHS 44 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA and a further grant of 30,000 maravedis a year during his absence. ^ Garcilaso promptly showed his gratitude and loyalty by joining with the Condestable of Castile in a request to one of the Toledan dele- gates that he should go to Santiago and urge upon his brother Pedro, who was plainly delinquent in his obedience to the king's commands, the desirability of has- tening to Gibraltar in the five days which still remained before the expiration of the allotted time. 2 Pedro Laso was finally moved to compliance and started upon his journey. But unfortunately he stopped at his estate of Cuerva near Toledo, and there he was discovered by his fellow citi- zens, who came in a body and escorted him back to the city in triumph. Toledo was in open re volt. ^ The news of the situation reached Co- runna on May 8^ and the 20th of the month Charles sailed, ^ leaving as his viceroys the Cardinal, Adrian of Utrecht, the Condes- table of Castile, and the Almirante of Castile. During the two years of struggle HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 4o which followed in the task of repressing the Comimidades, Garcilaso served under the colors of Juan de Rivera, captain of the royal forces. ^ That he showed himself to be a brave and daring soldier in this, his maiden venture in arms, we are assured by the reports of his captain, and at the battle of Olias, on August 17. 1521, when the Toledans, who were in no small straits for provisions, came forth to scour the coimtryside. he received a wound in the face.- The campaign ended in a victory for the royal forces with the surrender of Toledo on October 25, 1521. But the fires of animosity were still smouldering ai]d on February 2 in the following year oiice more broke into flame. The rebels fortifxcd themselves in the house of Dona Maria Pacheco, widow of the ill-fated Juan de Padiila, and for a time successfully defended themselves against the authori- ties. The house of the Padillas was next to that of Garcilaso and an attempt was made to penetrate the castle of the insur- gents through the latter 's yard. The ruse AND MONOGRAPHS 46 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA was discovered in time and thwarted. But the odds were too great and the leaders of the revolt finally surrendered on condi- tion that they be allowed to leave the city unharmed. 1 Meanwhile the Spanish king had been crowned emperor as Charles V on October 23, 1 5 21 at Aix-la-Chapelle. In the fol- lowing year after a brief visit with Henry VIII in England, he embarked at South- ampton and on July i6th landed at Santander.2 On August 5th he reached Palencia, where he found the nobles of his Spanish court assembled in such num- bers, according to Martin de Salinas, that ''there was not room for them all standing {no cahemos de pies)".^ As a contino of the royal house, Garcilaso must have been numbered in this throng; perhaps he was also one of the many who were eager to urge their claims for reward for loyal ser- vice to the Emperor. But even before the Court left Palencia there had arrived from Italy news of an alarming nature which was to affect Garcilaso 's experience. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 47 CHAPTER IV AN ILL FATED EXPEDITION Since the beginning of the fourteenth century the Knights of St. John of Jeru- salem had held the island of Rhodes as a bulwark of Christianity against the in- fidels.i The latter had made several un- successful attempts to take the citadel by siege. With the accession of Solyman the Magnificent, they once more took up their plans for the conquest of Christen- dom and on June i, 1522 the Sultan had sent to the Grand Master of Rhodes, Vil- liers de ITsle-Adam, a peremptory demand to surrender the island. ^ His message reached Rhodes on the 14th and on the morning of the 26th the vast fleet of the Turks appeared off the harbor. That night the Grand Master dispatched mes- sengers to the Pope and the- various sovereigns of Europe, warning them of the peril to the Order and to the whole of AND MONOGRAPHS 48 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Christendom and imploring their aid. It was a month before these messengers reached Rome. Adrian VI, recently elected Pope, was still in Spain, but the College of Cardinals wrote to Charles V on July 26th, informing him of the situa- tion and urging him to send prompt suc- cor. ^ Their letter reached the Emperor at Palencia. The latter, on August 25th, just before his departure for Valladolid, wrote to La Chaux that he had received the news, was writing to his allies and to the other Powers of Europe to take energetic action, and had himself issued orders to his vice- roys at Naples and in Sicily to give every possible aid. 2 Immediately upon his ar- rival at Valladolid (August 27) he sum- moned a council of the nobles and prelates of the realm to discuss what measures should be taken; at the same time there arrived the special envoy of the Grand Master of Rhodes, to emphasize the urgen- cy of the situation. 3 The Prior of Castile of the Order of St. John, Diego de Toledo, was the leader in HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 49 the effort to bring some real assistance to the beleaguered knights. Don Diego had been forced at the behest of Pope Leo X to share his revenues as Prior of the Order with Antonio de Zuniga,i but he had been generally recognized in Castile as the true inciimbent of the office and he now gave abundant proof that his claim was justified. He soon gathered about him a consider- able company of nobles with the intent of bearing personal reHef to Rhodes. Among those who rallied to his call were his brother Pedro de Toledo, Diego de Ace- vedo, the young poet Juan Boscan, and also Garcilaso de la Vega.- It is interesting to find that thus, at the very beginning of his career, Garcilaso was brought into the closest intimacy with at least two of the men who were to be his truest friends throughout his life. Pedro de Toledo » later ]Marquis of Villa- franca and viceroy of Naples, was one of the younger sons of the Duke of Alba, and uncle of Heman Alvarez de Toledo, heir to the duchy, whose father Don Garcia AND MONOGRAPHS 50 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA had been killed in the expedition to Africa in 1 510. We shall have frequent occasion to mention the warm friendship which he felt for Garcilaso. Of the latter 's friend- ship with Boscan, — a friendship which lasted even in death — so much has been written that it needs no comment here. Suffice it to say that to their mutual encouragement and emulation was due in no small measure the triumph of their literary experiments. ^ The gallant company of Spanish gentle- men left Valladolid on the last day of September. 2 Crossing Spain, they em- barked at Cartagena for Messina. =* Their carrack was attacked by a fleet of Alger- ian corsairs and their plight seemed des- perate, for the main-mast was shot away and their rigging wrecked. Even though they received several shots below the water-line, they still fought on, determined to bum their ship rather than surrender the banner of St. John to the infidels. But happily, with their last broadside, they sank the flagship of the enemy and HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 51 while the corsairs were engaged in the rescue of their chief, succeeded in escap- ing. Having made the port of Ibiza in the Balearic Islands, they spent some weeks in refitting their ship and at last reached IMessina at the beginning of December. There they foiind that the measures for gathering the relief expedi- tion were meeting with little success. Some of the sovereigns, Hke Henry VHI of Eng- land, had refused to send any aid ; others, like Francis I and the Pope Adrian VI, were so hesitant, in their fear of exposing themselves to an attack from their enemies, that their forces were still awaiting equip- ment. And finally, the several expedi- tions outfitted and manned by the mem- bers of the Order in different countries suffered a worse fate than the company of Diego de Toledo. Some were attacked by corsairs, others were sunk in the terrible storms which raged on the Mediterranean that winter and not one of these little fleets reached Messina unscathed. By the middle of January only four more ships AND MONOGRAPHS 52 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA had reached that harbor, while seven others were still lying at Naples, waiting for favorable weather. ^ Meanwhile, unaided, against terrific odds, the little band of knights at Rhodes had resisted the attacks of the Turks. But in spite of their heroic efforts they had been gradually forced to relinquish their defenses. Their bastions were battered and mined; the enemy had constructed a huge mound which overtopped the cita- del and which enabled them to subject the defenders to a merciless bombardment. At last they were reduced to such straits that they had scarcely ground left to de- fend. It was then, on December 20th, that the Grand Master, despairing of relief from the West, opened negotiations with the enemy. He was granted the right to depart with all of his knights. On Christmas Day, the Turks entered the city.^ The news of the surrender was long in reaching Italy and even after authentic confirmation had come through the ar- rival of Gabriele da Martinengo, a knight HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 53 of the Order dispatched by the Grand Master, at Gallipoli in Puglia, the Italians were loath to admit its accuracy. The Pope said on first hearing the report, "I refuse to beHeve it yet," and at Naples, bets were offered at odds of five to one that the story was false. The Venetians in particular, who might have saved the island had they been wiUing to turn a hand, were conscience -stricken at their betrayal of Christianity. But the griev- ous news proved to be only too true, Martinengo reached Messina and checked the preparations for the expedition. The rest of the knights and the Christian inhabi- tants of the island were beset by illness and by storms on their journey to Mes- sina. A part of the company reached the harbor late in March : not until the begin- ning of May did the Grand Master enter the port, flying at his masthead, in lieu of the banner of the Order, a flag bearing an image of the Virgin with the dead Christ in her arms and the inscription "Afflictis spes unica rebus. "^ AND MONOGRAPHS 54 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA The first thought of the Grand Master after his arrival was to investigate the failure of his knights in Europe to bring the aid he had called for. To this end he at once called a council of the Order and arraigned the several Priors. Diego de Toledo, in behalf of Castile and Portugal, and the others explained the difficulties which they had met, recounting the losses they had suffered and the impossibility of sailing in such storms as had beset them. When the long story of their trials was finished, the Grand Master cried, *'God be forever praised, for in our common mis- hap he has granted me the favor of the knowledge that never shall it be said that our misfortunes were due to the negligence of any of my knights." But even at Mes- sina the knights were subjected to further trials, for the plague broke out in their midst. Once more then they embarked and sought refuge near Baiae on the ruins of ancient Cumae, where they remained until they were granted a temporary asy- lum by the Pope at Civita Vecchia.^ HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 55 Such is the story of this ill-fated expedi- tion. We do not know how Garcilaso bore himself in it; in fact our knowledge that he participated is due merely to a line in the Carlo famoso of Luis Zapata. But it marks a period of the greatest im- portance in his Hfe in the friendships which he made during these long months of struggle with pirates and with the sea and of weary waiting. He must have returned to Spain before Diego de Toledo, who did not reach the Court imtil December 5th, 1523/ for he was in Valladolid before the Emperor departed at the end of August. 2 AND MONOGRAPHS 56 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA CHAPTER V KNIGHTHOOD AND MARRIAGE The Court to which Garcilaso returned was of a very different character from that which he had seen in 1520. For Charles V had made his first visit to Spain a purely business trip; his only thought was to extract such revenues as he could from the several Cortes. But he had now re- turned to stay and was apparently in a more conciliatory spirit toward his sub- jects. For a year the Court had been es- tablished in Valladolid; on All Saint's Day, 1522, he had issued a general pardon to those who had taken part in the revolt of the Comunidades, although some two hun- dred and seventy names were excepted, among them that of Pedro Laso de la Vega, whose return to the royal cause had failed to win him favor ;i finally at the session of the Cortes held in August, 1523, he had granted the greater part of the fourteen demands presented by his subjects, de- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 57 mands which in large measure were but a repetition of the pleas for reform for which the Comunidades had fought. Not the least among them w^as the demand that henceforth none but Spaniards should be named as officers of the royal household. ^ There was another respect in which the Hfe of the Court was changed. Charles V, after several projects for advantageous marriages had come to nought, was still a bachelor. But in June, 1523 his older sister, Eleanor of Austria, who had been left a widow in 15 21, after two years of married life with Emanuel I of Portugal, returned to Spain with the ladies of her suite and established herself at Court. ^ Her palace at once be- came the social centre of the kingdom ;3 for the first time since the death of Queen Isabella the young nobility found a field for its gallantry. It is not siu-prising that in these new conditions Garcilaso found especial favor. Herrera tells us that he was a favorite with the ladies of the Court because of his noble birth, his knowledge of letters. AND MONOGRAPHS 58 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the elegance of his verses and his gallant manners. 1 And we may well believe that this brave young knight, freshly returned from an adventure that had much which was romantic about it, was at once re- ceived with enthusiasm by the circle of Dofia Leonor. From the Emperor he re- ceived even more solid evidences of favor. At the Chapter of the Order of Santiago which was concluded on August 25th, the day that the Court left Valladolid, Gar- cilaso was one of the twenty-eight gentle- men, out of the two hundred and ten or more who craved admission, who were honored with knighthood in that Order. 2 It is easy to see in his appointment the influence of Pedro de Toledo, for the latter was Comendador of Monreal in the Order of Santiago. The Emperor and his court reached Burgos on the 29th.3 There on September nth, Garcilaso presented his prueha of nobility, with Pero Abrera of Cordova as his witness* and on the i6th Charles V issued the cedula of his appoint- ment to the habit and insignia of Santiago. ^ HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 59 At least a part of the Emperor's will- ingness to accede to the demands of the Cortes was due to his desire to gain its support in his project for the invasion of France by way of Navarre. This plan he now proceeded to carry out. The expedi- tion was after all popular with the Span- iards, who had not forgotten the invasion of Navarre by the French two years be- fore, nor their continued occupation of Fuenterrabia. The Emperor left Burgos on September i6th for Logrono, where he remained until the gth of October, organ- izing his campaign. On the ist of the month he issued a list of the Spanish mem- bers of his household, appointed in ac- cordance with his promise to the Cortes; among them Garcilaso was named a "gentleman of the House of Flanders." ^ For the next seven years we shall find him constantly in the service of the Emperor. The chief elements of the invading army were now ready. The Condestable of Castile was named commander, while the Prince of Orange was placed in charge of AND MONOGRAPHS 60 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the Spanish infantry and Rocandorf in charge of the Germans. In all they num- bered thirty thousand infantry and three thousand knights, together with such a provision of artillery as never before had been seen in Spain. This force mobilized in Pamplona by the middle of October and early in November the first units began to cross the Pyrenees by way of San Juan de Pie de Puerto and Roncesvalles.^ Garcilaso was one of the gentlemen of the Court who took part in this campaign, but before his departure he was armed a knight of Santiago in the monastery of San Agostin in Pamplona on the nth of November.2 It was his friend and pro- tector Pedro de Toledo who dubbed him knight; among the witnesses was his brother-in-law, Luis Puertocarrero, Count of Palma. The first stages of the invasion were marked by successes, in spite of an early winter and an exceptionally heavy snowfall. Once across the Pyrenees, the Spaniards captured Monleon (Mauleon) on the 4th of December and after a brief HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS ! 61 siege, entered Salvatierra (Sauveterre) on the isth.i Here Garcilaso was quartered in the house of a surgeon. Six years later when he drew up his will, he remembered that he had not paid him for his mainte- nance. ^ Plainly those were days when the sense of personal honor was still strong in war. The initial successes, however, were not followed up. Instead of pushing on to Bayonne, the Spanish generals de- cided to turn back and la}^ siege to Fuen- terrabia. The undertaking proved diffi- cult; it was the 27th of February in the following year before the garrison sur- rendered and the Spanish forces entered the town. 3 Perhaps it was during this siege that Garcilaso first came to know Fernan Alvarez de Toledo, heir to the duchy of Alba. For it was here for the first time that the young knight, although but sixteen years of age, served in the field against the enemy, and this, as Peter Martyr tells us, in spite of his grandfather's express prohibition.* Fernan Alvarez, who, as we have seen, AND MONOGRAPHS 62 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA was the nephew of Pedro de Toledo and of the Prior of St. John, was the third of Garcilaso's intimate friends, so that a word concerning their early relations will be of interest. 1 While the Duke of Alba was in Belgium with the Emperor in 1522, he had attempted to secure the services of Erasmus as preceptor of his grandsons. But the friar who undertook to deliver his offer, failed to carry out his instructions. Thereupon, the Duke, believing that Erasmus had refused his proposal, ap- pointed a Dominican monk, Fray Severo, and when he returned to Spain in the com- pany of the Emperor during the summer, brought him with him to Castile. Upon the return of the Spanish companions of Diego de Toledo in the following year, Boscan was made ayo, a combination of the two functions of counsellor and com- rade, of Don Fernando. In a manuscript of the Hesperodia, a panegyric on the life of the Grand Duke of Alba, by Jeronimo Bermudez, Garcilaso is named as ayo of Fernan Alvarez together with Boscan, but HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 63 it is unlikely that this is true, for Gar- cilaso makes no mention of such a relation between himself and Don Fernando, of which he might well have been proud, in the passage in his second Eclogue where he describes the latter 's training and speaks in such definite terms of Severo and Bos- can. It is nevertheless certain that he was on terms of the closest intimacy with Don Fernando as with the other members of his family. One of his earliest composi- tions, the villancico on the theme "Que testimonios son estos" was one of a group of verses dedicated to Luis de la Cueva "because he danced at Court with a lady whom they called 'La Paxara' ".^ The other versifiers were, the Duke of Alba, the Prior of St. John, Boscan, Feman Alvarez de Toledo, the Clavero of Alcantara (another of the sons of the Duke of Alba), Luis Osorio, Garcia de Toledo, Gutierre Lopez de Padilla and the Marquis of Villa- franca. It is an interesting family group; not one of the house of Toledo is missing. And since it includes the name of the Duke as AND MONOGRAPHS 1 1 64 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA among those at Court, the verses must have been written before 1531.^ The fortunes of Garcilaso are at every point in contact with his protectors of the house of Toledo. We are ignorant of the whereabouts of Garcilaso during the year which followed the fall of Fuenterrabia. Having achieved this small success, the Emperor disbanded his Spanish troops and returned to Burgos with his Court. It is probable, however, that Garcilaso spent the year at the monas- tery of Ucles as a novice of the Order of Santiago in fulfillment of the express orders issued by the Emperor in the cedula of his appointment. 2 As soon as the period of his noviciate was ended, he must have returned to the service of the Emperor, and this brings us to an interesting event in his life. Among the ladies of the suite of Eleanor of Austria, who did so much to enliven the atmosphere of the Court, Garcilaso had early met Dona Elena de Zuiiiga, daughter of liiigo de Ziiniga, maestresala of Queen Isabella. If we might believe Andreas HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 65 Schott, Doiia Elena had succumbed to the blandishments of the verses which Gar- cilaso was wont to lavish upon the fair ladies. 1 It is possible that some of the verses in Castilian metres which have sur- vived as Garcilaso's were addressed to her; such compositions as his "Acaso supo, ami ver," are sufficiently colorless and imper- sonal to apply to any or all of the ladies of the Court. At least we may be sure that the success of Garcilaso's suit for her hand made him an object of envy. Dona Elena came from a family which could trace its ancestry to as dim a past as his own;2 what was of even greater moment' in those days, the Emperor and his sister Eleanor approved of the marriage. The extent of their approval is revealed in cer- tain financial documents which have been preserved. On August 25, 1525, the Em- peror made a grant of 60,000 maravedis a year to Garcilaso, with order that the first three years should be paid to him together on January ist of the following year. 3 Two days later the usual marriage AND MONOGRAPHS 66 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA contracts were drawn up by Dona Elena and Garcilaso. From them it appears that Dona Elena brought as her dowry 2,575,- 000 maravedis (a little less than 7,000 ducats), of which she had received 1,000,- 000 from the Emperor, 600,000 from the King of Portugal, and 3 7 5, 000 from Eleanor of Austria. The dower which Garcilaso settled upon her was 2,000 ducats, one- tenth of his total estate of 20,000 ducats.^ It is difficult to give any precise meaning to these figures in terms of modern cur- rency or modern buying power. But if we remark that the annual grant made to Garcilaso of 60,000 maravedis (160 ducats) must have been regarded as sufficient for his maintenance and if, three years later he was able to purchase a house in Toledo at a cost of 550,000 maravedis (1466 ducats), it becomes plain that Garcilaso 's fortune and his bride's dowry were con- siderable according to the standards of the time, which is the more interesting be- cause Garcilaso was not the heir to his father's estates. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 67 We may assume these contracts were immediately followed by the ceremonies of betrothal and marriage and that since the Court was then in Toledo, the young couple took up their residence at the house of Garcilaso's mother, Dona Sancha de Guzman. It is not easy to judge what were Garcilaso's relations with his wife. There is not one mention of her in all of his writings, imless we except his last will and testament. On the other hand, the sincerest and most ardent of his poems were inspired by Isabel Freire, w^hom we shall presently meet. It cannot be said that this neglect of one's wife for some other mistress was merely a conventional, poetic pose of the time, for Boscan's noblest verses are those that reveal his devotion to his wife, Dofia Ana Giron de Rebolledo. If we may judge by numerous other examples of court practice, such as the imion of the Marchioness of Cenete with the Count of Nassau, marriages were not made in heaven in the early sixteenth century. Dona Elena was the lady of the AND MONOGRAPHS 68 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Emperor's choice and Garcilaso accepted this marriage de convenance as he would have accepted another of his sovereign's commands. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS i 69 CHAPTER VI A COURTIER OF THE EMPEROR These years in which Charles had been specializing as king of Spain had also been a season of prosperity for the Imperial arms in Italy. On March 3rd of the year in which Garcilaso was married there reached Madrid the glad tidings that on the Emperor's birthday, February 24th, the armies of France had been defeated at Pavia and the king, Francis I, made a prisoner. 1 Almost immediately after the latter 's arrival at -Madrid in August under the guard of the Viceroy of Naples, the long discussion over the terms of peace between Charles and Francis began. On one point both of the monarchs were ready to agree, that Francis I should marry Charles'" sister Eleanor of Austria. But the other conditions were not so easily settled as these family matters. Dofia Eleanor left Toledo on October 6th for Talavera, where she remained "in bond AND MONOGRAPHS 70 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA {en dep6sito)'\ as Martin de Salinas put it, awaiting the outcome of the negoti- ations. ^ At last on January 14, 1526, the treaty between the kings was signed at Madrid. On the 20th of the month Queen Germana, widow of Ferdinand V, and now once more widow of the Marquis of Branden- burg, reached Toledo. The Emperor in person, attended by the principal nobles of the Court, among them the Duke of Alba and Diego de Toledo, rode out to Santa Lucia to escort her to the city. It was dark when they crossed the bridge of Alcantara, so that the pages of the company had to light their way with torches through the nar- row streets till they reached the houses of Garcilaso de la Vega, which had been as- signed to her for her lodging, as being among the best in Toledo.^ Her stay as a guest of Garcilaso was brief, for within a few days she started for Torrijos to meet Queen Eleanor. But on the ist of February the two queens rettirned to Toledo and we may assume that she was again lodged at the house of Garcilaso. It is inter- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 71 esting to find this intimacy between Dona Germana and Dona Eleanor, for Garcilaso's wife, Dofia Elena de Zufiiga was, as we have seen, a lady-in-waiting of the latter. Under these circumstances it is unquestionable that both Garcilaso and his wife were numbered in the suite of the Queens when they went to Illescas on the i6th of February to meet the king of France, who was then at Torrejon with the Emperor. Perhaps, too, they were among the gentlemen and ladies who danced before the sovereigns on the following days. As soon as Francis I left for France, Charles V returned to Illescas to take leave of his sister, before starting for Seville, where he was to be married to Isabella of Portugal. On the day that he set out on his journey, February 22nd, Dona Eleanor and Dofia Germana returned to Toledo with their suites. Three days later they separated, Dofia Germana starting for Seville and Dofia Eleanor for Vitoria in the wake of her royal fiance.^ Among the company that left Toledo on the 24th and 25th when the Court departed AND MONOGRAPHS 72 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA for Seville were the ambassadors of the for- eign powers. 1 Two of them at least must have been known to Garcilaso, Andrea Nava- gero, ambassador of the Serene Republic, and Baldassare Castiglione, Papal Nuncio, who had come to Spain in the preceding year. They were both men of letters and it is to them that we must attribute the first interest in Tuscan literature which Garcilaso and his friend Boscan did no much to further. It is possible that Garcilaso accompanied them on this journey to Seville, which they made by way of Guadelupe, while the Em- peror followed the road through Trujillo and Merida. They reached Seville on March 8th, two days before the Emperor, who had stopped for several days at Oropesa. They found Isabella of Portugal already arrived with her suite. At midnight of the day of Charles V's arrival, the royal couple was married by the Papal Legate, Cardinal Sal- viati.2 The celebration of the Emperor's wedding was marred by two untoward events: the death of his sister, the Queen of Denmark, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 73 and the news of the murder of the Bishop of Zamora in the castle of Simancas, where he had been in confinement since the Comu- nidades. But during the stay in Seville there was at least one brilliant tournament, where the yoimg Feman Alvarez de Toledo and his uncle, Diego de Toledo, were especially dis- tinguished for the gorgeousness of their trap- pings, covered with gold and silver and with "tiny silver bells upon their steeds, and at which the Empress granted the prizes to those who had made the bravest show in the joust. ^ On the very eve of the departure of the Court for Granada, Queen Germana once more became a bride, though she was more than fat and forty; this time the lucky man was Ferdinand of Aragon, Duke of Calabria. 2 With her return to the regency of Valencia, Garcilaso lost another influential friend. For the next six months the Court was established at Granada. To m.ost of the members of the company this sojourn must have been, as it was to Navagero, a season of immixed delight . To the cultured Venetian AND MONOGRAPHS 174 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the gardens of the Generalife, with their flow- ing streams and cool retreats, seemed to lack but one thing: "some one to appreciate them and enjoy them, living there in calm and peace among his studies and the pleasures that become a gentleman, without craving for more." ^ We may form some idea of the sort of things which he and the Spanish courtiers discussed during their long, idle days from the famous letter which Boscan addressed to the Duchess of Soma as a Prologue to his verses in the Italian style. Often as the passage has been quoted, it will bear repetition. "Being one day in Granada with Navagero," he says,- " whom I have desired to name here to Your Ladyship as one of the celebrated men of our day, and discussing with him ques- tions of talent and of letters, especially the varieties of many languages, he asked me why I did not try to write in Castilian, sonnets and other forms of composition used by the good authors in Italy; and not only did he say it thus casually, but he even urged me to do so. I departed HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 75 a few days later for my home; and along the long and lonely road, ruminating upon diverse matters I reverted many times to what Navagero had said to me; and so I began to try this type of verse. At first I found some difficulty in it, for it is ex- ceeding artificial and has many pecuHari- ties differing from ours. But afterwards fancying, perhaps with that love we have for things our own, that I was beginning to have some success, I found my interest in it warming little by little. But this would not have been enough to make me achieve great progress, if Garcilaso with his judgment, — which not only in my opinion, but in everyone's, must be looked upon as a guide, — had not confirmed me in my intent. And so, often times praising this my plan and finally approv- ing it by his example, because he too decided to take this path, he at last made me occupy my idle moments in it more seriously. And when my judgment was opened by his persuasion, new reasons occurred to me each day to make me carry AND MONOGRAPHS 76 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA on the undertaking which I had begun." Such is the genesis of the Italian school of poetry in Spain. Nowhere, probably, in the whole history of Hterature is their a more striking example of literary in- fluence of one nation upon another thus definitely revealed. And if Boscan was on terms of such intimacy with the Ve- netian, we may assume that Garcilaso as well came under his influence. Perhaps at Granada, for the first time, they came to appreciate Petrarch and his successors. From Castiglione, too, whose Lihro del cortegiano was already becoming known in manuscripts in Italy, they must have received encouragement in their efforts to ennoble their native tongue, which they had learned to admire and respect as boys in school. We cannot begrudge the stay of Charles V at Granada, though his ill- fated palace destroyed much that could never be replaced, for it gave to Spain a new poetry. HISPANIC NO.TES LIFE AND WORKS 77 CHAPTER VII ISABEL FREIRE Concerning Garcilaso's life at Court during the next three years we have no information. There are a few personal documents, however, which reveal his financial prosperity. On the eve of his marriage, his brother, Francisco de la Vega, who had entered the church, had renounced his share of his father's estate and ceded it to Garcilaso; before his de- parture from Toledo for Seville, his mother had favored him with a third and a fifth of her estate as a reward for the "obedience and respect which he showed and the many services he had done and was doing every day." With these addi- tions to his estate Garcilaso was able to purchase lands along the Tagus and on the nth of March. 1528, he acquired for the sum of 550.000 maravedis a group of houses belonging to Antonio de Cepeda and Catalina de Arroyal. This property was situated in the parish of Santa Leocadia AND MONOGRAPHS 78 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA on the Calle Real, just at the foot of the slope on which his father's house stood; his neighbors were his friend the Marquis of Villafranca, Pedro de Toledo, and Juan de Ayala.i The need of an establishment of his own had become imperative, for his wife Dofia Elena had already given birth to two sons, the elder called Garcilaso like his father and his paternal grandfather, the younger named Inigo de Zuniga after his maternal grandfather. During 1528 another son was born who received the name of Pedro de Guzman. ^ Apparently Garcilaso did not venture to give him his brother's full name of Pedro Laso de la Vega y de Guzman, for Pedro Laso was still distinctly unpopular with the Em- peror, especially since his armed resistance during the campaign in Navarre, when Charles V had been forced to send troops to seize his fortress of Los Arcos; ^ in fact his situation and in particular his unremit- ting efforts to secure pardon must have been a by- word at the Court, for France- sillo de Zuniga, in his whimsical Cronica, HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 79 swears by "Pedro Laso's hope for favor."i There is, however, during these three years an episode in the life of Garcilaso which is of the greatest significance in his literary activity. Among the ladies who came from Portugal in 1526 in the train of Doiia Isabella, there was one of such charm, according to Faria y Sousa,^ that the prospective bride declared that she would not depart for Castile, if she might not take her in her company. Doiia Isabel Freire, for this was her name, had already inspired in the greatest of the Portuguese poets of his time, Francisco Sa de ^liranda, a love which found such exuberant ex- pression that it had brought upon the poet a decree of exile from the Court. ^ That Garcilaso had every opportimity to be- come familiar with her and her charms is obvious from their residence together at Court during the next three years. Before Garcilaso left Spain in 1529, when the Emperor with his Court started for Italy, Doiia Isabel was married to Antonio de Fonseca, lord of Toro. The exact date we AND MONOGRAPHS 80 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA do not know; it must have been between October, 1528, and March, 1529, for Luis Zapata in his Misceldnea says that they were married while the Court was at Toledo, 1 and between the time of the Em- peror's marriage and his departure for Italy the Court was established at Toledo only during these months. ^ The quintillas which Garcilaso wrote commemorating this marriage are the first of his verses to which it is possible to assign a definite date, al- though only recently has the connection between them and the later poems been made plain. In the 1574 edition of his works, edited by the learned Francisco Sanchez, "el Brocense," appeared for the first time a cancion in Spanish meter, beginning ''Culpa deve ser quereros," which bore as its head- ing: "Aviendose casado su dama." ^ This was a vague inscription and might well have referred to any youthful affair or even to an imaginary disappointment. But in a manuscript of the Gayangos collection, now in the Biblioteca Nacional," the verse HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 81 has the following rubric: "A Dona Ysabel Freyra, porque se caso con un hombre fuera de su condicion." The phrase "fuera de su condicion" offers some difficulty; plainly it cannot be taken as referring to a difference in rank, for although Dona Isabel belonged to the house of the Dukes of Braganza, the house of Fonseca was one of the distinguished noble families of Spain and Don Antonio was later regidor of Toledo. 1 It must then refer to some personal trait. The mere fact that Don Antonio was commonly known as "el Gordo" is not sufficient to explain the al- lusion; but in the first Eclogue of Garcilaso, where SaUcio, — the poet in the role of the disappointed lover — exclaims, JMateria diste al mundo de esperanga de alcangar lo impossible y no pensado y de hazer juntar lo differente, dando a quien diste el cora^on malvado . . . y con las simples aves sin roydo haran las bravas sierpes ya su nido; que mayor differencia comprehendo de ti al que as escogido. AND MONOGRAPHS 82 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA it becomes clear that the incompatibility was a spiritual one. This same feeling is revealed by Sa de Miranda in the closing lines of his gloss on the old song,i En toda la transmontana nunca vi cosa mejor que era la esposa de Anton, vaquerizo de Morana, written, as Braga has pointed out,^ on the news of Dofia Isabel's marriage, when he says, Que e isto que assi engana e assi despreza a razao ? que sospira por Ant do que nao tem nada de humana. Unfortunately we have very little in- formation as to the real natiu-e of the in- timacy between Garcilaso and Isabel Freire. That his affection for her was intense and sincere we may be sure, with- out the statement of Faria y Sousa, for it is reflected in the intensity and sincerity of every line which he wrote in memory HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 83 of her. In the first Eclogue he has left a vague picture of the early days of their acquaintanceship, their happiness to- gether and even their tender promises. But there is a passage in the second Eclogue which shows that the poet was not wholly proud of the role which he was playing. In the lines in which Nemoroso, — an older and wiser Garcilaso, — sings the praises of Severo, the preceptor of Fernan Alvarez de Toledo, as a physician for love-sick swains, he refers to his own experiences in such matters and recalls how Severo 's advice had saved him from the folly and the danger of his ways and made him see sin antojos delante, la vileza de lo que antes ardiendo desseava.^ It is strange how this lady of Lusitania came into the lives of the two great poets of her day in the Peninsula, inspiring in them a devotion which Hves on in their work. One cannot help wondering what were her charms that so enthralled them, if she was as slender and as golden -haired AND MONOGRAPHS 84 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA as Garcilaso has pictured her, if she was happy in her life with Antonio de Fonseca "el Gordo," when Garcilaso left Toledo in March, 1529. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 85 CHAPTER VIII THE JOURNEY TO ITALY Charles V had long been eager to visit Italy to receive the Imperial crown at the hands of the Pope, but his Castilian coun- sellors had been loath to have him de- part before the birth of an heir to the throne. That hope had been realized in the birth of Philip at ValladoHd in 1527. Early in 1529 the Emperor determined to leave Spain, for the activity of the Lu- therans in Germany and the menace of the Turks in Hungary made his personal pres- ence a necessity for the preservation of the Empire. The Court started from Toledo on the 9th of March; after a month in Saragossa, they reached Bar- celona at the end of April. ^ Three months passed before the fleet was ready to sail, for new ships were necessary to supple- ment those that the Emperor had already assembled and those that Andrea Doria brought to the city in June. At last, how- AND MONOGRAPHS 86 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA ever, the arrangements were completed; the flower of the nobility and the clergy of Spain, several thousand infantry and endless equipment and supplies were em- barked.i Two days before the fleet set sail, Gar- cilaso drew up his last will and testament, signed before a notary public on July 25, 1529.2 The witnesses to his signature were his brother, Pedro Laso, his friend, Juan Boscan, his servant Alonso de Salazar and several others. The document, which has happily been discovered and published by the Marquis of Laurencin, is invaluable in the glimpse that it offers of Garcilaso's life, for it contains a memorial, drawn up by Garcilaso himself, containing his per- sonal disposition of his estate. By his will, he named as his heir his son, Garcilaso de la Vega, granting him the usual third and fifth of the residue of his property and providing with the customary formulae for its transmission through the male line. In the event of his death he named his other sons, Ifiigo de Zuniga and Pedro de HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 87 Guzman and any possible posthumous offspring as successive heirs; if none of of his children survived, his brother's oldest son, also named Garcilaso de la Vega, was to inherit the estate. The most interesting portion of the docvunent is that in which he provided for his personal obli- gations. After the usual provision for masses for the repose of his soul and for relief for the orphans and needy — really needy, not beggars, he stipulates, — he orders that his body shall be buried in his grandmother's chapel in the church of San Pedro Martir,! unless he dies abroad, in which case they shall leave him wherever he is buried. He also gives specific orders that invitations to his fimeral shall not be sent out and that no funeral sermon shall be delivered. His next thought is for his illegitimate son, Don Lorenzo, whom he wishes to be trained in the humanities at some good university, that he may enter the Chiu-ch, if he shows an inclination for this career, or else may enter the law. There follows a list of his AND MONOGRAPHS 88 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA debts at the time. It is a strange succes- sion of obligations: money borrowed from friend and servants; money borrowed from money lenders on the security of his wife's diamonds or his mother's silverware; money due to tradesmen and even to his barber. As the Marquis of Laurencin has pointed out, Garcilaso's financial condi- tion is typical of his time; the Emperor was not prompt in the payment of his gentlemen's salaries: Garcilaso notes that at the date of signing his will his wages are some 200 ducats in arrears. But it betokens how precarious was the financial situation of his generation, when life was conducted on credit. Several of the items for which Garcilaso provides show how scrupulous he must have been in his sense of honor. Thus he sets aside ten ducats to compensate a cer- tain Martin of Navarre for a horse which was taken from him by the French as a result of some fault of Garcilaso's; and since it is impracticable to pay him the money, he suggests that the sum be ex- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 89 pended for some pious purpose, or given to a sister of his page, Sacedo, who had died. Similarly he provided for restitu- tion for damage he has caused, actual or possible, during the campaigns of Salva- tierra and Fuenterrabia. The most inter- esting, and amusing, of these special be- quests is one which concerns a certain Elvira; it is worth giving in his own words: "I think that I am under obligations to a girl for her honor; her name is Elvira, I think that she lives in La Torre or Almen- dral, towns in Extremadura. My brother, Don Francisco, or Bariana, who was formerly chatelain of Los Arcos or his wife, Parra, know her; they will say who she is; send some honest, reliable person there to find out from her. whether I am under the aforesaid obligation, and if it proves to be that I am, give her 10,000 maravedis; and if she is married, great care must be exer- cised in the matter lest her honor be af- fected and she be endangered." It is plain that Garcilaso did not count Elvira's honor dear; the sum he offers her AND MONOGRAPHS 90 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA was a mere trifle, perhaps 150 pesetas in our own day, for he left his barber, Juan de Madrid, 4,000 maravedis to pay for the few times he had shaved him without receiving his pay. But his solicitude for her welfare and his readiness to assume the obligation cannot fail to add to our respect for him and for his sense of personal honor. If he showed such concern for this country girl, merely upon suspicion of his obliga- tion, we may feel sure that he had already made liberal provision for the mother of Don Lorenzo, whoever she may have been. It was the 27th of July when the fleet of Charles V sailed from Barcelona, some thirty galleons, with carracks and lighter craft making about a hundred ships. ^ It was the first event in the reign of the Em- peror when his Spanish subjects had had the opportunity of displaying their dignity to the rest of Europe; they had gathered in unusual numbers, so that there were said to have been no less than five thousand nobles in the company. Sandoval relates that on the eve of his embarcation, Charles HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 91 V had been forced to cut off his long hair, because he was suffering from some affec- tion of the scalp, and that the whole Court was forced to follow his example. ^ He does not tell us whether Garcilaso was one of those who wept at this Imperial mandate. But it is interesting to note that from this time on closely cropped heads became the fashion. It is apparently at this time that the habit of wearing a beard was intro- duced into Spain, for in the portrait of the Emperor which is found in a con- temporary print 2 he is represented as wearing a scraggly beard and all of his later portraits as well as those of his Spanish contemporaries show that the beard had become the rule. Garcilaso's mention of the barber who shaved him makes it plain that he, at least, had not up to this time worn a beard; the only likeness which we have of him, made after his death, is heavily bearded; so that we may reasonably assume that this is the moment, when so far as facial ornament is concerned, the Middle Ages gave place to the Renaissance in Spain. AND MONOGRAPHS 92 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Following the coast, the fleet reached Genoa on August i2th.i In the city of Doria they were accorded an enthusi- astic reception; such was the press of citizens which thronged to the pier to wit- ness them disembarking that many were drowned. It had been the intention of the Emperor to proceed to Naples and, up- on his return to Rome, to receive the Imperial crown from the Pope, with whom he had just concluded a peace (Barcelona, June 29, 1 5 29). 2 But before he left Pia- cenza he received from his brother Fer- dinand, king of Hungary, messages inform- ing him of the invasion of the kingdom by the Turks and urging his immediate assist- ance.'' Under these, circumstances Charles V determined to postpone his visit to his Neapolitan possessions and arranged with Clement VII to have the ceremonial of the coronation performed at Bologna. The Pope reached there on October 24th and on the 5th of November Charles entered the city.^ The task of settling the affairs of Italy HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 93 proved to be a long and difficult one. But not all the time was spent in these arduous diplomatic negotiations. The nobles of the Court found ample time to enjoy the hospitality of the city and in turn to enter- tain their hosts; thus on December 12th the Spaniards revealed to Italian eyes for the first time the splendor and the prowess of their native j lie go de cafias, dazzling the assembled throng of ambassadors with their dashing evolutions and their gaudy costumes of yellow, crimson and black. ^ These months must have proved a period of revelation to Garcilaso. There had gathered in Bologna representatives of every state in Italy, among them its intel- lectual as well as its political leaders. For the first time he was able to familiarize himself with the Tuscan tongue and what is of far greater importance, with Tuscan literature, of which he had already had some glimpse through Navagero and Cas- tigiione. It is undoubtedly to the stimulus of this visit in Italy that we owe his con- AND MONOGRAPHS 94 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA version to the Italian style; its fruits will soon be evident. When the conflicting claims of each Italian community had at last been ad- justed, when Milanese, Venetians, and the Papacy had been alligned in a new adjust- ment, with only the seething question of Florence left to disturb the balance, the Emperor hastened to complete his Italian tour by assuming the visible symbol of his power, the Imperial crown. On February 22nd the iron crown of Lombardy was placed upon his head.^ Two days later, upon his thirtieth birthday, he was crowned with the crown of Charlemagne in the Cathedral of San Petronio.^ The splendor of the ceremony surpassed that of any of his pre\^ous public appearances. And it is noteworthy that those who bore the chief part in the various acts were, with a few exceptions, his Spanish courtiers. Among these Pedro de Toledo, who acted as the representative of the house of the Dukes of Alba during the Imperial visita- tion, was one of the most distinguished. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 95 It was he who held the scabbard of the sword, at the ceremony on February 20th while the Pope presented the blade to the Emperor; ^ in the solemn procession which concluded the ceremony of the Imperial coronation he rode beside Andrea Doria almost at the head of the line. 2 We may fancy that Garcilaso was nimibered among the knights who rode behind him, so gal- lantly arrayed in crimson velvet caps and cloaks. It was almost a month before Charles V left Bologna for Germany. The greater part of his Spanish followers had been granted permission to return to their homes; their presence would have been more of a detriment than an assistance in settling the religious problems w!iich faced him beyond the Alps. At Mantua, on the 17th of iVpril before his departure for Inns- bruck, he issued an order granting Gar- cilaso release from service in his household, with an annuity of 80,000 maravedis and the privilege of returning to Spain. ^ The cedilla which accords this permission men- AND MONOGRAPHS 96 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA tions Garcilaso's services in "esta Jornada de Italia," which Fernandez de Navarrete has assumed refers to service in the cam- paign against Florence. ^ There is little warrant for this assumption; the siege of Florence was not ended until after the departure of the Emperor from Italy and if Garcilaso took part in it he must have been temporarily detached from the service of the Court for this purpose, an arrange- ment which was most unlikely at a time when ceremonial was so important. It is probably merely a misinterpretation of the meaning of the word "Jornada," which may quite as well mean "royal visit" as "cam- paign." For the first time in ten years, Garcilaso was free to pursue his own in- terests; one wonders whether he had to wait many days at Genoa for a ship to bear him back to Spain. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 97 CHAPTER IX A MISSION IN FRANCE The rest from service which he had prom- ised himself was not destined to be long. There are certain burdens incident to pop- ularity; within a few months the Empress remembered that he was exactly the man to fulfill for her a mission requiring some address and tact. While Charles V was on his way to Italy, he had received at Savona the news that his aunt, Marguerite, and the Dowager Queen of France had signed a peace treaty at Cambray on August 5th.i One of the stipulations of this treaty, renewing those of the treaty of Madrid of four years before, provided for the completion of the projected mar- riage between Francis I and Eleanor of Austria. The sovereigns concerned hav- ing ratified the terms of the treaty, Eleanor had once more started for France together with the two French Princes who had been AND MONOGRAPHS L 98 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA held during these years as hostages. Elabo- rate precautions were taken by both the French and the Spaniards to insure that there be no trickery in meeting the terms of the transfer. Every ducat which the French envoys offered in payment of the sum which Francis I had agreed to give was weighed and tested by specialists be- fore the Spaniards would allow the little boat which carried the Queen and the Princes to cross the Bidasoa to the French shore. It was late at night on July i, 1530 before they were on French soil; on the following day, accompanied by Anne de Montmorency, Marshall of France, they entered Bayonne. Francis I, who had come to Bordeaux to await them, now started to meet the company. On July 7th, he was married to Dona Eleanor at the Abbay of B eyries near Mont-de-Mar- san. Five days later the royal couple and the young princes were enthusiastically welcomed in Bordeaux. ^ Queen Eleanor was deeply gratified at the cordiality of her reception and at the HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 99 tenderness of her royal husband; her let- ters to her brother and to her sister-in-law- revealed her satisfaction. 1 Charles V was himself none the less pleased; from Augs- burg he wrote to his wife on July 31st, telling her the good new^s and urging that a messenger be sent at once to congratu- late the new Queen. ^ It was then that the Empress thought of Garcilaso. Her choice was a happy one, as Fernandez de Navar- rete has remarked, for Garcilaso must have been on terms of intimacy with Queen Eleanor, if for no other reason than the circumstance that his w4fe had been one of her ladies-in-waiting. On August i6th she wrote to the Emperor that she had arranged to send Garcilaso to visit her, adding, with a shrewdness which character- ized most of her actions (this part in cipher), that this w^ould furthermore be an excellent opportunity to secure from the Imperial ambassadors information con- cerning the status quo in France and also, in passing, to observe what steps were being taken along the frontier, however AND MONOGRAPHS 100 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA distant might be the prospect of war.^ To defray the expenses of the trip, five hun- dred ducats were promptly granted (Aug- ust 2ist) and Garcilaso started on his first diplomatic mission. We do not know whether he proved him- self a worthy son of his father as the repre- sentative of his sovereign; the contem- porary records of his own country and of France are silent on the details of this visit. Francis I and his bride, together with their Court had started for Paris, by way of the valley of the Loire. They had made their royal entry into Angouleme on July 24th ;2 passing through Cognac, Saint Jean d'Angely and Chenonceau they reached the chateau of Amboise at the end of September and there spent the month of October. The first weeks of November they were at the chateau of Blois ; then by easy stages they journeyed to Chambord and Orleans, arriving at Fontainebleau early in December. Garcilaso must have overtaken the Court before they reached Amboise and he no doubt accompanied HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 101 them at least for a time. It would be in- teresting to have some account of the im- pressions which this visit must have made on the young Spaniard. Francis I was an enthusiastic patron of the arts and he had surroimded himself with a company of Italians who were engaged in the creation of works of beauty for his delight. It is possible that Garcilaso met at this time Luigi Alamanni, the Florentine poet who had a second time taken refuge with Francis I, joining the Court at Angouleme on July 3oth.i At least we may be sure that the culture and the love of letters which marked that Court stirred deeply the Toledan visitor who had already be- gun to feel the power of the current of Italian learning and artistic progress. Early in 1531 Garcilaso must have been back in Spain, bearing the reports desired by the Empress. On April 1 7th he was in Toledo, and signed his consent to the transfer of the estate of Los Arcos to his brother Pedro Laso.^ This property, which had been seized by the Emperor as a result - AND MONOGRAPHS 102 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA of Don Pedro's resistance, had been bought back by his mother for the sum of 6,000 ducats, who now proceeded to restore it to him as a portion of his inheritance. Fernandez de Navarrete states that Gar- cilaso was in Italy in 1531,^ but this state- ment is based once more upon a misinter- pretation of the word "Jornada." The authority upon which he relies says merely, "In 1 53 1 it appears that he was in the 'Jornada de Italia' and requests an office in Toledo."^ This plainly refers to his part in the Imperial visit; he is basing his claim for appointment upon the services which he then rendered. Whether he re- ceived this office or not, we do not know. But in August of the same year he was in Avila, acting as a witness at the betrothal of his nephew, Garcilaso de la Vega, to Dofla Isabel de la Cueva, daughter of Juan de la Cueva and Dofia Mencia de Bazan and heiress to the duchy of Alburquerque. He was soon to have cause to rue his share in this alliance. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 103 CHAPTER X niPERIAL DISFAVOR Charles V spent the year 1531 in Fland- ers. At the end of the year he received from his brother Ferdinand news that filled him with misgiving: the Turks were again preparing to invade Austria. He at once dispatched messages to his several possessions calling upon them for assis- tance in this war against the Infidels. ^ His letter to the Empress reached Spain late in January. Almost the first to answer the call was Fernan Alvarez de Toledo who had just inherited the duchy of Alba by the death of his grandfather, Fadrique de Toledo, in September, 1531;- with Gar- cilaso among his followers he at once started to join the Emperor at Bruxelles. They had reached the little Basque town of Tolosa in Guipuzcoa on February 3rd, when there came an unexpected delay. The Duke of Alburquerque and the other members of the house of Cueva at AND MONOGRAPHS 104 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the Court of Charles V had learned during the summer of the marriage which Dona Mencia Bazan was arranging for her daugh- ter. The prospect of an alliance between their family and that of Pedro Laso was extremely distasteful; it meant little less than ruin, for Pedro Laso, in spite of his pardon, had never recovered from the stigma attached to his participation in the Comunidades. At their instigation, Charles V had written on September 4th to his wife and to the Archbishop of San- tiago, urging upon them the need of pre- venting this union. ^ But his action was too late, for as we have seen, the betrothal had taken place on the 14th of August. Too late for an ordinary individual, but not too late for an absolute sovereign. The Empress discovered upon investigation that Garcilaso had been present at the ceremony and on January 30, 1532 she issued a general order to the corregidores of the realm to apprehend Garcilaso, where- ever he might he found, and secure from him a deposition under oath in answer to HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 105 a series of questions concerning his share in the ceremony of the betrothal. At the same time she granted him in the name of the Emperor the right to take oath — a privilege which all knights of the Order ^of Santiago must first receive from the Grand Master. A faithful official of Azcoitia, on receipt of Her Majesty's command, learn- ing that Garcilaso would reach the near- by town of Tolosa on February 3rd, has- tened thither and found him at the inn at which the Duke of Alba was staying. Informed of the order, Garcilaso ex- pressed his willingness to answer the ques- tions. His acquaintance with the parties involved and his knowledge that a mar- riage had been contracted between the mother of Doiia Isabel and his brother he readily confessed. But regarding the betrothal his answers were distinctly eva- sive; all that he would say was that noth- ing had been done since the arrival of the Emperor's orders. Once more questioned as to whether there had been a betrothal and whether he had been personally pre- AND MONOGRAPHS 106 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA sent, he repeated his former irrelevant answer. Thereupon the corregidor pro- duced an order from the Empress com- missioning him to hold Garcilaso for further instructions, in case he should prove to have had any part in the affair. Garcilaso protested against this, arguing that noth- ing had been proved and that he must be about the King's business. But the co- rregidor was a trustworthy servant; he would lend no ear to his quibbles, alleging that his reputation as an examiner was at stake. The Empress was highly indignant at Garci'aso's refusal to answer her ques- tions and suspecting that he had acted thus because of a consciousness of the moral support of the Duke of Alba, called the latter sharply to task in her letter to the corregidor. In this letter she bade her official once more to put the questions di- rectly to Garcilaso and if he should admit to any share in the affair, to exile him from the realm and from the Emperor's Court, under penalty of loss of title and HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 107 estate. In case he should have the pre- sumption still to refuse specific answers to her specific questions — an inconceiv- able disobedience — , he was to be placed under arrest and sent to the fortress of Salvatierra. Garcilaso, who perceived that his device for escaping from Spain was unsuccessful, now deposed that thus far he had spoken the truth, but not the whole truth; what remained w^as this. Some time in August of the preceding year one day after dinner — just what day of the month he could not recall — a page had come to the house where he was in Avila and told him that somebody wanted him. And so he went to the Cathedral and there, in the cloister, he found Dona Isabel accompanied by her duena, his own nephew, a priest, and two men, named Simancas and Fonseca. He was of the opinion that afterward in one of the chapels. Dona Isabel and his nephew had taken hands before the priest. Upon closer questioning he deposed that the diiena's name was jMaria de Olio and that of the AND MONOGRAPHS 108 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA two men, Simancas was his nephew's tutor and Fonseca, a servant of Dona Mencia; that he was certain that the couple held hands; that he did not know the name of the priest; that no one else was present. After this tardy confession had been dragged from him, Garcilaso once more volunteered the information that nothing had been done since the arrival of the Emperor's order. The corregidor at once pronounced sentence of banishment, in accordance with his instructions. Garcilaso 's role during this investiga- tion does not reflect greatly to his credit. But it must be remembered that he was doubtlessly honest in his assertion that his own share in the affair was over before he was aware of the Emperor's disap- proval and that he had at no time acted in defiance of his commands. We must remember, too, — as he no doubt remem- bered, — that the Emperor was unfor- giving when he was once offended and he naturally was loath to make any admission which would bring down upon him the dis- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 109 pleasure which his brother had so long suf- fered. Finally there can be little question that his course was the result of the sug- gestions of the Duke of Alba, for as soon as his sentence was pronounced the latter wrote to the Empress, asking her to re- lease Garcilaso from his penalty and de- claring that he would not proceed to Flanders without him. In the face of Isabella's refusal to grant his request, he took the matter into his own hands; with Garcilaso in his suite he started across the Pyrenees. Of this journey Garcilaso has left a des- cription in a passage of the second Eclogue, beginning Los montes Pireneos. . . en medio del invierno atravesava.^ Once through the difficulties of winter in the mountain passes, Fernando received orders from the Emperor to hasten his steps. Leaving the rest of his company to follow at a slower pace, he and Gar- cilaso hurried north, changing horses from AND MONOGRAPHS no GARCILASO DE LA VEGA town to town. At Paris the Duke was detained by a brief illness. His recovery was prompt and they pushed on. When they reached Flanders, the Emperor and his Court had already started for Ratis- bonne. Apparently they continued to Utrecht (Traiectum ad Rhenum) for Gar- cilaso writes that their journey brought them "al pasaje del gran Rheno." It is interesting that his first glimpse of the Rhine recalled to his mind the passage in Caesar which he had learned as a boy and he fancied that it was here that the Roman leader had crossed into German territory. From Utrecht they took passage by boat up the Rhine to Cologne. There Garcilaso seems to have seen the old pictures in the church of St. Ursula, for he writes, Ursula, desposada y virgen pura, mostrava su figura, en una pieya pintada su cabe^a. AUi se via que los ojos bolvia ya espirando y estavate mirando aquel tirano que con acerba mano llevo a hecho de tierno en tierno pccho tu compana. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 111 It is not plain whether the rest of their trip ''por la fiera Alemana" was made up the Rhine or on horseback. The latter part was down the Danube, probably from the town of Ulm, Late in March they reached Ratisbonne. Garcilaso's first thought was to secure restoration to the Emperor's favor. His friend, the Marqms of A'illafranca, whose influence with Charles V was great, pre- sented to the Emperor a memorial from Garcilaso, protesting against the sentence passed upon him.^ But the Empress had informed her husband of the circimistances of the case and he was little inclined tc show mercy. Orders were issued on March 24th that Dona Isabel should be sent to the convent of Madrigal, that the younger Garcilaso, who had fled to Portugal, should be prosecuted^ and that Garcilaso the sup- pliant should be confined on an island in the Danube. Fernandez de Navarrete has advanced the suggestion^ that the is- land in question was that of Schutt, near Pressburg. Such an opinion is, however, AND MONOGRAPHS 112 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA - absolutely untenable. Pressburg is over four hundred miles from Ratisbonne, and Charles V remained in the latter city un- til the first of September. It is much more natural, and easy, to believe that his place of confinement was one of the several islands in the Danube near Ratis- bonne. It was during this imprisonment that Garcilaso wrote the first of his verses in the Italian style to which it is possible to assign a date, the Cancion which be- gins. Con un manso ruido de agua corriente y clara cerca el Danubio una isla, que pudiera ser lugar escogido para que descansara quien como yo esto agora no estuviera. How bitter was the disappointment which this first evidence of Imperial disfavor brought to Garcilaso is revealed in every line of the poem and not the least of the poignancy came from the realization that the fault was largely his own. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 113 Aqui estuve yo puesto, o por mejor dezillo, preso, foFQado, y solo en tierra agena. Bien pueden hazer esto en quien puede sufrillo y en quien el a si mismo se condena. Here and in several of his sonnets/ which were probably written at the same period, he laments the sudden turn of Fortune's wheel, pues a sido en un ora todo aquello deshecho en que toda mi vida fue gastada. From this moment on, his whole life was spent in the effort to recover his place of favor with the Emperor. Meanwhile his friends had not forgotten him. On the 25th of June the Council issued an order, stating that since he con- fessed his guilt and begged for mercy, he should be sent to a convent (presumably that of his Order at Ucles), to Africa, to the fleet, to Naples, or should be allowed to take part in the coming campaign AND MONOGRAPHS 114 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA against the Turks, remaining in confine- ment until the army started for Austria.^ At the end of the order His Majesty is reminded of the insistency with which the Duke of Alba urged this action. After consultation the Imperial Secretary, Cobos, noted on the margin that Naples or a con- vent would be the best solution. Just at this juncture, the Marquis of Villafranca, Pedro de Toledo, was named Viceroy of Naples (before July nth); on August 3rd he left Ratisbonne by post; a week later he was in Verona. The last ten days of August he spent in Rome as a guest of the Pope, Clement VII. He entered Naples on September 5th. ^ Since the publication of Fernandez de Navarrete's Life of Garcilaso it has been generally accepted that the poet accom- panied Pedro de Toledo at this time.^ It is difficult however to determine with cer- tainty his whereabouts during the next few months. Herrera states that he took part in the campaign against Solyman'' and the early biographers followed his HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 115 statement.^ The detailed description of the Duke of Alba's part in this campaign which Garcilaso gives in the second Ec- logue^ lends some color to this theory, but we must not give too much weight to this argument, for the same process might be used to prove that he was also present at the battle of Gelves in 1510, of which he has left a vivid account in the same Ec- logue. The situation is further compli- cated by the fact that in a Hst of Spanish gentlemen who passed through Treviso, Italy on October 22, 1532, on their way to Venice, there appears immediately after the name of the Duke of Alba a certain "Don Gratia di Vega." ^ It is of course possible that this Garcia de Vega has no connection with Garcilaso de la Vega, yet seeing this name so closely connected with that of his protector, and knowing that Diego de Toledo was also in the company, one is tempted to believe that the Duke had succeeded in persuading the Emperor to allow Garcilaso to postpone his depart- ure for Naples until the end of the cam- AND MONOGRAPHS 116 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA paign. There remains still another pos- sibility: the Duke may have once more ventured to disregard his sovereign's orders and retained Garcilaso in his com- pany without the Emperor's knowledge. For this there is some warrant in the fact that Garcilaso has left unmentioned pre- cisely this portion of the Duke's career in the description which we have several times referred to. If he had accompanied him in defiance of the Emperor's orders, he could ill afford to show too intimate a knowledge of this trip from Vienna to Italy. Whatever conclusion we may draw, — and the matter is not a vital one, — we know that Garcilaso was in Naples in November, when he bought a horse, or rather, had a horse charged to his account, as a lieutenant of the Viceroy of Naples.^ HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 117 CHAPTER XI EXILE IN NAPLES Garcilaso's exile in Naples, for his resi- dence there was virtually exile, brings us to the most important period of his life. His close relations with the newly ap- pointed Viceroy insured his immediate admittance into the literary circle which made Naples its centre ; the acquaintances which he formed were to influence largely the course which his own literary endeavors followed from this time. While in general the Neapolitan Humanists had devoted most of their efforts to attaining a mastery of Latin as an instrument of artistic com- position, they had not neglected the tasks of erudition. The Accademia Pontoniana, faithful to the traditions established by its founder, had continued to meet in the villa of Sannazaro. Since the death of the latter in 1530, the gatherings had been held in the house of Scipione Capece, a AND MONOGRAPHS 118 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA learned lawyer and professor in the Uni- versity of Naples, whose Latin poems, in particular the De principiis rerum, found favor in the sight of Pietro Bembo.^ Among the members of the Accademia during Garcilaso's residence in Naples were Antonio Epicufo, author of the Dialogo di tre ciechi, Bernardino Martirano, Imperial secretary at Naples, Antonio Minturno, poet and critic of poetry, and Girolamo Seripando, at the time Arch- bishop of Salerno and later cardinal.^ There is every reason to believe that the Spanish poet was admitted to this aca- demic circle, if not to its membership; at least he was on terms of familiarity with its leader Capece, for three years later he dedicated to Garcilaso an edition of the commentary of Aelius Claudius Donatus on the Aenead, explaining that he had been persuaded to publish this manu- script, which had belonged to Pontanus, by the opinion of his friend, whom he names "a gentleman and a scholar (illus- tris atquc doctissime)." ^ Garcilaso men- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 119 tions Minturno in one of his sonnets ;i his friendship with Seripando is pictured in a letter which the Cardinal wrote years later to Placido di Sangro, a common friend of both, recalling how they had dis- cussed together the meaning of a passage in Horace. - Outside the academic circle, Garcilaso came into contact with several other men of letters to whom he was indebted. Among those who attached themselves to the Court of the new Viceroy was a young poet from Venosa, Luigi Tansillo, already known as the author of a pastoral poem, / due pellegrini. Although he was several years younger than Garcilaso, he seems to have been in close relations with him, if we may judge by a statement in one of his Capitoli, Se io vo', per sodisfare al gusto vario, Parlando d'ogni cosa utile e spasso, Io parlero con voi, general Mario; Cosi soleva far con Garzilasso Mentre con noi si stette e non si vide Fastidito del mondo, non gia lasso. ^ AND MONOGRAPHS 120 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Two of his sonnets are addressed to Gar- cilaso, and were early quoted by Herrera,^ and Garcilaso refers to Tansillo in the sonnet already mentioned. But the clearest evidence of their mutual relations is to be found in the study of their poems; there we shall find clear proof of their familiarity with each other's work, long before these works were published. There are at least two other Neapolitan poets whom Garcilaso knew: Bernardo Tasso and Giulio Cesare Caracciolo, to whom he addressed one of his sonnets. His re- lations with other members of the Court is shown in his dedication of an occasional sonnet, as those to Mario Galeota and to Maria di Cardona, Marchesana della Padula.2 From these brief hints, culled for the most from chance allusions, we may form some conception of the society in which Garcilaso mingled during these years at Naples. The Court that gathered about Pedro de Toledo was not merely brilliant; like that of Francis I, it was thoroughly HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 121 imbued with the passion for art and we may think that under its influence the spirit of Garcilaso found an opportunity to expand in the direction dear to his heart. Luis Zapata has left an interesting anec- dote of his stay in Naples which illustrates the atmiosphere of his associations. ^ "Many of the gentlemen of the Court of Spain," he says, "were at the house of a distin- guished lady in Naples, where all the noble ladies of Italy were gathered ; among the gentlemen was Garcilaso. iVnd at sun- set, which is the time of day when they prefer to feed the falcons and hawks, and also, between daylight and candlelight, the time when it is pleasant to visit the ladies, the servants officiously brought in the candles very early; whereat the whole company, both gentlemen and ladies, was greatly annoyed, and the lady herself. And she said, '0 sorda e cieca gente.' Gar- cilaso at once joined in with the end of the same line of Petrarch, 'a cui si fa notte innanzi sera.' " {Trionfo delta morle, I» 38-39) Garcilaso however was not con- AND MONOGRAPHS 122 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA tent merely to discuss and to quote the Latin and Tuscan poets. Several of his shorter poems must have been written early in his stay at Naples, because they breathe freshly his regret at his loss of favor and his impatience at his sentence of exile. 1 To the same period belongs also his first Latin poem, the Ode ad Thylesium, written to celebrate the tragedy Imher aureus of Antonio Tilesio, which he had read in the edition of 1529. It is possible that this first winter in Naples brought to Garcilaso news of the death of Isabel Freire. Even though we cannot establish the exact date of her death, we know that it must have occurred in 1533 or 1534, for there is no reference to it in the poems which Garcilaso wrote during his confinement in Germany (March- August, 1532) and Sa de Miranda's ec- logue Celia, which laments the event, was certainly written in '1535- and after the composition of Garcilaso's own first ec- logue, in which he speaks in such moving terms of her departure. Isabel Freire had HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 123 borne two children to her husband, a son, Antonio de Fonseca, and a daughter, Catalina de Fonseca. She died in giving birth to her third child. ^ It is probable that Garcilaso's first eclogue was written immediately after he had received word of her death and the most exquisite of his sonnets, "0 dulces prendas por mi mal halladas," plainly springs from the same inspiration. Deep as was Garcilaso's regret, life at the Court of Don Pedro left little time for idle moping. His patron was eager to keep him before the eyes of the Emperor and on April i8, 1533 he sent him with messages to His Caesarian Majesty. Charles V, having turned back the Turks before Vienna without a battle, had re- turned to Italy to conclude a defensive league with the Pope and the Italian states. As soon as this treaty had been settled he started for Spain by way of Genoa. But when Garcilaso reached the port, the Emperor had already sailed. He must have taken ship in his wake, for he AND MONOGRAPHS 124 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA reached Barcelona on April 26th, three days after the arrival of the Emperor who had come overland from Rosas with the Duke of Alba.i In spite of the official character of his visit, he found time for some personal matters. It was probably at this time that he reviewed with Boscan the translation of // cortegiano which the latter had made. In the dedicatory letter to the first edition of the Castilian trans- lation, the privilege of which is dated December 20, 1533, Boscan begins, 2 ''Not many days ago Garcilaso sent me, as Your Ladyship knows, this book called The Courtier, composed in the language of Italy by Count Baltasar Castellon." In the same edition there appeared a letter of Garcilaso, also addressed to' Dofia Gero- nima Palova de Almogavar, which gives additional details as to Garcilaso's share in the translation. ^ After explaining that he had not ventured to suggest to Boscan the desirability of translating Castiglione's work, because he knew of the former's scorn for those who turned books into HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 125 Spanish, he tells of the satisfaction which he has found in seeing so worthy a book so worthily translated. And then, for fear lest some one else might presume to print a version, with the perverse energy of those who write poor books, he urged his friend to publish it with all possible speed. He himself read its final proof, though he modestly disclaims any share in improving it. As this was the only time in 1533 that Garcilaso was in Spain, his con- sultation with Bpscan must be placed here. He also found time for a brief visit to Toledo, for on the 1 2th of May he and his brother, Pedro Laso, informed the Alcalde of the death of their brother, Francisco de la Vega, at Bologna and requested permis- sion to open his will.^ But Garcilaso was the bearer of messages from the Emperor to his Viceroy and he was forced to hurry on his way. He was in Naples again by the middle of June,^ in time to be a witness, if not a participator in the splendid bull- fight which the Viceroy, himself a prac- ticed toreador, gave in the Piazza Car- AND MONOGRAPHS 126 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA bonara at the end of the month. ^ In the absence of any evidence, we must assume that the next fourteen months were spent in Naples. Early in this period must be placed the composition of the second Ec- logue, dedicated to the Duke of Alba. Gar- cilaso ends the account of the Duke's ex- ploits with his arrival in Spain and his reunion with his wife. As we have seen, Don Fernando reached Barcelona on April 23rd and the poet's failure to carry farther the story of his friend and patron argues that the poem must have been written not long after that date. At this period of his life there comes into his sonnets a new note; a new passion had supplanted his former love. At first he struggled to resist, . . .refrenar este desseo loco, impossible, vano, temeroso; then follows a willingness to submit, — a mood reflected in Cancion IV; finally the complete surrender which he confessed to Boscan, HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 127 Sabed que en mi perfeta edad, y armado, con mis ojos abiertos, me he rendido al Nino que sabej's, ciego y desnudo. If the phrase "en mi perfeta edad" is to be taken in its usual sense of "at the crown of life," in other words, "at the age of thirty-five," this stage of his love cannot have been reached before 1536, unless he were bom before 1501.^ It is idle to spec- ulate who the object of this new desire may have been; his own answer remains final- Si pregimtado soy lo que mas, en lo demas soy mudo. At least this passion came to occupy a place of importance in his Hfe; the lines with which he refers to it in his elegy to Boscan are marked by a real depth of feeling; Alii mi cora^on tuvo su nido un tiempo ya; mas no se, triste, agora, si estara ocupado desparzido. AND MONOGRAPHS | 128 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Jealousy came, too, to interrupt the course of his affection, in fact this is the prevail- ing note in the group of sonnets which were published for the first time by San- chez. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 129 CHAPTER XII THE EXPEDITION TO TUNIS The danger from the Turks on the East had hardly been repelled when another Moslem cloud appeared, this time in the South. Barbarossa, suddenly risen from piracy to authority, triumphant on land and sea, had received from the Sultan a commission as admiral of the fleet. Leav- ing Constantinople, he sailed into the western Mediterranean, ravaging the southern coast of Italy in August, 1534. On the 15th of the month, Garcilaso was again dispatched to the Emperor with verbal instructions, to bear the tidings^. The Court was then at Palencia, so that it was well into September before he was able to deliver his urgent message. ^ On the 29th he received the Emperor's reply and two days later he was on his way back to Naples, this time by land, fearing no doubt the possibiHty of capture at the AND MONOGRAPHS 130 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA hands of Barbarossa's fleet. He slept at Avignon on the night of October 12th, one of the many pilgrims of the sixteenth century to the grave of Laura. ^ We owe the date to the closing lines of his Epistle to Boscan, his only attempt at blank verse; Digo que vine, quanto a lo primero tan sano como aquel que en doze dias lo que solo vereys a caminado , quando el fin de la carta os lo mostrare. . . doze del mes de Otubre, de la tierra do nacio el claro fuego del Petrarca y donde estan del fuego las cenizas. Before Garcilaso had left Spain, the Viceroy of Naples had written again to Charles V (September 15), informing him of the death of the chatelain of Reggio (Rijoles) and requesting that Garcilaso be appointed in his place.^ Since he knew that the Emperor never forgot an offense, he admitted Garcilaso 's past misdemeanors, but at the same time called his attention to the signal services which he had per- formed and the desirability of his having HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 131 his wife come to Italy and settle down with him. Despite the earnestness of his appeal, we must infer that the Emperor was not moved, for Garcilaso never re- ceived the appointment. Again in the following winter Charles V showed his obduracy. It seems that since Garcilaso's banishment, the Mesta, (a powerful or- ganization of cattle-owners which control- led the industry in Spain) had refused to pay to him the income from the montazgo of Badajoz which his father had willed to him. Garcilaso had brought suit against the Mesta in the Chancery of Granada to recover this incom^e, amounting to 85,000 maravedis a year. As he found it difficult to prosecute the case in his absence, he induced the Viceroy to write to the Em- peror, begging him to grant a suspension, until such time as Garcilaso should return. The Emperor's reply was curt: "As for your request that we order a case which Garcilaso has in the court of Granada to be postponed, you are aware that we are not accustomed to postpone such matters. AND MONOGRAPHS 132 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA nor is it consonant with the administra- tion of justice."! He had neither forgot- ten nor forgiven Garcilaso's share in the affair at Avila. In the autumn of 1534 Charles V an- nounced his determination to take the field in force against Barbarossa and to thwart his pretensions to Tunis, the occu- pation of which by the Turks was a con- stant menace to Christian trade in the western Mediterranean. During the winter the ship-yards and arsenals of Naples were busy with the preparations for this expedition. 2 On May 17th of the following year the fleet sailed for Cagliari in Sar- dinia, the place appointed as the rendez- vous for the Imperial forces, stopping at Palermo to pick up the Sicilian contingent. ^ Although the Viceroy did not take part in this expedition, he sent his two sons, Don Fadrique and Don Garcia; with them went the leaders of the Spanish and Nea- politan nobility of his Court, among the number, Garcilaso. They reached Ca- gliari early in June before the arrival of HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 133 the Emperor. A considerable armada had gathered, comprising detachments from all the Imperial possessions and a fleet under Andrea Doria. They reached Carth- age on June i6th and the Emperor im- mediately proceeded to invest Goleta, a stronghold into which Barbarossa, realiz- ing the weakness of the defenses of Tunis, had thrown some fifty thousand men.^ In spite of the Emperor's command, many of the gentlemen of his following reck- lessly entered into the skirmishes around the fort. In one of these encounters on June 22nd, a certain Pedro Suarez, stung by the taimts of Alonso de la Cuevd, started forth alone to give battle to the enemy and although he was several times in dire peril and rescued by his friends, each time he returned to the strife. At last he was mortally wounded and even Alonso de la Cueva, who had gone out to aid him, was in danger, when the timely assistance of Garcilaso saved him. The poet was wounded in the face and arm, Sandoval tells us, but not seriously. ^ AND MONOGRAPHS 134 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Paolo Giovio in his account of the cam- paign tells a different story of the circum- stances in which Garcilaso was wounded; he was surrounded by a group of Arabs and wounded but was rescued by a Nea- politan gentleman, Federico Carrafa.^ One of the poet's own sonnets, addressed to Mario Galeota, corroborates the truth of their accounts, for he says, Y ansi en la parte que la diestra mano govierna y en aquella.que declara los concetos del alma fuy herido. We should be inclined to suspect that the versions of the historians were written apres coup to explain the reference of the poem, were it not for the fact that in a letter of Enrique Enriquez de Guzman written to his father the Count of Alba on June 2 2nd,2 he states expHcitly, "The Em- peror is insistent that none of the gentle- men shall engage in skirmishing. Garci- laso received, two lance wounds; the one in the mouth was trifling and the other in the arm was fairly serious, but they are HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 135 not dangerous." Even so it is possible that the exact details of the engagement were doubtful and thus it happened that different versions of the same event found there way to those who chronicled the cam- paign. Fernandez de Navarrete, without citing any authority either oral or written, adds the amusing comment that this wound in the mouth somewhat disfigured his beauty and also impeded his speech, but that the latter added to his popularity by virtue of a sort of childish accent which it gave to his delivery. ^ Garcilaso's wounds were no doubt quickly healed; at least they did not prevent his taking part in the remainder of the cam- paign. Goleta was taken on July 14th and on the 22nd the Emperor entered Timis.2 As soon as he had firmly propped Muley-Hascen on his unstable throne, he disbanded his forces and embarked on August 17th for Sicily. His fleet reached Trapani on the western coast of the is- land on the 22nd. Here Garcilaso wrote to Boscan the Elegy begirming, AND MONOGRAPHS 136 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Aqui, Boscan, donde del buen Troyano Anchises con eterno nombre y vida conserva la ceniza el Mantuano, debaxo de la sena esclarecida de Caesar Affricano nos hallamos la veneedora gente recogida. This was the first visit of Charles V to his Sicilian possessions and he made his way overland to Palermo, while his fleet proceeded directly to that harbor. On this voyage there died Bernardino de Toledo, brother of the Duke of Alba, who had been ill during most of the campaign with a disease which was prevalent during the early sixteenth century. A letter of the Count of Nieva, written at Palermo on the 6th of September records the sor- row of the whole company, for he was looked upon as a "royal good fellow {muy mozo y homhre de bien).'^^ It was to com- memorate his death that Garcilaso adapted the Latin elegy of Fracastoro on the death of Marcantonio de la Torre in the Castil- ian version which he dedicated to his friend the Duke of Alba. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 1*" In the light of subsequent events we may judge that Garcilaso's bravery at La Goleta had restored him to the favor of the Emperor and that he accompanied him during this visit in Sicily. By the end of October His Majesty had finished his official business at Palermo and Messina, and crossed over into Calabria. ^ When they reached the outskirts of Naples on November 22nd, it was learned that the triumphal arches and other decorations which were being prepared in the city in honor of his first entrance were not yet ready; he therefore spent three days at Leucopetra, the villa of the secretary, Martirano. With great pomp and re- joicing Charles V and his company en- tered Naples on the 25th, escorted by the Prince of Salerno. ^ The winter which followed was one of unusual deHght. For two months and a half a cloudless sky and a springtide warmth offered occasion for the ceaseless rounds of jousts, masques and fetes, in which the most distinguished nobles and ladies of Italy and of Spain AND MONOGRAPHS 138 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA took part.i Garcilaso, freed from the cloud which had hung over him, must have found these months the most event- ful in his life. Before his departure for Africa, he had sent to Pietro Bembo, through Girolamo Seripando, several Latin odes, one of them addressed to the dis- tinguished Venetian. Late in August, Bembo wrote to him a letter in Latin to express his thanks and appreciation.^ His praise was not equivocal when he used such terms as these: "I have read almost nothing written in these times with greater elegance, judgment, purity or dignity." Aside from the consideration that Gar- cilaso 's cult of the Classics made his work dear to Bembo, it were well to observe that in this same letter he has a particular favor to ask of the Spanish poet, his inter- cession with the Emperor in behalf of the brother of his friend, the friar Onorato Fa- scitelli, who was the bearer of the letter to Garcilaso. In a letter to Fascitelli, written at the same time,^ he speaks with enthusi- asm of Garcilaso 's verse and of the prom- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 139 ise which he gives of surpassing even his Italian contemporaries, and adds that he is not surprised that the Marquis of \'asto holds him in esteem and is eager to have him in his company, as Seripando has told him.^ We may be sure that Garcilaso's grat- itude toward his protector the Viceroy was sufficient to keep him from deserting to the service of his principal rival. Another interesting glimpse of Garci- laso's acquaintanceship is offered by a let- ter of Juan Gines Sepiilveda to Luis de Avila y Zuniga, written at Rome on Janu- ary 12, 1536, in which he thanks the historian for a copy of his history of the campaign of Timis, which the latter had intrusted to Garcilaso for delivery.^ The letter closes with a brief, but delicate trib- ute to his two friends: "And yet you ex- pect no thanks for such good offices, for I perceive that you are intent upon adding to your glory by the honors that come from letters, and upon encouraging studies of this sort in every possible way, so that men ought rather to praise your purpose AND MONOGRAPHS 140 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA than thank you for it." It is not unlikely that Garcilaso delivered this manuscript to Sepulveda in person, whom he may have met already during the period when Charles V was in Italy for his coronation, for Sepulveda was then in the suite of the Cardinal Quinon.^ Under any circum- stances his interest in letters must have been a source of great satisfaction to Sepulveda. The latter had just published at Rome his dialogue Democrates,^ dedi- cated to the Duke of Alba, an attempt to reconcile the practice of warfare with the precepts of Christianity. In the opening paragraph he had expressed the delight which he had felt at Bologna in 1530 upon finding that the young Spanish noblemen whom he met at that time at the Court of Charles V had ceased to believe, as had their fathers, that the profession of arms was the only one becoming a gentleman and had begun to show a certain inclina- tion to literature and learning. In a meas- ure. Garcilaso exemplified the type which he was eager to encourage, and his admir- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 141 ation for the soldier -poet of Toledo was now increased by a Latin ode which Gar^ cilaso dedicated to him. In this poem, the author refers specifically to the Demo- crates, Arcum quando adeo relHgioms saevae militiae ducere longius ut curvata coire inter se capita baud hegent, una musa tibi, docte Sepulveda, concessit. And he also mentions the history of the campaign in Timis which he was writing, assisted, as Sepulveda himself admits,^ by the accotmt which he received from Avila y Ziifiiga, . . .pariter dicere et Africam incumbit pavitantem sub rege intrepido et pio. Both as a courtier and as a man of let- ters, Garcilaso was beginning to win favor. ! AND MONOGRAPHS 142 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA CHAPTER XIII THE LAST CAMPAIGN The rivalry between Francis I and Charles V had begun in their youth when they were candidates for the Imperial crown. This rivalry had developed into a veritable hatred after the part which the French king had played in breaking the terms of the Peace of Madrid, nor had the Peace of Cambray, three years later, been more than the expression of their need for a brief breathing space. Since 1529 Francis I had been pursuing a curious course. Engaged in overt or covert negotiations with the German Protestants and even with Solyman the Magnificent, he had lost no opportunity of acting to the detriment of Charles V, seeking always a pretext to incite the other princes of Europe to open revolt against him. Having failed to come to an agreement with the Emperor concern- ing the disposition of the duchy of Milan, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 143 he invaded Savoy in the spring of 1536 and seized Turin. The Emperor left Naples on March 22nd, entering Rome on April 5th. There, on the Monday after Easter (April 17th) in the presence of the Pope, the College of Cardinals and the ambas- sadors, he delivered his famous invective against his rival, aimouncing his deter- mination to take up the gage of war which Francis I had thrown down.^ We should suppose that Garcilaso ac- companied the Emperor on this trip, were it not for a curious tale in the Carlo famoso of Zapata, which if it savors rather of romance than of documentary evidence, has nothing in it to render imlikely the background of fact from which such a fanciful tradition may have arisen. ^ Briefly, the story which the garrulous author has spread over twenty-two octaves, . . . por alegrar al que desvela su espiritu, escuchando este gran cuento, is as follows. Garcilaso, commissioned by the Emperor to accompany a Neapolitan AND MONOGRAPHS 144 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA lady to her estate and administer punish- ment to one of her relatives who had attempted to seize her property, was wounded in the encounter which the execu- tion of his task involved and forced to remain in the house of the lady. Mean- while Charles V had left the city. Gar- cilaso, before his wounds were wholly healed, accepting as a reward only a horse and a lance to replace those which he had lost in the combat, started for Rome at- tended only by his squire. One day as he fared upon his solitary way he met a maiden who expressed her surprise that he should venture to travel thus alone, inasmuch as the roads were infested by highwaymen, — a report which was cor- roborated by the keeper of the inn where he had lodged that night. Garcilaso was nothing daunted and continued on his way. Now it chanced that in a wooded place near Velletri he was suddenly set upon by a band of more than three hundred (!) ruthless brigands. Placing his lance in the rest, he charged upon them. One he slew; HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 145 two more he stretched upon the sod; a score he wounded. The wicked band, dis- mayed at the fierceness of his onslaught, turned in flight and only then did he dis- cover that they had stripped his squire and bound him naked to a tree. Loosing his bonds, he presented him with the suit of one of his victims and once more, un- perturbed, proceeded on his way. The episode has all the earmarks of the chival- rous romance ; such incidents are the every- day affair of the knights of Boiardo and of Ariosto. But whether or not we care to admit the possibility even of an his- torical basis of fact, it has its interest and its value as pointing to that cult of Gar- cilaso's prow^ess which has persisted down to his modem biographers. Zapata was a contemporary and hence may be looked upoi; as in some degree representing the sentiment of his own generation. It is to Zapata again that we are in- debted for an anecdote concerning the poet, included in his Misceldnea, which may refer to his departure from Naples at this AND MONOGRAPHS 146 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA time.^ "Garcilaso," he says, "was on very intimate terms with the Viceroy, the Mar- quis of Villafranca and he remained as one of his court. But his intimacy disappeared Hke false alchemy in smoke. And Don Pedro de Toledo, whom they called 'the German,' because he spoke it, discussing with Garcilaso the possibility of his re- maining with him, when he was going away without a very plentiful provision, said to him, Heu fuge crudelis terras, fuge litus avarum. Nam Polydorus ego." (Aenead, III, 44-45) If the story is authentic, it may well reflect the pique of the Viceroy on learning that Garcilaso was to leave his ser\^ice for that of the Emperor; at least it presents him as a student of the Classics. The Emperor and his company left Rome on April i8th.^ In ten days they were in Florence. From there on the 4th of May the Emperor, about to start for Pistoia, dispatched Garcilaso, whom he had ap- pointed maestre de campo of the three HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS ^ 147 thousand Spanish troops that were com- ing to join the expedition into France, with instructions for Andrea Doria and Antonio de Leiva, his commanders-in-chief. Two hours before day-break on the 6th Gar- cilaso delivered his messages to Andrea Doria, who was then in Genoa, and to the Imperial ambassador, Gomez Suarez de Figueroa, and immediately continued on his way to Rivarrota near Milan, where the Captain-General was encamped. The jotimey took two days and he again started at once for Sarzano, which the Emperor had planned to reach on the loth. Charles V was evidently delayed, for not until Friday the 12th did he arrive at Sarzano. There he received from Garcilaso the answer of Antonio de Leiva. For the next four days Garcilaso traveled in the company of the Imperial forces, in which time they came to Fomovo. On the 17th he was once more sent to Genoa with orders to hold the Spanish troops, which were hourly expected, between that city and Alessandria, until the Emperor AND MONOGRAPHS 148 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA should reach the latter town. At the same time he was given a commission as captain of one of the eleven companies into which the Spanish troops were divided. On the 2oth he wrote to the Emperor from Genoa (the autograph letter is preserved) that the forces had arrived and that it was their intention, in accordance with the instruc- tions of Andrea Doria, to disembark them at Savona and move toward Alessandria. Charles V reached Alessandria on the 24th and having advanced as far as Asti on the 26th, decided to await developments there. Garcilaso's troops were therefore called up and lodged in the suburbs of the town.^ Antonio de Leiva had laid siege to the fortress of Fossano near Savigliano. The operation dragged along for nearly a month more before the place capitulated on June 24th. Two days prior to the surrender, the Emperor moved on to Savigliano by way of Alba. The garrison of Fossano had given up the fortress on condition that they be allowed twelve days in which to remove their munitions. ■ Not until the HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 149 6th of July, then, did they evacuate the town, so that the Emperor was forced to wait in Savigliano. The occupation of the town by the Imperial troops and the pre- parations for the advance into France re- quired another ten days. It was July 1 7th before the expedition started across the mountains. Just before their departure (July 15th) Garcilaso wrote to his friend Seripando that it was generally believed that before another week they would be on their way to France. There is a reference in this letter to certain enmities of which we know nothing further, but which may ex- plain the recklessness which he showed in his eagerness to please the Emperor. "I am in good health," he writes, "and I should be comfortable in every other re- spect, if I had enemies who were more influential or less influential. The fact that they are not really influential makes them injure me in a way unbecoming gentlemen, and the fact that they are not wholly without influence gives them suc- AND MONOGRAPHS 150 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA cess in some of their efforts. But in spite of this, they weep more times a day than they laugh." ^ It seems probable that at some time dur- ing this campaign was written the last of Garcilaso's longer poems, the third Ec- logue. A passage in this poem, one of the most widely quoted of his works, definitely places its composition in the midst of war- fare; Entre las armas del sangriento Marte, do apenas ay quien su furor contrasta, hurte del tiempo aquesta breve suma, tomando ora la espada, ora la pluma.^ It is true that these words might be ap- plied as well to the campaign in Africa, but there is a phrase in the first stanza of the poem, a despecho y pesar de la ventura que por otro camino me desvia, which renders it probable that it was writ- ten after his return to the service of the Emperor. 3 At least we may be sure that it was written some time after the compo- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 151 sition of the first Eclogue, for he refers to the death of Elisa (Isabel Freire), que en aquella libera deleytosa de Nemoroso fue tan celebrada. From the lines, Responde el Tajo y lleva pressuroso al mar de Lusitania el nombre mio, donde sera escuchado, yo lo fio, one is tempted to think that he had al- ready heard of Sa de Miranda's Celia, (i535)> with its answer, Corren lagrimas justas sin parar,^ to his own refrain of the first Eclogue, Salid sin duelo, lagrimas, corriendo. It was the 17 th of July when Charles V with his infantry left SavigHano for France. To detail the events of this brief but dis- astrous campaign would add little to our knowledge of Garcilaso. Although the losses from wounds were small, the dif- ficulty of procuring provisions in a country devastated by its own inhabitants made AND MONOGRAPH S 152 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA disease prevalent. To cite an example, the eleven banderas under Garcilaso's command were reduced from 3,000 men to 2,445 r^^n by the 6th of September. ^ The death of the Captain-General, Antonio de Leiva, at Aix on September loth was the final stroke that led the Emperor to retire; on the 13th the retreat was begun. Although unmolested by the forces of the French king, the Imperial army was constantly harassed by the natives of the districts through which they passed. It was in one of these petty affairs that Garcilaso re- ceived the injury which ended his life. HI SPANIC NOTES 154 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA concealed in the tower so that they had not been seen until one of the members of the Emperor's suite, desiring to climb up into the tower by a ladder that he set up, the men in the tower let him come up to the second story, or arch, but when he started to climb to the top, where they were, one of them came to the opening of the arch and told him not to come up. At this the man who was climbing up asked him who the people in the tower were and he told him that they were Frenchmen and that he mustn't go up there. At this the member of the Emperor's suite went down and told the Emperor. When the Emperor heard it, he ordered them to go and find out who they were, and so some gentlemen went, asking them what they were doing there. They said it was their land and they were going to stay there; the gentle- men told them to come down out of the tower and go where they liked, and they answered that they didn't want to leave the tower. At this the Emperor wanted to see who they were and what they were HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 155 there for and so he ordered that fire should be opened on the tower with a battery which had arrived with the vanguard and so this was done and a Httle breach was opened in the tower. When this breach was made, Don Jeronimo de Urrea, a Spanish gentleman, with a sorry ladder rushed to the tower and entered through the breach. After Don Jeronimo de Ur- rea, Captain Maldonado and the maese de campo, Garcilaso de la Vega, wanted to go up, and there was some discussion as to which should go first. Just at this minute up comes Don Guillen de Moncada, son of Don Hugo de Moncada, saying, 'Gentle- men, I beg you, since you have so much honor, let me win a little honor.' Im- mediately Captain Maldonado answered him, saying, 'For so valiant a gentleman this is but little honor. Go up.' And so the second person was Don Guillen de Moncada. While Garcilaso de la Vega and Captain Maldonado were going up, the men in the tower dropped a big, heavy stone, and it strikes the ladder and breaks AND MONOGRAPHS 156 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA it, and so the maese de campo and the Captain fell, and the maese de campo was badly wounded in the head, from which he died a few days later." In the Carlo famoso,^ Zapata gives an almost identical account of the affair; the number of farmers is thirteen and Jeronimo de Urrea and Guillen de Moncada are the gentlemen who finally receive their sur- render. He attributes to Garcilaso and not to Maldonado the statement, . . . desdichado sera el qu'en una impresa tan vil muera, and makes him the first to cHmb the lad- der, wearing an ordinary cap, which he has snatched from a passing soldier, in- stead of a helmet, and without a cuirass. But these are details which concern rather the picturesqueness of the account. From the French side, also, we have a version of this episode of the retreat in a fragment of the Ogdoades of Guillaume du Bellay.^ Messire Guillaume does not mention the name of the Spanish gentleman who was HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 157 wounded, but he gives several interesting facts of the story. Most important is his assertion that it was the intention of the farmers to kill Charles V, and that taking another gentleman for him, on accoimt of the richness of his dress, they rolled down onto him the stone which fatally wounded him. Du Bellay is the first to place the number of the men in the tower at fifty, a figure which was accepted by Herrera^ and by most of his later biographers. ^ Cerezeda goes on to tell how the men in the tower finally surrendered on condi- tion that they should not be sent to the galleys; and how the Emperor, finding that they "had not behaved as good sol- diers," kept his word by cutting off the ears of the boys and hanging the men at the window of a near-by building. Zapata gives his actual words, versified, saying that when Luis de la Cueva, who had been ordered to execute the Provengaux, asked if all should be hung, the Emperor replied, A todos les estiren de los cuellos. AND MONOGRAPHS 158 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA It was the cruel vengeance of Charles V and not the loss of one of his courtiers which has lingered in the minds of the natives. Today the tower, ''tall and round," which still stands just outside of the village of Le Muy, stirred only by the crooning of the pigeons that build their nests in the dusty rafters of its roof, is called "La tour Charles-Quint," though the miller, whose plant occupies the ''little house" adjoining, never dreams that his hardy ancestors once paid there so bitter a penalty for their daring. After his injtiry Garcilaso was carried to Nice. There he died at the residence of the Duke of Savoy on October 13, 1536.^ We will not linger over the edifying details of his pious repentance and regrets for his past folly in devoting himself to art, as they are recorded by Cienfuegos; the biographer was penning the life of a saint. 2 But we may believe that he died bravely, as he had lived, Sepan que ya no puedo morir sino sin miedo. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 159 There is a strange irony in the manner of his death, which ahnost Hterally fulfills the words which he had written in the preceding year, Y esta no permitio mi dura suerte que me sobreviniq^se peleando, de hierro traspassado agudo y fuerte, not killed in open combat with his peers, but struck down in a miserable squabble with a group of peasants. And yet the manner of his death is of little moment. He had spent his whole life in the service of his king. To that service he gave the last gift he had to give, his life. AND MONOGRAPHS 160 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA XV THE CHAPEL OF THE ROSARY There is an account in the Carlo famoso of how Lope de Guzman and Rodrigo Nino brought the sad news of Garcilaso's death to his wife and of her grief and lament. ^ The Emperor however provided Hberally for her and for her children, ^ and the Duke of Alba, Zapata tells us in his Misceldnea,^ continued to show his affection for the poet, who had paid such constant tribute to him, by the concern that he showed for his family. Dona Elena de Zufiiga opened the will, which her husband had drawn up eight years before, in the presence of the alcalde of Toledo on January 3, 1537.^ Three days later his m.other, Dofia Sancha de Guzman, died,^ leaving her estate to her son, Pedro Laso, her daughter, the Countess of Palma, and Dofia Elena de Guzman, as mother of Garcilaso's children. On May 2nd Dofia Elena presented witnes- ses to prove her husband's death^ and at HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS I6i the end of the year applied for confirma- tion of her legal guardianship over her children.^ Of the three sons which Gar- cilaso had named in his will in 1529, the eldest, Garcilaso was already dead, for she mentions only Ifiigo and Pedro. In addition she speaks of two other children, a daughter Sancha, then five years, and a son Francisco, a little over two years of age. It is probable that the oldest sur- viving son, Inigo, assumed his deceased brother's name during the following year, for on June 21, 1539 the Emperor granted to Garcilaso de la Vega, son of the poet, a stipend of 80,000 maravedis a year until such time as he should receive him into his household or make other provision for him. 2 The career of the heir to the poet's name and estate was as brief as was his father's. While he was still a youth he was admitted to the Order of Santiago in 1543.^ One of the witnesses to his nobility was his father's friend, the Duke of Alba, who admitted that he was a kinsman of AND MONOGRAPHS 162 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the applicant within the fourth degree. Another of the witnesses, Francisco Ruiz de Herrera, an old friend of the family who had carried him in his arms to be baptized, declared that he was "studying Latin and Greek and other accomplishments such as become a virtuous lad." It is probable that he studied later at the University of Salamanca. He is the author of a Latin epigram to Hernando de Acuiia^ and it is probable that the poems by Garcilaso which are found in the collection of cartapacios from Salamanca now in the Royal Library in Madrid, are from his pen.^ He later entered the service of the Emperor. In February 1551 he was with the Court at Augsburg. 3 Four years later, on October 4 J i555> he was killed in the defense of Volpiano, near Turin.* It is interesting to know that in the councils of the cap- tains during his last days, his advice was listened to with respect because they knew "that he was intimate with the Duke of Alba." He had inherited his father's friendships as well as his name. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 163 The third son of Garcilaso, Pedro de Guzman, early showed an inclination for religion; on August 29, 1543 he ceded his share in his father's estate to his mother and assuming the name of one of his early kinsmen, Domingo de Guzman, entered the Dominican order/ A Master of the University of Salamanca, he became famous as a preacher and as a teacher. When Luis de Leon wrote the verses, 'Aqui la envidia y mentira" upon his re- lease from prison in 1576, Fray Domingo answered them with a gloss, beginning 'Torque las danadas leyes," ^ which must have gained a certain celebrity, for Cer- vantes borrowed four lines, ^.Que don Alvaro de Luna, que Annibal cartagines que Francisco, rey frances se quexa de la fortuna ? in the verses of "Urganda la Desconocida," which introduce the first part of the Quixote. In 1579 he was a candidate for the Chair of Sacred Scriptiire at Sala- manca but was defeated by Luis de Leon. AND MONOGRAPHS 164 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA The vote was very close and the litigation over the decision lasted until October, 1581, when Luis de Leon was declared elected. Years later, however, when both the can- didates were dead, some one, troubled by a guilty conscience, appeared at the mon- astery of San Esteban in Salamanca, of which Fray Domingo was a member, and offered the Order eight thousand re ales, declaring that he had voted against Fray Domingo in that election, although he was not qualified to vote, and wished now to make some amends for the injustice which his illegal act had done. Before his death Domingo de Guzman was elected to the chair which was called "de Durando." He was still lecturing when he died in July, 1582.1 Francisco de la Vega, Garcilaso's young- est son, died when he was a boy.^ His only daughter, Sancha de Guzman, was mar- ried to her cousin, Antonio Puertocarrero, younger son of the Count of Palma, in May, 1551.^ Her mother provided- her with an unusually large dowry, five mil- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 165 lion maravedis. On the death of her brother Garcilaso, she became the sole heir, although her mother left specific pro- vision that she should make an allowance to her brother Fray Domingo, as long as he lived. 1 Thus was the male line of Gar- cilaso wiped out, by war and by the Church, a fate which has overtaken so many Spanish families. From Dona Sancha's marriage with her cousin came the Counts of Monclova, a title which is today an- nexed to the Duchy of the Infantado.^ The fates were equally unkind with Lorenzo de Guzman, the illegitimate son of the poet. While he was still a lad he incurred the wrath of the Emperor for having posted outside the church of San Pablo in ValladoHd a Latin lampoon on various members of the Court. Charles V at first sentenced him and his cousin, a son of Pedro Laso who was also involved in the prank, to death, for a similar of- fense not long before had gone unpunished. On the intercession of his son Philip, he commuted this penalty to two years of AND MONOGRAPHS 166 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA imprisonment and exile from Castile.^ Tamayo de Vargas cites from Agustin a statement that he died on his way to Oran, whither he was making his way in execu- tion of this penalty. On the death of Garcilaso at Nice his body was placed in a Dominican monastery in that city.^ Two years later his wife had it removed and brought to Toledo, where it was placed in the ancestral tomb of the lords of Batres in the church of San Pedro Martir, thus satisfying the complaint of Sa de Miranda, En esto, oh buen pastor, que te va a ti ? El mal todo es de Espaiia si enriquecen tus huesos tierra estrana.^ Doiia Elena rendered the accounting of her husband's estate in 1547.^ The inventory of his personal effects has not been dis- covered. Its loss is the more to be regret- ted because from it we might have formed some idea of the books which he possessed and the ornaments which he had gathered in his sojourn in Italy. We can gather HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 167 but little from the Ust of debts which his wife settled, amounting to over a million maravedis, although it is interesting to find that he owed a hat -maker in Granada 250 ducats, a whole year's salary, and that he borrowed money in Naples from one of his fellow soldiers, a certain Captain Geronimo. When Doiia Elena made her first will, two years later, she mentions another debt which was still unpaid, the sum of three hundred scudi, which Gar- cilaso was said to have owed to a lady named Catalina de Sanseverino.^ If it be true that the fifth Cancion of the poet was addressed to Catalina Sanseverino in the name of Mario Galeota, as his son-in-law told Herrera.- then we must conclude that his verses brought credit to himself, if not favor to his friend. Under any circum- stances it reveals a curious combination a prose and poetry. Doiia Elena de Guzman sur\4ved luitil February 3, 1563.-^ In her second wiU, dated November 28, 1562, she mentions the figures of her husband and of her son AND MONOGRAPHS 168 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA which she had had carved for their tomb in San Pedro Martir, and in a codicil, signed on the eve of her death, she left or- ders that a background {respaldar) should be constructed and an inscription carved by the painter Espinosa. At the same time she provided for an alabaster bust of herself to be placed with the other stat- ues. ^ The remains of Garcilaso rested in San Pedro Martir for more than three- centuries, until 1869,2 when they were ex- humed and carried to Madrid to be placed in the Panteon de Hombres Celebres. The project for this memorial to the famous sons of Spain having proved abortive, they were brought back to Toledo and deposited in the Ayuntamiento. During the annual feria in 1900 they were once more returned to the family tomb in the Capilla del Rosario, as it is now called, in San Pedro Martir. The day of the ceremony was celebrated by funeral services in the Cathedral and by a solemn procession in which the various civic organizations marched in costumes of the sixteenth cen- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 169 tury. At the same time a tablet was set up on the wall of his ancestral liome and the Calle de las Cadenas received the name of the Calle de Garcilaso de la Vega.^ The Chapel of the Rosary in San Pedro Martir is at the right of the altar. Against the right hand wall as you enter stands the tomb of the Garcilasos. The stone fac- ing at the back which his wife had planned was never built, but there is an inscrip- tion, though its date is recent: "Aqui estan sepultados los restos del eximio vate toledano, Garcilaso de la Vega, exhumados en 1869 para ser conducidos al Panteon Nacional. El amor de la Imperial Ciudad, representada por su Ayuntamiento, los restituyo a este sarcofago familiar, el dia 17 de Agosto de 1900. D. E. P." On the .sarcophagus are two kneeling figures in marble, representing father and son. Al- though the two bearded knights in armor are almost identical, it is fairly certain that the figure nearer the altar" represents the poet. Not only is it natural that the son would be placed behind the father, AND MONOGRAPHS 170 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA - but the face of the statue in the rear is plainly younger than that of the other. As the poet was about thirty -five at the time of his death, while his son was only twenty-eight, we may be sure that the noble head, which almost touches the side of the altar is the image of the poet. We do not know who was the sculptor who carved the statues. The period at which they were executed, after 1555, makes it certain that the likeness of Garcilaso was taken from a portrait and not from life. But as the only authentic portrait of the poet it has unusual value. It is an im- pressive head, with its high forehead and deep -set eyes. The hair is short and curly ; the beard half square. There is a singular appeal in the grave, earnest face. Set in the narrow niche, he still gazes with folded hands at the little altar of the chapel," alone, forgotten, unnoticed even by the straggling worshipper who comes to leave her tribute of flowers for the Virgin. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 171 CHAPTER XVI PERSONALITY It is curious that so little has come down to us which will help us to see Garcilaso, the man. xA.s we have followed his life through the years, there has been hardly a glimpse of his whims, his weaknesses, his Ukes and di.slikes, nor a mention of his personal appearance and disposition. The only contemporary observation on his character is a word of the jester, Frances- cillo de Zuniga, in the passage of his Cronica already referred to, in which he swears by "Pedro Laso's hope for favor and the gravity of his brother,"^ as subjects of cur- rent comment at the Court. This serious- ness is characteristic of his writings; one looks in vain for a passing touch of himior or the suspicion of a smile. Oiu* poet is utterly lacking in Horatian geniality. But he seems to have possessed a certain caustic type of observation, if we may believe the anecdotes which Zapata re- lates.- Thus we hear that upon one occa- AND MONOGRAPHS 172 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA si on, when he and the rest of the company of the Duke of Alba were about to enter an inn to eat, they found the doorway blocked by the ill-mannered throng of the suite of another great lord. Someone called Garcilaso's attention to them and he, turning around, said, "Go, acciu-sed of my father, for ye shall not enter into my king- dom." Another of his stories contains a punning verse of the poet.^ It seems that Garcilaso had been attended during an illness by the Court physician, Francisco Lopez de Villalobos, and that on his re- covery his gratitude had not been suffi- ciently concrete to induce him to pay for his services. And so one day the doctor sent a servant to dun him for his bill. Gar- cilaso opened an empty chest (area), took out of it an empty purse and sent it to him with this verse La bolsa dice: yo vengo como el area do more, que es el area de Noe; que quiere decir: no tengo. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 173 Concerning the personal appearance of the poet, we have no suggestion in the writers of his time. Herrera, writing al- most half a century after his death, is frankly non-committal: "He was well- proportioned, for he was rather tall than of average height, and his features and bearing corresponded with his size.''^ But his later biographers, beginning with Tamayo de Vargas, allowed their fancy free play, until Wiffen was able to write, "His countenance, not without a shade of seriousness, was expressive of much mild- ness and benevolence; he had most lovely eyes, his forehead was expansive, and his whole appearance presented the picture of manh^ beauty. "^ In the second volimie of the Parnaso espanol, published in 1770, there appeared an engraving of a portrait of Garcilaso. Since then a number of portraits have been printed in different collections and editions of his works. ^ All of these represented him as wearing the cross flory of Alcantara; all were appar- ently derived from the same painting or AND MONOGRAPHS 1 174 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA from one another. When Fernandez de Navarrete published in 1850 the letter of the Empress Isabella which definitely named the poet as a knight of Santiago, ^ the evidence was available that the por- trait of this gentleman of the Order of Alcantara was not the portrait of the Toledan poet. It remained however for the Marquis of Laurencin to establish with sound scholarship that the knight of Al- cantara is actually a Garcilaso de la Vega, but another Garcilaso, namely his nephew, son of Pedro Laso, whose projected mar- riage with Dona Isabel de la Cueva was the source of his uncle's imprisonment. ^ For this Garcilaso, in spite of the long con- tinued disfavor of Charles V, became dis- tinguished as an ambassador under Philip II and was Comendador de Belvis y Nava- rra in the Order of Alcantara. The re- searches of the Marquis of Laurencin have also demonstrated the futility of the efforts of Justi to identify a portrait in the Kas- sel Gallery as a likeness of the poet,^ for this work of the school of Bronzino also HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 175 shows a gentleman wearing the green cross of Alcantara. The statue in the chapel of San Pedro Martir therefore remains the only work which was assuredly intended to represent Garcilaso de la YegSL, "the Prince of Castihan poets." Little as his contemporaries have to tell us of Garcilaso, his own works offer no more of a picture of his temperament. So large a portion of them is purely formal verse, impersonal as v/as so much of the Italian poetry of the Cinquecento, that we should try in vain to reconstruct from them a character. But in regretting this lack of precise information concerning the poet, we must remember that he died be- fore he was thirty-five and that prior to his death the only work from his pen to be published was the letter included in the 1534 edition of Boscan's translation of // cortegiano. Nor must it be overlooked that his literary production was not the leisurely expression of a pensioned laureate, but the hasty composition of a man of the world, stolen, as he himself says, from his AND MONOGRAPHS 176 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA obligations as a soldier and as a courtier. Few men have won recognition from their contemporaries at the age of thirty-five. Whatever may have been the talents of Garcilaso as a soldier and cotirtier, he would long ago had been forgotten with the vast company of his peers, if these had been his only claim to immortality. It is to his poetry that we must look to discover the qualities which have won him enduring fame. HI SPANIC NOTES Memorial Tablet on Garcilaso's Birthplace PART II WORKS GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 179 CHAPTER I SPANISH VERSES During Garcilaso's lifetime only one of his works was published, the Dedicatory Epistle to the edition of Boscan's transla- tion of // cortegiano, printed in 1534. But his talent must have been known, to a cer- tain extent, at least, among his contem- poraries through manuscript copies of his poems; perhaps the suelto, bearing the date 1536, which contains the sonnet "Passando el mar Leandro el animoso" (No. XXIX) was printed even before his death. The scattered papers of the poet were gathered by his famil^^ and intrusted to the care of his friend Boscan, who was preparing them for publication together with his own verses, when he too was sur- prised by death. Boscan's widow deter- mined, however, to carry out her husband's purpose; in 1543 the press of Carles Amoros in Barcelona produced a quarto HISPANIC NOTES 180 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA volume intitled: "Las obras de Boscan y algunas de Garcilasso de la Vega, reparti- das en quatro libros." The publisher in a brief note "A los lectores" explained the circmnstances which had affected the publication of the work, adding that, de- spite any imperfections which it might leveal for lack of the polish which Bos- can's hand would have given it, he had printed the text as he had found it, for no one would be so bold as to under- take to emend the works of Boscan nor those of Garcilaso. The works of Garcilaso, all in the Italian measures, comprised the Fourth Book of the volume, — twenty-eight sonnets, five canciones, two elegies, an epistle and three eclogues. At the front of the volimie on an inserted sheet appeared another son- net (No. XXIX), ''which they forgot to put at the end with his works," and among the verses which formed the First Book of Boscan's works in the Castilian measures, was included a villancico of Garcilaso on the theme: HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 181 Que testimonios son estos, que le quereys levant ar, que no fue sino baylar?i Rarely has a book of verse enjoyed a greater popularity than did this monument to the lifelong friendship of the two poets; before the end of the century no less than twenty-one editions were printed, includ- ing editions made in Italy, France, Por- tugal and Flanders, and of these, sixteen appeared before 1560. Not until 1569 did there appear an edition of the works of Garcilaso alone, when there was printed at Salamanca a slight volimie containing the compositions which had been included in the editions of Boscan's works, with the exception of the villancico. In 1574 the eminent humanist, Francisco Sanchez de las Brozas, printed at Salamanca the first edition of Garcilaso 's works with a com- mentary. In addition to the works in- cluded in the edition of 1569 he printed several other compositions, — six son- nets and five coplas. The second edition (1577) contained three more sonnets "at- AND MONOGRAPHS 182 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA tributed to Garcilaso, from a manuscript." Since that date the only authentic works of the poet which have been discovered are two coplas, found in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid; two autograph let- ters, preserved at Naples and at Simancas, and finally, of far greater moment, three of his Latin poems, now in the libraries of Naples and Madrid. ^ It is probable that he left other works which have disappeared or which may still be buried in some pro- vincial or family library. Luis Briceno, the publisher of the edition of 1626, men- tions specifically a copy of some still un- published works, which was presented by his son, Pedro de Guzman, to the March- ioness of Almenara, but which the printer, to whom they had been given for publica- tion, had failed to publish and refused to show to him. The loss of these works is lamentable; yet at least we possess those of his poems which he himself felt worthy of preservation. Slight as is their bulk, they are ample to reveal his singular talents. Let us turn to their study. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 183 A. VERSES IN THE CASTILIAN MEASURES Throughout the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella and the first decade of that of Charles V, the fashion of writing facile, occasional verse had flourished at the Court with all the success which it had enjoyed under Henry IV; the gallant gentle- men of the time continued to exercise their wits in celebrating the petty events of their daily life in redondiUas and quintillas. This school of verse, which fills the cancioneros of the fifteenth century, is epitomized in the Can doner general of Hernando del Castillo of 151 1, increased in each sub- sequent edition by the addition of examples of contemporary compositions. At best it is a graceful vers de societe; at worst it is the drivel of an empty spirit. It was in this school that Garcilaso made his first essa^^s in the field of poetry. The eight little pieces which have sur- vived to illustrate his eft'orts do not rise above the level of the time. Any or aU of them could as well be the work of one of the named or imnamed authors of the AND MONOGRAPHS 184 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Cancionero general. The occasions which inspired them are typical: "To Luis de la Cueva, because he danced at Court with a lady whom they called 'The Bird';" "To Boscan, because in Germany he danced at a wedding;" "On a Departure;" "To Isabel Freyre, because she married a man out of her circle;" "To Dona Mencia de la Cerda, who gave him a net and said that she had woven it that day." Verses of this sort do not in reality make any pretension to being poetry. They are merely exer- cises in ingenuity, intended to give a dainty setting to a bit of badinage, a compliment or idle jest. All too often they are a mere subtle juggling of words or an enlargement on a paradox. Be it said that the coplas of Garcilaso are the equal of any of the type in the only qualities to which it may claim merit, that is, in gracefulness and musical cadence. In this respect there is a particular charm in the little letrilla, Nadi puede ser dichoso, senora, ni desdichado, HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 185 sino que os haya mirado; porque la gloria de veros en ese punto se quita que se piensa mereceros. Asi que, sin conoceros, nadi puede ser dichoso, senora, ni desdichado, sino que os haya mirado. (Copla VIII) Among the coplas printed by El Brocense in 1574 is one "Translating four lines of Ovid. (No. V). It is doubtful whether the verse is properly attributed to Garcilaso, for an almost identical version of the pas- sage is found as the work of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza in several manuscripts and in the first edition of his poems. ^ If the translation is really Garcilaso's, it is in- teresting as revealing an early interest in Ovid and also because another Garcilaso de la Vega, probably the poet's son, has left a sonnet on the same theme. There is no way of establishing precise dates for any of these early verses of the AND MONOGRAPHS 186 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA poet. But it is probable that they were all written before his residence in Naples beginning in 1532. The copla on the mar- riage of Isabel Freyre was certainly com- posed, as we have seen, as early as 1529, and the verse mocking Luis de la Cerda must have been written before 1531, for the old Duke of Alba, who died in that year, is one of his fellow jesters. Menendez y Pelayo is inclined to place Boscan's visit to Germany and the dancing exploit which Garcilaso celebrates in 1532,^ but it is more probable that the event belongs to the early part of the Emperor's visit in the simimer of 1530, for Garcilaso does not mention Boscan as with him on the trip to Ratisbonne in 1532. Perhaps some of them were written as early as 1525 or 1526. Whatever were their dates, it is at least certain that Garcilaso never at- tained the reputation as a writer of coplas which Boscan enjoyed as early as 1530.^ He was no more distinguished in this ac- complishment than any well-bred gentle- man of the Court. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 187 B. VERSES IN THE ITALIAN MEASURES That Garcilaso did not devote himself to the cultivation of his native form of verse is due to another event, that historic conversation between Boscan and Andrea Navagero at Granada in 1526. We have seen how the Venetian ambassador per- suaded the Spanish poet to endeavor to acclimate in Castile the measures of Pe- trarch and how the latter 's failing enthusi- asm in this new venture was rekindled by the advice and emulation of his friend Gar- cilaso. It is difficult to form a judgment as to the exact date at which Garcilaso first began his experiments in the Italian measures. The first of his poems in the new style to which it is possible to attach a definite date is the cancion (No. Ill) written on the island in the Danube in the summer of 1532. When we consider the master>^ of form which this cancion reveals, it is at once apparent that its author is no novice in the field and it is probable that a number of his sonnets and canciones were written before that date, perhaps as early AND MONOGRAPHS 188 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA as 1528. Certain hesitations in the use of the hendecasyllable make it probable that his earliest poems are the sonnets which head his works in the first edition; in fact, there is reason for believing that all the poems there printed are arranged in a roughly chronological order. We shall therefore be justified in studying the dif- ferent forms which he utilized in the sequence in which they originally appeared, tracing the development of his art from the sonnets through the elegies to the ec- logues which were his crowning achieve- ment. I. THE SONNETS AND CANCIONES. Quando me paro a contemplar mi estado, Garcilaso begins his first sonnet, recalling the opening of a sonnet of Petrarch, Quand'io mi volgo in dietro a mirar gli anni; (Son. CCLVII) Petrarchan is the influence paramount in all of his first essays in the sonnet and cancion. There can be little doubt that it was Navagero who encouraged both HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 189 Boscan and Garcilaso to take him as their model; perhaps it was he who gave them their first copy of // canzoniere. To Pet- rarch Garcilaso is indebted not merely for his measure, but for his whole artistic technique; Petrarchan is his choice of theme, — a mood or moment of amorous experience; Petrarchan, the analysis of the emotions and the subtle, often too subtle, contrasts; Petrarchan, finally, the spiritual attitude of melancholy, half-bitter, half- tender, in the presence of a love that can never be realized. If the opening line of this first sonnet suggests the source of Garcilaso 's early in- spiration, the remainder of the poem re- veals with equal clarity his process of imi- tation. For in reality the sonnet is in nO sense an imitation of the Italian work which begins with the same thought. After the first two lines its development is wholly original. The poet has fashioned out of a reminiscence a new work, fol- lowing a new train of thought. And this method is characteristic of all Garcilaso's AND MONOGRAPHS 190 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA sonnets; there are frequent reminiscences of Petrarch, both verbal and general; there is not one which as a whole may be called an imitation of, any individual son- net of the Italian poet. A second phase of his early imitation is also manifest in this same sonnet: a tendency to adopt the highly artificial style with its balanced contrasts, its com- plicated juggling with ideas or even words, and its preference for conceits to emotions. That Garcilaso should have endeavored to copy this weakness of Petrarch is not strange. The mannerisms of great artists are always easier to imitate than the true qualities of their genius, and it is only necessary to read the works of his Italian contemporaries, such as Angelo di Cos- tanzo or Bernadino Rota, to realize that Garcilaso's error was one common to his time, despite the puristic attempts of Bembo. Moreover, the poetry with which he must have been most familiar in his own Castilian, the verses of the Cancioneros, suffered acutely from the same malady. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 191 There was every reason, then, for him to have mistaken the means for the end, and when we consider that he was working in a form with which he was unfamiliar, it is surprising that he so often avoided the pitfalls and attained an accent of ardent sincerity. How unfamiHar the form was to him, is at once apparent. There is in his sonnets and canciones little of that polished ele- gance and musical mastery which gives // canzoniere of Petrarch its most enduring charm. The Hnes are often metrically faulty, both in ntimber of syllables and in stress. Even in those which are technic- ally correct there is an awkardness and a lack of flowing rhythm. More striking still as an evidence of his inexperience is the inequality of his diction. An admirable beginning is marred by an ending of hope- less weakness, or again, a struggling, limp- ing sonnet is redeemed by a brilliant clos- ing tercet. But these occasional quatrains and tercets, even a few whole sonnets, which stand out by reason of their perfec- AND MONOGRAPHS 192 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA tion of expression, give promise of that mastery of form which was eventually to be his chief distinction. Garcilaso did not give to his sonnets and canciones that real or fictitious unity which Petrarch's careful revision was able to im- part to his Canzoniere. They appear as the scattered expression of his brief career, offering us glimpses of his loves, his friend- ships, or his reading. And yet it is pos- sible to trace in them certain phases of his experience and to reconstruct in some measure the story of his heart. The poetic life of the poet is divided into two parts; the first, the story of his love for Isabel Freire, the second, the picture of a new and very different passion in Naples. Let us attempt to follow his story through his poems. We have seen already the circumstances under which Isabel Freire came into his life; to her was dedicated, we know, the copla, "Culpa deve ser quereros," and it is probable that several of his other verses in the Castilian measures were addressed to her (as Coplas HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 193 III, IV, and VIII). 1 Garcilaso was al- ready married, it is true, but his position as gentleman of the Emperor's household kept him at Court, apart from his wife, and no doubt in constant company with the lady-in-waiting of the Empress, Dofia Isabel. That his love for her was intense and sincere is revealed in every line of his works which mentions her; indeed it is often this quality of sincerity which dis- tinguishes his real poetry from his imita- tive verses. His first experiments in the new style belong early in his acquaintance with Dofia Isabel; imder these circumstances it is nattiral that they should have been ad- dressed to her, the more so, in that his relation to his beloved was precisely that of Petrarch to Laura, a love that could never be requited. Thus we find in the first two sormets a picture of his despair: he has given himself to her and she is scornful; the only remedy is death. This, too, is the mood of the first two canciones, which make clear the completeness of his AND MONOGRAPHS 194 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA surrender, the bitterness and pain which her indifference causes him. It is she who has filled his life, he declared in the sonnet, Escrita esta en mi alma vuestro gesto; (V) her love has wholly possessed him, Yo no naci sino para quereros; mi alma os ha cortado a su medida, por abito del alma misma os quiero; (lines 9-11) and if he is absent from her, life is not life: Sefiora mia, si yo de vos ausente en esta vida turo y no me muero, pareceme que offendo a lo que os quiero y la bien de que gozava en ser presente. (Son. IX, 1-4) The marriage of Dona Isabel to Antonio de Fonseca late in 1528 or early in 1529 brought a radical change in Gar- cilaso's attitude toward her. If, before, his pleas were unavailing in the presence of her scorn or indifference, there was at least the hope that she might have mercy on his suffering. Now her love was doubly HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 195 impossible. Although the feelings of the poet are most clearly depicted in the pro- tests of Salicio in Egloga I, there are nimier- ous evidences of his dejection in his earlier verses. Peculiarly appealing is the close of the sonnet in which he reviews the course of his love: Y sobre todo, faltame la lumbre de la esperanga, con que andar solia por la oscura region de vuestro olvido. (Son. XXXVIII, 12-14) In the summer of 1529 Garcilaso made his first visit to Italy in the suite of Charles V. But the memory of Doiia Isabel was still harassing him; from a foreign shore he cries his despair: La mar en medio y tierras he dexado de quanto bien, cuytado, yo tenia. (Son. Ill, 1-2) Perhaps it was at this time that he first read some of the verses of 'Dante in the Florentine edition of the Rime antiche of 1527 and developed the Hnes of the canzone, "Donne ch'avete intelletto d'amore," AND MONOGRAPHS 196 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Degli occhi suoi, come ch'ella gli muova, Escono spirti d'amore infiammati, Che fieron gli occhi a qual, che allor gli guati, E passan si che'l cor ciascun ritrova,"i into the sonnet: De aquella vista pura y excelente. salen espiritus vivos y encendidos, y siendo por mis ojos recibidos me passa hasta donde el mal se siente. (VIII, 1-4). With his return to Spain in the spring of 1530, the poet found himself once more a victim of his passion. The struggle through which he passed is portrayed in Cancion IV. 2 As a poem, the composition seems to-day over subtle and artificial, with its allegory of the conflict of Reason and De- sire. But there are moments of real feeling, and of especial interest in his confession of acquiescence in his fate: Que es cierto que he venido a tal extreme, que del grave dolor que huyo y temo me hallo algunas vezes tan amigo HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 197 que en medio del, si buelvo a ver la vida de libertad, la juzgo por perdida, y maldigo las oras y moment os, gastadas mal en libres pensamientos. dines 114-120) There is a passage in Egloga II, in which Nemoroso is proclaiming the diverse powers of Severo, which forms a pendant to these lines. Xemoroso, relating his visit to the latter, says that at first Severo was silent, Y liiego con boz clara y espedida solto la rienda al verso numeroso, en alabanga de la libre vida. Yo estava embevecido y vergongoso, atento al son, y viendome del todo fuera de libertad y de leposo. No se dezir, sino que en fin, de modo aplico a mi dolor la medicina, quel mal desarraygo de todo en todo. Quede 3-0 entonces como quien camina de noehe por caminos enrriscados, sin ver donde la senda passo inclina; mas venida la luz y contemplados, del peligro passado nace un miedo que dexa los cabellos herizados. AND MONOGRAPHS 198 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Assi estava mirando atento y quedo aquel peligro yo que atras dexava, que nunca sin temor pensallo puedo. Tras esto, luego se me presentava sin antojos delante la vileza de lo que antes ardiendo desseava. Assi euro mi mal con tal destreza el sabio viejo, como te he contado, que bolvio el alma a su naturaleza y solto el corazon aherrojado. (lines 1104-28) It it not necessary to attach too literal a significance to Nemoroso's confession, but it seems certain that the poet felt a sort of spiritual discomfort at his situa- tion, a shame which is also manifested in another passage of Cancion IV: De los cabellos de oro fue texido la red que fabrieo mi sentimiento, do mi razon, rebuelta y enredada, con gran verguenga suya y corrimiento, sub j eta al apetito y sometida, en publico adulterio fue tomada, del cielo y de la tierra contemplada. (lines 101-7) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 199 At least we may be sure that he reached a crisis in his relations with Dona Isabel, for the few subsequent references to her prior to her death are almost conventional and his misfortune in losing her is coupled with another misfortune, his loss of the Em- peror's favor. Cancion III, the most per- fect of his songs in the Petrarchan style, turns upon this double theme. Apart from its exquisiteness of form this cancidn is significant for the glimpse it offers, one of the few in his works, of the character of the poet, in the finely defiant lines, iY al fin de tal Jornada presumen de espantarme? Sepan que ya no puedo morir, sino sin miedo; que aun nunca que temer quiso dexarme la des Ventura mia, que el bien y el miedo me quito en un dia, (lines46-52) Closely akin, in their atmosphere of gloom at the reversal of fortune are two sonnets (IV and XXVI), ahnost identical in their AND MONOGRAPHS 200 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA content and phraseology, each closing with a renewed expression of desire to see once more his beloved. The news of Dona Isabel's death must have reached the poet at Naples early in 1533. All his old love for her was rekindled, and to it and to his grief he gave vent in the noblest of his works. Eclogue I, and in a sonnet, the most perfect of his shorter poems in the delicate harmony of emotion and expression: iO dulces prendas, por mi mal falladas, dulces y alegres, quando Dios queria! Juntas estays en la memoria mia, y con ella en mi muerte conjuradas. iQuien me dixera, quando las passadas oras que en tanto bien por vos me via, que me aviades de ser en algun dia con tan grave dolor representadas ? Pues en una ora junto me llevastes todo el bien que por terminos me distes, llevame junto el mal que me dexastes; sino, sospechare que me pusistes en tantos bienes, porque desseastes verme morir entre memorias tristes. (X) HI SPANIC NOTES ■ LIFE AND WORKS 201 In April he was in Spain on a mission of the Emperor from the Vice-roy of Naples. Perhaps it was on this visit that he visited her tomb and wrote the touching sonnet: iO hado esecutivo en mis dolores, como senti tus leyes tan rigurosas! Cortaste el arbol con manos daiiosas y esparziste por tierra fruta y fiores. En poco espacio yazen los amores y toda la esperanga de mis cosas, tornados en cenizas desdefiosas y sordas a mis quexas y clamores. Las lagrimas que en esta sepultura se vierten oy en dia y se vertieron recibe, aunque sin fruta alia te sean; hasta que aquella eterna noche escura me cierre aquestos ojos que te vieron, dexandome con otros que te vean. (XXV) Once more in his last work, Eclogue III, he refers to her death with a tenderness and pathos which reveal the healing touch of time, in his description of the scene embroidered by the nymph Nise (lines 225- 264). AND MONOGRAPHS 202 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA The love of Garcilaso for Isabel Freire permeates his work from beginning to end ; it is she who inspired all of his verses which still have power to move and charm his readers. She is no disembodied crea- tion of the poet's fancy, but a woman of flesh and blood, desired ardently, reck- lessly, as men desire women. And although that desire was never fulfilled, perhaps be- cause it was never fulfilled, there burns in his verses to her an unwaning intensity which thrills you like the song of a meadow- lark at dusk. Even in death he reaches out to her, not as Dante to an angelic Beatrice nor as Petrarch to a rarefied Laura, but as to his eternal heart's desire. Perhaps the most human touch in all his work is this infinite yearning for an ulti- mate union with her, expressed in the clos- ing lines of the sonnet written at her tomb and with even more beauty at the end of Nemoroso's lament: Divina Elisa, pues agora el cielo con immortales pies pisas y mides, y su mudanga ves, estando queda, HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 203 ipor que de mi te olvidas y no pides que se apresure el tiempo en que este velo rompa del cuerpo y verme libre pueda ? Y en la tercera rueda contigo mano a mano busquemos otro llano, busquemos otros monies y otros rios, otros valles floridos y sombrios, donde descansar y siempre pueda verte ante los ojos mios, sin miedo y sobresalto de perderte. (Egl. I, 394-407) In his Ode to Tilesio, Garcilaso hints at the loneliness which the first days of his exile in Naples had brought, but de- clares that that stage has passed, that once more his lips are moved to sing the beauties of his new surroundings. The influence of his stay in Naples is manifested in many ways in his work. With the new contact with the poets and the literatiu-e of the Neapolitan court, he enlarged his conception of the lyric and from now on, we find other influences in his verse than that of Petrarch. AND MONOGRAPHS 204 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA The writings of Sannazaro and the ex- ample of Tansillo aroused his latent love of nature. In all the early works written in Spain there is only one glimpse of the natural world, and that is but a gloomy prospect : Los arboles presento entre las duras penas por testigo de quanto os he encubierto. (Cane. II, 26-28) Already, however, in the cancion written during his confinement on the island in the Danube we find a brief evidence of delight in out -doors. Do siempre primavera parece en la verdura sembrada de las floras; hazen los ruysenores renovar el plazer o la tristura con sus blandas querellas, que nunca dia ni noche cessan dellas. (Cane. Ill, 7-13) With his establishment in Naples the por- trayal of the beauties of nature becomes a HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 205 characteristic of his style, an idealized, con- ventionalized nature, it is true, but one of infinite charm. A second phase of his work in Naples is the introduction of themes from class- ical mytholog}^ as the subject of his son- nets and canciones. More important still as a sign of growth is the heightened plastic and pictorial power, the atmosphere of assurance, of complete mastery of form which atones in his later work for the lack of emotional sincerity. All of these qualities are evident in the sonnet, Hermosas nymphas, que en el no metidas contentas habitays en las moradas de reluzientes piedras fabricadas, y en colunnas de \'idrio sostenidas, agora esteys labrando embevescidas texendo las telas delicadas; agora unas con otras apartadas, contandoos los amores y las vidas; dexad un rato la labor, algando vuestras rubias cabegas a mirarme, y no OS detendreys mucho segun ando, que, o no podreys de lastima escu- charme, I AND MONOGRAPHS 206 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA o convertido en agua aqui llorando, podreys alia de espacio consolarme. (XI) The scene and its details are derived from a canzone (XI) of Sannazaro and from a passage in the Arcadia;^ the purpose of the poem is no longer to reveal a state of mind, but to create a thing of beauty, com- pounded of imaginary details, it is true, yet achieving its purpose by the mere color and music of its phrases. For a moment in the closing lines there is a sign of hesitancy, of reversion to the earlier style, with its lament and paradoxical alternatives, a weakness found also in the sonnet on the Orpheus story (XV). But we find the poet wholly emancipated in the sonnet: A Daphne ya los bragos le crecian y en luengos ramos bueltos se mostravan; en verdes hojas vi que se tornavan los eabellos quel oro escurezian. De aspera corteza se cubrian los tiernos miembros que aun bullendo estavan; HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 207 los blandos pies en tierra se hincavan y en torcidas rayzes se bolvian. Aquel que fue la causa de tal dafio a fuerga de llorar crecer hazia este arbol, que con lagrimas regava. iO miserable est ado! iO mal tamano! que con llorarla crezca cada dia la causa y la razon por que llorava. (XIII) His story is derived from Ovid, not from Petrarch. Out of a time worn myth he has refashioned a work of real beauty. And this same mastery of form and matter is visible in the sonnets on Spring (XXIII) and on Leander (XXIX). Unquestionably his most perfect work in this style is his last cancidn, or as it is properly called, the "Ode to the Flower of Gnido." The form, is a new one, bor- rowed from Bernardo Tasso, who had in- vented this five-line stanza in an effort to reproduce the rhythms of Horace. Its atmosphere is wholly Horatian. These verses, written to further the suit of a friend for some fair lady's hand or favor, deal with the most hackneyed classical and mythological conventions, — the power AND MONOGRAPHS 208 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA • of Orpheus, the lover's neglect of his wonted sports, and the fate of Anaxarate. But with what finesse he has woven them into a fabric of delight ! There is little or nothing to stir the intellect or the imagina- tion; like the Odes of Horace the poem appeals directly to the senses in the suavity and harmony of its cadences, the variety of its diction and the quiet sense of mastery. This group of poems in the impersonal style is followed by a series of sormets which centre about the second phase of the poet's amorous experience, a new passion for some Neapolitan lady. For the most part the sonnets of this group mark a return to the Petrarchan style, or what the sixteenth century conceived to be the Petrarchan style. The first evidence of the new flame comes in a sonnet (VII) built on a remin- iscence of the Horatian lines : Me tabula sacer votiva paries indicat uvida suspendisse potenti vestimenta maris deo, (Od. I, V, 13-16) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 209 which testifies to his inability to evade the new danger, Mas del que viene no podre valerme. Y en esto no voy contra el juramento, que ni es como los otros, ni en mi mano. (lines 14-16) The imperious sway of his desire is em-' phasized in another sonnet (XII) and finally he confesses his submission in the sonnet addressed to Boscan, Sabed que en mi perfeta edad y armado, con mis ojos abiertos, me he rendido al nino que sabeys, ciego y desnudo. (Son. XXVIII, 9-12) From the first this episode in his life seems to have brought him little joy, and finally jealousy came to torment him. (XXX and XXXI). Among the compositions in this group are two sonnets (XVII and XVIII) which are more markedly Petrarchan than any of his earlier work, the first of the two containing in its second quatrain and first tercet an actual translation of the Italian original. Two others (XIV and XXVII) AND MONOGRAPHS 210 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA apparently show reminiscences of the Catalan poet, Ausias March. It is pos- sible, however, that the simile of Sonnet XIV which is derived from March may have come through an imitation of Boscan, who borrowed the figure in one of his son- nets (LXXII, 12-14). The second of these sonnets (XXVII) has been the theme of considerable discussion, since it is the only sonnet showing oxytone rhymes, and also because in many manuscripts another ver- sion, with parox3rtone rhymes, is attrib- uted to Diego de Mendoza.^ M. Morel-Fatio has expressed the belief that the rhymes are a proof that the sonnet is not the work' of Garcilaso, but that of Boscan or Mendoza. Menendez y Pelayo, however, pointed out^ that this arguigient is invalidated by Garcilaso 's use of oxytone rhymes in Cancion II, further remarking that the fact that the rhymes of the Catalan original are oxytone might well have influenced their use in the imitation. A more serious doubt on the authenticity of the sonnet is cast by the uncertainty as HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 2ii to whether Garcilaso was personally famil- iar with the work of the great Catalan imitator of Petrarch. The only other reminiscence in his writings, as we have just remarked, may quite as well have come from Boscan. The latter 's familiarity with the poetry of his fellow-countryman is revealed in numerous imitations; Diego de Mendoza. too, frequently turns to March for his images; in fact, the simile of Love's garment, which is the theme of the disputed sonnet, occurs in his first Eclogue.^ On the other hand, the inclusion of this sonnet among the compositions which Boscan had gathered, if not prepared, for the press would seem to warrant a belief in its authenticity. And this belief is further borne out by the appearance of another version of the sonnet with paroxy- tone rhymes, slightly different from the version ascribed to Mendoza. in a manu- script used by El Brocense in the prepara- tion of his edition of the works of Gar- cilaso. It is perhaps impossible to give AND MONOGRAPHS 212 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA any final answer to the question, but one thing at least is certain: all of these three versions are mutually dependent and in no sense different translations from a com- mon Catalan original, for the simile of Ausias March occupies four lines in one of his cants ;^ from there it was expanded into a sonnet by some Castilian author, at first, no doubt, with oxytone rhymes, and later "corrected," as the reviser believed, with the paroxytone rhymes which had become de rigueur. The expedition to Timis in 1535 in which Garcilaso took part heightened his unhap- piness in his new amours. From La Goleta he wrote once more to Boscan, telling him of his restlessness (Son. XXXIII), and in his Elegy II, also addressed to his friend, he laments at the effects which his long absence is sure to have, expressing his fears in a tercet which rings with a sincerity rare in his later work: Alii mi coragon tuvo su nido un tiempo ya, mas no se itriste! agora si estara ocupado desparzido. (lines 40-42) HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 213 The pangs of absence inspire too his sonnet on the deserted hound (XXXVII). The last scene in this brief drama is depicted in Sonnet XXXIV: his triumphant eman- cipation from the yoke of Love: Gracias al cielo doy que ya del cuello del todo el grave jnago he desasido. (lines 1-2) It is idle to speculate who among the fair ladies of the XeapoHtan court the ob- ject of this love may have been. His own answer is final: si preguntado soy lo demas, en lo demas soy mudo. (Son. XXVIII, 13-14.) As a whole the sonnets of this group are not of high merit, — conventional exer- cises in the spinning of conceits which degenerate at times, as in Sonnet XXXI, into an allegorization of the very conceits. Lacking as they do, the warmth of sin- cerity which redeemed his first essays, and the polished elegance of his purely conven- tional classical reminiscences, they add AND MONOGRAPHS 214 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA little to his literary credit. If his suit depended upon them, it is not surprising that it was unavailing or that some petty rhymster of the NeapoHtan school carried off the lady, together with the poet's palm. There remain a number of occasional sonnets, written to his friends to celebrate some personal experience or to sing some special hymn of praise. Such are the rather pompous epitaph written for the tomb of his brother, Fernando de Guzman, who had died during the siege of Naples (XVI); the sonnet to JuHo, perhaps Giu- lio Cesare Caracciolo, on the occasion of a departure from Naples (XIX); and the account of his being wounded in Africa, addressed to Mario Galeota (XXXV). Two of these sonnets are purely eulogistic (XXI and XXIV), directed to his friend- and patron, Don Pedro de Toledo, and to Dofia Maria de la Padula, to whom so many of his Italian contemporaries paid tribute. One sonnet in particular is interesting, as showing a slight tendency to sarcastic rail- lery. (XXII). The poet goes to visit a HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 215 lady, who discovers his eyes resting with undue insistency upon her bosom, and who, hastening to remedy the neglect which made possible his offence, scratches herself with her breast-pin. Whereupon the poet ob- serves, quoting for the only time in his works a line of Petrarch in the original: non esservi passato ollra la gonna. The whole scene offers a striking similarity with that portrayed in the anecdote of Luis Zapata, in which Garcilaso is repre- sented as making a similar quick retort with a verse from from Petrarch's Trionfi.^ These fugitive works rank well with the other works of their type written by his contemporaries. Some of them possess that quiet geniality which marks his mjrthological verses; others even have a faint trace of personality. But their chief value today is the evidence they offer of some of the poet's friendships and intima- cies and the slight information they afford of actual events in his life. Certain other works are found attributed to Garcilaso either by the manuscripts in AND MONOGRAPHS 216 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA which they appear or by their editors. The first of these are the two sonnets in the Cancionero Gayangos, first mentioned as the work of Garcilaso by Knapp^ and pub- lished as his by Vollmoller.^ Neither of the sonnets bears the author's name in the manuscript and the attribution to Gar- cilaso was made solely because they occur between authentic compositions of the Toledan poet. Metrical reasons, however, make it most improbable that they are his work; The first of the sonnets ("i celos de amor, terrible freno!") has eight lines which contain ten or twelve syllables and there are two faulty rhymes; the second ("El mal en mi ha hecho su gimiento.") has six lines of ten or twelve syllables, three faulty rhymes, and moreover, two oxytone rhymes in the tercets. It is in- credible that Garcilaso, even in his first experiments, should have showed such a consistent ignorance of the form and movement of the sonnet. Added to this is a more convincing argument. The first of these sonnets is a word for word trans- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 217 lation of a sonnet of Sannazaro, "0 gelosia, d'amanti orribil freno." (No. XXin)^ Now there is no evidence that Garcilaso knew the works of Sannazaro before his establishment in Naples in 1532; at least, not until then do we find any reminiscences of the Italian master in his verses. That he could have written this translation at a time when he was compos- ing such finished hendecasyllables as those of Sonnet XI, for example, is beyond the realm of possibility. Two other sonnets appear in a manu- script of the Biblioteca del Palacio in Madrid, imder the name of Garcilaso de la Vega and have been published by Sr. D. Ramon Menendez Pidal.- The manu- script is largely composed of works written between 1550 and 1554 and there can be little doubt that the Garcilaso who is the author is the poet's son of the same name. It is of interest to note that the first of these sonnets treats of a theme already found among the copJas of our poet, the death of Dido.^ AND MONOGRAPHS 218 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA } The thirty-eight sonnets and the five canciones remain, then, the total of Gar- cilaso's Canzoniere. Were they his only compositions we should be indebted to him for sharing in the creation of the sonnet and cancion in Castilian and for perfecting the former into a consummate work of artistic expression. We should also owe to his single example the trans- planting of the ode form of the elder Tasso into Spanish verse, where it has enjoyed a continued popularity, which it never at- tained in Italian, and became the medium for some of Luis de Leon's noblest poems. Apart from his distinction as an innovator, in the shorter lyric forms Garcilaso is not preeminently great, in fact is inferior to many of his Italian contemporaries whose work is now wellnigh forgotten. But oc- casionally even here he attains that per- fection of form which is an earnest of the power which was destined to find fuller expansion in his longer poems. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 219 2. THE ELEGIES The two Elegies of Garcilaso were writ- ten in the same period, immediately after his return from the campaign in Tunis in the simimer of 1535. The first. "Al duque de Alva en la muerte de D. Bernaldino de Toledo, su hermano," is properly an elegy in the classic sense of the word, a funereal poem. Since it offers the most noteworthy example of Garcilaso 's methods of direct and indirect imitation, it deserv^es a de- tailed examination. In writing this lament to his patron and friend, the Duke of Alba, the poet used as his principal model a Latin poem by Girolamo Fracastoro, dedicated to Gianbattista Turriano of \^erona to com- memorate the death of his brother. Mar- cantonio Turriano. But in addition to this work, he had in mind two other poems written imder similar circimistances, the first the anonymous Latin elegy, "Ad Liviam Augustam, de morte Drusi Neronis AND MONOGRAPHS 220 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA filii eius," which was printed in the 1471 edition of Ovid's works, and which, attrib- uted to C. Pedo Albinovanus, was long reprinted among the works of the Latin elegaic poet; the second, an elegia of Ber- nardo Tasso, dedicated to Bernardino Rota on the death of his brother and pubHshed in the second edition of his Amori in 1534. While these three works are responsible for the general plan and for most of the details of Garcilaso's poem, in the few brief pas- sages which he interpolated we find other reminiscences of his reading, images and phrases which recall Virgil, Horace, Pe- trarch and Ariosto. The first part of the Elegy follows Fracastoro very closely, at times translat- ing the original, at times offering a freer paraphrase =1 Etsi egomet tanti casu perculsus amici solamen nostris discuperem lacrimis, ne mea perpetuo manarent lumina fletu pergeret aut tantus urere corda dolor, attamen, ut mi animi valuit concedere, amaror, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS i 221 istaec moesta tibi carmina persolvi, quo fortasse meis consolarere Camoenis, si miseros quidquam Musa levare potest, (lines 1-8) begins Fracastoro, and Garcilaso's version is: Aunque este grave caso aya tocado con tanto sentimiento el alma mia que de consuelo estoy necessitado, con que de su dolor mi fantasia se descargasse un poco y se acabasse de mi contino Uanto la porfia, quise, pero, provar si me bastasse el ingenio a escrivirle algun consuelo, estando qual estoy, que aprovechasse, para que tu reziente desconsuelo la f uria mitigasse, si las musas pueden un coragon al^ar del suelo. (lines 1-12) The following lines of the original are treated in freer fashion, with a change of order : Ac ne tu lacrimas pauUatim totus abires liquitur ut pluvio facta pruina Xoto, quandoquidem cari fato te fratris acerbo est rumor in extrema vivere tristitia, AND MONOGRAPHS 222 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA nee iam posse quietis habere, aut commoda somni, sed cedente die, sed redeunte queri, (lines 9-14) becomes: Y poner fin a las querellas que usas, con que de Pindo ya las moradoras se muestran lastimadas y confusas; que, segun he sabido, ni a las oras que el sol mue^tra, ni en el mar se asconde, de tu lloroso estado no me j oras; antes, en el permaneciendo, donde quiera que estas, tus ojos siempre banas y el llanto a tu dolor assi responde, que temo ver desechas tus entranas en lagrimas, como al lluvioso viento se derrite la nieve en las montanas. (lines 13-24). The thought of the line thirteen of the original is expanded in the four follow- ing tercets: Si acaso el trabajado pensamiento en el comun reposo se adormece, por tornar al dolor con nuevo aliento, en aquel breve sueno te aparece HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 223 la imagen amarilla del hermano que de la dulce vida desfallece; y tu, tendiendo la piadosa mano, provando a levantar el cuerpo amado, levantas solamente el ayre vano; y del dolor el sueiio desterrado, con ansia vas buscando el que partido era ya con el sueno y alongado; (lines 25-36) by the inclusion of an idea derived from the Elegy Ad Liviam:^ Et modo per somnos agitaris imagine falsi, teque tuo Drusum credis habere sinu ? Et subito tentasque manu, sperasque re- ceptum; quaeris et in vacui parte priore tori ? (hues 325-8) The long comparison of Lampetie's grief, developed in the following tercets (lines 3 7-5 7) J is based closely on Fracastoro (lines 15-24), with an interesting evasion of the formal "septem noctes, septem dies," (Hnes 19-20) by the vaguer, more modem phrase, "O quantas vezes . . . Y quantas otras . . ." (lines 51-55). The picture of the AND MONOGRAPHS 224 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA intimacy which existed . between the two brothers (lines 58-75) is much more loosely connected with the Latin; there is even a Petrarchan simile introduced, como en luziente de cristal coluna, que no encubre de quanto se avezina a su biva pureza, cosa alguna, (lines 73-75), recalling the image: dinanzi una colonna cristallina, et iv'entro ogni pensero scritto, e for tralucea si chiaramente che mi fea lieto e sospirar sovente. (Canz. XXV, 27-30) The lament at the emptiness of worldly success in the succeeding tercets (lines 76-90) is translated from Fracastoro. At this point, the latter had introduced a reference to the death of another friend, Cotta; Garcilaso has replaced it with two tercets, displaying keenly his own bitter- ness at his life : iQue se saca de aquesto? iAlguna gloria? ^Algunos premios agradecimiento? Sabralo quien ley ere nuestra historia. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 225 Verase alii, que como polvo al viento, assi se deshara nuestra fatiga, ante quien se enderega nuestro intento. (lines 91-96). From this point on, Garcilaso departs from the close imitation of Fracastoro, al- though the general lines are still followed. After a brief passage picturing the futility of human hopes and the beauty which Don Bemaldino revealed even in death, he turns his sympathies to the mother and sisters of the dead youth. It is probable that the thought was suggested by the portrayal of Li via 's grief in the eleg}^ dedi- cated to her, and the references there to the other members of the family of Drusus, but his description of the frenzy of their grief in the lines, a todas las contemplo desparziendo de su cabello luengo el fino oro, al qual ultraje y dano estan haziendo, (lines 139-41) is apparently a reminiscence of Ariosto, pereosse il seno e si straccio la stola, e fece all'aureo erin danno e dispetto. (Orlando furioso, V, 60, 3-4) AND MONOGRAPHS 226 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA The introduction of the river -god and his nymphs (lines 142-80) goes back to the elegy Ad Liviam, from which Fracas- toro's use of the same device probably de- pends. Garcilaso has, however, added cer- tain details : Tormes issues from his stream to lie upon the sands; the nymphs are charged with the special function of con- soling the mother, and presently a wanton rout of satyrs, fauns and nymphs are intro- duced to divert the troubled spirit of Don Fernando. Turning now to the latter, the poet heartens him with an appeal to his distinguished position in life and his obli- gation to deport himself with Stoic in- difference in the presence of misfortune. The argument which he employs to dis- courage further lamentation, namely : that the great heroes and heroines of mythology eventually dried their tears, is curiously derived. The elegy Ad Liviam had cited the ex- ample of Priam's grief at the death of Hector; Fracastoro had begim his list of examples with that of Orpheus. Garci- laso uses the comparison with Priam, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 227 No fue el troyano principe llorado siempre del viejo padre dolorido, ni siempre de la madre lamentado; antes, despues del cuerpo redimido con lagrimas humildes y con oro, que fue del fiero Achilles concedido, y reprimiendo el lamentable choro del frigio llanto, dieron fin al vano y sin provecho sentimiento y lloro, (lines 214-222) but in language which plainly recalls the Horatian stanza, At non ter aevo functus amabilem ploravit omnes Antilochum senex annos, nee inpubem parentes Troilon aut Phrygiae sorores flevere semper. (Odes, I, IX, 13-18) His second example, of the grief which Venus overcame, is translated from the elegy of Bernardo Tasso/ of which it preserves the gracefulness and charm. Having demonstrated the folly of exces- sive grief, the poet turns to the thought of the immortaHty of the departed, picking up in passing (lines 253-55) ^ reference to Hercules on Mount Oeta, derived from a line (257) in the elegy Ad Liviam. The AND MONOGRAPHS 228 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA meeting with the father and grandfather, although suggested by Fracastoro/ is made a specific reference to Don Garcia and Don Fadrique de Toledo. His picture of the realm of the blessed is distinctly pagan; its closing lines strongly suggest Cicero's description in the Somnium Scipionis, "Tam ipsa terra ita mihi parva visa est, ut me imperii nostri, quo quasi eius attingimus, paeniteret." ^ But in spite of this classic atmosphere, there are tercets which recall rather the Christian conception of Para- dise, with its stream of Divine Grace, kindling the souls of the blessed, E vidi lume in forma di riviera, fulvido di fulgore, intra due rive, dipinte di mirabil primavera, (Farad. XXX, 61-63) such as: iO bienaventurado! que sin ira, sin odio, en paz estas, sin amor ciego, con quien aca se muere y se sospira; y en eterna holganga y en sossiego bives y biviras, quanto encendiere las almas del divino amor el fuego. (lines 289-94) HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 229 The closing tercets assume the conven- tional forms, but the promise of the poet to do his part in singing eternal praise is addressed, strangely enough, not to the departed, but to Don Fernando, Yo te prometo, amigo, que entre taiito que el sol al mundo alumbre y que la escura noche cubra la tierra con su manto, y en tanto que los peces la hondura humida habitaran del mar prof undo, y las fieras del monte la espessura, se cantara de ti por todo el mundo, que en quanto se discurre, nunca visto de tus anos jamas otro segundo sera, desdel Antartico a Calisto. (lines 298-307) The phraseology of the passage is frankly Virgilian, Dum iuga montis aper, fluvios dum piscis amabit, dumque thymo pascentur apes, dum rore cicadae, semper honos nomenque tuum laudesque manebunt. (Egl. V, 76-78) i J AND MONOGRAPHS 230 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA and the last line is from Ariosto, tra quanto e'n mezzo Antartico e Calisto. (Orlando fiirioso, III, 17, 6) It is important to recognize that such a process of literary construction, which we should to-day regard as mere pilfering, far from being questioned in Garcilaso's gener- ation, was regarded as the canon of art. Imitation, to the man of letters of the Renaissance, was the supreme test of genius; creative power was looked upon with suspicion. And it must also be re- membered that the methods of education of the time, with the large stress placed upon the memorization of the classic masters, Virgil, Ovid, and Horace, and no doubt continued in the study of Petrarch, equipped the poets with an unusual famil- iarity with the master works of the past. Their minds were vast storehouses of mythological information and classical phraseology. Had they striven to record their personal impressions of life or to leave an image of their own emotions, they HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 231 could not have failed to reflect the diction with which their minds were filled. The more then, when their effort was to repro- duce in different form materials already- employed, must we expect them to show their reading and study. At their worst, they produced but the dr\^ dust of litera- ture; at their best they created forms of the highest technical mastery and even of enchanting atmosphere, like the Arcadia of Saimazaro. With such an inspiration, it is not sur- prising that the poem of Garcilaso is, as a whole, cold and unfeeling; it smacks of the formal written exercise. Occasionally, when the sentiments which he finds in his models awaken a sincere echo in his own heart, as in the passage in which he refers to the hardships of militar}^ service and the emptiness of its rewards, there is a momentary ring of emotion. But the rest awakens little sympathy, gives little con- solation. In this respect, although equal to the works of Fracastoro or the elder Tasso, it is far inferior to the elegy -4^ AND MONOGRAPHS 232 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Liviam. In workmanship it deserves higher praise; the verse is fluent, at times melo- dious; the structure of the poem is well balanced. In spite of its funereal character, the author has ventured to relieve it by the use of lively, even sensuous images, giving it a variety, which, though of ques- tionable taste, as Herrera remarked,^ add greatly to its artistic effectiveness. If the first Elegy represents the extreme example of Garcilaso's imitation of foreign models, the second may be considered as the best evidence of his power of original composition. In fact, none of his works is so rich in its revelation of his personality, none approaches so closely our modern conception of poetic individuality. It was undoubtedly written before the first Elegy, probably, as the poet states in the opening tercet, at Trapana in Sicily, on the way from Tunis to Naples. Although the poem is intitled an "elegy," it is in reality an "epistola" or "capitulo" in tercets, ad- dressed to his friend Bcscan. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 233 The mention of the company in which the poet finds himself leads at once to a bitter criticism of their aims and methods. To Garcilaso, this throng of courtiers is composed wholly of men seeking personal advancement; some confess it openly; others wear a pretence of virtue in their service. This criticism of court life is peculiarly significant ; Garcilaso had known its workings from the days when Charles V first arrived in Spain; it is perhaps the first condemnation of a system which eventually was to imdermine the life of the country. As for himself, he boasts that he strives to follow the golden mean, but we know that his whole life was devoted to winning the evidence of favor, the fu- tility of which he here so boldly proclaims. The pungent criticism of his fellows seems to slip almost unconsciously from his pen; it is. almost the only trace of satire in his work. And he hastens to apologize in a tercet which has been widely quoted, from Sa de Miranda to Lope de Vega, AND MONOGRAPHS 234 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Mas idonde me llevo la pluma mia? que a satira me voy mi passo a passo, y aquesto que os escrivo es elegia. (lines 23-25) There follows an interesting revelation of the conditions under which he wrote his verses and the solace he found in the cul- tivation of the Muses, Y assi en mitad de aquestemonteespesso de las diver?idades, me sostengo no sin dificultad, mas no por esso dexo las musas; antes torno y vengo dellas al negociar, y variando con ellas dulcemente me entretengo. Assi se van las oras eriganando, assi del duro afan y grave pena estamos algun ora descansando. (lines 28-36) We shall find the same thought renewed in the last of his works, Eclogue III. The men- tion of his verses leads his mind back to Naples with its memory of his new love there, a passage recalling the sonnet on the same theme which we have had occasion already to mention. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 235 The long comparison which follows, be- tween the effect of absence on love and that of water on fire, seems to have been an image of his own, one of the few original fancies in his work. Though it ends with a somewhat overdrawn conclusion, it is a sound comparison, its expression is convinc- ing. Once more the poet tiims to the analysis of his own situation: his military life is out of keeping with the prosecution of his amorous suit ; death is his only hope ! With a strangely ironical comment, des- tined soon to be fulfilled in a fashion far more Hteral than he implied, he writes, ap- pealing to the god of war: Exercitando por mi mal tu officio, soy reduzido a terminos que muerte sera mi postrimero beneficio; y esta no permitio mi dura suerte que me sobreviniesse peleando, de hierro traspassado agudo y fuerte. (lines 100-105) For a moment the contrast between his own situation and that of Boscan makes him turn to his friend, whom he pictures AND MONOGRAPHS 1 236 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA in the quiet enjoyment of his leisure by the sea, surrounded by his friends, celebrating in his verses his faithful wife. But the very contrast makes his own life seem more wretched, Y como conduzido mercenario voy do fortuna a mi pesar me embia. sino a morir, que aqueste es voluntario. (lines 157-59) His whole life has been a vain pursuit of his heart's desires. So unchanging is his ill-fortune that wherever he turns his steps, — and the image he uses is one of his favorite classical figures, — fear and jeal- ousy clutch his heart. As in so many of his poems, the end of his hope is death. Artistically the poem does not rank with many of his works ; it is plainly improvised ; there is a lack of logical coherence. But in its freshness and originality, in its free- dom from conceits and stilted expressions, it remains as one of his most interesting works. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 237 3. THE EPISTLE TO BOSCAN. The Epistle to Boscan, Garcilaso's only experiment in versos sueltos, is chiefly significant for its form, of which we shall speak in a later chapter. But it is also im- portant because of its revelation of the closeness of the ties which bound him with his Catalan friend and the influence which this friendship had upon his own life. The ways were long in the sixteenth century and the solitary traveler found ample time for reflection. What was more natural, then, than that Garcilaso, as he fared upon his lonely journey back to Naples, should have thought long of the pleasant days which he had just spent with his friend in Barcelona ? Perhaps he had heard of Aristotle's discussion of friendship in the Ethics and found his remarks borne out in his own experience. The greatest satisfac- tion which he derives from their friendship is the consciousness of aftection which he feels in his own heart. AND MONOGRAPHS 238 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Ninguna cosa en mayor precio estimo ni me haze gustar del dulce estado tanto como el amor de parte mia. (lines 39-41) The latter part of the poem assumes a more confidential, personal tone. Once he had foimd traveling in France a delight, perhaps that was in 1530. Now he regrets his former praise. His woes are those of the modern tourist: Vinos azedos, camareras feas, varletes codiciosos, malas postas, gran paga, poco argen, largo camino. (lines 73-76) Then, as becomes a letter -writer, he send greetings to a common friend, with a word of banter at his stoutness, and signs his place and date, Avignon, October 12, 1534.^ The poet himself disclaims any effort to write in a lofty poetic style, Ni sera menester buscar estilo presto, distincto, de ornamento puro, tal qual a culta epistola conviene. (lines 5-7) 'FHISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 239 In fact there is hardly a poetic image in the composition, unless it be the conventional periphrasis at the close. It is hard to see how the material gains by being presented in rhythm. For Garcilaso's blank verse is not a form of artistic expression. Al- though not inferior to Boscan's similar, and more lengthy experiment, it is wholly lacking the grace and variety which Juan de Jauregui succeeded in imparting to the form in his exquisite translation of the Aminta. In Garcilaso's hands the strong- ly marked iambic cadence, more noticeable here than in his rhymed verses, becomes monotonous. It is an exercise, offering lit- tle ingenuity or variety. AND MONOGRAPHS 240 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 4. THE ECLOGUES. To his Eclogues, more than to any of his other works, Garcilaso owes his lasting fame. For in that artificial form, so ap- pealing to a liighly conventionalized society, he found a perfect medium for the expres- sion of the characteristic qualities of his genius: a certain atmosphere of melancholy regret at the crudities and cruelties of life and a splendid mastery of the forms of harmony. The first of the Eclogues was dedicated to his patron, Don Pedro de Toledo, Vice- roy of Naples. Written shortly after the death of Isabel Freire, it is the outpouring of the poet's grief at his double misfortune, Jiis beloved's marriage and her untimely death. The plan is simple: after a brief tribute to his patron, the poet introduces two shepherds, Salicio and Nemoroso, who sing their songs, one of jealous protest, the other of bitter grief, and then withdraw with their flocks. It is by no means new, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 241 for it is precisely that followed by Virgil in his Ecloga A III, and although the theme ; of the second shepherd's song is not Virgil- ian, even this contrast between the woes of the betrayed and the bereaved lovers is found in the Due pellegrini of Luigi Tansil- lo, which was probably produced as early as 1528 and which Garcilaso must have known. Not only the main outline, but the minor details of the poem reveal a constant imi- tation of other pastoral poets. From the same eclogue of Virgil and from others of the same poet, particularly the second, Garcilaso has borrowed many of his phrases and figures, and his use of a refrain to close \ each stanza. The lament of Xemoroso is strongly reminiscent of the song of Ergasto in the fifth egloga of Sannazaro's Arcadia] his apostrophe to the lock of his lady's hair is translated from the words of Meliseo in the twelfth egloga of the same work. The other Italian poets, Petrarch, Tansillo, Ariosto and Bembo, seem to have sug- gested to him many of his poetic images. AND MONOGRAPHS 242 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Like the first of his Elegies, the poem is a mosaic of reminiscences and of conscious imitations. , What is it then, that gives the work its charm ? The answer is simple: the poem is beautiful because it is the frank revela- tion of the poet's own love and grief. The form he uses is old and conventional; his imagery is the stock material of the class- ical Renaissance. But with the fire of his heart he has fused this time-worn form and matter into a gem of perfect beauty. The emotion is genuine. These shepherds are no puppets; their words glow with sincerity. In Garcilaso's own day there seems to have been little doubt as to the identity of these shepherds. "Salicio" was plainly an anagram for the name Garcilaso; Sa de Miranda, on the other hand, regularly re- fers to the poet as "Nemoroso." It is strange that no one has ever remarked that the name "Nemoroso" is an adapta- tion of the rest of the poet's name, "de la Vega," for "vega" is regularly given as one HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 243 of the translations for "nemus" in the Latin-Castilian dictionaries. The poet was plainly referring to himself in both cases; he assumed pastoral names derived from the different parts of his own name to cloak his different moods. His commentators, however, would not have it so. ''Salicio, es Garci-Lasso, Ne- moroso, Boscan: porque nemus es el bosque," said Francisco Sanchez,^ and thereby diverted the attention of subse- quent generations. His theory was elabor- ated by Luis Zapata, who declared in his Misceldnea- that Boscan was a suitor for the hand of Dofia Isabel before her mar- riage. Herrera, perhaps to avoid following the opinion of Sanchez, informs us that Nemoroso represents the husband of Dona Isabel, Don Antonio de Fonseca! ^ And between these two opinions the struggle has fluctuated. It is needless to observe the impropriety of both these interpretations. Garcilaso's reference in Eclogue III to Nemoroso 's AND MONOGRAPHS 244 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA song to Elisa is clearly to be taken as a reminiscence of his own personal exper- ience, porque de todo aquesto y cada cosa estava Nise ya tan informada que Ilorando el pastor, mil vezes ella se enternecio, escuchando su querella. (lines 253-56) Neither Boscan nor Antonio de Fonseca could have been represented by Nemoroso. Faria y Sousa, as early as 1689,^ ex- pressed this conviction, noting the intima- cy which existed between the poet and Dona Isabel before her marriage, as well as the common pastoral convention, by which the poet assumed different names to inter- pret different roles. But his comment passed unnoticed until Senhora Micaelis de Vasconcellos recalled and approved his opinion in her edition of the poems of Sa de Miranda. 2 It is, then, as a revelation of the poet's own experience, admirable in its sincerity and touching in its emotion, that the first of the Eclogues stands as a true poem. In HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 245 an age of artificial imitation it is eminent for its depth of real feeling and its wistful tenderness. Nowhere in the works of Gar- cilaso, rarely in the poems of the Renais- sance, can we find a song which comes closer to our hearts than this cry of the poet's heart; disappointment and death have rarely received a more moving por- trayal. Not only in its emotion is it the most intense of his works, but in its form it shows his greatest perfection. The sturdy CastiHan of the Middle Ages has become the medium for the most harmonious lyric expression, supple, replete with color, filled with musical cadences. In spite of an occasional lapse in technical form- ation, the difficult Petrarchan canzone has become a facile instrimient, varied in its rhythm, capable of subtle tones; it is once for all estabHshed as a form for Span- ish poetry. Such an achievement in itself would place Garcilaso among the epoch- making figures in Spanish literature; com- bined with its power of emotional appeal AND MONOGRAPHS 246 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA it makes this little pastoral one of the out- standing lyrics in Castilian poetry. If its equal is to be found, it must, be sought among the lyrics of Luis de Leon. The longest and most pretentious of the poems of Garcilaso is his second Eclogue, written as a tribute to Fernan Alvarez de Toledo, the Grand Duke of Alba, late in 1 53 2 or perhaps early in 1533. Although in many respects it is one of his least ar- tistic works, it does offer us an example of his more familiar speech and is therefore linguistically of peculiar importance. More- over it provides the only example of the poet's use of the Italian rima al mezzo, the one metrical innovation of Garcilaso which was not destined to find a permanent place in the Castilian Parnassus. Finally it adds in some measure to our knowledge of cer- tain events in the life of the poet. These qualities atone for its tedious prolixity. The poem opens with a soliloquy of the shepherd Albanio (the Duke of Alba), la- menting his misfortune in love. Turning HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 247 to sleep as his only consolation, he lies down and falls asleep. Two shepherds pass; one, Salicio, singing in perfect Hora- tian style the praises of the solitude of the country, free from the strifes and cares of court. Of a sudden, he spies the sleeping swain and in altered strains, reflects on the blessings of sleep for the weary spirit. Then he recognizes the shepherd as Albanio, of whose unhappy state he has heard. Hah asleep still, the latter begins to stir, pro- testing that his dream has vanished. Salicio speaks to him and after a brief con- versation persuades him to tell the story of his trouble. Since early childhood, Albanio has Hved on terms of the closest intimacy with a cousin and their intimacy had ripened into love on his part. There is Httle difficulty in recognizing in this maiden, "de mi sangre y abuelos des- cendida," whom we shall presently meet as the shepherdess, Camila, the wife of the Duke of Alba, Maria Enriquez, daughter of the Conde de Alba de Liste, Diego En- AND MONOGRAPHS - 248 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA riquez, and Dona Leonor de Toledo, and granddaughter of Don Fadrique de Toledo, second Duke of Alba. The long story (lines 170-680), which Albanio relates of their youthful pastimes and the unhappy progress of his love, is translated from the eighth prosa of the Arcadia. In general the translation is close, as close as it is possible to write a translation in verse. The only liberties which Garcilaso takes with the original are the introduction of a brief rest half way through the tale (hnes 365-41 5) ^ in which Albanio hesitates to continue until assured of Salicio's sympathetic interest, and a change in the final scene, in which the lover is deterred from committing suicide, not as in Sannazaro by the appearance of two white doves in the oak tree above him, but by a sudden gust of wind which throws him flat upon his back. Artistically the passage is fully the equal of the ItaHan original, although the immediate applica- tion to the experiences of the Duke of Alba is far-fetched. SaHcio's attem.pt to HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 249 encourage Albanio is brusquely repelled by the latter, who leaves his friend to ponder on the futility of any effort to save him until time shall have softened him. After this brief stanza of soliloquy, Salicio too departs to seek a nightingale's nest for Gravina, whose identity in real life remains a mystery. Hardly have the two shepherds disap- peared when a shepherdess, Camila^ ap- pears, following the trail of a stag that has been wounded by one of her arrows. Tempted by the coolness of the spot, she gives up the chase. The sight of the spring recalls to her mind the scene when she had learned of Albanio 's passion for her. Re- proaching him for his daring and swearing allegiance to Diana, she lies down beside the spring to sleep till the heat of the day is past. As she lies asleep, Albanio returns and after a struggle with himself, sits down by her side and takes her hand. Camila, awakened, is terrified and tries to free her- self. But Albanio is obstinate and not AND MONOGRAPHS 250 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA • until she pretends that she has lost her golden brooch does he release his hold and allow her to escape. Discovering that he has been duped, the poor shepherd is frenzied and begins to rave. His ravings, it must be said, are a parody of Ovid's description of Narcissus beside the spring, for Albanio is convinced that some one has stolen his body and now he discovers it mocking him from the depths of the spring. Salicio, who has returned ac- companied by Nemoroso, is fearful lest in his frenzy he will do harm to himself and starts to hold him. Albanio turns on him and without the interference of Nemoroso it would have fared ill with Salicio. To- gether they are able to master him and having bound him fast, they leave him on the ground to recover. Salicio 's question as to how Albanio can be cured is answered by Nemoroso in a long tribute to a certain Severo, who is none other than the Dominican friUr of that name who was the tutor of the Duke from 1522. The magic powers attributed HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 251 to him are purely conventional: those of Medea in Ovid or of the old witch in the ninth prosa of the Arcadia. What is more interesting is Xemoroso's confession that Severo has cured him of a mad love and convinced him of the error of his ways. After another pause, introduced Hke that in the narrative of Albanio to break the monotony, Nemoroso continues his story of Severo, who has received from the old river- god, Tormes, a revelation of the lords of the Tormes, that is, of the House of Toledo. This revelation, inscribed upon a crystal iim, recalls the familiar device of pseudo- prophecies foimd on shields; here plainly the urn is more fitting to the river -god. It contains at once a history of the family of the yoimg Duke from the time of Feman Alvarez de Toledo. Count of Alba in the reign of John II, and also a detailed ac- coimt of the Duke's own career down to his return from the siege of Vienna in the spring of 1533. This long passage (lines 11 81 -1743), written in rima al mezzo lines, is of scant AND MONOGRAPHS 252 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA literary merit. Most of it, it is true, is original, particularly those parts which record actual events in the life of the Duke or his ancestors. But Garcilaso was not gifted as a narrative poet and the peculiar verse, with its complicated inner rhyme, accentuates the monotony of the account. The story of Don Fernando 's life is told with more ornament, much of it derived from the last canto of the Orlando furioso, with an occasional classical reminiscence, like that of the bridal scene from Catullus. We learn of the Duke's education by Severo and Boscan, of his maiden exploit in arms (it was at Fuenterrabia in 1523), of his first meeting and love for the lady who was destined to become his wife, of the duel he fought on the bridge at Burgos and of his marriage to Doiia Maria Enriquez. There follows an account of his journey to Ratisbonne with Garcilaso and the various details of the campaign against Solyman which we have discussed in an earlier chapter. The story on the urn ends with his reunion with his wife, for in HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 253 spite of Severo's plea, old Tonnes refuses to disclose the meaning of the brilHance which still remains imexplained upon the um. Severo, astounded at what he has seen, has written it down as best he can and thus Nemoroso has learned the story- With a brief exchange of opinions as to the im- portance of appeaHng to Severo to cure their friend and a few conventional pas- toral phrases, in which there appears for the second time a mention of another friend, one Gualafron. who is probably to be identified as the Marquis of Villafranca, Don Pedro de Toledo, the two shepherds part and the Eclogue ends. As a composition, the poem is extremely imeven. Some of its lyrical passages, such as the opening song of Salicio (Hnes 38-76), are as finished as the best work of the poet ; at other times the style drags heavily, hardly rising above the level of prose. Perhaps the most interesting feature in the whole work is the piu-ely popular conversational style used in the dialogue passages. There is here a fine savor of old Castilian with its AND MONOGRAPHS 254 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA proverbial phrases and its blunt directness. Even more, there is a touch of real humor which we should seek in vain in the rest of his work. The scene at the spring is a brief paso, with a strong sense of dramatic feeling, and an unusually clever command of dialogue. One wonders whether Gar- cilaso's early death did not deprive Spain of a potentially dramatic poet as well as of her first lyric poet. Did not Don Quixote and Sancho Panza, close to the end of their joumeyings, come upon a group of youths and maidens performing a part of this Eclogue ? The last of the Eclogues of Garcilaso, un- doubtedly also the last of his works, opens with this dedication: Aquella voluirtad onesta y pura, illustre y hermosissima Maria, que eri mi de celebrar tu hermosura, tu ingenio y tu valor estar solia, a despecho y pesar de la ventura que por otro camino me desvia, esta y estara en ,mi tanto clavada quanto del cuerpo el alma aqompanada. (fines 1-8) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 255 The identity of this Maria has never been definitely established, though Herrera says, "Some think that it was addressed to the Duchess of Alba (Maria Enriquez), others, to Doiia Maria de Cardona, Marchioness de la Padula (to whom the poet dedicated Sonnet XXXIV); but the truth is, ac- cording to the statement of Don Antonio Puertocarrero, that it is addressed to Dofia Maria de la Cueva, Countess of Ureiia, mother of Don Pedro Giron, first Duke of Ostina." In spite of this authority, it is probable that the ]Maria to whom the poet expresses his devotion is none of these. Several reasons bear out this fact. In this opening stanza, the poet speaks of a recent change of fortune which separates him from her. That this is subsequent to his exile in Naples in 1532 is clear from the lines, Mas la fortuna, de mi mal no harta, me aflige y de un trabajo en otro lleva; ya de la patria, ya del bien me aparta, y a mi paciencia en mil maneras prueva, (lines 17-20) AND MONOGRAPHS 256 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA as well as by the fact that he refers to his own first Eclogue as already well known (lines 249-5 2) . In fact there is every reason to believe that the separation refers to his departure from Naples for the campaign in La Provence in 1536. The Maria to whom he is paying tribute, then, must be some lady who is in Naples. This condi- tion would eliminate the possibility of the Maria of the poem being either the Duchess of Alba or the Marchioness of Urefia, for they were at the time both in Spain. Fur- thermore it is clear that the poet is tmder real obligation to this Maria; the spirit of devotion which animates him is something quite aHen to the gallant badinage of his tribute to the Marchioness de la Padula. It must also be observed that the four nymphs whom he introduces in the poem are real people in pastoral disguise, for he remarks that one of them, Nise, is well fitted to tell the story of Elisa, since she has so often heard it from Nemoroso; in other words, Nise represents one of the poet's intimate friends. Of further import. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 257 is the fact that these nymphs are nymphs of the Tagus and that one of them, Nise again, weaves a picture of the city of Toledo in her golden tapestry. Finally the use of this device of the nymphs, their number, and the appearance of the two shepherds at the close of the poem must all have some particular significance and in some way pay tribute to the Maria who received the poem. All of these conditions are satisfied if the Maria is Doiia Maria Osorio Pimentel, wife of his patron, Don Pedro de Toledo. ^ Of the poet's long intimacy with Don Pedro we have had frequent occasion to speak. During his brief residence in Toledo before 1532, his house adjoined that of Don Pedro and Dofia Maria and he must have had every opportunity to become intimate with their family, consisting of four daughters, Leonor, Juana, Ana, and Isabel, and several sons, of whom at least two, Don Fadrique and Don Garcia, were with their father in Naples, where this old friendship was no doubt continued. Under AND MONOGRAPHS 258 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA these circumstances, what more fitting tribute could he pay to a mother than to present her children in the guise of nymphs and singing swains ? What more effec- tive reference could he make to their com- mon love of Toledo than to picture it in the work of one of these nymphs ? What could have been more natural than that he should have confided the story of his grief to his favorite among this family of girls, who had been playmates with him in the old days at home ? Finally, in whom among all his circle of acquaintance could he have found a more friendly protectress than' in the wife of his Hfe-long patron ? The terms in which he addressed his patroness are of especial interest, for they make clear in this, the last of his works, the same devotion to letters in the midst of war which he had shown in his Elegy to Boscan. Our admiration for his high gifts can only be enhanced by the consideration that this poem, written per- haps during the period of waiting before the passage of the Alps into France, could HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 259 never have received the final polish of his hand, but stands to-day as he wrote it, entre las armas del sangriento Marte. The device which Garcilaso uses as a background for his poem is one suggested by Sannazaro in the last prosa of the Ar- cadia. Four nymphs issue from the Tagus and after sporting for a moment in the river and on the shore, start to embroider certain tapestries, woven with threads of gold from the stream. The themes of the work of the first three, described in detail by the poet, are familiar classical myths: the stories of Orpheus and Eurydice, of Apollo and Daphne, and of Venus and Adonis. The last of the nymphs, Nise, weaves a more personal story; with a view of Toledo in the background, she shows a funeral gathering on the banks of the Tagus, a company of nymphs who have come to pay the last rites to a maiden, whose epitaph they carve upon a tree. The maiden is Elisa, beloved of Nemoroso, whose song of grief must ere this have AND MONOGRAPHS 260 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA reached her home in Portugal. Thus to the very end of his life, Garcilaso found in Dona Isabel Freire the inspiration for his verse. The sun is setting and the nymphs, dropping their tasks, are preparing to re- turn to the river, when they are stopped by the sound of pan's-pipes. In a moment two shepherds appear, Tirreno and Alzino, and, like Cory don and Thyrsis in Virgil's seventh Eclogue, they begin an amoebean competition in praise of their mistresses, Flerida and Phyllis. Their songs are thoroughly conventional, almost translated from Virgil. When they have ended, they start again on their way and the nymphs, at the sound of their approach, disappear beneath the waters of the stream. The third line from the end is imperfect. Death interrupted the task. Although the poem is called an Eclogue, there is little of the pa,storal about it, save the formal responsive songs at the end. The rest is either mythological or allegor- ical. While in artistic merit it falls far below HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 261 the first of the Eclogues, it remains a poem of fine workmanship and in some respects offers the most perfect example of Gar- cilaso's mastery of the cadence of the hendecasyllable. His octave is a sonorous instrument, infinitely more supple and effective than that of Boscan and a worthy model for the poets of the succeeding gener- ation. 5. GARCILASO'S LYRIC ART. Garcilaso is not a poet of many moods; the strings of his lyre are few. In vain shall we seek in him the passionate fire of Catullus or the good-humored geniality of Horace. Nor do we find any of the mystic aspiration toward eternity which transports a Luis de Leon or a San Juan de la Cruz. The burden of his song is simple: life's path is a way of futile striv- ing and of disappointment. Love is in vain; death is the great healer. There is no cynicism in his retrospective glance, only a vaguely wistful regret, a tender melancholy. In this respect he is closely akin to Virgil in the eclogues and to Sanna- AND MONOGRAPHS 262 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA zaro, his two great masters. His Petrarchan mood is less sincere, for his spirit was less given to subtle analysis than to a quiet delight in the memory of his misfortunes. His few pictures of the heroic struggles of war are stilted and artificial. But within the limited confines of his special talent, the simple portrayal of human regret and sorrow, he has few equals in the world's literature. With this subtle power to touch the heart of the world with a sense of his per- sonal sorrow goes hand in hand an ex- quisite taste and a perfect form. Working in a medium which was new and strange, with no models to follow in the diction of his own Castilian speech, he created a Spanish lyric diction. For such a task he was happily equipped. His stout Cas- tilian past gave him a poise and dignity; his close contact with Italy added to his instrument the qualities of elegance and polish. The result of these two influences is a style which is at once distinguished and supple, free from the rigidity of his own speech and also free from the extrav- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 263 agances of his Italian contemporaries. In the delicacy of his finish, in the purity and simplicity of his lines there is a quality like that of some exquisite plateresque carving. There have been those who have sought to find in his work traces of that conscious effort for subtlety which led in time to the excesses of Gongora and his perverted school. Such a charge implies an ignorance of the poetry of the can ci oner os and of the Italian poets of his time. Compared with Juan de Mena or Angelo di Costanzo, Gar- cilaso is classical in his purity and sim- plicity. Such he was considered to be by Lope de Vega, by Quevedo, and by all the other opponents of the school of cul- ler an ismo, who turn to him as a model of sound writing and good taste. This good taste is unfailing in his work; his feeling for the fitting expressing is never ques- tionable. It is not the least of the tributes which are paid to his achievement that to-day his works seem more modern in their style and language than any of the works of the sixteenth century. AND MONOGRAPHS 264 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Not the least of his gifts, certainly the one which has insured him the unswerving admiration of his own people through the centuries, is his incomparable gift of song. Oviedo, it will be recalled, styled him a "gentil musico"; that power was trans- lated into his work. Nowhere in Castilian can there be found such music, such variety of tone and color, such appealing melody. To have enriched the life of his nation with this gift is alone a warrant for his enduring fame. But Garcilaso is more than an object of national pride; he is a source of permanent delight for all the world whose speech is Spanish. And hap- pily, this gift of song is not one that ap- peals merely to the trained mind; it still stirs all men who love the song of birds, the rustle of wind in the trees or the bab- bling of brooks. Thus Garcilaso's in- fluence and popularity have been universal. We do not need to know the source of his themes to be stirred by the magic of his words. His art of song is spontaneous and eternal. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 265 CHAPTER II THE LETTERS Of the three letters of Garcilaso which have come down to us as evidences of his prose, one is a brief official note sent to the Emperor concerning a miHtary mat- ter. The second is a short, friendly mis- sive to Girolamo Seripando, interesting largely because of an unexplainable refer- ence to certain enmities at the Court. The third letter, however, is considerably longer and offers a larger interest. This letter, the first of Garcilaso 's works to appear in print, is addressed to Dona Geronima Palova de Almogavar and serves as a prologue to Boscan's translation of II cortegiano of Baldassare Castiglione. It was Garcilaso, as Boscan tells us in his own Prologo, ^ who first sent him a copy of the Italian work and it was he who, after the translation had been made at AND MONOGRAPHS 266 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the instigation of Dona Geronima, insisted upon its immediate publication, even read- ing the final proof himself. There are several reflections of the poet's opinions in this letter, which give us some glimpse of his literary tastes, as well as his general attitude toward life. Thus he remarks his satisfaction in having early appreciated the excellent qualities of Casti- gli one's work, adding a significant com- ment on the importance of a gentleman's avoiding all action which might tend to lower his reputation on the world. Of particular interest is his biting criticism of early Spanish Hterature. "Some misfor- tune has always been ours," he says, "for hardly anyone has written anything in our tongue which could not very well have been- dispensed with." Plainly he was not familiar with Juan Ruiz; the Celestina he must have overlooked, or considered unworthy of a place in belles lettres. In all probability he is thinking primarily of the novelas caballerescas, iorheadds, "though this would be hard to prove to those who always HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 267 have in hand those books that kill men.''^ Another passage of especial moment, as reflecting his own methods, is his comment on the value of Boscan's translation. It is as hard, he believes, to translate a book well as to write a new book. Boscan has avoided the dangers, he has escaped af- fectation, without falling into dryness. His language is pure, his words are elegant, in good usage, and not new nor unfamiliar. If these are qualities of style which he admired in his friend, may we not sup- pose that they were also those which he sought himself to achieve ? And in fact, are not these precisely the qualities which critics have foimd in his works ? Continu- ing, he praises the translator for his skill in translating, not the words, but the spirit and ideas of the original, achieving the same effects of force or ornament by following different paths. Here once more we have a statement of his own practice, which he has so admirably illustrated in his translation of Sannazaro in the second Eclogue. AND MONOGRAPHS 268 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA His defense of Castiglione from the charge of inequality in the humor of the examples which he cites is not wholly con- vincing, but it does bespeak the writer of experience who knows the difficulty of maintaining the level of inspiration, and it does show, a certain regard for a realistic presentation of lifej which is banal as well as brilliant. The final reference to his own share in the work must certainly be taken literally. Garcilaso is in no wise respons- ible for the excellencies of the translation, as Navarrete suggested;^ it is the achieve- ment of Boscan and it is unnecessary to seek in it the hand of his friend. Garcilaso was privileged to review it. As Menendez y Pelayo has fitly re- marked, ^ few works have been honored with a prologue more subtly and discreetly phrased, nor more delicately fitted to their subject. Garcilaso's prose, Hke his verse, is polished and elegant; far more than his verse it shows the gracious dignity of old Castilian. If it lacks the simplicity of the prose of his great contemporary, Juan de HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 269 Valdes, it must be attributed to the arti- ficial atmosphere of the court in which he lived. The whole letter reflects that courtly life, with its elaborate compliments and tributes, often too overdrawn for the tastes of modem life. But the Garcilaso whom we see is quite the same gallant gentleman who moves through the verses he has left: f)olished and subtly well- balanced, himself a model of the corie- AND MONOGRAPHS 270 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA CHAPTER III THE LATIN POEMS In 1622 Tamayo de Vargas printed at the end of his edition of Garcilaso's works a Latin epigram "Garsiae Lassi de la Vega ad Ferdinandum de Acuna," which had first appeared in the 1553 edition of Acuna 's translation of Le chevalier de- libere. This epigram was considered the only example of Garcilaso's Latin verse vintil the end of the last century. Appar- ently it has never occurred to anyone to question its authenticity, although the most cursory investigation would have led to a demonstration of the fact that this epigram could not have been the work of our poet. For Fernando de Acufia was born about 1520;! he was, then, about sixteen years old when Garcilaso died. Surely, even if Garcilaso had chanced to meet him in those last days of the campaign in La HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 271 Provence, where Acuna joined the Imperi- al forces a few days before the poet's death — and this is highly improbable — he could hardly have found in this lad a distinguished eulogist of the royal family. In fact, the first verses of Acuna to which it is possible to assign a date, and these are all amorous, belong to the period between 1537 and 1540. His famous sonnet to the king, Ya se acerca, sefior, o es ya llegada la edad gloriosa, en que promete el cielo una grey y un pastor solo en el mundo . . . \in monarca, un imperio, y una espada, (lines 1-3, 8)1 can hardly have been written before the battle of ]\Iuhlberg (1547). The transla- tion of Le chevalier delibere, undertaken at the request of Charles V, and dedicated to him, was certainly written long after Gar- cilaso's death. Under these circumstances, it is plain that the Garcilaso who wrote the epigram was not our poet but his son of the same name. This son enjoyed a reputation as AND MONOGRAPHS 272 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA a poet, for he is celebrated among other poets of the decade from 1540 to 1550 by Geronimo de Urrea in the stanzas which he introduced into the Canto XLV of his translation of the Orlando furioso (Anvers, 1549), Don Juan de Heredia viene muy gozoso, dando mas luz al Celtiberio assiento; y don Luys Qapata, desseoso de ver al proprio barco en salvamiento; Garcilasso no menos presuroso viene, monstrando bien ser ornamento de la Vega y de Qnniga\ y ufano veo a Gualvez venir, junto a Morrano.^ Diego Ramirez Pagan, in his Floresta de varia poesia, dedicates to his memory a sonnet in which he seems to place him be- side his father in the glory of his achieve- ment, iO del arbol mas bello y mas gracioso que ha produzido aca fertil terreno rico pimpollo, ya de flores Ueno y ^ par de otra qualquier planta glorioso! El mismo viento ayrado y tempestuoso, que a tu tronco tan lexos del ameno patrio Tago arranco, por prado ageno HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 273 te deshojo con soplo pressuroso; y una misma tambien piadosa mano hos traspuso en el cielo, a do las flores de ambos produzen ya agradable fmto. No hos Uore, como suele el mundo en vano, mas consagreos altar, offrezca olores, con rostro alegre y con semblante enxuto.^ It is also probable, as we have seen, that some other works preserved under the name of Garcilaso de la Vega are his. Although this epigram is not the work of Garcilaso, other of his Latin poems have survived. As long ago as 1762 there was printed at Naples in the edition of the Opera of Antonius Thylesius an ode of un- doubted authenticity addressed by Gar- cilaso to Thylesius in honor of his Latin play, the Imher aureus (1529). Since the discovery of this poem by Signori Mele and Savj -Lopez in 1897, two other of his Latin odes have been found and printed by Signor Mele and Senor Bonilla y San Martin, so that we may now form some opinion of his Latin style. AND MONOGRAPHS 274 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA It must be confessed that none of these three poems reveals exceptional worth; in ease and mastery of form they cannot be compared with the work of Pontanus or even of Sannazaro or Navagero. Of classic reminiscences there are many, par- ticularly of Virgil and Horace; the versi- fication is for the most part technically perfect ; and occasionally there is a line of real beauty or power. But as a whole they smack rather of the school-boy exercise, of conscious effort to use an artificial, un- familiar form. It seems improbable that it was one of these odes which was dedicated to Cardinal Bembo and of which the latter spoke in terms of such unmeasured praise. ^ It may well be true that Garcilaso's odes surpassed those of any of the Spaniards of his time; but it is also probable that they were the only Latin poems written by a Spaniard which Bembo had ever seen. Nor must it be forgotten that in the same letter in which he bestows such enthusiastic praise, he also has a special and personal favor to HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 275 ask in behalf of his friend Onorato Fasci- telli. We can only say that if Bembo's judgment was a candid, honest expression of his opinion, then the poems to which he refers must have been other than those which have survived. Quite apart from their literary value, a certain personal interest attaches to the odes to Thylesius and Sepulveda. The for- mer, in particular, contains explicit refer- ences to the poet's stay in Germany and to the new friends and experiences that he was enjoying in Naples, as well as the only mention of his wife in all his writings. The latter, although more conventional in its subject matter, testifies to his acquaint- ance with the historian of Charles V and gives an interesting reference to the lat- ter's Democrates. The third of the odes is a typical product of the Renaissance: a pot-pourri of classical reminiscences of the power of Cupid, decked in the form of a dialogue between Venus and her son, wholly without emotion, unrelieved even by the exquisite artistic finish which the AND MONOGRAPHS 276 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA masters of this school of imitation suc- ceeded in giving to their verse. Without these works we knew that Garcilaso was steeped in the classic Latin poets; through them we see that he, like the other poets of his time, regarded Latin as a language for actual use as an artistic instrument; they make it easier to understand the close affinity which exists between him and Virgil in the Eclogues. He belongs to that great group of the scholar-poets of the Renaissance. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 277 CHAPTER IV \^RSIFICATIOX Garcilaso's position as an innovator in poetical form gives especial significance to the technical methods which he followed in these new forms, for it was his verse, rather than that of Boscan, which was the model of the early members of the Italian school in Spain, and as we shall see, it is he who offers the first example of the use of many of the Italian metrical combina- tions.^ The much discussed question of the first appearance in Spain of the hendeca- syllable and of the Italian verse forms, which has been reviewed at length by Menendez y Pelayo in his study of the work of Boscan,- does not concern us here. Although there can be Httle doubt that sporadic lines in the ItaHan rhythms are to be foimd in writers of the Middle Ages AND MONOGRAPHS 278 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA in Spain, or that the Marquis of Santillana and Juan de Villalpando made a conscious effort to imitate the sonnets of Dante, their work has no relation with that of Garcilaso. His source of inspiration is not the Hterature of his own tongue but that of Italy, to which he was led by circum- stances which we have already discussed. Nor need we attempt to survey the history of the development of the several measures which became the standard rhythms of Italian verse. It is sufficient to say that Garcilaso 's model for his versification, as for his artistic methods, was Petrarch. a. THE HENDECASYLLABLE The hendecasyllable of Garcilaso is that of Petrarch in its two normal forms, the one with stresses on the sixth and tenth syllables, El dulce lamentar de dos pastores, (Egl. I, 1) the other with stresses on the fourth, eighth and tenth syllables, iO dulces prendas, por mi mal falladas! (Son. X, 1) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 279 Without counting the lines with inner rhymes, in which there is an enforced stress on the sixth syllable, the first of these two types largely predominates. In his use of the minor accents there seems to be no general rules except the intro- duction of at least one minor stress before the sixth syllable in verses of the first type and the avoidance of minor stresses ("acen- tos obstruccionistas") on the fifth syllable in verses of the first type, and on the third and seventh syllables of the second type (that is, before the secondary line-stresses) and on the ninth s^dlable in verses of both types (that is, before the main Hne-stress).i In general it may be said of his verse, and this has already been remarked as characteristic of the poets of the sixteenth century in Spain by Rodriguez Marin, ^ that it has a strongly marked iambic rhythm. Wholly iambic lines are not un- common. El cielo quanto bien conoce el miindo, (Son. XXI, 2) AND MONOGRAPHS 280 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA and lines with four iambic stresses are frequent, En fin a vuestras manos he venido, (Son. II, 1) A fuerga de llorar crecer hazla. (Son. XIII, 10) Although the two forms which we have mentioned are the norm of Garcilaso, other types, some of them employed by his Italian masters, appear in his poems. In the earlier Tuscan poets, lines which bore a secondary stress on the fourth syllable were not necessarily also stressed on the eighth syllable; there was left a consider- able degree of freedom in the disposition of the minor stresses. One type, that with a stress on the seventh syllable, is found occasionally in Petrarch, and in Dante is so common as to be one of his regular forms. Of this type there are a number of examples in Garcilaso: Cortaste el drbol, con mdnos danosas. (Son. XXV, 3) Y a ver los passos por do me ha traydo. (Son. I, 2) HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 281 Bien es verdad que no esta acompanada. (El. I, 121) Tus claros ojos. c.a quien los volvlste? fEgl. I, 128) Hinchen el a\Te de dulce annonia. (Egl. II, 69) Ora clavando del ciervo ligero. (Egl. II, 194) Verde tefiida, aqiiel valle atajavamos. (Egl. II, 210) Y caminando por do mi ventiira. (Egl. II. 539) Como pudiste tan presto ol\-idarte. (Egl. II, 578) iAdios. montanas; adios, verdes prados! (Egl. II, 638) Even more common are the lines which have no stress between the fourth and tenth syllables: Pienso remedios en mi fantasia. (Son. Ill, 6) Libre el lugar a la desconfian^a. (Son. IV, 4) A poder mio y a mi consentimiento. (Son. VII, 10) AND MONOGRAPHS 282 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA En salvo destos acontecimientos. (Son. XX, 6) Y de mis mdles arrepentimiento. (Cane. I, 21) Me quexo a vos, como si en verdad. (Cane. II, 23) Un campo lleno de deseonfianga. (Cane. IV, 89) Algunos premios o agradecimientos. (El. I, 92) De daros cuenta de los pensamientos. (Ep., 2) Con la memoria de mi desventura. (Egl. I, 369) Al sueiio a3^udan eon su movimiento. (Egl. II, 76) Del mal ageno de la eompafiera. (Egl. II, 282) El largo lianto, el desvaneeimiento. (Egl. II, 495) De mi gran culpa aquel remordimiento. (Egl. II, 497) Salir el.humo de las easerias. (Egl. II, 1871);i It will be observed that with one excep- tion, all the examples occur in a line ending HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 283 with a word of four or more syllables, in which the eighth syllable is necessarily unstressed. Aside from these unquestionable ex- amples of deviation from the normal types, there are several cases in which it is neces- sary to place the- secondary stress on a normally weak syllable, if the lines are to conform to the usual rules. Such Hnes as: Xo pierda mas, quien ha tanto perdido. (Son. VII, 1) ^le quito al mundo y me ha en ti sepultado. (Son. XVI, 13) En un temor que me ha puesto en olvido. (Cane. IV, 157) Tentar el mal y si es malo el sucesso. (Egl. II, 824) Aguas metido podra ser que al llanto. (El. I, 164) should be considered in the class with ac- cents on the fourth and seventh syllable, for the auxiliaries aver and ser are essen- tially atonic.^ In like manner, there is no normal stress between the fourth and tenth syllables in the lines : AND MONOGRAPHS 284 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA A defenderme de lo que has querido. (Son. VII, 4) Mas si de cerca soy acometido. (Son. XVIII, 12) Acabe yd; pues es tan celebrada. (Cane. I, 15) Alguna parte de lo que yo siento. (Cane. IV, 145) Se eontradizen en lo que profieren. (El. II, 15) Algunos dellos, que eran infinitos. (Egl. II, 227) Se engarrafava de la que venia. (Egl. II, 288) For un testigo de tu mal processo. (Egl. II, 828) Moverme ya de mal exereitada. (Egl. II, 836) De Nemoroso fue tan eelebrada. (Egl III, 252)1 Aside from these forms, all of which have their prototypes in Dante and in Petrarch, there occur in Garcilaso's work several lines of another type, namely, with stresses on the second, eighth, and tenth syllables, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 285 Que ya no me refrenara el temor. (Cane. 11, 36) En lagrimas, como al lluvioso viento. (El. I, 23) Descojolos y de un dolor tamaiio. (Egl. I, 355) Juntandolos, con iin cordon los ato. (Egl. I, 363) Mas todo se convertira en abrojos. (Egl. Ill, 343) Irregular as they are, and foreign to that conception of the hendecasyllable which divides it into phrases of seven and four, or of five and six syllables, it is noteworthy that the number of syllables between the stresses is no greater than in the type whose first stress falls on the sixth syllable, or that with stresses on the fourth and tenth syllables, and that the rhythm of the line as a whole is equally well preserved. It is interesting to note that of the ex- amples of variation from the two common Petrarchan types, only one is from the last of Garcilaso's longer poems, Eclogue III. We may well believe that had he AND MONOGRAPHS 286 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA lived to prepare his works for publication, he would have pruned away many of the irregularities of his first attempts with that same meticulous care which character- ized his Italian contemporaries. But this was not permitted to him and such changes as may have been made by his literary executor, Boscan, were not likely to pro- duce verses of purely Italian cadence, if we may judge from the latter's own com- positions. The fact remains, however, that Garcilaso's technique was not perfect, as the editions which his annotators pre- pared have led us to believe. His verses show precisely the uncertainties and hesi- tations which we should expect to find in a beginner. It is not surprising, then, to find in his verses several types which reveal the in- fluence of his own Castilian measures. In the edition of Barcelona there are at least twenty-three lines of twelve syllables, which may be grouped as follows: (a) Lines composed of a verse of re- dondilla mayor, followed by its quebrada, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 287 Esfuerga con la miseria | de tu estado. (Son. IV, 7) Enciientrase en el camino | facilmente. (Son. VIII, 5) Y ansi ando con lo que siento | differente. (Son. IX, 8) Quanto el fiero Eaderique | de Toledo. (Egl. II, 1213) Puesque no la ha quebrantado | tu partida. (Egl. I, 266) Donde descansar y siempre 1 pueda verte. (Egl. I, 405) A lo menos aprovecha 1 yo te digo. (Egl. II, 352) Como si yo fuesse un lefio j sin sentido. (Egl. II, 989) Aviendo ya contemplado | una gran piega. (Egl. Ill, 81) Recogido le lie va van | alegrando. (Egl. Ill, 294) (b) Lines composed of a verse of re- dondilla mayor, agudo, followed by a quintanary (five-syllable line) : He perdido quanto bien ] de vos espero. (Son. IX, 7) El alamo v el laurel 1 v el mirtho callen. (Egl. Ill, 360) AND MONOGRAPHS 288 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA (c) Lines composed of a perfect septen- ary, followed by a quint anary, instead of a quaternary: Si quexas y lamentos | pudieron tanto. (Son. XV, 1) Como senti tus leyes | tan rigurosas. (Son. XXV, 2) El viento sus cabellos | y con su vista. (El. I, 239) Y en el rigor del yelo | y en la serena. (El. II, 187) (d) Lines composed of a quintanary, followed by a septenary: Mas tan cansada | de averse levantado. (Son. IV, 2) Muerte, prisiones | no pueden ni embaragos. (Son. IV, 12) Valgame agora ] jamas aver provado. (Son. VII, 3) Que reffrenaron | el curso de los rios. (Son. XV, 2) Porque son duros ] y tienen fundamentos. (Son. XX, 7) Cantando el uno | y el otro respondiendo. (Egl. Ill, 304) HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 289 In lines such as those of (a) and (b), the rhythm of the Hne is frankly trochaic in several of the examples and they seem to reveal the influence of the normal Cas- tiHan verse. It may be remarked that the lines in group (d) also have stresses with- out exception on the seventh syllable and should perhaps be included with those of (a) and (b). In the lines of groups (c) and (d), it is probable that the syllable after the stress was felt as hypermetric. Such a usage, natural in Spain, where it was an essential feature of the verses of arte mayor, is not without its counterpart in the Italian poets. Thus we find numerous examples in the work of the fifteenth century Neapolitan poet, Francesco Ga- leota, especially in his Frotola in gliomaro, as, Ho presso alquanto ardire | de basso inzegno.i Neither the gliommero nor the arte mayor seem ever to have lost their character of two distinct lines within a single line. AND MONOGRAPHS i 290 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA When the first half-Hne ended, and the second half -line began, with a vowel, a septenary and a quintanary or a quintanary and a septenary together formed a perfect hendecasyllable. And this happened so frequently in practise, that it became the rule. Garcilaso's use of the two half -lines independently may be traced in part to the native usage in this respect and in part to his acquaintance with the Neapol- itan school. It is not surprising, either, that we should find in his work a few examples of actual lines of arte mayor, La fuerga de en quien | ha de essecutarse. (Cane. I, 16) Bramando parece | que respondian. (Egl. II, 513)1 Lines of eleven syllables are naturally frequent in the verses of arte mayor of Juan de Mena and the other masters of the form and in the works of Boscan they constantly appear to disturb the rhythm of his verse. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 291 In the canciones there appear two Unes of nine syllables, He lastima que van perdidas. (Cane. II, 9) Fueren de alguno enfin halladas. (Cane. III. 64) where the stanza structure calls for a hendecasy liable. Their occurrence in the canciones alone, amid hendecasy Uables and septenaries, would arise not unnaturally from the uncertainty incident to the use of this little practised form. As for the septenaries of Garcilaso, they offer no peculiarity worthy of comment, other than a tendency to preserve a strictly iambic rhythm. Lines such as Ni con freno Ja rige. (Cane. V, 39) are rare. b. SYNAERESIS AND DIAERESIS The. practice of the Castilian poets be- fore the sixteenth century in regard to AND MONOGRAPHS 292 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA synaeresis, diaeresis, synaloepha and hiatus had been extremely irregular and it is not to them but rather to the Italian models of Garcilaso that we must look to find the general principles on which he based his practise. But we must also bear in mind the characteristic differences in pronun- ciation between Tuscan and Castilian to explain those rules in which he diverges from his models. For the sake of clarity, we shall use the term "synaeresis" to de- note the pronunciation in a single syllable of any two adjacent vowels within a word, "diaeresis" to denote the division into two syllables of any such vowels. "Syna- loepha" will be used to signify the pronun- ciation in a single syllable of the , final vowel of one word and the initial vowel of the following word; "hiatus" the division into two syllables of any such vowels. The general rules of Garcilaso's use of synaeresis and diaeresis may be stated as follows: I. Any two adjacent vowels, stressed on the first vowel, coimt as a single syllable. HISPANIC NOTES 1 LIFE AND WORKS [ 293 When the combination is one of a strong vowel (a, e, o) followed by a weak vowel (i, u), forming a true diphthong, the rule is followed without exception. d-u - Notable caussL diste. (Egl. I, 149)1 d-y - Hinchen el avre de dulce armonia. (Egl. II, 69) e-u - Viene a sacarme de la deuda. un dia. (Son. XXVI, 13) e-y - Por donde vos sabe vs que su processo. (El. II, 26) d-u - No example. d-y - Estoy muriendo y aim la vida temo. (Egl. I, 60) Stressed a, followed by either of the strong vowels, e or 0, count as a single syllable in the only examples found: d-e - Del caso la grandeza trae consigo. (Egl. II, 1580)2 d-o - Quedaos a Dios, que ya nuestros oydos. (Egl. II, 635) It is probable that these combinations were pronounced then, as still in popular Castilian, di and dii. AND MONOGRAPHS 294 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA The combination of the identical vowels, ee, is treated as a single syllable : A que dess^e tomar a ver un dia. (Son. XXVI, 13) No \ee la llena plaga. (Egl. II, 44; other examples: Egl. II, 1549; Egl. Ill, 329, 349) This usage corresponds with current pro- nimciation; the group ee is either simpli- fied (M.S. ve) or becomes ey {desey, crey). The groups ea, eo, ia, and to in general follow the rule, but with some exceptions: e-a - Un rato sea de mi la grave carga. (El. II, 170; also: Ep., 61; Egl. II, 148, 617, 630) Exceptions: De tal arte pele-an noche y dia. (Son. IX, 13; also: Egl. 1, 142) e-o - Nunca entre si los veo sino reflidos (Son. IX. 12; also: Egl. II, 4) Exception: Aqueste es el dess^-o que me lleva. (Son. XXVI, 12) i-a - Sefiora mia, si yo de vos ausente. (Son. IX, I ; 54 examples) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 295 Exceptions: La dulce compan/-d amar- ga y dura. (Son. XVII, 7; also Son. XXV, 10; Egl. II, 531, 623, 793, 835; Egl. Ill, 123, 137) i-o - A poder mio y a mi consentimiento. (Son. VII, 19; also: Son. VIII, 6; Cane. Ill, 53; Egl. II, 920. 1472, 1590, 1754; Egl. Ill, 201) Exceptions: Del seco est i-o el gran calor ardiente. (Egl. II, 234; also: Egl. II, 839, 1078, 1602) Of the fifteen cases of diaeresis in these four groups, ten occur when the stress on the first vowel is reinforced by a secondary line-stress. This treatment becomes the rule, which is followed without exception, when the word stress is reinforced by (i) a main Hne-stress or (2) by a secondary stress on an inner rhyme. e-a (i) Mas elada que nieve. Galate-a. (Egl. I, 59) (2) No example. Cf. above: pele-an. e-o (i) Y quanto yo escrivir de vos &es,se-o. (Son. V^ 2) AND MON OGRAPHS 296 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA (2) Que tienes gran desse-(9 de juntarte. (Egl. II, 968) i-a (i) Yva pensando y discurriendo un &i-a. (Ep., 28) (2) Que por alguna vi-a te avisasse. (Egl. II, 361) i-o (i) Reputandolo yo por desvari-o. (Egl. I, 114) (2) Anda a buscar el ivi-o desta yerva. (Egl. II, 739) Garcilaso's practise in regard to these groups is precisely that of Petrarch and his successors in Italian and this may be a sufficient explanation. But it is important to note that the groups ia and io frequently suffered a shift of stress in Old Spanish, as is witnessed by such imperfects as durmia and sintia. Similarly, the groups ea and eo became in speech, ed, eo, and then id, id, that is, ya, yo. II. Any two adjacent vowels stressed upon the second vowel (except id, ie, id, and ue) count as two syllables. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 297 a-e - Toma a ca-er, que dexa a mal mi grado. (Son. IV, 3) Los tiros y sa-etas pongonosas. (Son. XVI, 4; sa-eta also in Cane. V, 102) Para eseaparse no le fue ma-^stro. (Egl. II, 262; ma-estro also in Egl. II, 355. 695, 709, 785, 841, 1308, 133s, 1622) Yo para mi tra-er solo un eomado. (Egl. II, 899) a-i - Y a ver los passos por do me ha tva-ydo} (Son. I, 2; tra-ydo also in Egl. II, 721) La qual a un llano grande yo tra- hidi.^^ (Egl. II, 266; tra-hia also in Egl. II, 1273, 135s; Egl. Ill, 221) Y en torcidas ra->'zes se bolvian. (Son. XIII, 8; ra-yzes also in Cane. IV, 75; Egl. Ill, 165) De perseguir al triste y al ca-ydo. (Cane. I, 36; ca-ydo also in Egl. II, 852) AND MONOGRAPHS 298. GARCILASO DE LA VEGA • La gente se ca-hia medio muerta. (Egl. II, 1233) a-o - De quien podre yo a-ora. (Cane. II, 16; also in Egl. II, 138) Exception : No me den pena por lo que aovsi digo. (Cane. II, 35) e-d - En tantos bienes porque desse-astes (Son. X, 13; desse-ar also in Cane. IV, 45, 48; Egl. I, 104, 322; Egl. II, 321, 473, 1124, 1135, 1416) Estava yo a mirar y pele-ando. (Cane. IV, 41) Entonees yo sentime salte-ado. (Cane. IV, 53) Con vuestra soledad me reere-ava. (Egl. I, 248; recre-ar also in Egl. II, 761) Las plumas blanque-ando solas fuera. (Egl. II, 727; hlanque-ar also in Egl. II, 1437, 1692) No torres de fossado rode-adas. (Egl. II, 959; rode-ar also in Egl. II, 1728) iA nympha desle-al! y dessa suerte. (Egl. II, 865) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 299 Quanto senore-aron de aquel no. (Egl. II, 1180) Hazia el agua se fueron passe-ando. (Egl. Ill, 280) e-i - En el ya se mostravan y le-hian. (El. I, 70; le-hia also in Egl. II, 1282) La sombra se ve-hia. (Egl. I, 414; ve-hia also in Egl. II, 1215, 1272, 1 731; Egl. Ill, 217) Y en tin desassossiego no cre-yhle. (Egl. II, 318) . Con essa dura mano, descre-^^do. (Egl. II, 848; descre-ida also in Egl. II, 1631) o-d - El trabajo constante y tan lo-ahle. (Egl. II, 1445; lo-ahle also in Egl. Ill, 28) o-e - Piensas que es otro el fuego que en 0-eta. (El. I, 253) Obras y hermosura a los po-^tas. (Cane. V, 105) o-i - Mas nunca fue la voz del las o-yda.. (Son. XXIX, 11; o-yr also in AND MONOGRAPHS 300 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Egl. I, 383, 410; Egl. II, 122, 635, 1588; Egl. Ill, 43, 45, 64, 283, 286, 289) 0-6 - De su saber la fuerga con lo-oves. (Egl. II, 1087; lo-ores also in Egl. 1,40) u-d - Tanto que no pudiera el manti^-ano. (Egl. I, 173) Con el sw-ave canto enterneciesse. (Cane. V, 7 ; su-ave also in Egl. II, 1162; Egl. Ill, 285, 295) Exceptions: El swave olor del prado florecido. (Egl. II, 15; suave also in Egl. Ill, 74) lid after g and q is never broken : Y hizo ygual al pensamiento el arte. (Son. XXI, 14) Entonces, como qwando el cisne siente. (Egl. II, 554) u-i - Ni aquel fiero ru-ydo contrahecho. (Son. XVI, 6; ru-ydo or ro-ydo also in Cane. Ill, i; El. I, 197; Egl. I, 164; Egl. II, 13, 65, 217, 564, 1208) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 301 Mi razon y ]u-yzio bien creyeron. (Cane. IV, 24; ju-yzio also in Egl. I, 133, 136) Y el passo ya eerrado y la hzi->'da. (Cane. IV, 112; hii-yr also in El. II, 169) Del grave peso y de la gran ru-yns.. (EL I, 200; ru-yna also in Egl. II, 1067) A ser restitM->'do. (Egl. I, 22; restitu-hia also in Egl. II, 1468) Exceptions: La claridad contempla, el rw/ydo siente. (Cane. IV, 98) Es aqueste desc«vdo suelto y puro. (Ep., 10) Muy (Egl. I, 5, ete.) and/w>' (Egl. I, 184, etc.) are always monosyllables; they both are properly atonic forms. u-d - Manso, cuerdo, agradable, virt«-oso. (Egl. II, 904) iO gran saber! 10 viejo frutw-oso! (Egl. II, 1 1 29) It is worthy of comment that all the groups mentioned in the above list are AND MONOGRAPHS 302 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA either derived directly from Latin or Greek, or arise from the loss of an inter- vocalic consonant.! Latin forms are: traer, recrear, man- tuano, suave, virtuoso, frutuoso, ruyna, and restituyr. Oeta and poeta are Greek (through Latin). The following show the loss of an intervocalic consonant: caer {*cadere), saeta {sagittam), maestro {magis- trum), aora {ad or am), rayzes {^radices), desleal {*dislegalem), leer {*legere), veer (videre), creyble (credibilem), loable {lauda- hilem), oyr (audire), juyzio (iudicium), huyr {*fugtre), and ruydo {rugltum). It is further interesting that with five exceptions, (ma-estro, Egl. II, 695, 1335, and su-ave. Cane. V, 7; Egl. II, 11 62; Egl. Ill, 285), there is no case of the diaeresis of these vowels unless the stressed vowel is reinforced by the main or secondary line-stress. This tendency to avoid diae- resis in other parts of the Hne is already evident in the Italian poets from Dante on; in Garcilaso, it becomes almost a rule. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 303 The groups id, ie, id, and ue call for special notice. As in the groups which we have just examined, when the combination arises from the loss of an intervocalic consonant, diaeresis occurs. i-d - Ya de bolver estoy desconfi-ado. (Son. Ill, 5; desconfi-anqa also in Son. IV, 4; Cane. IV, 89; conji- anqa in Egl. II, 11 93) Fi-ar el mal de mi que lo posseo. (Son. XII, 8) Apenas en el agua resfrf-ado. (Son. XII, 14; resfri-ado also in Egl. II, 452; enfri-ava in Cane. IV, 40) Quien tras ella gu^-ara ygual su curso. (Egl. II, 1429; gui-ada also in Egl. II, 1606) i-e - Y tu, ingrata, vi-endo. (Egl. I, 392; ri-endo also in Egl. II, 13 20)^ i-d - No example, u-e - Estava en su cvu-eza. (Cane. I, 11; cru-eza also in Egl. I, 382; Egl. II, 709, 1222) Con processo cr«-d y riguroso. (El. I, 191) AND MONOGRAPHS 304 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA • When these combinations are derived from other sources, synaeresis usually occurs, with certain exceptions in the case of words which represent an original Latin combination. id - Que aun aliviar con quexas mi cuydado. (Son. II, 3; aliviar also in Egl. II, 372, 377, 1573) Por donde suelen yr las remedmdas. (Cane. II, 10) El alma suelta con bolar livfano. (El. II, 129; liviano also in Egl. II, 1477, • 1565, 1607, etc.) Delias al negocfar y variando. (El. n, 32) Pareceme que buelo, despreciando. (EgL II, 887; despreciar also in Egl. II, 1522) Donde el cristiano estado estava en dubio. (Egl. II, 1493; cristiano also in Egl. II, 1198) Denunczava el aurora ya vezina. (Egl. II, 551) Escurecerse toda y enturviarse. (Egl. 11, 8) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 305 Que de los tiemos ramos van rum/ando. (Egl. II, 1733) Exceptions: Que en imaginacion tan var/-able. (Cane. IV, 122) Delias al negociar y varz-ando. (El. II, ^2; vari-ar also in Egl. II, 447, 1685, 946; Egl. Ill, 172, 265) A los hombres reserva, tu, D/-ana. (Egl. II, 740; Di-ana also in Egl. II, 173, 752, 802) A los que le cr/-avan. Luego estava. (Egl. II, 1307; cri-anqa also in Egl. II, 1341) Que el agua disponia al gran v/-aje. (Egl. II, 1603; 17-0;'^ also in Egl. II, 1469) El cauto Itali-ano not a y mira. (Egl. II, 1545) Phillodoce, Df-amane y Climene. (Egl. III, 55; Di-amene also in Egl. Ill, 145) Por el herv^or del sol demas/-ado. (Cane. I, 2) All of these words, except criar and demasiado, represent an original Latin AND MONOGRAPHS 306 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA combination; criar shows a similar com- bination in Latin creare, and demasiado is based on demasia. Of greater significance is the fact that Petrarch has diaeresis in vari-are, (Son. CCCV, 13), Di-ana (Madr. I, i), cre-are (Canz. XXIX, 108), and vi-aggio (Son. LXII, 10). On the other hand none of the words in which synaeresis occurs in Garcilaso have cognate forms in Dante or Petrarch, except cristiano, which occurs, also with synaeresis, in Petrarch's Trionfo delta fama, (II, 142). Finally it should be noted that in every case where diaeresis occurs, the word-stress is reinforced by the main or secondary line -stress. id - Mi inclinaczf?n, con quien ya no porfio. (Son. VI, 12; also in the ending -ion without exception) Del oro se esQOgio con buelo presto. (Son. XXIII, 6; also in the verbal ending -id without exception) Y en lo secreto sabe D/os en quanto. (El I, 14; Dios and diosa without exception) HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS ' 307 Por manos de Vulcano artificiosas. (Son. XVI, 3; also in the ending -doso in curioso, (Ep., 11; Egl. II, 1736); codicioso (Ep., js)', embidiosa (El. I, 98); espaciosa (Egl. II, 1043); gracioso (El. I, 235; Egl. I, 278; Egl. II, 10^^); ocioso (Son. XXVI, 5; Egl. II, 237); lluvioso (El. I, 23); and ravioso (Egl. Ill, 180) Respuesta tan azeda y tan od/osa. (Egl. II, 403) Exceptions: No las francesas armas odz-osas. (Son. XVI, i; odi-oso also in Egl. Ill, 160) Convertida en vi-olsi. (Cane. V, 28) Tan glorf-osa frente. (Egl. I, 37; glori-oso also in Egl. II, 1236, 1694, 1759) Odioso, viola, and glorioso are regularly found with diaeresis in the works of Dante and Petrarch. They also represent original Latin combinations. Garcilaso's use of the combinations id and id is distinctly at variance with that of the Italian writers, particularly that of AND MONOGRAPHS 308 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Petrarch. It is, however, strictly in keep- ing with Castilian pronunciation; in fact the few exceptions which are found are undoubtedly a conscious imitation of his Petrarchan model. The combinations ie and ue, arising from the breaking of Latin e and o, are true diphthongs and are counted as a single syllable in the verses of Garcilaso. ie - La mar en medio y tierras he dexado. (Son. Ill, i) ue -Por vos he de morir y por vos muero. (Son. V, 14) There is no diphthong when ue follows g and q, as in guerra or que, the u serving merely to indicate the pronunciation of the consonant. In aguero and aguclos, and in eloquente the combination forms a true diphthong and is treated as in ue from Latin 6. The combination ie representing an original Latin combination is regularly counted as two syllables, in Con luenga esperi-^ncia sabidores. (El. I, 172) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 309 Dezildo vos, P/-erides, que tanto. (Egl. I, 236) IMuy sin rumor, con passo muy qai- eto. (Egl. II, 211; qiii-eto also in Egl. II, 1032) Of the words found here, esperienza is found with diaeresis in Dante (Purg. XV, 21) and Petrarch (Son. LXV, 10); qiiieto with diaeresis in Dante (Parad. XVI, 134), Sannazaro (Son. XXI, i), and Ariosto (Orl. fur., XXIII, 117, i). The most striking features of Garcilaso's use of synaeresis and diaeresis are (i) his synaeresis of the groups ea, eo, ia and io, even when the word-stress is reinforced by a secondary line-stress; (2) his general avoidance of diaeresis, unless the word stress is reinforced by a main or secondary line -stress; (3) his diaeresis of all groups bearing the stress on the second vowel, used almost without exception when the group arises from the loss of an interv^ocalic consonant, and, also when the group repre- sents an original Latin group, except in the groups id, and io. In all of these peculiari- AND MONOGRAPHS 310 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA ties, two factors are evident : the influence of Italian prosody and also the current pro- nunciation of Castilian. Not all of his rules are still preserved in Spanish versifi- cation, but it is of especial interest to find that they were accepted as the norm by his followers in the Golden Age and that even to-day evidences of their influence can be found in poets of the Spanish world. III. Any two vowels in an unstressed syllable, whether before or after the stress, count as a single syllable. ae - Por no morir como Phaeton en fuego. (Egl. II, 303) au - Sefiora mia, si yo de vos awsente. (Son. IX, I) ay - En contra puestas del a^'rado pecho. (Son. XVI, 2) ea - Con prestas alas por la eburnea puerta. (Egl. II, 117) ey - La dele>'tosa play a estas mirando. (El. II, 146) ia - De tunica cubierta de dzamante. (El. n, 95) HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 311 En viendos la memorm de aquel dia. (Egl. II, 5) ie - Con mas pfedad devria ser escuchada. (Son. XV, 12) Con que nunca fue a nad/e defendido. (Cane. II, 41) io - Era prision de mas de un pris/onero. (Egl. II, 26s) Salicif? juntamente y Nemoroso. (Egl. I, 2) iu - Carlo Cesar tr/wmphante le abragava. (Egl. II, 1503) 00 - Contando<7S los amores y las vidas. (Son. XI, 8)1 ua - Y giiavQcer de un mal tan peligroso. (Son. XII, 3) Que por dificultosa y ardzm via. (Egl. II, 1422) ue - Que quien tan Iz/^ngamente. (Egl. II, 689) uo - En un -pevpet ho marmol, de las ondas. (El. I, 161) uy - Hacen los rwjsenores. (Cane. II, 10) There is no exeeption to this rule in Garcilaso; it undoubtedly points to a AND MONOGRAPHS 312 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA more marked tendency to equalize the value of two unstressed vowels in Castilian than in Italian, where we occasionally find examples of the diaeresis of unstressed vowels in the work of Dante and Petrarch, as in tri-unfando (Petrarch, Canz. II, 8i; Dante, Purg. XXVI, 77) or vari-etate (Petrarch, Son. XCIX, 10). C. SYNALOEPHA AND HIATUS Synaloepha of any two adjacent vowels normally occurs in Garcilaso, without regard to the word -stress. I. Both vowels unstressed: Tu que ganaste obrando. (Egl. 1,7) Either or both of the vowels may be in an atonic monosyllable. Por ti la gsquividad y apartamiento. (Egl. I, 100) Un nombre en todo el mundo. (Egl. I, 8) se cubrio de wn velo. (Egl. II, 687) HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 313 II. The first vowel stressed, the second unstressed. si estara ocupado o desparzido. (El. II, 42) The second vowel may be an atonic monosyllable. Escucha tu e\ cantar de mis pastores. (Egl. I, 42) III. The first vowel unstressed, the second stressed: Entemecerme siento que sobre ellos. (Egl. I, 356) The first vowel may be an atonic monosyllable. Y poner fin a las querellas qu^ «sas. (El. I, 13) IV. Both vowels stressed: No se que alia mtre dientes mur- murando. (Egl. II, 483) Cases of synaloepha under group IV are not frequent, but there is no case of hiatus in Garcilaso's work to avoid the synaloepha of two stressed vowels. AND MONOGRAPHS 314 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Synaloepha also occurs if the first word ends in a group of two vowels, whether unstressed or stressed, Albanfo es este que esta aqui dormido. (Egl. II, 98) Produze agora en camhio estos abro- jos. (Egl. I, 306) Que della un punto no sabfa apartar- me. (Egl. II, 181) or if the second word begins with a group of two unstressed vowels. La breve awsencia haze el mismo juego. (El. II, 49) Como si no estuviera de alH ausente. (Egl. I, S3) But if the second word begins with a stressed group, there is hiatus in the only examples found, Mas inficion de dyre en solo un diaJ (Son. VI, 12) Me parece que oygo que a la cruda. (Egl. I, 376) Que dun desto me duelo. (Cane. I, 24) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 315 although here, the hiatus is probably dependent upon another cause. There is no example in Garcilaso of the juxtaposition of a final stressed group of two vowels and an initial stressed vowel following, nor of a final group of two with an initial group of two vowels following. The conjunction y, when found between two vowels, regularly becomes semi con- sonantal and prevents synaloepha. ^ De la sierra de Cuencd y el govierno. In three lines there seems to be a viola- tion of this rule: Y en el rigor del yelo y en la serena. (El. II, 187) Cantando el uno y e\ otro respon- diendo. (Egl. Ill, 304) El alamo y e\ laurel y el mirtho callen. (Egl. Ill, 306). The first of these lines is probably imper- fect; in the other two, the phrase more properly calls for the omission of the y, which is probably an error of the printer. Similarly, the conjunction 0, which in speech becomes a u before another vowel. AND MONOGRAPHS 316 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA and is so written before an o, regularly prevents synaloepha, Con veros yo, senora 6 esperarlo. (Son. Ill, lo) Desnudo espiritw 6 homhre en carne y huesso. (Son. IV, 14) and by the same process, the exclamation iO!, Tomole por la mano ! admirable. (Egl. II, 1806) The only exception to this rule occiirs after an 0, Comigo que ver mas en mab en bueno. (Cane. I, 54) The monosyllables he, from aver, and a {ha), whether preposition or verb, do not prevent synaloepha: Dexarte he en la ribera do estar sueles. (Egl. II, 1765) Despues que te he escuchado. (Egl. n, 1843) It is worthy of note that in both cases there are three e's. Que es darme a mtender yo lo que no creo. (Son. XII, 4; 20 examples) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 317 Me quito al mundo y me ha en ti sepultado. (Son. XVI, 13) Exceptions : Quitalle a este mal mantenimiento. (Son. XIV, 11) Dandomg a cntender que mi flaqueza. (Cane. I, 49) Initial h requires a special discussion. In the orthography of the early sixteenth century it has several meanings. 1. It may represent an original Latin h, never pronounced and written merely from an imitation of classical spelling. In these cases, synaloepha regularly occurs. Humida habitSLvan del mar profundo. (EL I, 30); so too, ha (Egl. I, 167), Hircana (Egl. II, 563), {h)istoria ^ (Egl. II, no), homhre (Egl. II, 935), {h)onesto (Egl. II, 819), honor (Son. XXIV, i), horrihle (Egl. II, 154), humana (Egl. II, 102), huniido (Egl. II, 571). 2. It may represent a Latin initial g, in which case it is also silent, permitting synaloepha. ^ AND MONOGRAPHS 318 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA iQuien esta alia? Responds /zermano. (Egl. II, 916) 3. It may be a paleographical symbol indicate the semi -consonantal u in the group hue-, which without the h might be considered ve-}^ Although silent, syna- loepha never occurs before hue, because of the semiconsonantal force of the u (w). Con el en uni huerta. entrada siendo. (Egl. II, 1369) 4. It may represent a real consonant (a voiceless, throat continuant). This occurs whenever the h is derived from Latin initial / or from an Arabic initial aspirate. In these cases, there is naturally no synaloepha. Tu dulce hablsi, den cuya oreja suena? (Egl. I, 127) Habla is Latin fabulam. Other exam- ples of a real h are found in hado (fatum) Egl. I, 258; halagar {*falagare) Egl. II, 944; hallar {*fafflare) Egl. I, 221; hamhre {*faminem) Egl. I, 162; hartar {*fartare) Egl. II, 966; haya {*fageam) Egl. II, 171; hazer i*facere); hendir {*fendire) Egl. II, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 319 1497; hervir (Jervire) Egl. II, 732; hierro (Jerrum) Egl. II, 1365; hijo (Jilium) Egl. II, 1 218; hilo (Jiliim) Egl. Ill, 112; hincar {*figicare?) Egl. Ill, 166; holganqa {holgar edes> ees> es) or be due to analogy with the syncopated future subjunctive or with the older preterite forms. ^ Present Indicative. Old forms are esto (4 examples), conosco (Egl. II, 99, 319), vee (4 examples), afierra (Egl. II, loio) and atierra (in the figurative sense, Egl. 'II, 1070). Atierra is also found in the literal sense (Egl. Ill, ^2)^)- Present Subjunctive. The forms ado- lesca and condolesca occur in the rhyme (Egl. II, 353-54), but the forms in -zca are the regular use. In Egl. II, 917 there is an example of the older subjunctive of valer in "Valasme, Dios;" elsewhere valga is used. Present Imperative. The old plural form, without the final d, is found not only AND MONOGRAPHS 360 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA before os, as Quedaos (Egl. II, 635), but also in several verbs of the first conjuga- tion in other situations, for example : llevd, mird, solid, torndme, ahraqd, and essecutd. Juan de Valdes condemns these forms. There is an example of metathesis in dezildo (Egl. I, 236). Future Indicative. The older forms, showing metathesis, such as terne, pome, venie, and averne are regularly used, al- though tendrd occurs (Cane. II, 32; Son. XI, 11). The separation of the auxiliary from the infinitive is illustrated in dexarte he (Egl. II, 1765). Possibly contarte (Egl. II, 1039) stands for contarte he. Preterite Indicative. Vido (6 examples) occurs beside vio. The preterite of traer is regularly truxe. In several preterites we find a form without palatalization of the stem vowel, as arrepentio or convertieron. Condiixieron shows the older form with the palatal still unabsorbed by the x. Past Subjunctives. Analogous to triixe is truxiesse. Ovieron shows the original vowel, before the palatal influence has HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 361 exerted its effect. Dixiera, dixiesse and conduxiesse are like conduxieron. Present Participle. There is hesitation between dormiendo and the modern form durm'endo. Reyendo is the normal form before the raising of the initial e to i. Present Infinitive. The final r of the infinitive is regularly assimilated to a fol- lowing /, which in turn gives palatal //: vellas, dezillo, etc. There are, however, a few examples of rl: cer carlo (Egl. Ill, 205), mirarla (Egl. Ill, 142). SYNTAX. The syntax of Garcilaso calls for little comment. His usage of the subjunctive, both in principal and second- ary clauses, is eminently modern. There are two examples of the absolute construc- tion imitated from the so-called "Greek ac- cusative" in Latin: "El fiero cuello atados" (Cane. V, 19), and "Las venas dulcemente desatado" (El. II, 144). It is found with increasing frequency in the poets of the Golden Age, particularly in Gongora. Another Latinizing expression is "luziente de cristal coluna" (El. I, 73) following the AND MONOGRAPHS 362 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA classic order of "adjective, genitive, noun." Somewhat similar is the phrase, ''el vano y sin provecho sentimiento." There are two examples of the conjugation of a verb of motion with the auxiliary ser: "Con el en una huerta entrada siendo," (Egl. II, 1369) and "fue venido." The use is probably an imitation of the Italian, though found in old Spanish. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 363 CHAPTER VI THE FORTUNA OF GARCILASO I. EARLY MENTIONS Among his contemporaries Garcilaso was held in esteem by a limited circle of men of letters, of whom we have had occasion to speak in tracing his life. Boscan and Sa de Miranda in the Peninsula, and in Italy, Bembo, Tansillo and Scipione Ca- pece bore testimony to the regard in which they held him as a gentleman and as a poet ; and we have seen evidences of his intimate relations with other poets and scholars of the day. Upon Boscan and Sa de Mi- randa in particular he exercised a notable influence. From the first he was ihe comrade of the former. The value of his advice and example bore no small part in encouraging him in his effort to write in the new rhythms and in some of these combinations, such AND MONOGRAPHS , 364 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA as the octave, blank verse, the inner rhyme, and the lira, it was he who led the way and offered the models for his friend's guidance. Sa de Miranda has left clear proof of the influence which Garcilaso exerted upon him. In a passage in the dedication of his eclogue Nemoroso, written on the first anniversary of Garcilaso's death, he declares, Enviasteme el buen Laso, ire paseando asi mi paso a paso. Al qual gran don io quanto devo sabreis; que ardia temiendo i deseando juntamente, (Eg). V, 64-68) and elsewhere he shows that for him, at least, Garcilaso was the real initiator of the new school. Que tu fuiste el primero que enchiste el bosque del son estranjero. (id., 503-4) Even before the death of the Castilian poet, he seems to have known his work, for there is a line in his eclogue Celia (1535), HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 365 Corren lagrimas jiistas sin parar, (Egl. Ill, 55) which appears to be an echo to the refrain in the song of Salicio, Salid sin duelo, lagrimas, corriendo. (Egl. I, 70)1 Perhaps it is to this answer that Garcilaso is referring in the third Eclogue when he says, . . . y lleva presuroso al mar de Lusitania el nombre mio, donde estara escuchado, yo lo fio. (Egl. Ill, 24&-48) In form as well Sa de Miranda shows his indebtedness to Garcilaso. The ec- logue Nemoroso is polymetric, like the second Eclogue, and the various metrical combinations are precisely those used by the Spanish poet: canzone stanzas (the form is that used by Garcilaso, lines 38-76), tercets and inner rhymes. It should be noted, however, that the latter belong to the type with the inner rhyme on the fourth syllable, following the type used by Sannazaro in his second egloga, rather AND MONOGRAPHS 366 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA than that of Garcilaso, with the rhyme on the sixth syllable. The eighth eclogue, in Portuguese, and the ninth, in Castilian, are also polymetric, illustrating a variety of metres, including the octave and the inner rhyme with the rhyme on the sixth syllable. The genius of Sa de Miranda was akin to that of Garcilaso; not in vain did the Portuguese poet recall their common ancestry. Like his Castilian contemporary he early came under the influence of the Italian poets; his first attempts in their measures are almost exactly contemporary with the early experiments of Boscan and Garcilaso. His best work shows the same qualities of delicate finish and keen ear for melodic beauty. And it is particularly sig- nificant of his esteem for Garcilaso that he, an ardent worshipper of his Italian models, should have placed the Spanish poet among his masters, acknowledging him to be the equal of Petrarch or his fol- lowers. The years which immediately followed Garcilaso 's death have left no evidence HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 367 that his memory was widely cherished. Save in the official documents which be- speak the Emperor's continued concern for his family, he is wellnigh forgotten. Boscan, it is true, commemorated his loss in two deeply felt sonnets, which rank among his best works. The second de- serves quoting for its imaffected sincerity, Garcilasso, que al bien siempre aspiraste y siempre con tal fuerga le seguiste que a pocos passos que tras el corriste, en todo enteramente le alcangaste, dime ^por que tras ti no me llevaste, quando desta mortal tierra partiste ? ^por que al subir a lo alto que subiste aca en esta baxeza me dexaste ? Bien pienso yo que si poder tuvieras de mudar algo lo que esta ordenado, en tal caso de mi no te olvidaras; que, o quisieras honrrarme con tu lado, o a lo menos de mi te despidieras, o, si esto no, despues por mi tornaras. (Son. XCII) And again, in the Octava rima, he refers to him affectionately as a noble gentleman and as a poet in Latin and Castilian, AND MONOGRAPHS | 368 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Esta virtud le dio con larga mano, el bien que casi a todo el mundo niega, con su verso Latino y Castellano, que desde el Helicon mil campos riega, iO dichoso amador! jDichoso amado! que del amor acrecento el estado. (p. 446) Another poet, Gutierre de Cetina, also mentions him in a letter to Diego de Mendoza.i But the impression which he left upon his generation was slight; had his works perished, his memory would have quickly vanished. The publication of his poems, along with those of Boscan, in 1543 soon bore fruit. Their wide popularity among the reading public is revealed by the fact that within ten years there were no less than twelve editions, including those printed in Italy, Flanders, France and Portugal. As early as 15-46 we find a critical opinion of the value of the poetry of Boscan and Gar- cilaso in the Discurso sohre la lengua caste- liana of Ambrosio de Morales, printed with the Ohras of Francisco Cervantes de Sala- zar.^ Recognizing the importance of HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 369 Boscan's service as a pioneer, Morales observes that his imitation of the Italians would have had little effect without the greater talents of Garcilaso, whose work he does not hesitate to compare with that of the Latin as well as the Tuscan poets. Three years later (1549), in a passage interpolated in his translation of the Orlando furioso, Geronimo de Urrea shows an acquaintance with Garcilaso's tribute to Dona Maria Enriquez, the Duchess of Alba, in the second Eclogue, and at the same time pays a conventional tribute to our poet, Renaldo dixo: ^quien avra en el suelo que tal empresa tome y osadia ? — Sera este Gareilasso, a quien el cielo hara inmortal, el marmol respondia.^ Of a different sort is the comment of Alfonso Garcia Matamoros in his De adse- renda Hispaniorum eruditione (1553); ad- mitting the excellencies of the poets of the new school and their fitness for comparison with their ItaHan masters, he shows clearly AND MONOGRAPHS 370 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA his personal leaning to the older Castilian.i The significant point in his criticism is the recognition of the existence of this new school. 2. THE ITALIAN SCHOOL OF POETS. The first work published in Spain after the appearance of the Obras of Boscan and Garcilaso, to contain hendacasyllables was the translation of the Arcadia of Sanna- zaro, printed at Toledo in 1547-" The verse eglogas, translated by Diego de Salazar, are in decimas, but a portion of Egloga X, is done in the original measure, — hendecasyllables with inner rhymes on the sixth syllable, — and the concatena- tion of its opening and closing rhymes with those of the decimas which precede and follow is also taken from Sannazaro. Although it is probable that the use of this unusual form is derived directly from the original, it is not impossible that Salazar was familiar with Garcilaso 's experiment in the same fonn. HI SPANIC NOTES , LIFE AND WORKS 371 The earliest example of a sonnet is one by Juan Hurtado de IMendoza in Diego Gracian's translation of the Morales of Plutarch (Alcala, 1548).^ The same edi- tion also contains an anonymous sonnet, translating a Greek epigram, and a "tercia rima" by Luis Hurtado, written in per- fectly regular tercets. The following year saw the pubHcation of Urrea's translation of the Orlando furioso in octaves, with an introductory sonnet by Juan Aguilon."^ From 1550 on, the nimiber of works written wholly in the Italian measures or containing introductory verses in the new style, is so large that it is necessary to men- tion only a few. Thus in 1550 there ap- peared Gonzalo Perez's translation of the Odyssey in strongly iambic versos siieltos,^ and also a new translation of the Orlando furioso in octaves by Hernando de Alcocer.'' Of particular interest is the Buen plazer trohado en treze discantes de quarta rima castellana, segun imitacion de trohas france- sas (1550) of Juan Hurtado de Mendoza.^ All of the verses in the work are either AND MONOGRAPHS 372 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA hendecasyllables or septenaries of the Italian type, and there are a number of sonnets included. But most of the work is written, as the title suggests, in quatrains, rhyming: ABAB: BCBC: etc.^ The pro- logue shows another experiment which the author calls ''rima doble castellana segun imitacion de troba francesa", and which in reality is merely a series of hendeca- syllables rhymed in couplets, a favorite form of Clement Marot. Juan Hurt ado de Mendoza's efforts to introduce French forms for his Italian rhythms was wholly unfruitful, but it stands as an interesting landmark of the struggle between the new school and the old. The traditional pres- tige of the Castilian measure was gone; the triumph of the new school was not yet complete. And one venturesome spirit at least essayed to wander in new and un- trodden paths. Passing over a sonnet found in the Villancicos y canciones (1551) of Juan Vazquez,2 and the Cristopathia in octaves by Juan de Quiros, which appeared in HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 373 1552,1 we find in 1554 a number of works in the new forms, such as Hozes' transla- tion of the Trionfi of Petrarch in tercets, - Alonso de Lobera's version of the Rissa y planto de Democrates y Heraclito of File- remo Fregoso, also in tercets, ^ numerous poems in the Italian measures in the Ohras of Jorge de Montemayor,^ and finally the important Cancionero genera! de ohras nuevas nunca hasta aora impressas, assi por ellarte espanola como por la toscana.^ Hernando de Hozes, the translater of Petrarch, brings us further proof of the rapidity with which the new style had gained ground, for he tells us that "since Garcilaso de la Vega and Juan Boscan brought to our tongue the measures of Tuscan verse, everything written or trans- lated in any of the verses formerly used in Spain has so far lost credit that no one will tolerate them, although some of them are of great value, as everyone knows. "« Elsewhere Hozes mentions others who are cultivating the Italian style : Diego Hur- tado de Mendoza, Gonzalo Perez, and AND MONOGRAPHS | 374 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Juan de Coloma. Garcia Matamoros, in the passage already mentioned had also mentioned Gonzalo Perez and in addition, Juan Hurtado de Mendoza.^ From other sources we can add to our knowledge of the names at least of other members of the new school. Urrea as early as 1549 had referred in his Orlando furioso to Juan de Heredia, Luis Zapata, Garcilaso the Younger, Gualvez, Morrano, Pero Mexia, Vandalio (Gutierre de Cetina), Haro, and Gonzalo Perez. ^ Similarly Gre- gorio Henriquez de Velasco, in the Par ergon introduced in Libro III of his translation of Sannazaro's De partu Virginis (1554),^ lauds, the poets of his time. The first of his group is Garcilaso the Younger, un Garci-Laso, hi jo digno veo de Garci-Laso, espiritu divine, and he also mentions Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, Diego de Mendoza, Juan Co- loma, Urrea, and Acuna. Other poets to whom he refers, such as Bernardino de Ayala, Antonio de Heredia, Antonio de Soria, Caravajal, and Oliver, are less known. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 375 Finally Luis Zapata in Canto XXXVIII of his Carlo famoso, mentions Diego de Mendoza, Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, Geronimo de Urrea, Gonzalo Perez, Fer- nando de Acuna. Juan Coloma, and Monte- mayor of the better known writers and also Francisco de Guzman, Juan de Borja, Juan Fernandez de Heredia, Antonio de Soria, Geronimo Samper, Pedro de Guzman, and Bernardino de Ayala.^ | We have already referred to the work of Urrea, Gonzalo Perez, father of the great secretary, and Juan Hurtado de IMendoza. We shall find examples of the verse of some of the others in the Cancionero general de 1554. This collection of poems of the reign of Charles V is singularly in- teresting, as Wolf observed, 2 in its revela- tion of the conflict of the new and old schools. The first ninety poems belong to the old Castihan style ; there follow eighty- three works in the new measures: "Si- guense las obras que van por el arte tos- cana, compuestas por diversos autores, nimca hasta aora impressas." Although AND MONOGRAPHS 376 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the names of only two of the authors, Juan de Coloma and Diego de Mendoza, are mentioned, there are included some forty- six sonnets by "different authors". One of these (No. CXXXII) is the work of Gutierre de Cetina;^ of the rest, a number are translations of Petrarch and Sanna- zaro, and in general, the style and form of all are frankly Petrarchan. The principal place among the works of the Italian school is held by the poems of Juan de Coloma,- who is represented by nineteen compositions : three canciones, the Historia de Orfeo en octava rigma, an ec- logue, a capUulo, and twenty -two sonnets. Here the influence of Garcilaso is at once manifest. Aside from the Historia de Orfeo, which owes its inspiration undoubt- edly to the Octava rima of Boscan, and the term "capitulo" for the type of composi- tion which Garcilaso has styled an "elegia," all the compositions follow the models set by Garcilaso. Of the three canciones, Nos. I and III are in the stanza used in Gar- cilaso 's Cancion III; No. II is in that of HISPANIC NOTES. LIFE AND WORKS 377 Garcilaso's Cancion I, and the sonnets fol- low the same types. The Eclogue shows even more definitely Coloma's indebtedness to Garcilaso, following the polymetric form of Ec'ogue II in great detail. All the met- rical forms used by our poet are employed: tercets, canzone stanzas (the form is pre- cisely that of lines 38-76) and inner rhymes on the sixth syllable. ^ . There is also a brief passage in versos siieltos. The fiction of the eclogue as well follows the same eclogue of Garcilaso and there are frequent remin- iscences of phrase or thought. Juan de Coloma's verse gives little sign of origi- nality and his hendecasyllables are usually as stiff and stilted as those of Boscan. But once more, as an innovator, he deserves a place in the company of those who shared in the establishment of modern Spanish verse. Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, who is repre- sented in the Cancionero general de ijj4 by eight compositions in the arte toscana and a CastiHan copla, is unquestionably the most influential convert to the Italian AND MONOGRAPHS 378 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA school. The distinction of his family and his personal reputation as a scholar and diplomat, as well as his undoubted gift in the older forms, gave him a prestige which cannot have failed to give his accession to the side of the innovators great weight in his generation. Although it is impossible to fix a date, it is probable that his earliest experiments are almost contemporary with those of Boscan and Garcilaso. Certainly before the former's death in 1542 he had acquired a real mastery of the new rhythm, as shown in his Epistola addressed to him. This poem had already been printed with the works of Boscan; with the few verses contained in the present Cancionero and a stray dedicatory sonnet, it remained the only poetic work of Mendoza known until the appearance of his Ohras in i6io.\ The poems in the Cancionero are: two canciones, (Nos. II-III of Knapp's edition), an elegy (No. I), a copla, an eclogue (No. I), and four sonnets (Nos. II, III and XI and a version of Garcilaso's Son. XXVII). The two canciones are in stanzas already HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 379 used by Garcilaso (Cane. II and Egl. II). The eclogue is polymetric, in tercets and canzone stanzas. The stanza form is an unusual one: ABCD:ABCD idEeFF, which is not found in Petrarch nor his imi- tators and there is included a sort of envoy in two stanzas (one translating the com- parison of Ausias March between Love and the tight garment), in a different form: aBbCcC. The device on which the eclogue is based is the stock Virgilian scheme, used by Garcilaso in both the first and third Eclogues: the poet introduces two shep- herds who chant in turn their songs, in this case their laments. As M. jMorel-Fatio has pointed out,i the Elegy is written in a curious form: after two introductory tercets: ABC: ABC, the rest of the poem is in seven line stanzas. But he did not add that these stanzas are botind together by the rhymes : CDEFFED : DGHIIHG, etc. It is interesting to find once more evidence of an attempt to create new forms. The essays of Diego de Men- doza had no greater success than those of AND MONOGRAPHS 380 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, but they save the school from the charge of absolute ste- rility in invention. Certain other poets whose names we have mentioned as among the early adher- ents of the Italian school deserve a further word. Chief among these are Fernando de Acuiia and Gutierre de Cetina. Acufia's first verses were written in Italy in the years immediately following Garcilaso's death and most of his works are in the Italian style. To him we owe the first imitation of the lira, a parody addressed to Geronimo de Urrea, "buen cabal lero y mal poeta," whose translation of Le cheva- lier delibere was a rival of his own. He also uses the same form in a pastoral song, ''Damon, ausente de Galatea." The celebrity of this parody may have had some part in popularizing the form.^ Gutierre de Cetina is jestingly referred to by Diego de Mendoza in his Epistola to Boscan; his own Epistola to Mendoza was written in 1543.^ One of his sonnets (No. CXCIII) was printed in the Ohras of HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 381 Montemayor (1554); another (CCXXXII) was included in the Cancionero general de 1554; a few of his poems were included in Herrera 's notes to Garcilaso . But his works as a whole remained unpublished until recently. Although there is no evidence of any direct influence from Garcilaso in his works, he had a large part in the perfec- tion of the Italian forms and in some re- spects is the most Petrarchan of the group. His daintiness and his subtlety have a fragile charm. To him moreover we owe the introduction into Castilian of two ad- ditional forms: the madrigal, so admirably employed in his "Ojos claros, serenos," and the sextina, also used by Fernando de Acuna but never successfully grafted in Spain.i The last of the poets in the new school who shows the influence of Garcilaso is Agustin Guedeja y Quiroga. The only one of his works to survive, an eclogue printed as a cancion among the works of Diego de Mendoza,2 is closely modeled upon Gar- cilaso 's first Eclogue, using the same Pe- AND MONOGRAPHS 382 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA trarchan stanza, imitating much of the phraseology and ending with a specific reference to our poet, for after the shep- herd Dafni has stirred to compassion the nymphs of the Alabon (probably used for the Alagon, a stream which has its source in the Pena de Francia, near Salamanca), he crosses to the Tormes and there, Mas alld en la corriente de Tormes caudaloso, canto con Nemoroso, adonde publico mds sus dolores. The sweep of the new movement was rapid in Spain. Twenty years after Gar- cilaso's death his verses had become the model for poetic composition. With the appearance of some sonnets in Castilian in the 1557 edition of Castillo's Cancionero general, which had represented the tradi- tional Spanish metres for almost half a century, we may consider the "arte to- scana" as definitely estabHshed in Spain. 3. OPPONENTS OF THE NEW SCHOOL The rapid growth of the popularity of the new forms had not been wholly with- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 383 out opposition in the Peninsula. One, at least, of the poets of the time, Cristobal de Castillejo, had raised his voice in protest against this influx of foreign influence. His verses, "Contra los que dexan los metros castellanos y siguen los italianos,"i are a half -serious, half -jesting attack on the new school, in particiilar on Boscan and Gar- cilaso, although he names Diego de Men- doza and Luis de Haro as additional de- fendants. Castillejo is eminently serious in his respect for the older writers from Juan de Mena to Torres Naharro. His jesting is the more piquant because he clothes his attacks in the very forms these foreign innovators use : a sonnet, supposed to be by Boscan, an octave which he attrib- utes to Garcilaso, and a final sonnet for which he himself assumes responsibility. The purpose of these parodies is clear. Castillejo is anxious to show that anyone can write perfect sonnets, — if he cares to; Facilmente los hiciera, pues los hice en la romana, AND MONOGRAPHS 384 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA says Torres Naharro, when consulted. And the tolerance with which he views the new movement is shown in the decision of his bards; they grant their praises to the new singers because of their courtly polish and their contributions to letters through their works in the new style. These coplas of Castillejo were certainly written before 1549, for Urrea refers to them distinctly in his translation of the Orlando furioso, Y con el, Castillejo, amigo caro, que tanto en fama y obras resplandece, a ver viene, muy lleno de alegria, esto que nombra secta heregia, having in mind the opening stanza of Castillejo, Pues la Santa Inquisicion suele ser tan diligente en castigar con razon qualquier secta y opinion, levantada nuevamente, resucite su lucero a castigar en Espana una muy nueva y extrana, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 385 como aquella de Lutero en las partes de Alemana. These burlesque verses of Castillejo are his only compositions in the Italian measures. He died in 1550 before the triumph of the new school was complete. Another opponent of the new style was Gregorio Silvestre, who attacks it sharply for its emptiness and its obscurity in his Audiencia de Amor] Dijo Amor: iDonde se aprende este metro tan prolixo que las orejas ofende ? For estas coplas se dixo algarabia de allende. El sugeto frio y duro, y el estilo tan oscuro que la dama en quien se emulea duda, por sabia que sea, si es requiebro si es conjuro. Ved si la invencion es basta, pues Garcilaso y Boscan, las plumas puestas per asta, cada imo es un Rcldan; y con todo no le basta.^ AND MONOGRAPHS 386 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA But Silvestre was ultimately converted to the new doctrine; most of his verses, pub- lished in 1582, are in hendecasyllables, and he is even said by his editor, Pedro de Caceres y Espinosa, to have been the first to give them their proper rhythm!^ This tendency to write in both styles, which we find in Boscan, Diego de Mendoza, and even Garcilaso, became a characteristic of the poets of Spain. Sebastian de Horozco of Toledo is almost the only poet of the last half of the sixteenth century whose cancionero is wholly in the Castilian meas- ures. The adoption of the new metres was not revolutionary; they did not replace, but rather supplemented the older forms, en- riching the poetic expression of Spain with numerous varied forms. It is not surpris- ing that the process was so quickly carried out; that in less than two decades, sonnets were as frequent as the coplas of the past. The early influence of Boscan and Gar- cilaso was largely formal, but they did open the eyes of their fellow-countrymen to the HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 387 beauties of Petrarch and of Sannazaro and even in their earliest followers there is evident an effort for that polish and ele- gance which were so strikingly exempHfied by the work of the poet of Toledo. 4. THE ANNOTATED EDITIONS The first of the critics of the new school had, as we have seen, clearly celebrated the superiority of Garcilaso's art over that of Boscan. His judgment was corroborated by the testimony of all his successors and by none more plainly than by the public, which has encouraged the publishers to re- print the works of Garcilaso in edition after edition, while the verses of his con- temporary have fallen into complete obliv- ion. Not until 1569, however, did an edi- tion of the poems of Garcilaso alone appear. In that year Simon Borgofion, a publisher of Salamanca, issued from the press of Matias Gast a slender volume containing the verses which had formed till then the Fourth Book of the Obras of Boscan. In his dedication, Borgonon alleges as his motive AND MONOGRAPHS ; 388 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the fact that many people were separating the works of Garcilaso from the rest of the book (the pubHc, it seems, was already dis- criminating), and further remarks that he had secured the services of men of taste to emend the text. That this new venture met with favor is clear from the appearance in the following year of a reprint by Alonso Gomez of Madrid. They were tiny books, easily lost or discarded. Dili- gent search has failed to discover more than a single copy of each of them, the former in the Biblioteca Nacional, the lat- ter in the Library of the Hispanic Society of America. The success of these editions soon stimu- lated further interest in Garcilaso. Another printer of Salamanca, Pedro Lasso, secured the services of one of the most distinguished professors in the University, Francisco Sanchez de las Brozas, the great Humanist who occupied the chair of rhetoric, to pre- pare an improved and annotated edition of his works. In November, 1573 the manuscript was ready and sent to Juan HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 389 Vazquez del Marmol for examination. Printing was under way in January, 1574 and the License was granted on the 28th of the month. But the printer was tempted by a cash offer to produce an edition of the Horde B. Mariae and so the printing of Garcilaso's verse was postponed, — to the printer's financial loss, Sanchez opined, for the students who were leaving for the vaca- tion, would all have been glad to buy and carry home a copy.^ The proofs were finished in May, and in them Sanchez, much against his judgment at times, followed the suggestions of his clerical patron, omitting the laudatory verses to the Maecenas, Diego Lopez de ZMiga, which he had intended to include in the prehminaries and thus leaving two leaves blank before the text, rewriting the prologue, "Al lector," and reducing the quotations in the notes. ^ The little book which came from the press has become almost as rare as the two earlier editions of Garcilaso alone. The only copies known are an imperfect one in the Biblioteca AND MONOGRAPHS 390 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Nacional, lacking six of the preliminary leaves, and a perfect copy bought by the writer in 191 8 and now in the Library of the Hispanic Society of America. The edition of El Brocense was a thor- ough, scholarly piece of work. The text, freed from numerous misprints, was fur- ther corrected with the aid of a manu- script furnished by Tomas de Vega and also by the penetrating criticism of the editor. The annotations, largely consisting of the sources, Latin or Italian, from which Gar- cilaso's verses are derived, are pointed and illuminating. The relation of Garcilaso to the earlier writers and to his Italian contemporaries was once for all established. The purpose of El Brocense was avowedly to demonstrate that Garcilaso was worthy of comparison with the Classics; a true son of the Renaissance, he counted imita- tion as the first requisite of a poet, "digo y afiirmo que no tengo por buen poeta al que no imita a los excellentes antiguos."^ But not all his literary friends were of the same mind; they expressed their objec- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 391 tions even before the edition was in print, and Sanchez, following the suggestion of his counsellor, Juan Vazquez del Marmol, took care to defend his position in his Prologue, calling attention to the fact that the Italians had already performed a simi- lar service in honor of Ariosto and Sanna- zaro by their annotated editions of the Orlando furioso and the Arcadia. This explanation of his purpose was not sufficient to silence the protests of his op- ponents, one of whom composed a burles- que sonnet. "Against the Annotations of Master Sanchez when they were printed for the first time; at the time it was dis- covered in the house of a gentleman- in Salamanca," Descubierto se ha un hurto de gran fama del ladron Garci-Lasso, que han cogido con tres dosseles de la reyna Dido y con seys almohadas de la cama, el telar de Penelope, y la trama de las Parcas y el arco de Cupido, tres barriles del agua del olvido, y un prendedero de ore de su dama. AND MONOGRAPHS 392 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Provosele que avia salteado siete anos en Arcadia y dado un tiento en tiendas de poetas Florentines. Es lastima de ver al desdichado, con los pies en cadena de comento, renegar de rhetoricos malsines. Sanchez retorted with a sonnet in the same rhymes, written on the back of the original verse and the caption of the answer, as it appeared in the second edition of 1577, declared that "the name of the op- posing author is given, with some of his qualities," Descubrense poetas, cuya fama podra tocar las ondas del olvido, que por henchir el verso mal medido l6 embuten de almohadas de la cama, y buscan consonantes de la trama de parcas, tela y arcos de Cupido, sin sentir en sus versos mas sentido que siente el prendedero de su dama. Y quieren dar juyzio, mal pecado, que tal de Garci-Lasso es el comento, ladrando a bulto, como los mastines. Es lastima de ver tan mal ganado, de largos dientes, corto entendimiento, mas falsos que corcovos de rocines. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 393 As is usual in such polemics, the answer is far inferior to the original and like most retorts of the kind has refuge in the argu- mentum ad hominem. Gallardo has sug- gested that the author's name is involved in the "cov Covos'' of the last line.^ A cer- tain Geronimo de los Cobos is, in fact, mentioned by Herrera, who cites one of his poems in the notes to Garcilaso.- If this Cobos was, like Herrera, a Sevillan, there is added reason for his attack upon the Salamancan professor. Another poet of Old Castile, Geronimo de Lomas CantoraL of Valladolid, also sprang to the defense of Sanchez's anno- tations in another sonnet in the same rhymes, pubHshed in his Ohras in 1578, Aquel cuya virtud tu lengua infama, si oscurecer su luz algo has podido, mostro cruel, de madre vil nacido, y del ageno bien que se derrama ni hurto jamas, ni es cierto lo que trama tu condicion perversa, ni el ha sido preso, ni el baxo nombre a merecido que tu voz mentirosa le da y llama. AND MONOGRAPHS 394 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Antes como a divino ya y dexado de ti por hombre tal, con nuevo intento pudieras pretender diversos fines; sino que solo hieren al que a dado el mundo justo lauro y digno assiento, iO fiera bestia! tus palabras ruynes.^ His championship of the cause, bad as is it, is a further indication that the anony- mous critic of Sanchez's edition belonged to the Sevillan school. We shall presently see this strife between the two camps grow- ing even more bitter. Three years after the publication of the second edition of El Brocense, in 1580, there appeared at Seville a new edition with elaborate notes and commentary by the poet Fernando de Herrera. At the beginning of the edition he included a brief life of the poet, the first effort to trace his career and still valuable, because some of his information was obtained from Antonio Puertocarrero, son-in-law of the Toledan. In its direct contribution to our knowledge of Garcilaso's work; his commentary adds little to the work of El Brocense, but its HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 395 very diffuseness makes it an important source for the study of the poetic theories of the time and^moreover, there are in- cluded a considerable ntimber of otherwise unknown compositions by contemporary poets. Important as it is in these respects, intrinsically it is ponderous and pompous. Tamayo de Vargas laconically expressed the facts in this style, "Herrera's only pur- pose is to display his own learning, San- chez's, to display the imitation of others. "^ 5. THE CONTROVERSY OVER HERRERA'S EDITION There is reason for believing that Herrera had begun the task many years before, for he tells us that Juan de Malara was one of those who had most urged him to continue the work which he had begun,^ and Malara died in 157 1. He also specific- ally claims the title of priority over others, saying, "I venture to say that this edi- tion is beyond comparison more diligently and carefully emended than all those which AND MONOGRAPHS 396 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA have thus far been printed; and that I was the first to set my hand to the task. For all the corrections, which some people boast of, pretending that they emended them through their own ingenuity, were long ago made by me, before any one con- cerned himself with the task. But thinking that such subtleties were of little import- ance, I disclosed them in many places, where others have taken advantage of them."i Whether or no Herrera is accurate in his statement that he was the first to under- take the task and to emend the text, one thing is certain: he was acquainted with Sanchez's edition. Aside from the thinly veiled reference to it in the passage just cited, the acquaintance is shown in numer- ous details of his edition. He prints six of the nine sonnets which Sanchez had been the first to publish; in several pas- sages he rejects specifically the latter's emendations. But he steadily evades mentioning his name, boasting the origin- ality of his own emendation or identifica- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 397 tion of the source, even when it is plain that he is but copying his predecessor, and often going out of his way to suggest a possible parallel, rather than accept the obvious citation of El Brocense. This affront was too much for CastiHans to bear without protest . It was bad enough for an Andalusian to venture to criticize the work of a pure Toledan; but to claim superiority over one of their friends, the leading scholar of the time and a professor at Salamanca ! The first to spring into the fray was a certain Damasio, who sent a long letter, perhaps in verse, from Valla- dolid to a silversmith in Seville, criticizing Herrera's work. The attack of Damasio has not survived; we know of it only through a mention of Herrera's.i But there is little doubt that this Damasio may be identified as Damasio de Frias y Balboa, named among the poets of Valladolid in several of the literary catalogues of the time, such as those of Lomas Cant oral-, Cervantes, ^ Vicente Espi- nel,^ or Pedro de Medina.^ Several of his AND MONOGRAPHS 398 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA poems are printed in Sedano's Parnaso espanol^ and an unpublished work, Didlogos de diferentes materias, mentioned by An- tonio,2 exists in the Biblioteca Nacional.^ This was not his only essay in the field of polemics, for Herrera refers to an earlier attack made by him on the Inventario of Villegas (1565). Herrera 's statement that he was prompted by the bad example which Diego de Mendoza had brought from Italy would seem to be an indication that his satires were written in verse, for Mendoza is the first of the poets to use this form. A second attack was presently directed at Herrera by another Castilian, who used the pseudonym of "El Prete Jacopin" and who sent his Observaciones from Burgos. Various persons have been suggested as the real author, but there remains little doubt that the work is by Juan Fernandez de Velasco, later Gran Condestable of Castile." Although known to Tamayo de Vargas and to Nicolas Antonio in the seventeenth century and to Gallardo in the early nineteenth century, the satire was not pub- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS , 399 lished until 1870, when it was printed by the BibHofilos Andaluces. The Condestable was a true Castilian and a man of some learning; his criticisms of Herrera are for the most part sound. His defense of Gar- cilaso's Castilian is eminently just and in matters of poetic taste, he is often much closer to modem feeling than is Herrera, circimiscribed as he was by the artificial rules of an academic school. He has also fallen with no gentle hand upon Herrera 's besetting weakness, his pompous style, and occasionally succeeded in pricking the bub- ble of his erudition. But the personal ele- ment is exaggerated; there is so much un- necessary vulgarity that his cause is weakened. Herrera had allowed the first attack by Damasio de Frias to pass unnoticed, but stung by the wide currency given to the invective of "El Prete Jacopin," he penned an answer imder the simple disguise of a Sevillan friend, in which he took up point by point the strictures of his CastiHan opponent. Herrera lacked the piquant AND MONOGRAPHS 400 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA - wit and easy pen of his antagonist; his reply is ponderous when he attempts to be humorous and his defense of his original statements is more often an evasion of the charge than a controversion of the argu- ment. His reply closes the acrim^onious debate, which adds little luster to the fame of Garcilaso, though it may be counted as an evidence of the place of general esteem to which his verses had risen. If the truth be told, not all his country- men looked with favor on the peculiar dis- tinction which had befallen him in this matter of commentary. Luis Zapata, al- ready getting old, laments in his Mis- celdnea^ at the divorce of his works from those of Boscan, declaring that ''modern glossers are making for him companions whom he never knew in life." And it must not be forgotten that "El Licenciado Vidriera" chooses as the only companion for his Book of Hours on his travels, an edition of Garcilaso "sin comento."- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 401 CHAPTER Yl EL PRINCIPE DE LA POESIA ESPANOLA. In the Dedication of his edition, Herrera had styled Garcilaso "El Principe de la Poesia Espanola," and this title, in one form or another, has remained the uni- versal symbol under which readers of every time and tongue have paid him homage. To list even the names of those who have paid tribute to him in his own land would be to survey the history of Spanish liter- ature. ^ Such an undertaking is impossible, but there are certain phases of the cult of Garcilaso which are of especial interest. First of all, it is noteworthy that his poetry has appealed to the taste of every generation and school. The changing fads of style have not dimmed his glory; men of every kind of temperament, classi- cist or Romantic, have turned to his verse AND MONOGRAPHS 402 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA in admiration. And even those who have questioned certain phases of his glory, have overtly or tacitly accepted the justice of his fame. Thus, the group of Sevillan critics, be- ginning with Argote de Molina and in- cluding Herrera and Juan de la Cueva, who were the first to point out that the hendecasyllable had been found in Spain long before the movement of Boscan and Garcilaso, never questioned the perfec- tion and beauty of the latter 's verse. And in a different way, the pious horror pf cer- tain reHgious enthusiasts of the late six- teenth and early seventeenth centuries at the dangers inherent in his verse is only another method of confessing their feeling of its power and charm. This all-embracing horror of any worldly delights was the impulse which led a cer- tain Sebastian de Cordova to publish in 1575 an edition of the works of Boscan and Garcilaso, "trasladadas en materias Christianas y religiosas." Menendez y Pelayo has noted the similar atrocities per- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 403 petrated on Petrarch's verse earlier in the century. 1 Garcilaso's fate is another evi- dence of his position as *'the Spanish Petrarch." As an example of the method in Cordova's madness, let us cite this per- version of one of Garcilaso's most charm- ing sonnets (No. XIII), A Mida las orejas le crecian, y de bestial figura se tornavan, y el tierno pan sus manos transformavan en oro y los manjares que trayan. En hambre y en dolor se convertian el oro y los thesoros que pujavan; de hambre se moria y no acabavan las ansias que los huesos le royan. jO bestial avaricia, o grave dano! jComo tu calidad yela y resfria toda virtud con yelo y fuerga brava! iO ceguedad, o miserable engano! Que el abariento le redobla y cria la hambre lo que hambre le causava.^ In general his plan is a simple one : BibHcal allusions replace pagan mythology; mystic love displaces the amours of Garcilaso's shepherds and shepherdesses. Thus he AND MONOGRAPHS 404 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA evolves the argument of his rifacimento of the second Eclogue: "Esta egloga, en la qual Garcilaso dela Vega pone un pastor llamado Albanio, aqui se llama Silvano (Cordova's grammar is as erratic as his verse), por la parte sensual del hombre; y donde alia se llama otro pastor Salicio, aqui se llama Racinio, por la razon; y la pastora que alia le dize Camila, aqui se llama Celia, que es el alma; y el pastor Nemoroso se llama aqui Gracioso, por la gracia, con cuya fuerga el hombre vence a si mismo. Y en la ficcion do alaba Gar- cilasso la succession de los duques de Alba, aqui se ponen algunos patriarchas y reyes de la generacion de Jesu Christo, Redemp- tor Nuestro, quanto a su sacratissima humanidad, sin declarar nombre, ecepto el del bien aventurado Sant Joseph, que se pone aqui en lugar de Severo, el vie jo tan sefialado y alabado por el dicho Gar cilasso, y todo para en alabanga de Jesu Christo, Dios y hombre verdadero.''^ In the third Eclogue the nymphs are none other than Prudence, Fortitude, Jus- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 1 405 tice and Temperance, who disport them- selves on the banks of the Jordan and give ear to the songs in praise of the Virgin, sung by Phelisio and Charino. It is amus- ing to read in Cordova's Elegy addressed to Luis de Vera, that Boscan's Leandro has cost him great effort, and not less divert- ing to hear in his Epistola in blank verse, of the ravages which the reading of Gar- cilaso's amorous verse inflicted on his in- nocent spirit. 1 We find it hard to under- stand to-day the extravagance and bad taste which gave birth to such a monstruous misunderstanding; that it was not limited to Sebastian de Cordova seems clear from the fact that his edition "a lo divino" was reprinted two years later. In the same vein of hoiTor for beauty, Juan Lopez de Ubeda writes in the Preface to his Vergel de flores divinas (1582) that the only trace which the works of Boscan, Garcilaso, or Castillejo will leave in the world is " that left by the passage of a snake upon the road or a bird in the air."^ He goes on to speak with much unction of AND MONOGRAPHS 406 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA their ultimate repentance, citing as ex- amples the Conversion of Boscan and an "Elegy to the Soul" by Garcilaso. Even more perturbed by the evil influence of these pagan writers was the mystic Pedro Malon de Chaide. In the Preface to his Conversion de la Magdalena (1593), he thun- ders against the "Dianas, Boscans, Garci- lasos and Amadises," querying, "How can a man who has wasted his hours on Garci- laso withdraw within himself to think an hour of God ?" and ending with the sug- gestion that parents should bum such books in their children's hands. ^ Happily both Lopez de tJbeda and Malon de Chaide contented themselves with these protests against the works of the poets of the past, without attempting to maim them in the style of Sebastian de Cordova. Their example of restraint was not fol- lowed, however, by a certain Juan de Ando- silla Larramendi, who printed in 1628 a little volume intitled, "Cristo Nuestro Seiior en la Cruz, hallado en los versos de Garcilaso." The remainder of the title HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 407 shows his methods, for these verses were *'sacados de diferentes partes y unidos con ley de centones." Such a patchwork was no slight task, as Fray Juan de la Plata remarked several years later in his Apro- bacion of a similar operation performed by one Angulo y Pulgar on the works of Gongora. But the same critic further observed that, though Andosilla had done his work painstakingly and ingeniously, the result is rough and harsh to the ear, the more so because it is in blank verse which is so little fitted for Castilian art.^ The work of Andosilla was almost a coup de grace for Garcilaso. In 1622 Tamayo de Vargas, a learned Toledan, had pub- lished a new annotated edition of the poems of his fellowtownsman, deriving his mate- rial largely from Sanchez and Herrera, al- though he did have access to a manuscript of the Escorial, once the property of Diego de Mendoza, to assist him in the estab- lishment of his text. This edition was the last printed in Spain for nearly one hun- dred and fifty years, unless we count the AND MONOGRAPHS 408 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA • two editions of Luis de Briceno, printed at Lisbon in 1626 and 1632 and based on Tamayo's text, as belonging to Spanish territory. Another phase of interest in the general popularity of Garcilaso was the high esteem in which he was held by all the great fig- ures of the Golden Age. Cervantes, whose literary judgment, was, it is true, far from infallible, if we may judge by the praises scattered through his Canto de Calliope or the Viaje del Parnaso, echoed Herrera's title and ardent praise of Garcilaso. Throughout his works, particularly in the Second Part of the Quixote, there are fre- quent reminiscences of his poetry, some- times ha If -unconscious repetitions of his phraseology, sometimes actual quotations. One of the most striking of his allusions is the passage in Book LVII of the Second Part in which Don Quixote and Sancho come upon a group of merry-makers play- ing two eclogues, one of which is the Second Eclogue of our poet. Finally at the close of his Adjunta al Parnaso he names Gar- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 409 cilaso as one of the poets who have won the title of "El Divino."^ To Lope de Vega as well, Garcilaso is "El Divino" and in all his works "The Phoenix" manifests the most ardent admi- ration for the Toledan poet, counting him at once as the initiator of the new school and the supreme example of that good taste which was so rapidly falling into dis- repute. In the Papel de la nueva poesia, he cites Garcilaso and Herrera as the noblest models for imitation which Spanish literature offers. And again in the famous sotinet "A la nueva lengua'" of the cultos, Garcilaso and Boscan represent the soimd old CastiHan tradition, amazed and dumb- foimded at the jargon of the cultos, fancy- ing that they are still in Vizcaya. The Laurel de A polo is sprinkled with refer- ences to Garcilaso, who appears always as the recognized master of the poets of Spain, que nadie el principado de aquella edad le niega. AND MONOGRAPHS 410 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Lope was too national a spirit to scorn the native Castilian measures; in several pas- sages, he expressly defends them from the charge of inferiority to the versos largos of Italy but he saw plainly what a service Boscan and Garcilaso had performed in enriching the treasure of Spanish verse and he himself is perhaps the best example of the free and masterly employment of both types. Of the other leading figures of the Golden Age, we need cite only a few who testified to their admiration for Garcilaso. Que- vedo, like Lope de Vega, looked upon Gar- cilaso as the best antidote for the excesses of the cuUos, mientras por preservar nuestros Pegasos del mal olor de culta gerigonza, quemamos por pastillas Garcilasos.^ In the same vein, "El Gran Tacafio" gives as one of the titles which fit him to become a writer of satisfactory comedies the fact that "he had read Garcilaso. "2 HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 411 It is doubly interesting to find that Gongora, the leader of the school of cidte- ranismo, regarded him with no less admira- tion than the opponents of the school, as he shows in his canciofi "Al sepulcro de Garcilaso de la Vega," Piadoso oy zelo culto, sino el hecho de artifice elegante, de marmol espirante, un generoso anima y otro buito, aqui donde entre jaspes y entre oro talamo es mudo, tumulo canoro. Aqui donde coloca justo afecto en aguja no eminente sino en urna decente esplendor mucho si ceniza poca, bienque milagros despreciando Egipcios pira es suya este monte de edificios. Si tu passo no enfrena, tan bella en marmol copia, io caminante! essa es la ya sonante emula de las trompas, ruda avena, a quien del Tajo deben oy las flores el dulce lanientar de dos pastores. Este el curvo instrumento que el Albano canto, segundo Marte, AND MONOGRAPHS 412 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA de sublime ya parte pendiente quando no pulsarlo al viento solicitarlo oyo silva confusa, ya a docta sombra, ya a invisible Musa, vestido pues el pecho tunica Apolo de diamante gruessa. Parte la dura guessa, con la que en dulce lago el blando lecho, si otra inscripcion deseas, vete zedo: lamina es qualquier piedra de Toledo.^ Gongora's enthusiasm for the Toledan poet is not, after all, surprising. There is nothing in his canon of art which is funda- mentally opposed to that of iiis predecessor; his methods of composition are not es- sentially different. It is rather the contrast between Garcilaso's simple good taste and Gongora's complicated bad taste which sets them at the two extremes of style. It was the development of this trend of bad taste which led to the neglect of Gar- cilaso's works in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Although the preceptists, like Jimenez Paton in his Mer- curius trimegistus (1621) or Lorenzo Gra- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 413 cian in his Agudeza y arte de ingenio (1648), frequently cited verses of Garcilaso as models of good form/ their influence was of little avail; Garcilaso was well-nigh for- gotten. With the revival of good taste which is marked by the introduction of the French school in the eighteenth century, Garcilaso once more became a theme of interest. Luzan, in his essay, La poetica, is most eulogistic in his estimate, declaring that a single one of the sonnets of Garcilaso is more to be esteemed than all the conceits and affectation of Gongora or the other poets of his ilk.^ Velazquez, too, in his Origenes de la poesia castellana (1754) is equally laudatory. ^ This renewal of in- terest culminated in the publication of an excellent edition of his poems in 1765, pre- pared by the distinguished diplomat and scholar, Jose Nicolas de Azara. Not only was this edition followed by a steady suc- cession of reprints, some of them, issued from the press of Sancha, undoubtedly directed by Jose Antonio Pellicer, but also AND MONOGRAPHS 414 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA a large place was given to his verses in the numerous anthologies of the time, begin- ning with the Parnaso espanol and ending with Quintana's Poesias selectas castellanas. Garcilaso was once more regarded as a representative of the good taste in liter- ature which had led Lope de Vega so often to turn to his example for arguments against the culteranos. So, in La derrota de los pedant s of the younger Moratin, he is the commander of the right wing of the cohorts of Apollo and is wounded and driven from the field of battle by a terrific blow on the chest from the Macabeo of Silveira, which has already struck Bara- hona de Sota in passing. \ This esteem for him continues in the early years of the nineteenth century. Gallego wrote an ex- cellent sonnet in 1807, "A la memoria de Garcilaso"- and in the same year Quint ana published his first edition of Poesias selec- tas castellanas, containing numerous com- positions by him. In his Introduction, Quintana studies the work of Garcilaso, answering the charge that he lacked origin- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS ality and commenting on his mastery of form and the purity of his language. His final dictimi is that "Garcilaso is, if not the greatest CastiKan poet, at leaEt the most classic, the poet who has enjoyed the widest popularity, whose reputation has been least questioned and who probably will not perish as long as there is a Cas- tilian language and Castilian poetry, "i Echoes of this same enthusiasm are to be foiind in the Anotaciones a la Poetica of Martinez de la Rosa, who constantly turns to Garcilaso as the great master of Spanish versification, calling him "el mas dulce de nuestros poetas."^ As late as 1844 we find Lista defending Garcilaso and the others poets of the sixteenth century from the charge of being merely imitators, which had been made against them in an article in the Liceo espanol.^ With his eminently classical turn of mind, Lista goes so far as to say that "Garcilaso is so profoundly tender, so highly original in the song of Nemoroso, because in the song of Salicio he imitated Virgil with such per- 415 AND MONOGRAPHS 416 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA fection." But in general, the period from 1830 to 1850 showed little interest in Gar- cilaso. The Romantic school was more fascinated with mediaeval legends than with the loves of shepherds. There was no edition of Garcilaso printed between 1828 and i860. In 1850 there appeared the first scholarly life of Garcilaso by Eustaquio Fernandez de Navarrete, based on documents com- piled by his illustrious father. Navarrete 's criterion was not always sound; he too often accepts traditional statements as of the same value as the documents he pub- lished. But his work added greatly to our knowledge of the poet and made clear a number of doubtful episodes in his life. Since the publication of his work, interest in the poet has been unflagging, revealed in such widely divergent criticisms as that of Manuel Canete, read before the Acad- emy in 1858, and that of Azorin in his essay on Garcilaso and Gongora, published in his Lecturas espanolas in 191 2. To Cafiete, Garcilaso 's poetry fails of its full HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 417 effect because of its pagan neglect of Chris- tianity; his indifference to Nature is one of the defects of his generation. To Azorin, it is precisely his intimate sensation of natural beauty which, added to his per- fection of form, gives his work its greatest charm. Not only have critics concerned them- selves with his work, but scholars as well have contributed to our knowledge of the man and his writings by frequent inves- tigations or by the publication of docu- ments. It is to be regretted that the late Menendez y Pelayo did not live to com- plete his study of the poet, for which he had already gathered the materials. His broad reading and his sensitive taste, par- ticularly for the beauties of classic art, would have made his work of inestimable value. The volimie in the Antologia, which he was to have contributed, has since been written by Sr. Jose Rogerio Sanchez. It is plainly an improvisation. These last years have witnessed the publication of at least four editions of his poems in popular AND MONOGRAPHS 418 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA editions of the Castilian classics. Gar- cilaso is not merely one of the great names in the national literature of Spain; he is still a source of delight to all who read Spanish. In a country as devoted to the drama as Spain, it is not surprising that the brief, romantic life of the poet was made a theme for the theatre. Already in the Carlos V en Francia of Lope de Vega, Garcilaso ap- pears as one of the courtiers with an insig- nificant role. In the British Museum there exists an unpublished comedia, intitled "Garcilaso enamorado; amores, versos y muerte." The manuscript is dated Madrid, September 20, 161 8 and is signed Diego Seron Spinossa, but no information seems available as to the author or the presenta- tion of the play. The plot, briefly summed up, tells of Garcilaso 's love for Dofia Maria and his neglect of his former mistress, a French lady, Doiia Porcia. Hearing of Dofia Maria's approaching marriage, he raves in the garden in verses which once Salicio had simg, and then starts for the HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 419 wars, where he is wounded in the arms and mouth, so that he can say only, "Ba! Ba!" After Dona Maria's marriage he once more returns to the field of battle. There he learns from Doiia Porcia of Dona Maria's death and enters the fray, to fall in death at the foot of the tower. Artistic- ally the play, which introduces a galaxy of notables, including Charles V, Sclyman the Magnificent, Barbarrosa, Antonio de Leiva, the Duke of Alba, Boscan and Diego de Mendoza, is quite negligible. Its only interest depends upon its use of the poet's own verses, which are introduced, more or less a propos, throughout the entire work. Once more, in the nineteenth century, we find the story of the poet used as the sub- ject of a play in the "Garcilaso de la Vega" (1840) of Gregorio Romero y Larraiiaga. Here the plot is wholly fantastic, adorned with all the devises of intrigue and sur- prise which the vagaries of the type tol- erated. The scene is laid in Bologna in 1530; Garcilaso's love for the Duchess of Lerida ends in a sentence of exile to the AND MONOGRAPHS 420 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Danube. One of the most amusing scenes is that in which Garcilaso is hailed as "Father of the Castilian Language" and. crowned ''King of Poets" by a group of contemporary poets including Cristobal de Castillejo ! There is no intrinsic merit in either of these dramatic works, yet they point once more to the permanent and wide- spread cult of Garcilaso as one of the na- tion's glories. Outside of Spain, Italy was naturally the first country to recognize the fame of Gar- cilaso. The occasional references to him by his contemporaries in Italy we have already mentioned, in discussing his life. After his death, he was still remembered. Tansillo, who had addressed two of his sonnets to him, used his first Eclogue in writing his Canzone VII and another mem- ber of the Neapolitan school, the poetess, Laura Terracina, is said by Herrera to have applied to him as an epitaph, a stanza of the Orlando furioso, Un giovinetto che col dolce canto, Concorde al suon de la cornuta cetra, HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 421 d'intenerire un cor si dava vanto, ancor che fosse piu duro che pietra. Felice lui, se contentar di tanto onor sapeasi, e scudo, arco e faretra aver in odio, e scimitarra e lancia, che lo fecer morir giovine in Francia. (XVI, 72) At the end of his Elogia doctorum viro- runt (1550), Paolo Giovio added a brief note on the scholars of other countries and there he mentions Garcilaso as one of the first in Spain to pursue learning, praising his Latin odes for their Horatian suavity and recounting his untimely death in France.^ Two years later Antonfrancesco Doni included in his Pistolotti amorosi an almost verbatim translation of Garcilaso 's Sonnet XXIX, Passando il mar Leandro coraggioso, in amoroso fuoco tutto ardendo, stating that it was translated from the Spanish but without naming the author. ^ Tansillo was not the only author of the Cinquecento who found inspiration in the poet's first Eclogue. Ludovico Patemo in AND MONOGRAPHS 422 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA the third of the Egloghe amorose, printed in his Nuove fiamme (1568)^ paraphrased the laments of both Salicio and Nemoroso in pedestrian versi sciolti, thinking the Spanish poet not unworthy of a place be- side Petrarch, his normal model. In the following century, the chief representative of the Italian form of Gongorism, Giam- battista Marino, accorded to Garcilaso a portrait among the pitture of La galeria (1620), Del poetico giorno aperse al clima Ispano i primi albori il raggio mattutin de' miei splendor! ; hor se I'occaso suo rendere adorno puo di luce immortale, aurora occidentale ornare il nome de la patria mia lucifero e non Hespero devria.^ The distinction is the greater because the only other foreigner to win a place in his Temple of Fame is Ronsard. Although the great scholar and theorist, Ludovico Muratori, was familiar with the work of Garcilaso, as is shown by his cita- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 423 tion from the poet's Cancion IV, in his treatise Delia perfetta poesia, (1706)/ there was no general knowledge of the Castilian writer during the eighteenth century until the period of the prolonged quarrel be- tween BettineUi and Tiraboschi and their followers on one hand and Lampillas and his coterie on the other, over the responsi- biHty for the origin of bad taste in Europ- ean letters. An ItaHan, Giambattista Conti, resident in Madrid, pubUshed there in 1773 a trans- lation into ItaKan of the first Eclogue, and in his subsequent Scelta di poesie castigliane (1782-90) devoted the whole of the second volume to translations of his works. Lampillas, as might be expected, was an ardent enthusiast over Garcilaso's genius. 2 Another Itahan of the same peri- od, Gianfrancesco Masdeu, — he may be regarded as an Italian in spite of his Cata- lan birth, — author of the Hist or ia critica de Espana y de la cultura espafwla, also produced an anthology of translations from the Spanish, \Tiiig with that of Conti, in AND MONOGRAPHS 424 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA which a considerable place is accorded to Garcilaso. This current of interest in our poet, stagnant during most of the nineteenth century, has recently been renewed by several scholars in Naples, where the poet spent the most creative years of his life. In particular the researches of Signor Benedetto Croce, the distinguished philos- opher, and of Signor Eugenio Mele have added in no small measure to our knowl- edge of the life and the literary activity of Garcilaso. We have seen the early influence which Garcilaso exercised on the Portuguese poet Sa de Miranda. His reputation was known to other ports of the time as well, such as Antonio Ferreira^ or Diogo Ber- nardes,2 who celebrated his fame, along with that of Boscan, as the founder of the new school. The tradition of interest in his work is best illustrated in the lyrics of the greatest of Portuguese poets, Luis de Camoes. ^ Among his Rimas are to be found not merely reminiscenses of the Cas- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 425 tilian poet, but frequent imitations, adapta- tions, translations and even parodies. As an example of the skill with which he used his borrowed material it will suffice to quote his paraphrase of Garcilaso's Sonnet XI: Moradoras gentis e delicadas do claro e aureo Tejo, que metidas estays em suas grutas escondidas, e com doce repouso sossegadas; agora esteys de amores infiamadas, nos cristalinos Pages entretidas, agora no exercicio embevecidas das telas de euro puro matizadas. Movey dos lindos rostros a luz pura de vossos olhos belles, consent inde que lagrimas derramen de tristura; e assi com der maes prepia ireys ouvindo as quexas que derrame da ventura, que com penas de Amor me vay seguindo.^ In form as well he is indebted to him whom he calls "o brando e doce Lasso." Thus he employs the Spaniard's lira in his third Ode and in his eclogues, which are poly- metric he gives a Portuguese example of the inner rhyme. - AND MONOGRAPHS 426 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA In the following century the reputation of Garcilaso resisted the influx of the uni- versal wave of bad taste. Even as par- tisan a culterano as Francisco Manoel de Mello begrudgingly acknowledges Garci- laso's claim to the primacy in the Castilian Parnassus in his Hospital das letras, first printed in his Apologos dialogaes (17 21); the other poets of the sixteenth century he unhesitatingly assigns to Limbo.^ Nor should we forget the enthusiastic praise ac- corded to him by the author of the ill- digested commentary on Camoes, Manoel de Faria e Sousa. In Portugal, as in Spain, Garcilaso's fame was unquestioned, uni- versal. Beyond the Pyrenees the earliest evi- dence of acquaintance with his work is an imitation of his second Eclogue, the Pas- torale amoureuse (1569) of Frangois de Belle- forest. 2 A decade later, the Protestant poet, Guillaume de Saluste, seigneur du Bartas, mentions Garcilaso among the lead- ing men of letters in Spain in his religious epic, La semaine (1579), HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS - 427 Guevare, le Boscan, Grenade, et Garcilace, abreuvez du nectar qui rit dedans la tasse de Pitho verse-miel, portent le Castillan.^ But these early evidences of interest were not destined to be continued. Aside from a few passing mentions in such works as VApollon, ou r oracle de la poesie italienne et espagnole (1644) of Bense-Dupuis^ or the Noiivelle methode pour apprendre facilement la langue espagnole, found in Lancelot's Grammaire generale et raisonee (,1660)' the name of Garcilaso remained unknown imtil the nineteenth century. During the first decades of the last century a number of works contained discussions of his poetry; first in point of time was the little anony- mous Essai sur la litterature espagnole, the work of Malmontel. Longer articles ap- peared in the French translation of Bouter- wek (1813) or in Sismondi's De la litte- rature du midi de V Europe (1813). Finally France received an opportunity to study his works at first hand through the edi- tions printed at Paris in 181 7 and 1821 and also through the translations into AND MONOGRAPHS 428 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA French by the Malagan poet, Juan Maria Maury (1826). Of the many critics and scholars who have turned their attention to Garcilaso in more modern times special mention need be made of only two : the enthusiastic criticism of his poems in the Histoire com- paree des litteratures espagnole et franqaise (1843) of Puibusque and the admirable study of his work in the Histoire de la poesie espagnole of the Belgian scholar, Ferdinand Loise. The northern countries of Europe offer a much slighter acquaintance with Gar- cilaso, as might be expected. In Germany the only mention of his work until the eighteenth century is the brief article on him in Andreas Schott's Hispaniae biblio- theca, printed at Frankfurt in 1608; and Schott was a Fleming. During the latter half of the eighteenth century there was a real wave of interest in Hispanic studies in Germany, with its centre at Gottingen. In 1769 Dieze in his excellent translation of the Origenes de la poesia castellana of HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 429 i Velazquez devoted a large attention to the work of Garcilaso and thirty-five years later another professor of the same univer- sity, Friedrich Bouterwek, produced the first history of Spanish literature, the "Geschichte der spanischen Poesie and Beredsarnkeit" (1804). Bouterwek's opin- ions are colorless, and the space which he dedicates to the study of the life and works of Garcilaso is small in proportion to that which he gives Boscan, or Diego de Men- doza, for example. As Menendez y Pelayo has justly remarked, the northern critics, who read with their eyes rather than listen to the verse with their ears, have always shown a greater charity toward Boscan than have his own people. One other sign of acquaintance with Garcilaso which concerns Germany must be men- tioned: the few examples of his verse which were printed in the Floresta de rimas anti- guas castellanas of Johann Nicholas Bohl von Faber, unless we prefer to call him Juan Nicolas and count him among thej Spaniards, with whom his own literary AND MONOGRAPHS i L 430 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA activity as well as that of his daughter, Feman Caballero, is inseparably connected. It is probable that Garcilaso was un- known in England before the appearance of the Arcadian Rhetorike (1588) of Abraham Fraunce, unless it be that a pas- sage in the sixth eclogue of the Eglogs, Epytaphes and Sonnettes (1563) of Bamaby Googe is an imitation of a scene in his second Eclogue. Fraunce cites in all forty lines of Garcilaso, with one exception drawn from the Eclogues. It seems prob- able that he was led to his acquaintance with the work of the Spanish poet by his reading of La Semaine of du Bartas, for all the examples which he cites from foreign authors are from poets mentioned by the French writer. It is interesting to find that he too regarded Boscan as the more important poet, if we may judge again by numbers, for he cites over two hundred of his verses. ^ As in France, this early evidence of a knowledge of Garcilaso 's poems remained isolated until the beginning of the last HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 431 centtiry. In 1800 an Italian, Gaetano Ravizzotti, published at Romney an an- thology of Castilian poetry, containing the three Eclogues of Garcilaso and five of his lyrics, with a brief life of the poet. Un- doubtedly from this collection Horace Wal- pole made his translation of a part of the first Eclogue and a sonnet (No. XXIII) which he published anonymously at Cam- bridge in 1805, imder the title Isabel, from the Spanish of Garcilaso de la Vega, with other poems and translations frofn the Greek, Italian, etc. The next work which treats of him is Lord Holland's "Life of Lope de Vega" (181 7), in which there is a brief men- tion of his verses and a translation of one of his poorer sonnets (No. XXXI V).^ Passing over the little Essay on Spanish Literature (181 8) of Anaya, we come to two publications of interest in 1823: the English translation of Bouterwek and more important for us, the translation of Garci- laso's poems by J. H. Wiffen. Wiffen pre- faced his work by a long and romanticly inaccurate' life'of the poet and a free adap- AND MONOGRAPHS 432 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA tation of Quintana's Introduction on Spanish poetry. His translations are close, often too close, but as a whole they leave but a vague impression of the music of the original. No two languages are more fundamentally different in natural qualities than English and Spanish. The attempt to reproduce in English the tender grace- fulness of Garcilaso's verse must inevitably lead to a style that to us sounds sentimental and even "namby-pamby." Even at his best this is the weakness of Wiffen's ver- sions; witness the following stanza: Here ceased the youth his Doric madrigal, And sighing, with his last laments let fall A shower of tears; the solemn mountains round, Indulgent of his sorrow, tossed the sound Melodious from romantic steep to steep, In mild responses deep; Sweet Echo, starting from her couch of moss. Lengthened the dirge, and tenderest Philomel, As pierced with grief and pity at his loss. Warbled divine reply, nor seemed to trill Less than Jove's nectar from her mournful bill. What Nemoroso sang in sequel, tell HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 433 Ye, sweet-voiced Sirens of the sacred hill! Too high the strain, too weak my grovehng reed. For me to dare proceed. The rest of the nineteenth century saw no striking proofs of an interest in Gar- cilaso in England, except in the sound crit- icism of iSIr. James Fitzmaurice-Kelly as it appears in his History of Spanish Liter- ature. But in the New World of English speech, one scholar at least has given at- tention to the story of the life and work of the Spanish poet, that is George Ticknor. The care with which Ticknor read his verses is made plain by the copious margin- al notes which he pencilled in his personal copy of the poems. ^ His discussion of Gar- cilaso in his History of Spanish Literature is penetrating and just; his brief transla- tions of passages from the first Eclogue, done in blank verse, are infinitely more satisfactory^ than those of Wiffen. "We can- not end with a more fitting summary of Garcilaso's place in the hterature of Spain than his statement: "Garcilaso has come AND MONOGRAPHS 434 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA down to us enjoying a general national rep- utation such as is given to hardly any other Spanish poet, and to none that lived before his time." HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 435 APPENDIX A PRUEBA DE NOBLEZA DE GARCILASO DE LA VEGA. (Archivo historico nacional. Ordenes militarea. San- tiago. Garcilaso de la Vega y de Guzmdn. Toledo, 1523. N°. 8613.) Garcia Laso de la Vega. En Burgos a xi de Setiembre de jMDxxiij anos. Pero Abrera, vezino de la gibdad de Cor- doba testigo presentado para la dicha yn- formagion, abiendo jurado en forma de derecho, dixo lo siguiente: A la primera pregunta, dixo que conosge a el dicho Garcia Laso de la Vega e que sera de hedad de veynte e ginco anos, poco mas o menos, e ques natural de la gibdad de Toledo e que hes hi jo legitimo de don Garcia Laso de la Vega, comendador mayor que fue de Leon e senor de Batres e Cuerva, e de Sancha de Guzman su muger, a los quales este testigo conosgio. Fue pregun- tado sy conosgio al padre e a la madre AND MONOGRAPHS 436 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA del dicho don Garcia Laso de la Vega e al padre e a la madre de la dicha dona Sancha, padre e madre del dicho Garcia Laso de la Vega; dixo que conosgio a Pero Suarez de Figueroa e a dona Blanca su muger, padre e madre del dicho don Garcia Laso de la Vega, el qual dicho Pero Suarez hera hermano del conde de Feria vie jo e que al padre e a la madre de la dicha dona Sancha no los conosgio, mas de los oyr dezir e que el padre de la dicha dona Sancha se llamava [blank] de Guzman, senor de Batres e de otros vasallos e que la muger del dicho [blank] de Guzman no sabe como se llamava, mas de oyr dezir que hera de muy buen linaje. Fue pre- guntado sy hes pariente del dicho Garcia Laso. Dixo que no, e que sera de hedad de Ix anos. A la segunda pregunta, dixo que sabe y hes publico e notorio que el dicho don Garcia Laso de la Vega e los dichos don Garcia Laso de la Vega e dona Sancha de Guzman su muger, padre e madre del dicho Garcia Laso, e los dichos sus avuelos HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS ' 437 e avuelas fueron e son avidos e tenidos e comimmente rreputados por honbres hijos- dalgo e de linpia e noble sangre, syn yntervenir rraga ninguna de converso ni moro ni de otra cosa, e por tales este tes- tigo los tuvo e tiene. A la tercera pregunta, dixo que sabe que el dicho Garcia Laso tiene cevales e cava- llos e los puede bien tener. A la quarta pregunta, dixo que no sabe que el dicho Garcia Laso aya sido rrieptado e que si lo oviera seydo, este testigo lo oviera sabido o oydo e questo sabe del I caso. E firmolo de su nombre. Pero Abrera. AND MONOGRAPHS 438 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA APPENDIX B LETTER OF DEDICATION FROM SCIPIONE CAPECE TO GARCILASO (Donati in libros duodecim Aeneidos quae antea deside- rabatur absoluta interpretatio. Impressum Neapoli per loannem Sulzbacchium & Matthiam Cancer quarto Idus Novembris Anno Domini M. D. XXXV. f. [2] v°.) Scipio Capycius Garcilasso viro clariss. S. Donati comentarios in Virgilianam Aenei- da, qui ex Pontani bibliotheca in manus nostras devenerant, omnes quidem eruditi mira cupiditate invulgandos impressione semper expetivemnt. Postea vero quam tu mihi, Garcilasse illustris at que doctis- sime, id fieri suasisti, nihil cunctandum in ea re censui, doctis omnibus ratus quam maxime placiturum quod gravi tuo fuis- set singularique iudicio probatum. Itaque volumen ilico imprimendum tradidi tuo iussu; curanteque Paulo Flavio erudito iuvene tuique ac nostri studiosissimo brevi absoluta impressio est, opere in multa volumina ecscripto (!), ad communem studiosorum omnium utilitatem ex tua sententia. Vale. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 439 LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED Abelson, Paul. The Seven Liberal Arts. New York, 1906. Alberi, Eugenio, ed. Relazioni degli am- basciatori veneti al Senato. Firenze, 1839-55- 14 V. Alonso Getino, Luis G. Vida y procesos del maestro Fr, Luis de Leon. Sala- manca, 1907. Amador de los Rios, Rodrigo. Santan- der. Barcelona, 1891. {in Espana: sus monumentos y artes, etc.) Antonio, Nicolas. Bibliotheca hispana nova. 2a ed. Matriti, 1783-88. 2 v. Argote de Molina, Gonzalo. Nobleza del Andaluzia. Sevilla, 1588. Armstrong, Edward. The emperor Charles V. London, 1902. 2 v. AzARA, Jose Nicolas de, ed. Obras de Garcilaso de la Vega, ilustradas con notas. Madrid, 1765. Bernaldez, Andres. 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Ensayo de una tipografia complutense. Madrid, 1889. Champolliox-Figeac, Aime, ed. La cap- tivite du roi Francois F^ Paris, 1847. (Doc. ined. sur I'histoire de France) Charriere, Ernest, ed. Negociations de la France dans le Levant. Paris, 1848-60. 4 V. (Doc. ined. sur I'histoire de France) Cienfuegos, Alvaro. La heroyca vida, virtudes y milagros del grande S. Fran- cisco de Borja. Madrid, 171 7. Clemen cix, Diego. Elogio de la Reina Catolica doiia Isabel, al que siguen varias ilustraciones sobre su reinado. Madrid, 182 1. (Memorias de la R. Acad, de la Historia, VI) Correspondance de Charles-Quint et dAdrien VI, publ. par M. Gachard. Bru- xelles, etc., 1859. Correspondenz des Kaisers Karl V, mit- getheilt von. K. Lanz. Leipzig, 1844-46. 3 V. Croce, Benedetto. Intomo al soggiomo di Garcilasso de la Vega in Italia. Napoli, 1894. AND MONOGRAPHS 442 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Cronica de Alfonso XI. {in Rosell, Cr6nicas, etc., II, B. A. E., LXVI) Cronica de Pedro I. (in Rosell, Croni- cas, etc., II, B. A. E., LXVI) Dan VILA Y CoLLADO, Manuel. Historia critica y documentada de las Comunida- des de Castilla. Madrid, 1897-99. 6 v. (Memorial hist, esp., XXXV-XL) Decrue, Francis. Anne de Montmoren- cy. Paris, 1885-9. 2 V. Diez-Canedo, E., ed. Garcilaso y Bos- can. Obras poeticas; edicion, prologo y notas. Madrid, 191 7. (Biblioteca Calleja, 2^ serie) DuRAN, Agustin, ed. Romancero general. Madrid, 1859-61. 2 v. (B. A. E., X, XVI) Enriquez de Guzman, Alfonso. Libro de la vida y costumbres. Madrid, 1886. (Doc. ined., LXXXV) Enriquez del Castillo, Diego. Cronica del rey don Enrique IV. {in Rosell, Cronicas, etc., Ill, B. A. E., LXX) EscuDERO Y Perosso, Francisco. Tipo- grafia hispalense, Madrid, 1894. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 443 Fernandez de Navarrete, Eustaquio. Vida del celebre poeta Garcilaso de la Vega. Madrid, 1850. (m Doc. ined., XVI, 1-292) Fernandez de Oviedo y V^aldes, Gon- ZALO. Libro de la Camara Real del prin- cipe don Juan. Madrid, 1870. (Bi- bliofilos espaiioles) Relacion de lo sucedido en la pri- sion del rey de Francia. {in Doc. ined., XXXVIII, 404-530) Ferrer del Rio, Antonio. Historia del levantamiento de las Comunidades de Castilla. Madrid, 1850. Flamini, Francesco. 11 Cinquecento. Milano, [1902]. FoNTANus, Iacobus. Dc bcUo Rhodio. {in Schardius redi vi vus , II, 88-121) Foulche-Delbosc, Raymond, ed. Can- cionero castellano del siglo XV. Madrid, 191 2-15. 2 V. (Nueva B. A. E., XIX, XXII) FuENTE, Vicente de la. Historia de las universidades en Espana. Madrid, 1884- 89. 4 V AND MONOGRAPHS 444 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Ga CHARD, Louis Prosper, ed. Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas. Bruxelles, 1876-82. 4 v. Galindez Carvajal, Lorenzo. Anales breves del reinado de los Reyes Catolicos. {in Doc. ined., XVIII, 227-422) Gallardo, Bartolome Jose. Ensayo de una biblioteca espanola de libros raros y curiosos. Madrid, 1863-89. 4 v. Garcia Cerezeda, Martin. Tratadode las campanas y otros acontecimientos de los ejercitos del emperador Carlos V. . . desde 1521 hasta 1545. Madrid, 1873- 76. 3 V. GiANNONE, PiETRO. Dell'istoria civile del regno di Napoli libri XL. Napoli, 1723. 4V. Giovio, Paolo. [Historia general] ana- dido con doze libros que hasta agora fal- taban, traduzido por Caspar de Baega. Granada, 1566. 2 pts. Gomez de Castro, Alvar. De rebus gestis a Francisco Ximenio libri III. (in Schottus, Hispaniae illustratae, I, 927- 1156) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 445 Haebler, K0XR.A.D. Bibliografia iberica del siglo XV. La Haya & Leipzig, 1903. Herrera, Fernando de, ed. Obras de Garcilasso de la Vega con anotaciones. Sevilla, 1580. Hume, Martin A. S. Spain: its greatness and decay. Cambridge, 1905. Illescas, Gonzalo de. Jornada de Car- los V a Tiinez. {in Rosell, Historiadores, etc., I, B. A. E., XXI) Itineraire de Charles-Quint de 1506 a 1 53 1. {in Gachard, Collection des voyages, etc., II, 1-50) Le Journal d'un bourgeois de Paris (15 1 5-1 536), ed. V.-L. Bourrilly. Paris, 1910. JusTi, Karl. Ein Bildnis des Dichters Garcilaso de la Vega, {in Jahrbuch der k. preuss. Kunstsammlungen, XIV (1893), 177-90) Garcilaso de la Vega, (m Espana modema, t. 310 (oct. 1914)) 135-150) Latour, Antoine de. Tolede et les bords du Tage. Paris, i860. Lauren ciN, Marques de. Document os AND MONOGRAPHS 446 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA ineditos referentes al poeta Garcilaso de la Vega. Madrid, 191 5. (Bol. de la R. Acad, de la Hist. Numero extraordinario) Garcilaso de la Vega y su retrato, Madrid, 1914. LeGlay, Andre Joseph Ghislain, ed. Negociations diplomatiques entre la France et I'Autriche. Paris, 1845. 2 v. (Collection de doc. ined., i^^ serie) Leti, Gregorio. La vie de I'empereur Charies V, tr. de I'italien. Amsterdam, 1830. 4 V. Lopez de Haro, Alfonso. Nobiliario genealogico de los reyes y titulos de Espafia. Madrid, 1622. 2 v. Manrique, Gomez. Cancionero, publ. A. Paz y Melia. Madrid, 1885-86. 2 v. Mariana, Juan de. Historia general de Espana. Madrid, 1794. 10 v. Martyr, Veter, of Anghier a. Opus episto- larum. Ed. postrema. Amstelodami, 1670. Mejia, Pedro. Relacion de las Comuni- dades de Castilla. {in Rosell, Historia- dores, etc., I, 369-407, B. A. E., XXI) Mele, Eugenio, ed. Una oda latina HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 447 inedita de Garcilaso de la Vega y tres poesias a el dedicadas por Cosimo Anisio. {in Revista de historia y literatura, etc., Ill (1898), 362-8) Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino. Bi- bliografia hispano-latina clasica. Tomo I. Madrid, 1902. (No more published.) Juan Boscan, estudio critico. Ma- drid, 1908. (Antologia de poetas liricos castellanos, XIII) Mesonero Romanos, Ramon de, ed. Dra- maticos posteriores a Lope de Vega. Madrid, 1858-59. 2 v. (B. A. E., XLVII, XLIX) MiGNET, FRANgois AuGUSTE Marie. Ri- valite de Francois P'' et de Charles- Quint. Paris, 1875. 2 V. Morales, Ambrosio de. Discurso de la verdadera descendencia del glorioso doctor Santo Domingo, {in Ocampo, Coronica general de Espana. Madrid, 1791-92, X) MoREAu, Sebastien. La prinse et deli- vrance du Roy, venue de la Royne, seiu" aisnee de I'Empereur, etc. Paris, 1835. AND MONOGRAPHS 448 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA (Archives curieuses de I'histoire de France, i'"^ serie, II) Navagero, Andrea. Opera omnia. Vene- tiis, 1754. Navarro Tomas, Tomas, ed. Garcilaso. Obras. Madrid, 191 1. (Clasicos caste- llanos, III) Nierenberg, Juan Eusebio. Vida del santo padre y gran siervo de Dios, el B. Francisco de Borja. Madrid, 1644. Paetow, Louis John. The Arts Course at medieval universities. Champaign, 111., 1910. Palencia, Alonso de. Cronica de Enri- que IV, trad, por A. Paz y Melia. Ma- drid, 1904-9. 5 V. (Vol. V contains the translation of his "Guerra de Granada.") Perez Pastor, Cristobal. La imprenta en Toledo. Madrid, 1887. 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La universidad AND MONOGRAPHS 1 I 1 452 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA de Alcala; datos para su historia. {in Revista de archives, etc., XX-XXI) Valera, Diego de. Memorial de diversas hazanas. {in Rosell, Cronicas, etc., Ill, B. A. E., LXX) Vandenesse, Jean de. Journal des voya- ges de Charles-Quint de 1514 a 1551. {in Gachard, Collection des voyages, etc., II, 51-490) Vertot, L'abbe. Histoire des chevaliers Hospitaliers de S. Jean de Jerusalem. Paris, 1778. 7 V. Villeneuve-Bargemon, Louis FRANgois. Monumens des grands-maitres dd'Ordre de Saint- Jean de Jerusalem. Paris, 1829. 2 V. ViNAZA, CoNDE DE LA. BibHotcca his- torica de la filologia castellana. Madrid, 1893. WiFFEN, Jeremiah Holme, tr. The works of Garcilaso de la Vega, with a critical and historical essay on Spanish poetry and a life of the author. London, 1823. Woodward, William Harrison. Vitto- rino da Feltre and other humanist educa- HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 453 tors: essays and versions. Cambridge, 1897. Zapata, Luis. Carlo famoso. Valencia, 1566. Miscelanea. {in Memorial hist. esp., XI) ZiNKEISEN, JOHANN WiLHELM. Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa. Hamburg, etc., 1840-63. 7 v. ZuNiGA, Francesillo de. Cronica. {in Castro, Curiosidades, etc., pp. 9-54, B. A. E., XXXVI) Epistolario. {in id. pp. 55-62) ZuRiTA, Geronimo. Analcs de la corona de Aragon. Zaragoza, 1669-71. 7 v. AND MONOGRAPHS LIFE AND WORKS NOTES 2,1 Lettera seconda, and Viaggio in Ispagna {in Opera omnia, pp. 268, 315.) 3.1. Vida, 12. 3.2. Obras de Garcilasso, 16. 3.3. Id., 14-15. 3.4. See pp. 64-67. 4.1. Archivo historico nacional. Ordenes militares. Santiago. Pruebas de nobleza. Garcilaso de la Vega y de Guzman. 1523. N°. 8613. Cf. Appendix A. 4.2. Id., Garcilaso de la Vega y Zuniga. 1543. No. 8634. 4.3. See Note 78,2.. 5,1. If the phrase used by Garcilaso, "en mi perfeta edad" (Son. XXVIII. 9), is a reference to the generally accepted theory that the crowning point of Life is reached at the age of thirty-five, then his birth cannot have been later than 1501. It is possible that he has in mind the expression of Dante. "E 10 credo che nelh perfettamente naturati esso [il punto sommo dell'Arco della vita] ne sia nel trentacinquesimo anno" (Convivio, IV, 23.) AND MONOGRAPHS 455 456 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 5,2. The principal accounts of Garcilaso's family are those of Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo and Argote de Molina. Oviedo's ac- count is found in his Ms. Batallas y quin- cuagenas (in the Academia de la Historia of Madrid, 12-2 1-5, N°. 96, ff. 417 r°-422 v°) under the title, "El muy magnifico senor Gar- cilaso de la Vega". The Ms., which is in- titled "Libro que trata del blason de todas las armas e diferencias dellas," is described by Clemencin (Elogio, 220-235). There is a copy in the Boston Public Library (3090.8). On the relations of this work to the Quin- quagenas of the same author, see the introduc- tion of Vicente de la Fuente to the edition of the Quinquagenas, Madrid, 1880. Vol. I. Argote de Molina in his Nobleza del Anda- luzia, Sevilla, 1588, f. 335 r°-v°, traces the family down to the Marquis of Santi liana. He mentions four generations prior to the first Garci-Lasso de la Vega: Diego Gomez de la Vega, Ruy Diaz de la Vega, Gonzalo Ruiz de la Vega (cf. Zurita, I, 169 v°), and Pero Lasso de la Vega, Almirante de Castilla. On the doubtful nature of this last title, see Angel de los Rios y Rios, Ensayo hist6rico .8. . sobre los apelhdos castellanos, Madrid, HI SPANI C NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 457 1 87 1, p. 189. For the possible origin of the name Lasso, see Rios y Rios, op. cit. and Rodrigo Amador de los Rios, Santander. Bar- celona, 1891, p. 638. Navarrete (Vida, 10-12, 137-140. 275) and Piferrer (Xobiliario, II, 242-244) give a summary of the matter. 5,3. On this first Garcilaso, cf. Femdndez de Oviedo, Batallas, ms. cit,, 418 v°-4i9 r®; Cronica de Alfonso XI (in B. A. E. LXVI), pp. 185-86, 188, 193-96, 198-99, 210-11; Zm-ita, II, 68; Mariana, IV, 91, 99, 101-2, 106-7. 6,1, On the second Garcilaso, cf. Fer- nandez de Oviedo, ms. cit., f. 419; Cronica de Alfonso XI, pp. 251-52, 326, 345, 352, 369, 378, 384; Cronica de Pedro I (in B. A. E. LXVI), 406, 409, 413-15; Zurita, II, 105 r°, 143 r°; Poema de Alfonso Onceno (ed. F. Janer, Madrid, 1863) copla 1662; Mariana, IV, 157, 202. 7,1. The Marquis of Santillana mentions his grandmother. Dona ^Mencia Cisneros, in his Prohemio (Obras, ed. Amador de los Rios, Madrid, 1852, p. 12.) On her daughter. Dona Leonor de la Vega, see Amador de los Rios in his introduction to this edition, pp. x-lviii. AND MONOGRAPHS 458 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 8.1. * It is through the Sotomayores that Sa de Miranda traces his relationship to Gar- cilaso. Cf. Michaelis de Vasconcellos's edi- tion of his Poesias, Halle, 1885, pp. 378 and 831-32, note. The point had already been noted by Theophilo Braga in his Sd de Miranda, as it appeared in his Historia dos Quinhentistas, 1871. 8.2. On Garcilaso, father of the poet, up to 1492, cf. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 11, 140-41, 197-99; Hernando del Pulgar, Cronica de Fernando e Isabel (in B. A. E. LXX) pp. 449-50, 456, 461, 476, 479, 482, 502; Ber- naldez, Historia de Fernando e Isabel (in B. A. E. LXX) p. 633; Alonso de Palencia, Guerra de Granada, V, 442; Lucio Marineo, De rebus" Hi spaniae memorabilibus (in Schot- tus, Hispaniae illustratae, I, 498); Zurita, IV, 354 v°; Prescott, I, 298-300. 1 1,1. Duran, Cancionero general, Nos. 1 1 15-23, II, 124-29. A later, popular version. No. 1300, II, 315-17. The exploit of Pulgar is an historical event; cf. Menendez y Pelayo, in Lope de Vega, Obras, XI, xhx-1. 12,1. In his Obras, ed. R. Academia Es- panola, XI, 209-28. There is a later version by Lope, entitled "El cerco de Santa Fe e HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 459 ilustre hazana de Garcilaso de la Vega" (Obras, XI, 231-58). On the dates, cf. the introduction of this volume, pp. xli, xlviii. Another and later version, by another author, called "El triunfo de Ave-Maria" (in Meso- nero Romanos, Dramaticos posteriores a Lope de Vega, II, 173-94) is still performed at Granada on the anniversary of the conquest of the city, January 2. Cf. the introduction to this volume of the Dramaticos posteriores, p. xiii, and Lope de Vega, Obras, XI, Ivii. 12.2. See p. 8. 12.3. I, 224, 283-84. Cf. also Enrlquez del Castillo, Cronica del rey don Enrique IV (in B. A. E., LXX), p. 107; Diego de Valera, Memorial de diversas hazafias (in B. A. E., LXX), p. 5. 12.4. Cancionero, I, 103-115. On the dates and the family, cf. the notes, II, 347-48. Diego de Burgos mentions this Garcilaso in his Triunfo del marques de Santillana (in R. Foulche-Delbosc, Cancionero castellano del siglo XV, II, 544) and Hernando del Pulgar treats of him in his Claros varones, Titulo XV. The Garcilaso who received a grant from Enrique IV in 1471 (cf. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 197-98) is probably the son of this Garcilaso. AND MONOGRAPHS 460 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA In the Real Armeria in Madrid there is a sword blade which bears on one side the words ''Garcilaso de la Vega. 1472", and on the other, ''El que mato el moro en campo. This blade probably belonged to the hero of the Vega of Malaga; the date may have been added by his son. For a discussion of other possible owners, cf. Marchesi, Catalogo de la Real Armeria, Madrid, 1849, pp. 11 3-1 17. Menendez y Pelayo identifies the Garcilaso of the romances as the hero of Malaga. (Lope de Vega, Obras, XI, xliii.) 13,1. Cf. for example, Argote de Mohna, op. cit. 203 v°-204 r°. Fernandez de Oviedo expressly denies the story and says that the family always was "de la Vega" and had "Ave Maria" as its device. (Batallas, ms. cit. f. 419 v°) Cf. also Ticknor, I, 447, note 14.1. On Garcilaso as an ambassador, cf. Zurita, V, ff. 34, 116, 141 v°, 163 v°, 169 r°; Sanuto, I, 6, 202, 465, 555, 654; II, 113, 531, 552, 912; Prescott, II, 19, 23, 47, 50, 80, 151- 53; Mariana, VI, 324, 389, 394. 14.2. Navarrete, Vida, p. 199. 15,1. On Garcilaso from 1 500-1 506, cf. Zurita, V, 249 v°, VI, 8 v°, 64 v°; Navarrete, HI SPANI C NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 461 Vida, pp. 199-200; Galindez Caravajal, Anales breves (in Doc. in^d., XVIII,) p. 307; Mariana, VII, 80, 87. There is another version of the meeting of Fernando and Gar- cilaso, in which Garcilaso plays the role usually assigned to the Count of Benavente. Cf. Alvar Gomez de Castro, De rebus gestis Francisci Ximenii libri III (in Schottus, Hispam'ae iUustratae, I, 990); Prescott, II, 279. Bernaldez (op. cit. p. 726) does not mention Garcilaso. 16.1. On Garcilaso from 1506 to 15 12, cf. Navarrete, Vida, 200; Bernaldez, p. 727; Prescott, II, 306; Mariana, VII, 107. 16.2. On the family of Dona Sancha, cf. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 142-47, 277, 279. For the origin of the Guzmanes, see Ambrosio de Morales, Discurso de la verdadera descen- dencia del glorioso doctor Santo Domingo (in Ocampo, Coronica general deEspafia, Vol.X.) 16.3. P. 141- 18.1. Id., pp. 140-41. 18.2. Son. XVL 19.1. Obras de Garcilasso, p. 14. 19.2. Vida, p. 13. His brother, Pedro Laso, as heir to the estate was brought up at the Court and was a pupil of Peter Martyr. AND MONOGRAPHS 462 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Cf. his Opus epistolarum, Epist. DCCIX, p. 396: "Vetere familiaritate cum Don Petro Lasso a Vega ob consuetudinem apud me, cum sugeret una cum proceribus regnorum ubera mea IJteralia, fretus." 20,1. Madrid, 1870 (Bibliofilos espanoles, VII.) 21.1. In E. Alberi, Relazioni degli amba- sciatori veneti al Senato (Firenze, 1839-55. 14 vols.) Serie I^, II, 205. See also Ranke, L'Espagne sous Charles-Quint, p. 155. 21.2. Batallas, ms. cit. f. 420 v°. 21.3. Obras de Garcilasso, p. 14. 22.1. There is no adequate study of the beginnings of humanistic studies in Spain. Cf. however Clemencin, Ensayo sobre el siglo hterario de la reina dona Isabel (Ilustracion XVI in his Elogio, pp. 394-429,) andPrescott, I, 393-408. 22.2. Opus epistolarum, Epist. LVII, pp. 26-27. 24.1. Id., Epist. CXV, p. 65. 24.2. Clemencin, Elogio, p. 399. 25.1. Id., p. 401; Prescott, I, 40C-401; Lucio Marineo, Discurso (in Clemencin, Elogio, 607.) 25.2. I, 400. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 463 25,3. Vicente de la Fuente, Historia de las universidades en Espana (Madrid, 1884- 89. 4 vols.) II, 104-105. 26.1. Peter Martyr, Opus epistolarum, Epist. CCCLXXV, p. 200. For his dates, cf. Antonio, Bibliotheca nova, I, 326-27; Fuente, II, 106; Gomez de Castro {in Sehottus, Hispaniae illustratae, I, 1141.) 26.2. In his Discurso {in Clemencin, Elo- gio, p. 609.) The misprint "Cirillo" is cor- rected to "Citillo" on p. 611. 26.3. Gallardo, Ensayo, III, 73; IV, loio, 1012. 27.1. Bibliotheca nova, I, 58. 27.2. Antonio, op. cit., I, 765; Gomez de Castro, loc. cit. 27.3. On the subjects studied in the Mid- dle Ages, cf. P. Abelson, The Seven Liberal Arts, New York, 1906, and L. J. Paetow, The Arts course at medieval universities. Cham- paign (111.), 19 10. 28,1. Abelson, p. 35, note i. 30,1. On humanistic education, cf. W. H. Woodward, Vittorino da Feltre and other humanist educators, Cambridge, 1897. 31,1. Clemencin, pp. 456, 467- Editions of the Dodrinale were printed at Barcelona AND MONOGRAPHS 464 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA in 1495 and 1499. Cf. Haebler, Nos. 684-85. 31,2. Haebler, No. 543. 31,3. Id., Nos. 459-65- 31,4. Haebler (Nos. 187-88) mentions two editions "ca. 1480". There are two later edi- tions (Nos. 189-90.) 31,5. Id., No. 510. 31,6. Id., Nos. 468-69. 32,1. Clemencin, Elogio, pp. 471-72. 32,2. Haebler, No. 670. 32,3. InRevistadeArchivos,etc., 3^epoca, IX, 56-66. I am preparing a study of the relations of Lebrija's treatise to the ItaUan educational tracts. 33,1. Haebler, Nos. 3-5, 138-140, 272-73, 358-62, 634. 33,2. Catalina Garcia, Ensayo, No. 70. 33,3. Haebler, No. 485. 33,4. Id., No. 400. 34,1. Id., Nos. 593, 112. 35,1. Id., Nos. 402, 506, 693-4. 35,2. Escudero y Perosso, No. 129. 35,3. Gallardo, IV, 113 1-2; Catahna Garcia, No. 62. 35,4. Men^ndez y Pelayo, BibUografla his- pano-latina cldsica, 1,528; Catahna Garcia, No. 61. HI SPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 465 35.5. Salva, I, 527 (under No. 1449.) 35.6. Clemencin, Elogio. pp. 470-1. 36.1. Cited by the Conde de la Viiiaza in his Biblioteca historica de la filologia caste- liana, Madrid, 1893, col. 22. 36.2. Opus epistolarum, Epist. CCXLVI. p. 139- 37,1. Laurencin, Documentos, p. 133. 38.1. Catahna Garcia, Xos. 17-18, 38.2. Haebler, No. 470. 38.3. Fontanini-Zeno, I, 5. 38.4. Brunet, III, col. 1578. 39.1. Lebrija in his preface says that the time is opportune for his work "por estar la nuestra lengua tato en la cumbre que mas se puede temer el decendimiento della que es- perar la subida." (Reproduction of the ediiio princeps by E. Walberg, Halle a. S., 1909, f. a iiii r°.) 39.2. There is corroboration of the use of the Disticha Catonis and of Sallust as elemen- tary- texts in two references from Francesillo de Ziiniga (cited by Menendez y Pelayo, Juan Boscan, pp. 47-8), one in which he speaks of Fray Severo as "mostrador de Caton y Terencio a los m'etos del Duque de Alba" (Cronica, p. 28) and the other in his anecdote AND MONOGRAPHS 466 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA of Fray Severo's falling into the Duero and exclaiming, "Oh infelice Marques de Mantua y nietos del Duque de Alba, ya quedareis sin el Salustio Catilinario." (Epistolario, p. 59). It must be remembered that the first Latin text of Terence printed in Spain was of 1524. 40,1. Cf. Note, 19,2. 42,1. On Charles V's first visit to Spain, cf. Armstrong, I, 25-42. 43,1. Sandoval, I, 151; P. Mejia (in B. A. E. XXI, 372.) 44.1. Navarrete, pp. 201-2. 44.2. Sandoval, I, 156. 44.3. Id., I, 157. Lib. V, Cap. XXIII is devoted to Pedro Laso. 44.4. Id., I, 158. 44.5. Vandenesse, Journal, p. 64. 45.1. Navarrete, p. 203. 45.2. Id., I.e.; Sepiilveda, Opera, I, iii; Danvila y Collado, IV, 556. 46.1. Ferrer del Rio, p. 281. 46.2. Vandenesse, p. 66. 46.3. In Rodriguez Villa, El emperador Carlos V y su Corte (in Boletin de la R. Acad, de la Hist., XLIII, 42.) 47,1. The principal sources for the story of the siege of Rhodes are: Vertot, Histoire HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 467 des Chevaliers Hospitallers de S. Jean de Jerusalem, III, 237-317 (he used the works of Jacques de Bourbon and Giacomo Bosio); Fontanus, De bello Rhodio; Charriere, Negociations de la France dans le Levant, Vol. I, passim; the volumes of Sanuto's Diarii covering 1522 and 1523 (XXXIII- XXXIV); Zinkeisen, Geschichte des os- manischen Reiches in Europa, II, 621-32. 47,2. Sanuto, XXXIII, 398-9; Charriere, I. 91-2. 48.1. Correspondance de Charles-Quint et d'Adrien VI, publ. par M. Gachard. pp. loo-i. 48.2. Correspondenz des Kai-sers Karl V, I, 66-8. 48.3. Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, etc., XLIII, 47. 49.1. For a discussion of this conflict, cf. Galindez Carvajal, .\nales breves (in Doc. ined. XVIII, 391-6-) 49.2. Zapata, Carlo famoso. f. 67 v* (cited by Menendez y Pelayo, Juan Boscan, p. 39); Rodriguez ViUa, Boletin, etc., XLIII, 55. 49.3. On Pedro de Toledo, cf. Sosa, Xoticia de la gran casa de los Marqueses de ViUafranca, Xapoles, 1676; Giannone, IV, 45-7- AND MONOGRAPHS 468 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 50.1. On Bosc^n, cf. Menendez y Pelayo, Juan Boscan, esp. pp. 54-5. 50.2. Rodriguez Villa, Boletin, etc., XLIII, 55- 50.3. Vertot, III, 332. Zapata (1. c.) states that they sailed from Barcelona, but Alonso Enriquez (Libro de la vida y costum- bres, p. 31) also gives Cartagena as the port of departure. 52.1. Vertot, III, 332-3; Fontanus (in Schardius redivivus, II, 120); Sanuto, XXX- III> 535> 548, 581, 603; Correspondance de Charles-Quint et d'Adrien VI, p. 134. 52.2. Sanuto, XXXIV, 89-90. 53,1. Id., XXXIII, 600-1, 615; XXXIV, 282; Vertot, III, 327-9. 54,1. Vertot, III, 330-8. 55.1. Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, etc. XLIII, 139. 55.2. Cf. p. 58. 56,1. Peter Martyr, Opus epistolarum, Epist. DCCLXXI, p. 448; Rodriguez Villa in Boletin, etc., XLIII, 66; Danvila y Col- lado, V, 238-51. 57,1. Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, etc., XLIII, 113, 132; Peter Martyr, Epist. DCC- LXXXI, pp. 456-8. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 469 57.2. Rodriguez Villa, XLIII, 104; San- doval, I, 426. 57.3. Rodriguez Villa, XLIII, 137. 58.1. Obras de Garcilaso, p. 14. 58.2. Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, XLIII, 126-7. 58.3. Itineraire, p. 34. The Journal of Vandenesse (p. 68) erroneously says *'Areos". 58.4. Cf. ms. cited in Note 4,1. 58.5. Laurencin, Documentos, pp. 43-4. 59,1, Itineraire, p. 34; Xavarrcte, p. 205; Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, XLIII, 132. 60.1. Peter :Martvr, Epists. DCCLXXX- IV and DCCLXXXIX, pp. 460, 463-4; Ro- driguez Villa, in Boletin, etc., XLIII, 131, 136. 60.2. Laurencin, Documentos, 44-5. 61.1. Sepulveda, Opera, I, 144-5; Peter Martyr, Epist. DCCXCI, pp. 465-6; Ro- driguez Villa, in Boletin, etc., XLIII, 139, 143, 145- 61.2. Laurencin, Documentos, p. 82. 61.3. Sepulveda (Opera, I, 147) says "ter- tio Kalendas Martias", which would be Feb- ruary 28th (1524 was a leap-year). Salinas gives, the date as the 27th (Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, etc., XLIII, 147) as does Peter Martyr (Opus epistolarum, p. 468.) AND MONOGRAPHS 470 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 6 1 ,4. Opus epistolarum, Epist. DCCXCII, p. 467- 62,1. There is a full presentation of this material in Menendez y Pelayo, Juan Boscan, PP- 39-54- Much that he says is copied verbatim from Knapp's edition of the Obras of Boscan (Madrid, 1875) pp. xi-xiii and from an article by A. Salcedo y Ruiz, El ayo y el preceptor del Gran Duque de Alba (in Revista de Archives, etc., 3^ ep. X (1907), 370-8.) 63,1. Obras de Boscdn, 1543, f. 15 r°. FrancesJllo de Zuniga in his Epistolario (in B. A. E. XXXVI, 57) tells an anecdote which further illustrates the interest in poetry showed by the family of the Toledos. 'Tell the Duke of Alba," he writes to Queen Eleanor, ''that his grandson has written me half a couplet and when the Marquis of Villafranca heard of it, he shouted to Boscan, 'How much our house of Alba is indebted to you, for you have m-ade the heir of the family a poet! ' " 64.1. The Duke of Alba did not accom- pany Charles V on his trip to Italy in 1529 and died in 1531. Cf. Sanuto, LV, 185. 64.2. Laurencin, Documentos, 43. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 471 65.1. Schottus, Hispaniae bibliotheca, p. 579- 65.2. On the family of Dona Elena, see Navarrete, Vida, pp. 150-1, 281. 65.3. Navarrete, Vida, 204-5. 66,1. Laurencin, Documentos, 49-66. 69,1. Oviedo, Relacion (in Doc. ined. XXXVIII, 406.) 70.1. Id., p. 424; Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, etc. XLIII, 429, 471, 475. 70.2. Oviedo, Relacion (in Doc. ined., XXXVIII, 432-4) 71,1. Id., pp. 434-44; Sandoval, I, 543; Champollion-Figeac, p. 513. 72.1. Navagero, Opera, pp. 317-20. Navagero left Toledo on the 24th and arrived at Seville on the 8th. Queen Germana left on the 25th (Oviedo, 1. c, p. 444) and was in Seville with Isabella of Portugal when Charles V arrived (Champollion-Figeac, p. 51 4)- On the trip of Charles V, see Itineraire, pp. 38-9. On the two ambassadors, see Menendez y Pelayo, Juan Boscan, pp. 60-93. 72.2. Sandoval, I, 546 ff. For an account of the reception, see Navagero, Opera, p. 326. 73,1. Oviedo, Relacion (in Doc. in^d. XXXVIII, 453-8, 462.) AND MONOGRAPHS 472 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 73,2 Sandoval, I, 553. 74.1. Navagero, Opera, 281. 74.2. Obras, 1543, Libro II. 78.1. Laurencin, Documentos, 25, 15-6. 78.2. In his will Garcilaso mentions three sons born before July 25, 1529. (Laurencin, Doc, p. 75.) During these first four years of his married life he was undoubtedly attached to the Court, while his wife remained in Toledo. The Court was estabhshed at Toledo, during this period, from August 1525 to February 1526, from December 23rd to 28th, 1526, and from October 13, 1528 to March 9, 1529. Garcilaso was also in Toledo on March i, 1528 a't the time of the purchase of his house. Under the circumstances it is possible to assign fairly definite dates to the birth of these three children. On December 29, 1537, his wife declared that Inigo was then eight years old and Pedro seven (Lau- rencin, Doc, p. 116). This statement con- cerning Pedro is plainly inaccurate, for he was born before July 25, 1529, and if Inigo was a year older, the statement regarding him must also be inaccurate. 78.3. Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, etc, XLIII, 138. Pedro Laso took refuge in HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 473 Portugal and his activities there were closely watched by the representatives of the Em- peror (Danvila y CoUado, V, 496, 501). He was finally pardoned, though still exiled from all Spain except the county of Feria. On May 13, 1526 this exile was reduced, although he was still forbidden to enter within five leagues of the Court or of Toledo. (Id., V, 567-8.) Even this decree must have been annulled or forgotten, for he was in Toledo on April 17, 1 53 1. His mother had already bought back for him his estate of Los Arcos which had been confiscated in 1524 (Laurencln, Doc, p. 16.) 79.1. In B. A. E., XXXVI. 53- 79.2. Camoens, Rimas varias commen- tadas por Manuel de Faria y Sousa, Lisboa, 1685-8. 5 pts. V, 21 1-2. (Cited by C. Michaelis de Vasconcellos in her edition of the Poesias of Sa de Miranda, p. 833.) 79.3. Id., p. 820; Braga, Sa de Miranda, 1896, p. 50. 80.1. Miscelanea, p. 384. 80.2. Itineraire, pp. 38-46. 80.3. Ff. 82 v°-83 r°. 80.4. No. 17969 (Gayangos, No. 693). 81,1. Archivo historico Nacional. Leg. X°. 230, X° 31 17. I am indebted to the late AND MONOGRAPHS 474 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Don Juan Menendez Pidal for the reference. 82.1. Poesias, pp. 43-4. 82.2. Sd de Miranda, pp. 18 1-4. 83,1. LI. 1 123-4. 85,1. Itineraire, p. 45. 86.1. Sandoval, II, 49. 86.2. The will has been printed by Laiirencin, Documentos, pp. 69-83. 87,1. As printed, the will says, "San Mar- tin", but his grandmother's chapel was in San Pedro Martir (cf. id. p. 33). 90,1. Vandenesse, Journal, p. 821 ; Sanuto, LI, 288; Sandoval, II, 49-50. 91.1. Sandoval, II, 50. 91.2. Reproduced in Sanuto, LII, 653-4. Sandoval calls the practise of wearing a beard "the Roman style". It is noteworthy that Castiglione is portrayed with a beard in the famous painting by Raphael. 92.1. For accounts of the entry into Genoa, see Sanuto, LI, 398-403. Armstrong (I, 190) quotes a description from the "Cronaca del soggiorno di Carlo V in Italia, ed. M. Romano. Milan, n. d." 92.2. Sandoval, II, 20; Samrto, LI, 252. 92.3. Rodriguez Villa, in Boletin, etc. XLIV, 228-33. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 475 92,4. Vandenesse, Journal, 85; Sanuto, LII, 142-5, 180-4. 93,1. Sanuto, LII, 350-5. 94.1. Sandoval, II, 57; Sanuto, LII, 603- 19- 94.2. Sandoval, II, 58-61; Sanuto, LII, 628-52. 95.1. Sanuto, LII, 615. 95.2. Leti, La vie de I'empereur Charles V, I, 376. 95.3. Xavarrete, Vida, pp. 205-7. 96,1. Id., 26-7. 97,1. Sandoval, II, 28. 98,1. Moreau, pp. 415-51 ; Le journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, 342-4; Decrue, I, 160-2; Sandoval, II, 98-9; Sanuto, LIII, 344-5- 99.1. Xavarrete, Vida, p. 208. The opin- ion of Anne de Montmorency concerning the new queen is representative: "J'ay trouv6 principallement la royne . . . autant saige, belle et honneste dame, et qui m'a tenu de si bons et honnestes propos qu'il ne seroit possible de plus." (Letter to Marguerite d'Autriche, Julv I, 1530, in Le Glav, Xegociations, II, 742O 99.2. Calendar of State Papers. Spanish to 1543 (Henry VIII), IV, I, 668. AND MONOGRAPHS 476 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 100.1. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 207-8, 28-9. 100.2. Le journal d'un bourgeois de Paris, PP- 345> 352- The dates of the royal progress are based on the Catalogue des actes de Frangois I^^, I, 718-33 passim. 101.1. Hauvette, Un exile florentin a la cour de France au XVI^ siecle, Paris, 1903, p. 92. 101.2. Laurencin, Documentos, p. 16. 102.1. Navarrete, p. 30. 102.2. Id. p. 208. 103.1. Sandoval, II, 109. The letter to the Empress is dated January 17th. 103.2. Cf. Note 64,1. 104,1. The documents in the case are to be found in Navarrete, Vida, pp. 208-35. 109,1. Lines 1433 ff. 1 1 1,1. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 221-2. 111,2 On the subsequent history of the nephew, see Navarrete, pp. 264-70; Lauren- cin, Garcilaso de la Vega y su retrato, pp. 12-6; Archivo general de Simancas. Catalogo, IV, 298; V, 201. Dona Isabel was tempor- arily placed in a convent (Navarrete, pp. 40-1). Herrera (p. 239) quotes Antonio Puer- tocarrero as saying that she later became the Countess of Santestevan. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 477 111,3. Vida. p. 41. 113,1. For example, Xos. Ill and IV. 114.1. Xavarrete, p. 222. 114.2. Saniito, LVI, 567, 718, 726, 860, 902, 930. 114.3. Xavarrete, Vida, 48-9, 235. 114.4. Obras de Garcilasso, p. 15. 115.1. For example, Cienfuegos, II, II, 50; Wiffen, p. 131-2. 115.2. Lines 1505 ff. 115.3. Sanuto. LVII, 115. 116,1. Croce, Intorno al soggiorno, p. 8, note I. 118.1. Flamini, II Cinquecento. pp. loi, 109; Minieri-Riccio. Cenno storico delle Ac- cademie fiorite in X'apoli fin Archivio storico per le prov. napoletane, V (1880), 362-3.) 118.2. Id., V, 363-4. 118.3. Donati in libros duodecim Aeneidos quae antea desiderabatur absoluta interpreta- tio. Xeapoli, 1535, f. 2 v°. Liagno in his Kritische Bemerkungen iiber kastilische Liter- atur, 1830, (II, 108) speaks of the commentan' as being that of Servius. (Cited by Ticknor, I, 451, note.) See Appendix B. 119.1. Xo. XXIV. 119.2. Cited by Fiorentino in his edition AND MONOGRAPHS 478 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA of the Poesie liriche of Tansillo (Napoli, 1882), p. xxxiv, note (3). 119,3. Capitoli, ed. S. Volpicella, Napoli, 1870, p. 158. 120.1. Nos. CXXVII and CXXVIII in the Poesie liriche, pp. 64-5; Herrera, Obras de Garcilasso, pp. 20-1. 120.2. It is possible that it was at Naples that Garcilaso knew Juan de Valdes, who mentions him in his Dialogo de las lenguas (in Mayans y Siscar, Orlgenes de la lengua espanola, 1737, II, 69), written at Naples between 1534 and 1537. He must also have known the poetess Laura Terracina, an in- timate friend of Tansillo. Herrera says (p. 19) that she was reported to have apphed as an epitaph for Garcilaso an octave from the Orlando furioso (XVI, 72). 121,1. Miscelanea, p. 132. 122.1. Such as Sonetos VI and IX. 122.2. Braga, Sa de Miranda, p. 54. 123,1. Archivo historico nacional. Leg. N°. 230, N°. 31 17; Sa de Miranda, Poesias, p. 833. See also pp. 79-80 an^e. Sd,de Miranda (Poesias, p. 304) speaks of her calling her chil- dren her "precioso i grande arreo." Lopez de Haro (II, 242) mentions only her son Antonio. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 479 124.1. Capasso, Vicaria vecchia (in Arch, stor. nap., XV, 422-3 note) cited by Croce, pp. 7-8; Navarrete, Vida, p. 236; Vandenesse, Journal, p. 106. 124.2. Los quatro libros del Cortesano, compuestos en italiano y agora nuevamente traduzidos en lengua castellana. Barcelona, 1534, f. n r°. 124.3. Ff. III-IV. 125.1. Laurencin, Documentos, p. 25. 125.2. Capasso, 1. c. (cited by Croce, l.-c.) 126,1. Gregorio Rosso, Historia delle cose di Napoli, p. 97. 127,1. See Note 5,1. 129.1. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 236-7. 129.2. Vandenesse, Journal, p. 109; Salmas wrote from Palencia on September 4th that they were expecting him (in Bol. etc., XLV, 34). 130,1. Francisco Sanchez in his note on the passage, says, 'Tor Valclusa, donde nacio Madona Laura, dama del Petrarca," and his statement has been repeated by all of the com- mentators and biographers. It is plainly in- accurate; Avignon and not Vaucluse was the birthplace of Laura and it was at Avignon that her ashes rested. Moratin the Younger AND MONOGRAPHS 480 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA was better informed on the subject, for writ- ing to Jovellanos from Avignon on April 13, 1787, he begins, "Escribo a usted desde la tierra 'Do nacio el claro fuego de Petrarca Y donde estan del fuego las cenizas.' " In the same letter he remarks that the resting- place of Laura's ashes was not discovered until 1533 and that in that year Francis I visited her grave in the Franciscan monastery and wrote an inscription for her tomb. All of which gives particular point to the closing hnes of Garcilaso' s Epistola, written in 1534. (Cf. Obras postumas, 1867, II, 88-90.) 130,2. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 237-8. 132.1. Id. pp. 238-9. 132.2. Rosso, p. 105. 132.3. Id. p. 107. 133.1. Vandenesse, Journal, p. iii. On the campaign, see Sandoval, Sepulveda, I- llescas, and Cerezeda. 133.2. Sandoval, II, 173-4; Sepulveda, I, 376. 134,1. Giovio, f. 103; Illescas, (in B.A.E. XXI, 456.) Fiorentino (in Tansillo, Poesie liriche, p. 277) quotes a manuscript genealogy HI SPANI C NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 481 of the house of Carrafa by Angelo di Costanzo (Bibhoteca Nazionale di Napoli, XIV, F, 39) which tells the same story. 134,2. Noticias de varios sucesos acaecidos desde el ano 1521 hasta el 1549, copiadas de un codice escrito de mano de Florian de Ocampo (Ms. in the BibUoteca Nacional, Madrid, N°. 9936) f. 31 r°. 135.1. Vida, p. 71. 135.2. Vandenesse, Journal, p. 113; Cere- zeda, III, 303. 136,1. In Doc. ineditos, XIV, 427. 137.1. Vandenesse, Journal, pp. 113-5; Castaldo, p. 48. 137.2. Castaldo, pp. 48-9; Rosso, pp. 1 1 2-8; Sandoval, II, 218. 138.1. Castaldo, p. 55. 138.2. Epistolarum famiharum libri VI, 1552, pp. 333-6. 138.3. Delle lettere volgari, 1.552, I, 332. 139,1. Herrera (p. 15) refers to the esteem in which he was held by the Marquis of Vasto, and in his comment on Soneto XXI remarks that some have thought that the poem was addressed to the Marquis of Vasto rather than to the Marquis of Villafranca, Don Pedro de Toledo. AND MONOGRAPHS 482 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 139,2. Epistolarum libri VII, II, IV (in Opera, III, 118). 140.1. Opera, I, xviii-xix. 140.2. Id., I, xxix. Reprinted in Opera, IV, 221-328. 141,1. Id. IV, 225. 143.1. Sandoval, II, 226. 143.2. Carlo famoso, ff. 217-8. 146.1. Miscelanea, pp. 132-3. 1 46.2. For the chronology of the Emperor's movements during the next few months, see Vandenesse, Journal, pp. 13 1-5. For Garci- laso's part, Navarrete, Vida, 240-7. He must have been named 7naese de campo before the Court left Rome; cf. Bol. etc., XLV, 136. 148,1. From a pliego suelto, probably printed in 1537, in the Library of the Escorial, "Nuevas maravillosas de su Cesarea Mages- tad de las cosas acontecidas en Ytalia, Francia y Saboya . . . embiadas por Juan de Vega a Leonor Osorio su muger ... desde los 19 de Mayo hasta los 13 de Junio proximos passados." f. a ij r°. "El emperador tiene aqui [en este estado de Asti] para su guarda los V. mil Espaiioles que estavan aca y los tres mil que venieron agora Despana que tiene Garcialaso; estos estan aposentados en los burgos." HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 483 150.1. Croce, pp. 13-4; Gutierre ed Ce- tina, in his Eplstola to Hurtado de Mendoza (Obras, 1895, Epist. XIV, lines 40-2, II, 107) refers to the story of Garcilaso as " . . . de piedad y envidia llena, digo de in%ndiosos de su gloria." but this is probably merely a reference to his untimely death. 150.2. Lines 37-40. 150.3. Cf. pp. 255-56. 151,1. Poesias, p. 295. 152,1. Xavarrete. Vida, pp. 251-2. 153,1. Tratado, II, 195-7- 156.1. Carlo famoso, f. 221. 156.2. Martin Du BeUay, Memoires, con- tenans quelques fragmens des Ogdoades de Messire GuiUaume Du BeUay, La RocheUe, 1573' P- 740. 157.1. Obras de Garcilasso, p. 16. 157.2. There are numerous references to Garcilaso's death in the works of the Spanish historians, e.g., Giovio, f. 115; Mariana, VII, 325; Sandoval, II, 233. 158,1. The date is a matter of debate. Of the documents printed by Xavarrete (pp. 258-9) one states that he died on the 13th, another, the 14th. A third, says that his heirs AND MONOGRAPHS 484 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA received his salary ''hasta 14 de octubre", which would seem to imply that he died be- fore the 14th. The documents printed by Jose Rogerio Sanchez (Boscdn y Garcilaso de la Vega, pp. xcvi-xcviii) set the date variously as the 12th, 13th, or 14th. Herrera's state- ment (p. 16) that he died on the 21st day after his injury is certainly inaccurate. Navarrete, however, having decided that the 14th was the date of his death, substracted from it twenty-one days and so placed the day of his injury as September 23rd. 158,2. I have considered as utterly un- reUable and valueless the accounts of Gar- cilaso's last days as given in the lives of San Francisco de Borja of Nieremberg and Cien- fuegos. There is no other evidence than theirs of the supposed intimacy between the poet and the Marquis of Lombay. 160.1. Carlo famoso, ff. 221 v°-222 r°. 160.2. He granted stipends of 60,000 maravedls a year to Dona Elena and Pedro de Guzmdn on September 4, 1537 and one of 80,000 mrs. a year to Garcilaso de la Vega on June 21, 1539. (Navarrete, p. 259). 160.3. Misceldnea, p. 185. 160.4. Laurencin, Documentos, p. 69. HISPANIC NOTE S LIFE AND WORKS 485 i6o,s. Id., p. 151. The "Inventario, tasa- ci6n y particion" of her estate are given in Laurencin (Documentos, pp. 115-53). 160,6. Jose Rogerio Sanchez, Juan Bos- can, p. xcvi. 161.1. On December 29, 1537; cf. Lau- rencin, Documentos, p. 116. 161.2. Navarrete, Vida, pp. 260-2. Dona Elena in her first will, dated August 18, 1549 names Garcilaso as her heir (Laurencin, Documentos, p. 108.) 161.3. Ms. in the Archivo hist6rico Na- cional, cited in Note 4,2. 162.1. Cf. pp. 271-73. 162.2. Pubhshed by R. Menendez Pidal in Boletin de la R. Academia Espanola, I, 47, 152. Cf. p. 217. 162.3. Laurencin, Documentos, p. 27. 162.4. Sandoval, II, 583-6; Zapata, Mis- celanea, p. 68; Navarrete, Vida, p. 70. (In the document there presented he is called a son of Pedro Laso. Navarrete calls attention to the error in a note.) Figueroa composed a sonnet on his death, first pubhshed in Ramirez Pagan, Floresta de varia poesia, Valencia, 1562, f. 41 v°. He is also mentioned by Ger6nimo de Urrea in his translations of the AND MONOGRAPHS 486 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Orlando furioso, Salamanca, 1578, f. 213 v°. (ist. ed. Anvers, 1549). 163.1. Laurencin, Documentos, p. 23; Herrera, p. 15. 163.2. Published by A. de Castro in his Poetas liricos, I, x, (note i). There is another copy of this gloss in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Florence, Mss. Strozziani, VII, 354, ff. 400 v°-405 r°. 164.1. Alonso Getino, Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. Luis de Leon, Salamanca, 1907, pp. 268-75. 164.2. He had died on June 27, 1547, when only Garcilaso and Sancha remained as heirs (cf. Laurencin, Documentos, p^ 88.) 164.3. Id. p. 27. 165.1. Id. p. 24. 165.2. Id., pp. 28-9. 166.1. Sepulveda records this story of "a son of Garcilaso". Although he does not give his name, I have ventured to identify him as Lorenzo de Guzman because of the similarity of his account with that of Tamayo de Vargas (f. 6.) 166.2. Herrera, Obras de Garcilasso, p. 16. 166.3. Poesias, p. 378. 166.4. Laurencin, Documentos, pp. 87-99. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 487 1 167.1. Id. pp. 106-7. 167.2. Obras de Garcilasso, p. 266. 167.3. Xavarrete, Vida, p. 262. 168.1. Laurencin, Documentos, pp. 32-3. 168.2. I am indebted to Sr. Don Juan Moraleda y Esteban of Toledo for informa- tion concerning the fate of Garcilaso's remains. 169,1. El Imparcial (Madrid), 18 de Agosto de 1900. 171.1. In B. A. E. XXXVI, 53. 171.2. Miscelanea, pp. 392-3. 172,1. Id., pp. 297-8. There is another anecdote on p. 393. 173.1. Obras de Garcilasso, p. 14. 173.2. The works of G., p. 151. 173.3. The most widely kno\\Ti is that printed in Carderera y Solano, Iconografia espanola (Madrid, 1855-64, 2 vols.) II, X°. LXXIII. It is reproduced in Laurencin, Gar- cilaso y su retrato. 174.1. Xavarrete, Vida, pp. 210-1. 174.2. Laurencin, Garcilaso y su retrato. 174.3. Ein Bildnis des Dichters Garcilaso de la Vega ('in Jahrbuch des k. preussischen Kunstsammlungen, Berlin, XIV (1893), 177- 90.) Another article in Espana Moderna, t. 310, 135-150. AND MONOGRAPHS 488 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA y 1 8 1, 1. F. XV r°. I shall describe these in detail in a forthcoming Bibhography. 185,1. Ed. 1610, f. 158 r°; ed. Knapp, p. 432. On manuscripts, cf. Knapp's note, p. 499. 186.1. Juan Boscdn, p. 479. 186.2, Cf. H. Keniston, Las Treinta of Juan Boscdn, New York, 191 1, pp. 2-3. 193,1. The second of Boscdn's coplas (ed. Knapp, pp. 18-19) is an artificial tribute to a "Senora Dona Isabel", who may be Isabel Freire. 196.1. Cf. Sonetti e canzoni di diversi antichi autori Toscani. Firenze, 1527, f. 5 r°. The first line of the passage quoted does not appear in the two earUest editions of the Canzoni di Dante, of Milano, 1518 (f. cii r°) and Venezia, 151 8 (reprint of 1899, p. 39.) 196.2. There is a similar mood in Sonnet VI. ,206,1. Prosa XII, 106-7. 210.1. Cf. his Obras, ed. Knapp, 1877, pp. 479> 505- For other versions cf. Morel-Fatio, L'Espagne au XVP et au XVIP siecle, 1878, PP- 583, 601-2 and Wahlberg, Juan de la Cueva et son "Exemplar Poetico", 1904, p. 92. 210.2. Juan Bosc^n, p. 221, note. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 489 211,1. Ed. Knapp, p. 65. 212,1. Ed. Barcelona, 1543, f. LV v°. 215,1. Cf. p. 121. 216.1. Cf. Obras de Boscan, p. 522. 216.2. In Romanische Studien, hrsg. von E. Boehmer, IV, 203-4. 217.1. Opere volgari, 1723, p. 349. There are numerous translations of this sonnet in Spain during the Golden Age. Different versions may be found in the Cancionero general de 1554 (ed. Morel-Fatio), No. CXXIX; Fernando de Acuna, Varias poesias, 1804, p. 204; Espinosa's Flores de poetas ilustres, Parte I, 1896, p. 185 (bv Geronimo de Mora) ; Rev de Artieda, Discursos, epistolas y epigramas de Artemidoro, 1605, f. 103; and the manuscript described by Gallardo, En- sayo, I, 1 06 1. 217.2. In Boletin de la R. Academia Espanola, I, 47, 152. Sr. Menendez Pidal has confirmed me in my belief that these son- nets are not the work of our poet, pointing out that the elder of the two is called '*Gar- cilaso" in the manuscript, and not "Garcilaso de la Vega". 217.3. In a manu.script of the Biblioteca Publica of Evora -j^ f. 119 v°. there is AND MONOGRAPH S 490 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA a stanza headed ''Garcilaso" which begins: "Quando en suUtaria selva humbrosa." Most of the Hnes are derived from the poet's Eclogues and it is plain that the anonymous author was merely compiling a pastiche. 220,1. The text is that of his Opera omnia, Venetiis, 1555, ff. 269 r°-27i r°. Garcilaso must have known the elegy in manuscript, for I cannot find that it was printed before the edition of the complete works. 223,1. The text is that of the edition of Ovid, London, 17 15, where the elegy will be found as "incerti authoris", II, 270-82. 227,1. Found in his Rime, Vinegia, 1560, p. 192. 228.1. Also in Tasso, 1. c. 228.2. De re publica, VI, Chap. 16. 232,1. In his Notes, p. 329. "El Prete Jacopin" defends Garcilaso rather lamely in his Observacion XVII. 238,1. Of. p. 130. 243.1. Ed. 1574, f. 113 v°. 243.2. Misceldnea, p. 384. 243.3. Ed. 1580, p. 410. 244.1. Rimas varias de Camoens, IV, 211. 244.2. Poesias, p. 833. Menendez y Pelayo also accepts the theory; cf. Juan Boscdn, p. 58. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 491 257,1. Cf. Geronimo de Sosa, Xoticia de la gran casa de los marqueses de Villafranca, Xapoles, 1676, pp. 78-79. 265,1. F. II r°. 267,1 Menendez y Pelayo makes the sug- gestion in his Juan Boscan, p. 112, note. 268.1. Cf. his Vida, p. 165. 268.2. Juan Boscdn, p. 114. 270,1. Cf. X. Alonso Cortes, Don Her- nando de Acuna, Valladolid, (19 13), p. 37. The author tries to explain the possibihty of Fernando de Acuna's having already WTitten verses in his note on p. 39. But he places his first amorous poems in the following years (pp. 41-47)- 271,1. Varias pocsias, 1804, p. 214. 272,1. Ed. Anvers, 1549, f. [254] r°. 273,1. Ed. Valencia, 1562, ff. [41] v°-[42] r°. For another mention by Gregorio Her- nandez de Yelasco, cf. infra, p. 374. 274,1. Cf. pp. 138-39- 277,1. The chief work on Spanish versifica- tion are Bello's Ortologla y arte metrica, pub- hshed in his Obras completas, Madrid, 1892- 1905, Vol. IV, and E. Benot's Prosodia cas- tellana i versificacion, ^ladrid, n.d., 3 vols. I have not, however, attempted to follow their AND MONOGRAPHS 492 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA methods, since they have approached the sub- ject from the modern Spanish point of view rather than from the Italian point of view. For the Itahan usages, general statements may be found in D. de Pilla, Sineresi, dieresi ed elisione. 2^ ed. Firenze, 1889, and Fr. d'Ovidio, Versificazione itahana. Milano, 1910. 277,2. Cf. his Juan Boscan, pp. 161-213, 279.1. Exceptions are not infrequent. 279.2. Cf. his Luis Barahona de Soto, 1903, pp. 413-14- 282,1. "0 quantas vezes con el dolor fuerte" (El. I, 52) is a unique example of a line with stresses on the fourth, ninth and tenth syllables. 283,1. "Con otras que se me han mu^rto en la boca" (Cane. Ill, 71) has no stress be- tween the second and seventh syllables, for the relative is atonic. 284,1. In "Mas es a tiempo, que de mi baxeza" (Son. XXVIII, 7), the que stands for porque. 289,1. Ed. F. Flamini in Giornale storico, XX (1892), 62. 290,1. "Como quien provo mal tan im- portuno" (Egl. II, 600) and HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 493 "Lo menos de lo que en tu ser cupiere" (Egl. Ill, 31) are hardly verses of arte mayor, but they are certainly not hendecasj^llables. 293.1. A-un seems to show diaeresis in Son. I, 1 1 ; but everyAA^here else dun is a mon- osyUable. Cf. Son. V, 4, 6; Son. XIV, 14, etc. 293.2. The ae in Caesar (Egl. II, 1521) is a Latinism for e. 297,1. The h is merely a method of express- ing the diaeresis. The edition of Barcelona, 1543 usually writes: traya, caya, ley a, veya, oya, etc. 302,1. There are instances of diaeresis in many of these words or their cognates in Dante and Petrarch: tra-ete (Petr., Son. XLI, 13); tra-endo (Dante, Purg. X, 56); cre-dre (Petr., Canz. XXIX, 108); so-dve (Dante, Purg. X, 56; Petr., Son. XV, 10); rw-\na (Petr., Canz. II, 97); -po-eta (Petr., Son. CXXXIII, 3);'sa.-e«a (Petr., Son. II, 8); ma-estro (Petr., Trionfo della fama. III, iii); disle-dle (Petr. Son. LXXVI, 6). 303,1. Viendos is a dissyllable in Egl. II, 5. It is probably due to the influence of other present participles. AND MONOGRAPHS 494 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA ^ 311,1. Cf. viendos (Egl. II, 5) for the pro- nunciation. 315,1. Unstressed y is always semi-con- sonantal; initial, as in yedra (Egl. I, 38); medial as in rayava (Egl. I, 44); or final as in estoy (Egl. II, 357). 317.1. The words in which the h is in- closed in curves are also found in the text without h. 317.2. Elado (Latin gelatum) is regularly found in the text without h. 318,1. When the initial diphthong is ie (Latin e), the word is regularly written ye-, instead of hie-, as yedra, yerro, yerva. 320,1. In Mayans y Siscar, Origenes de la lengua castellana, 1737, II, 67-69. 321,1. Diego de Mendoza regularly aspir- ates h from Latin/ or from an Arabic aspirate. The aspiration of Gutierre de Cetina is hardly evidence, for the Andalusian pronunciation is proverbially characterized in the refrdn: "Quien no dice jacha, jorno, jigo y jiguera, no es de mi tierra." 322,1. Cf. Egl. I, 414; Egl. II, 1215, 1272, 1731; Egl. Ill, 217. 323,1. Cf. also Inferno, II, 87; III, 32; IV, 33; V, 10, 115, etc. HI SPAN IC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 495 323,2. Boscan's practise is by no means as consistent as Menendez y Pelayo believes (cf . his Juan Boscan, pp. 214-15). Two of the examples which he cites are contrary evidence and at least a dozen examples of elision occur in the Leandro y Hero. 325.1. El. I, 42, as usually printed is an emendation of El Brocense. 325.2. Cf. aquell, Egl. Ill, 74, ed. of Bar- celona, 1543. 325.3. Cited by Gallardo, Ensayo, IV, 136. 327.1. This reading is hardly grammatical and probably should be "y a la diosa". 327.2. In other similar cases, hoAvever, as Egl. II, 986, synaloepha takes place. 328.1. It is improbable that yendo should be read with diaeresis, y-endo. 328.2. Son. XXXI, 9 and Son. XXXVIII, II belong to the class with stresses on the fourth and seventh syllables. Son. XXXI, 2 and 3 have no stress between the fourth and tenth syllables. Itali-dno in Son. XXXIII, 6 shows diaeresis of the group i-d. The group que aun shows synaloepha in Son. XXXI, 13 and Son. XXXII, 10. There is synaloepha in Sit amo Son. XXXVII, 10) but hiatus in AND MONOGRAPHS 496 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA Mi dlma (Son. XXXI, i) and no dsar (Son. XXXVIII, 3) (Cf. nunm dso (Son. XII, 7) and m dso (Egl. I, 237). H is aspirate in hazer, hollar, huyr, etc. 330.1. Ed. Knapp, p. 113. 330.2. Cf. his Obras, 1895, I, xx. 331,1. Ed. Knapp, p. 446. 336,1. The Api of Rucellai, although writ- ten before 1524, was not pubhshed until 1539. 337,1. Alamanni in his address to Francis I boasts that he is the first to employ blank verse, which has never been sanctioned by the best writers of Italy. Prof. Hauvette in his masterly study of Alamanni, (p. 217 ff.) ex- plains this disregard of Trissino and Rucellai by referring the expression merely to non- dramatic compositions. 338,1. Stanza 19 (lines 253-66) has a septenary in place of a hendecasyllable in the eleventh line; Stanza 20 (lines 267-81) has fifteen lines: ABC ABC: cddEEFGfG. 339,1, Cf. Verse forms of the Italian ec- logue, in Romanic Review, XI (1920), 170-186. 340,1. It is also that of Petrarch (Canz. XIV) used by Garcilaso in Cane. III. The stanza which begins with line 1829 is a variant of the same form. HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 497 341.1. Garcilaso's use of inner rhymes for the account of the journey of the Duke of Alba to Ratisbonne may have been suggested by Francesco Galeota's "Cansone dove sono notate tutte le cose de memoria che vide per lo viagio di Franza" in this form (in Gior- nale storico, XX (1892), 72-78.) It is perhaps worthy of mention that Petrarch uses inner rhymes in his Canz. XI. 341.2. The Tirsi probably derives from the Ninfe fiesolane of Boccaccio. 341.3. Egloga V, ff. 8r°-9 v°. 342,1. Several of Sannazaro's egloghe are wholly in sdruccioli. a fact which may account for their presence here. I am not unaware of the fact that certain of the Sevillan theorists, such as Argote de Mohna, Herrera and Juan de la Cueva, regarded words like noticia as esdrujulos and that Cairasco de Figueroa also counted them as such in compositions wholly in this rhyme. But there can be no doubt that to Garcilaso they were llanos, for he at no time uses them consistently together but always with other assuredly llanos verses. 345,1. Examples are Egl. II, 806-8; 1180- 12; 1275-76, etc. 349,1. Ff is regular in affeto, defender, AND MONOGRAPHS 498 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA offender, and officio; usual in differente (two exceptions) and offrecer (three exceptions). In suffrir the form varies. Dificil (with one exception) has single/. Juan de Valdes (Dia- logo, pp. 69-70) favors ff. 352,1. Luengo, sendos and tamano (for tan grande) are no longer in current usage. 359,1. Boscdn uses the form veres in rhyme with Verones (ed. Knapp, p. 445) and Diego de Mendoza has quereis, hallareis and pre- tendeis in rhyme with pies and enves. (ed. Knapp, p. 383). 365,1. Senhora Micaehs de Vasconcellos in her note on Sd de Miranda's Carta to Antonio Pereira (Poesias, p. 802) is inclined to believe that the reference to Boscan and Garcilaso, found only in the printed editions, is prior to Garcilaso's death. It should be noted however, that the phrase "Honra d'Es- panha que sao" is found only in the first edi- tion (1595) and that in the edition of 1614 the reading is "Que honrarao a sua nagao". Moreover there is no necessity for interpret- ing the phrase in the sense that the poets were still ahve; they remained an "honor to their nation" after their death. It is interesting that both in this passage (variants, p. 242) HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 499 and in Egl. V, 65, Sa de Miranda imitates the phrase of Garcilaso, "Me voy mi passo a passo," (El II, 23). 368.1. Obras, II, 107; it was written be- fore the death of Boscdn. 368.2. Al lector: f. [b viiij] r°. "Y no fuera mucha gloria la de nuestra lengua y su poesia en imitar el verso italiano, si no me- jorara tanto en este genero Garcilasso de la Vega, luz muy esclarescida de nuestra nacion; que ya no se contentan sus obras con ganar la victoria y el despojo de la Toscana, sino con lo mejor de lo Latino traen la competen- cia y no menos con lo muy precioso de Vir- giho y Horacio se enrriquescen." Also in Fernan Perez de Ohva. Obras. Cordova, 1586, f. II r°. 369,1. Orlando furioso, traduzido en ro- mance castellano por Jeronymo de Urrea. Anvers, Martin Nucio, 1549, f. 230 r°. 370.1. I have used the reprint in Schot- tus, Hispaniaeillustratae. Francofurti, 1603- II, 820. 370.2. Arcadia, traduzida nuevamente en nuestra Castellana lengua Hespanola, en prosa y metro como ella estava en su primera lengua Toscana. (Toledo, Juan de Ayala, AND MONOGRAPHS 500 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 1547.) ff. [fs] r°-[f6] v°. Diego de Salazar is the author of a Tratado de re militari. Alcald, 1536, and translator of Appian's Historia de todas las guerras civiles. Alcald, 1536 and of the verses in Boccaccio's Trece questiones muy graciosas sacadas del Philoculo. Toledo, 1546. A reference in the Dedication of the Arcadia by Blasco de Garay to Gonzalo Perez shows that he was dead at the time of pub- lication in 1547. The Secunda parte del Cancionero general of 1552 contains (ff. 158 r°- 164 r°) a Carta in tercets by Geronimo de Urrea which is dated 1547. (Of. F. Wolf, Ueber die Liederbticher der Spanier. Beilage IV inTicknor, Geschichte, etc. II, 538)- 371.1. Morales, traduzidos de lengua grie- ga en castellana [por Diego Gracian]. AlcaM, Juan de Brocar, 1548, f. CCI v°. and f. bb iijv°. 371.2. F.[M]t\ 371.3. De la Ulyxea . . . XIII libros, traduzidos de Griego en Romance castellano por Gonzalo Perez. Anvers, Juan Stelsio, 1550. 371.4. Orlando furioso, nuevamente tra- duzido de bervo ad berbum del vulgar Tos- HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 501 cano en el nuestro castellano por Hernando Alcoger. Toledo, Juan Ferrer, 1550. There are three sonnets among the preliminaries. 371,5. Alcala, Joan de Brocar, 1550. Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, was one of the leading figures of the new school. There is an in- teresting reference to his leadership in the Historia de los amores de Clareo y Florisea (Venecia, YuUto, 1552) of Alfonso Niinez de Reinoso, in which the author speaks of the criticism which Mendoza made of his hendec- asyllables, as partaking too much of the character of verses of arte mayor. NMez de Reinoso's work contains sonnets and tercets which reveal precisely the fault which he men- tions. Cf. Gallardo, Ensayo, III, 984-92. 372.1. This is an extension of the common octave used by Frangois Villon and the other writers of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries in France. 372.2. Cf. Gallardo, Ensayo, IV, 921-26. The editions of 1559 and 1560 are intitled Recopilacion de sonetos y villancicos and con- tain a number of additional sonnets. 373,1. Toledo, Juan Ferrer, 1552. The work contains sonnets by Arias Montano and Juan Hurtado de Mendoza. AND MONOGRAPHS 502 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 373,2. Los triumphos, ahora nuevamente traduzidos en lengua castellana. Medina del Campo, 1554. 373,3- Valladolid, S. Martinez, 1554. It also contains a sonnet by Montemayor, an anonymous sonnet, and an anonymous oc- tave. 373.4. I have not seen the edition of An- vers, Juan Steelsio, 1554, described by Salva (No. 295), but the edition of his Cancionero of AlcaM, 1563, has more than half of the compositions in the Italian measures, includ- ing four Eclogues which reproduce all of the forms used by Garcilaso, including blank verse, octaves, tercets, canzone-stanzas, and the lira. (ff. 105 r°-i54 v°.) 373.5. Published by Morel-Fatio in his L'Espagne au XVI^ et au XVIP siecle, 1878, pp. 501-92. 373.6. F. [Mr°. 374.1. F. [254] r°. 374.2. F. 230 r°. 374.3. In Sedano, Farnaso espanol, V, 165, 375.1. Valencia, 1565, f. 204 r° and v°. Also in Sedano, Parnaso espanol, VIII, 330- 31- 375.2. In his article on the Cancionero in HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 503 Sitzungsberichte der k. Akad. der Wissen- schaften. Phil.-Hist. Classe, X (1853), 195. 376.1. Wolf (op. cit., p. 189) noted that No. CLIII is translated from Petrarch (Son. CII) . . J. P. W. Crawford (in Romanic Re- view, VII, 332-37) has noted that the follow- ing are also from his sonnets: Xo. CXXXIII, Son. CLXXX; Xo. CXXXIV, Son. L; Xo. CXXXVIII, Son. LXIX; Xo. CXLVI, Son. CLXXXVIII; Xo. CXLVIII, Son. CCXIV; Xo. CXLIX, Son. CCCVI; Xo. CLV, Son. CLXXVIII; Xo. CLVI, Son. CCXX; Xo. CLXVII, Son. XXXIII; Xo. CXXIX is a translation of Sannazzaro's Son. XXIII, Xo. CXXXI of his Son. LXXII, and Xo. CXL of his Canz. XII. Xos. CLX, CLXIII, and CLXXXI are derived from Ausias March. At least three others are derived from Pet^ rarch, which have not been mentioned; Xo. CXXVIII is Son. CCXXYI; Xo. CXXXIX is Son. XLIX and Xo. CLXIX imitates his Trionfo deUa morte, II, i ff. 376.2. On Coloma, see Morel-Fatio, op. cit., p. 496. 377,1. Aside from the use of inner rhyme by Sa de Miranda and Coloma, the earliest examples of which I know are the sonnet with AND MONOGRAPHS 504 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA inner rhymes of Gutierre de Cetina (Obras, I, 2II-I2, No. CCXLIV) and the series in the Eglogas pastoriles of Pedro de Padilla (Sevilla, 1582, ff. 39 r°- 40 v°). They are also used by Camoens, (Rimas varias, 1685-89, V, 209-11) in his Egloga 11. Other examples of their use may be found cited by Rodriguez Marin in his Luis Barahona de Soto, 1903, PP- 330-33- 378,1. Son. XXXIII of Knapp's edition is the work of Cetina and written years after the event celebrated (1539). Cf. Cetina, Obras, I, 100, Son. CXII. 379,1. Cf. op. cit., p. 600. 380.1. Varias poeslas, 1804, pp. 209-12 and 219-22. Cetina also uses a lira, which he intitles an Oda (Obras, I, 293-95). Other early examples are in Diego Ramirez Pagan, Floresta de varia poesia, Valencia, 1562, f. (ss) r°; Lomas Cantoral, Obras, Madrid, 1578, in Egl. II (ff. 120 r°-i3i r°); and Pedro de Padilla, Thesoro de varias poesias, Madrid, 1580, ff. 22 r°, 47 r°, 115 r° etc. 380.2. Cf. the Introduccion to his Obras, I, XXV. 381,1. Another early example of a madri- gal, intitled a Mote, by Geronimo de Urrea HI SPAN I C NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 505 is cited by Gallardo, Ensayo, I, 1003. Ceti- na's Son. XXXVIII is -written in verses of arte mayor. Hazanas y la Rua, (in his intro- duction, I, Ixxjj) refers to the sonnets of Juan de Yillalpando in the same metre and also to the sonnet in alexandrines by Pedro Es- pinosa in the Segunda parte de Las flores de poetas ilustres de Espana, p. 245, No. 170. 381,2. Ed. Knapp, pp. 48-56. Eugenio de Salazar addressed one of his Cartas to Agustin Guedeja; cf. Cartas, Madrid, 1866, pp. 81-90. 383,1. Obras, Madrid, 1792, pp. 243-51. Luis de Haro is also mentioned by Urrea (1. c.) and by Boscan (ed. Knapp, p. 446) and several of his compositions are found in the Can- cionero general de 1554, but curiously enough none of them is in the Italian measure. 385,1. Ed. Granada, 1599. 386,1. P. 13. 389.1. Cf. Gallardo, Ensayo, IV, 449-50. 389.2. Cf. id. IV, 450. 390,1. F. [Afi] v°. 393.1. Ensayo, III, 332. 393.2. Notes, p. 109. 394,1. Obras, 1578, f. 218 v°. 395,1. Obras de Garcilasso, f. 2 r°. AND MONOGRAPHS 506 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 395,2. Notes, p. 80. 396,1. Id. p. 108. 397.1. In his Contestacion to the Obser- vaciones of "El Prete Jacopin", p. 69. 397.2. Obras, 1578, f. 183 v°. 397.3. Galatea, Alcala, 1585 (reprint of 1917), f- 335 r°-v°. 397.4. Diversas rimas, 1591, f. 45 r°. 397.5. Primera y segunda parte de Las cosas notables de Espana, 1595, f. 232 y°. 398.1. Vol. II, 346; VII, 53, 56, 165. One of his canciones is in the Poetas liricos de los siglos XVI y XVII, II, 509-10. 398.2. Bibliotheca nova, I, 261. 398.3. Cf. Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. II, Apendice, s. v. 398.4. Fernando de Herrera, Controversia sobre sus Anotaciones a las Obras de Gar- cilaso de la Vega. Sevilla, 1870. pp. vii-xi. 400.1. P. 367. 400.2. Novelas exemplares, Madrid, 1613 (reprint of 19 17), f. 113 r°. 401,1. The hst of verses written in honor of Garcilaso is also so long that it is impractic- able to attempt to record them here. Some I have referred to in the following chapter; of the others, I shall mention only those which HISPANIC NOTES LIFE AND WORKS i 507 were printed by Sanchez and Herrera in their respective editions of his works. 403.1. Juan Boscan, pp. 393-94. 403.2. F. 223 v°. 404,1. F. 258v°. 405.1. Ff. 248 r° and 249 r°. Cordova's work is one of the missiles in La derrota de los pedantes, p. 96. 405.2. Alcald, 1588, f. [^\%] r°. 406,1. I have used the edition of Valencia, 1794, p. xix. 407,1. Cited b}^ Gallardo, Ensayo, I, 214. Lope de Vega refers to Andosilla's work in the Laurel de Apolo, (Obras, 1776-79, 1, 150-1). Cf. also Alvarez y Baena, Hijos de Madrid, 1789-90, III, 199-203. 409,1. The others are : Francisco deFigue- roa. Captain Francisco de Aldana, and Fer- nando de Herrera. 410.1. Obras, 1791, I, 447. 410.2. Id., I, 312. 412,1. Obras, 1654, ff. 48 v°-49 r°. 413.1. A hst will be given in the Biblio- graphy. 413.2. I have used the second edition, Madrid, 1789, I, 125. 413.3. Madrid, 1797, p. 53. AND MONOGRAPHS 508 GARCILASO DE LA VEGA 414.1. Madrid, 1789, pp. 81, 89. 414.2. Obras poeticas, Madrid, 1854, p. 1 14. 415.1. I, xxxvi-xxxvii. 415.2. Obras completas, 1845, I, 154, 166. 415.3. Ensayos literarios y criticos, 1844, n, 43-45- 421.1. I have not seen the original edition, but the reference is to be found in the Italian translation (Fiorenza, 1552, p. 242) and in later reprints of the Latin, such as that of Basileae, n.d., p. 303. 421.2. Vinegia, 1552, f. 19 r°. Signor Croce (in his study, Intorno al soggiorno, etc. p. 16) also cites its appearance in a later edition, Tre hbri di Pistolotti amorosi. Venezia, 1558, f. 40. 422.1. Pp. 332-35- 422.2. I quote from the edition of Venetia, 1635, Pt. I, p. 226. 423.1. Modena, 1706, I, 211. 423.2. Cf. his Saggio storico-apologetico della letteratura spagnuola. Genova, 1778-81, III, 1 14-16. 424.1. Poemas lusitanos. 2a ed. Lisboa, 1771, II, II, 105. 424.2. lyma. Lisboa, 1596, ff. 130 v° and 152 T°. HI SPANI C NOTES LIFE AND WORKS 509 425.1. Rimas varias, II, 201, Son. VII. 425.2. Id., Ill, 133; V, 174 ff. 426.1. P. 315. 426.2. I have not seen the work. Cf. Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Historia de ia Hteratura espanola. Madrid, 192 1, p. 145. 427.1. Les oeuvres poetiques, Lyon, 1603, p. 333. 427.2. P. 395. 427.3. P. 114. 430,1. On these early mentions, cf. J. G. Underhill, Spanish hterature in the England of the Tudors. New York, 1899, pp. 240-42, 270-73. 431,1. Some account of the Uves and writ- ings of Lope Felix de Vega Carpio and Guillen de Castro. London, 181 7, I, 2-3, 25-26. 433,1. It is the edition of Madrid, Repu- lles, n.d. now in the Ticknor Collection in the Boston Public Library. AND MONOGRAPHS 7 DAY USE TO DESK FRQW^ '"'<'T '»ORP J