THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES GIFT OF Gfft U C - Ltbr. ary r " ] PROCEEDINGS NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY 1912 NATIONAL CONVENTION OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY HELD AT Indianapolis, Ind., May 12 to 18, 1912 STENOGRAPHIC REPORT BY Wilson E. McDermut, assisted by Charles W. Phillips Edited by JOHN SPARGO Proofs Read and Corrected by HARRY B. FISH /; Published by THE SOCIALIST PARTY JOHN M. WORK, National Secretary CHICAGO, ILLINOIS M A DONOHUE & COMPANY PRINTERS, BINDERS. PUBLISHERS 701-727 S. Dearborn St. CHICAGO PROCEEDINGS OF THE National Convention of the Socialist Party Held at Indianapolis, Indiana, Beginning Sunday, May 12, 1912, and Ending Saturday, May 18, 1912 FIRST DAY'S SESSION. The National Convention of the Socialist Party of America was called to order by National Secretary John M. Work at Tom- linson Hall, Indianapolis, Ind., Sunday, May 12, 1912, at 10 o'clock A. M. The roll was called by Delegate Strebel of New York, and showed the following named delegates and alternates to be pres- ent: ALABAMA— G. L. Cox. ARIZONA — Erma Hyatt Allen, E. John- ston. ARKANSAS — x da Callery, Dan Hogan, J. A. C. Meng, A. R. Finks. CALIFORNIA— A. E. Briggs, Edw. Ad- ams Cantrell, Geo. W. Downing, Mary E. Garbutt, Job Harriman, E. H. Mizner, R. A. Maynard, A. W. Harris, Ernest L. Reguin, N. A. Richardson, H. C. Tuck, J. W. Wells, Fred C. Wheeler, Ethel Whitehead, Thos. W. Williams, J. Stitt Wilson, Frank E. Wolfe, C. K. Broneer. COLORADO — W. P. Collins, A. H. Floa- ten, Mary L, Geffs, Thomas M. Todd, John Troxell. CONNECTICUT— Sam E. Beardsley (at large), Ernest Berger, Edward Perkins Clarke, Chas. T. Peach, Jasper McLevy. DELAWARE — Frank A. Houck. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA— W. J. Ghent. FLORIDA — J. S. Alexander, C. C. Allen, Fred Stanley. GEORGIA— Max Wilk. IDAHO— G. W. Beloit, Thos. J. Coonrod, Sidney W. Motley, Isaac Franklin Stewart, ILLINOIS— J. O. Bentall, Bernard Ber- lyn, Joseph R. Burge, John C. Sjoden, Louis F. Haemer, John C. Kennedy, Mar- shall E. Kirkpatrick, George Koop, James P. Larsen, Caroline A. Lowe, F. T. Max- well, Mary O'Reilly, W. E. Rodriguez, Sey- mour Stedman, George North Taylor, Guy j Underwood. j INDIANA — Samuel S. Condo, W. W. ^^"arraer, Janet Fenimore, Stephen C. Gar- ^ejtf-gson* Wil l iam H. Henry, James Ones " M. Reynolds, William Sheffler, Florence Wattles. IOWA — Margaret D. Brown, John Juul Jacobsen, Lee W. Lang, Irving S. McCril- lis. KANSAS— Oscar H. Blase, A. W. Rieker L. F. Fuller, May Wood-Simons, S. M. Stal- lard, Benj. Franklin Wilson. KENTUCKY— Charles Dobbs, Walter Lanfersiek. LOUISIANA— J. R. Jones. MAINE — Geo. Allen England. MARYLAND— Chas. B. Backman, Dr. J. Rosett, C. W. Staub. MASSACHUSETTS— James F. Carey, Alex. Coleman, Charles E. Fenner, J. M. Coldwell, Robert Lawrance, Patrick Ma- honey, Rose Tenner, George E. Roevver, Jr., Dan A. White. .£\ i MICHIGAN— Frank Aaltonen, Jas. gerhyde, Guy H. Lockwood, Hamiii McMaster, Etta Menton, J. A. C. Mt »i : Jas. H, McFarland. »» MINNESOTA — Marietta E. FouMr' John H. Grant, Nels S. Hillman, J. S.ti.< galls, Olaus Jacobson, Morris Kapf s Thomas Erwin Latimer, J. G. Maatt .* David Morgan, Jay E. Nash, A. O. DevOi * O. S. Wat kins. MISSISSIPPI— M. E. Fritz. MISSOURI — Ernest Theo. Behrens, Wm. Lincoln Garver, Caleb Lipscomb. George W. O'Dam, Otto Vierling, W. A. Ward. MONTANA — Lewis J. Duncan, Clarence A. Smith, Jacob M. Kruse, James B. Scott, Philip H. Christian. NEBRASKA— Fred J. Warren, Clyde J. Wright. NEVADA— Grant Miller. NEW HAMPSHIRE — John P. Burke, Wm. A. McCall. NEW JERSEY — Henry Oarless, Christ' pher J. Cosgrove, George H. Goebel, W son B. Killingbeck, Harry F. Kopp, Fred- erick Krafft, James M. Reilly, Gustavo eimer. 6^5636 ) NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. NEW MEXICO— J. B. Lang. NEW YORK— Henry °iobodin, Charles J. Ball, Jr., Fred Benneffs, Theresa Malkiel, William Burckle, JasJ A. Mansett, Edward F. Cassidy, William E. Duffy, Otto L. En- dres, C. L. Furman, Morris Hillquit, Alger- non Lee, E. Lindgren, Meyer London, Her- bert M. Merrill, Albert Pauly, Clinton H. Pierce, G. Rothmund, Charles Edward Russell, Harvey A. Simmons, U. Solomon, Gustave A. Strebel, Joshua Wanhope. NORTH CAROLINA — Benjamin T. Tiller, NORTH DAKOTA— A. E. Bowen, Jr., Robert Grant, Chas. D. Kelso, Arthur Le Sueur. OHIO — Jacob L. Bachman, Wm. Besse- mer, Max Boehm, T. Clifford (at large), D. Lewis Davis, Dominick J. Farrell, Edward John Jones, Dan McCartan, William Pat- terson, Edgar Eugene Powell, Marguerite Prevey, Chas. M. Priestap, C. E. Ruthen- berg, Anna Katherine Storck, Frederick Guy Strickland, Lawrence A. Zitt. OKLAHOMA — Otto F. Branstetter, Car- rie C. Block, J. T. Cumbie, Roscoe Emin Dooley, L. B. Irvin, Patrick S. Nagle, Geo. E. Owen, John G. Wills. OREGON — Maurice E. Dorfman, John Hayden, Tom J. Lewis, Floyd C. Ramp, C. W. Sherman. PENNSYLVANIA — George W. Bacon, J. Mahlon Barnes, Cora Mae Bixler, Leroy Rutherford Bruce, Dan M. Caldwell, Anna Cohen, Jos. E. Cohen, Frank A. Davis, Lewis Goaziou, Richard L. Grainger, James C. Hogan, Gertrude Breslau Hunt, Charles A. Maurer, James H. Maurer, C. W. Ervin, Frederick Hall Merrick, Edward Moore, William Parker, Robert B. Ringler, John W. Slayton, Alfred Geo. Ward, Robert J. Wheeler, David Williams, Lorenzo Birch Wilson, Jr., John C. Young. RHODE ISLAND— James P. Reid, Ed- ward W. Theinert. SOUTH CAROLINA— William Eberhard. SOUTH DAKOTA — Benjamin Dempsy. TEXAS — Richey Alexander, Geo. C. Ed- wards, Chas. A. Byrd, Ed. A. Green, Thos. "Aloysius Hickey, Ernest Richard Meitzen, Will S. Noble, Jacob Chesley Rhodes, D. L. Rhodes, M. A. Smith, J. C. Thompson. UTAH — Homer P. Burt, James A. Smith, Wm. Morris Wesley. VERMONT — John Spargo. ♦VIRGINIA— Geo. Milton Norris. WASHINGTON— Leslie E. Aller, Adam H. Barth, Frans Bostrom, Edwin J. Brown, Wm. H. Wing, Emma D. Cory, H. C. Cup- pies, Anna Agnes Maley, Kate Sadler, %*> el Sadler, Henry Hensefer, Hulet M. -ST VIRGINIA— C. H. Boswell, E. H. .er. [SCONSIN— Victor L. Berger, Dan W. l, W. R. Gaylord, W. A. Jacobs, Thom- Finklein, Emil Seidel, Elizabeth H. mas, Carl D. Thompson. vVYOMING — Antony Carlson, Paul J. aulsen, J. Suaja, Foreign-Speaking Or- anizations, Josef Novak, Leo Laukki, Jos. Jorti, H. Gluski, Zdzislow Banka, Christian Larsen, Frank Patrich. The National Secretary stated that the delegates and alternates answering to the roll call were entitled to permanently or- ganize the convention. Nominations for chairman for the day were called for, and the following dele- gates were placed in nomination: James F. Carey, Massachusetts. De- clined. J. Mahlon Barnes, Pennsylvania. De- fined. Morris Hillquit, New York. John Curtis Kennedy, Illinois. Declined. Dan White, Massachusetts. Declined. W. P. Collins, Colorado. M. A. Smith, Texas. Declined. The nominations were then closed. Delegates Strebel, Floaten, Rodriguex and Oneal were appointed tellers. A rising vote was taken, resulting in 158 for Hillquit, 70 for Collins. Del. Hill- quit was then declared elected chairman for the day. On taking the chair he spoke as follows: r OPENING REMARKS. CHAIRMAN HILLQUIT: Comrades, it is with extreme pleasure and pride that I open this fifth National Convention of the Socialist Party. (Applause.) In looking at this representative an splendid gathering my thoughts involun- tarily revert to the first convention of the Socialist Party, likewise held in Indianap- olis. It is just eleven years ago now; a very short, insignificant span of time, but within that time the Socialist movement in this country has so grown in extent, In significance and in substance, that a con- vention meeting here today represents an entirely different movement from what it did represent eleven years ago. When we organized the Socialist Party here in Indianapolis we claimed 10,000 members, a number born somewhat more of our enthusiasm than of actual fact. Today we have about 150,000 members (applause), men and women who periodi- cally pay a certain small amount for the privilege of serving the great cause. There is no other political party in this country which can boast of an organized army of this kind. When we first organized we had about half a dozen papers preaching the gospel of Socialism. Today we have about 300 of them, dailies, weeklies, monthlies, car- rying the gospel of Socialism in thirty different languages to all the nationalities constituting the people of the United States. < When we first organized our party our voting strength was about 100,000. We have added about a similar number and more every year. Our last reported vote was 600,000, and in the next election we are sure to double or treble that vote. (Applause.) The Socialist Party has grown into a political party of first mag- nitude. The questions of selecting the nominees of the different parties for the office of President of the United States, whether It be Roosevelt or Taft, whether it be Clark or Wilson, are very subordinate questions which will not in the least affect the wel- fare, the actual life of the American peo- ple. But whether the Socialist Party will again double its vote, whether the Social- ist Party will show up a million and a half or two millions strong, will be a historical fact which will lay the foundation for a new society, for a new life in this country. (Applause.) The Socialist Party has grown in every other way. It has grown in influence. Within the last few years it has demon- strated itself to be a factor in the social, political and public life of this country. It has, for the first time in the history of this country, forced open the doors of Con- gress to its representatives, and we intend to keep the doors open. (Applause.) In the next election we are sure to have, not one, but half a dozen or a dozen repre- sentatives of the Socialist Party fighting the cause of labor in the Congress of the ( United States. (Applause.) 1 MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1912 11 ; We have, within the Last few years, finally succeeded in demonstrating- to a large portion of the working class of this country that the Socialist Party is the only party that truly, fully, at all times, represents their interests and fights their battles, and labor is coming into our ranks in larger and larger numbers every year — aye, every month and every day. But, comrades, it is not merely our phys- ical growth, it is not merely our large strength, upon which we congratulate our- selves in assembling at this convention to- day. It is the fact that the Socialist Party has at all times remained true to its trust and carried the banner of International Socialism aloft in this country, unsullied and unstained. (Applause ) The Socialist Party, comrades, repre- sents a factor of tremendous importance in this country, and this convention is called upon to lay the foundation for the future work, extension and struggles of this party. It is not an exaggeration to say that today there are about three mil- lions of Socialists in this country, men and women, voters and non-voters. The eyes of these three millions of people in the United States are focused upon us. They expect us to show the road to the emancipation of the working class, and to lay the foundation for a stronger, more powerful, more efficient instrument for the struggles of the working class in this country. May we undertake our work and our tasks with a realization of these great duties which we are to perform. May we remember, at all times during the continu- ance of this convention, that the work we are called upon to do is work of tremen- dous importance, and let us not waste time by petty, unim, .rtant, insignificant matters. A suggestion has been made by some comrades that this convention should last about two weeks. No greater mistake could be made, comrades. (Applause.) If we are to let the convention lag on, if we are to work ourselves into a state of ex- haustion where we will be incapable of doing good work, then by all means let us remain in session two weeks or three weeks. But if we are to do the work be- fore us as full-grown men and women, let us not waste time. Let us do our work within a week. Let us dispose of every subject that comes before us, on its mer- its, and without wasting time. (Applause.) And here another point, comrades. We need not close our eyes to the fact that we come here from different parts of the country, with different and sometimes con- flicting views on various questions of pol- icy and tactics. It is well it should be so. No live popular movement can exist with- out like differences between the adherents Of that movement. But let us remember, comrades, that when we held the first convention of the Socialist Party, the Unity Convention in Indianapolis, we had perhaps more radical differences. The spirit was more acrimo- nious. We thought at that time that the differences between us could never be bridged. But how trivial, how silly do those differences look to us today. How trivial, how silly will our tactical differ- ences look to us when we are once in the midst of the actual fight for the working class. (Applause.) Let us not forget this, comrades, and let us carry on our deliberations with all the differences, legitimate differences of opin- ion that we have and should have, in the realization that, after all, we are here for ne joint common cause, the emancipation of the working clas^, and let us act nit cordingly. (Great applause.) iot The Chairman called for the nominaUf. of a temporary secretary. 41 James Reilly of New Jersey was the t v person nominated for Secretary, and ' unanimously elected. ere ■»ak RULES FOR THE CONVENTION:* THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of business is the adoption of rules. We are not constituted before the adoption of rules. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): If in order, I move to proceed to the adoption of rules seriatim as printed in the leaflet distrib- uted to the delegates. (Seconded.) THE CHAIRMAN: These rules have been amended by the National Executive Committee. What will be in order now will be the reading of the proposed rules as a whole. We will then take them up seriatim, and we will proceed to do so. DEL. GAYLORD: Then I withdraw my motion. The convention rules prepared by the National Executive Committee were then read by the Secretary. THE CHAIRMAN: We shall now pro- ceed to discuss the proposed rules seria- tim. Unless there is objection made on the floor to any of the rules mentioned we will consider them adopted. DEL. GOEBEL: In the event of any addition of new rules, wouldn't it be bet- ter to wait till all that you have read are acted on? THE CHAIRMAN: Additional rules will be entertained after the ones proposed have been disposed of. DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): I move that the report of the Committee on Rules be adopted as a whole. (Motion seconded.) - DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.): I move to amend that we take up the report seria- tim. (Seconded.) The amendment was adopted and the report was taken up seriatim. THE CHAIRMAN: The first rule will now be read, and if there is no objection we will proceed to the next. Rules 1 and 2 were read and adopted without objection. Rule 3 was read. DEL. GOAZAIOU (Pa.): I move to amend that the Secretary shall select a reading clerk. The motion was seconded and put and f carried, and the rule as amended wa adopted. Rule 4 was read. DEL. GOAZAIOU: I move to amend b • changing the word "elect" to "appoint." DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Now, Mr. Chair 1 man. We had that rule in that shape orig- inally; it read: to appoint. But that was changed by the National Executive Com-\ mittee. As far as I am concerned, I am - willing it should be amended to read now as it originally read. DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): "Sergeant- at-arms and assistants." How many? What does that mean? THE CHAIRMAN: That would leave it to the discretion of the appointing or se- lecting body. DEL. RICHARDSON: Then, I move to amend by striking out "and assistants," because that requires this whole conven- tion to elect all the assistants; and fur- ther, that the sergeant-at-arms be author- ized to appoint his assistants. The amendment was accepted by Del, Goazaiou and was carried. / NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Nl Niules 5 and 6 wee read and adopted Bal'thout objection. Wil.lule 7 was next read. P. GEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): A point of in- dres, nation. Is this a party press commit- non Lor the press committee for the conven- bert ? Pierc^E CHAIRMAN: A publicity commit- Russe.Dr the convention, as we understood it. 'DEL. GAYLORD: Not a committee on party press? THE CHAIRMAN: Not on party press. DEL. GAYLORD: Thank you. Now, I move to amend the title of the Committee on Municipal Program, substituting there- for "State and Municipal Program." The amendment was seconded and was then accepted by Del. Berger on behalf of the National Executive Committee and agreed to. DEL. BERLYN (111.): I move to amend the rules by adding a committee of five to bring in a report on the question of the party press. (Seconded.) DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Does that list constitute all the committees? THE CHAIRMAN: The appointment of 14 committees named in the rules does not exclude special committees that the con- vention may select from time to time later. DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): I move that we dispense with the Committee on Contested Seats. THE CHAIRMAN: I do not know ' whether there are any contests. Com. Work, will you inform us whether there are any contests of delegates? SEC. WORK: No contests. The motion of Del. Endres was seconded. DEL. BERGER: At the time we pre- pared the report we did not know whether there would be any contests or not. I am glad that the party is so harmonious. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I observe that where the rule provides for extra or addi- tional committees there is the modification that the number of delegates shall be 7, and that not more than one delegate shall be from the same state." I ask, does that apply to the previous committees or the subsequent committees? THE CHAIRMAN: It applies to both. DEL. BERGER: It applies to all the standing committees. THE CHAIRMAN: The 14 committees. DEL. BERGER: The 14 committees pro- vided in this report. We may have special *■ ^mmittees later, and then, of course, that ile would not apply. DEL. GAYLORD: A point of order. I o ndt know that it matters, but isn't the Jommittee on Contested Seats a constitu- tional committee? THE CHAIRMAN: It is. Therefore, Com. Gaylord, I assume and shall hold that the constitution intended the election of a committee at this time, describing the number and method of election to provide for cases where there are contests. It is not made just for this convention, but for all conventions. Where there are no con- tests the constitution does not intend to have a committee. DEL. KRAFPT (N. J.): I move that all committees consist of 9, so that the con- vention is better represented on the com- mittees. THE CHAIRMAN: Motion out of order, on the ground that the constitution pro- vides for the number of members of the committee. DEL. COSGROVE (N. J.): As I under- stand your ruling — I may De mistaken — you are dispensing with the Committee o Contested Delegates? THE CHAIRMAN: There is such an amendment before the house. ^ D . E3 ^ COSGROVE: Well, is it not a fact that there are some delegates that are not here yet, and if you dispense with the com- mittee it eliminates a contesting of dele- gates that might arise? THE CHAIRMAN: If there should be such an occasion this convention will al- ways have a right, under the constitution, to elect such a committee. Del. Wheeler of Texas inquired as to the last committee read by the clerk. THE SECRETARY: A committee on State and Municipal Program of seven members. He accepted that. DEL. BERGER: Yes, I accept that. THE SECRETARY: It now reads "State and Municipal." DEL. OWEN (Okla.): I want to find out what disposition was made of the motion to appoint a Committee on Party Press. THE CHAIRMAN: That is pending be- fore the convention and will be voted on as soon as we reach it. DEL. OWEN: I want to move to amend that motion by changing the num- ber of members of the committee from 5 to 9. THE CHAIRMAN: What committee are you referring to? DEL. OWEN: Committee on Party Press, from 5 to 9. THE CHAIRMAN: From 5 to 9, a Com- mittee on Party Press. The amendment was seconded. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I desire to state this: That I believe that the Committee on Contested Seats ought to be elected, and it ought to be elected at once, just as it stands on the original program, for this reason: That though there may not be any contests between duplicate delega- tions, there may be some contests as to the seating of alternates in this conven- tion, and the committee ought to be elect- ed now instead of delaying. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont): A point of or- der. The comrade seems to be discussing something that has already been disposed of. THE CHAIRMAN: No. DEL. DUNCAN: The question before the house is the size of the Party Press Committee. THE CHAIRMAN: No, the entire rule as read is before the convention. No vote has been taken on it or on the amendment. DEL. WILSON: My point is this: Any delegate arriving here who is or might be contested ought to have an immediate hearing before such a committee and have a chance to be seated in the convention, and not have to delay until we come back and elect such a committee. I hope this will be left in the original form. DEL. LOCKWOOD (Mich.): Comrades, it is going to be very evident to all of us that if we are going to try to vote on all these committees and different amend- ments we are going to get mixed up, and I think it would be very advisable to sep- arate these lists of committees and vote on each one seriatim. Otherwise we won't know what we are voting for. We can do that and dispose of both these committees without any contest at all. I move to that effect. (Seconded.) THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that we proceed to vote upon each of the pro- posed committees separately. As far as the committees provided by the constitu- tion are concerned the motion is out of ) MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1912 11 order. As far as the few additional sug- gested committees are concerned it may- be entertained. DEL. COSGROVE (N. J.): I move that the committees not named by the constitu- tion shall be taken up seriatim. (Sec- onded.) DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): What are we going to vote on? THE CHAIRMAN: On all the amend- ments before us. DEL. GOEBEL: The amendments ought to be taken up separately. I am inter- ested in one of them. THE CHAIRMAN: What we have be- fore us is the proposed rule submitted by the Committee on Rules, to which the amendments are as follows and will be voted on in the order stated: First, that as to the committees not named in the constitution we proceed to vote on each one separately. Then there is an amend- ment to the effect that we dispense with the Committee on Contested Seats. Then another amendment that we also elect a Committee on Party Press, of five mem- bers; and an amendment to that amend- ment that such committee consist of nine. We now proceed to the first amendment, that we take up seriatim the committees other than those mentioned in the consti- tution. The amendment was carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment we are now going to vote on is the amend- ment to dispense with the Committee on Contested Seats. The question was put and the amend- ment was lost. THE CHAIRMAN: We now proceed to the amendment that we elect a Committee on Party Press, to consist of five, and amended to consist of nine. We will di- vide the motion. Del Berlyn accepted the amendment to increase to nine. THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment is accepted by the mover of the motion. Does the seconder object? He does not. The amendment before you, then, is the one that we elect a Committee on Party Press to consist of nine members. All in favor — DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) : I want to speak on the motion. THE CHAIRMAN: Not while we are voting. You are too late. Del. Goebel claimed the floor, on the ground that there had been no opportunity for debate on the motion. The chairman ruled that Del. Goebel was not entitled to the floor. Del. Thompson (Wis.) appealed from the decision of the chair, and the appeal was sustained. DEL. GOEBEL: I want to say, in jus- tice to myself, that I should not have ap- pealed from the decision of the chair, even though I thought it was unjust. y I do not intend to appeal from the decision of the chair at any time during this convention, even though I do not like the decision. But I do feel that this matter ought to be discussed. We are providing for the appointment of a seperate committee to do a certain thing. We have a clause in our national constitution which specifies that we shall not print a party paper. This motion in itself is covered right in that clause in the constitution. If this committee brings in a report it must go again to the Committee on Constitution, where it properly belongs. Let it go there to the committee where it belongs, the Committee on Constitution. Therefore, I am opposed. DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): it - .„ - not that the fact that we elect 'P™ 1 s vote Committee on Party Press do lo , n | suail that the committee so elected i. ded ') its functions to considering the w York » the party ownership of the press. ... or may not consider that subject* 161 *® creation of a Committee on Party \?- k enables us to have the whole subject 6 the welfare of our party press considered, and methods devised for improving its efficiency. Few matters of greater impor- tance to our organization will come before us. I therefore urge the comrades to adopt the resolution to create this committee. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I trust the dis- tinction made by Comrade Spargo may be- come clear, if it has not already done so, between a party press and a party-owned press. A Committee on Party Press might discuss and report recommendations con- cerning party ownership of the press, or it might not. The question of the party papers is a big one and interests us all. We are looking for information. I am in favor of the committee. DEL. BERLYN (111.): I want the dele- gates to vote on this motion intelligently. I do not speak of, nor do I have any in- tention of dealing with the party-owned press. We have a party press which we recognize in our National Bulletin. The relations of that press to the party are very important ones to take into consid- eration. There are many things in con- nection with a movement like ours which are different from any others. This is not a haphazard movement. This is an intel- ligent, organized movement, and we want to give it the most intelligent expression. And the question of the relations of the party to the party press and of the party press to the party, and to its principles, and to maintaining the resolutions and platform which we are to adopt in the convention — all these things and many other- things have something to do with this convention, and the comrades through- out the country are looking for us to do something. I look at this question as be- ing entirely different from a question of a party-owned press. But if the question ever comes up it must come up in a dif- ferent form from the intention of this resolution. I just wanted to make myself plain. Del. Solomon (N. Y.) moved the previous question. Carried. The amendment to elect a coir.trJttes 'f nine on party press was then carried, f the rule as amended was adopted. Rule 8 was then read by the Secreta ; on the subject of time allowed speakers. DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I move as an amen ment that five minutes be substituted f< ten minutes. (Seconded.) DEL. COSGROVE: A point of order. ± motion was made to act on these rulet seriatim. You are now going on to an- other altogether. THE CHAIRMAN: Your point of order is well taken. We will now refer back to the previous paragraph and read the com- mittees separately. The Secretary read, under rule 7, "A convention press committee of five mem- bers." THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to such a committee? DEL. BERGER: I would call it a Pub- licity Committee, in order to avoid misun- derstanding. THE CHAIRMAN: Publicity Committee it is called. Any objection to Publicity Committee? NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. N'» Nlules 5 ajAN (Ark.): I move to strike Balthout ob.'and insert "publicity." Willie 7 wAIRMAN: That has been done F. GEL. GA of the committee. No objection dres aationmmittee? Next. non or Secretary read the next item, "Aud- bert "? Jommittee of five members." Piercl iE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? rdcjEL. GAYLORD: To go to Chicago and audit the party accounts, everything. THE CHAIRMAN: No objection. Pro- ceed to the next committee. The Secretary read the next item, "A Committee on Foreign-Speaking Organiza- tions of Seven Members." THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? DEL. GAYLORD: It seems to me this is a matter which also will come before the Committee on Constitution necessar- ily. The relations of the foreign-speaking organizations must be worked out in the constitution. The activities of the foreign- speaking organizations are something that they concern themselves with. They will do that; they will do it, anyway. I move to strike out this committee because it goes into the Constitution Committee's ac- tivities. (Seconded.) DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): We have in the present national constitution different provisions covering foreign-speaking or- ganizations. But this question cannot be settled by a mere provision in the consti- tution. It requires a special committee, one which understands the question of foreign-speaking organizations and their relations to this organization. If you want to deal with the question locally you must have a committee on the subject. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): This subject was up before the congress two years ago, and Com. Gaylord remembers, himself, that when this question of the organization of our foreign comrades came up we were obliged to confer with the foreign com- rades themselves in large numbers in or- der to get some intelligent understanding by the Constitution Committee as to what we ought to do, and they brought to us their suggestions, but these suggestions apparently have not worked out satisfac- torily. I think it would be a great mis- take to leave this to the Constitution Com- mittee. I think that the representatives of the foreign-speaking organizations themselves, or at least a sufficient number of them, should be placed upon such a committee, and they should confer to- gether and have an opportunity, in their orf, of assisting, if necessary, the Corn- tee on Constitution. But, at any rate, nink that distinct committees should be ganized for this particular purpose. DEL. GAYLORD: I withdraw my mo- on. DEL. SADLER (Wash.): I move to mend that we increase that Committee m Foreign-Speaking Organizations from seven to nine. (Seconded.) DEL. BERGER: We accept the amend- "ment. DEL. PANKIN (N. Y.): I represent a foreign language organization. May I suggest to the convention that it would be a wise thing to have on the committee on the relations of the foreign-speaking groups, some delegates representing for- eign groups? DEL. MOORE (Pa.): I move that an auxiliary committee of three from the foreign branches be appointed. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is out of order. The representatives of the foreign- speaking organizations are here with the right to a voice only. It has been cus- tomary at the past conventions to have our Committee on Foreif n-Speaking Or- ganizations confer and co-operate with the delegates of these foreign-speaking orga- nizations, and I have no doubt the pro- ceeding will be followed this time. On motion of Del. Strebel the previous question was ordered. The question was then put on the motion that a Committee on Foreign-Speaking Organizations to consist of nine members be elected, and the motion was carried. The Secretary read the next item, "A Committee on Labor Organizations and the Relations of the Party to Labor Organiza- tions, of seven members." DEL. JACOBSEN (Iowa): I move to amend by increasing the Committee on Labor Organizations from seven to nine. (Seconded). DEL. BEHGER: I accept this for the committee. My experience in these con- ventions, covering a long, long period, Is that the smaller the committee, the better it works. However, there is very little difference between seven and nine, and I accept the amendment. DEL. BYRD (Tex.): I cannot see that it is essential to increase that committee from seven to nine, and I think we should vote it down. The question was then put on the elec- tion of a committee of nine on Labor Or- ganizations, and it was carried. The Secretary read the next item, "A Committee on Co-operation, of seven mem- bers." DEL. SADLER (Wash.): What is the function of this committee? THE CHAIRMAN: The function of this committee is to consider the co-operative movement and to report to this convention on the character and importance of the movement and the proper relations be- tween the Socialist Party and the co-oper- ative movement. Any further discussion? f DEL. BERGER: And also to make sug- gestions to this convention how to assist the co-operative movement. The Socialist movement, in order to be successful, must not only help the trade union movement, or rather the economic struggle, but must also back up the co-operative movement That is another root of the co-operative commonwealth that we cannot neglect THE CHAIRMAN: The committee will bring in recommendations on that point. DEL. HOG AN (Ark*.): I would suggest that the title of the committee be ampli- fied, as it were. THE CHAIRMAN: To-wit, namely — DEL. HOGAN: By describing the char- acter of co-operation which it shall con- sider. THE CHAIRMAN: What is your amend- ment, Com. Hogan? DEL. HOGAN: Co-operative manufac- turing. DEL. BERGER: No, I object. THE CHAIRMAN: Is that your amend- ment, Com. Hogan? DEL. HOGAN: No, It is not my amend- ment. THE CHAIRMAN: Very well. Any fur- ther discussion? Any objection to the appointment of that committee? DEL. HOGAN: I simply wanted to sug- gest to the committee that I thought that ought to be done. THE CHAIRMAN: The comrades will take the suggestion. Any objection to the appointment of this committee? No objection was heard, and the rule } was adopted. j r MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1012 11 unit The Secretary read the next item, "A Committee on State and Municipal Pro- gram, of seven members." THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to the election of a Committee on State and Municipal Program? DEL. KRAFFT (N. J.): Moved that the committee be enlarged to nine. Del. Berger accepted the amendment on behalf of the committee. DEL. SMITH (Utah): I want to know If this committee is to consider the ques- tion known as commission form of gov- ernment. DEL. BERGER: Yes. There being no objection, the rule was adopted. DEL. THEIMER (N. J.): I would like to know whether there is a Committee on Immigration provided for? THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee on Immigration was elected by the last party congress and will report at this conven- tion. Rule 8 was read by the Secretary a sec- ond time. DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I move to amend that no delegate shall speak twice unless by unanimous vote of his delegation. THE CHAIRMAN: That would be un- necessary. By. unanimous vote this dele- gation can do anything without motion. DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I rise to renew my motion to strike out "ten minutes" and substitute "five minutes." (Seconded.) DEL BERGER: Com. Chairman and comrades, I am accustomed of being lim- ited to a five-minute rule. The average man can say a great deal in five minutes, but the average Socialist orator cannot. And there are a good many men and women here who only have a chance once in four years, and at best in two years, to tell us what happened in the state of Washington or the state of Mississippi. That is why I proposed to make it ten minutes. I will be very glad to accept the five-minute rule, however, if it meets the wishes of this convention. Five minutes are plenty as far as I am concerned. I simply wanted to give some of my com- rfldGS -EL Ch.£LTlCG. DEL MALEY (Wash.): I speak against the amendment for five minutes; not In behalf of the Socialist agitator, but in be- half of the comrades in this convention who must have a little time in which to form their thoughts. DEL. RAMP (Ore.): I want to accept the amendment. I think the amendment is good, but I want to offer an amendment to the amendment, that a delegate may be given the privilege of speaking a second time upon a motion, with the consent of this organization. (Seconded.) DEL. LANFERSIEK (Ky.): I want to suggest to the delegates that it is costing the men and women here at least five dol- lars for every minute, and if you cannot express your sentiments in $25 worth of minutes, then sit down. (Applause.) DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I am in favor of the five-minute amendment. I know that absolutely a week was wasted by the adoption of the ten-minute rule heretofore. DEL. LEWIS (Ore.): I wish to offer an amendment to the amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: There is one before the house. DEL. LEWIS: T have another amend- ment to it. THE CHAIRMAN: A substitute for the whole? DEL. LEWIS: A substitute for the l hole; that no delegate in any one of the / delegations shall speak twice until s^A ^ delegate in all the other delegations saail ' have had an opportunity. (Seconded.) On motion of Del. Solomon of New, York, the previous question was ordered. THE CHAIRMAN: Now, comrades, there is no rule yet to allow anybody to speak after the previous question is put. The recommendation is that the mover of the motion or chairman of the committee be allowed to speak after the previous ques- tion is put. By analogy, if no objection is made, Com. Berger will have the floor. DEL. BERGER: I got up and accepted the amendments in order to save time. The five-minute rule I also accept for the committee. I believe that if anyone has anything worth while this convention will grant him an additional five minutes at any time. (Applause.) THE CHAIRMAN: There are two ques- tions before the house, whether it shall be five minutes or ten minutes. There are also two amendments and a substitute be- fore the house. One amendment was to insert "five minutes" instead of "ten min- utes." The other amendment was that no delegate be recognized if any other dele- gate from his state has been recognizd and there are members of other state del- egations that have not been recognized. SEC. REILLY: Here are the amend- %>ments: The Tuck amendment provides for five minutes. Then there is the amend- ment by Del. Ramp of Oregon, that a delegate can be given the floor the second time only by a vote of this body. THE CHAIRMAN: By a majority vote. SEC. REILLY: A majority vote, of course. DEL. SPARGO: I rise to a point of in- formation. I desire to know whether it will be your ruling that the vote we are to take now will decide the entire matter? THE CHAIRMAN: This will decide the entire rule; the amendment being dis- posed of first, and the entire rule as amended next. DEL. SPARGO: Then I desire to be heard in opposition to the substitute. THE CHAIRMAN: It cannot be done. The previous question has been put and carried. THE CHAIRMAN: There are before the house one substitute, two amendments and the original motion or rule. The substi- tute is to the effect that no delegate be recognized if any member of his delega- tion has been recognized on the question while there remain states which have not ; been heard from on the subject and desire • to speak on the subject. The amendment to the amendment is that the time of each delegate be limited to five minutes unless extended by a majority vote. The amend- ment is that the time limit be five min- utes instead of ten. The rule is that the time limit be ten minutes except for the chairman of the committee, majority and minority reports of committees, who shall have twenty minutes, and also after the previous question has been called each side to the question shall have one speaker with five minutes The question was then put on the sub- stitute, and the substitute was defeated, the vote being 54 for and 159 against. The motion was then put on the amend- ment to the amendment, limiting speak- ers to five minutes unless the time should be extended by majority vote, and the motion was unanimously carried. The rule as amended was then adopted. DEL. CAREY (Mass.): A point of in- quiry. I would like to know if that would NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION N> Niul Baltho ven t the granting- of an additional five *"" minutes as provided in the rule. Does it do away with the power of the con- vention to extend the time, or if that is to be subject to change? THE CHAIRMAN: No; the understand- ing of the chair is that they may have an extension of time, an additional five min- utes to debate. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): A point of in- quiry. Do I understand that the chair- men of committees will not have twenty minutes to report? THE CHAIRMAN: They will. DEL. SPARGO: I desire to know wheth- er the chairman understands and rules that the rule as adopted granting time for chairmen of committees applies to the minority as well as the majority. THE CHAIRMAN: The chairman does so understand. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): A point of in- quiry. I wish to ask the chair, what is your ruling on the last rule where twenty minutes is given to the chairman of a committee to report? Can he divide his time? Has there been any place allowed for his reply at the close of the discus- sion, according to the rules? THE CHAIRMAN: He has five minutes after the previous question is called, un- der the rule. DEL. WILSON: Is that for the chair- man or for the two? DEL. BERGER: I think it says two speakers. THE CHAIRMAN: It says two speak- ers, one on each side, and the chairman of a committee, in a discussion of a re- port, will certainly be the representa- tive of the one side for which he speaks. DEL. BERGER: Not necessarily. If the chairman of the committee wants to grant his time to somebody else he may do so, as long as his side is represented. Both sides ought to be heard and repre- sented. The twenty minutes he can also di- vide up if he so chooses, among the vari- ous members of his committee, but as a rule I believe he will consume the whole time. I never do. DEL. WILSON: Then I wish a ruling, Mr. Chairman. THE CHAIRMAN: The ruling of the chair will be that the chairman of a com- mittee cannot divide his time. That is a personal privilege accorded to the chair- man of a committee for the purpose of enabling him personally to make a report, not to deal out patronage to others. DEL. BERGER: That is not in accord- ance with the views of the committee nor with the practice in large parliamentary bodies. Com. Chairman, you have no right to say what I want to do. THE CHAIRMAN: The chair rules. Now, the orderly way Is to take an appeal. DEL. BERGER: I take an appeal. Am I at liberty to state my reason? THE CHAIRMAN: You are at liberty to state your reason. DEL. BERGER: I appeal for this reason: If the chairman of a committee has somebody on the committee that un- derstands a question better than he does and the chairman is willing to grant such a member a part of the time, which really belongs to the entire committee, to make the statement or part of the statement for the committee, it should be his privi- lege to do so. Such is the custom in every larpre parliamentary body. Tbis Is a con- vention of about 300 members. We can- not all be prepared to speak on every subject. There are some men who have peculiar qualifications to speak on certain matters which they have maue a study. They are on committees, and they ought to have a right, if the chairman so de- cides, to explain the position of the com- mittee on those questions. I appeal to the convention to grant the chairmen of the respective committees that right if the chairman or the committees so choose. THE CHAIRMAN: The chair has ruled as it has for this reason: First, what is before me is just the rule. The rule gives twenty minutes to the chairman of the committee to speak, not to divide. Now, I know that the rule prevails in Congress and similar legislative bodies which places it within the power of the chairman to divide his time. But this rule I consider absolutely undemocratic. I consider it part of the entire arrangement by which the committee and the chairman of the committee practically decide a proposi- tion. It seems to me, where we provide for general discussion and give five or ten minutes, as the case may be, to anyone who may desire to speak on the subject, members of the committee will have ample opportunity to speak. Why do you make the exception of twenty minutes? Because, whether it is the chairman or spokesman of the committee, we want one consecutive, complete presentation of the subject, and we know that that cannot be done in five minutes. That is why we gave twenty. But I do not think it was the in- tention of this convention to take a cer- tain portion of time practically out of the hands of the convention and place it in the hands of the chairman of the commit- tee and let him distribute it as he pleases. Now you have heard both sides, and will decide in accordance with your own wis- dom. A vote was taken on the appeal, and the chair being in doubt, a rising vote was then taken, resulting in 77 in favor of the appeal and 131 against. So the decision of the chair was sustained. Rule 9 was then read as follows: "The sessions of the Convention shall be from 10 a. m. to 1 p. m. and from 2:30 to 5:30 p. m. Night sessions as ordered." DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I move as an amendment that the sessions be from 9 a. m. to 12 m. and from 1:30 to 6 p. m. The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment Is that the sessions shall be from 9 to 12 and 1:30 till six. DEL. BERLYN (111.): I offer as a substi- tute that we meet from 9 a. m. till 1 p. m. and from 2 p. m. till 6.30 p. m. I will give my reasons in a minute. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): We have set the time from ten o'clock so as to give the various committees time to work. The committees must have time to do their work in order to make it possible for the Convention to go on. In case you are elected to serve on a committee you will find that you are an extremely busy man. Comrade Sadler. Your committee will meet at eight o'clock every day and have plenty of work until ten. You will also have plenty of work for the evening un- less we decide to hold night sessions. Our proposition is based upon a great deal of experience, both in Socialist conven- tions and in those of various labor organ- izations. Remember, your work is not confined to the convention floor; it is in the committees where the real work Is done and where the difficult questions are thor- oughly thrashed out. I am surprised at Comrade Berlyn. Ho has always in the past stood for the el&ht hour day. Now he wants us to work MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1912 11 ten or twelve hours out of twenty-four. I am not willing to go back on the eight hour day after fighting for it all my life — that is, I am willing enough to do com- mittee work besides of the eight hour convention day. In order to facilitate the business of the convention please accept the proposition of the Committee on Rules. DEL. BYRD (Tex.): I seconded that resolution, or amendment; but Berger's point is well taken; and I withdraw my second. THE CHAIRMAN: The withdrawal does not affect the motion. DEL. SADLER: In s.upport of my mo- tion that we come to order at nine o'clock and run until 12, and reconvene at 1:30 and run until 6, . I want to say that you cannot get the committees to come out in the morning and work. The only time you can get them to work is after we adjourn the convention at night. That is the only time you can get committees to work. You can't get a whole committee together before. Two or three will be lying in bed up to nine o'clock, and com- ing to the convention late anyhow. So to get the work done — the working class are used to hard work anyhow — we can do the committee work at night. THE CHAIRMAN: Any further discus- sion? DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move the pre- vious question. The previous question having been duly seconded was ordered by the convention. THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment comes first; the amendment is that our sessions commence at nine and continue until noon, and then reconvene at one thirty and continue until six. The amendment was declared, lost. THE CHAIRMAN: The original motion is the adoption of the rule as reported, which is that we meet at ten o'clock, re- main in session until one o'clock; re- convene at half past two, and remain in session until half past five; night sessions as ordered. Rule 9 was then declared adopted as reported and read. The Secretary then read Rule 10 as fol- lows: RULE 10. "Robert's Rules of Order shall be used, with the exception that when the pre- vious question has been called one dele- gate on each side may speak for five min- utes." THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec- tion Rule 10 will be adopted as read. Rule 10 was declared adopted. RULE 11. "During the sessions no smoking or chewing of tobacco shall be allowed on the floor of the convention." THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec- tion? DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to amend by adding the words: "Or in the corridors of the convention hall." THE CHAIRMAN: The jurisdiction of the convention extends only to the four walls of the hall. The amendment is out of order. Rule 11 was then adopted as read. RULE 12. "Each delegate shall select one of its members to announce its vote." DEL. RODRIGUEZ (111.): This only means, I assume, in case of a roll call? THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I want to offer an addition to the rule as read. The ad- dition is in the following words: "The vote of no state shall be cast as a unit where the delegates of aid state are not in agreement on the matter up for vote. THE CHAIRMAN: That is understood. DEL. GOEBEL: I want to offer my amendment and speak to it. THE CHAIRMAN: Read it again. DEL. GOEBEL: You have read the rule as reported by the Committee. I want these words added: "The vote of no state shall be cast as a unit where th9 delegates of said state are not in agree- ment on the matter up for vote." The Chairman: I shall have to rule it out of order. Under our constitution we cannot interfere with instructions from states to their delegates, and those in- structions may include the unit rule. The chair has ruled that the amendment cannot be entertained because it contra- venes the constitution of the Socialist Party of America, which vests the power to instruct delegates or to provide for the procedure of any delegation, in the State organizations. The chair holds that if a State should instruct its delegation to act and vote as a unit this convention has no power to override that instruction. DEL. GOEBEL: I want to call attention to the fact that I think you have deprived me of my rights, unconsciously. I have offered an amendment, and I have the right to give my reasons therefor. THE CHAIRMAN: The chair holds that this amendment is not in order. DEL. GOEBEL: This is such an impor- tant matter that I shall have to appeal in some way. THE CHAIRMAN: You may appeal from the chair's ruling, Comrade Goebel. A DELEGATE: I seconded the motion of Comrade Goebel. THE CHAIRMAN: It is not a question of a second or otherwise. The chair has ruled the amendment out of order; and you know, Comrade Goebel, that I won't take it as a personal offense if you appeal from the decision of the chair. If you want to bring the question before the body of the convention s'ou will please take an appeal. DEL. GOEBEL: Then I will do so for the purpose of bringing the matter be- fore the house. THE CHAIRMAN: The chair has been appealed from. Comrade Goebel will state the reasons for his appeal. DEL. MORGAN (Minn.): A point of in- formation. Were all these- delegates elected by referendum vote? THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a ques- tion of information. I want to call the attention of the delegates to the fact that the question now before us does not per- mit any discussion except the parliamen- tary question of the appeal from the chair's ruling. State your reasons, Com- rade Goebel. DEL. GOEBEL: My reason for appeal- ing from the decision of the chair is be- cause I take the position that this con- vention has the absolute right to say on what terms it will count the vote of any delegate or set of delegates in this body. Just as we decide who are legal dele- gates and who are not so we have the right to decide whose vote shall be counted and whose shall not. The reason for my motion: everyone familiar with old parties and their politics knows that they have what is called the unit rule. A selected man in the delegation can take the delegation from his state and cast it as one vote; the majority of the delega- tion through its chairman casts the vote IZ NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. of every delegate in the delegation from his state. For c xample, if you have nine delegates in a delegation from a particu- lar state, and six of them are in har- mony, the chairman gets up and an- nounces nine votes for the particular view for which the majority stands, and the six have disfranchised the three. But we are not in old party politics. We want the delegates to speak for themselves. And I rest my position on this, that we have the absolute right to determine as this vote state exactly what terms we will accept the vote on. THE CHAIRMAN: In support of my ruling I will say this: I have absolutely no sympathy for the practice of binding delegations. I think it is a very vicious, a very unsocialistic method. I think it should not be tolerated in the Socialist Party. But I think our constitution should make provision against it. I hold that under the present constitution the state organization is the sole authority for the action of its delegates. The dele- gates represent the state organization. The state organization may instruct its delegates to vote for certain candidates, or for certain measures; and it may in- struct its delegates to vote as a unit; and we are powerless under the constitution to override the will of the membership in that state. Whether this is proper or improper is not the question. If in my state an attempt had been made to gag the dele- gation by the unit rule I should vote against it, but I say that the National Convention of this party has no power to override a decision of the state intro- ducing the unit rule, bad as that rule is. That is all there is to it. The vote comes now upon the appeal. The question is: shall the decision of the chair be sus- tained. Those in favor of sustaining the decision of the chair will say "Aye." Those opposed "No." The chair is in doubt. It was a long "No;" I don't know whether it is a strong "No." DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): Division. THE CHAIRMAN: A division is called for. All those in favor of sustaining the ruling of the chair will rise and remain standing until counted. Upon the division the vote stood 79 to sustain the ruling of the chair, and 129 opposed. THE CHAIRMAN: The ruling of the chair is not sustained. Comrade Goebel's motion is now in order and he has the floor. DEL. DAN WHITE (Mass.): I thought I was voting on the opposite side of the question. DEL. BERGER: Count me the other way. THE CHAIRMAN: Are there any oth- ers who voted under a misapprehension? There was a majority of fifty votes against the chair, and one or two votes won't affect the result. Comrade Goebel has the floor. DEL. GOEBEL: I desire to have added the following words: "The vote of no state shall be cast as a unit, where the delegates of such states are not in agree- ment upon the matter up for vote." The motion of Delegate Goebel was sec- onded. DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I move to amend that by adding: "Providing, that where an instruction has been given by referendum on any particular question the instruction of that particular ques- tion shall be obeyed." THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment Is unless there should have been contrari- wise instructions by a state referendum. The amendment of Delegate Edwards was duly seconded. DEL. BERGER: I originally opposed the amendment of Comrade Goebel be- cause I thought it was unnecessary; but after I heard the explanation of our chairman I think Goebel's amendment is very necessary. We have had the same modus operandi in the past. No one has ever questioned the right of every delegate to vote as he pleases. But the chairman of the dele- gation acted as the spokesman for the delegation. He announced the result, whatever the result was. But since the chairman construes the rule differently I believe it is necessary to have an amendment of this kind. On the other hand I am not in favor of the amendment to the amendment offered by the delegate from Texas. That would put the state's right idea back where Comrade Hillquit wants it. THE CHAIRMAN: Thinks it is. DEL. BERGER: We have just voted something down, and now you want to put it in through the back door. I hope the convention will reject the amendment to the amendment and accept the original amendment offered by Comrade Goebel of New Jersey. DEL. BERLTN (111.): The amendment offered by Comrade Goebel I look upon as vicious in a Socialist organization. I am here today representing the state of Illinois — not Barney Berlyn's views, but I am here in a representative capacity: I am here in a delegated capacity in any way that my state chooses to direct me. I am in duty bound to carry their mes- sage here; or if I could not do that I should refuse to act for them. Now let us understand this proposition. This is not a Democratic convention; this is not a Repub- lican convention. This is a Socialist con- vention. We are here in a delegate capac- ity to carry out the principles and wishes of our constituency. If our constituents on a special subject have instructed us it is the duty of the delegation to see that every member of that delegation follows the instructions of his state in his dele- gated capacity. If not, if he violates those instructions, when he goes home he should be expelled from the party. THE CHAIRMAN: The rules having been adopted so far as the time fixed for our sessions the hour of adjournment has nvre than arrived, and the convention stands adjourned. The convention then adjourned until 2.30 p. m. AFTERNOON SESSION. Chairman Hillquit called the convention to order at 2:30 p. m. THE CHAIRMAN: We are now consid- ering the twelfth rule and there are twenty- five before you for your consideration. There may be more offered. When we have passed upon the rules we shall have to elect our permanent officers; and we shall then have to nominate fourteen different committees, with 117 members on those various committees. Every state will nom- inate. Now, comrades, if we dispose of > AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910 13 those nominations today we can have the ballots printed over night, and we shall be able to vote upon the nominees tomorrow morning 1 . If we don't do that we lose an entire day. So we have to dispose of our business with great dispatch. Please bear that in mind. Rule 12 is now before you. The secretary will read Rule 12; and then the amendment and then the amendment to the amend- ment. THE SECRETARY: The amendment of- fered by Delegate Goebel of New Jersey is that the vote of no state shall be cast as a unit where the delegates of that state are not ip agreement on the matter up for vote. The amendment to the amendment offered by Delegate Edwards of Texas is this: "Unless instructed to vote as a unit by a referendum vote of their state." DEL. EDWARDS: I wish to make a correction. As read it refers only to spe- cific instructions, and not as an instruc- tion vote as a unit. I will read the mo- tion to amend: "Provided that where an instruction has been given by referendum on a particular question the instruc- tion on that particular question shall be obeyed." Speaking to that I wish to say that I am heartily in favor of the motion of Com- rade Goebel which will prevent tying up a delegation b ' the unit rule where the delegation is c ivided. But where a state has expressed by referendum its opinion on a particular question I believe that if a delegate is unwilling to abide by the de- cision of the party of that state on that particular question he should not be a dele- gate; and believing that an instruction on a particular question should be obeyed I offer that amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary will read the amendment as corrected. THE SECRETARY: "Provided that where an instruction has been given by a referendum vote on any particular question the instructions on that particular question shall be obeyed." DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.): This entire question has arisen over instructions given by the state of California. I presume there- fore it is our duty to inform the delegates here of the facts. The facts are that our state secretary wrote a resolution upon matters of general policy, generally con- sistent with the policy adopted in the state of California. This proposition, all of it in fact, "would be looked upon favorably by the membership of that state. After hav- ing written his resolution he sent it to Local Vista and had it initiated and passed out through the state without submitting it to the State Committee. We were there- fore instructed on all the propositions con- tained in the resolutions prepared by the secretary, and at the close of the general Instructions this instruction was given and this I want to read to the convention, so that you may know precisely what the situation is and what it is that you are acting upon: "And be it further resolved that the foregoing shall be and constitute instruc- tions by the membership of California to its state delegation to the National Con- vention to be held May 12, 1912; that on all questions said delegation shall vote as a unit, and that on all matters where not instructed a majority vote of the delegation shall determine the attitude of the delega- tion." Now that is what we are up against; and that is what you people are acting upon. ' nd that is the source of the resolution. DEL. WRIGHT (Neb.): This convention is not responsible for the instructions given to the California delegation; they should formulate their own method of voting as a unit; and it is not essential that we shape our rules of order to meet the situa- tion presented in their state. THE CHAIRMAN: Do you rise to a point of order? DEL. WRIGHT: I am speaking to the resolution. DEL. MERRICK: It seems to me to be very clear at this time that.. this matter is one of importance to this party as a matter of precedent that you are going to set for future conventions. Comrade Goebel's proposition is perfectly clear. There can be no question for a minute but what any good Socialist who comes instructed by his state should live up to those instructions. But to claim for one minute that on mat- ters where there is no instruction the dele- gation should hold a caucus and bind and throttle the members of that delegation in all probability in violation of the will of the majority of the members of the party in the state is certainly contrary to Social- istic ethics and principles. And if there has been a matter of very great Importance arisen since that vote was taken in the state of California, upon which they could not instruct the delegates, I cannot as a Socialist look with favor on any practice that smacks of Republicanism or Democ- ratism by bringing in a gag unit rule here. I say, comrades, that we should stand by instructions given on any specific proposi- tion; but the Socialist Party shall say whether any unsocialistic practice shall prevail in this National Convention of the party; and whether any state delegation shall be allowed to proceed in a way that is in violation of fundamental socialist principles. I think it is an unfair proposition in any sense that if a state has instructed its delegates on any important question that it has also the right and power to say to those delegates at the convention when something of importance suddenly arises which they cannot know about except as delegates at the convention, that the ma- jority of the delegation shall have the power to override and silence the minority on that uninstructed matter. It seems to me that you are setting a dangerous prece- dent, derived from Republican and Demo- cratic politics, and having no proper place in a Socialist organization. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) I think it should be made possible where a delegation has been instructed on a particular subject for the chairman of the delegation to cast the entire vote of that delegation, no mat- ter how the individual delegates may feel about the matter. That is not the busi- ness of this National convention. And so far as the delegates carrying out their in- structions from their state on any given proposition, if any delegate who comes here instructed on any such proposition disregards the instructions of his state, it is for the state organization to settle that question; and it is not for us to settle here. If when he has been selected by a state as a delegate to this conven- tion representing that state he has been given instructions how the state wishes him to vote on a particular question he should follow those instructions; and if he does not he should be dealt with by his state. But the delegates here can not by any means pass a unit rule whereby a chairman of a delegation will cast a solid vote of the delegates from a \ 14 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION, particular state irrespective of the wishes of the individual delegates. I believe the proposition by Goebel was absolutely superiluous. At no time was it the purpose to have the chairman of the delegation cast the entire vote of -the dele- gation regardless of the wishes of the indi- vidual delegates. On the other hand the proposition of the gentleman from Texas would make it possible in a caucus for the majority to claim that there was an under- standing in the state for the delegates to vote one way, or fche other, and then for the majority of the delegation from that state to claim the entire vote of the state and cast the vote accordingly. DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): I do not believe there is anybody who sticks more for the democratic control of the party than I do. But I want to say that if any state — my state or any other state — instructs its dele- gation to cast their vote in a certain way; and then it is not done, it is the v/ill of the majority and not the will of the mi- nority that is being violated. If the ma- jority of the members of the party in a state decide that I shall cast my vote ac- cording to the wish of the majority of the delegates, and as a whole, why that is the instruction of the majority of socialists in that state; that is the will of that state. If it came from some subdivision of the party in that state without a referendum vote that would be a different thing. But when it comes to a clear majority of the state on a straight referendum if you are to have state autonomy at all then you must stand back of the vote of that state, and let them decide whether they wish their delegates at this convention to cast their votes as one unit. If they have more faith in the opinion of a majority of their delegation than they have in the indi- vidual views of a minority that is their right. If they wish the majority of the state delegation to rule the delegation it is their right so to instruct the delegation. I maintain that the majority of the Social- ist Party still have the right to run it. DEL. ZITT (Ohio) : I believe that since this is a question of procedure and as the convenience of this convention is opposed possibly to the will of the constituents of a certain delegation, I think it will be well for the convention to subject its conve- nience to that will by tabling this whole matter. And therefore I move as a substi- tute that we table the original rule and all the amendments that have been offered. SEVERAL DELEGATES: Second the motion. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion to table is always in order and is not debatable. DEL. GOEBEL: A point of information. Under Robert's Rules of Order — and that is what we are acting under — if a motion to table is carried it carries with it all the rules does it not? THE CHAIRMAN: Not all the rules; simply Rule 12. The motion to table was declared lost. DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.): I want to say that I am in favor of the amendment to the amendment. I take it that we are a delegate body; not at all an authoritative body. When we come here from states have instructed us on certain "propo- rtions — it makes no difference whether those instructions are on matters that they have not had an opportunity to consider — the rule that the majority of that state has laid down by its votes must be our rule. We have no right to take away the referendum powers of the state that in- structed that delegation. It would be es- tablishing a bad precedent. If you vote down the amendment to the amendment it leaves you establishing a proposition here that takes entirely away from the states the right to instruct their delegates, go- ing as delegates to a delegate body, and according to the wishes of the party mem- bership of a state plainly expressed. Now do we want to take such a position or do we not? We know there are differences of opinion among delegates from a state. And it is precisely because there are differ- ences of opinion that delegations are most frequently instructed on certain definite propositions. Now do you say that we, delegates in convention assembled, must override the action and decree of the whole membership of a state? If you do vote down the amendment. But if you believe in democracy; if you believe in the prin- ciple of the referendum, and the right of the membership to express themselves, and their right to instruct their delegates, and the moral duty of the delegates to follow those instructions then vote for the amend- ment to the amendment. The previous question having been moved and seconded was carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques- tion having been called the secretary will read the original rule; the amendment and the amendment to the amendment. THE SECRETARY: Rule 12. The original rule you have before you. Amend- ment by Goebel: "The vote of no state shall be cast as a unit where the delegates of said state are not in agreement on the matter up for vote. The amendment to the amendment by Edwards is: "Provided that where instructions have been given by ref- erendum on a particular question the in- structions on that particular question shall be obeyed." THE CHAIRMAN: -The question comes on the amendment to the amendment. DEL. GOEREL: Have I not the right to close under our rules? THE CHAIRMAN: No. DEL. BERGER: Some one has the right to close. See Rule 10. DEL. GOEBEL: I have the right under that rule. THE CHAIRMAN: The chair is wrong. Speak on, George. DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I believe Goebel has spoken once. THE CHAIRMAN: He is on one side, the chair holds. That rule has been adopted. DEL. GOEBEL: I want to say that I do not give the snap of my finger for Cali- fornia or any other state in this matter. We are here representing the national So- cialist Party, the Socialist Party of Amer- ica. Comrade Kaplan says that, we are going to establish a precedent. I am per- fectly willing to concede the point. What is tried to be established here is the method by which crooked politicians m various states have been able to trade off the vote of entire state delegations to others having like powers for favors prom- ised to them. And the precedent that we shall establish here will be that it will not go that way in the Socialist Party. Comrade Edwards' amendment does not alter my original motion one iota except to make it more clear. What he proposes is verv clear. If I have been instructed by a referendum of my state to vote a certain way on a certain proposition, on the trades union question, or the immigration ques- tion it is my business to obey those plain instructions. Y But that is not the point here The party in California have in- structed their delegates how they shall vote AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910 15 on certain specific questions and then on top of that added another referendum by which they are directed to vote as a unit on the matters about which they have not been specifically instructed by their state. That means, if they have eighteen dele- gates as I think they have, that if ten of them who think a certain way on any new proposition get together then even though the membership of that state know nothing of the merits of that particular question, yet if the ten of them agree that way a certain one representing that ten will stand up and cast the entire vote of the eighteen delegates. And that is what I do not be- lieve in. If that is Socialism, then it is not my kind of Socialism. It is crooked Socialism. If we are going to establish a precedent let us establish it and make it clear that we won't have the methods that appiy in the old parties. Let us say that we don't want that condition of things where one boss can meet another boss and say: "Let's shake hands. I will give you my delegation on this proposition if you will give me yours on that." That is what this thing means. THE CHAIRMAN: Does any delegate wish to speak in opposition to Comrade Goebel's position? DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I do. THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Gay lord. DEL. GAYLORD: This does not look such an awfully s< rious proposition to me, and perhaps I ha e had as much experi- ence in old party politics as some of the others. And perhaps I do not understand the terrible possibilities of this sort of thing. But it looks to me that we are all here in a representative capacity; and that when the state organization of one state has made up its mind and voted that its delegation shall vote as a unit I do not know what right we have as a convention to override those instructions. Delegates accept their positions as delegates under the conditions prescribed by their state organizations. And they do so under the national constitution. There is nothing in the national constitution so far prevent- ing or prohibiting the action that is re- ported to have been taken by the mem- bership of California. The appeal to Socialist principles m is rather vague and indefinite. No specific principle of Socialism has been named in support of the other side. Democracy is too big a word, and the ideas too hazy when so generally called upon in support of a proposition. I have known democracy to be invoked on both sides of a contro- versy, on both sides of the same proposi- tion, and I could just as well invoke it here against Comrade Goebel's proposition. Goebel wants the organization in Cali- fornia which has thousands of members in it to be overridden by these few score people gathered from the four winds of the universe. How is that? That sounds as good as yours does. I could say it louder, too, if I wanted to. What's the use? But there is a more serious matter here, and that is the right of the membership of a state to instruct its delegation as to all actions and as to the entire method of their action in the national convention. And this convention has no right to set that aside. I cha.Wenge the right of this convention to do it. I challenge our right to make that rule, especially in the case of the specific instructions of California there. I don't care particularly about Cali- fornia; but we are setting a bad precedent when a national convention without a con- stitutional provision to that effect, pre- sumes to override a state referendum. THE CHAIRMAN: We shall vote first on the amendment to the amendment, of- fered by Delegate Edwards. The amendment to the amendment upon a rising vote was then declared carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The vote now comes on the amendment of Comrade Goebel. The secretary wjU read. THE SCRETARY: "The vote ot no state shall be cast as a unit where the dele- gates of said state are not in agreement on the matter up for vote." DEL. SOLOMON: The amendment just passed I think does away with this amend- ment. THE CHAIRMAN: The chair thinks not. The amendment of Delegate Goebel as read was then declared carried. And Rule 12 as reported was declared carried as amended. DEL. BERLYN (111.) asked that the rule, be read as amended. THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary will read the rule as amended. THE SECRETARY (reading): Each dele- gation shall select one of its members to announce its vote. The vote of no state shall be cast as a unit where the delegates of such state are not in agreement on the matter up for vote; provided, that where an instruction has been given by referendum on a particular question the instruction on that particular question shall be obeyed." RULE 13. "Each delegation shall designate in the absence of any delegate the alternate who shall fill such vacancy." THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to Rule 13? DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): I would like a ruling of the chair. If the (rule means that the delegation shall select an alternate where a vacancy exists regard- less of the rules of their particular state then that is a rule that this convention has no right to adopt. Most state organ- izations provide in their state constitution a particular order or rotation in which al- ternates shall be selected; and this con- vention has neither -the right nor the power to give to any state delegation the right to select an alternate except in accordance with . the rules of that state constitution wherever the state organization lias al- ready decided the way in which an alter- nate shall be seated. If that is the con- struction of the rule it is unconstitutional and out of order. If it is the intention of this rule that in the absence of any regu- lar elected delegates or alternates that the state delegation shall then have the right to fill the vacancy as stated I am in favor of the rule. THE CHAIRMAN: The chair holds that this proposed rule does not contravene the rule of any state organization; but leaves it to each delegation to follow the rules of its own state or to use its discretion in the absence of such a rule. DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I move to strike out Rule 13. The motion was duly seconded. On vote it was declared lost. Rule 13 as read was then adopted. RULE 14. "Such members of the National Execu- tive Committee who are not delegates, and the National Secretary, shall have a voice and no vote in the convention. This pro- vision also applies to members of the Women's National Committee.'' THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec- tion? There is none. The rule is adopted. \ 16 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION RULE 15. "Neither contesting nor contested dele- gates shall vote upon any question in re- lation to their rights to be seated." THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection. There is none. The rule is adopted. RULE 16. "The nomination for candidates for Presi- dent and Vice-President shall be by at least a majority of all the votes cast." DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move to amend the rule by making it read ""A ma- jority of all votes entitled to a seat in this convention." The motion was duly seconded. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): Some of the delegates may be going home. THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment of- fered by Delegate Solomon of New York is that it shall require for the nomination of presidential and vice-presidential candi- dates not a majority of the delegates pres- ent and voting, but a majority of all dele- gates entitled to be seated in the conven- tion. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I want to speak in favor of that. THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Slobodin has the floor. DEL. SLOBODIN: The Socialist Party ought to be the most democratic party in the world. We can not have our candi- dates for President and Vice President nominated by a minority of the convention. We cannot have a minority candidate. It would not look good. It would not repre- sent properly the spirit and practice of the Socialist Party. If delegates should want to leave they will take into consid- eration the fact that there are still the nominations of candidates for President and Vice President to be made, and they will probably stay until such candidates are named. I urge that we vote for the amendment offered by Comrade Solomon. DEL. FLOATEN (Col.): I wish to op- pose a rule that requires a majority of all the votes of the people elected as delegates here to decide any question before us. We have this question which is causing a fac- tional fight in the state of Colorado where one organization of its own motion has taken the position that you shall not de- cide anything, nominate anybody, elect an official of the party, or amend the consti- tution unless you have a majority of all the members, at least all the members who are dues paying members in the party. This is exactly on the same line. Those people already have three counties in our state* under their control, an entirely factional division, entirely opposed to the body of the Socialist Party of Colorado. Suppose now that there are 200 members here. A time is set when we shall nominate our candidates for President and Vice Presi- dent. Assume now that 90 out of those go away. That leaves 110 of us. It is possible that only 60 of those will vote for any one candidate. It might be im- possible to get 100 out of the 110 to vote for one candidate. We should have a ma- jority of the 110 that are left but not a majority of all the delegates entitled to seats in the convention. I do hope that you will not adopt any such rule com- pelling them to be here. They are in duty bound to be here and if they are not here the organization that they represent will lose all rierht to complain. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): There is very little difference between the two contend- ing views. We expect that most of the delegates will stay here at least until we nominate for President and Vice President on the Socialist ticket. We expect that. There are about 300 delegates here and a majority of the 300 will be at least 160. However, as to the comparison with the old parties if the Republican party would be more democratic because it requires a majority of all the delegates, well, then the Democratic party would be still more democratic because they require two-thirds of all the delegates. We use the word de- mocracy too much, in a vague, foolish way. So far as I am concerned I am just as well satisfied with Solomon's amendment — so long as we don't lose too much time, be- cause at the rate we are going we won't do very much in two weeks. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move that this rule be tabled, and that this convention in- struct the National Secretary to issue a referendum call for nominations to the political offices of President and Vice President and that the names so received be sent out to a referendum vote of the membership in the regular manner. THE CHAIRMAN: All of which is ex- ceedingly interesting but entirely out of order. The previous question was called for and ordered. THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary will please read the amendment. THE SECRETARY: The amendment of Solomon of New York is: "Nominations for President and Vice President shall be made by a majority vote of all delegates entitled to a vote in this convention." THE CHAIRMAN: All in favor of this amendment will say "aye." The chair is in doubt. (Cries of "division.") A DELEGATE: On the previous ques- tion there is a chance to speak on both sides. THE CHAIRMAN: Not after the vote is under way. All in favor of the amendment requiring a majority of delegates entitled to be seated for the nomination of candidates for President and Vice President will please rise and stand until counted. On a division the amendment was de- feated by a vote of 81 ayes and 159 noes Rule 16 as read was then adopted. RULE 17. "A roll call shall be had when demanded by at least 50 delegates." DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move that the number be reduced to 15. The motion was seconded. DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): If we have a roll call every time fifteen members de- mand it we shall consume half of the time of the convention in roll calls. I there- fore move to amend that it require forty delegates. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): It is our cus- tom I believe to have a roll call on the request of about one-sixth. Fifteen is simply ridiculous. We should do nothing but call the roll here. (Cries of "previous question.") DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I have a reason for making this motion or I would not have made it. I believe if fifteen members want the delegates to go on record on a par- ticular proposition they should go on rec- ord as voting for or against. I think if a question comes up of importance to our constituents and we believe that those con- stituents should know how the delegates vote. We have a right to require that. That is what they are sending us here for. We are sent here to take certain ac- tion, and any delegate who is afraid of the AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910 17 roll call should not be entrusted with the duty of voting-. DEL. ONEAL (Ind.): I want to say that if a delegation desires to make a note of how its individual members vote they can keep a record of that vote and report it back to their state. (The previous question was then or- dered.) THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that it requires fifty members to demand a roll call. The amendment is that it require fifteen and the second amendment is that it require forty. We are now voting- upon the question of whether a roll call shall be had at the request of forty delegates. A division having been called for the amendment to make the number necessary for a roll call forty delegates was lost by a vote of 86 ayes and 131 noes. The amendment fixing the number at fifteen delegates was then put and declared lost. The original rule requiring fifty delegates as reported to the convention was then adored- RULE 18. "On Friday, May 17th, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon all business of the convention shall be suspended and the convention shall proceed to the nomination of candidates for President and Vice President of ! he United States." DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I move to amend the rule by substituting the word Wednesday, May 15th, instead of Friday, May 17th. The motion was duly seconded. DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I desire to offer this amendment: "Provided that the na- tional platform shall at that time have been adopted." The amendment of Delegate Hogan was duly seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment is that we nominate on that day provided the platform shall have been adopted at that time. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): We made it Friday in order to give the Committee on Platform a chance to report. It would not be the proper thing for a Socialist conven- tion to nominate a President and a Vice President before we had adopted a plat- form. For that reason we made it Fri- day. We also put it off as late as possible in order to hold the members in Indianap- olis. Moreover, if you are to discuss everything as you discuss the rules today, how are you going to get to the platform even on Friday? I hope you will accept the propositibn as laid down in this rule and make it Friday afternoon at 3 o'clock. DEL. BURKE (N. H): I have always had the idea that Socialists were sensible people. Now, the idea seems to be to get ill our names in the minutes. Let's get lown to business. I am in favor of Friday. DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I thought I «new something about the Socialist move- ment. I have had ten or twelve years of experience. My understanding is that you annot conceive of a candidate that you ivill nominate for these offices who will -efuse to run on any platform that you idopt at any time. You nominate your can- lidate and the man nominated for that pub- ic position must stand on the platform as enunciated by the convention no matter vhether it is enunciated before or after. 7ou don't have to consult your candidate r his wishes in the matter. We are here o tell him where he gets off, and if he loesn't get off as we tell him we may ac- elerate his getting off. " Del. Solomon (N. Y.) moved the previous question. The previous question was then ordered. THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques- tion having been ordered one speaker will be recognized on each side of the discus- sion. DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I speak against the proposition. DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): As mover of the amendment I claim the floor. THE CHAIRMAN: Let us see whether the comrade is against you. If he is, you can speak, otherwise not. DEL. SLAYTON: I am opposed to the amendment setting the nominations tfo** Wednesday, for the reason that Cor~:ade Berger stated, but in addition f 2 know enough to know that after ±fr* T r andidates are nominated the avera .•*;■■> delegate loses interest; the big thing is done, and he goes home. Now, don't jump up all over the floor and say it doesn't mean you. We are all apt to feel that it means not us, but them. Still it happens nine times out of ten. You can do the business better if you nominate the candidates after the impor- tant business is done. Let us do our im- portant business and then make the nomi- nations for President and Vice President the last business before us. It should be our last business. Your candidates are human vehicles to carry out the conclusions that you reach here, to do the things that you direct to be done here. If we make that the first order of business it looks as though we thought that they were more important than all of the rest of the con- vention put together, which I deny. THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any delegate wishing to advocate the claims of Wednes- day. DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): The big thing in this convention is the nomination of . these candidates — that is Comrade Slay- ton — DEL. SLAYTON: No. DEL. WHEELER: I misunderstood him. Very well. We decide that the majority of those here shall nominate the candidates. If we put it off until Friday a number will go home. Some will go because they are unable to pay the price for staying here. In Pennsylvania we nominated our candi- dates very early in our convention; after- wards we adopted our platform. Well, no- body in Pennsylvania was of the opinion that our candidates were less able or effi- cient because we nominated them that way, or that they won't stand for the platform because we did it that way. The proposi- tion back of this amendment is: That more of the delegates will be here Wednesday; all who are here Wednesday will be voting on that. We are not deferring- any of the important business. We are not putting any important business aside if we do that Wednesday. The platform that will be adopted will not be altered any. The candidates' position will not be altered. Some of us who may have to go later will be here Wednesday. My point is that if we nominate Wednesday the greater part of the men and women who have come here to nominate the candidates will be able to join in naming them. I do not contend that the naming of candidates can be of the utmost importance An a Socialist conven- tion. We can just as well name them now as later. I think that since we have de- cided that it requires only a majority of those who are present when the nomina- tions are made this amendment is impor- tant, as it gives the greatest possible at- tendance. / 18 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION, THE CHAIRMAN: The vote is now in or- der. The Secretary will now read the orig- inal rule, the amendment and the amend- ment to the amendment. DEL. HOGAN .(Ark.): I claim my right to speak. THE CHAIRMAN: The main question is between Friday and Wednesday. THE SECRETARY: The original rule is No. 18 as printed, that -we nominate Friday, May 17th„ at 3 o'clock. The amendment of Wheeler is that it be made Wednesday, May 15th, instead. The amendment of Del. Hogan is that we add: "Provided that the platform shall have been adopted at that time." !?!*& CHAIRMAN: The question comes on the" .adoption of the amendment to the amending, provided that we shall adopt the platform Vtefere nominating candidates for President and Vice President. A division having been called for the amendment to the amendment was lost by a vote of 90 Aye and 134 No. THE CHAIRMAN: The vote now occurs on the substitution of Wednesday for Fri- day. The amendment was defeated. Rule 18 as reported by the committee was then adopted. RULE 19. "The convention shall adjourn not later than Saturday, May 18th, at midnight." DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I move to amend by making it Friday night. The motion was duly seconded. An amendment that no time be fixed for adjournment was made and seconded. DEL. SOLOMON: I move to table the whole matter. The motion was duly seconded. Cries of "Question." DELEGATES: What is the motion? I* THE CHAIRMAN: Some delegates do not understand the motion, or say so. The motion is that the rule proposed and all amendments be tabled. That would mean that we have no rule as to the time of adjournment. On division on the motion to table there was a tie vote of 112 for and 112 against. THE CHAIRMAN: There being a tie vote the chair will decide against the mo- tion to table. * The previous question was then called for. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Most of us have neither time nor money to stay here indefi- nitely. We rented this hall for one week only. So if you extend the business of the convention beyond Saturday night we shall have to hire another hall. I believe we can do the work of the party, all the work be- fore this convention in the time suggested if we use a little common sense. Please help us to do the work of the party and don't take up unnecessary time with points of order and points of information and un- necessary discussion of unimportant mat- ters. DEL. SOLOMON: I proposed the motion to table. If we fix a definite time for the adjournment then the tendency will be to drag ^long until that time, whether we need to do so or not. It will prevent us getting through perhaps on Thursday evening. If we find that we can conclude our business by Thursday or Friday evening, then we should adjourn then. I see no reason for fixing a definite time for adjournment. I know in many of our state conventions we do not waste time by setting a definite limit for the adjournment. There we al- ways adjourn six hours earlier than we expected. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is to adopt rule 19. The amendment offered by Ringler is that we adjourn Friday. The amendment to the amendment by Killing- beck is that no time be fixed for adjourn- ment. DEL. KILLINGBECK (N. J.): My mo- tion was that this convention adjourn when it has concluded its business. THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment to the amendment is that this convention ad- journ when it has concluded or completed its business. A division being called for the amend- ment to the amendment was lost by a vote of Aye 55, No 145. The amendment to the amendment was defeated by a vote of 55 to 145. The amendment to substitute Friday for Saturday was put to a vote and lost. The original motion, to adjourn not later than Saturday midnight, was then carried. Rule 20 was then read by the Secretary. THE CHAIRMAN: Any opposition or objection? DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): When are we permanently organized? THE CHAIRMAN: I suppose perma- nently organized means when we have elected a permanent chairman. DEL. SOLOMON: I move an amendment that all speeches of welcome be postponed till after the election of committees. DEL. SPARGO: I move as an amend- ment to the amendment that we hear speeches of welcome this day at 5 P. M. (Seconded.) DEL. JACOBS (Wis.): Mr. Chairman, is it necessary, when a motion is offered, to always offer an amendment and then an amendment to an amendment, and then vote those down and then adopt the orig- inal proposition? Is it necessary to do that on every question? It seems to me we are wasting time. I want to get the in- formation. THE CHAIRMAN: The information of the chair is that so far it has been neces- sary. Whether it will be necessary in the future, God knows. (Laughter.) DEL. SPARGO: I desire to state briefly the reason for making my proposition. The local comrades, I understand, have arranged for a demonstration for tonight, and it would seem particularly inappropriate, af- ter we have held a public demonstration under their auspices, to be then welcomed in their behalf. I think we ought to have that much courtesy. A vote was then taken on the amendment to hear the speeches of welcome at f o'clock this afternoon, and it was carried Rule 21 was then read and adopted with- out objection. Rule 22 was also adopted without objec- tion. * The Secretary then read rule 23. DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): The Pennsyl- vania delegates think that four hours eaclj should be allowed for the debate on th« questions of immigration and agriculture each side to choose a manager to divide th< speeches and give notice in writing of th< assignments of speakers, and all votes shal be taken without further debate. I movt the adoption of the following amendment "That four hours each shall be allowed for debates on Industrialism, Immigratioi and Agriculture. Each side shall choose f manager of time, to whom all who desire t< speak shall give notice and shall receive ai equal division of the time. When all haw spoken on the questions the vote shall bj taken without further debate." (Secon. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I move to amend that by inserting instead of th ^ AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910 19 Suestion of Industrialism, the report of the ommittee on Labor Organizations and Their Relations to the Socialist Party.' (Seconded.) DEL. WILSON (Cal.): The delegates who were present at recent conventions of the Socialist Party will remember that on every question that came before those bod- ies for discussion there were not simply two sides discussed, but many sides dis- cussed. Those of you who remember the prolonged discussion, lasting for nearly two whole days, on the subject of Immigration at the last congress which met in Chicago, will remember that we did not have only a majority report and a minority report, but we had a substitute motion, and then we had delegates from all over America giving their views on the subject of immigration, that could not be related either pro or con, either directly or indirectly, against or for one of these propositions. That may seem almost impossible, but it is a fact; and I say, Mr. Chairman, that when these great questions come up before us in this assemblage every delegate on this floor ought to have a right to express himself on the subject involved. (Applause.) It is not simply two naked propositions that will be before us, or an amendment and an amendment to the amendment. It will be an effort on the part of the delegates here to express their yiews, and they may not be able to say exactly whether they are for or against any other particular person's views, but they ought to have a right to express their views. I think, Mr. Chairman, that this kind of a division of time will be contrary to the best interests of the delegations. (Applause.) I think that it will be impor- tant for us to leave this matter of discus- sion of these questions open to the chair and to the delegations, and if, at the con- clusion of any great and serious debate, it comes finally down to the accepting of a majority or minority report, then we have made provisions in the rules by which that debate may be closed, and we may extend that if we choose to two or three persons on conflicting sides. But on the main ques- tions that shall arise before us here, at least seven or eight of these questions, there should be no limit to who stands where when he rises to speak. As near as we can, let us leave that to the care of the chair and to the honor of the delegates. I hope this management of time, dividing it into so-called two sides, will be voted en- tirely down. (Applause.) DEL. O'REILLY (111.): There is another point to be considered. I recognize the im- portance of the questions named, but if we give twelve hours to those questions at five hours a day we will find ourselves allotting two days .and two-fifths to the discussion of those three questions. Now, they are) all questions which have been thoroughly . discussed in previous conventions and in papers and magazines, and which will be thoroughly discussed outside of the conven- tion. I think almost every delegate has his views on this. subject pretty well crys- tallized; and if he is working for the best interests of the delegation and working for the speedy business of the delegation, as some of the delegates have been doing to- day, I think he will be willing to have the views which he has crystallized on these questions voiced by one member's explana- tion of the views which he holds. I do not believe we should, at the beginning of our convention, pledge ourselves to spend two days and two-fifths of the time of our con- vention in considering three questions, and tie ourselves to any such pledge. (Ap- plause.) DEL. DAVIS (Pa.): If, after receiving the reports of the various committees, and if after the various reports are printed in the Socialist papers, the delegates come here Undecided, all the speechmaking that you orators here can make will not change 3'our view one iota. I have studied this subject, and I know how I am going to vote, because I have tried to inform myself be- fore coming here. I am positively opposed to putting that much of the time of the convention into the hands of any two men or any five men. When it comes to the ac- tion of this convention on the question of Immigration or the question of Industrial- ism, I represent a branch that has over 800 members; I know their sentiments and I know my sentiments, and I want a voice as well as a vote on this question, and I am unalterably opposed to limiting this question to any one, two or half a dozen men. I want every Socialist here to ex- press himself on this question and to have the courage of his convictions to vote them. DEL. PEACH (Conn.): This motion now occupying the attention of the delegates on these questions is in conflict with the rule already adopted which governs the mode of procedure. After reports are made, each delegate is, by these rules that have been adopted, assigned a certain time. Therefore, it is out of order. The Chairman held the point of order not well taken. DEL. HOG AN (Ark.): I understand these three questions named are to be the most important that will come before this convention. When this work is done, when we have determined the policy of the So- cialist Party of America with respect to these three questions, we shall have accom- plished the major part of our work. Now, I understand that in the congress of two years ago, which I had not the honor of attending, over two days were spent in the discussion of this question of Immigration. Now, if it was necessary then, if it was a large question then, it must necessarily be as large now. Men who have read the re- port of the congress and have gone out and given the subject more than the ordinary attention since that time, have something to say here that I want to hear; and I am sure that when this convention passes upon this most important matter it ought to be as a result of our deliberations. And I hope, with Com. Wilson of California, that you will not limit the discussion here. You have already limited the day. You have already said how many minutes a speaker may give to a subject. You have already in the rules hedged about a discussion of this character. Now, let us not leave a subject till we have thrashed it out com- pletely. Let us not hamper ourselves in this sort of way. Let it be left to the judgment of the Chairman and the judg- ment of the delegates, who, I am sure, are here for the purpose of acquiring the larg- est information before they vote. The previous question was then ordered. The Secretary read the pending questions and amendments. DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I rise to speak in favor of the amendment. I do not think Com. Wilson's objection can be maintained, for we must recognize that even though there are a great many variations in opin- ion on these three subjects, yet they can be divided into two general "sides." We find two well-defined situations. I am sure you all agree with that. There may be ex- pressions of opinion that are at variance, but in the main one or the other side is going to be maintained. The proposition 20 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION here is plain to all those who understand the question. I doubt whether there are here who do not understand where they are standing on these three questions, and I agree with the comrade over here that we could take a vote on these two and not take much time in the debate, and arrive at the same conclusion you would after spend- ing five hours. The position of Com. Wil- son, that there are so many opinions on the subject, I do not think can be maintained if both sides are given an opportunity to pre- sent and consider the line of argument they want to present. Let us not decide on four hours. That is 48 periods of 5 minutes each. I doubt whether there are 48 persons in the convention who wish to speak. That is too long a time. I am "perfectly willing to allot less time, except on the Agricul- tural question. I do not believe these objec- tions are well founded. We are trying to promote expedition and/ accomplish the most possible and obtain the best judgment on these three questions. Now, some may think we are trying to kick somebody. I hardly think that is just, because here are 48 opportunities on each side. I am sure that is absolutely liberal enough. There- fore, I cannot see how we can do better. Com. Berger may testify from his experi- ence as a parliamentarian that you cannot handle a question of such magnitude with- out you in some way control the time. Now, consider that you are allotting plenty of time to everybody who cares to give notice to the person selected by each side to man- age the time. No person who desires to speak can be excluded up to 48, and I am sure we will be well within that number. Therefore, I think the amendment is a sane proposition. THE CHAIRMAN: Now we have heard one on a limitation of the time. Is there anyone who wants to speak for unlimited time in these debates? DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I take that position. I take the position for an unlim- ited opportunity for every delegate in this convention to express his views on this question. I will tell you why. When this discussion on any of these propositions gets on the floor, sometimes some of the dele- gates are not ready to talk, but after hear- ing the question discussed for a few min- utes they arise, and they are able, even though the are humble followers of Marx — I am not an alleged intellectual — they may possibly be able to advise those who think they understand the subject thoroughly. Now, for myself, on one of these proposi- tions, if you would appoint me a committee of one and refer it to me, I would report in three minutes and settle the whole song and dance right there. The pending motion and amendment were again read by the Secretary. The amendment to allow four hours to each side, under the management of a leader to divide the time, was defeated. The original motion was then carried. The next rule, Number 24, was adopted without objection. Rule 25 was read. Del. Floaten (Colo.) moved to strike out "two-thirds" and insert "majority." The amendment was lost and the orig- inal rule adopi THE CHAIRMAN:. Additional rules are now in order. !L. KRAFFT (N. J.): I move that all committees selected by this convention shall be in session for one day, and that the <>ss of the convention shall be sus- led during that period. (Seconded.) Now, we wish to expedite matters. It may horrify you to say that we should suspend the convention for one day. I would give you to understand that these committees would thereby have a good chance to air their views and allow those members of the convention who are not on the committees to give their views also. Suppose we have 14 committees elected: We will then do in one day 14 committees' work. That is plain. The committees will then bring their findings in complete form after all the gas has been exploded before the convention, and it will save us considerable time. An- other thing, comrades; when these commit- tees, composed of 150 men, are in session, one-half of this convention carries on the work of the convention. I wish to be pres- ent, and I hope many others do also. Work can be done in this convention that will be contrary to the wishes of the 150 who are in session on the committees. Therefore, I hope that you will adopt this rule. DEL. MILLER (Nev.): I am against this proposition. I can state my reason in two words: Forget it. The amendment offered by Del. Krafft was lost. DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I wish to offer an amendment to the rules. I move that no nominating speeches be made. That is to be inserted in, I believe, Rule 17. The amendment was carried by a vote of 162 to 36. DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I move that the rules be adopted as a whole, and that they be printed immediately and that all dele- gates be supplied with copies. DEL. BERGER: No, there is an order of business that comes next, and must be ac- cepted. It belongs with the rules. THE CHAIRMAN: That is right. We will complete it and have it in type. DEL. LOWE (111.): I move a reconsid- eration of Rule 14, in which you say that the National Secretary and National Execu- tive Committee shall have a voice but no • vote. THE CHAIRMAN: Did you vote in fa- vor of it? DEL. LOWE: Yes. I want to. amend it and to include the Woman's National Com- mittee to have a voice and no vote. THE CHAIRMAN: Then you do not need a reconsideration. You move to amend? DEL. LOWE: Yes. The amendment was carried. ORDER OF BUSINESS. . THE CHAIRMAN: The order of busi- ' ness will now be read as submitted by the Committee on Rules. The Secretary read the first nine rules. THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to this order of business? DEL. BERGER: Yes, I just want to add that the original printed draft did not con- tain the provision for a vice-chairman. The National Executive Committee added a vice- chairman; however, the Secretary seems to have forgotten it. I move that a provision for the election of a vice-chairman every day be added to the rules. THE CHAIRMAN: Com. Berger moves that a vice-chairman be elected every day, together with the chairman for the day. Is there any objection? None. The Secretary will please add the vice-chairman. Is there any objection to the order of business as read? As there is no objection, the order of business will be adopted. A delegate moved that at the close of the last session of the convention the record of that day be read and approved before adjournment. THE CHAIRMAN: In other words, that miniites of the last day be read at the close of that day's session? THE DELEGATE: Exactly. AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, WA THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? The Secretary will please make a note of it. DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I move that no question shall require more than a ma- jority of those voting. In some cases Rob- ert's Rules require two-thirds. THE CHAIRMAN: Com. Edwards moves that no question shall require more than a simple majority of those voting, as modify- ing Robert's Rules of Order, which requires two-thirds in some cases. Any objection? DEE. BERGER: Excepting for the sus- pension of the rules. For this we have made our own rule. THE CHAIRMAN: Excepting suspension of the rules specifically provided for. With that understanding there is no objection. DEL. MENG (Ark.): I think we should have a two-thirds vote on the previous question. We don't want any kick. The previous question requires two-thirds ac- cording to Robert's Rules of Order. THE CHAIRMAN: Yes. The motion of Del. Edwards was then carried. DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I move that the rules and order of business as read be now adopted as a whole as amended, and that they be printed immediately and that the delegates be furnished with copies thereof.* Motion seconded and carried. On motion of Del. White (Mass.) the temporary officers were made the perma- nent officers of the day. James Reilly of New Jersey was then elected permanent secretary of the conven- tion. Elizabeth Goldstein of Massachusetts and John Russell of New York were elected per- manent assistant secretaries. The convention then proceeded to the election of a vice-chairman for the day. The following nominations were made: ». Maley (Wash.). Declined. RiCxwoi (Ark.). Declined. Miller (Nev.). Declined. Berlyn (111.). Declined. Ramp' (Ore.) Del. Ramp was elected vice-chairman. The chairman called for nominations for four permanent tellers and two judges. Del. Clark (Conn.) moved that the four temporary tellers be declared the perma- nent tellers of the convention. (Seconded.) Of the four temporary tellers Del. Strebel of New York declined to be a candidate for permanent teller, leaving the acceptances for permanent tellers as follows: Oneal (Ind.), Rodriguez (111.). Floaten (Colo.) Del. Scott (Mont), Bruce (Pa.) and Meit- zen (Tex.) were placed in nomination. Delegates Scott and Bruce accepted, and Meitzen and Oneal declined. Thereupon Delegates Scott, Bruce, Floaten and Rodri- guez were elected permanent tellers. For two permanent judges the following nominations were made: Burt (Utah). %. Sadler (Wash.) Furman (N. Y.) McCartan (Ohio). Burke (N. H.). Delegates Furman, McCartan and Burke declined, and Delegates Burt of Utah and S. Sadler of Washington were elected per- manent judges. Del. Bran^tetter announced that the Oklahoma delegation had selected Ernest O. Schilling alternate in place of Del. Fifer. SPEECH OF WELCOME. Comrade Ott of Local Marion County then welcomed the convention to Indianapolis. •The complete Rules and Order of Busi- ess as adopted will toe found in Appen- dix A. He was greeted with loud applause and cries of "Where are the overalls?"* COMRADE OTT: The call for the over- alls is made by some who were disap- pointed. Others are disappointed because the overalls have not put in an appearance. But the overalls made their appearance at this hall this morning. I had them here. They are not here now. Marion County Local has instructed me to address the convention, and to welcome the convention and the delegates to Indian- apolis; and I do so with great pride, from the very fact that there have only been two events of great importance in this city of Indianapolis; one occurred in July, 1901, when the Unity Convention was assembled in this city; and the other is this conven- tion assembled here in the year 1912. (Cheers.) Comrades, the statement was made from the floor of this very hall that in the year 1912 the. great issue would be Socialism and the Socialists. That statement was made in this hall by that friend of labor, Mark Hanna. That was his prophecy, and his prophecy is being fulfilled. We are in this convention, the largest convention that has ever assembled from the working class as a class-conscious political organization. There is no doubt in my mind that the Indianapolis papers and the Indianapolis reporters are surprised to see you. Be- cause they have got it into their heads that as a rule Socialists are not very intelligent people. They are, no doubt, surprised to see the high order of intelligence of the delegates here; and also to see how orderly they are. In Chicago, four years ago, it was necessary for the Republicans to post all about their convention hall such notices as "Leave your valuables at the hotel. There are pickpockets in the crowd." I have no reason to doubt that there may be a local detective here; but I positively know that their services are not required; and their space is more valuable to the Socialist movement than their presence. Therefore, comrades, in conclusion, I ex- tend the welcome of the Marion County Local; and I wish to say that if the organ- ization of Local Marion County can be of service to any of the delegates, we are at your service. Our headquarters are open to you for anything that will be of benefit or comfort to the delegates. We are here to serve you. I thank you, comrade chair- man. THE CHAIRMAN: On behalf of the con- vention we accept the key to the city of Indianapolis which you have placed in our hands. We wish to thank Local Marion County, represented by you, very heartily for the hospitality that you have extended, and that is to be extended and enjoyed ana to be enjoyed by us all. Comrades, Branch 175 of the Workmen^ Circle has asked for the privilege of mak- ing us welcome on behalf of that local. We are ready to be welcomed by anyone representing the Workmen's Circle, and if he is here he will be heard. # We shall now proceed with the nomina- tions of the various committees. If we get through with them today we shall save a whole day. We can have the ballots printed over night. At this point a body of workmen, repre- senting Workmen's Circle, Branch 175, came into the hall. Comrade J. Goodman, repre- senting the Circle, was given the platform. ♦Referring to an alleged motion by Local Marion County, instructing Comrade Ott to wear overalls. — [Ed.] NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION COMRADE GOODMAN: I am here from Workmen's Circle 175. It is an organiza- tion that extends all over the United States, and has 40,000 members. I am here to wel- come you on behalf of our organization because our organization does not accept members who do not pledge themselves not to vote for candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties; and that they will not be scabs. While It is organized for the imme- diate material benefit of its members, it is also an organization that is doing all it can for the Socialist Party. I am here to welcome you to Indianapolis, because you are the peo- ple who are to bring peace and happiness to all the people of the United States. The peo- ple of the country cannot expect anything from the Republican and Democratic par- ties because they are organized for the benefit of a few. But you delegates here are representing all the men and women that work, the men and women who produce everything. Therefore, I welcome you in the name of my organization. I thank you. Nominations for committees were then made as follows; NOMINATIONS FOR PLATFORM COM- MITTEE. Wilson (Cal.), Geffs (Colo.), Ghent [< Washington, D. C), Hogan (Ark.), Coon- rod (Ida.), Henry (Ind.), Lanfersick (Ky.), Spargo (Vt.), Ricker (Kan.), Rosett (Md.) Carey (Mass.), McMaster (Mich.), Kaplan (Minn.), Vierling (Mo.), Duncan (Mont), Lee (N. T.), Russell (N. Y.), Kelso (N. D.), Zitt (Ohio), Nagle (Okla.), Moore (Pa.) Alexander (Tex.), Berger (Wis.). NOMINATIONS FOR CONSTITUTION COMMITTEE. Richardson (Cal.), Floaten (Colo.), Peach (Conn.), Allen (Fla.), Motley (Ida.), Berlyn (111.), Oneal (Ind.), Jacobsen (Iowa), Brewer (Kan.), Latimer (Minn.), Garver (Mo.), Stedman (111.), Jacobs (Wis.), Cas- sidy (N. Y.), Goebel (N. J.), Hillquit (N. Y.), Bowen (N. D.), Ruthenberg (Ohio), Branstetter (Okla), Bostrom (Wash.) Wheeler (Pa.). Williams (Pa.), Smith (Tex.), Burt (Utah), Barnes (Pa.), Way- nick (Wash.), Hogan (Ark.), Carlson (Wyo.). A DELEGATE: A point of information. Can a state nominate more than one mem- ber of a committee? THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates from any state can make as many nominations as they wish, but when it comes to election only one from each state can be elected. NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. Slay ton (Pa), Williams (Cal.), Collins (Colo.), Cohen (Pa.), Slobodin (N. Y.), Spargo (Vt.), Thompson (Wis.), Maley (Wash.), Taylor (111.), Rower (Mass.), Morgan (Minn.), O'Dam (Mo.), McCrillis (la.), Rodriguez {111.), Killingbeck (N. J.), Farrell (Ohio), Wills (Okla.), Dorfman (Ore.), Lowe (111.), Reed (R. I.), Rhodes (Tex.), Meitzen (Tex.), Wilson (Kan.), Til- ler (N. C), Duncan (Mont.), Wells (Cal.), Thomas (Wis.), Paulsen (Wyo.). NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS. Gallery (Ark.), Reguin (Cal.), Troxel (Colo.), Brown (Iowa), Burke (N. H.), Mil- ler (Nev.), Watkins (Minn.), Stewart (Ida.), Clifford (Ohio), Goaziou (Pa.), Jones (N. J.), Spargo (Vt.), Endres (N. Y.), Hayes (Ohio), Irvin (Okla.), Bacon (Pa.). LeSeur (N. D.), Thompson (Tex.), Cupples (Wash.), Aaltonen (Mich.). At this point it was moved and seconded that the rules for the convention be sus- pended, and that the delegates remain in session until all the nominations for the committees have been completed. The motion was carried. NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON REPORTS OF NATIONAL OFFICERS. Simons (Kan.), Wattles (Ind.), Stallard (Kan.), England (Me.), Grant (Minn.), Pre- vey (Ohio), Miller (Nev.), Duffy (N. Y.">, Storck (Ohio), Sherman (Ore.), Young (Pa.), Anna Cohen (Pa.), Ricker (Kan.). NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. DEL. GAYLORD: What is the meaning of this committee? THE CHAIRMAN: The chair assumes that that committee -reports on the prog- ress of the Socialist Party abroad and our relations with the party abroad. The following delegates were then nomi- nated for the Committee on International Relations: Twining* (— ), Hillquit (N. Y.), Haemer (111.), Simons (Kan.), Spargo (Vt.), London (N. Y.), Russell (N. Y.), Solomon (N. Y.), Bessemer (Ohio), Strickland (Ohio), Laukki (Minn.), Berger (Conn.), Wanhope (N. Y.), Reynolds (Ind.), Bennets (N. Y.), Barnes (Pa,), NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON PARTY PRESS. The following delegates were nominated for the Committee on Party Press. Maynard (Cal.), Reynolds (Ind.), Reilly (111.), Korngold* ( — ), Beardsley (Conn.), Harriman (Cal.), Sheffler (Ind.), Hickey (Tex.), Ingalls (Minn.), Wesley (Utah), Owen (Okla.), Maley (Wash.), Krafft (N. J.), Kennedy (111.), Malkiel (N. Y), Lon- don (N. Y.), Bachmann (Ohio), "I: "ord (Ohio), Ramp (Ore.), Erwin (Pa.), o^argo (Vt.), Wilson (Kan.), Lowe (111.), Morrow (Pa.), Rosett (Md.), Bentall (111.), Cupples (Wash.), Barnes (Pa.), Jacobs (Wis.), Brewer (Kan.). NOMINATIONS FOR PUBLICITY COM- MITTEE. Frank W. Wolf. Accepted. E. P. Clark. Accepted. Oyler (Neb.). Declined. Ricker (Kan.). Declined. C. J. Wright. Accepted. Theimer (N. J.). Accepted. Slay ton (Pa.). Declined. Hogan (Ark). Declined. Oneal (Ind.). Declined. W. J. Ghent. Declined. May Wood Simons. Declined. John Spargo. Declined. NOMINATIONS FOR AUDITING COM- MITTEE. Latimer (Minn.). Accepted. Garrison (Ind.)- Accepted. White (Mass.). Declined. Reynolds (Ind.). Declined. J. A. Smith (Utah). Accepted. Meitzen (Tex.). Declined. Solomon (N. Y.). Declined. Bostrom (Wash.). Declined. Thompson (Wis.). Declined. Fritz (Miss.). Accepted. NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN-SPEAKING ORGANIZA- TIONS. Carolyn Lowe. Accepted. Burckle (N. Y.). Accepted. •Not a delegate. AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910 33 Ameringer (Okla.). Declined. Coleman (Mass.). Accepted. Aaltonen (Mic...). Accepted. Barnes (Pa.). Declined. Goaziou. Accepted. Laukki. Declined. Malkiel (N. Y.). Declined. Devoid (Minn.). Accepted. Jacobson (Minn.). Declined. McCartan (Ohio). Accepted. London (N. Y.). Declined. Petrich (Go. Slov.). Accepted. J. E. Cohen (Pa.). Accepted. NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON LABOR ORGANIZATIONS AND THEIR RELATIONS TO THE SOCIAL- IST PARTY. Merrick (Pa.). Accepted. Harriman (Cal.). Accepted. Troxell (Colo.). Accepted. McLevy (Conn.). Accepted. London (N. Y.). Declined. Williams (Pa.). Accepted. Richardson (Cal.). Declined. Goebel (N. J.). Declined. Rodriguez (111.). Accepted. J. H. Maurer (Pa.). Accepted. Strickland (Ohio). Accepted. J. J. Jacobsen (Iowa). Declined. Stallard (Kan.). Accepted. Foley (Pa.). Declined. Staub (Md.). Accepted. White (Mass.). Accepted. J. A. C. Menton (Mich.). Accepted. Dempsy (S. D.). Accepted. Branstetter (Okla.). Declined. Behrens (Mo.). Accepted. Smith (Mont.). Accepted. Hickey (Tex.). Accepted. Lewis (Ore.). Accepted. Lee (N. Y.). Accepted. VanLear. Absent. Clifford (Ohio). Accepted. Cosgrove (N. J.). Accepted. Max Hashes (Ohio). Not arrived. Reguin (Cal.). Declined. Lawrance (Mass.). Accepted. Ameringer (Okla.). Accepted. Reid (R. I.). Accepted. Spargo (Vt.). Declined. Edwards (Tex.). Accepted. Goebel (N. J.). Accepted. Barth (Wash.). Declined. Hillman (Minn.). Accepted. Moore (Pa). Declined. Minklein. Accepted. Barnes (Pa.). Declined. NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE CO-OPERATIVES. Lang (Iowa). Accepted. ON Blase (Kan.). Declined. Byrd (Tex.). Declined. Sjodin (111.). Accepted. Kaplan (Minn.). Declined. Bruce (Pa.). Accepted. Wright (Neb.). Declined. Cory (Wash.). Accepted. Lipscomb (Mo.). Accepted. Stanley (Fla.). Declined. Powell (Ohio). Accepted. Lindgren (N. Y.). Accepted. Kopp (N. J.). Declined. Gay lord (Wis.). Accepted. Cumbie (Okla.). Accepted. Wells (Cal.). Accepted. NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON STATE AND MUNICIPAL PROGRAM. Simmons (N. Y.). Accepted. May Wood Simons. Declined. Williams (Tex.). Accepted. Lanfersiek (Ky.). Accepted. Rhodes (T«x.;. Declined. McCrillis (Iowa). Accepted. Noble (Tex.). Accepted. Kennedy (111.). Accepted. Jacobson (Minn.). Declined. LeSueur (N. D.). Declined. Grant (N. D.). Accepted. Thompson (Wis.). Accepted. Seidel (Wis.). Not present. Kopp (N. J.). Accepted. Dooley (Okla.). Accepted. Berger (Conn.). Accepted. Lockwood (Mich.). Absent. Anna Maley (Wash.). Accepted. Houck (Del.). Accepted. Maatala (Minn.). Accepted. E. J. Brown (Wash.). Accepted. Hoogerhyde (Mich.). Accepted. Prevey (Ohio). Accepted. Todd (Colo.). Accepted. Downing (Cal.). Accepted. Duncan (Mont.). Declined. Parker (Pa.). Declined. It was moved and seconded that the com- mittees nominated be printed on the ballot and be distributed to the delegates, and when voted upon that the requisite number of each committee receiving the highest number of votes be declared elected, that the candidate receiving the highest number of votes be the chairman of the committee, and that when there are more than one can- didate from a given state the candidate re- ceiving the highest vote be chosen as a member of the committee. The motion was seconded and carried. The convention then adjourned until Monday morning at 10 o'clock. 24 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION SECOND DAY'S SESSION. The meeting 1 was called to order by Chair- man Hillquit. The following delegates were nominated for the Chairman of the day. J. Mahlon Barnes (Pa.), James P. Carey (Mass.), James A. Schmidt (Utah), Sam Beardsley (Conn.), George Goebel (N. J.), G. H. Lockwood (Mich.), E. A. Greene (Tex.), Morris Hillquit (N. Y.), Charles T. Peach (Conn.), Arthur LeSueur (N. D.), J. Stitt Wilson (Cal.). All of the above delegates declined the nomination excepting Barnes of Pennsyl- vania and Schmidt of Utah. Upon the vote being taken it resulted, Barnes, 166; Schmidt, 50. Thereupon J. Mahlon Barnes of Pennsylvania was de- clared elected as the Chairman of the day. The next order of business was the elec- tion of a Vice-Chairman. DEL. MALKIEL: I move that the sec- ond name on the list for Chairman be chosen as the Vice-Chairman for the day. The motion was seconded. DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to speak briefly against the motion. THE CHAIRMAN : Will Comrade Schmidt accept the nomination? DEL. SCHMIDT: No. THE CHAIRMAN: Nominations for Vice-Chairman are now in order. The following delegates were then nomi- nated for the office of Vice-Chairman. J. G. Strickland (Ohio), George Goebel (N. J.), J. C. Edwards (Tex.), Anna Maley (Wash.), N. A. Richardson (Cal.), John Troxell (Colo.). All the above nominees having declined the nomination, excepting Delegate Ed- wards, the latter was declared elected Vice- Chairman by acclamation. DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): We cannot hear the proceedings at these side tables, and I move that the delegates seated under the balconies be allowed to remove their tables forthwith to the center of the room. The motion was duly seconded. DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I wish to amend- the motion that the National Secretary, or* whoever has the convention arrangements in charge, be instructed to secure another hall in which we can all be heard. It is a matter of impossibility for us to hear under the balconies. A DELEGATE: We can all hear over here. DEL. HUNT (Pa.): I believe if the con- versation in the hall were conducted in a whisper, and if curtains were put down around the galleries we could all hear. DEL. HOG AN: We could see the ges- tures of the lady who has just been ad- dressing us, but not a word, not a syllable, could we understand. THE CHAIRMAN: Let me suggest that we are wasting a lot of time by this dis- cussion. Let us take action upon this mat- The motion is that the delegates under the balconies move their seats back in the center and rear. The amendment is that a new hall be procured. As many as are in favor of the amendment that another hall be procured will say aye. Those op- posed no. The noes have it. The amend- ment is lost. The original motion is that the delegates located under the balconies be permitted to move to the center of the hall in the rear. Is there a sergeant-at-arms? A DELEGATE: There has been none elected. DEL*. BESSEMER (Ohio): I move that the Chairman appoint six temporary ser- geants-at-arms until we elect them regu- larly. DEL. HOGAN: The election of sergeants- at-arms is in order now. Why not proceed with that? The motion that the Chair appoint six temporary sergeants-at-arms was carried. The following delegates were appointed as temporary sergeants-at-arms: Comrades Newman, Hogan, Greene, White and Brans- tetter. THE CHAIRMAN: The next thing in or- der is the roll call of delegates unless dis- pensed with. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move the roll call be dispensed with. DEL. REILLY (N. J.): I suggest that while we may dispense with the roll call, that any delegates who were not here yes- terday, and were not recorded, be given an opportunity to have their names recorded today. The motion to dispense with the roll call was carried. The following additional delegates were then reported present: Kruse, Strickland, Lantz, Zitt (Ohio), Ameringer (Okla.), Beery (Ohio), Harold (Tenn.), Foley (Pa), Prosser (Pa.), Huston (W. Va.), Seidel (Wis.), Maxwell (111.), Ohsol (Mass.), Bax- ter (la.), Cox (Ala.), Krahl (111.), Frank Prevey (Ohio), Hayes (Ohio). On motion the reading of the minutes of the preceding day be postponed until the unfinished business is reached. It was moved and seconded that the min- utes of each day be printed and placed upon . the desk of each delegate on the morning of the following day, and if any delegate finds anything objectionable in the minutes he can raise the objection. If no minutes are objected to they will stand adopted as printed. The motion was carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion having: been adopted, the proper arrangements will , be made by authority of this convention to have the minutes so printed and distrib-i uted. THE SECRETARY: That means, of course, that the minutes of yesterday's ses- sion will be here tomorrow because we hadj to arrange all these committees alphabetl-3 cally and it was an awful job. THE CHAIRMAN: The minutes of to- day's session will also be here tomorrow. '4 The next order of business will be the re-] port of the Committee on Credentials. I There are no additional reports. The next * MORNING SESSION, MAY 13, 1912 251 order is the unfinished business of yester- day. COMRADE A. B. BAKER: There is a certain human element in getting- printing done. We decided at yesterday's session to have the printed list of the nominations here; the copy was sent to the printer last night in plenty of time and the ballots will not be here for an hour. That is the best we can do. DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): A matter of personal privilege. We have come from all over the nation and there is an impor- tant question of railroad fares. The slips have been handed out and we don't know how to fill them out. Are we to be allowed our sleeper fares in coming to this conven- tion? To bring the matter properly before the meeting, I move that regular sleeper fares be considered a part of the railway fare. The motion was duly seconded. DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): I move that the matter be referred to the National Execu- tive Committee for consideration and re- port; otherwise we shall repeat the per- formance of 1904 and have four hours' dis- cussion of this matter. The amendment of Delegate Spargo was duly seconded. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): There are dele- gates here who come from the Pacific Coast who ought to know whether they are going to receive the Pullman car fares. THE SECRETARY: Does that motion mean that the committee shall report to- morrow? THE CHAIRMAN: That they report to this convention, I suggest. DEL. LOCKWOOD: We are here for business. The motion to refer to the National Ex- ecutive Committee was carried on a divi- sion, 128 voting aye and 56 no. DEL. REILLY: There is a matter on the election of committees. On one com- mittee on which there were five members to be elected and we had only five nomi- nees. The rule provides that there shall not be more than one member on a com- mittee from any one state. I found that we had only five nominees on that committee and two of them were from the state of New Jersey. Therefore, I didn't send the copy for that ballot to the printers. I was included on the committee. Some comrade made a motion that the Secretary should act, and that made the five. Now there was another nominee from my state. I thought likely it would be possible to fill that pub- licity committee by a motion on the floor of the convention. So I take my name off the committee and we have the names of Clark, Theimer, Wolf and Hayden. THE CHAIRMAN: Shall we fill the com- mittee by nominating one additional nomi- nee? The suggestion of the Chair was agreed to. THE CHAIRMAN: Nominations are in order. DEL. MARGARET PREVEY (Ohio): I nominate Max Hayes of Ohio. THE CHAIRMAN: If there are no fur- ther nominations the nominations will close. On motion the five nominees were de- clared the Committee on Publicity. COMMUNICATIONS. Communications and telegrams conveying greetings to the convention were received from the following organizations: New York Young People's Socialist Fed- eration. Executive Committee Russian Branches Socialist Party of the Northwestern States. Schenectady Italian Socialist Branch Children of the Southeast Socialist Sun- day Schools, Cleveland, Ohio Third Ward Branch, Allegheny County Pennsylvania. y ' Atlantic County Local, New Jersey Branch San Diego, California. Jewish Daily Forward. Socialist Agitation Bureau, New York United Hebrew Trades of New York Locals Grafton and Simpson, Tavlor County, West Virginia. Labor League of Boston, Mass. Poplar BluiJ Local, Missouri. Socialist Sunday School, 'Cleveland Ohio Jewish Socialist Territorialists, Philadel- phia. Jewish. Socialist Party Conference, Chi- cago. Naturalization League, Newark N J Central Committee Jewish Socialist Ter- ritorialist Labor Party of America. Armenian Revolutionary Federation United Hungarian Socialist Federation of America. Newark Young People's Socialist Federa- tion. Branch 434, Haven, Conn. Workmen's Circle, New Branch 127, Workmen's Circle, Chicago, Local Kings County, Socialist Party, New York. THE CHAIRMAN: There are a number of letters which need reference to the com- mittee which will be read and referred to the proper committees when elected National Executive Committee, Independ- ent Workmen's Circle, Incorporated, Boston. Mass. Referred to the Committee on Immigra- tion. Wichita Falls, Local 1149. Referred to Committee on Immigration. Communications from Swedish Local, West Concord, N. H, and from Slovak So- cialist Section, Socialist Party of America- Referred to the Resolutions Committee. Communication from the Polish Section of the Socialist Party. Referred to the Committee on Platform. At the conclusion of the reading of the communication from the Swedish Local, West Concord, N. H., the following oc- curred: DEL. BERLYN (111.): I have an idea that we are wasting time. That last com- munication is not a greeting. I think it is an attempt to influence the convention. THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Berlyn is right. The Chair announced that there were some congratulatory telegrams and letters, and that there were some others that would be referred to the committee. But there are only two more. At the conclusion of the reading of let- ters and telegrams. Comrade Haywood ad- dressed the convention as follows: COM. HAYWOOD: I have a telegram from San Diego, Cal., that I would like to have read by the Secretary of the Conven- tion. A DELEGATE: I would like to know whether it refers to a branch of the Social- ist Party or some other organization. (Cries of "Read it.") THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec- tion the Secretary will read it. The Secretary then read the telegram re- ferred to as follows: "William D. Haywood, "Socialist Convention, Indianapolis. 26 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION "Am sending dispatch to Indianapolis, registered. Bring it up on floor of conven- tion. Conditions critical here. Secure an appropriation from national organization to aid us. Present fight against anti-picketing ordinance, which also prevents all public meetings. Object suppression of Socialist and industrialist agitation. All radicals be- ing deported. Employers seek to establish precedent which will allow deportation of all strikers in future. American Federation of Labor must take firm stand with us. Over 150 men still in jail; 100 I. W. W. and trade unionists deported Wednesday. Trade union officials arrested and assaulted by vigilantes and police. Attempt made to force them to leave city. Chief of police personally attacks trade unionist, crippling him. Gigantic funeral demonstration Los Angeles; killed by police in raid on I. W. W. Hall. Unable to hold funeral here on ac- count of police antagonism. Two men arrested while arranging funeral. Vigi- lantes patrolling county roads. Six men arrested. Socialist organizer held charged with conspiracy to murder. Grew out of shooting during raid on hall. Socialist and union headquarters raided. Property taken." DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I move that the matter be referred to the Executive Com- mittee for immediate action. DEL. WANHOPE (N. Y.): I second the motion. DEL. SLOBODIN: I move to amend that they report here as soon as possible. DEL. CAREY: Certainly. DEL. FURMAN: I move to amend that they report not later than Wednesday at 3 o'clock. The amendment was duly seconded. The motion, as amended, that the mat- ter be referred to the Executive Committee for immediate action, with instructions to report to the convention as soon as possible* < and not later than Wednesday at 3 o'clock, was carried. DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I move that from now on that this mass of daily and weekly literature of the party be kept off the delegates' tables. We are utterly smothered by this literature, and are too busy to read it. Take it out and give it to the heathen on the street where it will do some good. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that no more literature be laid upon the dele- gates' tables. On motion duly seconded, the motion of Delegate Furman was laid on the table. DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : If we have no other business before the house it seems it would be well to take up the regular reports from committees elected by the last National Congress of the party. There we have business ready for us and we need j not waste any time. DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I second the mo- tion. THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the motion that the convention take up the consideration of the reports of the perma- nent committees. DEL. MALKIEL (N. Y.): I move as an amendment that when the ballots come we take a recess from the matter then under consideration and proceed to the election of the various committees so that those committees may be able to go to work. DEL. HILLQUIT: I accept the amend- ment. . . THE CHAIRMAN: It is understood then that when the ballots arrive the then order of business shall be set aside and we pro- ceed to elect the committees. It is moved that we now take up the reports of stand- ing committees. DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I move to amend that the report of the Committee on Immi- gration be taken up first. DEL. SPARGO (Vt): On behalf of my comrades of the minority of the Committee on Immigration I ask the delegates that they will not carry this motion. We have held one meeting and it would be neces- sary for us to have still another. DEL. SLAYTON: In view of the state- ment of Delegate Spargo I will withdraw my motion if my second is willing. DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): This is the same committee that has been standing for two years; and it is not ready yet. THE CHAIRMAN: That is not the point under discussion. The question is shall we take up this subject now. DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): I move that we now take up the report of the Com- mittee on Farmers' Programme. COM. SIMONS: That committee Is In the same position as the Committee on Im- migration. We are not quite ready to report. THE SECRETARY: The Committee on Vocational Education is the next. DEL. STREBEL: They are in a similar position. They have a report but only one of the committee is in thfs convention. The report, however, is here and can be read and acted upon. THE CHAIRMAN: We shall then take up the report of the Committee on Edu- cation, Comrade Strebel, reporting. DEL. LANFERSECK (Ky.): I move that the reading of this report be dispensed with. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that the reading be dispensed with. I might suggest that it does not follow that every report will be read because we read this one. We are competent from time to time to decide that matter. DEL. GAYLORD: There is no good rea- son for taking the time of the convention in reading printed reports. The comrades are assumed to have had the time to read them. There is occasion for the discussion of the recommendations of a committee, or the report of the committee. You will find the printed recommendations in the printed report. I suggest that Comrade Strebel read the recommendations; and then the matter can be brought definitely before us by a motion for their adoption. THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make that motion? DEL. GAYLORD: There is a motion now that the reading of the report be dispensed with. I move to amend that the recom- mendations only be read at this time. DEL HILQUITT: I am opposed to the motion to dispense with the reading of this report. It is true that the printed reports have been sent out. It is not equally true, I venture to say, that every delegate has read all the reports atten- tively Also the comrade reporting for a committee may desire to change parts of the report, or to elucidate the # report as he reads it I want to warn this convention against the practice of acting upon printed reports upon the assumption that they have been read and that^their contents are known and understood by the delegates That leads to that vicious practice that Prevails in our legislative bodies where things are not disposed of intelligently where things are read and done or assumed To be read and done, without intell gent thought as to what action they are taking. These reports are printed and distributed for ^ the purpose of giving, the delegates if they desire the opportunity to consider MORNING SESSION, MAY 13, 1»13 27 1 them, but not for the purpose of eliminat- ing the reading from the noor. DiiiJL.. JACO-tssiiiN (la.): a pomt of order. Under our rules adopted yesterday each chairman of a committee has twenty min- utes in which to report. The cnairman Of a committee may employ his time in any way that he chooses. He can read the report or he can read the recommenda- tions, or he can give the synopsis of the report. That is my point of order. THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is not well taken because the convention is always competent to decide whether it will have a report read or not; and that is what the convention is now doing. The motion is that the report be not read. The amendment is. that the recommendations only be read. As many as are in favor of having the recommendations only read will say aye. The amendment to read the recommenda- tions only was declared lost. The motion to dispense with the reading of the report was then defeated. DEL. STREBEL: At the congress of the Socialist Party at Chicago, two years ago, the question was raised that all over the United States an agitation was in prog- ress for the adoption of the vocational school system; that in different states differ- ent attitudes were taken by different locals; some favoring, some opposing the adoption of vocational schools. As this was a mat- ter of great importance to the party it was brought before the Congress and this com- mittee appointed, and the supposition was that this committee would be constituted of those who were capable of analyzing this subject, giving a thorough analysis to tho vocational school, and the ideas upon which the theories in support of such schools were founded. But as to the report that is be- fore you we never had a meeting; we never got together; and I am frank to say that this report may not be the very best that the convention or the party should have. Personally I should like to see it go back for further consideration. The report is here. As such I was willing to sign it to get the matter before this convention so that some further action could be taken on this important matter. I will read the re- port as we have it as written by the chair- man of the committee.* DELEGATE STREBEL: I move the adoption of the report. (Seconded.) DEL. M. W. SIMONS (Kas.): While I am thoroughly in accord with all the recom- mendations that have been made by this committee on vocational education, I think that several of the recommendations should have been much stronger; because as edu- cation is a matter of public service I think we should lay great emphasis on the state- ment that all education should come through the public schools. I think that we should say that instead of stating it as it is stated by the committee. Per- haps those who have not been about the country so as to know the real situation do not realize how tremendously important this question is becoming since we have been electing members of school boards in different parts of the United States. In Kansas we have men elected and in con- trol of school boards. Two years ago the Woman's National Committee appointed a committee on this question and that com- mittee has reported to the Woman's Na- tional Committee, and we are ready to bring in certain recommendations which we be- lieve are a little more specific, especially ^ *The report is printed in full as Appendix B.— Editor. upon the industrial education of girls. That has not been touched upon here; and it is very general in its import. We have also some recommendations to bring in that we believe to be very specific upon the manner of handling this question of education as a whole. This committee dealt only with vocational education. We believe that the scope of such a committee should be enlarged. I would like very much, as we do not wish to have our recommendations brought in at this time, I would like the delegates to remember in any discussion upon this matter that there is a second report coming ?.n. THE CHAIRMAN: Do .you offer an amendment. The motion has been made to adopt the report. DEL. M. W. SIMONS: I offer this amendment: That the convention defer action upon this report of the Committee on Vocational Education until this commit- tee from the Woman's National Committee has reported. The motion was seconded. DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I am opposed to these recommendations, No. 5 and No. 9. No. 5 demands that we oppose all legisla- tion giving work to children which does not create social wealth. What do we mean by this lame statement. What is social wealth; what is economic wealth? Who is going to determine which work of children creates wealth and which creates economic wealth, which is industrial and which is social? It will be decided by the capitalist' bodies that are in control and they will determine that any work done by children between fivo and fourteen years of age creates social wealth. Now, what you are dealing with here is education. Education should not be made work at all. So long as the capitalists decide what is social wealth this is detrimental to the working class. For that reason I move to strike out the fifth recommendation. Now, as to the ninth recommendation, that is also vague. It says that we should insist upon emphasis being laid upon citi- zenship, manhood and womanhood. Those words have become really absurd. What does the committee mean by citizenship, by manhood and womanhood. We should im- prove on those words. What do you mean by good r'tizenship? If they mean that citizenship shall be determined by the T. M. C. A. that is entirely opposed to our idea of citizenship. We cannot trust the pres- ent state or any private organization to de- fine our ideas of citizenship. We are the organization that must direct the young thinkers of the working class what our con- ception of /true citizenship is; what we mean by good citizenship. But if we simply say that we insist that the public schools shall teach manhood and womanhood the capitalist controlling bodies will interpret it as their courts interpret what the word conspiracy means, or what violence is, or what accessory means in murder. Wo should instruct this committee to revise this recommendation and bring in *one that will be very plain in its terms. I therefore move to strike out this recom- mendation 9. The motion was duly seconded. DEL. BOEHM (O.): I move that action on the recommendation of this committee be deferred until we receive the report of the special committee from the Woman's National Committee on vocational educa- tion. The motion was seconded. DEL. GOEBEL (N. X): I didn't know that we had a woman's committee on edu- cation. 28 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION THE CHAIRMAN: Perhaps I misunder- stood the motion. DEL. GOEBEL: No. What has the wo- man's committee to do with this question of education? They are butting- into some- thing- that we had a special committee ap- pointed to consider. THE CHAIRMAN: I will ask Comrade Simons to give me the exact name of that committee. DEL. M. W. SIMONS: The National Woman's Committee appointed a special committee to inquire into the question of industrial education for girls. Two years ago a committee was appointed to investi- gate that subject and report to the Wo- man's Committee; and we have their rec- ommendations to bring before this con- vention, as a part of the recommendations of the National Woman's Committee. DEL. GOEBEL: I am opposed to wait- ing for the report of the Woman's Na- tional Committee before acting upon this matter. I do not believe that this comes properly within the province of the Wo- man's Committee. Anything relating to Socialist Sunday Schools might. In my judgment this other matter does not. I have brought this up at this time because I believe that the Woman's National Com- mittee are attempting to handle many things that do ,not come properly within their province/ They have a special work to do and I think they should stick to it. We have a matter here which has been re- ported by another committee. Let us dis- cuss it and dispose of it. Let us settle it. And don't let us wait for the sug- gestions of another committee upon a mat- ter that may be remotely connected with the subject before us. DEL. STALLARD (Okla.): So far as the right of the Woman's National Committee to handle that question is concerned, I think the work of the Woman's National Committee covers all things that pertain to women generally. And so far as it is a fact that women and girls do enter into the industrial field, and are to be edu- cated in those schools, I think that it comes within their province, and I believe we should not settle this question rightly until we have heard from the Woman's Commit- tee; and therefore I am in favor of defer- ring action until their report is received. DEL. GEFFS (Colo.): If education does not come properly before the Woman's Na- tional Committee I should like to know what does.- I should like to know who there is in all this broad land who has a better right to handle the question of the education of our young people, and espe- cially our young girls, than this same Wo- man's Committee? I should like to know where you would draw the line on that committee in regard to anything that con- cerns the interest of the young girls of the land? I object most strenuously to this matter being disposed of at this time. I object most strenuously to this report be- ing adopted until after the Woman's Na- tion Committee has an opportunity to be heard. I am not a member of that commit- tee but they have a right to be heard. It will only mean a little time, and they are entitled to this courtesy. It is our right to demand; and you have no right to re- fuse it. DEL. MALKTEL (N. Y.): It is not a question of whether this committee or that committee should be the one to handle this question. It is a matter of this conven- tion having before it all the information it can gather before it decides. Before you decide you want to know all you can on this subject. It is only a matter of a day or two. It makes no difference whether you decide this matter now. The fear here seems to be that the Woman's Committee will sway this convention. Don't fear. If you wait you simply get more information. Therefore I hope you will defer action on this. DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): You will re- member that when Comrade Strebel read the report he stated that he would like to have the matter referred back for further consideration. Now the report that we are to have from the Woman's Committee may have just the information that Comrade Strebel's committee lacked; and thus en- able us to take decisive and intelligent ac- tion. I add that as an additional point. With all possible information before us the whole convention will be benefited. DEL. LEE (N Y.): Will you please tell me the status of the matter at the pres- ent time? THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved and seconded that the recommendations of this committee be approved. It has been moved as an amendment that action upon this matter be deferred until we receive the report of the Woman's National Commit- tee. The discussion now is on the motion to defer action. DEL. LEE: I hear cries from various parts of the hall for the previous question. I think that when we were discussing mere questions of rules of procedure it was very wise to adopt the previous question early in the discussion. But here we have the report of a committee of this body. That committee has considered this matter for two years. They have presented what seems to be a rather carefully worked out report. You have had it read here. Many of you have not listened; and most of you I venture to say have not read the printed report. I did not listen to all of it because I had read the printed report. But most of you have done neither. Then a com- rade rises here and says there is another committee that has important information on the matter before us; and there are very good reasons why that committee should have important matter on that question to present; and then some com- rade rises and moves the previous ques- tion; thus saying that the Woman's Com- mittee should have nothing to do with this; we are going to vote upon it now. My point is that if you vote now to defer you cut off the opportunity to discuss this matter when we have nothing else before us and a good opportunity to discuss the matter. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion for the previous question has not been made yet. DEL. LEE: The previous question would carry with it the whole matter. THE CHAIRMAN: No; only the motion to defer. DEL LEE: If that is your ruling I am willing to have the vote. DEL. PEACH (Conn.): Had I been given the opportunity I would have accepted the suggestion offered by Comrade Simons. I realize the great importance of this ques- tion of education. We have it facing us in our state and it is a very important question. We have it in a form where it has been submitted by the Board of Edu- cation, and adopted in the law, that the schools shall be conducted part of the time and the children attend them; and that the other part of the day they shall spend in factories. We believe the recom- mendation of the committee on such a point, as that is very important and should re- ceive the earnest consideration of this con- vention. We from Connecticut believe that everything relating to education should re- MORNING SLSSION, MAY 13, 1912 ceive the fullest consideration; because it is a practical thing actually confronting us. And I want to say that the question of the industrial education of women and girls is of just as much importance as the education of boys; and therefore I hope that the convention will accede to the re- quest of Comrade Simons, so that we may get all the light possible on the matters contained in this report. DEL. CASSIDY (N. Y.): It seems to me that the report of Comrade Simons if agreed to will lead to a lot of confusion, rhe Committee on Education deals specifi- cally with this question. They have con- sidered the question; and have dealt with it in their report. During their delibera- tions the National Woman's Committee as well as any one else in the Socialist Party fttad the opportunity to present to that com- mittee all the information they had or could gather on this question. To take up the Consideration of the matter on two differ- jnt reports seems to me to lead to loss of :ime and confusion. What subject are wo- nen more interested in than the education )f children, and especially the industrial jducation of girls? That is absolutely true. But it is no reason why we should have :wo committees reporting. It is said that ;he women are very much interested in the -eport of our Committee on Immigration, rhat is absolutely true. But that is no •eason for separate reports. Then there s the Committee on the Relationship of he Party to the Labor ynions. They may >ring in a separate report on that. Now :or the sake of logical and orderly pro- ;edure let us keep consistently and logi- ially to one question so that it may be dis- )osed of. I hope that the motion to defer tction until the women report will be de- feated. DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.) moved the >revious question. (Seconded.) The previous question was then ordered. DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I am in favor of ilmost all of the recommendations of this :ommittee. I do not favor the method by vhich they arrive at their conclusions. If ve vote down this motion to defer and take inal action on this report, we shall be tak- ng action on something which contains ome statements which I do not see how ve could approve, unless we can have •resented here the data concerning these hings. In the report of the committee here are a lot of things that up to /date do not believe can be established to be rue. There are positions taken also that ny one who has studied industrial educa- ion deeply knows are hardly tenable. It is 00 great a question; it contains too much f moment for it to be disposed of off- and here in a few minutes. Another thing: The women of the Sb- ialist Party by all means should have omething to say on this question. I am peaking as one with experience in this ne, and I know that when it comes to the uestion of education in the public schools tie women have the first and last word, 'hey have it by right. They have been 1 the main the educators of America, and le foremost educator in this country today ? a woman. By all means this matter hould be deferred and all possible in- jrmation brought in here. If we pass non this now I want to say that there re even things in this report that the bcialist Party cannot stand for; unless ^ey can be established by the proof to be .ought in here. We ought to have more (formation. We ought to have everything 1'iat the women can give us; as I said be- -)re they have the right to what it is. I hope that we shall vote to defer the mat- ter until the Woman's Committee shall be heard. DEL. GAYLORD: What is the status of this matter now? THE CHAIRMAN: One speech in opposi- tion to the motion to defer. DEL. GAYLORD: I favor deferring. DEL. GOEBEL. I am opposed to de- ferring. A DELEGATE: Has not Comrade Goebel spoken already? DEL. GOEBEL: I was the original one to object to waiting. And whether I speak twice or not I think we all agree that par- liamentary usage would give me the right to conclude. Now I want to say to the women of this convention and to- the women of the So- cialist Party — I want to say right here and now — that I refuse to allow the women to claim the children of this country any more than I claim them as a man. (Applause and laughter.) Let us understand each other about this. We have certain defi- nite commmittees. We have the National Committee, we have the National Executive Committee; and then we have separate standing and special committees. They have each some duty to perfom. The mo- ment they begin to infringe on the duties of other committees that moment we have loss of time, loss of money and confusion. That is the proposition here. Not whether we shall favor this report. Not whether we shall defer further action until we hear from the Woman's Committee. There is a good reason for my objection. I under- stand that the women are bringing in a recommendation on a party owned press. Doubtless they will bring in separate re- ports on other matters that are of general interest. We have a committee to deal with education. That is their special function. Special propaganda work among the wo- men and children would be a different mat- ter. Let us understand each other. I am not fighting the Woman's Committee. I want the national committee to do its busi- ness; I want the National Woman's Com- mittee to do its business; I want the Com- mittees on Immigration and on Farmers' Program to do their business. That is the only way in which we can have business done on a business basis. DEL. BOEHM (O.): I should like to ask when the Woman's Committee will be ready to report. DEL. M. W. Simons: Our recommenda- tions are ready. They will be here at the beginning of the next session. We shall submit it as a part of our report. The motion to defer action until after the report of the Woman's National Com- mittee had been received was then voted upon and declared carried. CHAIRMAN BARNES: One word, for the benefit of our soap boxers who are going to distribute our philosophy. It is signfi- cant that here in this Socialist convention the first subject discussed before the con- vention is the question of education. It is a remarkable contrast to the subjects dis- cussed in the republican and democratic conventions. ALLOWANCE FOR SLEEPING CARS TO DELEGATES. DEL. SPARGO: On behalf of the Na- tional Executive Committee I am ready to report on the question of Pullman car allowances to delegates. The National Executive Committee has considered the matter of the payment of Pullman car fares of the delegates to the convention of the party referred to it by the convention. The National Executive f w 1 30 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION, Committee having considered the matter from the standpoint of principle and the party's finances unanimously recommends to the convention that payment of travel- ing expenses be interpreted to include not only the bare railroad fare but the neces- sary convenience of a sleeper for traveling considerable distances. On behalf of the National Executive Committee I desire to state very briefly our reasons for that de- cision. In the first place I have no doubt at all that with very few exceptions, by an overwhelming majority of this convention, those of us who have traveled very long dis- tances have come by way of a sleeper car. We have done this not merely for our own convenience, our desire for luxury, but we have come in that way in order that we might be efficient and fit to do the work imposed upon us. Now, comrades, there Is always the proposition of the man who says that as a working class party we should in all externals represent that work- ing class. I don't care whether that point of view is , represented by imagining that all delegates should come with the tools and clothing of their craft, or whether it is expressed in the notion that we ought to come in day coaches or on the bumpers underneath the cars, if we possibly can do so. The fact is that is not the working class point of view at all. As a working class convention we first of all recognize that our supreme business is to build up an effective fighting machine of the work- ing class, and men who come to the conven- tion tired and outworn and weary are not in a position to make the best resistance to the forces of capitalism which can be made. In the second place, I believe there was a time in this party when it was necessary for us to endure hardships; when our mem- bership was small. There was a time in the history of this party when opposition to our position would have had a con- siderable basis of reason. But that time is, happily, passel forever. Finally, comrades, this the twentieth century. And we of the working class de- mand for ourselves and our class all the advantages of the twentieth century. Moved and seconded that the report of the National Executive Committee be adopted. , DEL. FLOATEN (Colo.): I move to amend that wherever it is possible that they travel in tourist or second class sleepers, because the sleeping is just as good and / costs just half as much. The amendment was not seconded. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I believe that those have the best right to ride in sleep* ing cars who build the sleeping cars. The report of the National Executive Committee in regard tc payment of Pull- man car fares to delegates was then de- clared adopted. The Chairman announced that the local committee had made arrangements for a group picture of the convention to be taken in front of the court house immediately after the adjournment. The convention then adjourned. AFTERNOON SESSION. Chairman Barnes called the convention to order at 2:30 p. m. LETTISH ORGANIZATIONS. THE CHAIRMAN: Most of the foreign organizations have submitted in print cop- ies of reports of their respective activities. The Executive Committee of the National Lettish Organization of the S. P. has svib- mitted a report with sundry recommenda- tions, and they ask that it be made part of the record and included in minutes.* On motion of Del. Goaziou it was so or- dered. s COMMITTEE NOMINATIONS. The roll of states was called for correc- tions in the printed list of nominations for the various committees. Several corrections and withdrawals were announced, and the delegates were requested to correct their copies of the ballot accordingly. In consequence of. declinations and ab- sences, certain committees were left with- out enough nominees to equal the numbers prescribed by the rules, and the subject of nominations was reopened. It was moved that the election of the Committee on Foreign Speaking Organiza- tions be postponed until the other com- mittees have been elected. An amendment was offered that the elec- tion of the Auditing Committee take the same course. An amendment to the amendment was of- fered, that the convention proceed to com- plete the nominations for all committees and elect. The amendment to the amendment was carried. Del. Dobbs (Ky.) moved that the bal- lot with the corrections be referred back to the proper committee and reprinted and •See Appendix O. — Editor. placed on the desks of the delegates. Mo- tion lost. National Secretary Work announced the presence of A. F. Casselbury as an alter- nate from Georgia. The Chairman called for additional nominations on committees, and the follow- ing were made: AUDITING COMMITTER Former nominations: Fritz (Miss.). Garrison (Ind.). Ward (Mo.). Additional nominations: Blase (Kans.). Benents (N. Y.). COMMITTEE ON REPORTS OF NA- TIONAL OFFICERS. Del. Young (Pa.) withdrew his name there being two nominees from Pennsyl- vania, and he nominated H. W. Houston of West Va. COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RE- LATIONS. Additional nomination: John Ohsol (Mass.). Del. Duncan moved that inasmuch as a sufficient number of nominations have been made for the Committee on International Relations, that the nominees constitute the committee. Seconded and carried. COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN SPEAKING- ORGANIZATIONS. Del. Strebel (N. Y.) stated that the Com- mittee on Foreign Speaking Organizations, under the rules, should consist of nine members, while only seven delegates had- been nominated, and he moved to completes the nominations. So ordered. 1 AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 13, 1912 31 The following additional nominations were made: Reynolds (Ind.) — declined. Russel (N. Y.) — declined. Maxwell (111.) — declined. On motion of Del. Bessemer (Pa.) the rules were suspended and the seven nomi- nees elected as the committee. ELECTION OF COMMITTEES. It was moved that the respective state delegations tabulate their vote for com- mittees and present the report to the tell- ers, accompanied by the individual ballots. An amendment was offered to strike out the words "accompanied by the individual ballots." The amendment was lost. The original motion was then carried by a vote of 117 for, 110 against. A recess was taken in order to permit delegates to prepare their ballots/ The hour of five o'clock, the time for receiving resolutions, having arrived be- fore votes were tabulated, it was moved and carried that the rules be suspended during the tabulation of the votes and that the resolutions be received at the close of the session. COMMUNICATIONS. Communications were read from the fol- lowing: Pittsburgh Young People's Socialist League. Referred to Resolution/3 jCom- mittee. From Carl M. Sandberg, Chicago, relat- ing to a plank in the platform. Referred to Platform Committee. Resolution adopted by the 25th Ward Branch, Chicago, recommending a plank for the platform. Referred to the Platform Committee. Resolution signed Keefer, Secretary, in press and its conduct. Committee. Communication from Norfolk, Va., on the subject of party papers. Referred to Press Committee. Communication from National Lettish Organization in reference to foreign speak- ing organizations. Referred to Committee on Foreign Speaking Organizations. THE CHAIRMAN: There is a telegram of a controversial nature, assailing the right of a member of this convention to have a voice herein, signed by a branch. Is it the pleasure of the delegates that the commu- nication be read? The reading of the telegram was called for by several delegates. ' The Secretary began to read. "Denver, Colo., May 12—" THE CHAIRMAN: I stated that there is a telegram of a controversial nature at- tacking the rights of a member on the floor, and asked whether you desired it read or not. A delegate moved that it be read. Sec- onded. Another delegate suggested that there ought to be a consultation with the state delegation to which the attacked member belongs before the communication is read. THE CHAIRMAN: Com. Floaten says with authority that it comes from his state. A DELEGATE: Is this letter from a state convention? THE CHAIRMAN: No; from a local branch. A DELEGATE: What right have we to recognize this communication? These dele- gates are elected by the party. DEL. BERLYN (111.): This would be es- tablishing a precedent. I do not want to establish such a precedent. There are by Mrs. Charles reference to Party Referred to Press 5.000 locals, and if one should address this convention it would take up all the time. THE CHAIRMAN: It is but fair to give you the further information that it assails the rights of one who is not a delegate, but one who by courtesy has been given a voice in this convention. I refer to a mem- ber of the National Executive Committee. He is not a delegate. A delegate moved to refer to the Com- mittee on Contested Seats. THE CHAIRMAN: There is no such committee. The motion is that the com- munication be read. DEL. MILLER (Nev.) : I move as a sub- stitute for the motion that the communi- cation be referred to the delegation from Colorado, to report. (Seconded.) THE CHAIRMAN: That would come in the form of an amendment. DEL. MILLER: All right. DEL. SPARGO: I move to lay that com- munication on the table. (Seconded.) The question was put on the motion to lay on the table. DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): A point of order on the taking of this vote. You have no right to table this communication till you know what your are tabling. THE CHAIRMAN: That is no point of order. The motion to table was then carried by a vote of 128 for, 50 against. RESOLUTIONS. The following resolutions were then pre- sented and read and referred as respective- ly noted. From William H. Prosser. Delegate from Pennsylvania on the liquor traffic. Referred to Platform Committee. From C. L. Furman, Albert Pulay and E. Lindgren, on behalf of Local Kings County, New York, on using the national machinery of the party to promote private views on party tactics. Referred to the Committee on Constitution. From Indiana delegation on propaganda among the army, navy, etc. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution submitted by Del. Theimer of New Jersey on the subject of systematic propaganda. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. From U. Solomon, delegate from N. Y., on the defense of Joseph Ettor and Arturo Giovannetti. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution on industrial unionism, sub- mitted by R. J. Wheeler, of Pennsylvania. Referred to Committee on Labor Organiza- tions and Their Relations to the Socialist Party- Resolution submitted by Del. Walter Lan- fersiek, of Kentucky, on extending financial aid to the party in the southern states. THE CHAIRMAN: That will be referred to the Committee on Ways and Means. DEL. SPARGO: I move that the resolu- tion be referred to the National Executive Committee. (Seconded.) THE CHAIRMAN: It is referred to the Committee on Ways and Means. It is the property of this convention. We have a committee handling that subject, the Ways and Means Committee. This is a financial proposition. That is the reference of the chair, unless there is a motion made to some other purpose. DEL. SPARGO: I have so moved, Com. Chairman, that it be referred to the Na- tional Executive Committee. I claim that it is not within the province or scope of the work of the Committee on Ways and Means. The functions of the Committee on Ways and Means is to devise ways and 32 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION means to finance the party. The function of the National Executive Committee is to administer the finances on hand. This is a request for a specific sum of money for a specific purpose, and ought to be referred to the committee. DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): A point of order. We have a Resolution Committee. What is the function of the Resolution Committee unless to pass on just such matters as that. Or is that a point of order? THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is not well taken. The rules provide that the chair shall make reference without dis- cussion being had as to the subject matter, but the convention is entitled to make ref- erence as it sees fit. DEL. MAHONEY: Then I move that it be referred to the Resolution Committee. DEL. PATTERSON (O.): A point of or- der. Resolution coming before this body must be referred to the proper committees without discussion, and cannot be acted on by this convention till after they are re- ported back to the committee. THE CHAIRMAN: That is the judg- ment of the chair. But a motion is in order to make a reference other than that decided upon by the chair. DEL. PATTERSON: You hold that a motion is out of order? THE CHAIRMAN: I hold that your point of order is not well taken. It is within the province of the body to make a motion to refer in opposition to the judgment of the chair. The chair's judgment is that it belongs to the Ways and Means Commit- tee. DEL. PATTERSON: I appeal from the decision of the chair. Appeal seconded, and vice chairman Ed- wards assumed the chair. DEL. PATTERSON: The reason I take this position is that this convention has adopted rules to govern the convention, and to allow a motion to be made that sets aside all rules without consideration is not fair to the convention. That is one of the reasons. And further, that the Executive Committee is not a committee of this con- vention, and the resolution coming before the convention is the property of the con- vention and not the property of any stand- ing committees or officers of the Socialist Party. The referring of the communica- tion or the resolution to the Executive Com- mittee takes it out. of the hands of the con- vention and leaves it subject to the discre- tion of the Executive Committee whether they will report back here, whether they will give you a voice in the matter or not. It simply means the pigeonholing of any communications or resolutions that the Ex- ecutive Committee shall see fit. A vote was taken on appeal, and the chair was sustained. THE CHAIRMAN (Del. Barnes): Action recurs upon the motion of Del. Spargo, that this subject be referred to the Na- tional Executive Committee. DEL. MAHONEY: I made an amendment to. the motion, that it be referred to the Resolution Committee. THE CHAIRMAN: Was that motion sec- onded, Com. Mahoney's motion to refer to the Resolution Committee? The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: Action recurs on Spargo's motion to refer to the National Executive Committee. DEL. REID (R. I.): I want to say here that I think it is the duty of this con- vention to refer this resolution as the chairman decides, to the Ways and Means Committee of this convention. If they should see fit to refer it further to the National Executive Committee, they should do it. But this convention should refer it to the Ways and Means Committee of this convention, to let them report on it. DEL. CLIFFORD (O.): As an amend- ment to the motion proposed by Com. Spar- go, I move that this resolution be referred to the Ways and Means Committee. (Sec- onded.) The amendment was carried. ^oretary next read a resolution sub- mitter -e Oregon delegation, Delegates Dorfman, Hayden, Sherman, Lewis and Ramp, warning workers to stay away from the Pacific Coast. Referred to the Com- mittee on Resolutions. Resolution to provide a special commit- tee to investigate and report on the sub- ject of establishing a moving picture ex- change. Referred to Committee on Ways and Means. Resolution submitted by Mary L. Geffs of Colorado, favoring the abolition of cap- ital punishment Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution submitted by Montana dele- gation, containing declaration on the sub- ject of industrial democracy. Referred to Platform Committee. Resolution adopted by Missouri state convention protesting against the Root amendment to the Immigration Law now pending in Congress. Referred to Commit- tee on Resolutions. Proposed amendment to Article II, Sec- tion 2, of the national constitution, making ineligible to membership any person whose principal source of income is derived from rent, interest or profit. Submitted by Dele- gates Bostrom, Kate Sadler, Samuel Sadler and A. H. Barth, delegates from Washing- ton. Referred to Committee on Consti- tution. Resolution on Socialist agitation among trade unions and other labor organizations. Submitted by Robert Lawrence of Massa- chusetts. Referred to Committee on Labor Organizations. Resolution submitted by Del. J. P. Reid of Rhode Island to provide each member of the party with a Monthly Bulletin. Re- ferred to Committee on Constitution. Resolution submitted by D. M. Caldwell, of Pennsylvania, warning members to be- ware of all persons who advise violence. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Speech by Oscar Ameringer. While waiting for the announcement of the vote on committees, Del. Oscar Amer- inger of Oklahoma, was called to the plat- form and spoke as follows: DEL. AMERINGER: Friends and com- rades, I am very sorry that we did not have an opportunity to see you in Okla- homa City instead of this town here for a great many reasons. In the first place, we have an excellent hall down there where you can hear and can see things. Up here we are somewhat in a very peculiar place. It reminds me somewhat of an experience I had coming up from Biloxi, Miss., to New Orleans one Sunday night. A little fellow got on the train with me and sat down in the seat next to me. He said, "Some people surely got bad luck." I said, "That is right, that is right." He said, "Some people v surely got a hard time." I said, "That is so," being there myself. He said, "Some people surely don't know what a hard time other people have." I said, "That is so. What is the trouble?". "Oh," he says, "we have a man down here in Biloxi who has surely got bad luck. He was born deaf and dumb and couldn't hear and couldn't talk." "Well," I said, "that is AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 13, 1912 33 1 hard luck." He said, "Yes, and some time ago he broke his leg, and we fixed it up as good as we knew how, and it was all right, so that they took him up to New Orleans and sawed his leg off. Now he is deaf and dumb, can't hear, can't talk, and only has one leg, and yesterday they brought him home, and he got blind drunk and is crazier than hell now." Now, friends, we are somewhat in the same kind of predicament in this hall here. We can't hear, we can't see, we can't talk and everybody is hollering until the blood goes up in the head, and I am afraid we will be — well, not crazier than that other place, but it will be bad enough after iwhile. In the meantime, comrades, just put on smiling countenances. There is absolute- ly no_ reason in God's creation why some ot you Socialist delegates should have 'aces that long (illustrating). You make iwful faces, very bitter faces. Are you iware of the fact that the whole Socialist movement is nothing but a movement for oy, for happiness, for health, for laughter, for flowers, and for the good things of earth n general? (Applause.) Now, I don't want you to take yourselves 00 doggoned serious. Because, remember ;hat this world rolled on for a couple of rears before you were born, and it is going o roll on for a few years after you are ;one. Remember that the whole Socialist novement at this critical time does not ■est on your shoulders exclusively. (Laugh- er.) Aye, friends, even Karl Marx died, did the Socialist movement went on. And f some of you don't get exactly what you vant, you most likely don't get it because} t is not coming to you. (Laughter.) And f the majority seems to have a different lea than you have, and although you are horoughly convinced that you are he only second infallible person in cre- tion, remember that the majority may e right after all, and just take things asy and take it with a smile on your face. My particular mission in the Socialist lovement for the last couple of years has een to get sufficient activity in your faces o you could crack a smile once in awhile, ometimes our friends, our Socialists even, re very unsocial Socialists. We come lto a meeting like this, and instead of be- lg happy that there are so many of us, in- tead of being happy that they are hav- lg 140,000 party members and going to ave 1,200,000 votes, instead of being happy fter we have carried town after town and ty after city, why, do you know what ou talk about? About slavery and feudal- m and capitalism. You live in the past istead of living today. This is the best orld I ever got into, in spite of the fact, lat it is run by the capitalist class. I am ttisfied that the capitalist has been a irned sight better to us than the feudal rd has been or the slave owner. (Laugh- r.) And the further back you go the orse it gets. Now, here we are, working jople, most of us stopping at pretty fair )tels, aren't we, and you are eating good rub. Why, 50,000 years ago, instead of ttlng we would have furnished a meal, daughter.) So you see, friends, considerable progress is been made. The further back you go ie worse it gets, and the further on you > the better it gets. Therefore, smile; >t that face broader. I want to give one ientific advice to a great many of you >cialists here; the advice that I have me to the conclusion that the only salva- ■>n of our movement is to eat more, and ink more and get fatter. (Applause.) One of the reasons why our first Congress- man has made such a howling success as a Congressman was because he had the necessary weight of gray matter and other matter. Keep ycur eyes on the future. There are many days of fighting ahead of us, and it is the fight itself that gives the great pleasure, understand. It is the struggle it- self, the class struggle, that can be fought in such a manner as will repay us for all our trouble. As soon as the working class fights with a smiling face, as soon as we are in a position where we can laugh at all opposition, as soon as that time comes we are a power, and not before. (Ap- plause.) Take it easy, boys, take it easy. Don't think that if the working class is not or- ganized according to a certain way it will ruin everything. It is not going to . Don't think that if this or that resolution is killed the labor movement is killed. No; remember we are the child of necessity. We are the child of the capitalist system, and that system is better than anything we had, and we are going to be better than that. We are the child of necessity. The Socialist movement has its foundation in a very simple thing, and that is the desire of the working people to live as good as the people who don't work. (Applause.) It is so fundamental, it is so elementary. What we want is to live better, to live happier, to enjoy life. I want to say to some of you doggoned Socialists, don't make such sour faces and spoil the milk that way. (Laughter.) You are not going to catch flies with vinegar, and if you want to catch bear use honey or molasses. You don't take fish hooks or vinegar, do you. Now, friends, be cheerful about the thing, and don't duarrel much, and when you do quarrel put on a smiling face. It don't hurt. And the more you smile the fatter you get. Look at me. (Laughter and ap- plause.) DEL. SPARGO: Com. Chairman, there was an order made at the time of the elec- tion of the International Committee we would proceed with the reception of the fraternal delegates. I see that one of the fraternal delegates is in the hall, Com. Pet- tigrew of the Canadian Socialist Party. I think we should hear from Com. Pettigrew. ADDRESS OF GEORGE PETTIGREW. THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade George Pet- tigrew, of the Canadian Socialist Party is with us. In accordance with the expression of the delegates and the arrangement on the program, I bid him welcome in be- half of the Socialist Party, and give him an opportunity to present his message at this time. (Applause.) Comrade George Pettigrew then addressed the convention. COMRADE PETTIGREW: Mr. Chair- man and comrades, in coming from the other side of the line, it is rather unfor- tunate that we of the Canadian Social- Democratic Party had not a convention in time to appoint a representative to speak here. However, I have been here doing business as an executive member of the United Mine Workers of America and I have been asked to speak to the Socialists here on behalf of the comrades on the Canadian side. Unfortunately, on the Canadian side we have not been able to show the same prog- ress as is shown here at this convention. We have had our difficulties over there, but I am pleased to say to the comrades here that for the first time in history we have now got on the right lines of a real 34 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Social-Democratic party. (Applause.) The Socialist party of Canada for ten or twelve years has been the dominant party. They have been pretty much a disruptive party rather than a party who have meant to build up the organization, and because of the methods employed by that party two other existing organizations were formed two years ago, but by the referendum vote six munths ago the Social-Democratic Party and the Canadian Socialist Federation went together, and consequently we find that since that time thousands have joined the organization. (Applause.) We as a Social-Democratic party in Can- ada realize that if progress is to be made by the Socialist movement it must embrace every other organization which has as its object the emancipation of the working class. And we are pleased to say that this new movement which has been estab- lished in Canada has made up its mind to work hand in hand with our fellow workers in the organizations which are engaged on the industrial field. We recognize today that even though the political issue is one of the issues for the emancipation of the workers, that the workers themselves must take the position that if we can do some- thing with the right hand, if we can do something with the left, that both must be used alike, because we recognize that the capitalist class are organized on the indus- trial and on the political field, and they . sometimes use force against the workers. We do not advocate force in any way, but the position that we take over there is that whatever weapon the capitalist class are prepared to use to defeat the workers, the workers must use the same weapon in order to defeat the capitalist class. (Applause.) However, I do not know that* I can talk much on the history of the party. As I say, I am pleased to be here, to stand on this platform at the convention of the American Socialist Party. It is only two years since I left Great Britain and came to the American continent, and I am more familiar with the organization on the other side of the Atlantic than with the organi- zations on this side, but I am pleased to say that since I have come to this hall I have met the second comrade whom I heard lecture on Socialism. That was in far away Scotland, in the year 1895. I refer to Comrade Spargo. (Applause.) Comrades, if you care, I should like to say something- relative to the British move- ment rather than the Canadian, since I have spent the greater part of my lifetime work- ing in that movement. We are beginning to recognize now that in all countries in the world where the workers are beginning to organize they are beginning to come all to- gether, whether it be on the industrial or on the political field. We are beginning to recognize over in that country now that we have millions of unemployed men and thousands upon thousands of starving chil- dren. We are beginning to recognize on the American continent here that because of those unemployed men and because of those starving children that men like my- self are compelled to seek a new land. I had no desire to leave the country I was born in but because of economic conditions, like many more, I was compelled to come to the American continent. And what do we find? We find the capitalist class, both on the Canadian side and on the United States side, throwing out every possible in- ducement they can at the present time to the workers in Great Britain, to the work- ers in the European countries, telling them of the splendid and glorious advantages to b« gained en the American and Canadian continent. But what do we find? We And that many of those people who would not listen to the question of Socialism when we were propagating Socialism on the other side of the ocean, when they have once been brought to either Canada or the United States, when once they have been brought face to face with the issue of cap- italism and found that the capitalist class is just as merciless on this side as on the other side, then they are compelled to vote, then they are compelled to act, then they are compelled to advocate industrial organization and join the Socialist Party; and because of those results we find the: movement on both sides, on the Canadian' side and the United States side, growing by leaps and bounds at the present time. (Applause.) But, fellow workers, we are pleased to see when we look at any part of the world that the movement is also growing there. When we look at Great Britain and see and examine the conditions that have confronted the people and the action that the work- ers have taken in order to defeat the cap- italist class during the past twelve months, to me, at least, they are signs that it will not he many years till the workers of all countries will take the same action as has been taken in Britain during the past twelve months, and as I have said many times, I believe that if I live ten years more I will live to see the workers under a Socialistic regime. (Applause.) Only some twenty years ago, in Britain, we did not find the workers organized as they are now. We found them with their small craft organizations. We found that when men came to contest a. political seat on behalf of the workers they were not re- garded in any way. But, because of the fact that the capitalist class, with the wealth which they have wrung from the workers, are continually improving machin- ery, the improved machinery means greater production of commodities, which on the other hand, means more poverty for the workers. But the workers have learned some lessons over there. They have begun to recognize that those little strikes have ceased to be of any use whatever; they are now beginning to recognize that it is no use for men connected with one part of an industry to strike while some men connected with another part of that same industry remain at work. Only ten years ago over there when we first began to talk of this it was said to be useless. We be- gan to see how it worked in the building trades, for example. When the masons came out on strike the carpenters, plumb- ers, painters and other workers remained at work, and the masons would lose theii strike. Then the other crafts were likewise attacked. This went on until we have come to the point where the workers there are ready for the vote. But because of those lessons that have been learned, what do we find at the pres- ent time? We find that those crafts havt linked un into one organization. In place of the ship buildine; trader having ei?rhteei separate organizations as they had five years aero, we find that they have now on< organization. (Applause.) Tn plare of th« men in the building trades having thirteet separate organization^, we find the sam< thing applies; ovo buildine: organization and when the employers fi°-ht that the! have the n«p organization to fisrht. W< find that because of the gigantic struggle: that have taken place durinsr the pas 1 twelve months, when the dock men an< the railway men and the miners have beei AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 13, 1912 out, when the military was brought out as usual to beat the workers down, we found something more in the month of March of last year when the military was sent into South Wales. We found that for the first time in history one man who wore the uni- form of the King refused to shoot his fel- low workers. (Applause.) This young man, who refused to shoot his fellow work- ers at the command of his commanding of- ficer, was placed under arrest. After he was arrested he made up his mind that he would desert, and he did desert. He was gone for ten days. He walked from South Wales into the city of Glasgow, but after he had got to his home in the city of Glas- gow, a detachment of the military arrested him. There were two charges against him. One charge was refusing to obey the com- mand of his superior officer when asked to shoot men belonging to the railway brother- hood. The second charge against him was that he had deserted from his regiment. The Socialist party began to take up the question, and what was the result? After they had taken up the matter and began to accumulate funds in order to see that this young man got a fair trial, the authorities were so cowardly because they were afraid of the effect on the military in other parts of the country that they dropped the first charge and tried him on the second and gave him seven days' imprisonment. (Ap- plause.) A few days ago Comrade Tom Mann asked the military not to use their arms against the workers during the min- ers' strike, and for that he has been sen- tenced to six months' imprisonment. Per- sonally, I believe that Mann is proud that he is in prison because he asked the mili- tary to refuse to shoot. And what is more, every Socialist is proud of the fact because the military is beginning to recognize that it has been hunger that compelled them to go into the ranks of the army. We begin to recognize all the forces which are at work, and more especially when we recognize that, in the month of November last year, after the municipal elections came on, then we found another phase of the situation. Those people who had been starving and fighting during the early part of the year, those people who had had policemen's clubs beaten on their heads, what did we find them doing? We found they had not only begun to act to- gether on the industrial field, but we found that in place of the Labor Party, the So- cialist Labor Party, the Clarion Scouts and other organizations fighting separately as they had been doing before, they had come together and formed what is now known as the British Socialist Party. (Applause.) And when the British Socialist Party was in its formation, what did we find? At the municipal elections no less than 137 can- didates were put in the field, and out of the 137 there were 85 returned to the municipal chambers. (Applause.) Once we find the working class beginning to or- ganize and fight on the industrial field as they have been doing; once we begin to see them learning the lessons of the capitalist class; once those people begin to see that with all the powers they possess nothing can defeat the working class when a strike does take place; when we see those work- ers linking up into one organization as they | are doing-; and when as a result of the link- ing up in industrial organizations 40 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION I have been in the Congress in Mexico. They told me to bring this message to you. I have been in Washington talking to some of the bourgeois politicians. They recog- nize that the American people — which means Wall Street and the middle class — will do a very bad business with interven- tion in Mexico. Most of those men say to me, "We have no business to interfere in Mexico. Let the Mexicans fight their own fights and do what they please with their lands." So you see that, at least, the mid- dle class take that position on this ques- tion. If you take an energetic stand against this intervention there will be no interven- tion in Mexico. And, there being no inter- vention in Mexico, we are going to have at least four millions of men free and intelli- gent men, because they will be the owners of the means of production in the agricul- tural way. Besides that, we have about a million industrial workers who are starling right now a splendid, glorious organization, in order to fight the battles of the class- conscious proletariat all over- the world to- day. (Applause.) And these, our splendid prospects, can be carried on if you com- rades, acting in response to the appeal of the American comrades, take a stand against this intervention of the United States so that we may have in the future in Mexico a free nation and a glorious bat- tlefield for the battles to come of the work- ing class. (Applause.) DEL. STALLARD (Kan.): I move that the request of Comrade DeLara be referred to the Committee on International Rela- tions, with instructions to draft a strong resolution covering his request, and insist- ing that the workers of the United States have no quarrel with the workers of Mex- ico, and we demand that the United States does not intervene in the Mexican revo- lution. The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved and seconded that the request of Comrade DeLara be referred to the Foreign Rela- tions Committee, with instructions to that committee to draft a strong resolution against American intervention in Mexico. The motion of Del. Stallard was carried unanimously. COMRADE HAYWOOD: I rise to a mat- ter of personal privilege. At yesterday's session there was received by this conven- tion a telegram from Denver, Colo. It pur- ported to contain charges — DEL. SPARGO: A point of order. THE CHAIRMAN: State your point of order. DEL. SPARGO: That communication was tabled yesterday. It remains tabled. THE CHAIRMAN: Your point is not well taken. Comrade Haywood, state your ques- tion of personal privilege. COMRADE HAYWOOD: I wanted to point out. that the action of the convention was to table that telegram. By consent of Chairman Barnes, who acted yesterday, the contents of that telegram were given to the press and it appears in the Indianapo- lis Star this morning. Now, I would ask that that telegram be read to the convention. That it be read into the records of the convention; and from now on all communications, in my opinion, should be read into the minutes before they are read into the press. (Cheers.) In connection with the charges in that tPlogram, I want to say that they are not the charges of Denver, but they are charges that were brought against me in Local Bridgeport and sent from Bridgeport to Denver, where they were taken up by an individual enemy of mine. Now, the com- mittee that has been investigating these charges has recommended to Local Denver that they be dropped. This telegram, then, has been sent at the instigation of this individual, who is a member of Branch 10. Now, the charges, comrades, are these: That I organized, or helped to organize, a dual union of machinists. The truth of the matter is that I spoke under the aus- pices of the Brotherhood of Machinists. That is a rival organization to the Interna- tional Association of Machinists. Comrade Robert A. Lecky of New York City is the secretary of the Brotherhood of Machinists. I felt perfectly justified in speaking against an organization that is officered, as the In- ternational Association of Machinists is offi- cered, by members of the Militia of Christ and the Civic Federation. ' A NUMBER OF DELEGATES: Point o] order. THE CHAIRMAN: State the point of order. DEL. RODRIGUEZ: I contend that Com- rade Haywood is not talking on a matter of personal privilege, but, as usual, is sim-i ply denouncing everything that he does not agree with. I want it understood tnat I have no objection to Comrade Haywood speaking to a question of personal privilege in a proper way. THE CHAIRMAN: I have heard your point of order. While a comrade should not take advantage of a question of per- sonal privilege as an opportunity to express his individual views, or to attack anyone with whom he disagrees, the chair rules that Comrade Haywood has not wandered very far from his rights. Comrade Hay- wood will please bear in mind that he should not take advantage of this privilege. COM. HAYWOOD: I appreciate that; I am going to take but a very few minutes more. I have disposed of the question of hav- ing organized a dual union. It is alleged in the charges, and I am likewise charged with organizing a dual Socialist local. I want to say in connec- tion with this that I was invited by a com- 'mittee known as the Lawrence Strikers' Aid Committee to go to Bridgeport and de- liver a speech in behalf of the Lawrence strikers. Local Bridgeport, a few days prior to that meeting, sent me a registered letter in which they threatened that they would have charges preferred against me and threatened my expulsion if I spoke in Bridgeport under the auspices of what they were pleased to term a rebel organization. I wrote to them and urged upon them the necessity of getting together for this occa- sion for the purpose of supporting the Lawrence strikers. I told them that it would be impossible for me to decline, as the welfare of the Lawrence strikers was more to me than the factional fight that was going on in Bridgeport. I went to Bridgeport. Local Bridgeport held a meet- ing the same night, which was on Woman s Day. That meeting was held to deprive us and the Lawrence strikers of the benefit of the crowd that we would have had on that occasion. Now, we raised at that time a considerable amount of money for the Lawrence strikers. Now, Comrade Chairman, Bridgeport Lo- cal that prefers the charges against me contributed to the Lawrence strike. They raised twelve dollars and they turned it over to John Golden, who was scabbing on us every minute. MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912 \1 41 \ DEL. McLEVEY (Conn.): Comrades, Comrade Haywood has stated that — THE CHAIRMAN: In starting out on a matter of personal privilege, you must bear in mind that you cannot engage in a dis- cussion. You can only go into the matter as it refers to you individually and per- sonally. We cannot open this subject for a debate on the whole question. Personal privilege applies to the individual and not to the organization. It is a matter of per- sonal privilege. If you have anything as an individual as to reflections made by Comrade Haywood on you as an individual, it is in order. If you are going to. talk in defense of Local Bridgeport you have not the floor. A DELEGATE: What right has a com- rade to attack Bridgeport Local without the charges being read. DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I move that the telegram charging Haywood with these different charges be taken from the table and now read. The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and sec- onded that the telegram from Local Denver be taken from the table and read. DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): I want to say that we voted solidly yesterday to have this read; we asked to have it read; and I am in favor of it now. I hope the motion will carry. The motion to have telegram referred to read was carried, and the telegram was read as follows: "Denver, Colo., May 13, 1912. "Secretary Socialist Convention, "Tomlinson Hall, Indianapolis, Ind. "At a regular meeting of the Tenth Ward Branch of the Socialist Party of Denver the following resolution was adopted: 'We protest against W. D. Haywood being rec- ognized as having any voice or vote in the convention now assembled in Indianapolis, as there are now charges agafnst him here in Local Denver, which have never been disposed of. Said charges are now in the hands of the trial committee. The charges preferred against him are treason to the party and conduct unbecoming a Socialist. Also charges against him by Local Bridge- port, Conn., for organizing dual Socialist clubs consisting of expelled members of Bridgeport, Conn., Local. On these grounds we claim he has no right to be recognized in the convention.' "SARAH A. LEONARD, ""Secretary of Tenth Ward Branch, "Denver, Colo." DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I wish to ask the Colorado delegation whether in Colo- rado they consider the branch or the local the unit? My reason is that this telegram comes from Branch 10 of Local Denver. THE CHAIRMAN: The question may be answered briefly. DEL. GEFFS (Colo.): I am a member of the same general branch to which Com- rade Haywood belongs. I can answer the question that has just been asked. In Den- ver we have the ward form of organization. This Tenth Ward Branch is simply a branch of the general city organization. We have about 18 altogether. This com- prises only a few members; it is not a strong branch in Denver. I am surprised that that branch — THE CHAIRMAN: The question has been answered; that is all that is necessary. DEL. GEFFS: I want to say that it does not come by authority of tjje central organ- ization. THE CHAIRMAN: That answers the question. Motions are in order. DEL. SPARGO: I move that now that the telegram has been read it be laid on the table. The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved and seconded that this telegram do lie on the table. The motion to lay on the table was car- ried. DEL. WILLIAMS (Pa.): A question of personal privilege. Is it not a proper ques- tion of personal privilege if a member of this body or a comrade having a voice on this floor assails an organization of which I am a member and makes misstatements about that organization? THE CHAIRMAN: Not necessarily. DEL. WILLIAMS: I would like to cor- rect a misstatement about the International Association of Machinists being officered by the Mil'itia of Christ. THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a ques- tion of personal privilege. DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I have a motion. THE CHAIRMAN: Nothing but the reg- ular order of business is in order. DEL. KATE SADLER: This is in order. I move that all communications shall be read from the platform and that nothing shall be given to the press that does not appear in our minutes. The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: Lt is moved and sec- onded that all communications shall be read from the platform, and that no com- munications or the contents thereof shall be given to the press until it has been so read to the convention. DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.) : I do not think we .should place ourselves in a position where it is necessary for us to read from the platform every communication, because there may come tomfool propositions that we do not want to have read at all. We ought not to humiliate ourselves by com- pelling everything to be read that anybody may choose to send us. But we ought to insist on one thing; that no communication received here shall be given out to the press until given out by order of the con- vention. I want to divide the question. I move to amend by dividing it. I want to defeat the first part and carry the second. DEL. SPARGO: I make the point of or- der. The subject is already covered by the rules of the convention. THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is well taken. We will now take up the next order of business. DEL. BEARDSLEY (Conn.): The entire delegation of Connecticut protests against the ruling in this matter of personal privi- lege. If a comrade, under the guise of per- sonal privilege, is allowed to take the floor and attack the Socialist Party of Connecti- cut and a particular local of Connecticut, then that local and the state organization of Connecticut ought to have the right to present their side of the matter. COMMUNICATIONS. Communications were then read by the Secretary from: Jewish Socialist Branch, Memphis, Tenn. Young People's Socialist Federation, New York. ••* W. E. Trautman and others, in regard to the Lawrence strike. These communications were referred to the Committee on Resolutions. It wa3 moved and seconded that all com- munications from locals or others than del- egates to this convention be read by synop- sis only and then referred to the appropriate committees. 42 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION There being no objection the motion was carried. A communication from Alice C. Miller on Industrial Organization was referred to the Committee on Labor Organizations. A DELEGATE: Should these not be dis- posed of at 5 o'clock? THE CHAIRMAN: They are communi- cations and are properly disposed of in this way. Resolutions from delegates come up at 5 o'clock. A communication was read from Joseph Brachin referring to the lack of French speakers and French Socialist literature. The communication was referred to Com- mittee on Foreign-Speaking Organizations. THE SECRETARY: A. E. Hartig of Baltimore ha.s reported as an alternate from the state of Maryland, and Charles Larney has reported as alternate for George Koop, Illinois. THE CHAIRMAN: Is it your pleasure that these alternates be seated? DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio) : I think if you refer to the minutes of yesterday you will see it was decided that each state delega- tion should pass upon the alternates as they arrive. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move that the ques- tion of these alternates be referred to their respective delegations. It was so ordered. THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of business is unfinished business of the pre- ceding day. The report of the Committee on Education was before us and we decided to defer action until the receipt of the re- port of the Woman's' Committee. If there is no objection we will now hear the report of the Woman's National Committee or their subcommittee on Education. Com- rade May Wood Simons will report for the committee. REPORT OF WOMAN'S COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION. Delegate May Wood Simons then pre- sented the supplementary report of the Woman's Committee on Education. RECOMMENDATION ON INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. The National Woman's Committee recom- mends that the technical education of girls being a public necessity, that it should be conducted at public expense as a part of the public school system. That courses of study be so arranged that they recognize that the industrial educa- tion of girls has a double aim, namely, preparation of immediate self support, and preparation for the home and motherhood. That while domestic training is neces- sary today for all girls, that when the "belated household" industry is put on a~ scientific basis, instruction be provided for expert cooks and chemists only: That the vocational training of girls who mu^t work in shops and factories be for such occupations as will not prevent de- velopment or incapacitate them for future mothers: That everv effort of school authorities toward making the industrial education of children merely a training for trades and thus disregarding the broader general edu- cation that will provide them with an in- telligent understanding of the duties of good citizenship be resisted. The National Woman's Committee rec- ommends that the present Committee on Industrial Education be changed to an Ed- ucational Committee of seven members, all of whom are practical educators, be elected by the National Convention; 1. That the committee make a careful Investigation of educational questions, in- cluding methods, appropriations and the question of industrial education and file all material on these questions at the national office for use by the' municipal bureau. 2. That this committee have in charge the preparation of lessons and the selec- tion of other suitable material for the So- cialist Educational Schools, organized for the purpose of instruction in scientific So- cialism and in no way in competition with the public schools. THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the further recommendations of the Woman's National Committee; these are recommenda- tions to be added to the report of the Com- mittee on Education. What is your pleas- ure as to these recommendations. DEL. LEE (N. Y.): With reference to recommendation 1, I would ask first to have the exact wording of the recommendation. THE SECRETARY: "The Woman's Na- tional Committee recommends that the present Committee on Industrial Education be changed to an educational committee of seven members, to be elected by this con- vention." DEL. LEE: I move that the National Executive Committee be instructed to elect a Committee on Education, to consist of seven members. Seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: There is a substitute motion to have the National Executive Committee elect a committee of seven mem- bers. DEL. LEE: I need not take much time in stating my reasons for my position. In the past two or three conventions we have constituted several of these standing com- unittees. I think in all cases we have elect- ed them by the convention. I think in the majority of cases we have found that the members of those committees, most of them, never did any work on those commit- tees. And it is very obvious that that will be the case if this convention elects a com- mittee of this sort to take up and study some special problem; and that we shall be very lucky if we get out of the seven thus to be elected in this case one or two who will do the work. The National Exec- utive Committee, on the other hand, can take into consideration — it has time to do so — the members in various parts of the country who are specially qualified for this work, they can communicate with them and find out if they will undertake the serious and important work of this committee and then appoint them. I do not think that any question of real democracy is involved here. And right here I wish to call attention to this important distinction that while we should always elect committees that are in the nature of governing bodies, this com- mittee is not to be a governing body in any sense; it will consist of a certain number of persons whom we select to study a cer- tain question. I think for the reasons I have given selection by the National Execu- tive Committee is very much to be pre- ferred to election by the convention. As for the suggestion that the Committee on Vocational Training be turned into a Committee on Education, I think Comrade Simons will quite agree with me that that phrasing is quite unnecessary. What she proposes is a new committee with larger scope, including the scope of the committee which has existed and which has reported. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I hope that the delegates here will elect such a commit- tee. And I hope that they will not adopt this report, but refer it to such a committee with full powers to act; and not wait until the next convention to carry out the wishes and principles of the Socialist Party. This report is presented by a specialist in educa- MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912 43 ion, whom I know to be a good man in his ine, but he is not a specialist on industrial raining. I submit to you farther that a eport on such a question as this is of such , nature that it cannot receive careful anal- ysis and consideration in a convention like his. First, we have not the time necessary or it. Secondly, it is beyond most of us. ;t is something that calls for special knowl- dge. However, there is one point on which ,ve are all clear in regard to this question >f vocational training, and that is that as Socialists we are opposed to the present system of trade education. The industrial ducation which the Socialist desires is dif- erent from the industrial education which ;he capitalists desire. There is often con- fusion between training for a trade and scientific industrial training. How can a Socialist at this time stand for training for i trade merely? The lines of trade are be- ing broken down. They are constantly mcroaching on each other. For instance, recently Edison exhibited a new music stand; showed it to a reporter for a news- paper; I have seen the photograph of that music stand in the newspaper; and the newspaper man was asked what that stand was made of. On ocular inspection he said It was made of some hardwood, and he thought it was worth about sixty dollars. Thereupon, Edison told him it was made of cement and was worth only a few dollars. Thus you have the cement worker encroach- ing upon the trade of the cabinet worker. Suppose you train your child as a cabinet worker and then a process is discovered that enables all the cabinet work to be made out of cement, you have lost the time that was used in making him merely a cab- inet worker. The lines of trade are being broken down gradually. I don't say that we have it already, as our industrial worker friends would have us believe. We have a strike in New York; a lockout of the sheet metal workers. There is a jurisdictional fight between the different trades as to whose business it is to hang bathroom doors. The result is there is a lockout of the sheet metal workers. You see those who advocate the education of the boy or girl for a mere trade are not advocating what we are striving for. Your boy or girl should be trained in mechanics; the knowl- edge of general mechanics, and the use of tools. The young man or young woman who [possesses a knowledge of mechanics, and knows how to use tools can go into many trades, and can acquire a new trade very (easily, and can adapt themselves to almost an,y trade within certain limits. - That is the first thing, then; broad indus- trial training, and not merely training for one trade. The second important point is control of the vocational and industrial schools by the working class, not by the public, as our reporters want to say. I will give you an example of control by the public. We had this question up in the state of New York. It came before the Socialist Party of New York. We had to overrule the action of some of our Socialists there because in the city of Rochester the public school board had installed in the schools machines for the boys and girls to use in making goods; because that school was under the control of the public. My point is, then, that we should not refer this to the National Executive Committee; but that we should elect a committee here to which it should be referred, and thev should take into account the different kinds of industrial training; and, second, that we should insist on the control of vocational schools in the interest of the working class. DEL. SEIDEL: I think the motion offered by Comrade Lee is decidedly timely. I do hope that you will not take any action on the recommendations that have been made here today. What would you think if I suggested that we appoint on our platform committee illiterates, men who cannot read or write. Yet that is what you do when you appoint men and women on committees that have to deal with industrial and voca- tional education who do not know how to read and write the language of mechanics. That is what I charge that you have done. I have been a mechanic for many years. I have been a mechanic ever since I was thirteen years old. I have learned three different trades by this time. That report of the educational committee starts out with an untruth; it states something that is not true. It is a curious mixture of truths, half truths and untruths. It is ill- digested. I do hope that the motion of Comrade Lee will prevail. I think, too, that what Comrade Slobodin has said is very pertinent at this point. I do hope that when we are ready to make a proposition of this kind, and that when our convention goes on record, and that what we say on this question of education for the working people will be better digested than anything so far presented to our convention. I do ask of you that you accept this motion, and that none of the reports at this time will be accepted, because so far as I have gone into them they are unripe for acceptance. Now, with all due respect to the com- rades who worked on these committees — I think they did their very best — they did as well as they knew how — yet I feel as a man who has been practical in life for many years, I feel that these reports do not give me what I have been looking for. It does not give me that; it does not give your boys and girls that. DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): A word on be- half of the committee. I realize that this report is not as good as it could be. Nor does it cover all that it ought to cover. The report unfortunately was written up and came almost wholly from one committee- man, and the others of the committee had no opportunity for further discussing and digesting it. We never had a meeting of the committee. I was in hopes that the committee would be here at this convention. But I am the only member of that commit- tee here. I believed that to get the matter properly before the convention for consid- eration the only thing to do was to sign the report, although I personally did not agree with everything in the report. But my idea was to bring it here in order to im- press upon the delegates the importance of the matter. .It was on my initiation that the matter was brought before the Congress two years ago. I hope now that the motion to recommit without adopting shall prevail; and that it will go to the Ex- ecutive Committee, believing that that committee will have the common sense to elect experts so far as we can to deal with this subject. I hope you won't discuss it here at length today, and thus consume valuable time. I will admit with all who have criticized it that it is not the best that could be done; and that in its preamble there are clearly economic inconsistencies, which I would not like to see adopted by this convention. I think, therefore, the proper thing to do is to move the previous question; and send it back to a committee. The motion for the previous question was seconded. DEL. CLIFFORD: I desire to object to a delegate making a speech and at the end moving the previous question. u NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques- tion has been moved. I rule you out of order, Comrade Clifford. The previous question was carried. DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I desire to speak in opposition to this entire report. I do not agree with the comrades here that this convention should go on record simply as demanding industrial education for our boys and girls. I do not wish, as a member of the Socialist Party, to go on record through our convention as favoring the training of our boys and girls merely for the purpose of making them more efficient servants to a master class. I want them to have the highest industrial education. But it is practically useless for us even to demand that until we get control of our public schools system. When we have done that we can put into operation any policy that we see fit, but in the meantime all of this matter should be simmered down to the one main demand; for the industrial education of the boys and girls of the working class and let it go at that. This report is entirely too complex. There is too much verbiage there. It sounds nice, but it does not mean much. Simmer these things down; get down to brass tacks. Get something practicable. DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS: The Wom- an's National Committee considered this question carefully of having a committee elected by the convention or appointed by the National Executive Committee. The last educational committee was appointed by the National Executive Committee. It admits that it never met. So far as the contention of Comrade Lee is concerned, it has not been shown that a committee ap- pointed by the National Executive Commit- tee would do any better work than a com- mittee elected by this convention. I want to see this convention elect its own Educa- tion Committee as it elected its own Farm- er's Committee. That is one objection to Comrade Lee's amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: The vote now occurs on the motion to refer the whole matter to a committee to be appointed by the Na- tional Executive Committee. The substitute motion to refer to a com- mittee to be appointed by the National Executive Committee was lost. THE CHAIRMAN: That substitute be- ing lost the vote recurs on the original motion, with which I am not familiar. The Secretary will please read the motion now before the house. The Secretary proceeded to read the rec- ommendation in the supplementary report of the Woman's Committee, but was inter- rupted by several delegates demanding a division of the substitute of Comrade Lee. THE CHAIRMAN: Are there fifty dele- gates who demand a division? DEL. DUFFY CN. Y.): A point of order. I believe the Chair is in error there. Whether it will make any difference in this case or not, I do not know, but a division does not require any specified number. It is a roll call that requires 50. THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is well taken, and if the division is still demanded, it will be taken. Division was demanded, and the vote re- sulted 55 for the substitute and 143 against, so the substitute was lost. THE CHAIRMAN: We have just gone over the minutes, and it appears that there has been no previous motion. What was before the house was the recommendation in the supplementary report by the Wom- an's Committee, and this substitute on which we have just voted was simply moved as a substitute for the first section, and that having been defeated this repoi that has been made is before you. Del. Strickland (Ohio) moved the ador tion of the report. Seconded. Del. Slobodin (N. Y.) moved as an amenc ment that the report be taken up an adopted seriatim. Amendment accepted as part of the orig inal motion. DEL. SPARGO: I move as an amend ment that we accept the report as a whole (Seconded.) I do so with a view to its sub sequent reference to a new committee. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): A point o order. We are a little confused now. W! have a motion to adopt the original repor of the committee and some amendments t it. I remember Comrade Ohsol of Massa chusetts made an amendment. Now, ther a new report comes in and there is a motioj to adopt this report. THE CHAIRMAN: No, this is the sam report, I understand. DEL. SLOBODIN: No, there is a motioi to adopt the report of the committee witl amendments to it, and now there is a nev report with a new motion to adopt, and sec onded. THE CHAIRMAN: Let us straighten this out. Comrade delegates on the floo: state that there was a motion to adopt th< original report of the Committee on Educa tion, and there were several amendment? to that, and they are pending. DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): I move to amend that we elect this committee at present, and refer the report to that com-i mittee to act. THE CHAIRMAN: That amendment is out of order. The convention has jusl voted on the question of appointing thai committee, and voted it down. DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): No, I beg youi pardon. DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS (Kan.): ] move as a substitute for the whole that we elect in this convention a committee oi seven to handle the educational question. The substitute was declared out of order. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): A point oi order. You claimed that we had decided not to elect a committee. We decided that the Executive Committee should not ap- point. We did not decide that -the conven- tion shall not elect a committee. THE CHAIRMAN: I stand corrected. DEL. BESSEMER: I move as an amend- ment that this convention elect a commit- tee, a different committee to consider the question, and that that committee report. (Seconded.) THE CHAIRMAN: We have before us the report of Comrade Simons, with a mo- tion that it be adopted seriatim; with an amendment by Spargo that it be accepted as a whole; with an amendment by Besse- mer of Ohio that a committee be elected by the convention, to whom shall be referred the whole matter. The last amendment, on the election of the committee by the con- vention, is before you. The previous question was ordered, and the amendment offered by Del. Bessemer was carried. Nominations for the commit- tee were called for. DEL. DUFFY: I would like to know whether the nominations to this committee are to be confined to the delegates of this convention. As it is a committee that is to serve over a period of two years. I under- stand it ought not to be confined neces- sarily to delegates to this convention. I would like a ruling. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair wilL rule, unless a motion to the contrary is made as an original motion, that members of the MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912 45 \1 mmittee must be delegates in this con- ation. The following- nominations for the com- ittee were made: Strebel, New York. Seidel, Wisconsin. May Wood Simons, Kansas. George Clifton Edwards, Texas. Mary L. Geffs, Colorado. Morris Kaplan, Minnesota. Henry L. Slobodin, New York. Winnie E. Branstetter, Oklahoma. Dr. Rosette, Maryland. N. A. Richardson, California. John G. Ohsol, Massachusetts. Spargo, Vermont. T. Clifford, Ohio. James A. Smith, Utah. John Slayton, Pennsylvania- Allan England, Maine. John C. Kennedy, Illinois. J. Stitt Wilson, California. G. H. Lockwood, Michigan. Anna K. Storck, Ohio. R. J. Wheeler, Pennsylvania. It was moved and seconded to close the minations. Carried. It was also moved that in reading the mes of nominees for this committee the upations of the candidates be stated. Del. Collins moved to amend that the mes be printed, together with the occu- tions, and placed on the desks of the del- ates in the morning. The amendment was epted by Del. Duffy, mover of the orig- a il motion, and the motion as amended DEL. SPARGO: I wish simply to ask r information. I did not understand, in i statement of the motion, whether this is to be a committee to report at this ivention, or a standing committee to re- rt at some future convention. !|rHE CHAIRMAN: I understand that it to be a standing committee. Was that ; intention of the mover? DEL. BESSEMER: Yes. DEL. SPARGO: Then, in view of the t that in the reply to the question of tnrade Duffy you said that unless other- se ordered you would rule that the mem- ship of that committee should be con- 5d to the membership of this convention, nove that if any persons nominated for it committee, and accepting, are not del- ttes to this convention, provided they are mbers of the party, that they shall be ?ible for election. 5EC. REILLY: They are all delegates o have been nominated, and I suppose all accept will be members of the conven- n. XEL. SPARGO: Then I move to recon- er. There are no such persons nomi- :ed, and the reason they have not been ninated is that we have been prevented m nominating non-delegates. 'HE CHAIRMAN: Make your motion. a't discuss it. )EL. SPARGO: I have made the motion 1 it has been seconded. I have a right state my reason for reconsideration. My son for moving to reconsider is that the dr has stated — l Washington delegate raised a point of er that Del. Spargo should make his mo- i first and give his reasons afterwards. )EL. SPARGO: I have already moved to onsider. (Seconded.) HE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved seconded to reconsider the action of convention, inclosing these nominations to throw them open, with the under- iding that the ruling of the Chair is set le, and that comrades, irrespective of membership in this convention, are eligible as members in that committee. DEL. SPARGO: Now, I will state my reason for reconsideration. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): A point of informa- tion. How did Comrade Spargo vote? DEL. SPARGO: I voted in favor. I will state my reasons for reconsideration. With the understanding that no person could be nominated for the committee who was not a member of this convention, certain dele- gates here refrained from nominating cer- tain comrades of the party whom they be- lieved pre-eminently fitted to deal with this question. If we are to dispose of it at this convention, it is perfectly right and proper that the membership of the committee should be confined to this convention. If, however, we are to have a standing commit- tee for two years, to report on this whole question, there is no reason under the sun why we should not go outside of this con- vention to select those expert members of our party to deal with the question. (Ap- plause.) So far as I am concerned, I know that in the membership of the Socialist Party today we have some of the most ex- pert educators in the United States of America. I know that in the conventions of the National Educational Association some of the members of our party come there with great prestige and are recog- nized as experts in an expert body; and if we are to have a report two years from now at our national congress, I trust we may have the privilege extended by the convention to nominate some at least who are not shoemakers or carpenters to decide upon the question of education; men and women who are expert educators. (Ap- plause.) DEL. LOWE (111.): I want to speak in favor of Comrade Spargo's motion. I would not for one moment accept a nomination on such a committee as this, because although I am a teacher, I am not prepared to act on such a committee. This committee is not for the purpose of electing certain persons to fill up the requisite number of names upon a committee. They are to do special work along this line, and it is work of im- portance, and we need the very best educa- tors that we have in our movement. I want to say, comrades, by all means do not vote for a man or woman who lives in your dis- trict; vote for those who are the best edu- cators, and I am confident that we have some in our movement that have not been nominated yet. I am in favor of Comrade Spargo's motion. Del. Miller (Nev.) made a point of order that a motion to reconsider is not debatable. The point was sustained by the Chair. DEL. PRIEST AP (Ohio): I want to say this: I am sorry that I am a shoemaker, but I am too old to learn anything else. The motion to reconsider was carried by a vote of 121 to 57. The Chairman called for further nomina- tions, the occupations of the nominees to be stated. The following nominations were then made: George R. Kirkpatrick, Ohio, teacner. Accepted. Ira Tilton, Indiana, lecturer. Accepted. Caroline Pratt, New York, teacher on industrial education. Accepted. Warren Atkinson, Manual Training School, Norfolk, Va. Accepted. Frank Sanford, director Manual Training, Normal School, New York. Accepted. Benjamin C. Gruenberg, New York, teach- er. Accepted. Mary O'Reilly, Illinois, teacher. Ac- cepted. / 46 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Gertrude B. Hunt, Pennsylvania, lecturer. Accepted. Meta L. Berger, Milwaukee, housewife. Absent; dropped. Wm. L. Garver, Missouri, architect and draftsman. Accepted. Margaret Prevey, Ohio, teacher. Declined. Ruth Stokes Brown, California, teacher. Declined. James P. Carey, Massachusetts, shoe- maker. Declined. Charles A Byrd, Texas University. De- clined. Vita D. Scudder, Wellesley College. Ab- sent; dropped. Professor Syrjo, Minnesota, school prin- cipal. Accepted. Gustave A. Strebel, New York, clothing cutter. Accepted. Emil Seidel, Wisconsin, carpenter, design- er, patternmaker. Accepted. May Wood Simons, Kansas, teacher. Ac- cepted. George Clifton Edwards, Texas, teacher. Declined. Mary L. Geffs, Colorado, newspaper re- porter and dressmaker. Declined. Morris Kaplan, Minnesota. Declined. Henry L. Slobodin, New York, lawye Accepted. Winnie E. Branstetter, Oklahoma. D clined. Dr. Rosette, Maryland, physician. A cepted. N. A. Richardson, California. Absent. John G. Ohsol, Massachusetts, lab editor. Accepted. T. Clifford, Ohio, printer. Declined. James A. Smith, Utah. Allan A. England, Maine, writer. A cepted. John C. Kennedy, Illinois, secretary Ass ciation of Commerce of the University \ Illinois. Accepted. J. Stitt Wilson, California. Declined. G. H. Lockwood, Michigan. Declined. Anna K. Storck, Ohio. R. J. Wheeler, Pennsylvania. Accepte Algernon Lee, New York. Declined. Marion Hanson, Washington, teache Accepted. John Slayton, Pennsylvania, carpente Accepted. The convention then adjourned until 2:! P. M. AFTERNOON SESSION. The Chairman called the convention to order at 2:30 P. M. THE CHAIRMAN: I want to call atten- tion to an error in the list of committees elected yesterday as printed. There are eighteen names given under the head of Committee on Constitution. Only the first nine are the ones elected to that committee. The other nine are the Committee on Labor Organizations. DEL. BERGER (N. Y.): The Committee on Foreign Speaking Organizations is omitted. THE CHAIRMAN: If my recollection serves me right, the Committee on Foreign Relations and several other committees were elected on the floor and do not appear on the printed list. The reports of commit- tees are now in order. The list of commit- tees will be read and any that are ready to report may do so. The list of committees was read by the Secretary, and Delegate Thompson of Wis- consin announced that the Committee on Commission Form of Government was ready to report. It was moved and seconded that the con- vention take up the report of the Commit- tee on the Commission Form of Govern- ment.* Adopted. DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): The report of this committee is too long to be read. You have the printed reports before you, or if not there are enough of them printed and can be secured by the delegates. THE CHAIRMAN: There was a motion adopted yesterday that all reports should be read. DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to dispense with that rule or to suspend the rule, rather, with respect to this particular report. It is very lengthy. The motion to suspend the rules and dis- pense with the reading of the report was carried. DEL. THOMPSON: There are a few things, however, that I should like to call your attention to in connection with this report. Tn the first place, your committee, for the past two years, has been gathering from every possible source Information on this subject, from magazine articles, pamphlets, correspondence, books, lenflets, letters from the various locals, and other material. We had the assistance in Wisconsin of tl Municipal Reference Library at Milwauke which is always glad to help in assemblix material along these lines. We also hi the help of the Legislative Referem Library at Madison, Wis., which is al! always very willing to help in gatherir materials and assembling it. In addition ' this material which we gathered in the; different ways, Comrade Jacobsen, tl chairman of the committee, assembled tl names of the secretaries of the locals the various cities that had the commissi* form of government; and we sent out ci cular letters to all of these secretaries, as! ing about forty different questions bearir upon this subject; 150 letters of this kii were sent out and 76 replies were receiv* up to the present time, and they are sti coming. So that we think that we have r ceived a pretty good proportion of repli< to these letters. Now, the report that you have on yoi tables is the result of that work. It is r ported to you unanimously by the commi tee, with the exception of one member wl did not come to this convention and wl therefore was unable to meet with us, ar v r e were unable to get a meeting until ju before the convention assembled, when v got our committee together. Now, I would call your attention vei briefly to the features of this report, think that will be all that will be necessai for this time. The first part of the repor beginning on page 2, is simply a discussic of the extent and the rate of growth of tl commission form of government, which, £ we point out, began very slowly, increase quickly, and then has rather diminished J its rate of growth. On page 3 there is a discussion of tl size of the cities adopting it. We sho that almost without exception it has bee the smaller cities that have adopted i Since this report was sent to the print* word has been received that St. Pau Minn., has adopted this form of goven ment. That then is the largest city, ha^ ing a population of 214,000. Then follows a discussion of the essel tial features and the non-essential fei •The report is printed in full as Append; C— Editor. AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912 j tures; and the characteristic of this re- 7j B port, distinguishing it from all other stud- ies of the commission form of government, Dg is this: that we hold that such details as the initiative, referendum, recall, home rule, ^ civil service, provisions for publicity, are not essential features of the commission form of government, because cities that do not have the commission form have these features, all or son; • of them; some cities have them, some m ,ions have them; and some have not; showing that they are not essential to the commission form. We did not wish to go too much into controversial matters in this report, but on page five we have taken up the considera- tion of the results of this commission form. Now, reports differ. There is a mass of information on both sides outside of J Socialist sources. Some of them are very much in favor and report that it has been very successful. Others report that it has not been^successful. You can read it and decide for yourselves what your judgment e f is; what your opinion ought to be from this information. On page 6 we mention some of the favorable and some of the unfavorable re- ports "showing that there is a difference of opinion even among the non-Socialists. On page 9 we report the result of our circular letters. There you will find some very peculiar things. You will find in the first place that some of the Socialist locals are very much in favor of the commission form of government. Some of them are very much opposed to it. Considerably more of the locals are opposed to it than favor it. Quite a number do not know where they stand; and in fact do not stand anywhere on the question. They are neither for it nor against it. I suppose •several hundred people from locals in dif- ferent parts of the country have written us '' during these two years asking us to tell ' them where they actually stood on the 11 subject. And of course we had to assume D the judicial attitude, and tell them they <• would have to wait until you told us where f we stood before we told them where they ( stood. That is the purpose of this report. GJ The result of the reports from the locals you will find on page 9. On page 11 we take up the arguments for I and against as reported by the locals; and then your committee points out three at least of the principal objections to the commission form of government. You will find beginning at the bottom of page 11 under "Objectionable features," the first one is "Extreme Concentration,' 1 ' the second one on page 12, the non-partizan policy; the third one on page 14, the elimination of minority representation. And then we take Up some other general objections. On page 15 we discuss some of the claims put forth by the champions of the commis- sion form of government and we try to show, what we believe to be true, that many of the claims put forth by the friends of the commission form are without founda- tion. That they are not well established. I would like to ask those of you who are following the report to strike out for us at the present time one part of a sentence at the bottom of pace 15. It got in by mis- take and we would like to have it out. It is the sentence that reads, "This should have given them sufficient ground for re- fusing to submit the matter." That sen- tence should be stricken out. The com- mittee wishes to have it stricken out; and it will be stricken out in the final printed report. There is one feature in regard to this .1 commission form of government which [• \ seems to us should not have been ove/ looked and which has been overlooked by almost all writers on this subject, and that is the experience of other countries in the effort to solve the problems of munici- pal government. The commission form of government we point out is an entirely new proposition. There is no precedent for it anywhere in the world. We point out that while the best governed cities in the world are beyond question the cities of Germany, and the next best governed cities from the standpoint of efficiency are the cities of England, and perhaps the next best governed the cities of France, yet the advocates of the commission form and nearly all writers have practically ignored the experience of other nations in the solu- tion of these problems of municipal govern- ment. On page 19 we point out certain desira- ble features of municipal government in their relation to the commission form. There are certain features which we almost always find in connection with the com- mission form of government which are very desirable. And we point out that it is im- portant not to take an indiscriminate op- position to commission form of govern- ment, because that might seem to place us in opposition to certain features which we would all desire. The attitude that the party should take in any particular city or state should be determined by the par- ticular form and the specific features sought to be adopted. For instance while a commission of five members may be and probabfly is the most efficient in small cities we do not believe so small a governing body is desirable in large cities. Home rule of course we all believe in. Every student of municipal problems knows that in this and all other countries one of the funda- mental purposes of capitalistic government is to bind cities down so that they cannot adopt radical changes which would favor the working class. Every extension of the right of home rule to the muncipalities is a great help in securing municipal owner- ship, direct employment, trades union con- ditions, and many other important mat- ters. And finally, when the committee came to the question of recommendations, the com- mittee did not feel that it would be right to attempt to make any specific recommen- dations as to what any certain local or state organization should do apart from the general principles that we have dis- cussed in the report, for the obvious reason that there are hardly any two cities or any two states that have the same form of commission government. Therefore the only thing we could say to you as a com- mittee was this, that you would have to study the particular form of commission government that is up for discussion in your city or state and with reference to the actual situation there, with reference to the principles that we have laid down, and then locally decide what your attitude shall be. That is because of the great variation in the laws and in the charters. However, there was one thing upon which the committee agreed as a recommendation and that was the very last sentence: "That a committee be appointed by the conven- tion to study further the best forms of muncipal government, and to submit the results of their work as a ba^is for a form that may be proposed as an alternative and improvement upon the commission plan." Now the thought of your committee is this: the capitalistic reform forces in this coun- '-/• \ NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION try seem to think that they are called upon to make a contribution to the solution of this most difficult of all American prob- lcms, that of municipal government; and thfir contribution is this commission form of government. That is their last, best and wisest word. Your committee feel that that is not the very wisest word; they are sure it is not the last or best word on the question of the best form of municipal government. But, comrades, your commit- tee also felt that if we were able to say that much that we also ought to be able to answer the next question that is sure to come, namely, Well, what have you that is better? And that question can not be answered offhand. It can only be answered after an exhaustive, thorough going study of the whole problem of municipal govern- ment in all its forms, and with constant reference to the principles involved in the struggle of the working class of this coun- try for a new civilization, for better forms of government, and for the democratic or- ganization of all industry. So our recommendation on that point is that this be attempted; that a committee be appointed to deal with this matter. I believe I speak for the whole committee when I say that we feel that it is up to the Socialist Party to make on this ques- tion of the best form of municipal govern- ment the same kind of constructive contri- bution that we have made on many other serious social problems of the day. And we want to do that. I move the adoption of the report. The motion for the adoption of the report was duly seconded.! DEL, MORGAN (Minn.): On page 12 you say: "The elimination of parties is a seriously objectionable feature." Am I to understand you to say by this report that the commission form of government by necessity is non-partizan. If so, you are mistaken. The commission form of gov- ernment, or its principle, can be added to any kind of government, the federal form, or the county form, or any other. If you mean that then it is not true: it is not the fact. /Do I understand the committee to mean that if a community adopts the com- mission form of government that they of necessity must have a non-partizan form? DEL. THOMPSON: We do not mean to say that. If you had read the report en- tirely you would see that on another page we analyze the various state and city laws and show just what proportion requires a non-partizan election and what propor- tion does not. There are a little more than half of the state and city laws that require a non-partizan election. All we mean to say on page 12 is that where the non-partizan idea is made a part of the commission form there is failure. We do not believe in non-partizan elections. DEL. MORGAN: As I come from the largest city that has adopted this commis- sion form of government, and it will not go into effect for two years, and it is very evident that it is an experiment all over the country I very thoroughly stand in favor of the recommendation that a com- mittee be appointed to still consider this problem and to present something if possi- ble that would be better for the govern- ment of our great cities. It does work well in small cities; it has been in effect In some small cities for over a hundred years; but not under the name of the commission form. Some small cities elect three coun- cilmen and a mayor; others two and a mayor. They have the whole government of a little village or town in their hands; that is virtually the commission form of government. That seems to work well. I has been adopted in many small towns. I has evidently recommended itself and it; use is rapidly increasing. The question however, is now coming up to the larg< cities, and Saint Paul is the largest citj that has yet adopted it, and there it cai not take effect until 1914. Therefore ; think it would be well to consider thh question more, because the important poin made by Comrade Thompson is this: I: Socialists object to the commission forrr of government — our local objected to tht non-partizan feature, but it was carrlec by an overwhelming majority, with the privilege of amending it — the question is put up to us whenever we oppose this form of government, what have you to offer that is better for a great city like this? This is a great question before us and ii needs earnest and intelligent considera- tion. I hope this convention will not go off half cocked, and show our ignorance of the problem. I think we better wait pa- tiently for two years; let this investigation go on with our ablest men engaged in it, and see if we cannot come finally to some scientific solution of this one of our great- est problems, because American cities are the most disgracefully misgoverned cities in the world. We know that German and English cities come nearer to efficient gov- ernment. Glasgow is almost governed by the commission form; they center the power in three or four or five. It is one of the best governed cities in the world. I hope this will carry and for the next two years an efficient committee will thor- oughly investigate the whole matter. DEL. LE SEUER (N. D.): In connection with this discussion I wish just to offer a few remarks before you act upon it. I wish to give you a few facts. We have gone through the commission form of gov- ernment mill, and we have had experience with it in office and out of office and we happen to know something more about its actual operation than some of you comrades who have not had the experience. I refer to Minot, N. D. I want to call your atten- tion to some of the statements made in this report, not to criticise but to elucidate. I want to say now that there are objec- tions in this report to the commission form of government that are not well founded, if they are taken literally. Remember that is not a reflection upon the fairness of the committee. I have no doubt that they have done the best that could be "Hone with the information at hand; and they are entitled to the thanks of the Socialist Party for the 'results obtained. But there are some objections in this report to the commission form of government that are not well taken or well founded. One of them for instance is that the commission form does away with minority representation. Nothing could be further from the truth. Take the coun- cil form of government where you elect by wards, and there you have 51 per cent in each ward represented and the other 49 per cent unrepresented. If there are three tickets 35 per cent may elect and the other 65 be unrepresented. But when the com- mission form is adopted there is a pro- vision in the law in our state that does give you real minority representation. It is provided for by the cumulative system of voting which is not commented upon here. The committee seems to have had no information on the cumulative system of voting in many commission cities. That provides for minority representation. That is to say if three or four commissioners are to be elected, the voter has the right to cast one vote for each commissioner who AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912 1 is to be elected; but the voter may if he choose, cast all his votes for one candidate, and that gives you real, practical, demo- cratic minority representation. Now you all ought to know that. Again, with reference to the non-parti- zan feature. It has been our experience in our city — and we have a few Socialists there — we are numerous enough even at this stage of the game to have brought about the issuance of a license fc. a regu- lar marriage ceremony for the two old parties — it has been our experience in our town that the Socialist Party organiza- tion is the only party organization that can maintain its efficiency and its integrity and hold its party together without the party name on the ballot. We have demonstrated that at least in North Dakota the Socialists can do that and can survive and flourish in the face of a non-partizan ballot. It is not merely a non-partizan ballot. It means in effect an educational qualification; they must know who they are voting for without having some scab politician tell them to vote the ticket straight. Again, as to the fact that in foreign countries there are so far as the committee knows no commission governed cities. So far as that is concerned I want to say that the commission form of government is not a cut and dried affair; and of all the parties in American today the Socialist Party ought to be the very last party to side step a thing merely because it is new. This report makes practically no recom- mendations at all, and I think it ought to. Remember, comrades, this it not offered by way of ciriticism; but by way of sugges- tion. The last sentence of the report reads as follows: "One thing, however, your committee would recommend, viz., that a ommittee be appointed by the convention to study further the best forms of munici- pal government and to submit the results 3f their work as a basis for a form that may be proposed as an alternative and im- provement upon the commission plan." STow, that is right. We have today in his country hundreds of cities that are n the condition that Saint Paul was a couple of weeks ago, debating the question )f adopting this form of government. Now his convention owes it to the Socialist -^arty all over the country after the Na- ional Executive Committee has circu- ated literature blindly and ignorantly con- iemning the commission form of govern- nent, without knowing what it was, to state something specific on this question. ' therefore move that the report be amend- :d as follows: That the matter of en- 'orsing the commission form of govern- nent is one which must be settled by the tate organizations owing to the great vari- tions in the laws concerning that form f government. The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved nd seconded that the report be amended o the effect that each state shall decide he attitude of that state on the commis- ion form of government, owing to the arying state of the laws and the different inoN of commission government. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move an mendment to the amendment that this eport be referred to a committee of nine o be elected by the National Committee, hat committee to report its findings and ecommendation to the National Commit- ee for action. M ■ .. The amendment of Delegate Slobodin ras duly seconded. ' DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to say that this convention cannot adopt a book containing matters of policy which may be contro-N verted; we cannot adopt an essay. We do not adopt theses or essays. We adopt rec- ommendations of policy, or for action. We must adopt resolutions here for the guid- ance of comrades who have written to the committee to know where they stand. That committee now appeals to us for informa- tion where they stand. What do we say here? We adopt a question without an answer. We are not in a position to give the answer because the committee did not answer any questions. Therefore we ought to refer them to a committee for action; but not to wait for another convention. Let that committee be elected by the Na- tional Committee. That committee is as representative as we are. They should elect a committee; and that committee should act at once and report to the Na- tional Committee its recommendations for that committee to adopt or reject as they see fit. In New York state we have gone on rec- ord as opposing the commission form of government. Perhaps we are wrong. But I am not going to discuss that matter now. That is not the immediate issue. It is as important a question, however, as will ever come before this convention, the ques- tion of the government of the cities of this country, because that is where Socialism bobs up in control of the government. Now we may be wrong; the Socialist Party by giving certain guiding resolutions to the locals of the party may be wrong, but it is better to be wrong and find it out than to take no action whatever. I want this party to take some stand on this question. Is it in favor of the commission form of govern- ment or is it opposed to it. It would not do to say we leave it to the state. It does not do for New York to oppose the commis- sion form of government and New Jersey to favor it. When we come to exchange speakers how can our speakers be consist- ent. The Socialist Party should take some stand upon this question. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I think that one of the most unfortunate things that has happened in our ranks since the last con- gress was the action that was taken on the question of the commission form of gov- ernment. I speak to you as one having some experience with the commission form of government. The city of Berkeley is so administered. The new charter" has been in effect now for four years; and we are now working under that charter. And with the experience that we have had in the city of Berkeley and the other cities of Cali- fornia where the commission form of gov- ernment is established I wish to say that from my experience and observation that I am profoundly convinced that the com- mission form of government is superior for our purposes as Socialists to any other previous form of city organization. A DELEGATE: Provided Socialists are in power. DEL. WILSON: I will take up that point in a minute. I am now giving you my ex- perience. In the first place we found this: that in every city in the state of California where we were conducting a campaign with the non-partizan ballot, the short ballot and the non-partizan ballot — that we were the only organization that could hold its strength through the campaign; that the only political organization that could hold its strength through the campaign, both primary and final was the Socialist organ- ization. That is the fact. In Alameda, in Vallejo, in Modesto, in Santa Cruz, in Los \ / NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Angeles, in all these cities in the state of California in every one without excep- tion, we had all sorts of parties strug- gling- for a place on the ballot and we stood of course united and alone. In al- most every case we came out at least sec- ond on the ballot, with the others disinte- grated and only one ahead of us. Now you can see the reason of that. The others were divided on candidates, on principles; we were united on our principles and our candidates; we had our organization; and we forged to the front in every city; 'and a little better co-operation between our party and the trades unions would have put us in the saddle in half a dozen cities in the state of California. After the pri- mary election comes the final election. We succeeded in getting second place in many divided, and in antagonism as the result of the preceding primary election; while we were just in fighting shape. We had fought as a unit and continued as a unit. In the next place when we come to the question of administration. If we elect our candidates to office under the commis- sion form of government that form of gov- ernment is much more compact and a more adequate instrument for the administra- tion of city affairs than the old ward sys- tem, or any other system of city organiza- tion that we have yet had in this country. The mayor and councilmen meet every day to discuss and conduct the affairs of the municipality; they take up the matters at their hand and proceed to attend to them. That is impossible under the old methods. Now, these various forms of commission government vary. They vary in the form of organization. But the one principle is there; and what we need to do according to my experience is this: not oppose the com- mission form of government but improve the city charters in the various cities. We want to perfect the form of administration. We must perfect the operation of the in- itiative, referendum and recall. We must see that they are inserted in every city charter. We want to perfect the operation of those elements that give power to the city council so that they can deal with the public service corporations, and with mu- nicipal administration; that is to say, in- crease and extend the powers of the coun- cil for reaching out over and taking hold of everything that we Socialists stand for. That is what we need to do. I might have added one other item that I may bring in now. In every city in the state of California where we had the com- mission form of government, when our candidates were nominated that it lined up our Socialist forces as nothing had ever done before, in thos£ cities. That is the fact. I believe that is entirely undis- puted in the state of California. Therefore what I think should be done, although I make no motion in regard to it, is this: that ,d of Socialists flooding the country with anti-commission form of government literature, a mere negation, without any constructive proposition whatever; that it is our business to get to the root of this question, perfect a proposition for the commission form of government, go to it, take hold of it, and perfect it, and make it an instrument for successful city gov- ernment, an instrument for Socialist suc- cess, instead of blindly and unintelligently eking it. DEL. BYRD (Tex.): I wish to say to the comrades that the commission form of government was instituted in the city of Galveston after the father of the universe had become enraged at the wickedness of that city; for the democrats of Texas got so scared that he would send the balance of them to hell; and the state legislature also said, "The Lord is mad at us," and they gave them the commission form of government. And for a few years while they remained scared of the Lord they gave the people a fairly honest government. But the scare finally wore off; and so the fact re- mains that we cannot have any really good form of government anywhere until we take complete charge of the government at Washington. We can never be successful in our own struggle either until we have gained the throne of power and recognized our mothers, wives and sisters as one-half of the human family and given them a voice in the affairs of government. Now I agree with Comrade Wilson from California. We should thank this commit- tee for their work, and not go to the ex- pense of scattering literature opposed to this commission form of government all over the United States; but as he said, put out the scientific principles of Socialism and go after them until we capture the whole thing. Let uys get a governor that repre- sents the working class; elect a president that represents the working class. And when the right time comes I want to have the pleasure of nominating a man to be the next president of this country, Mayor Seidel of Milwaukee, who will always rep- resent the working class. DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I have no presi- dential candidate to nominate. But I do wish to speak upon this motion in favor of the committee's report, and in favor of the amendment which is practically the same as the committee's report offered by Le Seuer, and against the amendment offered by the comrade over here and for this reason: We should not attack the report of this committee; it is tentative; they make no positive recommendations. By adopting this report we can circulate it merely as matter of information among the locals, and the comrades throughout the country. At the present time I am on a committee of fifteen in the city of Los Angeles where I want to know all I can of this commis- sion form of government. After reading a great deal about the commission form of government and listening to addresses from those who were familiar with it I became- a convert, to its cause. I will say that wej were the "first city to inaugurate the initi- ative, referendum and recall which we have? used. I will say to you that the freehold-,' ers committee of Los Angeles now in ses- sion and of which I am a member, is con-', trolled by our people, the right people; and we are getting up the most progressive city charter that there is in America today. One or two other points: How will this be against us? I can imagine how for a* short time the commission form of govern-i ment may work to our disadvantage as a-? party organization, but I am firmly con- vinced that after two years — or four at the outside — in any community that it will ' be to the advantage of the Socialist move-j ment, this commission form of government..] Not only that; it is a step forward, a stepj toward the ultimate and final goal that we are all working for; and we as Socialists cannot afford to stand in the way of a ream progressive movement until we have some*-j thing better to offer. In the meantimej while this report contains no specific i'ec-j ommendations we can take it simply as the- findings on the facts of the case at their? disposal. And then we add that while we, are neither endorsing nor opposing the com-* mission form of government, we appoint' this committee of nine or whatever it may be to still further investigate and report! two years hence, or at some other time. Ij favor the orfginal motion; and I am cer-J AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912 5i Inly against the amendment last offered. 3EL. SPARGO (Vt.): I favor the mo- a to adopt the report and continue the nmittee. I am also strongly in favor of ; recommendation made by Comrade Wil- i, namely, that we should not carry on we have been doing in this country an :i-commission form propaganda; and so ce the national party on that side of the ;stion at this time. I believe the com- ssion form of government is as inevita- in politics as is the trust in industry, relieve that the opposition to the cbm- ssion form of government per se is just insensible in the realm of politics as is opposition to the trust in the realm of ustrial development. I desire to say t when our good friend and comrade m Germany, Dr. Sudekim, was in this ntry studying the commission form of 'eminent, he told me that as the result his study from the Socialist point' of w, he believed it would tend to work to advantage of the Socialist Party; and t we ought to support it. . DELEGATE: A point of order. The Die question of commission government I lot under discussion. 'HE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is well taken. Comrade Spargo is speak- to the motion and amendment before house. »EL. SPARGO: I spent some time in the - of Spokane, where they have the colli- sion form of government in its most ad- ced and perfected form. I attended sral sessions of the municipal admin- ative body, and I say to you that after t experience and having in mind my erience with municipal government >where, it seemed to me it was working only more efficiently as an adminis- ive machine, but that it was capable of ;h more service to the working class i the ordinary ward politician, huckster- tricky style of administration found er the common form of political admin- ation. do want to ask the comrades in this mention not to go on record against the mission form of government; and to rent this anti-commission propaganda agitation. Leave it to the comrades heir respective localities to decide their tude toward the specific form of com- sion government that is proposed for r community. In that respect I be- e that the report of our committee as before us is a model of wisdom, and ht well be copied by all other commit- that are elected or appointed here. EL. McCRILLIS (la.): I am a rest- of Des Moines. I am familiar with celebrated Des Moines plan; I have irved its workings for about four yearjs, 1 want to speak against the amendment Comrade Slobodin, that this convention lid express itself one way or the other. m very well convinced that this con- tion should not express itself against commission form of government. But ther or not it should express itself in >r depends upon the information of the /ention. I am a little in doubt whether hould. s to the non-partizan features, and its ct upon the Socialist movement I will this: we have just passed through a licipal campaign in Des Moines. It is i that we were compelled to drop our :y name when we went on the ticket, we were not compelled to lose our tity. When we went into the primary paign there is where we won our fight use we did not expect to get through primary and I will say that we did secure a larger and better hearing than we ever did before in the city of Des Moines and a larger and better hearing than I be- lieve it was possible to have secured under the ward system. Or under the party lines. Why? Because on the old lines we would have had to form our own meetings; the Socialists would have held Socialist meet- ings; the democrats would have iield demo- cratic meetings; and the republicans would have called republican meetings; and we would not have had a hearing before either the republican or democratic meet- ings. But under the non-partisan plan we got a hearing before the people in general. And we had this advantage. Our candi- dates like all others went individually be- fore the people. But we went as a solid compact body backed by our organization; and we carried on our campaign by con- structive methods. One of our candidates at one meeting would present one phase of a subject; another could take it up where he left off, and present another phase; and this gave us an advantage over all the other candidates and it was a little amusing to find all the other candidates talking Socialism before the campaign was over. That was one of the advantages. But there was a disadvantage, too. I re- member that just a day or two before the campaign closed there were men who came to our committee and wanted to know who the Socialist candidates were. That is a disadvantage. We lost our identity as So- cialists. Then the question is this: So far as I am concerned, is the advantage that we get from the greater and better hearing overbalanced by the disadvantage of losing our identity when we" go on the official ballot? I don't believe it is. I want to supplement and emphasize if I can the remarks of the comrade from North Da- kota and the comrade from California when they say that the Socialist Party is the only organization that can hold its iden- tity under the commission form of govern- ment. But there is one thing that has not been touched upon here; and that is that the commission form of government in the municipalities is but an entering wedge on the part of the bourgeois class I believe, to introduce the same principle into our state and national governments and there I believe is a danger that we must look out for. DEL. PATTERSON (O.): I am opposed to the commission form of government for several reasons. One reason is that this is a reform movement; a substitute for So- cialism; especially adapted for advanta- geous use by the capitalist class in a com- munity where there is no reform move- ment outside of the Socialist Party. Then they build that up as one. The thing that ' the Socialist wants is class lines clearly drawn. They cannot be drawn by oblit- erating party lines. I want to say further that some of the delegates who are on the floor of this con- vention today as representatives of the So- cialist party in this convention, I had the honor of listening to when they were speak- ing- for Mayor Jones, the non-partizan can- didate for mayor of Toledo. We have no commission form of government in To- ledo. We don't need it. They took the precaution soon enough, and they adopted the non-partizan lines. Thev wiped out the identity of the Socialist candidates or tried to. Some of the delegates say that it makes everybody talk Socialism. They believe in Socialism without a party; Christianity without a Christ. That is» what the com- 52 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION mission form of government means. This form of government is a good thing for the reformer. It is a very poor thing for So- cialists. As a Socialist I don't want any substitute for Socialism. 1 don't want to support any candidate who promises sim- ply to give us a "good government" or a "clean government" or a "business adminis- tration" 01* any of these other immediate demands. I want the capitalist vote op- posed by a clean cut class conscious So- cialist vote. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): From my point of view there has been a confusion of ideas in this discussion. There has been an un- necessary separation in some cases because two ideas have been confused. As the commission form of government has been presented to us it has been associated with two very distinct things. One is the non- partizan majority election. That is not an essential part of commission govern- ment at all. You could just as well elect a commission form of government with regular party ballot, and with your candi- dates regularly placed on party tickets. Let that be clearly grasped. The other idea is the election of a small group of administrative officers, with the responsible charge of the affairs of the municipality concentrated in a few hands. That is the commission form of govern- ment. That is its essential principle. These few men hold in their hands all the pow- ers of the city government, including all those usually given to the mayor, those usually exercised by the department of public works, by the treasurer, the city clerk, and all the rest of them, the chief of police included; and this smaller group of men also hold the powers usually held by the city council, all these powers, legis- lative, administrative, and semi-judicial. All of these are in the hands of the com- mission. They act as one body. They do not act as checks and balances at all. It is all in one hand so to speak- 1 — all the powers of municipal government. Now so far as the non-partizan feature is concerned no socialist group in any city could be non-partizan if they were So- cialists. Any political action that is in- telligent is only the expression in political form of the interests of some social or economic group or class. When that is confused the political action is not intel- ligent. We have said that so many differ- ent ways in Milwaukee that they are be- ginning to see the truth of it there. Even the legislature came very near to ad- mitting it at the last special session. They have tried to persuade us in Wisconsin, in Milwaukee, that it is not necessary to designate the principles of a candidate for municipal office; that it is entirely a matter of the man; entirely a matter of the in- telligence of the voters in picking out the man. We pointed out that they were try- ing to obscure the great principles, the great issues of principle, which are not merely municipal principles, but which run from top to bottom of the Socialist politi- cal structure. And finally in a special ses- sion recently they did enact a non-partizan, municipal, majority election law for cities in Wisconsin; and they did make some progress over the previous session; where they proposed and insisted, but did not suc- ceed — that there must be no designation of principles — and they passed a bill for the designation of principles. And they confine that designation of principles to five words. They must be words not used in the desig- nation on the ballot, nomination paper, or election notice, for any state or na- tional office. We have got to get different words and we have thought of putting the ballot these five words: "Workers the world unite" for non-partizan occasic this non-partizan election. This makes clear I truest that this tinkering with t election machinery for cities is not a nt essary part of the commission form government. That is the very thing it has been most of all insisted upon by o woozy friends up there in Milwaukee, t non-partizans, — we call them the "woozie.* That disposes, it seems to me, of t non-partizan, majority election feature. "V are not opposed to the majority electiq That part of it does bring out the cla line. We are not opposing that, unless does this: the majority election may pc sibly result if it be in a place where the is not a normal majority — it may resi in a most unwholesome combination of t most undesirable elements on one end ay the equally undesirable googoos at t, other. Then you get a most horrible mes I was in Los Angeles and the googoos n, one end of the campaign and the saloo; and the dives ran the other. In Milwa kee we had the same thing. A combinati( of the red light district and the googoc and all that sort that come between. Th is what you get when you force an a normal majority where there is not a no mal majority of those properly related each other by economic connection. Tl class line is there, however, and sooner < later there must come intelligent actic along the lines fixed by economic interes but for the time being it is liable to confu: the situation terribly. As to the commission form of goveri ment increasing economy and efficiency, yc do not have to have the commission for of government in order to have efficienc I will refer you to all sorts of men, ai thorities on that subject, who will say thi the administration of Milwaukee — I am n< going to make any nominating speech — tl Milwaukee style of government, mayor, tj old style council, chief of police, and a of that — nevertheless it furnished what : conceded to be if not the most efficient, cer tainly ranked among the most efficient forn of city government in this country. ^ made good. We showed what could be do^ in two years. But the commission for* of government does make it more convt nient for those to whom the power is give to do the things which they wish to d No doubt about that. It simplifies matter You don't have to have all the folderol, tl red tape, the hocuspocus of council actioj wjth resolutions laid over, and a minorit held in check by all that sort of thini You get a simplified, more direct action] that is what you want. But we have Hi notion in Milwaukee at the present tii| that the representative the city somethin to say through their special representatli in the common council; and gives them chance to talk it over with the differed elements, and with the different kind uld do about it? We have spent two 1 a half days here; two committees have orted so far; and neither one has ught in anything by which we could ar- e at some decision. How in the world ild we accept this report? What is re for us to accept? What more do we >w than we knew before? We come e to decide these things for ourselves, lat are we going to do? Two years ago elected committee; now we are going to nd days against electing committees; [ then two years from now they will come i.in and tell us the same thing over again, far as the non-partizan commission form government is concerned I have had le experiences that are not as favorable those of the comrades who spoke awhile . I have been in cities where the people e sick and tired of the graft of a demo- tic mayor. For years the democratic yor fooled them and exploited them, n they elected a republican mayor and did likewise. The ball kept rolling from 5 to side. So the people were tired of this; they did not want any more re- >liean or democratic mayors; but they ited some solution of the problem that ? facing them; finally the solution came he commission form of government; and y gladly adopted it. They proposed a -partizan ticket. The working class e delighted. At last the day of salva- i had come. But let me tell you what pened. When the republicans had been (office the democrats had stood outside told the people what the republicans e doing. When the democrats were office the republicans likewise told the pie what the democrats were doing. In t way the people had some little idea r they were being robbed. Then finally te the commission form of government; then the democrats and the republicans le a contract together; they co-oper- 1; they put up a non-partizan ticket; ! democrats and two republicans and t were elected; and then there was peace both the thieves were within; and the ■>le did not know what was going on. t is where the people got the worst of er we want it or not. It is coming in recognition of this fact: there is no longer in our municipalities a line upon which the two old parties can divide. The com- mission form of government is a business proposition. It is a business administra- tion of the business of the municipality, in which all the people, though they be repub- licans, though they be democrats, though they be Socialists, all the people are inter- ested. A comrade over here decries the idea of bettering the condition of the municipality where he lives. As for me I desire to see every city in the land cleaner; every city in the land better; its affairs better administered in the interest of economy.; in the interest of public health; in the interest of all of the people; and every one ought to see that in these things the working man is of all the most interested. The point I want to make is this: that no matter how we may decry the commission form of government, it is the next step in municipal govern- ment; it is inevitable; we cannot escape it; and we have to meet the issue as it is, and say that we will do all that we can to make it perfect. That is all. DEL. BREWER (Kas.): There is cer- tainly some confusion here this afternoon on this question of the commission form of government. I know in my recent travels through the state of California that in many of the localities there was the same confusion among the comrades 'that lis found here upon the floor of this convention. I have found the same true in almost ev- ery community that I have been during the past four or five months. Socialists ev- erywhere are asking the same questions that are asked by the majority of the dele- gates here. Is the commission form of government a good thing or not? Now so far as I am personally concerned I can only speak from the point of view of Gi- rard, which has the commission form of government. In a recent election in that little city where the class lines were cer- tainly distinctly drawn, we Socialists did not lose our identity. The fact is the good government candidates of the repub- lican and democratic tickets combined; that the street walkers and dive Jceepers, the Methodists, the Presbyterians, "the Baptists and tfre Catholics, the whole of the repre- sentatives of capitalism, went to the bal- lot box on election day and voted for the "good government" candidates, as against the working class candidates nominated by the Socialists, and endorsed and supported by the working class generally in that community. Following the election of the good government candidate of course the church bells were rung, bonfires were lighted on the street corners and there was a tremendous jollification. To my mind there is one point in the commission form of government that is of vital importance. In Kansas we have a law that requires in cities of the first class a certain percentage of the voters to sign a recall; that in cities of the second class there shall be a larger percentage; and in cities of the third class it is almost impossible for us to get the recall. Now these questions should all be considered; they should be analyzed. So- cialists have to meet these questions in every state in the Union. You should dis- cuss them; you should be ready to advise the comrades intelligently. It seems to me very clear that where you have a proper right of recall that this commission form of government is not so bad a thing as some of the comrades peem to think. Now for my part I feel that the committee has ab- solutely failed to perform its duties as J 52 54 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION specified and understood by this conven- tion. They have dillydallied for two years and evidently dii not have their report prepared when we came to this convention. They evidently prepared it afterwards. It looks to me as if they need more time or else we need a new committee to handle the matter, to conduct a general investi- gation of the subject on behalf of all the delegates and all the membership. DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): I wish at the very outset to correct a statement made by another delegate. God Almighty had absolutely nothing to do with the Galves- ton flood or the commission form of gov- ernment. The fact of the matter is that Galveston would not be where it is except for a bunch of speculators. The hurricane arose and the waves came in from the ocean and the terrific catastrophe occurred, and then there was $10,000,000 needed to build a gigantic stone wall to keep out the waves of the Atlantic. It is a fact that just before the storm the most corrupt ad- ministration in any city of its size in America was in power in Galveston, and so that they might not swipe the $10,- 000,000 and keep the wall from being built, the capitalists of Galveston formed the first commission form of government. That is how it happened. Since that time we have had a lot of experience with the com- mission form of government, which has spread over the state that I represent. Houston has a commission form of govern- ment. We have heard of efficiency. The efficiency of heavenly Houston is so tre- mendous in its scope, so far reaching in every detail, that the powers that be on the commission have even decided the brands of beer that shall be sold by the prostitutes in the red light district. Dallas has the commission form of government, and the planters of the city of Dallas, in a five cornered fight last year, ran a ticket that was successful. The city govern- ment is non-partizan to the extent that the First National Bank and the Standard Oil Bank are at the same time the govern- ment in Dallas, Texas. If you go along the line you will find that the Marxian position is absolutely correct, and that gov- ernment under capitalism is the executive committee of the ruling class. (Applause.) Consequently, all this talk of good adminis- trations, nice administrations, is so much leather and prunell, so much poppycock, so much idiocy. The commission form of gov- ernment enables the capitalist class to pur- chase five commissioners instead of fifty alderman (applause), and from the stand- point of the ruling class, of course they are efficient, the most efficient thing that you can possibly imagine. But these five can order the police to club the strikers to .death just as quick and just as efficiently as under the old plan. I am going to close by making this point, which is fundamental, and I want to see more of it. It is this: That this national convention has abso- lutely nothing to do with the commission form of government. (Applause.) We are not dealing with states, and we have no time, I believe, for abstract discussion. We can get all this information within the states on that point. Senator Gaylord was absolutely correct. Why should you bother about your city form of government? We are dealing with national affairs in this national convention, and in the cities we will pick that efficiency form of government to pieces. The previous question was then ordered by a vote of 136 to 63. It was moved by Del. Goebel (N. J.) that the rules be suspended and that on the original motion and each of the am< ments five minutes be allowed to a spet on each side. The motion to suspend rules was lost. DEL. BERLIN (111.): The discus! here has been of great interest. The cialist party is organized for the pun of helping the working class to get public power in their own hands. ' Socialist party is organized to gather working class together to emancipate self from the rule of the capitalist cl The capitalist class see the "handwril on the wall" and at once they come masquerade and say that in this cour all we want is good government; we w the best men in office; the best men, then everything will be hallelujah. K partizanship? Why, we are the very sence of partizanship. We have got be; we must; we can't help it. The ne< sities of the class which they repres and of which we are part demand it, we cannot do otherwise. And the capi ists play this game: You dare not design yourself; and some comrade here fi Iowa has found great beauty in that, i the great joke of it is what I heard ] say, to my amazement, that they had tt all talking Socialism before the campa was over. That didn't tickle me. W they all talking about the abolition of wage system? I am an initiative and rei endum man, subordinate to the main pi ciple of the abolition of capitalism. I an immediate demander as a means to realization of our main principle. But other fellows can steal all the planks of immediate demands and still they will be talking Socialism; understand that (j plause.) Good government, good admit tration? I wish some of you boys co have read one of the last letters that Fr erick Bngels wrote, s"ho,wingp how the c italists would do this very thing that embodied in the very idea of the comix sion form of government, on account the expense of running the capitalist a chine. For the business committee to © duct their business will become expens and they will have to reduce the cost. L< here; I am not a young chicken; they ca fool me with this. I remember in N York City before the Civil War we ha keep a man from being put in jail. They Bed no such assurance. They know it now. hey were assured of it yesterday by a legram which sent them $250. They will i assured of it still more a little later hen we send them a telegram with more omey, as possibly the Executive Commit- e will recommend. Don't waste your oney sending idle telegrams. When you nd a telegram today don't send one say- g we are with you, but send a tcJegram lying here is something to help you. If e can't help them practically we surely lght not to waste money sending idle tele- rams. Let us wait for the report of the xecutive Committee. DEL. CALDWELL (Mass.): I move that lis whole matter be laid on the table. THE CHAIRMAN: By this whole mat- r you mean the motion of Del. Prosser om Pennsylvania to the effect that the invention immediately send a telegram to ie comrades in San Diego acknowledging ceipt of their telegrams and assuring iem of our support. The motion to lay on the table was car- ed. DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): A point ■ order. My point of order is that there too much demonstration from the gal- rles. THE CHAIRMAN: That is hardly a >int of order. If the galleries forget emselves too much the Chair will remon- rate with them. We can not always re- rain ourselves when we are in the gal- ries. But the visitors in the galleries will ndly refrain from interfering with the liberations of the convention as much as issible. The Secretary reported the receipt of cre- ntials from Allan Fields, Oklahoma; orge Koop, J. O. Bentall and Guy Under- Dod, Illinois. He also announced that tarles Larney was no longer acting as ternate for George Koop. THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and see- ded that the report on credentials be re- ived. _ DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): Do you >an to say that when an alternate took e place of a delegate in the opening of e convention and that now that delegate n replace the man who was on the job Dm the beginning? • THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair so under- DEL. KATE SADLER: I don't know lether I am in order to make a motion re THE CHAIRMAN: You are in order DEL. KATE SADLER: I move, that lere an alternate has been on the job in : convention from the beginning he be oernized in this convention. THE CHAIRMAN: The house can not ter into a question of why a delegate me late or wherether he or the alternate the best delegate to represent the State. DEL. KATE SADLER: I move you that 2 State take care of the expenses of that THE CHAIRMAN: That motion is out of ler at this time. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): While we ve agreed to dispense with the printing speeches we have not derided to dis- use with the printing of the names of jse who move or second resolutions. I move that hereafter the names of the mov- tiie minutes. ers of resolutions or motions be printed in THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Slobodin suggests that the names of delegates mak- ing motions be recorded by the Secretary in the minutes. Unless there is objection the Secretary will do this so far as he finds it /possible. THE SECRETARY: We are working un- der Robert's Rules of Order, which do not require this. That is all. THE CHAIRMAN: The house will tacitly require this hereafter. REPORT OF JEWISH SOCIALIST AGI- TATION BUREAU. THE CHAIRMAN: We have the report of the Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau, reported by the fraternal delegate of that organization. That delegate desires that it be read and incorporated in the minutes. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) : I move that it be printed and placed on the table with the other reports.* The motion was seconded and carried. REPORT OF AUDITING COMMITTEE. The Chairman announced that the Audit- ing Committee was ready to report, and that the reporter for the committee asked that some one else read the report, as ho was suffering from a sore throat. DEL. COSGROVE (Ohio): I want to move, previous to the report being read, in regard to the discussion of the report. Under the rules we are allowed four hours for the discussion of the report. I make the motion that every one speaking on re- ports present his name or her name in writing to the Chairman, and that the ques- tion be not called for until the delegates who have presented their names to the Chairman have spoken on the subject. THE CHAIRMAN: Do you mean that in the discussion of reports delegates desiring to speak should send their names to the Chairman, who shall keep the list of those name in order, calling upon and recogniz- ing delegates in that order? DEL. COSGROVE: The reason I make the motion is this: During the discussion yesterday afternoon one side presented its views very fully. I, as a delegate coming here opposed to the proposition, voted against it. We want to hear free discus- sion of both sides of the question. One side had given a full discussion, presenting their views. The opposing side had re- quested the floor on several occasions and had been promised by the Chairman that they would haVe the floor. But the previous question was called for and the comrades who had requested the floor we're not al- lowed to speak. Now, I think it is always customary, under parliamentary rules such as govern the proceedings of this conven- tion, that if a comrade requests the floor previous to the question being called for, he has the right to be heard. I think the safest way, therefore, would be to have the names presented to the Chairman in writing and to adopt the rule that the ques- tion shall not be allowed until the com- rades who have requested the floor have expressed their views on the matter before the bouse. THE CHAIRMAN: This is equivalent to a motion to su^nond the rules, which will require a two-thirds' vote to adopt it. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y): The rules pro- vide that the time shall be divided as V Vtf- \ *The report is printed in full, Apw^ndix O.— Editor. /; NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION fairly as possible between the two sides to a question. That leaves it to the discre- tion and knowledge of the Chairman as to the side on which the delegate desires to speak. If he keeps a list and a large crowd rushes up with their names the Chairman must grant the floor in rotation and the side that manages to get their names in first will speak and then some- body on that side will rise when his name is called and move the previous question. DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I move as an amendment that in sending names to the Chair the delegate shall designate the side on which he wishes to speak and the Chair shall select alternately one from each side until the time arrives at which the vote must be taken. DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): Supposing I am on neither side? THE CHAIRMAN : I can not answer that question. DEL. SOLOMON : reports delegates desiring the floor sha send their names in writing to the Chai man; that the Chairman shall keep a li of such names and that the Chairman sha recognize the delegates in the order which their names have been received; ar that when the previous question has bet carried all those whose names are at th; time upon the list shall nevertheless hai the right to speak before the vote is take DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I rise to offer a amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: No amendment is i order. All in favor of suspending the rul< will say aye. Those opposed, no. The motion was lost. DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I offer the follow ing motion: That the previous questic shall not be ordered until an opportunit has been given an equal number of tl speakers upon either side of the propos tion under discussion to present the views. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules ths motion out of order for the reason that is impossible to demand of a Chairma authoritative knowledge whether a man speaking for or against a proposition. Oi rule states that so far as possible the Cha shall recognize both sides equally, but yc can not make a rule that an equal numb< of persons shall be heard on both side The report of the Auditing Committee wi be presented. The report of the Auditing Committ* was then read. To the National Convention of the Socia ist Party: Comrades — We, your Audit Committer beg to make the following report: Th'e books of the National Office are n< at the convention, and it is not possible 1 make an Audit at this time. We find that the books from the precec ing audit were audited on April 1st, 191: by the Paine and Bock Audit Company c Chicago, selected by the National Execute Committee, and we herewith submit the: report with recommendations made b them. AUDIT OF NATIONAL OFFICE FI- NANCES. Telephone Randolph 2592. Telephone Automatic 62-422. PAINE & BOCK AUDIT CO., Not Inc. Public Accountants and Auditors. 546 Commercial National Bank Building Corner Adams and Clark Sts. Chicago, April 25, 1912. National Executive Committee, The Social ist Party, Chicago, 111: Gentlemen — In accordance with your it] structions we have audited the books o the National Office of the Socialist Fart for the period September 1, 1911, to Apri 1, 1912, and submit herewith, as of Apri 1, 1912: General Ledger Trial Balance, Nations Office Statement of Assets and Liabilities National Office General Ledger Trial Hal ance, Lyceum Department Statement o Assets and Liabilities, Lyceum Departmenl all of which we hereby certify to be correel MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1912 1 Our audit comprehended the following: Verified Entries of Cash Received and Distribution of Same with Stubs of Secre- tary's Receipts. Verified Enteries of Cash Paid and Distri- bution of Same, with Cancelled Checks and Receipts for Expenditures. Verified Footings of Cash Received. Verified Footings of Cash Expenditures. Verified Mileage Reserve Fund in Sepa- rate Bank Account. Checked Cash Book and Journal Postings to General Ledgers. We counted the cash in the hands of the STational Office cashier and Lyceum Depart- nent cashier on April 11, 1912, and found .he same correct. We made bank reconciliations under date )f March 31, 1912, and found that the sum otal of the checks outstanding, added to he balance shown by the cash books, greed with the balances shown by the tank statements on that date, with the ex- eption of the National Office account, vhich exceeded the bank balance by $0.80. We suggest that the bank exchange be >aid at the end of each month instead of aily, as is your custom. The bank will harge your account with the exchange for he month, which can be verified with the ass book. i We recommend that a "petty cash" ac- i ount be opened in the general ledger, u harging same with a sufficient amount to i onstitute a working or petty cash fund; ame to be reimbursed from time to time y a voucher covering O. K.'d memoranda. check is drawn (covering the total of isbursements), cashed and the fund re- ored to the original amount. We recommend that a regular form of ay roll book be used, the same to be ap- roved at the time salaries are paid. We further recommend that separate :>oks be used for cash received and cash lid, which will facilitate the work and be ss expensive than your present method. We also suggest that a date be fixed each jar for the closing of the books. We recommend that a book be used for ie purpose of listing the furniture and ctures and the cost. This book should be agreement with the furniture and fixture count in the general ledger. A perpetual ventory of this kind will be very valuable ase of fire. We also recommend that a more up-to- Xe system of billing be adopted in order save time and expense. Respectfully submitted, PAINE & BOCK AUDIT CO., By H. S. Paine. )CIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD- QUARTERS. 3NERAL LEDGER TRIAL BALANCE, APRIL 1, 1912. Dr. Cr. ceum Department. .$ 3,047.22 leage Reserve Fund 9,235.89 itstanding Accounts 1,319.09 ganizers 1,070.21 as. H. Kerr Co $ 161.25 uis Kopelin Press Bureau 340.00 •propriations 1,770.00 sh in Bank and on Sand 7,596.55 bscription Cards... 780.00 mmission on Sub- scription Cards 120.00 tional Dues 34,129.10 itionery and Sup- plies 2,830.99 nting and Litera- ture, 1911 3,379.96 Printing, 1912 5,704.18 Literature, 1912 Buttons 174.21 Campaign Fund Furniture and Fix- tures 1,809.63 Refund 17.71 National Executive Committee 847.45 Express and Freight.. 1,563.42 Postage 2,336.14 Rent 703.33 Exchange 65.7-0 General Expense 366.19 Telegrams and Tele- phone 235.31 Wages 7,263.36 Organizing 2,891.13 Donations and Collec- tions Discount H. G. Adair Empire Paper Com- pany A. B. Dick Company B. W. Heubsch MacMillan Company James H. O'Neil Com- pany F. J. Kain & Son P. F. Pettibone & Co. . Partridge & Anderson Saul Bros John F. Jordan Sullivan-Blakely Com- pany Tarentum Paper Mills H o r d e r's Stationery Store Milwaukee Social Dem. Pub. Company Equity Series The Elliott Company Sub. Card Appropri- tion 50.00 Appropriation, Organ- izing 3,106.28 Appropriation, Press Bureau 100.00 U. S. Express Com- pany Eagle Stamp Works Pilcher-Hamilton Com- pany George H. Doran Com- pany J. W. Butler Paper Company Joshua Wanhope Globe Engraving & Electro. Company Charged Off Accounts. 97.40 National Office, Net Balance 2,702.62 59.85 921.59 101.72 681.50 4.00 24.30 .75 >pt 180.0 nd - 322.50 a 10.34 s l 41.25 ,f 38.50 e 2.25 9.74 23.45 47.75 / 12.50 1.10 353.19 1.75 117.48 1.29 15.09 30.00 25.00 15,259.78 $57,051.35 $57,051.35 SOCIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD- QUARTERS. STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILI- TIES, APRIL 1, 1912. ASSETS. Cash in Bank and on Hand $ 7,596.55 Mileage Reserve Fund 9,235.89 Outstanding Accounts 1,319.09 Subscription Cards 780.00 Stationery and Supplies 2,830.99 Literature 3,379.96 Buttons 174.21 Furniture and Fixtures 1,809.63 Lyceum Department 3,047.22 Organizers 1,070.21 $31,243.75 i 1IOXAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION LIABILITIES. G. Adair $ 681.50 ipire Paper Co 4.00 B. Dick Co 24.30 Heubsch .75 MacMillan Co 1.26 H. O'Neil Co 180.00 F. J. Kain & Son 322.50 P. F. Pettibone Co 10.34 Partridge & Anderson .45 Saul Bros 41.25 John F. Jordan 38.50 Sullivan-Blakely Co. . 2.25 Tarentum Paper Mills 9.74 Horder's Stationery Store 23.45 Social Democratic Pub. Co 47.75 Equity Series 12.50 The Elliott Co 1.10 U. S. Express Co 353.19 Eagle Stamp Works 1.75 Pilcher-Hamilton Co 117.48 Geo. H. Doran Co 1.29 J. W. Butler Paper Co 15.09 Joshua Wanhope 30.00 Globe Eng. & Electro. Co 25.00 Chas. H. Kerr Co 161.25 Appropriations 1,770.00 let Difference Between Receipts - and Disbursements 12,107.28 • ational Office, Net Balance 15,259.78 $31,243.75 SOCIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD- QUARTERS. GENERAL LEDGER TRIAL BALANCE, LYCEUM DEPARTMENT, APRIL 1, 1912. Dr. Cr. National Office ! > 3,047.22 Field Subscription.. 383.00 Miscellaneous Sub- scription 243.37 Lecturers' Expense . $ i3.602.96 Organizers' Expense 5,738.59 Donations and Col- lections 478.31 Special Lectures.... 1,024.09 Slides 39.93 Discount 42.98 Refund .25 Printing 12,063.41 Rent 209.90 Stationery and Sup- plies 735.87 Telephone and Tele- graph 349.92 Office Fixtures. 850.19 Postage 1,736.97 17.85 Wages 6,261.52 1,969.36 Freight and Express General Expense.... 99.89 Cash in Bank and On Hand 4,572.35 Local Refund 5.80 J. W. Slayton 267.76 Lena M. Lewis 358.75 Anna A. Maley 287.94 Ralph Korngold . . . 334.93 Walter J. Millard... 229.12 A. Cantrell . . . 760.00 George H. Goebel . . . 615.83 A. W. Ricker 254.86 Mi la T. Maynard. ..." 215.31 Phil. Callery 376.27 A. P>. Baker 22.45 James Maurer 100.00 N. A. Richardson. . . 182.65 E. Untermann 262.94 R. A. Maynard 187.17 George D. Brewer. . 516.65 H. W. Spears 147.05 Frank Bohn 202.78 P. S. Brown 275.55 Ernest Moore J. W. Butler Horder's Stationery Store F. J. Kain & Sons Partridge & Anderson G. B. Williams Battershall & Oleson Trade Circular Ad- vertising Company Pennsylvania 22.00 Accounts Receiv- able 110,856.73 Subscription Cards Commission 2,424.95 Cost of Subscription 25,700.34 134.23 1.12 38.80 48.00 .60 .60 2.00 6.00 187,405.91 $192,856.48 $192,856.48 SOCIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD- QUARTERS. STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILI- TIES, LYCEUM DEPARTMENT, APRIL 1, 1912. ASSETS. Cash in Bank and On Hand $ 4,572.35 Outstanding Accounts 110,856.73 Furniture and Fixtures Slides Stationery and Supplies Pennsylvania 850.19 39.93 735.87 22.00 $117,077.07 LIABILITIES. National Office $ Ernest Moore J. W. Butler Horder's Stationery Store F. J. Kain & Sons Partridge & Anderson G. B. Williams Battershall & Oleson Trade Circular Adv. Co Net Difference Between Receipts and Disbursements 113 ,047.22 134.23 1.12 38.80 48.00 .60 .60 2.00 6.00 ,798.50 $117,077.07 The outstanding accounts in above state- ment represent subscription cards sent out; and not yet paid for or returned. (Note by National Secretary — Part of the above recommendations have already been adopted. The others .n my power to adopt will be adopted in due course. As for the one about having a fixed date each yeaf for auditing the books, I recommended it in the annual report in January, and have again recommended it in my report to the National Convention.) The Audit Committee desires to state that it is not practicable to attempt to audit books of the National Office at Na- tional Conventions. The work can only be done by expert accountants, and even such cannot take the books at the beginning ot a convention, and report before its close. We, therefore, recommend that the books of the National Office be audited in Janu- ary and July by a regularly incorporated accounting company, selected by the JM^J tional Executive Committee. Respectfully submitted, M. E. FRITZ, S. E. GARRISON, FRED BENNETTS, WM. A. WARD, OSCAR H. BLASE. DEL. MERRILL (N. Y.): I move thj the report be accepted and the recommendf tions of the committee be concurred in. The motion was seconded and carried. MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1912 1 REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FARMERS' PROGRAM. THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of business is the report of the Committee on Farmers' Program. Comrade A. M. Simons, reoorter for that committee, has the floor. COM. SIMONS: I may say in preface' that a great deal of work has been placed upon this and we have tried to present a program short enough and general enough in its provisions to be adopted by the con- vention. I will read the report.* DEL. DUFFY (N. Y.): I move that this report be adopted as a whole and that the recommendations be concurred in. The motion was seconded. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to amend that the report be accepted and that the recommendations be taken up seriatim. COM. SIMONS (Kans.): I desire to speak to the motion. I have come with this same proposition before every convention of the Socialist party held in the United States since the Socialist party was established. I came before the first one that was ever held in the United States, the first conven- tion held at Indianapolis, and since that time, year after year, we have fought over this question. I have changed my own po- sition on the question every time that I found a new fact which showed me that I was wrong in my former position, and this report is very much at variance with some that I have given before, because of the fact that in the last ten years there has been a complete change in the evolution of farm industries. Ten years ago I said — and I said correct- ly — that there was not anywhere in the United States any sign that the concentra- tion in farming would follow the lines that it had followed in factory industry, at least in any appreciable time. It was more like a geological process. But the last ten years has brought not only the disappearance of the frontier — and when that disappeared in America it had disappeared in the entire world, so that today we are no longer an agricultural exporting country; today we are no longer the granary of the world, and all through Europe the question of where the food of the world is coming from is be- coming a tremendous pressing problem. And behind that we find one of the causes of the tremendous rise in the cost of living. That fact has been reflected in this tre- mendous rise in the price of land that has transformed every little farmer, owner of his farm, into a land speculator. His in- come from the ownership of his farm as a speculator has been greater than his in- come from his ownership as an operator. Because of that fact he has now largely left the farm and is turning it over to a race of tenants. Coming along with that is the movement, now practically but three years old, for the introduction of other than animal power in the operation of the farm. More than forty years ago the first steam plow was shown, but only within the last three years has it been effective. A few months ago I went into one of the great manufacturies of these plows. The head of the company took me through twenty-three acres of factory, where three years before were open fields and houses, and every acre of that factory was devoted to the building of great farm tractors. With the disap- pearance of the horse and with the com- ing of these great mechanical powers, with the tremendous increase in the cost of liv- ing, we are now confronted with a new *The report is printed in full, appendix dix D.— Editor. problem of the farm, and it is time that we awoke to it. Now, the recommendations that we make here we have made to relieve two classes, practically, the class of farm tenants and the class of farm laborers. We bring in little concerning the farm laborers because they are covered by our regular recom- mendations in our regular platform and in our regular action. We take up the ques- tion of this land ownership and this ques- tion of the enormous increase in the value of land. Some of you are. going to be frightened because you catch a phrase there which you may think we borrowed from the single tax program. But I hope that no one will bring that up until he has read again the Communist Manifesto, because long before Henry George ever heard of "Progress and Poverty" that principle had been incorporated in the Communist Mani- festo. So I hope that unless you are will- ing to repudiate that Communist Manifesto you will not pick on that proposition. We say that if you take out the specula- tive value you will do away with this enor- mous increase in farm tenantry. In the second place, we ask you to adopt our third demand. That is a new demand. It was expressed two years ago, but it is a new one to be presented to any Socialist party in the world. But I was surprised to have called to my attention by one of the comrades on the floor that Comrade Kautsky a little while ago surrendered his entire former position on this question and had declared that the time had now come for the Socialist movement to stand for the socially owned farm. I believe the Socialist party can come out and stand for the establishment by the county organization and by the state organ- ization of socially operated farms. Do you realize that it has been repeatedly dis- cussed in the United States Department of Agriculture that they should establish ex- perimental farms? We want something en- tirely different. We want a farm that shall be not primarily experimental, but one pri- marily productive, operated by society and which shall constitute a means of con- trolling rents and controlling farm labor by making it impossible to force wages down as they may be by private competition. We propose to make this the foundation of social production by giving us a grip upon the source of food supply. The other items are, on the whole, self- explanatorv. Two years ago I finished my talk on this subiect by asking you not to adopt in the platform the report that I brought in, because I thought that we did not know vet what we stood for. Since that time the States of Oklahoma, North Dakota, South Dakota, Texas, and, I pre- sume, others have put farm progress in their state platforms. They are going ahead. The farmers are going to get into the Socialist party and fight for Socialism whether we want them or not. A DELEGATE: They are doing it now! COM. SIMONS: Yes, that reminds me that the farmers from Texas are beginning to organize unions among the tenants; are beginning to fight on the economic and po- litical field exactly the same sort of strug- gle that we are battling in the factory, in the mill, in the mine and in the store. Now, then, I say that those comrades are taking up that subject. It is time that we struck out some lines nationally. It is time that we laid down principles that would apply to this class as well as to all di- visions of the working class. We have spent thousands and thousands of dollars NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION to reach the trade unionists, and I want more sp^nt in that, way; but there are only- two millions of them; we have spent all our resources on that small fraction, in the effort to reach the few mechanical and other industries, and no one of them has anywhere near the number of workingmen and women that are to be found upon the farms of this country. Take hold of this program; criticize it; tear it to pieces if you can. But I do hope that before you leave this hall you will say that, as for the Socialist party of the United States, we are going to take a stand at least ahead of the insurgents and prog- ressives and radicals, who are trying today by every possible means to capture the vote of the small farmer and build up a peasant proprietorship in the United States; I do hope that we are going to take a step ahead of them; that we are going to make the Socialist party of America the actual expression on the political field of the en- tire working class, of the entire human race. Comrades, we stand today at the parting of the ways. We are making tremendous inroads into the factory workers. The only .hope that capitalism has to sweep back the on-rolling tide of revolution is to bank up against us the workers of the farm. To them they are appealing; to them they are offering everything that capitalism can of- fer to stay on the backs of the workers. We must go to the farmer and show him that he can not be relieved while he is being ridden by the capitalist class and that we alone come to him with the gospel of freedom, of liberty, of emancipation, of social ownership, of everything necessary to the production of wealth and the sat- isfaction of life. THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: The hour of 1 o'clock having arrived, the convention stands adjourned. AFTERNOON SESSION. Chairman Lee called the convention to order at 2:30 p. m. COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION. The tellers reported the following vote on the standing Committee on Education, the candidates being the seven highest: May Wood Simons, 174. George R. Kirkpatrick, 166. Emil Seidel, 160. Frank Sanford, 124. Caroline Pratt, 122. John C. Kennedy, 115. Warren Atkinson, 109. The foregoing delegates were declared elected as the standing Committee on Edu- cation. FARMERS' PROGRAM. THE CHAIRMAN: The report of the Committee on Farmers' Program has been made. There is a motion to adopt the re- port as a whole. There is a substitute mo- tion to receive the report and consider the recommendations seriatim. Comrade Ohsol, of Massachusetts, has the floor. DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I wish to speak against the adoption of the report as a whole for this reason: There is a confusion in points 1, 2 and 7. Point No. 1 does not state whether the Socialist party aims to introduce land own- ership as a Socialist institution. The land is left out from the other means which should be socially owned. It infers that land ownership will be something different, that land will be owned by private owners, whether that be the intention or not, in there. And in the second clause you see that land cannot be used by those who do not till it. Consequently it is natural that the only title to land — that means also the ownership of land — will be in the hands of those who occupy and till it. That means the support of small farmers and nothing else; the same thing which has been dis- cussed all over and has been rejected by the Social Democratic party of Germany and also in Russia and also in a whole lot of countries where agrarian reforms have been considered as a whole. This recommendation promises the wage earners in the last clause, the seventh, that they will be better off. Just why they will be better off if live stock is insured . and they will not be insured according to the program, I do not know. There is noth- ing which states that we should organize the farm hands and try to better their condition. It only deals with farmers and small occupants. We must distinguish be- tween those two points. The Socialist party is a party of the working class. It does not undertake to relieve the burdens of all classes of society. However, we take it that there are some classes that will still suffer. What the farmers may want in one State they may not want in another State. What they may want in one county they may reject in another. In Mexico they demand confiscation of the land. In this country they would reject that proposition. In one country they would stand for small ownership and in another country they would stand against it. In one there might be one thing proper and in another some- thing different. Therefore, a policy should be adopted that is consistent. We are deal-, ing with principles, and not with a pro- gram. A program must contain only those demands which the Socialist party as a working class party means to carry out, and not the wishes of this or that class, whether they are small farmers, grocery keepers or any stratum of society. We must distinguish between form of owner- ship and forms of tillage. Those things are entirely different. The form of own- ership may be state or national ownership, but the form of tillage must adapt itself to the means of production and the machin- ery we use and the form of distribution we are dealing with. These are confused in the report. It leaves the tenancy and- occupancy to those who are tilling, and it? tries to unite those who cannot be united. ; In Canada the ownership is concentrated J and tillage of some kinds has entirely dis- integrated. The land may be tilled by small, farmers having 50 acres or 160 acres. At this point Del. Ohsol was interrupted" and called to the platform. In reply to a>l question the Chairman stated that the mat- ter before the house was, first the motion* by Del. Duffy (N. Y.) to adopt the report; as a whole, and next the substitute, motion , by Del. Slobodin (N. Y.) to receive the re-^ port and act upon the recommendations seriatim. DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to make a. point of order. I do not want to interrupt < the comrade who is speaking, but since he] has been interrupted, I will make it. WH must dispose first of the amendment, and* if the amendment is adopted, then we Willi discuss it seriatim and the comrade willi speak on such plank as is under discussion. 1 If the amendment is defeated, then his gen-; eral argument will be in order. THE CHAIRMAN: Is Comrade Merrill- willing to accept the substitute? AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912 6t DEL. MERRILL (N. Y.): Comrade Mer- 111 is willing- to accept it. THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec- ion to the acceptance of the substitute? ?he motion before the house then is that he report be received and the propositions .cted upon seriatim. In the discussion of hese propositions necessarily it will not be »ossible to restrict a speaker to one par- icular recommendation at a time. We will, towever, as rapidly as the house sees fit, ome to a vote upon the recommendation f the committee. Then after recommenda- ion one has been adopted or rejected it will lot be in order to discuss any more than is .bsolutely necessary that recommendation, .■"he speakers will strive as far as possible o adhere to the seriatim method of dis- ussion, but the Chair will not attempt to nforce it absolutely. DEL. OHSOL: I will confine my remarks 3 the first clause. DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I want to find ut if he is discussing - the subject or the ody of the report. THE CHAIRMAN: The technical matter 5 still felt to be Comrade Slobodin's mo- on. The motion is to receive the report id act upon the recommendations seriatim, there is no objection, I will put that mo- on. The motion was put and carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before ie house now is the adoption of the first commendation. Comrade Ohsol has the )or, but in the discussion of the first rec- nmendation he will, of course, have to dis- ss it in relation to those which are to How, but he will adhere as closely as pos- 61e to the first. DEL. OHSOL: I am now going- to pass the first clause, because it leaves out ads. It is impossible to own socially ose big storage plants, those means of insportation, if you do not own the land lelf upon which those storage plants and lier means are erected. That is one thing. e other thing is that if the farmers own id they are supposed to produce for sub- itence only, not for the market. That is 3 only possibility to keep the occupant t of competition, out of the large world .rket. As long as you produce for the .rket, for those storage plants and for >se means of transportation you have to ire some control over this method of pro- 2tion. That is the only possible way to ,roduce co-operative action, which will be j/erned by the next clause if you own |i land. As a matter of fact, all Socialist •ties have come to that view. The Ger- n Socialist party started to debate on agrarian question in 1S70 and from time time till 1908, when it was postponed. 3 only recommendation which has been ught out thus far was that of Comrade utsky at one of the various German So- ist assemblies, that the land should be iied by the state. If you take the pres- state you cannot possibly leave any pri- e ownership of land, and for that reason small farmers in Germany and else- ?re have become bankrupt. For that rea- they have not been able to pay with the minery owned by } large land owners. the second place, chey have become rived of those bankers who advanced n money under mortgages, and_ those tgages can now be taken by application the State at a lower percentage, and 3 the farmer can be relieved of large ments he has heretofore had to pay to ate owners of capital or bankers. he next recommendation which has heen 3 far advanced is the abolishment of all those restrictions which try to tie the farm- er with a certain form of taxation. You cannot possibly distinguish between land which they own themselves and land which is privately owned by mere land owners, and if that is the case you leave private ownership of land. DEL. MORGAN (Minn.): A point of or- der. I understand that now we are dis- cussing the first clause. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair has clear- ly stated that in the discussion of the first section it will be impossible to prevent the .speakers from considering the later sec- tions. DEL. MORGAN: But he is discussing the second now. THE CHAIRMAN: He is undoubtedly discussing that in connection with the other. The only result of supporting the point of order would be that Comrade Ohsol would have a right to get up eight times and have altogether forty minutes to speak instead of five. We will get along much more expeditiously by not insisting on the point of order. DEL. OHSOL: Cut out "land" from the first section, which means transportation and storage, and it means that you have to confine yourselves either to land owners or land tenants. Now, if you introduce such a form of ownership you will have to have tenants of the State and you will have to care for them. You can supervise and lay down the conditions of tenantry, either 30 years or more. You can lay down condi- tions of tillage of the soil, but as soon as you do you introduce an actual form of own- ership. So you leave this to them, or you do not recognize any form of property. What is the use of singling out land from all other means of production? Small stores and small shops are also tools of produc- tion which are used now, and which are also now in the stage of tenantry. The ma- chinery trust, for instance, the United States Shoe Machinery firm, adapts its ma- chinery to small shoe makers, and this is actually the same thing which happens with the land. Therefore I say, let us adopt such a policy as will better the con- dition of those who till the soil — not the farm owners, but the farm laborers. (Ap- DEL.'CASSIDY (N. Y.): Yesterday when we discussed a question it appeared that some who spoke had no special knowledge of the subject. I trust that today only those who are real farmers and who have made some special study of this subject will talk on the question. I am a printer by trade and a city worker. I believe the subject is one of the most intense interest and greatest significance to the Socialist movement. Now, as a printer and a city worker, I want to get the inside facts. I realize its importance, and I trust that the bookkeepers and stenographers and all others who have no real knowledge on the subject will keep silent. (Applause.) DEL. WILLS (Okla.): I want to speak against the adoption of that report of the committee in its present form. I am an actual farmer. I must say that I compli- ment the committee for bringing in such an elaborate report, and I will say this, that with few exceptions I have very little to sav against it. But in its present form I agree with the Comrade who has just spoken, that it is necessary to mention that we distinctly demand the collective owner- ship of land. (Applause.) The Oklahoma delegation feels that this question would have been discussed in a much better man- ner if this subject had been referred to a / 70 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION committee of farmers to consult with the present committee. I must say, personally, : said before, that this committee, in view of the fact that they have not an actual farmer among- them, have done a re- markably good job. (Applause.) I want to compliment them. We are discussing now the first section, I understand, Comrade Chairman. Am I permitted to make my ob- jections to the other sections? DELEGATES: Yes, go ahead. DEL.. WILLS: I think it would have a tendency to facilitate business if we had a committee elected composed of say four or five farmers — I believe I am the only one of our delegation — to confer 'with this com- mittee. It would save a great amount of discussion, I believe, and we could get our position before this body in a better way Therefore, I move you as an amendment that we appoint a committee of five farm- ers, delegates to this convention, to con- fer with this committee and bring in a re- port as soon as possible. (Seconded ) THE CHAIRMAN: At this convention? DEL. WILLS: Yes. A DELEGATE: A committee of farm- ers? THE CHAIRMAN: A committee of five composed of farmers. The previous question was ordered, and the motion of Del. Wills to elect a commit- tee of five was carried. The following nominations for this com- mittee were made, all of the delegates named accepting: Wills, of Oklahoma. Sherman, of Oregon. Theinert, of Rhode Island. Nash, of Minnesota. Beloit, of Idaho. L. L. Rhodes, of Texas. Grant, of North Dakota. Caldwell, of Pennsylvania. Coonrod, of Idaho. THE CHAIRMAN: You will remember that you are to nominate only actual farm- ers. The Chair takes it that every delegate who has accepted is an actual farmer at the present time because that was the meaning of the motion. There are nine candidates. Del. Hillquit moved that the nine nom- inees stand as the ' committee. Seconded and carried. THE SAN DIEGO SITUATION. THE CHAIRMAN: The convention this morning referred a certain matter to the National Executive Committee with in- structions to report this afternoon. The report of the National Executive Commit- tee on that subject takes precedence of the regular order of business, and Comrade Harriman for the National Executive Com- mittee has the floor. Del. Harriman, on behalf of the National Executive Committee, presented the follow- ing^ report and accompanying telegrams: REPORT OP THE NATIONAL EXECU- TIVE COMMITTEE. The Executive Committee met in extend- ed session. The San Diegx) situation was thoroughly discussed and the following ac- tion finally taken: 1st. A contribution of $250 has been sent to the State Committee of the Socialist party of California for San Diego. 2nd. The report on the situation by Com- rade N. A. Richardson has been circulated and an appeal for funds accompanies it. 3rd. We propose that the following tele- grams be ed at once to the Gov- ernor of California, to the Secretary of the Building Trades Council of California, to the Executive Committee of the American Federation of Labor of California and to t State Executive Committee of the Sociali party of California. The following is the telegram to Gover or Johnson: "To His Excellency, Hiram Johnson, Go ernor of California, Sacramento, Cal.: "Sir — The Socialist party of the Unit States in convention assembled demand th you render immediate assistance to the c izens of San Diego, to the end that the rights may be preserved and order restore We have wired all labor organizations the State to co-operate with you to this er We urge you to release immediately the i port on the situation by Commission Weinstoek, so that the entire citizenship the State may know the facts." "To Paul Sherinberg, Secretary State Fe eration of Labor, and to O. A. Tweitmc Secretary-Treasurer State Building Trad Council of California, San Francisco, Ca "Dear Comrade — The Socialist party the United States in convention assembl extends to the working class of Californ in their fight in San Diego their united syr , pathy and support. "We have wired the Governor, urging hi to render instant relief to the citizens San Diego and to release the Weinstoek r port relating thereto. "We ask that the State Federation Labor, Building Trades Council and the S cialist party co-operate in urging the Go ernor to act. We have issued an apoeal the Socialists of the United States f funds." TO THE STATE EXECUTIVE COMMI' TEE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY OF CALIFORNIA. "The Socialist party of the United Stat in convention assembled has endorsed tl action of the N. E. C. in sending you $2! , in cash to be used in the fight in San Dieg Telegram has been forwarded to the Go ernor of the State asking him to release t] Weinstoek report. You are requested foflow our telegram by an urgent appe from your committee on the same subjec The report of Comrade N. A. Richards<; has been published and an appeal for fun< issued to the party membership. The coj vention urges you to act at once and to c all in your power to assist in the situi tion." DEL. HARRIMAN: I suggest the add tion to the telegram of the following wordj "And that you co-operate with the Sta' Federation of Labor and the State Buildil Trades Council to this end." This is tl report, and I move its adoption. (Seconded DEL. IRVIN (Okla.): I want to ask question of Comrade Harriman. Why "cit zens of San Diego"? DEL. HARRIMAN: We do not refer oifl to the working class of San Diego. DEL. IRVIN: They are not citizens | San Diego. DEL. HARRIMAN: Well, they are ctt zens so far as a great many of us ever W come citizens, because they are men wt are migratory, and we meant it to inclwj the entire party involved. The reason M put "citizens" in there was that it was* my mind that the persecutions there extel to a great many people. Some of them a merchants, but most of them belong to til working class, and we meant their interem and their rights to be preserved by this a| tion, and we are all standing together the* That was the only purpose. DEL ZITT (Ohio) : I move to am6T| that in the telegram the word "urge" J substituted for the word "demand." (3f\ onded.) ^ AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912 EL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I wish to ask if there was not another labor or- ganization in danger or in the fight? THE CHAIRMAN: The chair can answer ov |no such question. DEL. SADLER: May I ask Comrade Harriman that question then? THE CHAIRMAN: If Comrade Harri- Ll f man chooses to answer the inquiry he may do so. DEL. SADLER: Wasn't there another or- ganization specified? You have only men- tioned one. DEL. HARRIMAN: They were all in the "^scraps, and the money that is sent and the assistance that is solicited by the State Federation of Labor, Building Trades Coun- cil and Socialist Party goes to San Diego ,°jto defend them all, no matter who. DEL. KATE SADLER: Then I would amend that we include a telegram to the Industrial Workers of the World, who are also in the fight. (Applause.) DEL. HARRIMAN: There is also a tele- gram to be sent to the comrades in San Diego stating what we have done. I sug- gest that that be incorporated in the report, that a telegram be sent to the San Diego comrades stating to them what is our ac- tion. THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no ob- jection that will be considered included in the report. DEL. SADLER: I want that clearly understood. My amendment — THE CHAIRMAN: You have made what motion? DEL. SADLER: I made an amendment that in the telegram be also included the Industrial Workers of the World.. THE CHAIRMAN: The Industrial Work- ers of the world; what department? DEL. SADLER: At San Diego. THE CHAIRMAN: What office? Do you mean to the national organization or to the local organization at San Diego? DEL. SADLER: The local organization where the fight is. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion already provides for a telegram, as I understand it, to a joint meeting of all the comrades in San Diego involved. It does not distin- guish the various branches. DEL. HARRIMAN: To San Diego, the To the San Diego That a telegram be Free Speech League. THE CHAIRMAN: Free Speech League. DEL. HARRIMAN: sent to the Free Speech League at San Diego, which is a merged committee from all the organizations in the free speech fight. THE CHAIRMAN: The I. W. W. is also in it. Are you ready for the question. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) : I want to say that the last clause that was put in there was that they be urged to co-operate with the organizations of the A. F. of L. Is that not correct? And in that case you have recognized the A. F. of L. and have ignored the organization that is working on the ground. (Applause.) DEL. HARRIMAN: So that we may know the facts, I will t te that the Free Speech League in San ±^iego is a league composed of delegates from the Central Labor Council of the A. F. of L., the I. W. W. and the Socialist Party in San Diego. This league wras prmed after the ordinance was passered and apjlerstand it, and they entered iname will be und- A delegate att e also. \ point "V^HAIRJ^"™ °< » e tasked DEL. HARRIMAN: Just aa soon as I get the opportunity I will answer. ■DEi^. BiiiSSEMER: Not for a speech. THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Bessemer will maintain order. DEL. HARRIMAN: During that time there went to San Diego Mr. Weinstock, ap- pointed by the governor, O'. A. Pridmore, appointed by the State Building Trades, Paul Chandler, from the State Federation of Labor, and N. A. Richardson, from the Socialist Party. They were all there at the same time. They were all present during the investigation made by the commissioner of the state, and they joined in the re- port. Now, the I. W. W. men, and prin- cipally the Socialists from San Diego, made the statement in the convention in the city of San Francisco one week ago or more that it was the men from the Building Trades Council that had sent the committee back. It was the unanimous opinion of those men from the State Building Trades Council, which, as you know, is a part of the American Federation of Labor. Yes, we are asking the co-operation of the entire working class on the coast to fight the battle that my comrade wants fought. (Ap- plause.) DEL. BESSEMER: I want to say that still we have not got a direct answer, and I want to have the reading. THE CHAIRMAN: Delegates and vis- itors, and more especially .visitors, will please refrain from occupying the time of the convention with demonstrations of ap- proval or disapproval on one side or the other. DEL. BESSEMER: I would like to have a reading of the telegram in which he ap- peals to the Socialist Party to co-operate with the A. F. of L. May I have a reading of it verbatim? DEL. HARRIMAN: The secretary has it. The secretary read: "To the State Execu- tive Committee of the Socialist Party of California. The Socialist Party of the United States, in convention assembled, has voted $250 to be sent to you in cash — " A DELEGATEi This is not A. F. of L. DEL. BESSEMER: I want the part that was omitted, whereby they appealed to them to co-operate with the A. F. of L. SEC. REILLY: This is as Comrade Harriman gave it at that time, and it is down here in shorthand. "And that you co-operate with the State Federation of Labor and the State Building Trades Coun- cil to this end." That is what you gave. DEL. HARRIMAN: Yes, that is it. DEL. BESSEMER: That is what I want to get at. I want to say that instead of the State Federation of Labor it is nothing more or less than the A. F. of L., and thev are working hand in hand with the I. W. W., and if this convention is going on rec- ord with the A. F. of L. in that fight, when the I. W. W. is just as much in the fight as they are, you are ignoring them, and it is unjust. I want to see the I. W. W. in- cluded in this. They are worthy of recog- nition. I think the amendment to the motion is in order and should be voted unanimously in favor. I don't care whether you agree with me or not. My middle name is Fight anyway. I don't care how much you agree. I insist that you comrades do recognize any movement of the working class. I want to say more, while I have the floor, that by us ignoring the I. W. W. or that organization in con- vention here, we do more to compel mem- bers of our party to leave the movement, because there are many members of the party that say that we are cowards, that we are not direct-actidnists enough in the NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION political party, and they have got discour- aged and got outside, and they tell me that they are getting out and becoming direct- actionists. We are driving them out by not standing by them in our political party. I appeal to you, comrades, in the name of the working class; the working class, as Ben Hanford said, right or wrong, always the working class. DEL. SPARGO: It seems to me that theVe is an entire misapprehension in the mind of, Comrade Bessemer, and I have no doubt in the minds of some other com- rades. There was absolutely no intention on the part of the National Executive Com- mittee to refuse recognition to the I. W. W. An its action. On the contrary there was on the part of the committee the assumption that the action proposed and support, ex- tended was support extended in the main, and action recognizing in the main, the I. W. W. as the center of the fight. What are we doing? We are saying here that in the city of San Diego there is a great fight. In that fight the Socialist Party, the Federation of Labor and the I. W. W. are all involved. They are united in that fight. Very well. Now, we send word to them, we send word to that joint committee rep- resenting equally the three elements and say, "We have voted you money. We have called on all of our comrades to give you all the support they can." We say to them, in addition to that, "We have called upon the entire working class to extend you support." Why does the I. W. W. appeal to us for funds in its emergency? Because it cannot get any. And we of the Socialist Party say we will get what we can. More than that, we are saying to the American Federation of Labor unions, "Forget your differences in this fight, and let there be a united fight of the working class until victory is achieved." I repeat, there is no discrimination against or refusal to recog- nise the I. W. W. There is a recognition of the fact that the L W. W. cannot help itself, and that we ourselves will do what we can, and turn around to other organiza- tions of the working class and say, "Let us put our shoulders to the wheel; let us fight and fight until we win;" and if that is not a logical fighting proletarian attitude, then, comrades, I have been for twenty odd years in this movement in vain. (Applause.) The previous question was then ordered. DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): The rea- son for my insistence upon mentioning that particular labor organization is this: that in that communication which is to be sent other labor organizations were mentioned. Now, I desire that every organization that is carrying on the fight in that part of the country shall have equal courtesy, tn fact, I hope that the comrades here will insist that every portion of that fighting force shall have equal recognition. You know and I know that this class fight is not go- ing to be won by any single portion of the Working class, and it does not befit us as the political expression of the working class to go on record by mentioning any particular part of the economic organization. Now, then, I hope that the comrades here as- sembled will vote that if these telegrams are to be sent, ' that a telegram will be sent mentioning at least, if nothing else, the name of the fighting organization known as the Industrial Workers of the World. (Applause.) I do not ask any applause. I ask that you do justice as far as you can see it right now. And the $250 that has been sent from the na- tional office, remember, if you please, that it all came out of your own pockets, out of the pockets of the working class. The National Executive Committee has worked — yes, because there is a force that will make it work, whether it wants to or not t (Applause.) DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): The motion, as I understand it, is that a telegram bei sent to the State Executive Committee of California, to the State Building Trades I Council and to the State Federation of Labor. Now, the amendment provides that a telegram be also sent to the Industrial Workers of the World. Now, as far as I know, these telegrams go only to organi- zations outside of the city of San Diego. Now where is that telegram to be sent' SLJ e E?/ U( $. a thing in existence as a State Federation of the I. W. W. in the state of California? As far as I know there is no such organization, and if this telegram is to be sent to the I. W W of the city of San Diego, I ask why not n? n ?^° n -jmmendation, I would like to move that this clause be inserted: "Where such means are used for exploitation." I believe it is manifest that they do not mean the way it reads. THE CHAIRMAN: Will you read the clause then as it would stand? DEL. EDWARDS: "The Socialist party demands that the means of transportation and storage and the plants used in the manufacture of farm products and farm, machinery, where such means are used for exploitation, shall be socially owned and democratically managed." The amendment was seconded. DEL. O'REILLY (111.): I would like to call the attention of the committee to a mere matter of English. I would like to call attention to the fact that if they put in that clause they will express just the opposite idea from the one that Uiey wish to express. It reads, "The Socialist Party demands that the means of transportation and storage and the plants used in the manufacture of farm products and farm machinery shall be socially owned (and democratically managed." If he inserts the words "if they are used for exploitation," he contradicts himself, because socially owned machinery means that the prod- ucts would not be used for exploitation. As a matter of English, I would like to have them consider that. I think it's bad English. DEL. SHERMAN (Ore.): I wish to say that I do not agree with the report of the majority of that committee, and I wish to state why. I believe that as long as the means of production are to remain in the ownership of private hands we will have wage slavery. I am opposed to wage slavery. I am not in favor of the means of production remaining in private hands at any time, and I do not think there should be a special program for the farmer. As Lincoln said, a nation cannot exist half free and half slave. If we have the means of production in private hands, we must have wage slavery, and for that reason I am opposed to any special program for the farmers. DEL. DUFFY (N. Y.) : I rise to speak in opposition to the acceptance of the amend- ment. As amended it would read "and the plants used in the manufacture of farm products and farm machinery, where used for exploitation, shall be socially owned and democratically managed." The plants used in the manufacture of farm products and farm machinery are always used for exploitation, because the workers work enough to produce this machinery, and they cannot be used in any other way. But at the same time I want to speak in favor of the unamended section. I am repre- senting a farming community, while I am not a farmer, in the state of New York, and I have recently had an opportunity in a two months' trip to study the problems of V, ose farming sections of the state. Ther^ he chief problem is this, that they do nox raise enough food and so on, and have to buy it from the west. So this is a national problem, and the means of trans- portation and storage being owned socially, are absolutely necessary for the elimina- tion of the conditions under which those farmers are suffering in that section of the state of New York, and I presume in other sections throughout the east. There- fore, I am very much in favor of the fi^t section unamended. ^ 74 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I am perfectly willing to have the committee rewrite that .section, provided this point may be made char. I believe if anyone will read the section as it is printed, and then remember some of the questions that are asked by audiences, you will see the necessity of making it clear One of the questions asked will be, "Do you want to have a wagon and a corn crib socially owned and democratically administered?" Now of co V s -%' l he cor nmittee did not mean 'that, and if the committee or the chairman will suggest some phrase that will just make n^ShSS hat ^f refer t0 SUch means Of production and transportation as the dele- ft? IT New Y + °u rk has just mentioned, that will answer the purpose THE CHAIRMAN: The committee has accepted the amendments in substance The Snn C /° r S lng . 2 f that amendment, I ??? P h-^ ll } not be kibbled over between i^J lf£e * ent comraaes - because it is under- "?>, of course, that it is not strictly capital means that we refer to DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): * It has been fmendmen? ^ COmmittee ^epted thiS THE CHAIRMAN: It is accented DEL. THOMPSON: The committee is considerably scattered. I am a member of the committee, and I do not want to a ! ?n P ™* U ;i, I t i Unk U would be b ad policy to put that phrase in there. I simply want t0 correct that statement. P Y Want no?^Sr£ H * AIRMA ? : J f the committee does «?L% s Z ee t0 a c?ept it, all right. I under- stood the committee accepted it DEL. WRIGHT (Neb.): Two years atrd this committee was elected for the purpofe turist ud J^ "ae problems of the agricuL or mn«t 5 £? r tW x° years this committee, ?&J ~ Sf them > have been busy studying this problem. As for myself, I have labored over this question until my htad has ached. We find ourselves at this time "em th( X ghly educated in this great prob? lem. Ihe very fact that the committee and every student of this great question have been waiting anxiouslf for the la°t census report and have not been able to £«* lt P r °Y es tha t to arrive at a complete understanding of the evolution of farm industry is as yet an impossibility. Everv day some new force is making its appear- ance in connection with the evolution of efntf^nTV 1 5 aVe just been ^formed re- cently of this fact, which I dare say the average farmer has not taken into con? Tw ra ^,?^ and P erha P s does not know: iiwm Europe I s even alarmed over the pos- sibility of not being able to get the usual food supply which Europe gets from Amer- }n ^^Sr i ^ ,lt + Ura ; 1 ex P° r ts- I cite this fact to show that along with this hundreds of other fundamental problems are making their appearance. You cannot lay down a specihc line of action in connection with those things which are yet in the hands of the experimental station and in the minds of the inventors, and which are as yet not seen not analyzed, not studied. American capital as well as European capital is now commencing to seize upon land, not be- cause land is so much more productive than it used to be, but because the field of investment has been closed up, with the result that America has been discovered, civilized, and its civilization capitalized al- most to the limit. Now then, money is hunting for an investment, and it is seek- ing land as an outlet. Capital has com- menced to take hold upon farming. The inventor's mind is being turned in the di- * rection of improving farm methods; not due to the efforts of the farmer, but to the prospect of dividends as seen by the n facturing class, who use the inv and scientist to further the ends oi capitalist class. Just exactly what end of this course will be, I do not k nobody knows. Only those things v can be analyzed up to this time ca dealt with. This report has not thrown together in a haphazard ma This report is just as complete as it be, just as scholarly as it can be, an economically sound as it is possibl produce at this time. It reaches jus far as we are able to analyze the situa I can understand very readily why objection will come from one part of United States, while an entirely diff< objection will come from another part. new clause introduced leaves it open the states in their state platforms to form to the conditions of their partic sections. What we do require now, in of the fact that we do see that the < talist landlords, speculators and grafters seize an opportunity for mar lation, is that we must have a nati declaration which aims a blow at this < of parasites, to get them off the farn back. We must have a national declars which will involve the means of expL tion in manufacturing lines which r the farmer. This you have got, and declaration as to a national program co every phase of this question that can sibly be dealt with intelligently, and more we fuss with it, the worse you going to make it, and we are likelj end up here with no program at all. no matter how we end the discussion, t are a number of students of economics have been attracted to this question. 1 will study it, not for the next two yi but for the next twenty years, and wil the time become clearer on the mattei new forces make their appearance. DEi. TAYLOR (111.): I would lik< ask for information whether this ch in regard to exploitation was suggested the idea that this as it reads now w< take in the individual wagon, the ow ship of a wagon in which a man tz goods from his farm to the warehous< the railroad. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair un stands that that was the reason for n ing , that amendment. DEL. TAYLOR: Then I move as a i! stitute for the amendment that the v "social" be put before the word "me?! in the first line of this clause; "the Soc ist party demands that social means" so forth. DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I have amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ohsoll Massachusetts moved that in the first the word "land" be inserted so thai shall read, "The Socialist party denu that land and the means of transporta! and storage," etc. This amendment also be before the house. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Why do demand the collective ownership, as in platform, of the means of transportat First, as a step to our final end the lective ownership of all the means of duction and distribution; and second, the purpose of improving the conditioi the workmen that work in these Unj States. Is that the reason why the fa ers' report contains the demand for the cial ownership of the means of transpo tion? Is the farmer interested in our i aim who is the owner of some of means of production himself? Is he iv ested in improving the condition of. AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912 1 working-men who work on the railways? "No. What is it that he is interested in first? He wants the means of transportation to be more efficient and cheaper. That is why- hat is included in the farmers' program, so l n: "Haven't you intelligence enough, my ar friends, to know that none of your an- 3lf stors, nor any of your ancestors' ances- y'rs away back to the beginning of time, ^ide any part of this old earth. You know well as I that no living man made any rt of it. Therefore, he has no more right own any part of it. My friend over lI( ere said he wanted a place to bury him- If and his family. I have a special friend the land of Texas who has 1,300 acres of e river bottom land on the Colorado ver. / He is as strong a class-conscious 'fcialist as ever came down the pike, and is willing at any time when the people mt to socialize the land to do so. I agree ni th the amendment. Take a 1 the land d the fullness thereof. Thus saith the °.'trd: "Thje land shall not be sold for- er." ., I want to know whether the Socialists of 2fe United States are in favor of the col- tive ownership of the earth or just a rt of it. I want to say to you that until e people own the whole earth, until we *n the whole, entire earth and reduce gov- "fiment to a science of producing and dis- buting wealth, based on labor, you can ver have a sensible Socialist organization, ppose I was John D. Rockefeller and I mted to build a railroad. I would have have the land to build it on. Suppose I '^jint to have a factory where we manufac- re cotton. I have a picture of a cotton jker that picks cotton by machinery. That ichine will do the work of twenty men d it only requires one man and a boy to erate it. What are you going to do with 3 18 men thrown out of work? That raa- ine does not eat anything. What are you ing to do with the grocery men? That ichine does not require any shoes. What to become of the shoemaker? That ma- ine does not require any clothes. What to become of the tailor? That machine, t dear friends, never goes into litigation, hat is to become of the lawyers? And t, but not least, that machine has no ill. And what will become of the preach- I am here to tell you that you will do vise act if you adopt this comrade's prop- tion and declare for taking the earth and S fullness thereof for all the people. DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio): Now that many of us are going to lose our jobs, think that we want this section pretty ar, and since this is to explain our posi- n with reference to the land, I move to lend the amendment by putting the word reductive" in there, making it read "all ler productive land." If I get a second to 2 amendment I should like to speak to it. The amendment was duly seconded. DEL. STRICKLAND: I think the word roductive" will cover the case. The com- ics want to repeat the words "used for ploitation." I think that is not necessary, hink the word "productive" is sufficient, e reason I think we ought to use this alifying word is that we have not reached agreement on how we are going to own r little garden patch or in what way we shall have title to our homes. I think ttoe amendment as stated by the ministeriaV comrade who referred to Leviticus 25-23 will not cover the case, because we don't want to vest the title in God, for we are not in unit on this question of God, and we don't want to take a position with reference to the ownership of the home or the home land, but we do want the ultimate collective ownership of all productive land. There- fore, I offer this amendment. DEL. STALLARD (Kan.): In this dis- cussion the main feature has been whether we shall stand for the collective ownership of all lands, or whether we shall stand for the private ownership of land so long as that land is not used for purposes of ex- ploitation. That, briefly stated, has been the main bone of contention. I have taken the floor to call your attention to one fact." The supreme power of the Socialist Party is the referendum ballot of the rank and file. At the last convention in 1908 the convention adopted a declaration for the public ownership of all land, and in about three months' time, by an overwhelming majority vote of the membership, that sec- tion was repealed. If you wish to adopt a farmers' program you should adopt a pro- gram that the rank and file of the party want; and I do not believe that the rank and file of the Socialist Party has seriously changed their mind on that proposition. Now, I believe personally that some time in the far distant future that no man will privately own a place to bury himself or a garden spot, but I do not believe that social development has reached the point that we should demand that now; and I may be wrong in the prediction that it will ever come. This is a matter of an immediate program and not a matter of making pre- dictions. We want a program that fits with the present conditions. At the present time we are not ready for the nationalization or public ownership of all land, and for that reason I think that any amendment to any part of this program that would call for im- mediate public ownership of all land should be voted down. THE CHAIRMAN: The hour of 5 o'clock having arrived, the Secretary will proceed to read the resolutions that are before us. RESOLUTIONS. Resolution from Tacoma protesting against Judge Hanford. Referred to Com- mittee on Resolutions. Resolution by Delegate Garrison (Ind.) , against speakers of the party exciting race prejudice. Referred to Committee on Con- stitution. Resolution from Local New York in re- gard to establishing publishing concerns for the party. Referred to Committee on Con- stitution. Resolution from Local New York urging campaign for universal adult suffrage. Re- ferred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution by Mary E. Geffs and others as to women candidates for President and Vice-President. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution from Local Glenville, Scotia, N. Y., offering a plan of Socialist control of the means of production and distribution. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution by W. P. Collins as to paying expenses of contesting delegates. Referred to Committee on Constitution. Resolution by W. P. Collins as + o refer- endum nominations for President 1 Vice- President. Referred to Committee on Ways and Means. Resolution by eighteen members Ohio delegation charging the party with beconi' / ■ conservative. O/n Resolutions. Resolution by thers opposing NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION / Referred to Committee Resolution by Delegate Oyler (Neb.) Delegate Alexander and commission government. Referred to Committee on Constitution. Resolution proposing amendment to Ar- ticle 2, Section 5 of Constitution. Referred to Committee on Constitution. Resolution from Young Socialists' League, Philadelphia, for a National Committee of Young Socialists' .Leagues. Referred to Committee on Constitution. Resolution from Young Socialists' League, Philadelphia, for a National Socialist Sun- day School Committee. Referred to Com- mittee on Constitution. Resolution by E. R. Meitzen to discon- tinue publication of weekly syndicate arti- cles. Referred to Committee on Constitu- tion. Resolution by North Dakota delegation as to a Socialist banking program. Referred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution by Delegate Christian (Mont.) favoring telegram to Joseph J. Ettor and Arturo Giovannetti. Referred to Commit- tee on Resolutions. reference to owning party press. Refei to Committee on Constitution. Resolution by five delegates from Ore demanding that the organization be strictly of a working class character, ferred to Committee on Resolutions. Resolution by Mary L. Geffs and otl as to qualifications for state political didates. Referred to Committee on St and Municipal Program. Resolution by W. P. Collins and oth against military character of Boy Sc movement. Referred to Committee on R olutions. Resolution by Delegate Zitt as to hold of political offices resigning from posith in the party. Referred to Committee Constitution. Resolution by Duncan opposing the I lingham Bill. Referred to Committee Resolutions. Resolution by Delegate Dempsey on Immigration question. Referred to Co mittee on Resolutions. The convention then adjourned until M 16, 1912. at 10 o' clock A. M. MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1913 FIFTH DAY'S SESSION. The convention was called to order by lairman Lee. The following- delegates accepted norai- itions for Chairman of the day: t James F. Carey of Massachusetts. jijJohn W. Slay ton of Pennsylvania. George H. Goebel y of New Jersey. 1$ James A. Smith of Utah. Winfleld R. Gaylord of Wisconsin. W. P. Collins of Colorado. The vote resulted as follows: Carey, 74; Goebel, 60; Slayton, 29; Col- is, 18; Gaylord, 18; Smith, 6. Comrade James F. Carey was declared ected Chairman of the day. The following accepted nominations for ice-Chairman: Lewis J. Duncan of Montana, W. P. Col- lins of Colorado, Ma/ Wood Simons of ansas, Charles A. Byrd of Texas. The vote resulted as follows: Simons, 0; Duncan, 47; Collins, 21; and Byrd, 10. Comrade Simons was declared elected ice-Chairman of the day. On motion, the reading of the roll call delegates and of the minutes of the pre- ding day were dispensed with. Communications of greeting were re- ived from the following: Cigarette Makers' Union of New York. Seventh and Eighth Ward Branches, brkmen's Circle, Rochester, N. Y. Polish Section Socialist Party, Cleveland, lio. Working-men's Sick and Death Benefit ind, United States of America. Uptown Jewish S. P. Branch, Philadel- ila, Pa. Polish Section, Philadelphia. Secretary, S. P. Local, San Diego, Cal. Central Committee, S. P., Boston, Mass. George R. Lunn, Mayor, Schenectady, English Speaking Socialist Club, Law- nee, Mass. Branch 367 Workmen's Circle, New York. Third Ward Branch, S. P., Elizabeth*, J. Branch 14, Workmen's Circle, Provi- nce, R. I. United Garment Workers, No. 54, Brook- n, N. Y. The following communications were ad by synopsis and referred to the com- ttee as stated: Petition from Jewish Branches of Cin- mati, Ohio; referred to the Committee Constitution. Resolutions from Jewish Branch, Bos- n, Mass.; referred to Committee on solutions. Resolutions from Branch West Hunts- tie, Ala.; referred to the Committee on ^solutions. Resolutions from Local Kansas City, >., addressed to the Missouri delegation i read at their request; referred to the mmittee on Platform. •THE CHAIRMAN: The next order is finished business. I think nearly every- tag Is unfinished. But we will now take up report of Committee on Farmers* Pro- gram, clause 3. REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FARMERS' PROGRAM. THE SECRETARY: The amendment of Ohsol of Massachusetts which is before the convention is to strike out the words "continuous acquirement" from the third section, and to insert Instead thereof "gradual acquirement of all land." The amendment offered by Strickland of Ohio is to insert the words "socially pro- ductive" before the word "land." On a vote the amendment to the amendment by Strickland of Ohio was lost. The amendment by Ohsol of Massachu- setts was also lost; and the original rec- ommendation of the committee was adopted. DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): Rule 23 limits debate to four hours. I should like to in- quire how much of the time remains on this report. THE SECRETARY; We have used about three hours. DEL. STREBEL: I move that the Chair now fix the time when the debate will close. THE CHAIRMAN: The debate will close according to the Chairman's watch at ten minutes to eleven. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move that the debate close in thirty minutes. The motion was seconded and adopted. The Secretary then read clause 4 of the farmers' program, which was adopted. Clause 5 and clause 6 were also adopted. Clause 7 was then read by the Secretary. DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I move to insert the word "not" after the word "with" in the second line and to insert the word "not" after the word "and" in the third line. DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I would like to have that read as amended to see what sense it makes. THE SECRETARY (reading): "We call attention to the fact that the elimination of farm tenantry and the development of socially owned and operated agriculture will not open new opportunities to the ag- ricultural wage worker and will not free him from the tyranny of the private em- ployer." DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I move that that motion be laid on the table. The motion to table was seconded and declared carried by the Chair. A division was then called for. A DELEGATE: A point of order. The motion to lay on the table is out of order, as the original motion was a ne tive of the whole proposition. THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is not well taken. The question before us is the verification of the vote. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): Does the mo- tion to lay on the table carry, the whole proposition? 7* o/j / NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION / THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair does not understand that it will apply to the re- port as already adopted, but merely to the amendment. The motion to lay on the table was car- ried by a vote of 147 aye to- 27 no. DEL. WILLS (Wash.): I move to strike out that entire section. The motion was lost by a vote of 77 aye and 117 no. DEL. ROSETT (Md.): I move to amend by inserting the words "to that extent" before the words "free him," and as amended it would then read: "We call attention to the fact that the elimination of farm tenantry and the development of socially owned and operated agriculture will open new opportunities to the agri- cultural wage worker and to that extent free him from the tyranny of the private employer. The motion was seconded and the para- graph as thus amended was then adopted. THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will read the additional matter to be included in the report but which is not in the printed copies. THE SECRETARY (reading): "The So- cialist party pledges its support to the renters and the agricultural wage work- ers in their attempt to organize to pro- tect themselves from the aggressions of capitalism and the employers in agricul- ture." It was moved and seconded that this clause be adopted. THE CHAIRMAN: All those in favor of the adoption of this clause 8 will say aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried. DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I want to know if the policy is to be pursued by the Chairman to cut off debate on every sec- tion of this report that is offered. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair has no desire to cut off debate. DEL. CLIFFORD: Let me inform you ■ THE CHAIRMAN: The gentleman is out of order. If he does not like the ac- tion of the Chair he can appeal. DEL. CLIFFORD: By hek, I don't get a chance to appeal. THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will read the additional clause 9. THE SECRETARY (reading): "While the above is offered as a general outline for the National agricultural program of the Socialist party, we wish to point out that there are such variations of condi- tions in the widely separated districts of the United States that to each section and to each state must be left the task of working out the further details of a pro- gram applicable to the peculiar agricul- tural conditions in their respective states and districts. DEL. FRITZ (Miss.): I offer the fol- lowing as a substitute for the whole. "8. As a measure of immediate relief for the thousands upon thousands of land- less farmers of the South and Southwest, and for the purpose of equalizing the bur- dens of taxation by removing the motive now prevailing for tax dodging, we de- mand that all owners of landed property assess their own lands, the State reserving the risrht to purchase such land at their assessed value, plus 10 per cent. "9. Land now in the possession of the State or hereafter acquired to purchase, reclamation or tax sales to be renfed to landless farmers at the prevailing rate of share rent, or its equivalent payment of such rent to cease as soon as the total amount of rent paid is equal to the value of the land, and the tenant thereby a< quires for himself and his children th right of occupancy, the title to all sue lands remaining with the commonwealth On motion of Delegate Berlyn of 111 nois, duly seconded, the resolution offere by Delegate Fritz was laid upon the tabl* DEL. RUTHENBERG (Ohio): I mo\ the adoption of a new section, number li to read as follows: "We also point out that the above shoul be considered only as an immediate pre gram, and that we demand the ultimat collective ownership of all the land use for productive purposes." DEL. NOBLE (Tex.): I move to lay o the table. DEL. RUTHENBERG: As maker of th motion I have the right to the floor eve if the motion to lay on the table is mad* THE CHAIRMAN: Will you point ou where that appears in the rules? The Chai will have to have the particular passag in the rule pointed out. DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): I should like t inquire in regard to the expiration of th time for debate what time it is now b; the Chairman's watch. THE CHAIRMAN: In two minutes th time for debate will have expired. Com rade Ruthenberg's point is not well taker Del. Ruthenberg appealed from the de cision of the Chair, and upon a vote of th. convention the Chairman was sustained. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I claim that Dele gate Ruthenberg had the right to speal even though the motion to lay on th< table has been made. Comrade Ruthen berg had the right to state his positioi and that right has been denied him. THE CHAIRMAN: The body of th. house has sustained the position of tht Chair. That makes it the ruling of thi body of the convention and not the Chair man's ruling. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): For the further in formation of my fellow delegates on thi! floor I request the reading of this rul< concerning this question of debate after ! motion to table. THE CHAIRMAN: The question befon the house is the vote upon the report o: the committee, a motion to adopt whicl was made. The Chair will receive no fur ther inquiries except that pertaining U the matter before the house. DEL. RUTHENBERG: Under Robert*! Rules of Order the right of the delegate t< state his position has been denied him. THE CHAIRMAN: That point has beei decided by the convention. The questioi is upon the adoption of the report of th« committee. The motion to adopt the report of th< Committee on Farmers' Program was thei carried. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): In order tc be fair to everybody I move that Comrade Ruthenberg be allowed to read the clause in Robert's Rules of Order, that the dele- gates in this convention may kno-w whether we are right or wrong. DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): A point ol order. That there is nothing before th« house except the next order of business We are not here to discuss academic questions arising on Robert's Rules of Or- der. THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is well taken. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I wish to spealj on the point just raised. THE CHAIRMAN: Do you appeal from the decision of the Chair? MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 DEL. DUNCAN: Yes, I demand to speak n this question and state my position. t seems that we have had about enough this steam roller business this morn- ng. This convention ought to know the ules under which they are working. If tq have the right to speak five minutes n a motion to table we ought to know We are working under Robert's iules of Order and for that reason I link for the information of this con- ention we should hear that rule read, nd the attempt of the chair to keep us rom having the rule read does not look ood to me. THE VICE CHAIRMAN: Chairman arey will now state his position. THE CHAIRMAN: This is the section: Motion to lay upon table. This motion iall take precedence of all other subsidi- ry motions and yields only to privilege nd incidental questions. It is not de- atable." I am quoting the rule. Upon lis question appeal was taken. The house istained the Chair. Another delegate )se to make a point of order on the very aestion that had previously been ap- saled from. Where are we going to stop? ou can keep it up all day, all week, 1 next month. The Chair is here for e purpose of arriving, so far as he can, the decision of the majority of the legates. You can call this a steam •Her. I would rather be a steam roller an a gas house. THE VICE CHAIRMAN: The question :>w is upon sustaining the Chair in the »*sition he has taken. A division being called for the Chair as sustained on a show of hands by a te of 146 to sustain the Chair and 86 ainst. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): In the name of those noes I demand a roll call. THE VICE CHAIRMAN: A roll call is quested. A DELEGATE: As one of the 86 I don't int a roll call. THE VICE CHAIRMAN: Are there fifty legates who wish a roll call? 63 delegates demanded a roll call. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I think I n make this thing clear. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): If Robert's lies of Order say a certain thing I want 2 rule read before I vote on this. DEL. BESSEMER: I rise to give the 'ormation that if that rule is read this iole thing will stop. CHE VICE CHAIRMAN: The necessary 'ormation on this matter will be fur- shed by the Secretary reading such .es as apply to this question. There 11 be no information from the delegates. will be done by the Secretary and there II be no motion received until it is done. )EL. HILLQUIT: No discussion is in ler, nothing except the roll call. My nt of order is that ^the roll call is mere- a verification of the vote already had. are in the course of voting. HE CHAIRMAN: The point is not 11 taken. The Secretary will read the es, after which the vote will be taken roll call. HE SECRETARY: (Reading) "Para- ph 19. Subsidiary motions. To lay on le. This motion takes precedence of other subsidiary questions and yields 10 privileged or incidental question. It mot debatable and can not be amended have any other subsidiary motion ap- d to it nor can an affirmative vote on e reconsidered. It eliminates the sub- from consideration until the assembly 8 to take it from the table." Now Sec- tion 54, which is a note reads as follows; "The minority has no remedy for the un- fair use of this motion, but the evil could be slightly drrrrrnished as follows: The person who introduces a resolution is sometimes cut off from speaking by a motion to lay the question on the table being made as soon as he states the ques- tion or evfn before. In such cases the in- troducer of the resolution should always claim the floor to which he is entitled. Persons are commonly in such, a hurry to make this motion that they neglect to ad- dress the Chair. In such cases one of the minority should address the Chair quickly and if he gain the floor make the point of order that he is the first to address the Chair, and that the other member, not having the floor, was not entitled to make the motion." THE VICE CHAIRMAN: There is noth- ing before this convention but the roll call. DEL. RODRIGUEZ (111.): I want to know how I am to vote. Do I vote yes or no on this to sustain the Chair? THE VICE CHAIRMAN: We are now voting on the question of sustaining the Chair in his decision. All those in favor of sustaining the Chair will vote yes. The roll call resulted in the Chair being sustained by a vote of 167 against 93. The result of the roll call as announced was 167 for sustaining the Chair, 93 against. ROLL CALL ON BESSEMER MOTION. The roll-call was as follows: State. Yes. No. Ala. G. L. Cox Ariz. E H. Allen E. Johnson Ark. Ida Callery J. A. C. Meng D Hogan A. R. Finke Cal. A. E. Briggs E. A. Cantrell G. W. Downing Mary E. Garbutt Job Harriman E. H. Mizner R. A. Maynard A. W. Harris E. L. Reguin N. A. Richardson H. C. Tuck J. W. Wells F. C. Wheeler * Ethel Whitehead T. W. Williams J. Stitt Wilson F. E. Wolfe H. E. Wright Colo. W. P. Collins A. H. Floaten Mary L. Geffs T. M. Todd John Troxell Conn. S. F. Beardsley Ernest Berger B. P. Clarke C. T. Peach Jasper McLevy Dela. F. A. Houck D. of C. W. J. Ghent Fla. F. Stanley J. S. Alexander C. C. Allen Ga. A. F. Castleberry Ida. G. W. Beloit T. J. Coonrod S. W. Motley I. F. Stewart 111. J. O. Bentall B. Berlyn Joseph R. Burge L. F. Haemer J. C. Sjoden J. C. Kennedy M. E. Kirkpatrick George Koop J. P. Larsen Caroline A. Lowe NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION fjta.ie. Tea. No. State. Yes. No. F. T. Maxwell Mary O'Reilly W. E. Rodriguez S. Stedman G. N. Taylor G. Underwood C. H. Pierce G. Rothmund C. E. Russell H. A. Simmoni U. Solomon lad. S. S. Condo W. W. Farmer G. A. Strebel J. Wanhope Janet Fenimore N. c. B. T. Tiller S. C. Garrison N. D. A. E. Bowen, J W. H. Henry Robert Grant James Oneal C. D. Kelso S. M. Reynolds A. LeSueur W. Sheffler Ohio. J. L. Bachman M. S. Hayes Florence Wattles Wm. Bessemer F. G. Stricklan Iowa Jas. Baxter J. J. Jacobsen Max Boehm Margaret D. Brown I. S. McCrHlis T. Clifford Lee W. Lang D. L. Davis Kama. Geo. D. Brewer M. Wood-Simons D. J. Farrel O. H. Blase B. F. Wilson W. Hinkel A. W. Ricker E. J. Jones S. M. Stallard Dan McCartaa Ken. C. Dobbs W. Lanfersiek Wm. Patterson E. E. Powell La. J. R. Jones Margusrite Prevey Me. G. A. England C. M. Priestap Md. C W. Staub A. E. Hartig Dr. J. Rosett C. E. Ruthenberg Anna K. Storck Masa. J. F. Carey A. Coleman L. A. Zitt F. N. Prevey C. E. Fenner Okla. J. G. Wills E. Schilling J. M. Caldwell O. F. Branstette R. Lawrence Allen Fields P. Mahoney J. T. Cumbie Rose Tenner R. E. Dooley G. E. Roewer, Jr. L. B. Irvin D. A. White P. S. Nagle J. G. Ohsol Geo. E. Owen < Mich. Jas. Hoogerhyde F. Aaltonen O. Ameringer H. S. McMaster G. H. Lockwood M. F. Barker j Etta Menton J. A. C. Menton Ore. M. E. Dorfman J. H. McFarland J Hayden Minn. Marietta E. FournierJ. H. Grant Tom J. Lewis M. Kaplan N. S. Hillman F. C. Ramp J. G. Maattala J. S. In galls C. W. Sherman A. O. Devoid O. Jacobson !* Penn. L. R. Bruce G. W. Bacon T. E. Latimer ' Gertrude B. Hunt J. M. Barnes J D. Morgan C. W. Ervin Cora Mae Bixl| J. E. Nash C. F. Foley D. M. Caldwell O. S. Watklns F. H. Merrick Anna Cohen MiES. M. E. Fritz Edw. Moore J. E. Cohen Ma E. T. Behrens Wm. Parker F. A. Davis 1 W. L. Garver A. G. Ward Lewis Goaziou j C. Lipscomb Robt. J. Wheeler R. L. Grainger! G. W. O'Dam J. C. Young J. C. Hogan O. Vierling C. A. Maurer I W. A Ward J. H. Maurer I MOBt L. J. Duncan C. A. Smith J. M. Kruse J. B. Scott P. H. Christian i R. B. Ringler J. W. Slayton 1 D. Williams L. B. Wilson 1 W. A. Prossefl Neb. P. J. Warren C. R. Oyler C. J. Wright R.I. James Reid Not voting. E. W. Theinert Nev. G. Miller Not voting. N. H. J. P. Burke S. C. Wm. EberhardJ: W. A. McCall' S. D Benj. Dempsey N. J. C. J. Cosgrove J. R. Jones Tenn. C. G. Harold G. H. Goebel Texas. E. A. Green R. Alexander 1 W. B. Killingbeck H. F. Kopp T. A. Hickey G. C. EdwardlB G. Theimer F. Krafft E. R. Meitzen C. A. Byrd James M. Reilly W. S. Noble L. L. Rhodes-B N. M. J. B. Lang J. C. Rhodes M. A. Smith W\ N. Y. H. Slobodin C. J. 'Rill, Jr. J. C. Thompfl E. Lindgren Fred rennets B. William .fl A. Pauly Theresa Malkiel W. Burckle Jas. A. Man sett Utah. H. P. Burt J J. A. Smi W. M. WeslejB E. F. Cassidy Vt. John Spa' Wm. E. Duffy Va. G. M. Norris jll O. L. Endres Wash. L. B. Alter E. J. Brnwnfl C. L. Furman A. H. Barth W. H. WayntM M. Hillquit F. Bostrom Emma D. Cofll A. Lee Kate Sadler H. C. CuppleM M. London S. Sadler Anna A. MaleJBJ H. E. Merrill H. M. Wells H. Hensefer JRI MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 ^ State. W. Va. Wis. Wyo. Yes. H. W. Houston E. H. Kintzer No. C. H. Boswell V. Ij. Berger D. W. Hoan W. R. Gaylord W. A. Jacobs T. Hinklein Emil Seidel Eliz. H. Thomas C. D. Thompson A. Carlson P. J. Paulsen J. Suaja s f The report was then adopted as a whole. RESOLUTIONS. The Committee on Resolutions, through the Chairman, Del. Spargo, reported as follows: DEL. SPARGO: Comrade Chairman and comrades, conforming to the usual practice at our conventions, the Resolutions Com- mittee will report its resolutions in batches. The first resolution that I shall read is a resolution dealing with the in- dictment, imprisonment and trial, or pend- ing trial, of Joseph Ettor and Arthur Giovannetti, at Lawrence, Mass. I will ! read and move its adoption: Whereas, Joseph J. Ettor and Arthur Giovanetti, representatives of the textile workers of Lawrence, Mass., are charged with being accessories before the fact, to the murder of Anna LaPezzi, an Italian woman striker, which occurred during an assault made on a peaceful body of strik- ers on January 29th, by armed police and thugs of the Woolen Trust; and Whereas, The testimony of a score of eye witnesses before the examining mag- istrate showed conclusively that Anna La- Pezzi was shot by a policeman, who was identified by eye witnesses at the prelimi- nary hearing; and Whereas, The prosecution admits that neither Ettor nor Giovanetti were present at the scene of the provoked riot, but claim that they by their speeches, incited, counseled and commanded violence and rioting, and as a result, a homicide took place, thus seeking to establish a prece- dent which is vicious and infamous; and Whereas, Ettor and Giovanetti loyally fought the Woolen Trust, bringing a sub- stantial increase in wages to over a quar- ter of a million of textile workers, thereby causing a loss of revenue of $15,000,000 per year to the mill owners of New England; therefore be it Resolved, By the Socialist party in National Convention assembled, that the indictment and trial of Ettor and Giovan- ' etti is an outrageous and inhuman attempt on the part of the Woolen Trust plutocracy and their hirelings in retaliation for the successful revolt of the mill slaves of New England, to destroy the right to strike and the right of free speech and assembly of wage earners and to establish a precedent, base in its conception, vicious in its en- forcement, and detrimental to the entire working class of America, and destructive to fundamental civil rights, and further Resolved, That the National Executive Committee be instructed to appropriate im- mediately $500 for the defense of Ettor and Giovanetti and that we call upon the locals of the Socialist party to form de- fense funds for this purpose to be for- warded through the National Headquar- ters. The resolution was adopted. DEL. SPARGO: The next deals with CONDITIONS ON PACIFIC COAS'lN - Whereas, The railways and the var commercial associations of the Pac. coast, by false advertisements, have h* duced workingmen to come west, thereby . creating a large army of the unemployed; * be it Resolved, That we request that the greatest publicity be given to this matter through the Socialist press and party or- ganizations, as a warning to the workers of the Eastern and Central States to stay away from the Pacific coast, since labor conditions there are intolerable. I move its adoption. (Carried.) On motion, the resolution was adopted. DELi SPARGO: The next resolution deals with the policy of Socialist municipal administration to their employees. MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION AND MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES. Whereas, The party has during the past year secured control of a number of cities, thus becoming" the employer of many workers; Whereas, The party realizes that intel- ligent administration of government in- volves the organization of the workers in all departments; Whereas, The object of the Socialist party is to secure for all workers not only the full product of their labor but a voice in determining their conditions of work, therefore ]be it Resolved, That the party adopt as a policy to be observed by its representa- tives in office the organization of workers in all departments under Socialist control so that each department may obtain an organized expression of the workers' point of view on administrative methods and conditions of work. I move its adoption. (Carried.) The resolution was adopted. DEL. SPARGO: We come now to an old friend, a perennial, dealings with pro- paganda among the armed forces of the nation. PROPAGANDA IN THE ARMY AND NAVY. Whereas, In the class struggle the mili- tary is often the first and always the last resort of the ruling class; and Whereas, The army, the navy, the militia and the police offer a fertile field for the dissemination of Socialist teachings; and Whereas, the growth of Socialist thought among the armed defenders of capitalism tends to reduce the power of the ruling class to rule and outrage the working class, and thus to end the op- pression and violence that labor suffers, Be it Resolved, That the N. E. Commit- tee be instructed to secure the services of such a comrade or comrades as have made a special study of war and militarism, and that such comrade or comrades prepare special appropriate leaflets to distribute among soldiers, sailors, militia and police. Resolved, That the N. E. Committee pub- lish such leaflets and pamphlets and offer for sale through the usual channels, and that in addition an organized effort be made for the distribution of such leaflets among all the armed defenders of capital- ist-class rule and among all military or- ganizations and all government homes for disabled soldiers and sailors. I move its adoption. t« D «h CASS ™7 < N - *■>: Iai oppose to this resolution recommended by the ♦i^ mi rfl ee being adopted by the conven- S?£\M T * he point Jk make is this > tha * w © should for some time support the workers 7 f iiy o/ NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION / che industrial field. We should not / port the forces in the army or any /■•^ler direction of that kind. If we have ft .ny special literature, let us keep putting it in the shop, factory, mine and store; let us reach the men who are engaged in. real constructive industry, and not waste it in this special and unpromising terri- tory. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): The Chicago Daily Socialist this morning says that the Massachusetts Legislature has passed a law making it illegal to talk anti-mili- tarism in the state of Massachusetts, with a punishment of six months in jail and $500 fine. If that is not answer enough to this argument here, I do not care to say anything more. (Applause.) DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): Recently in speaking with a sailor on one of the bat- tleships, he told me that there were seventy-four socialists upon that one bat- tleship and that they had a circulating library there, and that literature was be- ing circulated there and on other ships. The point is this, that when their term of enlistment expires, as it does almost every day, those who are in the army or in the navy retire again into private life, and they come into the industrial field, and it is well that we should have those men educated so that when they do re- turn to the industrial field they will enlist under the Socialist banner. (Applause.) DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I am in favor of our propaganda reaching not only the sailor but the soldier. I have lived in a navy yard town on the Pacific coast by the name of Brennerton. You may know about Brennerton because our comrades there captured two of the positions on the council board, and they were going to be deprived of their citizenship because of their political activity in the navy yard. We have had applications for membership in that local from the sailors, and we try as far as we can to organize the boys and have them organize a local upon their battleships. At one navy yard there is an organization of 100 members of the Socialist party. There is no ground so ripe for Socialism as upon the battleships I have been upon them almost every Sun- day afternoon, talking in my small way, and I have found the field ripe. Down in Vancouver, Washington, I have sold more literature to the army boys than I have to the citizens of Vancouver. Therefore, I am willing that we should throw thi3 back in the teeth of the Legislature of Massachusetts. Yes, we will organize the boys, and we will get the guns of the en- emy, and I would rather stand back of the gun than in front of it. (Applause.) DEL. REID (R. I.): I rise to speak upon this resolution. The Socialist move- ment needs this propaganda. In our state I recall, not very many weeks ago, some- thing of the arguments made on a bill in the Rhode Island Legislature, appro- priating $95,000 for an armory and for an armed guard for Rhode Island. In an- swer to the objections to the bill a mem- ber read a tirade against Socialism last- ing one hour and a half. The point I want to make is this, that he brought, those points conclusively out. He said, "Gentlemen, I appeal to you to support unanimously this proposition, which is for the defense of this glorious country. There is an important factor that we wiust consider. We need a national guard; we need a national militia. We need it to suppress that organized band of trai- tors, Dr. Reid, Bill Haywood. John M. Work" — and he enumerated a lot more •of conspirators — "and to save the coun- try." The capitalists are on their jot They know what they need. It is simpl force that they need, and they will us it. I appeal to you to pass unanimousl this resolution, and show the capitalis class that the Socialist party are also on t< their job. (Applause.) The previous question was then orderei and the resolution was adopted: DEL. SPARGO: That is all for thi. time, comrades. FOREIGN SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS' Del. Goaziou, Chairman, presented th- following report of the Committee or Foreign Speaking Organizations.* Del. Goaziou, on behalf of the Com mittee, moved the adoption of the report! Seconded. DEL. RUTHENBERG (Ohio): I wan',' to speak in opposition to that part of the report which permits foreign language organizations to purchase their due stamps through their national translator's office. In the past we have had in the city of Cleveland about twenty different foreign language organizations. We find! that those organizations which purchase their due stamps through their National Translator's office never come near our central organization, are not in touch with the central organization, and take no part whatsoever in the business of the local. Now, if these branches as provided in that report are to be part of the local organization and are to vote for refer- endums in that organization, they must be kept in touch with the local organiza- tion, and the only way to keep them in touch with that organization is to make them buy their due stamps through the local secretary. We find, and it has been told to me by men who are in touch with the foreign organizations, that they are now circulating in this country literature for the separation of the church and state. They are circulating literature against feudalistic organizations in society, and all this is due to the fact that we permit them to separate themselves from our own organization and do not require them, through contact with the organized party in this country, to keep in touch with the organizations and institutions of our own country. I believe that we must force them in some way to come in touch with the locals in our counties or cities and the way to do that is to oblige them to buy their due stamps from the county organi- zation. We can make the same provision as we do in Cleveland, that they purchase the due stamps at a less rate than the English branches, in order to give them more funds for their own propaganda, but, I believe they should buy through the local secretary. In the state of Ohio the state organization takes this position; That no foreign organization can be a part of the socialist party of Ohio unless they purchase their due stamps through the locals of the Socialist party of Ohio. Otherwise they cannot vote on state or national referendums or on local refer- endums, or for state officers, and I believe that that position should be taken by the party in the nation at large. (Applause.) And if the Chairman will permit, I move as an amendment to Section 4, that such organizations shall purchase their due stamps at 12 %c from the Secretary of the local organization in the county or city. DEL. SOLOMON of New York: I want to substantiate the remarks made by the comrade from Ohio. It makes no differ- *See Appendix O for Foreign Speaking Organization Reports. MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 ce what resolutions may be adopted by is Convention, if you make no provision lereby these foreign branches should me into closer connection with the local d state organizations, you will have ex- tly the same situation that you are con- onted with today. At the last congress rtain" resolutions were adopted, and the mrades thought they had solved the oblem of the foreign-speaking organi- tions. They increased the number of tional translators at the headquarters. ganizations have been formed in the ferent states, entirely independent of i local a y d state organizations; no con- ction wf atever with them. In fact, ire is cne in the city of Portland, liated v 'th the national organization, ying dues to the national organization, ich was all the time under the impres- n that they were part of the Socialist bor Party! They were affiliated with national organization and did not even ow the name of that organization. \.nd this is exactly the condition you going to bring about by maintaining be independent organizations, having ^connection whatever with the state f local organizations. It is all very 11 to put in a provision that these eign-speaking branches shall be an in- >endent part of the national organiza- n, but the only way to make them a t of the organization is to bring them o connection with the local and state -anizations. Of course, the difficulty es that the state and local organiza- is have rules of their own, and it will necessary to provide rules under which h can work without interfering with h other, according to our interpreta- of state autonomy. If you want to ke it possible for the foreign-speaking nches to maintain their activity as or- izations, if you want them to get into work of the Party in the United tes, and to cease from lines of propa- da which have no bearing upon the ation in this country, you must bring •n into closer connection with the local ;he state organizations. Let them pur- their stamps from the local and organizations — we are willing to give at cost — and take an active part in **k of that state. °ANKIN of the Jewish Agitation want to say, in the first place, Tuage groups do not come in s as those mentioned by the the committee. "We repre- chat is not affiliated with the .ce but is nevertheless a lan- ■ ,up. My proposition that I sub- 'o that Committee embodied all of .lient features of the report, except the due stamps shall be purchased ct from the local or state committees reduced price. The recommendation I made provided that due stamps lid be purchased at 10 cents instead of The amendment made by Delegate er that these branches be enabled to hase their due stamps at -12 V2 cents, Id not give them sufficient funds to y on their propaganda among the ign workingmen. W e hav e to make >er provision for thisToecause in this itry today, it seems to me, that more half of the proletariat is foreign king-. A great majority of the people] taer d f - ntion must work according to the -ny s^s of State autonomy. We cannot it in fee anything down the throats of the us socialists, but I believe that all socialists re will abide by any proposition that will be clearly for the advantage of the Socialist Party. And that is Why we are saying — - if you don't do something to facilitate the work of organizing and maintaining our organizations among the foreign-speaking people, somebody else will, and will get them away from you. We m ust have as strong organization of "all nationalities, yof all languages, so that we may be pre- f pared to take the immigrant in hand when / he comes to this country. A large number / of French people who were active in the / Socialist movement in France — and it is / the same with people of other national- C ities — after ' they have come to America \ have simply not been able to get in touch l with any branch, and have dropped out J entirely from Socialist activities or have f become active in some other channels that 1 are opposed to the principles of the / Socialist Party. We want to get all of \ these people into our movement; and we V,ask you Comrades of this Convention, not to stick at technicalities, not to stick at a question of a few dollars — this will bring you a great many more dollars. Accept the proposition of the Committee, the best we have been able to get for you. It is not perfect but none of you could get one that would be satisfactory to all of this Committee, one that would be per- fect. DEL. CAROLINE LOWE of Illinois: I feel that I am competent to speak on this question. Last year I served on the con- stitution committee, and when the foreign- speaking comrades came before us with their proposition we were not clear upon the point. Since then I have tried to make it my business to investigate the matter. I had opportunity to do so, because at one time our meeting pjace was in the same building with those of the foreign comrades. It was an utter impossibility for us to induce the foreign comrades to join our organization for the simple rea- son that we could not understand one word we were saying. It was just as im- portant that I should understand what they were saying and I could not do it. It would be impossible. It would be im- possible for me to attend their meetings and take an interest in the proceedings. And if they are to join the Socialist Party and to work intelligently with us, they must do it along the lines upon which they can reach their people. They cannot reach their people through English-speak- ing organizations. The foreign-speaking men will not come into our organizations. We had exactly the same experience -when I was living in Kansas City. Out from Girard, Kansas, ■ there are several mining villages, in which the miners are nearly all of foreign birth. They cannot come into the English-speaking branches, because they do not understand our lan- guage. But we can organize them into foreign-speaking locals and do great good. The same thing is true in connection with the Women's Department. The very fact that we have translator secretaries is a great help to us in reaching the women of foreign nationalities. In their own country, as well as here, the Finnish comrades are splendidly organized, and it is a very simple matter for us to reach the Finnish women with our message, be- cause we have a Finnish translator tv translates our message. I speak for the adoption of the reso tion. I am confident that the best rest can come from it. We need them in < organization; and as fast as they are e< cated to the point where they can come they will come in. Just as they do in < meeting-place in Chicago, they will co in as soon as they can work intelligen with us. As scon as they can underst* the English language they will come very eagerly. DEL. LATIMER of Minnesota: Th are two sides to this question. Most the comrades that have been talking favor of this question, represent foreign-speaking organizations as agr ing with them absolutely as to their ganization. I do not think it would wise to establish a Jewish translator s retary, because the Jewish comrades < understand English. We have a trans tor secretary that we do not need, i that is the Scandinavian translator sec tary. Up in Minnesota where about ev other man is a Scandinavian, they ca up there with their organizer, — came i the English-speaking locals, and aim destroyed several locals. I don't beli we need a separate translator secret for the German branches. But, on other hand, we have in Minnesota, aim 3,000 Finnish comrades. Those comra cannot write down to the State office English, and if you take and compel th comrades to communicate with the St office, pay their dues to it, do all ti business with the State office and fc them into the organization, what are 1 going to do? You are going to dest that splendid Finnish organization in State of Minnesota. They are not org ized in Finnish-speaking organizati because they desire to remain sepai and apart from us. They are compelled because they do not understand the 1 guage. These comrades want to le English; but you can't get anywhere, saying "If you don't do it you cannot bj the Socialist Party." I say, thereO that you should go a little slow in s ing — "If you want to become Social you have got to become English-speak socialists, allied with the English-spqi ing socialists and paying dues directly the State organizations." Why, we wq have to hire a translator secretary every state where there are many of tfe foreign-speaking comrades, because, know that hardly a day passes by th* do not get a letter in some South SlavJ tongue or Finnish, which I have* get some comrade to translate. TJ write in and ask if they can writ^ their own language. I think we will much better if we just hold out the J hand to them, and tell them, to work ah in their own organizations and come?" gether in such things as would inteJ us all. DEL. MERRICK of Pennsylvania!} move to change the amendment tffl cents, where it says 12%. DEL. NOVAK from the Bohemian | ganization: Most of us, like myself have been in America only ten know that the State and the Churcl arated long ago, in America; so W( have to do it. What the foreign-spt organizations are doing, on this que is that they are fighting back churches that are fighting socialism, we have a right to do it and it is duty to do it and we will do it. We n» stick our noses in the English-speM organizations where they have preacl AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 r ministers. We never ask them. We lever want to tell them "You have to hrow them out." That is none of our >usiness, because it don't hurt us in our • ranches. It is business of theirs. If the oi >reacher is all right it is none of our 4 msiness. DEL. MERRICK: A point of order; here is an amendment before the house. Che delegate is not so speaking to the tmendment. THE CHAIRMAN: The point is not veil taken. The delegate must have some atitude. DEL. NOVAK (Resuming): So much 'or the Church question. I don't know vhere Pankin got the idea that the dele- t ?ates of the foreign-speaking organiza- t< .ions do not agree. It is only the State of 'lew York chat does not agree. As long, ts the foreign-speaking organizations sijigree, by their delegates, it don't matter c f hr doesn't agree. He don't know any- thi- ,- about selling stamps. I don't think :ht we have to take into consideration thf opinion of comrades who are not ex- pe ienced along this line. So I think the best we can do is to compel the others to ijgo to conventions and congresses of the Socialist Party, and not to allow one sec- retary to go against the whole convention or the whole congress of the Socialist Party. DEL. AALTONEN of Michigan: I hap- pen to be a member of a foreign-speaking organization, viz., the Finnish. In 1910 at the congress at Chicago, provision was made for the organization of these foreign-speaking federations within the American Socialist Party. At that time there was only one or two comparatively small organizations affiliated with the American Socialist Party. Now we have six or seven, and five or six more that are ready to come in. Our Finnish organiza- tion has probably made more progress than all the rest of the organizations to- gether, since its organization. In 1910 our membership numbered about 6,000. Now we number 12,000; and last year the 217 Finnish locals in the American Social- ist Party have transacted about worth of business. This shows th. plan laid down last Congress is n r A tical. This shows that it does no' the foreign workingmen in Americ the touch with the Socialist movement, to cannot compel him to do anything. If e could compel the Finlanders to do an thing, then the Russians would have bee. able to compel us to do something which they have been trying to do for hundreds of years. There is nothing that can com- pel people who know their rights, to do anything. All these foreign-speaking comrades have joined in this plan read by our secre- tary on the platform. All of us have agreed with him. The view we have taken in this matter is not to give these foreign-speaking branches any distinct national organization. That is the only proposition. The proposition is to organize them, be- cause I am one of those who believe in or- ganization and nothing else. Organization is the only thing that will emancipate the laboring class. According to the last census there are about 18,000,000 foreign- born people in America. What are you going to do with them? There have been comrades on the floor of this Convention who have said that in some localities, viz., in New York and in Cleveland, Ohio, as I understood, the foreign comrades in those localities have absolutely nothing to do with the local organizations. This is no fault of theirs. It is the fault of the American socialists, because they don't do anything in order to get in touch with them. There is not a single Finnish organization in the en- tire country that is not affiliated with the local and county organizations, that have been requested to do so; but in many ca-ses the American comrades seem to have the idea that these comrades are a different sort of people, having nothing to do with the American people. The convention then took a recess until 2:30 p. m. ^ AFTERNOON SESSION. The convention was called to order at 2:30 p. m. by Chairman Carey. DEL. AALTONEN (Mich.): Comrade George Sirola, Vice President of the Fin- nish Parliament, from Helkinski, Finland, Is with us this afternoon. He is a mem- ber of the Socialist party of Finland and I wish to move that the floor be granted to him for five minutes to address this body. THE CHAIRMAN: If there are no ob- jections we will suspend the regular or- der. I appoint Comrades Aaltonen of Michigan and Fenner of Massachusetts to escort Comrade Sirola to the platform. Comrade Sirola on ascending the plat- form was greeted with rousing cheers by the convention. COMRADE SIROLA: Comrade Chairman and Comrades: I bring to you fraternal greetings from the struggling proletariat of a. small na- tion and wish to bring to your attention a question which is very important for that nation and which has been recommended to the attention of the revolutionary pro- letariat in all lands by the last Interna- tional Congress in Copenhagen. I wish to state that the gist of that question — the Finnish question — is for us by no means the maintenance of the old constitutional rights, and the State Autonomy of Fin- land, which rights tyrannical Czarizm has endeavored to steal from us, but it is a fight for the maintenance of those new Democratic rights which the Finnish pro- letariat succeeded in winning through the general strike during the days of the Russian revolution. These rights which are so essential for the proletariat in its class struggle are now in danger. It is clear that the Czar, the Qrand Duke of Finland, has the aid of the exploiting class of Finland in his efforts to suppress the workers. The ex- ploiting class there, as everywhere, have forgotten all the beautiful phrases about liberty, patriotism, constitutionality and legality, which were so often on their lips before the proletariat began to gather un- der the red banner. Though the Socialists of Finland are proud of having been able, first, to secure universal suffrage for all men and women, and second, to gather over 330,000 votes for socialism during the last four years, giving us 87 representatives in the Fin- nish Parliament out of a total of two hundred, twelve of these socialist repre- sentatives being women; yet Uje prole- tariat of Finland well understand that their fight is only a part of the inter- national struggle of the working class, and that the final emancipation of the Finnish workers can be achieved only through the efforts of the united prole- tariat in all lands. NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION .sent when the liberties of our na- e being threatened more than ever , the eyes of the comrades in Finland the first place set upon a new rising 3 Russian proletariat; and in the jtaer r i( j pi ace> we look upon the working ' nv ps in the great industries of Capital- * r lr n, apprehending that their awakening us 7nto a conscious class struggle is a prime r ' condition for securing democracy and lib- erty of the Nation. Since coming to your country, to this mighty land of industrialism, and having opportunity to travel considerably and in- vestigate the life and doings of the people, I am convinced that here, if anywhere, the class struggle must be fought without re- gard to race or nationality. I am glad to say that I have found the workers from our little land, whom Capitalism has driv- en here in search of a labor market and for a time to sell their labor power for a small consideration, have now in great numbers learned to speak the interna- tional language of the working class in strikes, demonstrations, and at the ballot box, together with the American working men. I am glad also to see that they are endeavoring to bring themselves closer and closer to the American working class and with that end in view have started a college for Finnish Socialists, which, they are busy moulding into a real Socialist College for the use of American workers. My dear Comrades! Returning to the Finnish question I would like tc say fur- ther that I would like to direct your at- tention to the proletariat in that corner of the world, and I am convinced that you will grant your moral support and sym- pathy with the struggle of our Comrades there, especially at this time when the struggle is approaching its climax. (Ap- plause.) REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN- SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS. THE CHAIRMAN: The question before the house is the report of the Committee on International Relations to which two amendments have been offered. I under- stand that there is some desire that copies of these reports of committees be general- ly distributed or at least that they should reach every delegate. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I thin* it is due to the delegates of this convention that every report shall be printed in order that we may know exactly what we are voting on. I move therefore that we discontinue the discussion of the report at this time and ask to have it immediately printed. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to table that motion. The motion to table was lost. THE CHAIRMAN: The question now is upon the postpopement of consideration until such time as the report is printed. DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): I wish to in- quire if this action is deferred whether any other committee is ready to report. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair is unable to reply to that question. Are you ready for the question of postponing action on the report? The motion of Delegate Goebel was then declared lost. DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): I move the previous question. The motion for the previous question was seconded and carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The question now comes upon the report of the committee and the pending amendment. One on one side and one on the other are entitled to five minutes each. The Chair in view of the number desiring to speak, will g the floor to members of delegations tl have not spoken upon the question. De gate Spargo of Vermont. DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): Has i Delegate Spargo spoken on this questio That is a point of information. THE CHAIRMAN: Under parliamenta rules there is no such thing as a point information. While every one of the del gates may need information the Chs will not recognize it. Delegate Spargo h the floor. DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): I ask the del gates to vote in favor of the adoption the report of the committee. I ask that view of the experience that we have h; on the National Executive Committee dul ing all the years that I have been on th; committee. It has been one of the grea est possible difficulties to know how organize efficiently our foreign-speakir proletariat in a country where the prol< tariat is becoming overwhelmingly foreig speaking. I say to you that the idea thi it can be handled by distinct committee is not borne out by the experience of 01 committee. It is not borne out by the e> perience of the party in any State in th; union. We want to enable our Finnis comrades, our Swedish comrades, ov Jewish comrades to maintain and carr on the splendid organizations that the have formed under this method. A DELEGATE: You have no foreigner in Vermont. What do you know about it DEL. SPARGO: It is not true that w have no foreigners in the State of Ver mont. We depend very largely in th State of Vermont for our movement upoi the foreigner in the industrial centers and so far as we are concerned the indus trial life of Vermont is very largely main> tained by a foreign-speaking proletariat I believe that the arrangement propose! by the committee is the very best arrange^ ment that we can possibly have. On th< other hand I believe that the amendment! proposed are fatal to any effective organi? zation of our foreign-speaking comrade* in this country. It is said by way of ob- jection to the report, and in support of th< amendment that is offered, that foreigi speaking comrades who have learned tc speak English draw out of the English- speaking locals and go into the foreign* speaking locals. That is not an objection It is a big advantage. That is what w« want to do. What can we ask better thai when a comrade coming from Italy 01 some other country has been in the coun- try Ipng enough to learn the languages and in the movement long enough to un- derstand our party, where can we use hinj better, in our English speaking branches or in the branches among the people from his own country, who must go through th<- same evolution and who need his help; his guidance and his experience, if we arc- ever to have an effective organization ol those people? Vote down the amendment? and adopt the report of the committee as it stands. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): It is unfor- tunate for delegates to speak on a subject that they know nothing about. This is not a question of abolishing the foreign organizations. That is point number one. Nobody wants to abolish them, and there- fore, that need not be discussed. The foreign organizations will remain, wheth- er you vote for the original motion or for the amendment. There is no question here of abolishing the translator secretaries. They will remain as they are, whether you vote for the original motion or adopt AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 amendment, so that all that eloquence wasted. What is desired here is that language branches should remain as are, having the translator secretaries hey have them, but that instead of ng their due stamps from the na- il office through the translators, they thrm from the locals and branches sta-^e officers, and that is all that is to iscissed. Now, it is said here that the is' organization is the most success- or, and that therefore, they must itain the status quo. The Finnish nization is the most successful of all i foreign organizations. The bulk of nembers pay dues to the state organi- >n and not co the national executive nittee. There is only one Finnish or- zation in the state of New York be- ing to the Socialist party that pays to th national organization. The pay d' ;S to the different locals or to tate rganization. Here is an illus- on an . an answer to all the argu- s agamst the amendment. The most ssful organization is paying dues as the amendment contemplates, and the comrades representing the Fin- organizations are against the amend- 1 do not understand. There is evi- y some misunderstanding. The Fin- organizations would benefit by the jtion of the amendment, because now are paying double dues. This araend- contemplates giving them a remit- of dues which they have been pay- and therefore, the Finnish organiza- should certainly support the amend- As it is now they have to pay 15c and then pay again to the local or- :ation. Under the present arrange- what do we find? Agitators go into Deals and pull them out of the party, lave that in the state of New York. • a branch, many an organization has pulled out of the Socialist party in way. Now, this amendment will re- iin their maintaining their separate organizations, but they will be an ral part of the Socialist party, e the members speaking the foreign tages belong to the English speaking lizations, it is true they cannot cor- |nd or talk to each other, but we see this difficulty is overcome in the of the Finnish organizations, which ble to carry on their correspondence. fore, we should vote for the amend- question was put on the amendment e amendment, that stamps shall be ased from the locals, and the prop- n was defeated, amendment was also lost, original motion to adopt the report le committee was then put and d. motion of Del. Russell of New York, iport of the platform committee was a special order for an evening ses- tonight (Thursday), beginning at o'clock. DIVISION OF TIME. u. WHEELER (Pa.): I move that in ses where committees make majority linority repprts the same amount of )e given to each report. This is not led in the rule. I move its adoption. 2 CHAIRMAN: The Chair will re- a motion that does not violate the The rules say that the Chairman is d to twenty minutes; that is the lan of the committee. SPARGO: A point of order. At me of the adoption of that rule, I nd requested from the chairman of janvention a ruling upon that point, and the convention was assured that the same amount of time would be given to the chairman of the minority and the chairman of the majority, and that was the understanding when we adopted that rule. THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a point of order, but if the Secretary has that upon the records, it will stand. THE SECRETARY: That is so. THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary con- firms that, and it stands that the spokes- men directly for the majority and minority will both be given the time stated in the rules. That stands as the rule of this body. REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CO-OPER- ATIVES. THE CHAIRMAN: The next committee is the Committee on Co-operatives. Are they ready to report? DEL. GAYLORD: Yes. DEL. LINDGREN (N. Y.) : I have a minority report. THE CHAIRMAN: On what? DEL. LINDGREN: On this co-operative movement. THE CHAIRMAN: Very well. Under the rule the minority may be heard. DEL. LINDGREN: But the report is not in print. Is it necessary to have it in print? THE CHAIRMAN: Not at all, if they take your word for it; if they do not or- der it printed, they will take it for granted. It is a question of ordering the printing. Delegate Gaylord, for the Com- mittee on Co-operative Commonwealth. DEL. GAYLORD, Chairman, reporting for the Committee: The Chairman suggests that this is the Committee on Co-operative Common- wealth. Lest there be a misunderstanding on this subject, as there has been, I beg to call the attention of the delegates to the fact that the Committee is not ap- pointed for that purpose, but to consider the facts relating EL. KAPLAN: As I say, I am in favor the Majority Report with this amend- nt. To /ne it does not imply that the onal Sc jialist party shall go on record favor of endorsing the co-operative vemen' The sole point is this: Do we sider it important enough to elect a amittee for the purpose of studying this question, getting all the informa- i and securing all the facts possible m every source available, and present- them to the next national convention he Socialist party? That is what I un- stand to be the whole proposition. EL. FURMA^J (N. Y.): I am opposed appointing committee to spend two rs on the ubject, and then come in all comn ttees, generally speaking, t have bee., spending two years, and e no report. Let every one of you ce yourself a special delegate to come e two or three years from now know- something about the questions that 4 come before the convention, so that can vote intelligently, without being ' things by people who have been on committee and who do not know any- g about what they have been ap- lu .ted to investigate. We have had this Vg in Brooklyn, and it has been a pretty toe, and it has been stepped on by y nook and crook that wants to come md utilize this proposition to impose self upon the Socialists with co-oper- e stores and such things as that. We e worked and did not get any pay for We put our money in and did not get ut again. We have had all kinds of ups, and the result has been that in e sections the party has been disor- zed. ^legate Cumbie here raised a point of >rder which the Chair ruled not well EL. FURMAN: I think I am speaking ty well to the point, when I am talK- about a committee of five to be ap- ted, which was suggested by botn mittees in both reports. It does not e any difference whether you appoint mmittee or whether you do not; you 't get any report; it won't be up till come here, and they won't know any- g about the subject, those delegates ing here two years from now or four s from now. As I say, we have had rience in Brooklyn, on Long Island in many sections, and in all those dis- s where the co-operative movement tried the Socialist agitation was en- e y dropped in some instances and the nization utterly disbanded, and it was ar and a half in one place before it restored. They had to go to work reorganize all over again, just ugh the attempt to start something ig the Socialists in this country so as :eep step with Europe. You cannot e any comparison between the condi- ■. in this country and those in Ger- y. Here we have a great big country a few Socialists together. You can- l(j start a co-operative store unless it be iguage store, where the patrons that \i , the co-operative will remain with other and go to the store on account e language spoken. But to generally te the starting of business for the of uplifting, as Comrade Gaylord and helping the Socialist Party, it is a rope of sand, a mill stone around the neck of that section where you undertake it. DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): We have had some experience in our local in the way of forming a co-operative store, and we have thrown away nearly half of our member- ship in the course of five months. I be- lieve we may possibly in a year get a dividend of ten cents. The co-operative movement has no business in the Socialist movement. If individuals wish to start co-operative stores, let them do it as in- dividuals, but not as organizations. To my mind it is like trying to perfect a lit- tle heaven inside of an eternal hell. (Ap- plause.) DEL. ROSETTE (Md.): I move to amend the Majority Report by inserting, immed- iately after the first line on the last page, the following: "The Committee shall make a special effort to ascertain what bearing the degree of industrial development and organization in any particular locality has upon the operation of co-operatives in that locality." A point of order was made that the Majority Report was not before the house for consideration. THE CHAIRMAN: I believe the point of order is well taken, and that the Chair probably ruled wrong in the case of Comrade Kaplan. Let us dispose of the Minority Report. I will hear the comrade from New York. DEL. BURCKLE (N. Y.): I would like to go on record as opposed to the Majority Report, for the simple reason that I am absolutely convinced that if we are going to endorse the Majority Report it only means that we are going to absorb a great amount of energy. I am, on the other hand, also absolutely convinced that if we are going to concentrate our entire energy on the political field with all these questions, which are nothing else but mere branches of the immediate demands for the solution of the evils in society, we will be absolutely wasting our energy over these demands, whatever they may be. Therefore> I say, comrades, I am con- vinced that we have no right to destroy, indirectly or directly, our activity by separating and organizing various organi- zations. I would be in favor of endorsing the Minority Report. At the same time I would like to call your attention to the fact that the minority as well as the ma- jority demands the election of a commit- tee of five to report to you at the be- ginning of the next convention. The previous question was then or- dered. DEL. LONDON (N. Y.): A point of in- quiry. We have a majority report before us and the original motion. The minority report is in the nature of an amendment to the majority report. The amendment offered to the minority report is an amendment to the amendment. Thus we have six or seven diffent propositions be- fore us, and we will not know how to vote as delegates. I ask for a ruling. I ask the Chair to rule that the majority report is the original motion and the minority report is an amendment to the majority report, and that the amendment to the minority report is an amendment to the amendment. In this way you will have the entire question before the convention. THE CHAIRMAN: I shall rule as I started to rule in the beginning, that the majority report is before the house, that the minority report is an amendment, and that we now have an amendment to an amendment. 7 7 7 96 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION DEL. GAYLORD: A matter of personal privilege — DEL. SLOBODIN: Let me ask Comrade Gaylord a question, so that he may, if he will, answer at the same time. DEL. GAYLORD: Very well. DEL. SLOBODIN: Will he accept the substitution for the word "capital" in the first paragraph, of the words "the means of production and distribution?" DEL. GAYLORD: In place of "indus- trial and commercial capital?" DEL. SLOBODIN: Yes. DEL. GAYLORD: If the comrades will wait a moment, I think Comrade Slobodin and I can have our little scrape out and tell you what it is about. His question is this: Whether or not the majority will consent to strike out the words "indus- trial and commercial capital." DEL. SLOBODIN: Only the word "cap- ital." DEL. GAYLORD: Only the word "cap- ital?" • DEL. SLOBODIN: Yes. DEL. GAYLORD: That would confuse it. Insert in place of "capital," his suggestion is, the words "means of production and distribution," and see what you would have then. You would have then "use of industrial and commercial means of production and distribution." But that is tautology. I do not accept it in that form. Now, with reference to that, I am perfectly willing to have as much more discussion as may be brought about, but following out the ruling of the Chair. If the Minority Report is disposed of I shall endeavor to correct the omission by moving at once the adoption of the ma- jority report. That would leave room then directly for amendments to the ma- jority report if that is to be adopted. I saw. when I sat down, that I had omitted to move the adoption of this report. When the Chairman entertained the motion on the Minority Report I was willing to let the matter move in that way, seeing that the process would bring in the course of time" the majority report before us if the minority report was disposed of by rejec- tion. (Del. Carey resumed the Chair.) THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair is informed that the previous question has been or- dered and that one on each side has spok- en. The next business before the house is action on the matter before the house. DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I want five minutes against the proposition. I am in touch with a co-operative move- ment, and a successful movement as far as business goes. But, the workers who started that co-operative movement are not a bit better off today. It does a busi- ness of $5,000,000 a year, with its agents in New York @ity and its agents in dif- ferent countries of the world. The work- ers today are not a bit better off, and had they not dispersed their energies in such fool things as a co-operative movement . they might be a little bit better off than they are today. (Applause.) I speak of the co-operative movement of Scotland, non-Socialists, but Socialists are connect- and I am familiar with it, my father hav- ing been one of those who started that thing-. Now, then, I am absolutely op- posed to the Socialist party going on rec- ord as being interested in this thing — absolutely opposed to it. (Applause.) I did not come into this movement to start any benefit society of any description. I come 'lato this movement in the hope that some uay I or my child might be free from wage slavery. (Applause.) Now, that is the only thing I am interested in. If you are interested in this thing, thi let us get to work and abolish the sy tem and we will attend to all the oth things afterwards. The vital thing is wipe out this thing, and we will co sider all the, other things afterwarc Vote down all of the propositions. I a familiar with the co-operative movemei I do not speak in ignorance. I knc what I am talking about. We have p in too much time now on this thing. DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.): I take it f granted that I am at this stage speakii in favor of the committee being appoin ed. If this proposition of the majori was to have the Socialist party go in the co-operative movement I would opposed to it. The proposition, as I u derstand it, is to have a committee to i vestigate the co-operative movement ai see if there is anything in it that w be favorable to the working class. No some of the comrades here have sho\ you that the co-operative movements their localities have been a source danger, that they have been failures, a: so on. We have started in many locai ties local branches of the Socialist par which have failed, and still we try start again and try to do better. I ha been connected with a co-operative sto for about ten years, but that has n detracted, as some comrade has sa: from my activity in the Socialist mov ment. We have one of the most su cessful co-operative stores in the cou try, doing a business of over $1,000 week simply in groceries. The manag of that co-operative is -one of our ma active Socialists in Charleroi. It has n detracted from his activity as a memb< We do not come to the Socialist mov meht; the majority of our members a ed with it. And here is what we ha done: Our co-operative movement h paid higher wages to the employes, ai by doing so has forced higher wages some of the other stores in town. "V have always been the first in town sign the agreement with the Clerl Union. We have tried to raise the stan ard of wages in the town, showing a d operative store well managed to be help to the people who have a litl money to devote to Socialism. Now M ?o not draw any large amount of mon rom the co-operative, but I do not pi any more for my groceries in the c operative store than I would elsewhej and every two or three months I recel a dividend, if you like, of two or thr dollars, which I can devote to the 9 cialist movement where otherwise tl two or three dollars would have gone* some petty bourgeois or some capital] concern in Charleroi, which would j used against Socialism because they a all opposed to it. I would not deal wl the enemy. At present we are simj helping to enrich our enemies, andj the working class can learn to co-op! ate and do away with the middle mi and keep for themselves whatever 111 there is to be gained, while fightfl against the capitalist system, by causi the downfall of the middle man, let $ stand by the movement. (Applause.) That some co-operatives have failedf no argument. When our co-oper£ movement started, the first year we $1,000 behind. But we learned. Coi Gaylord has well said that it is in things that you learn. But let me I to you that this is not a proposition I the Socialist party to go into the J operative movement. It is a propositi to have the co-operative movement J ilrrt ■rati >mra doll AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 vestigated and to give us some more knowledge on that movement. I hope this convention will adopt this proposi- tion of the majority and elect a commit- tee that will learn as much as they pos- sibly can about the co-operative move- ment, and from time to time give us more light, more knowledge on the subject, so that if some comrades some place start a co-operative movement we shall not have as many failures as some of the comrades have talked about. If these comrades in Brooklyn or elsewhere had had the help of suggestions from a com- mittee of this kin£ and had started their co-operative stor'-.o with more knowledge, maybe they would not have failed. The trouble with a good many failures Is a lack of knowledge. I am in favor of getting more light on the subject. It will be of benefit to the workers. It is «iot going to hurt you. And this propo- sition does not endorse the co-operative movement. The co-operative movement is here, and we want to know all about it. Vote for the report of this majority, and have a committee elec 3d to give us more light on this subject (Applause.) . THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques- tion having been or ^ered, the Chair, ow- ing to the fact that you adopted rules of order that are not clear to anybody but the Chair (laughter), will rule that when the previous question is ordered on an original motion plus an amendment and an amendment to the amendment, it only applies to one part or to the whole ac- cording as is stated. The Chair rules that the previous question applies to the amendment, which was the Minority Re- port and the amendment to the Minority Report. The Chair rules that* the ques- tion is therefore immediately upon the amendment to the Minority Report. The Chairman put the question on the amendment to the Minority Report, but did not announce the result. DEL. SLOBODIN: There is no amend- \ ment to the Minority Report. THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will state the entire matter be'fore the house. THE SECRETARY: The ruling of the acting Chairman was that the submission of the majority report made that the original motion. Isn't that right? THE CHAIRMAN: Correct. THE SECRETARY: That the submis- sion of the Minority Report made that an amendment to the original motion, and that the amendment offered by Kaplan of Minnesota, to strike out one word, the word "successful," from the fourth paragraph of the Majority Report was an amendment to the amendment. So that under that ruling the amendment to the amendment is the motion of Comrade Kaplan of Minnesota. ' DEL. FURMAN: How can a comrade make a motion to correct something in the Majority Report before a motion to receive that report? THE CHAIRMAN: If you ask me why comrades do anything, I never can ex- plain. DEL. FURMAN: That is all I ask. THE CHAIRMAN: Very well. The rule is plain to the Chair. The question comes upon the amendment to the amendment as stated by the Secretary. This is upon the amendment to the amendment, which was the Minority Report. The question was put upon the amend- ment to the amendment, and was lost. The question was then put upon the adoption of the Minority Heport, and the motion was defeated. THE CHAIRMAN: The question recui" upon the original motion to adopt the m Majority Report. DEL. AMERINGER (Okla.): I want tolLI talk in favor of the Majority Report. I £ want to say that the co-operative move- N ment is as much, a part of the great move- \ ment for the emancipation of the working V class as the trade union movement or as | the Socialist political movement. The sooner the working people of this coun- try understand that, the better it will be. The co-operative movement should be in- vestigated by every -Socialist, not only by a committee. In the old country the co-operative movement is the strong arm of the working class. It is not a matter of starting a few little stores here and there, not a matter of getting a few things a few cents cheaper. No, but the co-operative movement is a Step in the transformation of society itself, a trans- formation enabling the working class to own and manage their own business. That is the effect of the co-operative move- ment. The' party in every country in Europe has taken a stand on that move- ment. Over in Germany, Ferdinand Las- salle was temporarily opposed to it. Frederick Engels was opposed to it. You say nothing will help except the aboli- tion of the capitalist system. Well, the German movement met in Congress and sanctioned the co-operative movement. Here are the facts staring you in the face. In 1899 the co-operative movement started a society in Hamburg. Nearly every party in that city was opposed to the move- ment, and yet they started in spite of the opposition of a great many members of the party. The result was that' after starting one little store with a capital of $4,500, ihe Socialists of Hamburg have started 76 stores in that city and 36 butcher shops. The largest slaughter house in Hamburg is run by the co-opera- tives. The largest bakery is run by the co-operatives. The English co-operatives have gone into business, not to sell gro- ceries alone, but the English co-opera- tives today are owning their own fac- tories, and there is one factory belong- ing to the working class of England which sells 6,000 pairs of shoes every day. That is a serious question. It is not a little thing. Now, when our com- rades say that it will take the activity of comrades away from the political move- ment. Why, bless 3'our little hearts, that is like saying you can only drink wine because you cannot eat while you drink. Whether you work in the co-operative movement or whether you work in the trade union movement, or whether you work in the Socialist movement, you are working for Socialism. (Applause.) Now, here are some facts. In every fight that we have had in England, Germany, Bel- gium, Sweden and Norway, where we have a strong co-operative movement — in every fight it was the co-operative movement with its commissary department, with its bread and butter and salt and cheese, that supported the strikers. (Applause.) While the political Socialists, in case of a strike of the working class, passed resolutions and offered their moral sup- port, the other fellow furnished the strik- ers with food. There was a question up of the abolition of child labor in fac- tories. The co-operative societies of Ger- many, Belgium and England, because they were the largest buyers in the field, came together and won. Back of the family of the worker are the infantry of this labor union movement. Back of the labor move- ment stands the commissary department NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION, 701 'artillery of this co-operative move- ent. I am in favor of this report, be- „use the co-operative movement is as itial a part of the great movement or the emancipation of the working class jls the trade union or labor union, as the political movement itself. It is proper that you study that thing and not pass over it with a few idle phrases, with a few mild words. I want you" to adopt this report. I want you Socialists to read Socialism. I want you to understand what this movement really amounts to. There- fore I am in favor of this report. Del. Hillquit moved the previous ques- tion. Del. Alexander (Tex.) raised a point of order against the recognition of Del. Hillquit's motion after the Chair had stated 'What the motion was going to be. THE CHAIRMAN; That is not a point of order. The Chair desires to state that in the particular rule in Robert" on the previous question his statement that there may be a possibility of a cuting off of debate on the amendment and yet open- ing it up on the main question, his state- ment lacked correctness in this particu- lar: That without specifically stating when the motion for the previous ques- tion is made and carried, it applied to the entire subject. In this case the Chair said that it applied, in the absence of stating the entire subject, only to the pending amendments. The Chair was in error. Delegate Hillquit of New York borrowed my book and read it over again, and he is quite right and I was wrong. I am the only Chairman that ever admit- ted himself to be wrong. Now, in order to in a way console myself for my error, I insisted that another exposition of So- cialism should be made, after which one on either side will have an opportunity to Speak. The previous question was then or- dered. DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): You have heard Comrade Ameringer of Oklahoma tell us in beautiful language of the won- derful success of the co-operatives in the different countries of the world. In Scot- land, in Edinburgh, co-operative stores do millions and millions of dollars' worth of business every year. They raise their own wheat, their own potatoes, their own commodities and yet I want to tell you that the* working class of Edinburgh suf- fer just as much from capitalistic despot- ism as do the workers in the United States where co-operation is not a suc- cess. Wherever under the capitalists' re- gime the working class are able to pur- chase commodities cheaper, it inevitably follows that their wages drop. That is a fact. Let us devote our efforts to work- ing on the political field. See where we stand in the State of Pennsylvania. We had that lesson there. Around Wilkes- Barre we have a good Socialist movement years ago, but due to the co-operatives organizing there the Socialist party went to smash. They all went into that and were going to get Socialism right away. Oh, it is a beautiful dream. It is a beau- tiful Utopia. We are going to organize stores and factories and mills and do this thing. It is almost as Utopian as the I. W. W„ and I think the comrades who advocate it ought to go into that organi- zation. DEL. SMITH (Utah): What I have to say won't take long. This report does not bind the Socialist party to the co-op- erative principles. The report simply asks that a committee appointed by the convention to study this subject, which will give us the data, tell us why the Scottish co-operatives are effective, what are their good points and what are their bad points, to study the co-operatives in this country and where they are a fail- ure give us the cause of their failure. It is simply for the appointment of a committee to thoroughly study the ques- tion and report, and therefore I am in favor of the adoption of the -conamittee's recommendation. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): It has been suggested that a definition of the work of the committee be added in these words, "The committee to make a special effort to ascertain what effect industrial devel- opment and organization in any particu- lar locality has upon the operation of the co-operative in that locality." If there be no objection I will add this as part of the majority report. THE CHAIRMAN: No objection is heard and it will be so ordered.* The question now comes upon the adoption of the majority report. The motion to adopt the majority re- port of the committee on co-operatives was then carried, and the report adopted. COMMITTEE ON LABOR ORGANIZA- TIONS AND THEIR RELATION TO THE PARTY. THE CHAIRMAN: The next business i3 the report of the Committee on Labor Organizations and their relation to the Socialist party, which was made a special order. Delegate Harriman will report for the committee. DEL. HARRIMAN: Before making any statement for the committee on this sub- ject I will ask that the Secretary read the report. THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade White of Massachusetts, secretary of the commit- tee, will read the report.** DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I move the adoption of the report. The motion was seconded from all parts of the hall. DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.): I have twen- ty, minutes to speak on this proposition. (Cries of "Question.") DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): You have insisted that one on each side has the right to talk. I hope you will carry it out in this case. DEL. HARRIMAN: This is unanimous. A DELEGATE: It won't be unanimous If you speak. There will be opposition. (Cries of "Question.") THE CHAIRMAN: There will be no business done until the convention is in order. I was about to put a motion and a member of this convention rose beside me. I could not fail to see him. If I had you would have yelled "steara roller." Now if anybody else wants to talk they will get the floor. He has five minutes. DEL. HARRIMAN: I speak as Chair- man of the committee. • DEL. AMERINGER (Okla.): No, you dont'. I am Chairman of The committee. DEL. HARRIMAN: Let me explain my position. Comrade Ameringer asked me to make a statement before this conven- tion. When he a&ked me to make that statement I presumed I was speaking as Chairman, but I misunderstood him. •For convenience, the passage referred to has been inserted in the report, Ap- pendix E. — [Editor.] **The report is printed in full as Appen- dix F.— [Editor.] AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 A DELEGATE: A point of order. A Ihairman cannot delegate his time to an- ther member of the committee. THE CHAIRMAN: I have ruled that nybody else can talk. Don't bother the onvention by telling the Chairman what 3 so palpable, even to a delegate from. )hio. (Cries of "Question.") THE CHAIRMAN: No business will be ransacted until every delegate has taken is seat and the Chair has stated the arliamentary status of the matter before he house. The situation is this; A com- nittee reports unanimously. A motion is nade to adopt. The Chair presented the notion. In the absence of a motion for he previous question or to lay upon the able the Chair recognizes a member of he convention to speak upon the motion. Chat member is Comrade Harriman. What nore do you want? DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.): I will take >nly five minutes of your time, and it is he first five minutes that I have asked he courtesy of this convention for. There is a difference between us in this jonvention. This very demonstration is :he evidence of it. We had many a long md weary hour working over this reso- ution. Six of us reported and the other ;hree finally said they believed that they would sign it because it came as near to ;heir views as any resolution that could 3e got through this convention. Now the ivhole situation is this, in a nutshell, so chat we m a y see the reason for our dif- ferences, there are in America two great Movements, the economic movement on the one hand and the Socialist party of the United States on the other hand. They have fought separately for a quarter of a, century or more. The political party has succeeded in drawing into its ranks 125,000 or more only. The labor movement has a much greater number in its organ- ized men. After a quarter of a century of fighting separately, after having failed through all this time to come together, for whatever reason — I won't discuss that now — there are some within the ranks o\ the political party that are losin ? hope in the efficacy of political action. I hear a cheer — I knew that was true. _^*i the other hand, the labor movement having conducted its fight on the line of strikes and boycotts alone, for that quarter of a century, there are men there who, having come up against the trusts, have lost hope in the efficacy of the strike and the boy- cott. Thus standing separately, and hav- ing lost hope, they tend toward direct ac- tion or syndicalism. Whenever a nation loses hope of a peaceful solution of a prob- lem, that moment all the elements of war are present. Whenever a class or a por- tion of a class loses hope in its policies, loses confidence in its policy, all the ele- ments of war are there and the idea of di- rect action grows and a change takes place. Now between these two great move- ments comes a movement, a tendency to- ward direct action, individual, direct ac- tion, a tendency towards syndicalism; and this thing that we have in America today is the germ of a syndicalist move- ment. And the longer you remain apart, the stronger will grow your syndicalist We have here shown that there Is a tendency within the labor movement to combine the trades into federations and industrial unions, that the growth is go- ing on there, and if the Socialist party of America comes up close to these men, makes their war our war, makes their struggle — not for a theory, but for breaY. — makes that our struggle, makes one common fight with both these powers, that moment you will i power in the American movement that will make unnecessary the independent syndicalist movement, and develop one solid, working class party, involving both the political and the economic organizations in one solid phalanx. That is the proposition. (Loud cheering.) Now look at our resolutions, and read them carefully. For, comrades, what we want here is to understand each other. We want to know each other. Remem- ber, you who have a tendency towards syndicalism are just as honest and square in your fight as are those who have a, tendency toward exclusive political action; who have a tendency to go too far in that direction or think that all depends on that. Listen! You might wipe out political ac- tion; but you can never wipe out the struggle for bread. Yet the moment you wipe out political action you come square- ly up against the army and navy, as did our syndicalist movement in England, and they turned- back to Parliament and asked for a law for a minimum wage and mini- mum hours. That fact will germinate in the syndicalist movement in England the idea of the necessity of political action in that movement. Now the question is, men and women, comrades, shall we separate these two great powers? (Shouts of "No!") Shall we do anything to keep them apart? (Shouts of "No.") Shall we organize dual unions, to fight the political organization, or to fight the economic organization? I say, no! We are comrades together. Let us do everything within our power, let every member, as do the Germans, quot- ing from our friend and fraternal dele- gate, if not in words yet in spirit, let us every one of us belong to the labor or- ganization, not only belong to it, but fight in it. The economic fight, this is the thing "that catches the conscience of the king." It is power that your class must develop. You cannot develop power by division; you cannot develop power by separation. We may have our theories, but your economic organization grows out of the facts, and out of the struggle and the moment the Socialist party says to the economic organizations we don't care where you are working, what your pro- gram for the struggle for life, or what you are going to do in your struggle against, capitalism, this we will do with you in one united fight. You don't scatter literature when a man is starving; you throw a beefsteak in his mouth. After you have done that he will read all the literature you .will put before him. Now the Socialist party, as I conceive it, has but one purpose, and that is to ap- ply its philosophy; not to theorize about it, but to apply it. If our theory, if our philosophy has not arisen out of the struggles of the working class, and does not enable us to conduct the economic fight for that class, then our theories and our philosophy will not avail us much. If the material concept is true, if the conception that men live by bread, and that their ideals are dependent on the bread is true, then let us apply our phi- losophy to every struggle, for every strug- gle of the working class against the capi- talist class is right, from the standpoint of the working class. NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION i:L. HICKEY (Tex.): Comrades, the .impossible has happened. I have been in "the labor movement for twenty years with r 1 Job Harriman. For nineteen years, eleven F months, three weeks and six days we have \ fought; and for the first time in these twenty years we shook hands within the last two hours. I believe, comrades, that this is a remarkable illustration of the growing solidarity of the Socialist move- ment. I have been writing, I have been reading labor resolutions to Socialist Na- tional Conventions since Wing and Mat- chett ran in 1892, and I wish to say, as one of the committee that has struggled away into the small hours of the morn- ing for two nights, and then for three days— I want to say, that this is the broadest and widest, most statesmanlike and farthest reaching resolution on labor unions that has ever been taken up in a Socialist National Convention. It is a magnificent demonstration of our intellec- tual growth and understanding of one an- other. The chasm has been bridged and we are now, I believe, for the first time, going to see all this convention shake hands upon this broad, wide sweeping motion, just as the nine men represent discordant element came together and shook hands within the past two years. I believe that it is a happy omen; it is a sign of the times. It is a sign that the day is not far distant when from Port- land, Maine, to San Diego, from Michigan to Florida, the entire labor movement, economic and political, will stand together unified as a one, and then we will bury capitalism. DEL. CLIFFORD: I came to this con- vention as a delegate at large from Ohio, instructed to stand for the incorporation in our Declaration of Principles here, of industrial unionism, and we have incor- porated that in this report of this com- mittee. I am satisfied with it and I can return to my comrades in Ohio and tell them, "I have done your bidding, ana we will all rest satisfied. This problem has been a complex problem, complex for all of us. Let us now simply vote on this report, and get right down to brass tacks on the business of the convention. Cries of "Haywood." COMRADE HAYWOOD: I feel that this motion should pass, that this report v. should be unanimously adopted, and when tl it is adopted I feel that then I can go fe to the working class, to the eight million is women and children, to the four million St black men, to the disfranchised white cemen, to the white man who is disfran- giichised by industrial depression, the men chwho have no votes, and I can carry to fothem the message of Socialism. I can a urge them, and do it from the Socialist in platform, to organize the only power that st'is left to them, their industrial power. h£That is what you have placed at my dis- B position, or will, when you adopt this y motion. To my mind this is the greatest ' step that has ever been taken by the Socialist party of America. It unites Lawrence, Massachusetts, with San Diego, California. It unites the striking lumber workers of Washington with the timber, wolves of Florida. It unites every worker who works with either brain or muscle on the American continent today. I have pleaded with my comrades as best I could for the recognition of the fact that So- cialism was an economic movement -that we wanted to recognize that the work- ers should be organized at the machine so that thev could carry on production after capitalism has been overthrown I have likewise urged that every worker that has a ballot should use that ballc to advance his economic interest. In Law rence, Massachusetts, while only nftee per cent of the workers had a vote befor the strike, since the strike we have take into the Socialist party as many as on hundred members at a meeting. So Tom Hickey has shaken hands with Jo Harriman for the first time in twent: years, I feel that I can shake hands witl every delegate in this convention and sa: that we are a united working class. DEL. AMERINGER: I am really th only logical man qualified to talk on tha resolution. I have been the Chairman o one committee and have inspired the ideas of the minority on the other; and I founc that when the Ameringer of today met th( Ameringer of seven years ago, he didn look so bad after all. Now, friends, the only reason why 1 wanted the platform — .and I did before we agreed, really ask Comrade Harriman tc speak for what we then thought was the majority report. The reason why I did not avail myself of the opportunity to address you for twenty minutes was be- cause I thought Harriman could talk a little plainer English than I can. Not that Comrade Harriman has got any better ideas than I have — only I am hampered by the mechanical difficulty of getting these ideas out of this German noodle. When I asked for the floor here I had a speech prepared, and I am sorry that the opportunity has gone. What I wanted tO| say to you is, that if Tom Hickey and Tom! Clifford and Tom Lewis are satisfied, the rest of us ought not to kick, and having said this I am perfectly willing to go way down and sit back. (Laughter.) Now, friends, we have come together on this proposition. That is out of the way. I hope that from now on we shall have a united working class, on both fields. I hope that the working class of this country will not forget in the daily struggle, its great goal, its great ideal. One of the missions of the Socialist move- ment is to hold out to the working class, struggling daily in shop and mine, the ultimate goal, the Co-operative of Com- monwealth. You see, friends, these two branches of the movement, the political and the eco- nomic branches of the labor movement, are just like body and soul. Where you have a body without a soul, you got a corpse, and where you have a soul with- out a body, you got a spook. (Laughter.) Well, comrades, the Socialist political or- ganization, that is the soul. The laboi movement, that is the body. We have had a labor movement that didn't have very much life in it and we have had a Socialist political movement that was ven much of a spook. (Laughter.) Now friends, as we have both together, I ex- pect something that is very much aliv< in the future. The previous question was called for Del. Reynolds of Terre Haute moved tha Del. Garrison of Indiana, the only col ored delegate to the convention, be givei the floor. The Chair ruled that inasmucl as it is one of the cardinal principles o the party that no distinction of race o color are recognized, no exception shoul be made in favor of Del. Garrison. THE CHAIRMAN: I will state the rul< and then recognize the delegate on question of personal privilege, or what ever he may have to present The rule ndonted bv this convention are, TTTat afte theprevl?us question has been order* one speaker for each side of tje questm shall have five minutes. That time hs AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 10^ sen exhausted, although they all spoke r the same side. Under the rules, sub- ct to the possibility of an appeal, the lair will not recognize any delegate to ake any speech except by unanimous •nsent. Del. Reynolds asked that the unani- ous consent of the convention be given the suggestion of hearing from Del. irrison. Two delegates objected. THE CHAIR: There are two delegates at specifically object. The Chair is com- lled to put the motion in accordance tth the rules adopted. The vote comes upon the adoption of e report of the Committee on Labor Or- nizations. The motion was put and carried unani- jusly. THE CHAIRMAN: The next committee order is the Committee on Internaional lations. The Chairman is ready to re- rt. But under the rules, resolutions are be read at five o'clock. No other busi- ss is in order. DEL. SPARGO: The rules also provide it resolutions shall not be received after ednesday at five o'clock. THE CHAIRMAN: The convention will haps be able to vote unanimously to tain my decision if they hear the rules id. DEL. SPARGO: We adopted a rule that resolutions should be received, after sdnesday at five o'clock. 7HE CHAIRMAN: This is another of >se conflicts in the rules. There is a e that at five o'clock on each day the airman shall suspend the business be- e the convention and accept and dis- ;e of resolutions offered. Del. Spargo orms me that under another rule no olutions are to be received after five ock Wednesday. t DELEGATE: I interpret that rule as aning that at five o'clock you call for h resolutions as the Resolutions Com- tee may be ready to report. HE CHAIRMAN: In the absence of printed rule to which the delegate Is the attention of the Chair, if the retary has it in his records we can 30se of the point of order. The Secre- y declares that it was not adopted. I h that the delegate who raised the it would assist in informing the Chair to these contradictory rules. In the ence of such evidence the Chair rules t at five o'clock on each day business suspended and resolutions are read. EL. SPARGO: I move you that it Is ; sense of this convention tha*t the rule adopted, closing the receipt of resolu- s on Wednesday at five o'clock, he motion was put and declared car- ?ORT OF COMMITTEE ON INTER- NATIONAL RELATIONS. el. Barnes, Chairman, presented the owing report of the committee: OMMENDATIONS OF COMMITTEE )N INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, tie Committee on International Rela- s recommends that the following lutions be adopted: hereas, The working class of Mexico aaking now a brave and determined t against the barbarous tyranny of ruling class of that country; and hereas, The Mexican rulers are now :ing the aid of the government of the ed States to maintain their position ■he backs of the workers; and hereas, The interference of foreign ers has always be^n for the purpose epriving the workers of the economic r. li fruits of their successful revolution. Resolved, That the government of the United States shall not interfere in any way — either military or politically — with the efforts of the- working class of Mex- ico and other Latin-speaking countries in their efforts to free itself from the op- pression of the despotism now ruling these nations. And, further, that the So- cialist party maintain the right of the working class of any country to carry on its struggle for complete emancipa- tion from wage-slavery under any form of civil government. We recommend that fraternal delegates from other countries be invited to attend our National Congresses, and that as far as possible we send fraternal delegates to foreign congresses, especially to those countries that are represented by sections affiliated with the party in this country. Further, it is recommended that when such fraternal delegates respond to invi- tation and a speaking tour be arranged for them, that as far as possible they be under the directions of the Socialist party; and Also that a request be made through such fraternal delegates that when speak- ers from their country contemplate com- ing to this country they will get into communication with the Socialist party. And that Socialist speakers going abroad should have their speaking tour managed by the Socialist party of the country they visit. This committee recommends that the following subjects be submitted to the International Bureau to be made a part of the Agenda of the next International Congress. 1 — High Cost of Living. 2 — International Labor Legislation. 3 — Trusts. Whereas, The International expansion of capitalism threatens the nations with war, and adds to the crushing burden of militarism, now resting upon the work- ers, therefore, in accord with the position of the International Socialist Congress at Stuttgart, we urge the continuous press- ing of the following measures: (a) The constant reiteration of the de- mand that International arbitration be made compulsory in all international dis- putes. (b) Persistent and repeated proposals in the direction of ultimate complete disarm- ament; and, above all, as a first step, the conclusion of a general treaty limiting naval armaments and abrogating the right of privateering. (c) The demand for the abolition of secret diplomacy and the publication of all existing and future agreements be- tween the governments. (d) The- guaranty of the independence of all nations and their protection from military attaches and violent suppression. In case of war being imminent, the working classes and their parliamentary representatives in the countries concerned shall be bound, with the assistance of the International Socialist Bureau, to do all they can to prevent the breaking out of the war, using for that purpose the means which appear to them the most efficacious and which must naturally vary according to the acuteness of the strug- gle of classes, and to the general political conditions. J. MAHLON BARNES, MAY WOOD SIMONS. A. SOLOMON, JOHN OHSOL, L. F. HAEMER, Committee on Foreign Nations. 102 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Del. Burkle of New York moved to amend the paragraph reacting-: "And fur- ther that the Socialist party maintain the right of the working class of any coun- try to carry on its struggle for complete emancipation from wage, slavery under any form of civil government," by strik- ing out the word "civil" in the last line, making it read "under any form of gov- ernment." Del. Wells of Washington moved to amend by striking out the reference to the high cost of living, inasmuch as the So- cialist party is concerned primarily with the overthrow of capitalism. Neither amendment being seconded, the original motion was put to adopt the re- port of the committee as read, and de- clared carried. THE CHAIRMAN: Tonight at eight o'clock we hold a session of this conven- tion in this hall, when the platform will be considered. Please so inform the dele- gates who went out to congratulate them- selves on our unanimity. - Larsen, a regular delegate from Illi- nois, having arrived, the Illinois delega- tion has had him seated in -place of C roll, alternate. It has also elected Ado Germer to replace Winnie Branstef who has asked to be relieved. The Oklahoma delegation has deci< to seat M. F. Barker, a regularly elec alternate, in place of Pfeifer, Barker h, ing been previously absent. If there is no objection, the delega will be seated. Everybody seated. THE SECRETARY: A correction of minutes has been handed in. The mot yesterday morning, regarding the se ing of a telegram immediately to the g ernor of California, was made, I am formed, by Bessemer of Ohio, and by Sadler of Washington, as I have it the minutes. I believe Sadler voted it, however. Another correction. The motion adopt the third clause of the report of Committee on Farmers' Program i made by Merrill of New York and not Duffy of New York, as I have it in minutes. The convention then adjourned to p. m. of the same day. EVENING SESSION. The Chairman called the convention to order at 8 p. m. THE CHAIRMAN: Under special as- signment the report of the Platform Com- mittee will now be read. REPORT OF PLATFORM COMMITTEE. Chairman C. E. Russell read the report for the committee, and prefaced with the following remarks: - CHAIRMAN JUJSSELL: It gives the Platform Committee of this convention very great satisfaction to say to you that your committee reports unanimously. We take it as another indication of that spirit of Socialist unity that has been such a beautiful and attractive feature of this convention, and without any more pre- liminaries, I will read to you, with your permission, this report.* THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair awaits a motion. DEL. HENRY (Ind.): I move its adop- tion as read. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I call your at- tention to the fact that the editors have omitted one strong paragraph at the top of page 2. Comrade Ghent must have the paragraph somewhere. It is the first sen- tence in Comrade Duncan's impeachment of the courts, and it ought to be added. It was in the original draft. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont): There is just one sentence omitted. The whole para- graph should reach "In addition to this legislative juggling and this executive connivance, the courts of America have sanctioned and strength- ened the hold of this plutocracy as the Dred Scott and other decisions strength- ened the slave-power before the civil "war. They have been used as instruments for the suppression of the working class and for the suppression of free speech and free assembly." DEL. BERGER: There is another mis- take there. In the sixth line from the beginning it should read "hundreds of millions of dollars" instead of "millions of dollars." THE CHAIRMAN: The 'motion before the house is the adoption of the report of the committee as read. DEL. BARTH (Wash.): I want to move an amendment that we adopt down to the Working Program, and that the rest of the matter be taken up seriatim. Seconded. DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish to offer amendment to the political demands, p1 4, 10th clause. The amendment is to j clause. Under Political Demands, dems 10, which reads: "The abolition of the present rest! tions upon the amendment of the cori tution, so that that instrument mays made amendable by a majority of. voters in a majority of the States.'' move to amend the last part of it so 1 it shall read "by a majority of the vol in the country." A majority of the j ers in a majority of the States may h pen to be about 10 or 15 per cent ofj voters of the country, as against 80. 85 per cent. We want majority ama ments and not minority amendments! Del. Russell, for the- committee, 3 cepted the amendment offered by ] Hillquit. DEL. LE SUEUR (N. D.): I wish> offer as a substitute for Section 5 oti Industrial Demands, the following: j the co-operative organization of thej dustries in the federal penitentiaries,! the benefit of the convicts and theirs pendents." DEL. BARNES (Pa.): We have a nj ber of amendments here, each sepal and distinct: do you hold, Mr. ChairM that we must pass upon them one a4 time? THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair holds si ply that at no time will he permit nH than two amendments at one time bee the body. The motion before the hi is the adoption of the report of the cq mittee. The amendment by the deleg from Washington was that it applv ■ ply to the preamble, and that the Wdj ing Program be considered seriatim! suggest that the motion be made-1 unanimous consent to take the am« ments up seriatim. On motion of Del. Barnes it was vol to take up the amendments seriatimS THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate ffi Washington moves that that part ofjj platform, up to where the words "W« ing Program" occur, be adopted. Are'j ready for the question on that? DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): This wilEJ to the referendum of the party meml ♦The platform as adopted is printed full as Appendix G, pages — . — Editors L m EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 j ship, and when approved by them stands 3 rather as a declaration of the party. We i are acting, so to speak, as their clerk. I suggest it might possibly be more accu- rate to prepare it in a form so that it will read:- "The Socialist party declare, etc." Also, to separate it from every pre- ceding and following declaration, some date should be placed at some point on it. THE CHAIRMAN: Does the delegate offer it as a motion? DEL. GAYLORD: I offer it as a mo- tion. • DEL. BARNES: I will state that it has always been the practice of the National office when platforms were printed to state, either at the top or bottom, that it was adopted in convention, on such and such a date, and endorsed by referendum vote of the party on such and such a date. I take it this will be repeated. DEL. PERRIN (Ark.): In the last paragraph on the first page, it should not be limited to Republican and Demo- cratic executives. DEL. RUSSELL: There has been in this country for a great many years no other executive than Republican or Dem- ocratic. Consequently we could not use any other phrase. There are no legis- lative representatives of other parties ex- cept the Republican and Democratic, ex- cept those that come from the Socialist party, and we would not like to restrict those. This restriction is carefully based and accurate. ,You cannot include any other representatives, because these are the only executives we have had. DEL. PERRIN: We have had Popu- lists, we have had non-partisans DEL. RUSSELL: Well, a non-partisan party is not a party. DEL. MAXWELL (111.): I move to amend the fifth paragraph on the first page by inserting the word "rent" after the word "extortionate," so that it reads "The farmers in every State are plun- dered by the increasing prices exacted for tools and machinery and by extortionate rent, freight rates and storage charges." DEL. RUSSELL: The committee accepts the amendment. DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : All that is needed now is to place, at the beginning of it: "The Socialist Party of the United States declares," and at the end "Adopted at Indianapolis," such and such a date. . A DELEGATE: I would like to inquire if they made the change that was re- quested by a delegate from Oklahoma; I think Delegate Russell said that it was accepted. If it was, I want to move that it be changed back like it was at first: 'The people are forced to work. It looks like they chose to work for a living. No one works for a living unless they are forced to do it." DEL. RUSSELL: All right. Any way they want it. DEL. MARGARET PREVEY (Ohio): You had an able committee and they have given the matter careful attention. If we attempt now to change the report, word here and a word there, the plat- form would be a ridiculous document when we get through. If we change ^ word in one particular paragraph it will probably be necessary to change other paragraphs in order to harmonize with that particular one. I am sure you will agree with me that it has been given careful attention by the very able com- nittee whom you have elected for the purpose, and I believe it will be well to leave it in the form in which they ave reported it to the convention. I believe it is a document that we can be proud of and that we will be prouc to hand to the people of the United States,: and ask them to vote for it. Do not spoil it, comrades. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I simply want to continue in the same vein in which Comrade Prevey has just spoken. This platform that has been brought to you reminds me of the Pentateuch. There are four or five different versions of the five books of Moses, and it takes a skilled scholar to go through and separate and find out who wrote what. That is what has happened to this platform. All through there has been the work of a skillful redactor, combining all these four or five different ideas and statements of the same principles. It is a very fine piece of carpentry on the part of the re- dactor. Only those on the committee will be able to go on and say, "I put that in," or, "I put that in." It is put to- gether well. If you attempt this process of putting in a word here and another word there, the next thing you know you will have spoiled the continuity of the whole thing. So I hope if it is possible you will let the thing stand as it is, because if we will have to put this thing together again there is no knowing where we will get off at. The previous question was called, and the report of the Platform Committee adopted unanimously as read. DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I think that after the labors of the last few days, with all the diversity of opinion which we have had here, and considering that we have adopted just previous to this another great document, and are now considering what is in my estimation the greatest contribution to the Socialist lit- erature since the Communist Manifesto. It has been said heretofore that the American Socialist movement has not con- tributed anything to the Socialist liter- ature of the world. It can no longer be said. This convention has done a marvelous thing; it has leaped twenty years; it has harmonized interests and opinions which any man here would have said four hours ago could not have* been harmonized. I say, I had no hope that it could b*e done. I believed those opin- ions were irreconcilable, but within a few hours things have developed so that there would seem to be no place to dif- fer. The convention rose to the occa- sion and we delegates here can be proud that we were members of this convention and were able to bury all differences and rise to this mighty occasion, and carry the American Socialist movement •over the most dangerous period in its existence. We are now passing through an occasion that was most critical, and its outcome must terrify the capitalist class of the nation. I hope we may adopt this platform unanimously; - I am sure there is no serious defect in it. The question then came upon the adop- tion of the preamble, which was carried unanimously. THE CHAIRMAN: We are now to con- sider the following paragraphs of the working programme, seriatim. The Chair- man of the Committee will read the first paragraph. DEL. KOOP (111.): To facilitate mat- ters I move you that in reading these paragraphs, if there are no objections, the Chairman will declare them adopted. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair "intended so to do. Chairman Russell read Paragraphs 1, 2, 3 and 4, to which no objection was raised, 7 f irv NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION ■ And they were respectively declared f adopted. I Paragraph 5 was then read, to which / an objection was raised. DEL. ALLEN (Fla.): I would like to call attention to the fact that this last word "exploitation" carries with it the meaning of land that is used for farm- ing purposes today, simply because you cannot run a farm at the present time without exploitation. We have a Plat- form here for the present time, not for the future commonwealth; a working platform that we stand on, for present use. We believe in taking over all land that is held out of use; but if you put in this word "for exploitation," you also stand for taking over now, all farms before we are ready to take the man- agement of them co-operatively. DEL. HILQUIT: I move that the Sec- tion be amended by striking out the word "exploitation" mentioned by Comrade Allen, and substituting therefor the word "profit." . There is apparently an am- biguous expression here, which may be understood in two different senses. DEL. RUSSELL: The amendment is ac- cepted by the Committee. DEL. ALLEN: A person cannot work a farm without extorting profit from laborers. We don't believe in exploita- tion in farming any more than we do in manufacturing. Under the present sys- tem we have to develop industries to their highest stage, which means higher ex- ploitation, until it has reached the stage where we are ready to take over the whole thing. DEL. HILLQUIT: Then the amendment is withdrawn, with the consent of the Committee, which accepted it. DEL. MERRICK: I object to the unani- mous withdrawal of the amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: The question comes upon the amendment as offered. The original motion is the adoption of Para- graph 5. The amendment to the motion is to strike out the word "exploitation," and insert the word 'profit." Those in favor — DEL. RUSSELL: The Committee ac- cepts the amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee has accepted the amendment, and therefore the Chair declares it is stricken out. A DELEGATE: I object. Put the ques- tion. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will put the motion again. Motion to strike out the word "exploitation" wias put, and declared defeated. THE CHAIRMAN: The question recurs upon the original motion to adopt Para- graph 5 as read. Motion put and declared carried, and Paragraph 5 adopted. THE CHAIRMAN: Next is Paragraph 6. DEL. BARTH: I wish to have some information from the Committee as to why this was placed in the Platform. DEL. BERGER: This is going to be one of the great questions before the country, probably next year, and we must take a stand on this question. That is why we put it in. DEL. SLOBODIN (New York): I move to strike out the word "democratic" be- fore the word "management." DEL. BARTH: I move to strike out Section 6. DEL. BEARDSLEY (Conn.): The peo- ple should own the banking system. Let's have this plajik in here. THE CHAIRMAN: The question is upon striking out the entire section. Motion put, and declared defeated. THE CHAIRMAN: The question is upon striking out the word "democratic." Motion put, and declared lost, and Sec- tion 6 adopted. Motion made by Del. Patterson of Ohio to reconsider the motion to take up the Working Program seriatim, was put and? declared lost. THE CHAIRMAN: We will resume the consideration of the Program. The next paragraph is headed Unemployment. DEL. ROSETTE (Md.): I move to amend by inserting after the words "The ex- tension of all useful public works," the words "especially those for the produc- tion of the immediate necessaries of life.' My reason for this is that the extension of useful public works, such as for in- stance, although it will give employ- ment to the unemployed will not relieve 'the cost of living. It will make the cost of living higher; but if people are em- ployed on producing the necessaries of life it will immediately cheapen the cost of living. THIj] CHAIRMAN: The amendment is to insert in tfiTs Unemployment clause, the words "especially those for the produc- tion of the immediate necessaries of life," so that it will read: "The immediate gov- ernment relief of the unemployed by the extension of all useful public works, espe- cially those neccessary for the produc- tion of the immediate necessaries of life." DEL. BENTALL (111.): This amend-, ment is without .the shadow of a doubt a very necessary amendment. You can employ thousands of workers in making roads, in reclaiming bad lands, in a num- ber of what we term today public works,, but as has been said already by the com-i rade who offered the amendment, this' will not produce anything in the way of necessaries of life. All these people live on less food when they do not work, than when they work, and the working' men who do produce the necessaries of' life will have to produce that extra amount of food for the fellows who are going to use it while they work. It "is good sense. As a Convention we must see to it that we do not simply put peo- ple to work as we do down in Chicago, starting them to shovel snow — that does not give us any great relief; but if we- put this into the platform, that we must, produce the necessaries of life, it will, give us an incentive to formulate such: plans as will make it possible to produce these necessaries of life, and I therefore strongly favor this amendment. DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I want to re-' call to your attention the remarks of Com-: rade Prevey as to taking snap shot amend- 1 ments at the report of the committee. You^ have already adopted certain clauses stat-; ing the condition of the working class" and declaring that their condition re- mains the same. Now the comrade pro--; poses to amend this demand to say that \ if you put these fellows to producing ; something in the way of food stuff his- conditions will be changed. That is a complete contradiction of what you have'- already adopted. You will be better off if you work in a butcher shop than if you work in a factory according to that argument. Your wages in the butcher; shop will give you more, even though; you get the same amount of money for your services in the factory. If you don'tj want to get your platform and your de- mands in a contradictory - position you would better adopt them as they stand, for the reason that they have been given careful consideration after considering: EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 106 the different elements represented in convention. They have been weighed considered from every angle and cer- ly have been given more considera- than we could give them at a glance, n opposed to the amendment. I will er to refer it back to the committee further consideration. EL. BERLYN (111.): I am opposed he amendment. Some people are not ;rving. As long as the wage sys- obtains we may mitigate some of its 8. It is true that because we pro- 3 more food, more of the necessities ife, that does not necessarily make it sible for the wage worker to live more fortably. Look what we have before We have the cold storage system, preservative system, we are able to jerve more of the food stuffs that are iuced, but in spite of that the condi- of the workers is worse. The things ; ought to cheapen necessaries really :es them dearer. -The contradictions the capitalist system become clearer ?y day. So long as the wage system lins it is our duty so far as we may ible, to mitigate the situation by giv- work to the unemployed. But if you ik that by raising more potatoes and :ing them cheaper you are going to nge things, don't forget the other fel- stili controls the rent, still controls clothes, the capitalist class still con- s. The plank as originally reported ht to be adopted without amendment. el. SLAYTON (Pa.): I can see the culty that my friend from Ohio labors er. He thinks there is a contradic- in the matter already passed upon the matter now sought to be mded. That part that regardless of amount we produce there is no re- for the worker, that has to do with Jitions as they are. And right above re we demand the collective owner- that would change it and make irade Rosett's amendment all right, :his demand here was for collective ership. There is nothing involved of ective ownership in this part. That to do with non-employment right . The contention of Comrade Berlyn ight. If you take and run a plant, flucing something to eat, while the Italist owns the plant, it would eer- ily mean that the capitalist would* own product after you get through pro- ing it. This is a demand under pres- conditions to do all we can to find •k for the unemployed; and they would be unemployed if they were engaged aufacturing things to eat. vVe want give them employment so that they ' eat and consume what is produced. more you examine this the stronger ;ets. The purpose is to do the best can while capitalism lasts, and if you this other thing in we are mixing lie ownership with capitalistic own- nip, which is a positive contradiction, ope the amendment will be defeated. >EL. ROSETT (Md.): Let us not be aid of making this plank economically nd. This is for the immediate relief unemployment. It is for immediate ef. Unemployment will not be re- ed immediately by public works on arge scale, such as canals. You will ploy a number of workers there, but order to feed those workers capital 1 have to be taken out from some er industry and put into that canal. • workers must be fed somehow. If i produce things that are the immedi- necessities of life then they not only >rk but they produce the things with which to feed themselves, they produce their own wages. That makes it eco- nomically sound. Why are you afraid to insert that in this place. It remains just as strong and at the same time it becomes economically sound. The vote was then taken and the amendment declared lost. DEL. WILLS (Wash.): I am in favor of immediate demands only when we can make them so radical that we keep a long ways in advance of the old parties. The members from the State of Washington have gone on record as being opposed to immediate demands altogether. Down to these industrial demands we have been dealing with such things as deal with the federal government. Now we deal with something that comes within the juris- diction of the State government. They are matters of comparatively small moment. In many of the progressive States the old parties have already put these demands in their platform. The platform is too long any way. I therefore move that we strike out entirely the program of in- dustrial demands. The motion was lost. Sections 1, 2 and 3 were adopted as follows: "The conservation of human resources, particularly of the lives and well being of the workers and their families: 1. By shortening the work days in keeping with the increased productive- ness of machinery. 2. By securing to every worker a rest period of not less than a day and a half . in each week. 3. By securing a more effective in- spection of work shops, factories and mines." Section 4 was then read as follows: "By forbidding the employment of chil- dren under sixteen years of age." DEL. KAPLAN, (Minn.): I move to change it to 18 years of age. The motion was seconded, and on A vote was lost. Section 4 was then adopted as read. Section 5 was read as follows: "By abolishing the brutal exploitation of convicts under the contract system, and prohibiting the sale of goods so produced in competition with other labor." DEL. LE SEUER (N. D.): By the co- operative organization of the industries in the Federal penitentiaries for the ben- , efit of the convicts and their dependents. DEL. GAYLORD: I suggest that it be added. They are both good. DEL. LE SEUER: We want to make this brief. The substitute covers every possible feature of the original. If the industries in the penitentiaries are ope- rated for the benefit of the convicts and their dependents there is no exploitation of the convict labor, and" there is no com- petition between the convict labor and free labor. DEL. RUSSELL (N. Y.): The commit- tee authorize me to say that we will accept your substitute. DEL. RODRIGUEZ (111.): I call for the reading of the section as amended. THE SECRETARY (Reading): "By the co-operative organization of the indus- tries in the Federal penitentiaries for the benefit of the convicts and their de- pendents." DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I desire to ask Comrade Le Seuer why the State peni- tentiaries are omitted. DEL. LE SEUER: With reference to the State penitentiaries it would be ut- terly futile to insert that in the platform 106 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION and we already have it in the platforms of the different States. DEL. HOGAN: Won't you accept this amendment that the clause may be en- larged according to your suggestion to cover every phase of the Federal work shops as well as the Federal penitenti- aries. DEL. LE SEUER: As to Federal work shops in the Federal penitentiaries, let the committee work that in. The substitute paragraph was 'then adopted. The Secretary then read clause 6 as fol- lows: "6. By forbidding the interstate trans- portation of the products of child labor, of convict labor and of all uninspected factories and mines." The section as read was then adopted. Paragraph 7 was then read as follows: "7. By abolishing the profit system in Government work, and substituting either the direct hire of labor or the awarding of contracts to co-operative ' groups of workers." The paragraph as read was adopted. Paragraph 8 was then read as follows: "8. By establishing minimum wage scales." The paragraph as read was adopted. The next paragraph was then read as follows: "9. By abolishing official charity and substituting a non-contributory system of old age pensions, a general system of in- surance by the State of all its members against unemployment and invalidism and a system of compulsory insurance by em- ployers of their workers, without cost to the latter, against industrial diseases, accidents and death." The paragraph as read was then adopted. Paragraphs 1 and 2 of the "Political Demands" were then adopted, reading as follows: "1. The absolute freedom of press, speech and assemblage. "2. The adoption of a graduated in- come tax, the increase of the rates of the present corporation tax and the ex- tension of inheritance taxes, graduated in proportion to the value of the estate, and to nearness of kin, the proceeds of these taxes to be employed in the so- cialization of industry." Section 3 of the Political Demands was read as follows: "3. The gradual reduction of all tariff duties, particularly those on the neces- sities of life. The government to guar- antee the re-employment of wage earn- ers who may be disemployed by reason of changes in tariff schedules." DEL. BARNES (Pa.): As it appears to me this paragraph concedes the argument of the tariff advocates that tariffs do give employment to working men, and so far as my knowledge goes that is not now true. The infant industries are fat and healthy. For that reason until we have further explanation of the reasons for -the retention of this clause from the committee I move that we strike out par-^v^ph £. ±we motion was seconded. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): We have avoided just the very thing that Comrade Barnes is afraid of. We state there that the government shall guarantee re-em- ployment of wage earners who may be disemployed by reason of changes in tar- iff schedules. Now I would like to see any tariff reformer. from ■ Underwood down, stand for anvtbing of this kind. There is no tariff reformer in the cap- italist world who can touch this cl We have taken care of an argumer that kind, Comrade Barnes. DEL. BARNES: You don't answei point at all. DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): It seem me the height of absurdity for the cialist party to be monkeying with tariff. We are not interested in tariff, low tariff or no tariff. The wo gets skinnned to a finisH; tariff oi tariff. The Democrats and Republi have blathered about the tariff until whole country is sick of it. But if I my way you would not have any in: diate demands at all. DEL. IRVIN (Pa.): Clause 3 me provides ^as we have provided be where in the development of mac; ery workers are put on the scrap bJ In the change of tariff whether you- lieve in high tariff or low tariff wori are put on the scrap heap. That not be successfully denied. And t merely covers that proposition and m ing else. DEL. KATE SADLER: I am absolu opposed to this notion. High tariff oi tariff, it does not concern us. I 1) where we had no tariff at all and I just as poor then as I am now uij a high protective tariff. I have b just as poor under a low tariff. I d3| see why we shoud bother with suoj thing. The; 'tariff question has foj the working class of America J enough, just as we were fooled in E land and Scotland about free trade, j open door, protection, reciprocity, i tall the other fool things that the I parties have been offering us. Our dJ gation is absolutely opposed to all iml diate demands but we will have to sij low them if you force them down J throats. But for goodness sake df split on the tariff question. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): We have J this very thing in our congressional J 'trict. John Dalzell, the high priestf protection, was defeated in our distjj by a tariff revisionist. We have to sj the fallacy of revising the tariff. P haps if Comrade Berger will get j statement of Senator Cox he will see t he stated on the floor of the United Sta Senate in his debate with Senator AldJ that so far as the working class is c; cerned it doesn't make any differd whether it is high, low or in the mica We have had this question in cerl congressional districts and the man 4 defeated John DalzelJ defeated him j cause the Republicans in that disfl had begun to say that it would bj good thing to put the tariff down. T| would say to us, you stand for the sa thing that Mr. Kelly stands for. Th« fore, why should we vote for the SociaJ when Mr. Kelly stands for exactly j same proposition. I am in favor of j motion of Comrade Barnes. DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I move j previous question. The previous question was then 1 dered. DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I very ml wish that the committee had vouchsaj the information in advance of my arl merit why they favored this propositi "The gradual reduction of all tariff 1 ties, particularly those on the necel ties of life; the government to guaH tee the re-employment of wage earn! who may be disemployed by changes] the tariff schedules." There was an ari ment presented by Comrade Irvin of Pel sylvania which does not apply, in } EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, .1912 It judgment, because I do not concede that the adoption of free trade would throw 3ne man out of work in America. You ire providing for that which will not happen. You provide that the govern- ment shall re-employ those who are dis- employed by reason of the reduction of the tariff, and I hold and believe that it can not be demonstrated that anyone will be thrown out of work, and on the contrary if we had free trade tomorrow it would not throw anybody out of work Cor more than a week. We are virtually conceding the argument of the tariff sup- porters in this very paragraph, and that is the reason I am in favor of striking it out. But while I hold to the opinion that we would not bring about disem- ployment by a reduction of the tariff, I know, you know and the tariff tinkers know that a great number of the prod- ucts of America are sold in foreign coun- tries far cheaper than they are sold to us in America. You can get a Douglas shoe in London, England, cheaper than you can here. You can get an American sewing machine in England cheaper than you can here. You can get a McCormick reaper cheaper in the City of St. Peters- burg than it is sold in the city of Chicago; and it is made in the out- skirts of Chicago. In the testimony of Mr. Schwab before the Congressional Committee he "mitted that he sold steel cheaper to V _ Russian government than (he did to Uncle Sam. The removal of the tariff would not bring about non-em- ployment but it would reduce their prof- its. The reduction of the tariff will not Misemploy our people but will make the capitalists retrench and cut off some* on their unearned increment. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I have always held that the tariff issue is not a work- ing man's issue. DEL. BARNES: That is what I think. DEL. BERGER: I have always told them that there is always free trade in labor. That while our manufacturers are protected by 300 per cent in some in- stances, that there is always free trade in labor. However, we are facing a con- dition and not a theory. We have to take a stand. In all the countries that I know of where we have a Socialist party, the Socialist party as such takes the stand for free trade more or less. That is the international view. However, if we do it in this country we face the following situation: Entire cities, entire communi- ties have been built up by the high tar- iff. If there should be a sudden reduc- tion many thousands would be thrown out of employment, and we meet this sit- uation by this paragraph. I am not say- ing that the Socialist party should make free trade or high tariff an issue. We have a thousand better issues. We are simply explaining our stand on this ques- tion, and it seems to me that this clause is all risrht. DEL. HILLQUIT: How are they to be re-employed? DEL. i BERGER:- The government . to give them employment. The government can do it. This does not mean that we should go out and preach free tra.de or that we should take a stand for high tariff. It simply explains our position on the tariff. But for my part I shall never make an issue of the tariff. I do hope that you will accept this as read. The motion to strike out clause 3 was adopted by a vote of 117 aye and 94 no. Paragraph 4 was then read as follows: "4. The abolition of the monopoly own- ership of patents and the substitution of collective ownership, with direct rewards" 1 ' to inventors by premiums or royalties." V The paragraph was adopted as read. The Secretary then read Section 5 as follows: "5. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for men and women." The paragraph as read was adopted. Section 6 was then read by the Sec- retary as follows: "6. The adoption of the initiative, ref- erendum and recall and of proportional representation nationally as well as lo- cally." DEL. LEWIS (Ore.): I object to the proportional representation. It will only open the way for parties of reform, pro- hibition parties, labor parties and so forth. Our State legislatures will be full of all kinds of representatives. It is a dangerous proposition. Are we Socialists going to open up the field to give all kinds of freaks to have their representa- tives in the various bodies? Proportional representation means that we are going to give life to all the parties, including clerical parties. I move to strike out proportional representation. DEL. SMITH (Mont.): It seems to me that instead of advocating proportional representation the Socialist party ought to be standing for representation by ab- solute majority. The point of the com- rade from Oregon is Certainly well taken. If the Socialist party makes as its funda- mental declaration that this is a strug- gle between classes, then we ought to have absolute majority representation. We ought to have either capitalist gov- ernment or working class government ab- solutely. I approve of the amendment. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): It is evident that the comrades who spoke in opposi- tion to the recommendation of the com- mittee do not know what • they are talk- ing about. They seem to be carried away by a few stock phrases. This proposition will be favorable to some reformers. That is enough. That settles it. As a matter of fact the accepted position of the in- ternational Socialist movement of the world has always been in favor of pro- portional representation. I do not un- derstand how any man who understands the meaning of proportional representa- tion can stand up and oppose it. To begin with there is but one party who can really benefit by it and that is the So- cialist party. The comrade from Mon- tana says we should either have a cap- italist government or a Socialist govern- ment. If that is the case we may as well stop putting up candidates and send- ing them into the legislative assemblies. DEL. SMITH (Mont.): I said a capital- ist government or a working class gov- ernment. DEL. SOLOMON: As I understand the comrades it must be either a capitalist government or a working class govern- ment. That is identical with saying a capitalist government or a Socialist gov- ernment. I cannot conceive of a Socialist government which is not at the same time a working class government. But coming down to this proposition I say there is but one partv that can really benefit by this proposition and that is the Socialist party. You find in State after State that already the Socialist party has from five to ten per cent of the total vote cast, but has no representative what- ever in the assembly. If we had pro- portional representation it would be pos- sible for the party to have representa- tion in the assembly in proportion to the vote cast for the party candidates- _ NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.)* I think this proportional representation should be kept in the platform, not only as an ac- cepted proposition of our party generally, but it opens the way by which the in- terests of every community, the varied in- terests of every community may make themselves felt within that community. Now the dominant power in a community certainly asserts itself, with the modifica- tion of all the other interests that are able to make themselves felt upon that power. Every law passed by the capital- ist class would be modified more or less if our representatives to some extenit were within their body. First; because we could uncover the graft. Second, be- cause we are on the ground to modify vicious laws, which always yield in pro- portion to the power confronting them. Now this is a political party. This pro- portional representation enables us to take a grip, to the exact extent of our power upon the legislative bodies to which we send our members. When we are in the ascendency then we, too, may modify our position because of the com- plicated interests that resist us. But until such time as we can bring about institutions that conform entirely to our views, this is one of the strongest means within our grasp to split the opposition in the legislative halls. DEL. PEACH (Conn.): I am in favor of keeping proportional representation in the platform. In Connecticut we are in a peculiar position. Perhaps no other State in the Union has this situation to face. In our State we have an industrial city with a population of 102,000. 90 per cent of those are industrial workers. In that city there are 15,000 workers who voted in the last election. That is the city of Bridgeport. Under the State laws we are given two representatives for that 15,000 voters. ■ Up in one corner of the State there is a little town by the name of Union with 87 voters. That has two representatives. It is a complete agri- cultural town. On . any question in the legislature, although we may have cap- tured the city of Bridgeport overwhelm- ingly, our vote is negatived by men who represent 87 voters. We are confronted by the consolidated railroads, who can buy 87 voters much more easily than they can buy 15,000. In one county we polled 16 per cent of the votes on the Socialist ticket, in that county. If we capture every industrial center in that county we have only captured 7,000 voters, and the remaining difference between the 7,000 and the 50,000 can overwhelmingly out-vote us. So I say, keep it In there so we can use it in our State platform, because we are going to use it whether you put it in or not. but we don't want to be in contradiction with the National platform. We want to break up the form of representation that we have in our State where 87 agricultural voters have as much representation as 15,000 industrial workers. How are we going to get a majority on that? Will you tell me that from Montana? The previous question was then or- dered. DEL. LATTMER (Minn.): I am in favor of the amendment to strike out. There seems to be some misapprehension as to what proportional representation means. The comrade who just spoke presents a condition which proportional representa- tion would help. What he needs is re- apportionment. We are not discussing that. Proportional representation is per- haps all right from a theoretical point or view so long as the Socialist party a minority party and wants a few c, fices; but when we get to be a majori party we shall not be interested in loo 1 ing after the interests of the capitalist who happen to be in the minority. "V are interested in getting control of tl government. We are interested in ru ning the government in the interest the working class. And it seems to n that while we are a minority party v are interested in the same propositio It is true that in some communities might land a man or two in the Sta Legislature. That is what happened Illinois a few years ago. They had pr< portional representation where a ma could go to the polls and vote for thr< men or one man. That gave a sort proportional representation and they ser a few men to the State Legislature, bi they are not there today. We find thz if we do gain here and there it amoum to practically nothing. The thing we ar interested in as a minority party is build lng up a strong, constructive organiza tion, not to elect men occasionally to th; State Legislature. It is our business a a minority party to lay foundation fo' getting control of the government, an we are not interested in proportional rep resentation. That is all right for th instructor in the class room, studying po litical economy, but we are organize^ to dominate the government, we are no interested in minorities, we are interests in that great majority, the working class DEL. WILSON (Cal.): There is noth ing whatever in this clause inconsisten with the constantly maintained interna tional position on this question. It i simply reaffirming the demand of the in ternational Socialist movement of th world. If the Germans at this time ha< proportional representation they wouli have a very much larger number of mei in the Reichstag. We all know thai There are thousands of them that ar disfranchised because of this very fac that they have not proportional repre sentation. The same is true in Belgium and the same is true in some of the com munes of Prance. One of the method by which our comrades in England hav been able to secure seats in the Britisl House of Commons has been throug] what they call three-cornered fights What is a three cornered fight? A thre cornered fight is a fight in which thi proportional representation extends a least to three elements, and I am sur that there have been at least a dozei or fifteen seats attained in the Britisl House of Commons by this process o proportional representation in part. Ani in the municipal bodies of Great Britai] there have been scores of such instances I want to ask you how was it that Com rade Seidel was elected Mayor of th city of Milwaukee if it had not been b; proportional representation so far as i went. I mean that he didn't have a ma jority of the„votes of the city. A DELEGATE: And how did he lose it DEL. WILSON: I am giving you th points in favor of the other view. Al right. How did he lose it? He, lost i because two of the parties joined and lef him without a total majority of the city If the Socialist party in tTTe city counci of the ctiy of Milwaukee were represents according to the number of Socialist vote in the city of Milwaukee they wouli have a larger representation in the ne\ aldermanic body than they have at th present time. EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 i DEL. KATE SADLER: Well, what does he party in Sweden say? DEL. WILSON: I don't recall the exact tatement of the party in Sweden. THE VICE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Wil- on has the floor. DEL. KATE SADLER: He doesn't need answer it. It was turned down in I, weden. DEL. WILSON: Now comrades, we are 3 this position that all over the country ji cities where they have the commission ivorm of government, which has in a sense ),n element of this proportional repre- entation, where there is an element of his proportional representation involved i the candidacy for the Legislature, and lso in congressional districts it is going » be of great importance - to us if we an carry it as a political reform. I hope le comrades will sustain the paragraph 1st as it is in this statement of Political •emands. The motion to strike out the words proportional representation" was lost, nd paragraph 6, as reported, was dopted. The Secretary read paragraph 7 as fol- >ws: "7. The abolition of the Senate and of 16 veto power of the President." The paragraph as read was adopted. DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I want to make motion that we have somewhere here n opportunity, and it might as Well be s"|fter the veto power is disposed of, I ant to make a motion for an anti-mili- ?"|iry plank. a THE CHAIRMAN: The opportunity ill be given later. Paragraph 8 was then read as follows: "8. The election of the President and e Vice President by direct vote of the ople." The paragraph as read was adopted. The Secretary then read paragraph 9: *9. The abolition of the power usurped 7 the Supreme Court of the United ates to pass upon the constitutionality the legislation enacted by Congress. iie national laws to be repealed only 1 act of Congress or by referendum >te of the whole people." DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I wish to offer i amendment and I want an opportunity explain the amendment afterwards. I ove to amend by striking out the words isurped by the Supreme- Court," and bstituting the "absolute prevention of e Supreme Court of the United States ssing upon the constitutionality of ws." The motion was duly seconded. DEL. SLAYTON: For years I have con- nded that the Supreme Court of the lited States has never usurped any pow- . This has been disputed by some com- des. They have cited one or two in- ances where Congress has passed re- rictive laws, and they have tried to ike that appear as proof that the Su- eme Court had usurped power. The act opposite is the fact. Why should I ss a law to prevent anybody doing mething if that body had not the right do it any way. The other day I got Id of a work upon this same subject lich shows that the leaders df the Con- tutional Convention deliberately acted that the Supreme Court should ve this power, and Alexander Hamilton ited that they should have the power declare all laws null and void that 3 contrary to the manifest tenor of the institution. The other day I got hold a work by Professor Baer who quotes of the delegates to the Constitutional Convention, 16 of whom definitely sta\. for that that was their construction and hoy that the Supreme Court should have the i power to declare all laws null and void - e which were contrary to the manifest ten- or of the Constitution, and they said what they wanted the manifest tenor to be. They said we have to be careful how we use our words lest we frighten the people. The whole object was to make the Constitution a class document; and it was the fertile brain of Alexander Hamilton that devised the Supreme Court. He wanted to make sure that any law that had a measure of democracy in it, if it could pass the lower House, pass the Senate and pass the President, would at least run up against the elite of Amer- ica and not pass the Supreme Court. I insist the Supreme Court has never usurped any power. Henry Clay, I be- lieve, said: "I am glad the Constitution does not say that the Supreme Court shall not do certain things because they then can act upon the implied power entrusted to them to maintain the in- tentions of the framers of that docu- ment." I hope that you will agree to wipe out these words. If you are right you won't be hurt and if I am right you will be safe. Make it read that the Su- preme Court shall not pass upon the constitutionality of laws. DEL. HOAN (Wis.): I disagree with the comrade who has just spoken. The prop- osition to permit the Supreme Court of the United States to declare laws uncon- stitutional was presented three times in the Constitutional Convention aid voted down. The first time it was exercised in this country mass meetings were held protesting against the court using that power, and in practically every State in the early history of this country where that proposition was made to give the Supreme Court that power it was voted down. In the early days of American history the people held mass meetings all over this country protesting against this usurpation of power by capitalist judges serving the interests that were backing them up. I hope that the clause as drafted by the committee will be adopted. The motion of Delegate Slayton was lost and Section 9 was then adopted as reported. Paragraphs 10, 11, 12 and 13 were then adopted as follows: "10. The abolition of the present re- strictions upon the amendment of the constitution so that instrument may be made amendable by a majority of the voters in a majority of the States. "11. The granting of the right of suf- frage in the District of Columbia, with representation in Congress and a demo- cratic form of municipal government for purely local affairs. "12. The extension of democratic gov- ernment to all United States territory. "13. The enactment of further meas* ures for general education and particular- ly for vocational education in useful pur- suits. The Bureau of Education to be made a department." DEL. RUSSELL: The committee has made a slight change in the wording of paragraph 14 since I read it before. As amended by the committee it now reads: "14. The enactment of further meas- ures for the conservation of health. The creation of an independent bureau of health, with such restrictions as will se- cure full liberty to all schools of prac- tice." NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION r jU will strike out in your printed ^ies the words "The creation of a De- irtment of Health." T DEL. HILLQUIT: I movb ;o strike out the addition and restore the *rigix>-»J. form of the paragraph. The motion was seconded. DEL. HILLQUIT: I do not see wtxy the committee should have gone out of its way to insert a debated and debatable question on- matters pertaining exclusive- ly to the practice of medicine, on which none of us is an authority, and as to which the Socialist party should certainly not take any definite stand. The only purpose of this amendment, so far as I can see, is to place certain medical schools, homeopathic, osteopathic, eclec- tics, upon the same basis as the recog- nized school of allopathy, Now, quite likely it is a sound proposition. I know ab- solutely nothing about it. I do not know whether the conservation of the health of the nation does not require a certain recognized school of medicine. I don't know whether certain reasonable restric- tions upon the practice of medicine should not be maintained. But I do say that the Socialist party has absolutely no con- cern of any kind with it. To demand in the political demands of the Socialist party the recognition of certain schools of medicine, or the removal of restric- tions upon the practice of medicine seems to me entirely unnecessary and to open up a large field of debate. DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): In supporting the amendment I call your attention to the fact that the international Socialist move- ment has everywhere stood for the crea- tion of a national department of public health. If there is anything we need in this country it is the creation of such a department. Since the matter has come up and has been forced into the arena of national politics a certain amount of activity has been exerted by some per- sons who do not believe in any. school of medicine, preventative or otherwise. The delegates to this convention have been flooded with reports of speeches de« livered in the United States Senate solely from the point of view of one particular religious sect in this country, and this amendment is intended to meet the point of view of that opposition. I am not sashing here that we should stand for any particular school of medicine. ' I have no objection as a Socialist in my capacity as a delegate here to the osteopaths or the homeopaths. I do have certain per- sonal opinions on certain questions inso- far as they relate to public sanitation and public health. But when you say we demand the creation of an independent bureau, what do you mean? "Why not say frankly that we want a federal depart- ment of public health because we want to wipe out the disgrace that is so out- rageous iin this country,, that if there was any hog or cattle disease in this country money would come from the federal gov- ernment, expert advice .at every cost could be had from the federal government on that proposition, but when spinal men- ingitis broke out in this country if we wanted any assistance, if we want to use our national power to meet that scourge, up until quite recently ' we could not get a dollar from the federal govern- ment, we could not get a man from the federal service unless some Congressman was tricky enough to get in an appro- priation for funds for the Bureau of Ani- mal Industry. When we say that we want the creation of a Department of Public Health, we are not saying that we want a department under the contrc of a particular school of medicine. W are not saying that we want a depart ment which will exclude a particula school of medical practice; but we do sa that we want a Department of Publi Health; and if in the creation of tha Department of Public Health it is foun. necessary to prohibit the practice o some people who profess to cure tubercu losis by quack remedies, then we ough to be able to get that very thing. DEL. RICKER (Kan.): I shall not quib ble as to words. On the question of ij Department of Health or an independen bureau I shall not quibble. But on th< matter of putting something in this dec laration that will put the Socialist part], on record for a full guarantee of libertj to all schools of practice I am decidedlj in favor. DEL. HILLQUIT: Christian Science? DEL. RICKER: There are several schools of practice. There is a majoi school. The minor schools don't warn this major school of practice to dominate everything in the matter of the care oi public health. If there is anything thai Socialists stand for it is liberty. In Con- gress the objections raised against such a bureau have been precisely on the point that it would go into the hands of the major school of practice, who would be in control of this department. There happen to be homeopaths, osteopaths and a great many other paths. The object of the committee in submitting this warn simply that we might assure all of them that we stand for full and complete lib- erty. DEL. ROSETT: I want to speak in favor of the section as it stands in the printed report. This question of medical liberty is a much agitated question now in Amer- ica. It is only after great struggles that many reforms have been brought about. The Pure Food and Drug law, the expos- ing of various medical fakes, of dan- gerous patent medicines. There is a move- ment now for what is called medical free- dom, not for real medical freedom but to bring forth again the medical fakes that have infested America for a greal number of years, the Sarsaparilla fake, the Peruna fake, and a thousand other fakes, that now have a vogue under thj name of medical liberty. The idea is simply that these terrible fakes with which we have been infested shall ha« full swing again. The word freedom ■ something that can be stretched to an awful extent. Freedom to poison peopa is not, freedom at all. At last it is thl kind of freedom that we Socialists must oppose. Socialists all over the world stand for science, for progress, and sci- ence and progress are opposed to any medical faker who comes in the name o| medical freedom. I hope you will vote in favor of the section as it is pri ! DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I am againl the amendment. We know that laws have been made for the protection of pigs and cattle. This proposition is for the pro- tection of human beings. There is no monopoly in this land, no trust, strongei than the medical trust. We know that the powers of government in Washing- ton today are controlled to that exteil by the medical trust that they refuse to allow any other school of medicine oi healing to invade the holy of holies; all who enter must bear the marks of one of the great established schools of medi- cine. We know how the allopaths foi 60 or 70 years fought the homeopathie school of medicine. We know that whe8 EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912 isteopaths established themselves how the allopaths and the homeopaths ht them, the same as the Democrats Republicans are combining against Socialists. There are other schools edicine and other schools of healing les those recognized by the powers be in Washington, and the commit- in the recommendations say that it not be confined to a medical trust. [E CHAIRMAN: The question is upon the adoption of the motion by -ade Hillquit to strike out the clause jad by Comrade Russell and let the :>n stand as it is in the printed re- amendment to N leave the wording iginalTy printed" was lost, the vote ting 69 aye and 112 no. use 14 as reported by Comrade Rus- vas then adopted. use 15 was then read as follows: The separation of the present Bu- of Labor from the Department of aerce and Labor, and its elevation to ank of a department." paragraph as read was adopted, •agraph 16 was then read as fol- Abolition of all federal district and the United States Circuit of Appeals. State courts to have liction in all cases arising between ns of tfce several States and for- corporations. The election of all is for short terms." L. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Why do they to abolish the federal courts and more power to "the State courts? RUSSELL: We take the federal of this country to be a source of :e evil in the community. Being a of evil we think we should cut L. SLOBODIN: -I want to speak to want to state the reason why this not appeal to me. If gives a cer- e of good character to the state I am familiar with the State and I am familiar with the Federal and I can't see any distinction be- the two. I can see how the little will have great trouble in carrying to the State courts in serving peo- ho don't reside in the State. There iolutely no sense to the proposition 3 by the committee. They are sim- oling away time, filling up the plat- with all sorts of items. I could sit and draft a hundred similar de- which would have just as little tance and have absolutely as little ition. I don't believe this section be adopted. HILLQUIT: I make the motion lly that this section be stricken It is not a question of saving the il courts. I don't think any dele- tere, even if he is a lawyer, has any ular love for the federal court, but should be some consistency in our ds. We seem to desire to retain tpreme Court of the United States. •e merely going to curtail its pow- Ut we are to do . away with the linate United States courts. If was a system of jurisprudence to iposed limiting jurisdiction entirely ■ State courts and if we could see >ecial advantage in it for the work- ass, we might stand for it. But is no advantage in this. It makes 'erence with the workers. \We are into an error of which we havp tad an instance. We are passing matters of medical practice and il practice and the next thing we the regular-IP of for shall take up will be civil engineering. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): Fer^-^SXy I haven't the slightest interest in a single one of these points in this working pro- gram. But inasmuch as the committee has got together I am here to speak for tnis section. I don't believe the Social- ist party of America cares very much if the Supreme Court of the United States is left hung up high and dry with no work to do. But there is one thing very certain and that is that \». £ federal courts of this country form one of the most cruel instruments against the working class that we have today, whenever the working class is unfortunate enough to come within the jurisdiction of those Federal courts. I do not suppose that there is one thing that personal injury lawyers try more to avoid than they do getting into the grasp of the Federal courts. I do not believe there is a thing brought up in the Federal courts that could not just as well be tried in the state jurisdiction, if we will only extend the power of the states to try those cases. The Federal courts are /for the benefit of foreign corporations. If you wish to sue a foreign corporation you must go into the Federal courts. They will wear you out with their pract?ce. They kill you with enormous charges. It is a matter of great hardship to the working class that happen to get into those courts. For these reasons the com- mittee takes this position. It is the opinion of your committee that we should get rid of the whole thing. DEL. BERLYN (111.): I am in favor of striking this out — I don't know anything about medicine, and I don't know much about law — but the reason I want to strike this out is this: I had a tapeworm once and I got rid of a whole lot of the links, but I never got rid of the tapeworm until I got rid of the head. Here they come with the proposition to remove the links, but leave the head there. The Supreme Court, the source of all evil, they don't touch. This thing is meaningless. I like immediate de- mands. I like to have something with which to appeal to the workingman, but whoever does the job the Supreme Court stands ready to chew you up just the same. The committee only deals with the subordi- nate links. There is no scjnse in it. It is simply a space filler. I don't think that printer's ink should be used simply for fill- ing space. Everything in our platform should be in response to a real need. I hope you will support the motion to strike it out. DEL. RICKER (Kan.): Never in my speeches for the party or in the lecture bureau have I ever introduced the name of the Appeal to Reason, but I am goring to do so now. The Appeal to Reason is in the Federal Court. You have been pouring your money into the office to help us in this fight. This resolution came from Fred D. Warren. It was brought here by our attorney. Now, most of you, to your credit be it said, are not lawyers. Lawyers may differ. Sheffier says, and he is as good a „ lawyer as there is in this house, that all these cases may be tried in the state courts. I know, for I have been working on this matter for months, that through the agency of the Federal courts, wherever possible personal injur?/ cases are immediately taken out of the jurisdiction of the state courts, by a twisted interpretation of the constitution, whereby a foreign corporation becomes a citizen, and by virtue of that twist gets out of the state courts and into the Federal Court. We want to do away with this Fed- eral court system. I ask you that you keep NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION 7 r irv08 iitact the resolution as it comes from the committee. , The motion of Comrade Hillquit to strike , out Section 16 was lost by a vote of 55 aye to 132 no. ' f Section 16 was then adopted as reported. Section 17 of the report was adopted, reading as follows: J "17. The immediate curbing of the power of the courts to issue injunctions." Section 18 as reported was read as fol- lows: "18. The free administration of justice." It was moved and seconded to strike out the word "justice" from clause 18 and in- sert the words "the law." DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I am opposed to the amendment that, it seems, has been ac- cepted by a majority of the committee, for the reason that the administration of law is not always the administration of justice. I favor the original declaration of the com- mittee that will stand for the free admin- istration of justice. I have been practicing law 20 years, and I am familiar somewhat with the procedure in our courts, and espe- cially in the Federal courts, where I have appeared time after time, and I assure you that you would do yourselves an injustice if you accept this amendment, which, I am sorry to say, the committee of which I have the honor to be a member saw fit to accept. I hope you will vote it down. The motion to substitute the words "the law" for the word "justice" was carried. Section 19 was then adopted as follows: "19. The calling of a convention for the revision of the Constitution of the United States." DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I want to in- corporate into this platform an anti-mili- tary plank. I think it is a question of great importance. Everyone of us knows that the militia, and everything that trains with it, is turned against the working class every time there is a conflict between the working class and the master class, and I want a distinct understanding, I want a declaration that everyone will understand that we are opposed to the militia in this country be- cause it is always used in behalf of the capitalist class, and I want the committee to make it as strong as it can be made. DEL. HILLQUIT: I make the point of order that the delegate has the right to offer a plank in specific terms, but not to call for a plank generally. DEL. FURMAN: I want the comn to put the plank in there. A DP]LEGATE: This should be ref to the Platform Committee to draft particular clause. DEL. FURMAN: That is my motion THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready the motion to refer this to the Comm on -Platform? DEL. FURMAN: I made no motion. DEL. REILLY (N. J.): He said he v> like to have incorporated in the platfon anti-military plank, but the Secretary if bound to consider that a motion. DEL. STRICKLAND: I am oppose having this go back now. The mil proposition has been taken care of in lutions introduced by Ohio and air adopted. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion of I gate Furman is to recommit it to the < mittee for a plank on anti-militarism. The motion of Del. Furman was lost. On motion of Delegate Strickland, onded by Delegate Berlyn, the platforr a whole was then adopted. DEL ZITT (Ohio): I have tried for minutes to offer a plank. THE CHAIRMAN: The only ques before the house was the adoption of platform as a whole. DEL. DUFFY (N. Y.): We have stri< out the plank on the tariff. Now the fc is an issue. A DELEGATE: A point of order, settled that a while ago. THE CHAIRMAN: We have had a a full discussion of the question of tariff. DEL. GOEBEL: Tomorrow morning of the most important matters coming for consideration will be reported here. ask on behalf of the Constitution Com| tee that we be permitted to have our re] taken up as the first order of business morrow morning. We are proposing many changes that are vital, and { should be carefully considered and cussed. I therefore ask that the Comi tee on Constitution be allowed to report first thing tomorrow morning. DEL. KOOP (111.): I move that the CJ mittee on Constitution be the first comi tee to report in the morning. The motion was carried. The meeting then adjourned until Fri^ May 17, 1912, at 10 A. M. MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 k for 'y i SIXTH DAY'S SESSION. Del. Carey, Chairman of the previous day, jailed the convention to order at 10 o'clock. The following- delegates were nominated ind accepted for Chairman of the day: Rod- iguez, Duncan, Thompson (Wis.). The following delegates declined nomi- lation: Hogan (Ark.), Berger (Wis.), Har- •iman, Strebel. The vote resulted: Rodriguez 41, Thomp- son 75, Duncan 84. Del. Duncan (Mont.) was declared elected chairman for the day. The following delegates accepted nomi- lation for Vice-Chairman of the day: Ed- vards (Tex.), Killingbeck, Latimer, Strick- and. The following delegates declined nomina- ion: Clifford, Thompson (Wis.), Wanhope N. Y.). The vote resulted: Edwards 32, Strick- and 87, Latimer 19, Killingbeck 66. Del. Strickland (Ohio) was declared elect- id Vice-Chairman for the day. The roll call >f delegates and the reading of the minutes vere, on motion, dispensed with. WASHINGTON DELEGATION. DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): The rule .dopted is that where a state has instructed ts delegation %o vote on a particular ques- ion, their vote shall be recorded as a unit. ?here are seven delegates in Washington hat consider themselves bound by instruc- ions from the state to vote against imme- diate demands, and they would like to be ecorded. THE SECRETARY: The Washington delegates would like to be recorded as vot- ing against immediate demands in the plat- orm. . DEL. MALEY (Wash.): I wish to have ny name recorded there. DEL. BOEHM (Ohio): I would like to >e recorded as individually voting against Immediate demands. COMMITTEE ON LABOR ORGANIZA- TIONS. DEL. WHITE (Mass.): I regret the ne- essity of calling the attention of the dele- ;ates to an uncompleted sentence in the eport of the Committee on Labor Organi- ations and Their Relations to the Party, f you will recall, when I was reading this eport yesterday, in the second paragraph, I topped because I came to a wording that id not seem complete. I consulted with he members of the committee, and they ecognized that without the addition of the Tords that were in the original matter that /ent to the printer this paragraph would be leaningless. I regret the necessity of do- ng this, but the members of the committee nd the delegates will understand that there 3 no ulterior motive behind it. If you will ust follow me I will read that paragraph, 'he second paragraph reads: "Political or- anization and economic organization are Mke necessary in the struggle for working lass emancipation . . . working class lovement." It says nothing, so you see it j uncompleted. It should read: "Political organization and economic organization are alike necessary in the struggle for working class emancipation. The most harmonious relations ought to exist between the two great forces of the working class move- ment, the Socialist Party and the labor unions." I move you that the words "The most harmonious relations ought to exist between the two great forces of the" follow after the word "emancipation" and prior to the words "working class movement," in order to complete the sentence and make it intelligible. (Seconded.) The motion was unanimously carried. REPORT OP COMMITTEE ON CONSTI- TUTION. THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee on Constitution, through the Chairman, Del. Hillquit, will now make its report The report* is most important, so delegates will please be in order. Comrade Hillquit has the. floor. DEL. HILLQUIT: Comrade Chairman and comrades: I believe the Chairman did not overstate the situation when he ex- pressed the opinion that we are now coming to the most important part of our business. Our resolutions and our platform are very important, but nevertheless they remain only abstract expressions of opinion. Our Constitution will determine our work for many years to come, and every part of it will play a very important role in our prac- tical work as soon as adopted. Your committee, like f the two preceding committees, has the pleasure of submitting to you a unanimous report, or at least one practically unanimous, for out of a hundred and odd sections of the Constitution only two members of the committee moved an addition to one of the sections, not con- curred in by the other members of the com- mittee. It all other respects and in all sub- stantial points and features, the committee is unanimous. We proceeded upon the assumption that our Constitution required radical revision. As it stood or as it stands today it was the Constitution adopted in 1901 upon the for- mation of this party, with very slight changes adopted from time to time. We found that the machinery of administration which we had provided for a party of 10,000 members or less would not fit a party of 150,000, and perhaps 200,000 or 300.000 by the time we again have an opportunity to re-examine our Constitution. We have reached a point, comrades, where the or- ganization of the Socialist Party has tre- mendous tasks to perform. From an office ♦Editor's Note: To make the report of the convention upon this subject intelligible to the reader the entire constitution as adopted by the convention is printed as Appendix P. As this differs only in minor details from the committee's report, and these changes are noted in the Proceed- ings, the original report is not given. 7 f 'r.08.it; oor NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION i .nded to by one National Secretary and , j or two assistants, we have now a na-i .onal office composed of various depart- ments employing scores of people and doing a work which requires the greatest possible efficiency in every way. We have sought to attain -two main ob- jects in drafting this new Constitution which we are now about to submit to you. One was to maintain all features of true democracy in the Socialist organization. The other was to increase the efficiency of the organization. While under the old Con^ stitution we had plenty of democracy, we had, on the whole, very little efficiency. Now there is no conflict between the two. Democracy should not exclude efficiency. On the contrary, democracy properly under- stood spells efficiency, and we believe we have prepared a large scheme of organiza- tion in which both principles unite very well. The features of our old Constitution which we thought stood most sorely in need of amendment were those relating to the administration of the national organization. What we now have is a National Commit- tee, a National Executive Committee, a Na- tional Secretary, convention and referen- dum. Each one of these five factors in our administration is practically independent of the others, to such an extent, at least, as to interfere very often with each other. For instance, the National Committee has practically the same powers and the same functions as the National Executive Com- mittee. The difference between the two is that one holds no meetings, and transacts business by correspondence. The other does hold meetings. And very often we have a spectacle of this kind: Of two entirely op- posite motions originating in each of the two bodies, sometimes taking effect to- gether, and one nullifying the other; or a case of this kind, where, for instance, a large sum of money is appropriated by the National Committee without consulting or taking into account the appropriations made by the National Executive Commit- tee. The result has been a certain uncer- tainty. With this we have no sense of re- sponsibility in our national office. The Na- tional Executive Committee in its action is subject to, the National Committee, but not fully so, not completely so. It is a body elected by the membership of the party, in- dependent of the National Committee, and hence there is a certain rivalry between the two which is not healthy for our work and for the welfare of the party. The National Secretary, again, is likewise elected by a general vote. He does not owe his existence to either the National Execu- tive Committee or the National Committee. He is an independent organ of administra- tion, with duties prescribed by the Consti- tution, and elected directly by the mem- bership. And there is another conflict, a certain conflict between the National Secretary and the National Committee or the National Executive Committee. There is also a cer- tain laxity in the relations between the Sec- retary, the National Committee and the National Executive Committee. He is sub- ordinate to the other two bodies; and the question arises very often, to which one primarily? and nothing is determined about that Wo have complicated the situation by the election of an independent National Wom- an's Committee, likewise elected by general vote, with a Secretary or General Corre- spondent of this committee. Also that is in a somewhat indefinite status. Now, this feature, the lack of a cente of responsibility for the administration c the party affairs, has not worked well c late, and will certainly work still less s in the future as our party grows bigger an as its task becomes more important. Furthermore, in the election of these off cials and committees, we have not adopte the best method of getting the most eff cient comrades to serve. As to the Nation* Committee, we are not concerned with i The states take care of that. As to th National Executive Committee, the parado has been this: That while the committe is strictly a business committee to atten to routine work, technical matter of organ zation- and propaganda of the party, holdin a position which requires certain wel defined special qualifications, our electio by general vote has necessarily degenerate into a sort of a general popularity contes It could not be otherwise; because when w submit a string of names to 150,000 pei sons, 100,000 of whom have come into th organization, say within the last two year or thereabout, and when we submit me taken from any part of the country to a the voters of the entire country, we cannc expect anything else than that the bes known names should be elected. -Now, con rades, as a member of the National Execi tive Committee, elected under the preser mode, I will not be charged with specn bias or personal bias against the mode c election. But let us take the last electio as a concrete illustration, and what do \¥ find? We have a National Committee con posed of comrades who reside, two of then on the Pacific Coast, two on the Atlantic and the rest somewhere in the middle wesi ern states. We have elected them in alph£ betical order. They were submitted to.us i alphabetical order, and they were elected i the order of the vote alphabetically. It ma be a coincidence; it may be an accident, bi it is still significant that with a single es ception, commencing with B — we had no . — the vote was alphabetical; Berger bein first; Harriman next; Haywood third; Hil quit fourth; Irvine fifth; O'Hare sixtr Spargo seventh. You can analyze each an every one of them, and you will find tha each and every one of them was elected fc a reason entirely unrelated to his or h€ lualifications to be a member of the Exe< utive Committee; one because he did a ver clever stunt in getting himself elected t Congress, and a very clever stunt or serie of stunts in Congress. (Laughter.) He dl well. But, let me tell you right now tha Victor L. Berger may happen to be an ea cellent man for the National Executil Committee; I will testify here as his cd league on the board that he is. But Victl L. Berger, holding the position that he doei and having done the work he had in Cor gress, might not be possessed of a singj qualification for member of the Nations Executive Committee, and yet he woul have been elected, anyway. But I am not going to take up all the til dividuals; but some have been punished a their friends or enemies for having writtfl books, and we send them to the Nation! Executive Committee; others for editin newspapers; others for other purposes, bl not one because the party membership ally know or thought that he or she p7 \ two, coming together once a year, receiving' ge all reports, investigating into the condition m of the national office, making elections of an e Executive Committee, and an Executive Secretary, a Woman's National Committee and a General Correspondent for that Wom- an's Committee, all after due and proper deliberation. We have in view also tha. this will dis- pense with the biennial congresses, and will at the same time give us a chance to have annual conventions in miniature. (Ap- plause.) Now, comrades, that is one of the most important points. There is not a So- cialist Party in the world which does not meet annually in convention for the trans- action of business, and if there is any party that needs such meetings most urgently, it ' is the Socialist Party of the United States, at present in the period of its most rapid growth, for every year presents new prob- lems, new situations, which should be dealt with intelligently and in session and by debate, discussions and deliberations. Now, we also propose that this National Committee be composed primarily of the state secretaries of the various states, who will act as members-at-large for the state, if you want, and additional members, ac- cording to the membership of the respective states. What we expect to achieve by it is the following. When we have our National Committee elected, or even our Congresses, . we send the most popular men today to them, but the actual workers of the party, j those who will have in their hands the exe- - cution of our decision, they very often stay e away; they are not elected. Now, the Na~ ; ? tional Committee, or the national organiza- i tion for that matter, is nothing but a sort of bureau or general agency for the trans- . action of the business of the Socialist Party in the different state organizations. We have no existence outside of the state or- ganizations. The state organizations com- pose the physical party. The state organi- zations do the work of the party. And as we grow that will become more and more the case, and for this reason it is important that the men elected by the state to trans- act the business of the Socialist Party within the state, first, shall have a voice in the formulation of the general policies of the Socialist Party; and second, shall be in as close a touch with the general work as we can make it possible; for a state secretary, taking part in the national convention and returning to his state, will be best qualified to carry out the general spirit and policy of the party as determined in that meeting of which he constitutes a part. Now, further, we provide also for a change in the method of conducting the referendum vote. We do not curtail it. We leave it to the extent of requiring the same low percentage, five per cent, of the mem- bership, to initiate a referendum at any time. But we make this change, comrades: Instead of allowing any local to initiate a referendum, we require the state, through the membership of the State Committee or „ the State Executive Committee, if author- ized to do so, to initiate a referendum; and if seconded by similar state organizations representing a total of five per cent of the membership or by any five state organiza- tions, then the referendum will be called. The reason for doing that is as follows: First, the present method of dealing w!.th locals, where our entire scheme of organiza- tion is based upon state division very largely. Second, when we have reached a point of having five thousand locals, as we NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION j, some of them composed of several thou- sand members, and others of half a dozen 1 members, it is unwise, it is improper to allow each one of these locals to initiate referendum. Whether they will be subse- quently supported or not is another ques- tion. But in the meanwhile, Local Hono- lulu may submit for a referendum a motion that we forthwith proceed to socialize all the instruments of wealth and distribution, and other locals may submit similar refer- endums. The result is that our National Bulletin is clogged every week with dozens of such referendums, carried on from week to week without sense, right or reason. Now, we say that the local which cannot get the support of its own state for any proposition which it originates has no right to come before the national organization and demand its adoption. (Applause.) Comrades, this is a general outline. We have made other changes, many more which will come up as the Constitution or the draft of it is read to you point by point. What we had in view by the entire scheme was to create a democratic, but neverthe- less strong, political organization, which will be in a position and which will be able to take advantage of the great oppor- tunities which unfold themselves before us in our work and propaganda day after day, and which we have been compelled to sorely neglect in the past. (Applause.) If there is no objection, our committee would like to have our very able reading clerk, Comrade Strickland, read the Constitution to the con- vention. DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to take up the Constitution seriatim. (Sec- onded.) DEL. CALDWELL (Pa.): I move that the Constitution be read as a whole, and then be taken up seriatim. (Seconded.) DEL. WILLIAMS (Pa.): I make an amendment tha.t we take it up seriatim and read it. (Seconded.) The amendment was carried. Article I of the Constitution was read, and there being no objection was declared adopted. Article II was read. THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to insert after the words "all other political parties" the two words "or organizations." (Seconded.) Under the commission form of government we will not have political par- ties in the cities where such methods are introduced. It will be political organiza- tions, and therefore we must provide whether a member has a right to vote with non-partisan so-called political organiza- tions. Besides that, there are many politi- cal organizations. THE CHAIRMAN: The committee ac- cepts. Is there any objection now as it stands? The words are now in the report. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): A point of in- formation. Will that read "all other polit- ical parties and organizations" or "all other political parties and political organiza- tions''" THE CHAIRMAN: You will have to ask the committee. , DEL. HILLQUIT: What is meant, surely, is political organizations. . DEL. MERRICK: Some comrades raised the question of ambiguity on that, and I be- lieve the committee should accept it. DEL. HILLQUIT: They will accept po- litical organizations" to make it perfect. THE CHAIRMAN: The committees re- port is "political organizations." DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): In the next to the last line, after the various qualifica- tions numerated, are the words "shall be eligible to membership In the Soc: Party." I hold that whether he shall shall not be should be left to the 1 that there should not be a constru placed upon that to the effect that i comes up to Che several political req ments in this section that he is eligible shall be eligible. There are quite a people that, in my opinion, are not eli> even after they have fulfilled this req'i ment. I want that changed to "may bc ! gible." Whether he shall be eligible, oij question of his eligibility, should be le: the local. THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make a tion? That is not before us unless the a motion. DEL. VIERLING (Mo.): I move tha< last clause be changed to read as foil "May be admitted to membership in party." (Seconded.) THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready vote on the amendment as made by Vierling of Missouri? DEL. MOORE (Pa.): I oppose chan* a word. I think all that the dele;! wants in the amendment is to cover it si now reads. I don't want to put anythin.j there that would give anyone a chancy point out in the Constitution and "This is what I am actually for." I tlj we already haye enough without specif3| a lot of other requirements. When it coi to dealing with people that are object able in any branch or in any local, we h the power to defeat them by our vote, I do not think we would strengthen that putting this in. I believe if we give pe< a chance to start a trial for heresy would probably keep eligible people out the party. DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): It is very portant that we safeguard our organizat at this stage of its career. We have I sons in the city of Cleveland that under circumstances would we admit to our pa organization. We know positively, bey< a doubt, that if they sought admission i the party organization, they would have? terior motives. There are some people this world who are beyond redempt! (Laughter.) I stand for that amendni so that the admission of these people si be at the discretion of the local, the m< bers of the party who are on the firing 1 right there ir\ that locality and who kr all about the raw material. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y): I am in fa of this provision, too. That is exactly way they are working at present. Th is no reason to fear that somebody may j into the Socialist Party that is not wan.1 It is a fact that we have the power to n on the admission of members in the 1<3 organization. Up to this time we h! always been able to keep out undesira elements from the party, and if you acq this you thereby make it so that they n, be eligible. The point raised by Comn Moore of Pennsylvania is correct. It lea it possible for the local organization keep undesirable elements out of the pal I therefore vote in favor of the report! the committee. DEL. TAYLOR (111.): A point of inj mation. Is it not true that the part of t article that is printed in plain type is old Constitution as it stands, and that black-faced type is new material? DEL. HILLQUIT: The statement shcj have been made by the chairman of J committee before, but you will bear in rnj that all which is in light type represJ sections taken over bodily from our MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 stitution, while the heavy type contains sections amended or new sections. EL. VIERLING (Mo.): I would like to e that the word "shall" makes it obliga- ' upon the local to admit the member i may come within the scope of the pre- ng words. The Constitution of the Mis- ri Socialist Party says that they may be litted if they conform to those words, rou say they shall be eligible, it is an tation to the applicant, and I believe I the local on the ground, that is, the J to which the application is made, aid be the authority to say who shall be dtted to membership. You here in na- al convention assembled may state in eral terms what the qualifications shall but after all it is the people to whom application is made who should say ther or not he shall be admitted. I jt that you will vote for the amend- lt, because it leaves this power with the local where the application is made, and are only then exercising the right ch the comrade has spoken about. EL. REILLY (N. J.): It seems to me : the delegates who are afraid that un- rable people will come in are unduly med. What this Constitution really ns is that no local shall make any other ise as a requisite for membership. We on applications for membership indi- lally. We can appoint, if we want, com- bes to investigate the candidate. We ^if we want, vote against admitting peo- to membership, and we do not have to I a reason. What this means is that no e or no local can draw the color line or draw the religious line, or draw any ;r line except as provided here, and for ; reason I favor the report of the corn- tee. he previous question was moved. EL. PRIESTAP (Ohio): I am for the ndment. I am from Lima, Ohio, and I t to explain to you the difference be- en "may" and "shall." We had quite a ible in our local, which you all know, the difference came right here. We had wyer who was nominated for the Board >af ety, and you all know that we dumped 1 whole bunch because they were not >ing the mandates of the Socialist Party, trial turned on just exactly such words, y pay close attention to them, and when |;ays "shall," he sticks right to it. I lit that not all the members of the So- Ist Party in our locals have just exactly same kind of milk in their cocoanuts, when one of these fellows who are able ake trouble gets started he will make a 6 deal out of the difference between "' and "may." This word "may" 1 remain in that article. $E httaIRMAN: I will have to give to the committee, following the I *ent. The committee has a right to s five minutes in favor of the matter $ stands without amendment. EL. GOEBEL (N. J.): It seems to me Cutely unnecessary to debate this ques- In the first place, I am not a master Authority on English, but I think many the comrades are mistaking the word lible" for the word "elective." I want call your attention to this fact: We e had this clause precisely as it stands many years. (Applause.) We have ost 6,000 locals, and in all those years even one of those 6,000 locals has asked a change in this word. That is the best 3f that it has worked all right through- the United States. Let it stand, he amendment to substitute "may" for all" was put and lost *. THE CHAIRMAN: We are now goin* for to vote on Section 1 as reported. - v T DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I am very* J' much at sea if we are going to vote on the ^ whole section. I was under the impression " that we are voting on this amendment. I have a very important amendment to add in there. I was simply waiting patiently till this other amendment was disposed of. I have a very important matter to offer. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair stands cor- rected. We will listen to tn^ amendment. DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to add in the third line, after the word "creed" the words "or affiliation with any other labor organi- zation or movement." (Seconded.) The previous question was moved. DEL. BESSEMER: I have a right to speak on my motion. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair has ruled that the amendment was permitted, but not to be discussed. Del. Bessemer appealed from the decision of the Chair, and the appeal was sustained. DEL. BESSEMER: My reason for mak- ing that amendment is that I know of one specific case at least where a member had been a member of the Socialist Party for three years, with his card with the due stamps on it, and he had been away from the city or out of the local for a year or two, and in that time had been very active or had advocated industrial organization. He came back to that town and appealed to the party to re-admit him. In the mean- time there had been considerable discussion in the local over the tactics of labor organi- g tion or in that local that would work or speak for industrial organization, and they voted against admitting that man to the party. We know that is not fair. This clause in here is no harm, will do no injury whatsoever, but it safeguards a man who wants to join any labor organization from being expelled or put out of the Socialist Party for that reason. We have gone on record here as being in favor of insisting upon members of the Socialist Party be- longing to labor organizations, and why are we afraid of putting a clause in there so that no man can be denied the right given him to belong, when we ask him to belong. I think it is a very sensible thing to put it in. It can injure nobody and may be a benefit. In case a man was denied the right to go into a local, if this clause is in there he has a good cause to appeal to the mem- bership at large of the state for protection, and if they would not give it he could ap- peal to the membership of the United States. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I want to speak against the amendment, and in speak- ing I will use the argument of Comrade Bessemer himself. He shows you the mem- bership card of a comrade that has been a member of the party, and he tried to join the party again. As a matter of fact, he has been a member of the party all the time, and only has to go and pay his dues and he will be a member in good standing and will not require a new application. It is not a good argument to say you are go- ing to insert something new In the Consti- tution. If we are going to make an amend- ment to cover every particular case, then we might as well provide what kind of clothes he shall wear in order to belong to the party. As to the objection raised by Comrade Bessemer In regard to appealing NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION )8 f this party for equal and unrestricted ights for men and women. My wife hap- >ens to be a member of this party; every me of ray wife's family are for women's uffrage, and all of my family are for wo- nen's suffrage. What I said was this, tlat did not believe that it was absolutely tecessary as a requirement before any man iecame a member of the party that he hould first unrestrictedly and absolutely ielieve that woman should have an equal tallot with man. That is what I said, 'urthermore I said that we should have a lank in our platform declaring for equal ights for men and women. I am sorry hat Comrade, Maley did not hear that. I tand just as strongly for woman's suf- rage as does Comrade Maley. DEL. MENG (Ark.) : He did say a man ould be a good Socialist and opposed to soman's suffrage. DEL. MALKIEL '(N. Y.): I want to say hat Delegate Rodriguez did say that a nan could be a good Socialist and not elieve in equal suffrage. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): The statement as been made on this floor that a branch n Local NeW York is opposed to woman's uffrage because they refused to sign a pe- ition that was to be presented by Comrade Serger. If there was such a branch the eason they did not sign such a petition vas because thev were utterly opposed to he idea of petitioning a capitalist con- ress to grant the vote to women; they lid not believe that anything could be chieved by petitioning. That does not how that there is any local in New York pposed to giving woman political equality dth man. k for The amendment by Comrade Male insert the words "and unrestricted polfo y i rights for both sexes" was carried. act A division being called for *the cha^ri man said: t ., THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment yo.! have just carried is to insert the wordfc- "and unrestricted political rights for both sexes," after the words "political action." A division has been called for. DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): I believe there are a good many of uc who do not under- stand this situation. Wnat does the intro- duction of this clause mean? THE CHAIRMAN: There should not be any doubt about what this means but the secretary will read it again. Read the whole section as amended. THE SECRETARY (reading): "Article 2, Section 1. Every person, resident of the United States of the age of 18 years and upwards without dicrimination as to sex, race, color or creed who has severed his connection with all other political parties and subscribe to the principles of the So- cialist party, including political action, and unrestricted political rights for both sexes, shall be eligible to membership in the party." Upon a division the amendment by Com- rade Maley was carried; 135 aye, 86 no. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): Are not the committee willing to change the word "his" to "their." THE CHAIRMAN: The masculine pro- noun carries both sexes according to the Chair's interpretation. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): Do I understand that on every amendment that comes be- fore the convention now on this article there can be no more than two speeches? THE CHAIRMAN: That is the Chair's understanding. DEL. WILSON: I object. Every amend- ment that comes as a distinct motion on every one of these sections , ought to be open to debate until the previous ques- tion is called. DEL. BRUCE (Pa.): I appeal from the ruling of the Chair. THE VICE CHAIRMAN: An appeal has been taken. The question is, shall the Chair be sustained. DEL. WHEELER (Cal.^: At the early part of the session the presiding officer ruled that when an amendment offered by one of the delegates was before the house and another delegate offered an amend- ment the Chair ruled that in order not to confuse the question they would deal with one amendment at a time; and when that amendment was disposed of the other amendment could be put. That was the ruling of the Chair. That was the abso- lute understanding of every delegate in the house. And whether the Chair ruled other- wise or not I hold it is simply fair that every amendment should be open to dis- cussion. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair simply un- derstands that the previous question being ordered, amendments are still in order, but the discussion is limited. I simply act under my understanding of the rule. On a division the decision of the Chair was overruled. THE CHAIRMAN: I am every glad to hear it. DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio.): I ask that the committee include the following words, and I offer as an amendment if they won't accept it that at the end of the first clause where it says "membership in the party," add the words "of the state in which he is a resident." NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION . te motion was seconded. piEL. HOGAN (Ark.): A point of in- mation. Does the four hour rule ap- . n/ to the report of this committee? THE CHAIRMAN: I think it does. DEL. HOGAN: I want to say then that Ml boards if that article stands as it is /itten by the committee*. The same thing ' true of the second amendment. In many I the states they have the commission rm of government. If that section as ad is allowed to stand then we will be >le to get action politically under the tymmission form of government, but if >u amend it as the second amendment °figgests we are cut off from that. Now " k is evident that the committee — I am not iquainted with any of them except by putation — but it is evident that they were oad enough to understand the entire situ- ion; and I ask in behalf of our state pecially that that section be allowed to and just as written and it will amply pro- ct us under the election laws of the ate. DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): I move that the st words of section 2 read as follows — at the following words be added: "And i member holding political office shall >ld an executive office in the party at the me time." The motion was seconded. DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): This amend- ent does not belong here. We are not scussing eligibility to office. That comes ider a separate section. If we want to eserve order in debate let us take up re different subjects logically. THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is ell taken. DEL. HILLQUIT: As to Comrade Slo- jdin's amendment, if you adopt that it ould prohibit the acceptance of any ap- )intive office, whether the state organiza- on of the Socialist party was in favor of icepting it or not. What the committee id in mind was certain instances that ere cited to it. One is mentioned by omrade Nagle, where a mayor of the ty or other officer may appoint a Socir do. Under this amendment he would ave to decline it no matter whether the :ate committee or the local committee of le party deemed it of the utmost impor- mce. Another instance was a case in ilinois where the governor had the ap- ointing of a commission on workmen's ompensation, to investigate that subject. .' position on that commission was of- jred to a member of the party, a labor nion man who accepted it. Under the Id constitution he accepted it in violation f the constitution, and the state commit- 3e of Illinois closed one eye to it. It was erfectly proper that he should accept, but should not be left to him alone to de- ermine. It was up to the state committee determine and this section would give he state committee power to determine in hat cases he might sit on industrial com- lissions, for instance, that are being ap- pointed in all the states, where it is highly mportant that if the Socialist party can e represented they should be represented, ot to compromise, but on the contrary to .ring out the most radical proposition that an be obtained. We don't want to cut •ff this possibility. If it should be a purely (Olitical office we have guarded against hat in other sections, and it can not be lone without the consent of the state or- ranization, and none of you expect a state rganization of the Socialist party to con- ent to the accepting of a purely political jfflce. On this second point I think Slob „ k for misapprehended the object of it. He & it was self evident. It is just the cr , T trary. We provide that no party memb * ; shall be a candidate- for a political offi<~ „° ; without the consent of the Socialist or":; ganization. He wants it to read "The „ .candidate of any other party than the j Socialist party." Our object was to re- strict the rights of a member to become a candidate claiming to represent the So- cialist party, without the consent of the organization. Under the la\>^ of several states the selection of candidates does not rest with the party organization but rests with bodies of voters who call themselves Socialist voters at the prima: >s, and thus a party member who does ht ,^swer the qualification and is not des ao "° u ■***« party may get himself nomina . ticket by persons not constit^, tne house, party organization of the state. sJjf; comrade provide that no one can accept tf. ne *joor. tion on even a Socialist party ticket?, - ne m0 ~ out the consent of the local or star 9 ™? a , n " ganization. st ^ d by -e are DEL. SLOBODIN: I will speak now. party have been national secretary, state seci Not tary, in every position in the party frort.ace national committeeman down; I know the al politics of the party thoroughly. I say it *. is not in the interest of the party that any member of the party should take an ap- pointive office, even when given by capi- talist politicians. It is not in the interest of the working class. It is against the interests of the working class. I do not say that every man who accepts such an office will work against the interest of the working class deliberately; but it is against the interest of the working class in that it confuses class lines. I know that Mayor Gaynor would readily offer prominent So- cialists that I have in mind a position on some committee, for the purpose of repre- senting, we will say, the interests of the working class; but if he accepts it will finally be against the interests of the work- ing class insofar as it tends to confuse the class lines and insofar as the working class will be taught that they can accept benefits from the capitalist politicians. That is why it should be prohibited abso- lutely. As to the second point, that was not intended for this purpose at all. If it was intended to prohibit Socialists from accepting offices in the Socialist party with- out the consent of the state or local or- ganization that would be a good provision. The provision which I referred to is an- other one. It is a better one, and this is the reason for it, that they shall not ac- cept any public office, or stand as candi- dates for any public office, other than in the Socialist party. The first provision is not necessary in the national constitution. That may be left to the state organization to deal with. If a party member not nom- inated by your state or local organization designedly stands as a candidate at the primary election, or stands as a candi- date against the decision of your local or state organization you yourselves will know how to deal with it. The provision which I contend is this that he shall not be a candidate of any party or organization other than the Socialist party. The amendment of Delegate Slobodin was then defeated, and Section 2 of Article 2 was passed as reported by the committee. DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): Will the com- mittee consent to put in the sixth line without the consent of the state or local organization? NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION oc EL. HILLQUIT: The committee de- I gjTHB CHAIRMAN: The committee has ;fused your request. The section as re- fi} t orted is adopted. Proceed with the next c ^section. r Article 2, Section 3 was then adopted as read. V- Article 2, Section 4 was also adopted without objection. Article 2, Section 5 was adopted without objection. Article 2, Section 6 was then read. DEL. GARVER (MoT) : I move to amend by striking out the words "against the person" in the second line and inserting the word "sabotage." As amended it will then refu*' le( ^.iy member of the party who ,nru?a "and tr^ 11 ^ 1 action or advocates qS£iftt«T bv cage ' or other methods of vio- ioinfni the Z" weapon of the working class to i° J? ".? tvXL - s emancipation, shall be expelled sfnre nerf aembershi P in the Party." I de- w™ tnt' s ay that the qualifying words whilP it nst the Person" imply that if the 7L+\ T^r-e is against property it might be per- into iii*! no prr xi| under that construction we might be ted. Under such a construction we vpnt J V&ht be considered as advocates of ar puis Kri" considered advocates of dynamite; under df that construction we might be considered advocates of railroad wrecking. I contend that it is high time for this convention to take a distinct stand and declare that it is opposed to every form of crime and vio- lence (great cheering). Why this commit- tee composed as it is of representative men of the convention should put in a qualifying clause implying that crime must be against the person to be denounced I can not un- derstand. You all know that Jim Mc- Namara said that he didn't intend to kill any one in Los Angeles; that he simply intended to injure the building that was blown up. I want to say that that line can not be drawn. It is high time . that this convention should go on record on this subject. In inserting this word "sabotage" I will say that I have been asked the meaning of the word. The meaning that I have in mind was given to me by one that was qualified to define it, a member of this convention having the right to a voice and vote. I think it is pretty thoroughly under- stood and that there will be no confusion in the mind of any. delegate and that this amendment will be adopted. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to strike out this whole section 6. The last delegate in his remarks has proven that he is not clear in his own mind as to what he wants done. He has admitted that there is a question as to what the word sabotage means. Yesterday afternoon the delegates in this convention did the greatest thing that was ever done in the history of the Socialist party. Now after you have adopted a section to which we all agreed, that the members of the Socialist party must stand for political action in every sense, is somebody going to drag in some- thing here, raise a bugaboo and overthrow everything that we did yesterday? That section of Article 2 should be stricken out. A DELEGATE: The syndicalists will have to go. DEL. MERRICK: The proposition of what is meant by violence, and what is meant by these different terms would be dragged in here; there will be recrimina- tions back and forth. I want to say to you that it is absolutely superfluous, and even if you thought it ought to go in it should not be in that section but should be in Article 2, Section 1. It has no relevancy here whatever. It is entirely superfluous and is a proposition that will make ser dissension in the convention, and then w you are through you won't be agreed o then. Every delegate in the conven will have a different idea what it me; You will go back to your state wrangi and jangling over that section. I pre there won't be a member in any local -\ will agree with any other member asi what this meant when it went in. Let! all get together and strike out this sect Let us proceed in the spirit that was ms fested yesterday afternoon and last nij DEL. STALLARD (Kan.): I wish move and to speak in support of the amel ment, that we strike out the follow; words, "or advocates crime against person or other methods of violence." THE CHAIRMAN: That amendment out of order. We have two amendme now. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I expected t exact motion. The situation developed y terday was too smooth. It was so genei so all inclusive — THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate mi| speak to the subject. I do not propose permit the speakers to wander so far aft- from the subject. DEL. GAYLORD: Now,\Mr. Chairmt I am a judge of words, and I know thai am talking to the subject. THE CHAIRMAN: Well, do so, and DEL. GAYLORD: I am doing so, if y will keep quiet and let me. Comrades, I say it, and I say again, t cause it is pertinent that the situation ye terday called for more definition. It W; understood very well by those who kne the forces at work in this convention th the moment must come, before we left tTi hall to go home, when there should be definition of what was meant in this resol tion. We will have it; and so will you. shall not consent, nor will the Wiscons delegation, to leave in the platform ai constitution of this party any uncerta phrases which will be interpreted one w« by one group and another way by anoth group; and in this way lay the foundath for interminable turmoil and disagreemer confusion and the destruction at tl wrong time, of this organization. A DELEGATE: I would like to kno what the delegate from Wisconsin is tal ing about. THE CHAIRMAN: He is talking to tl motion to substitute — DEL. GAYLORD: I am talking to tl motion to strike out the whole paragrap That is what I said I was talking abor and I am not going to be confused aboi that. I am sorry the committee put in thoi words "against the person." The distin tion has well been made on the floor the convention already, that the crln against property is a thing that this pari cannot stand for. No crime. We caniv stand for any crime. We definitely repud ate crime of any kind; and since the que tion has been raised we dare not evade t absolutely definite expression on that poir However, to go further and to come 1e mediately within the range of that whit the chairman will doubtless understan neither dare we permit our party organizi tion to present its principles, the basis < this organization, the platform and prograi to the people of this country, to the workir class, who are looking for something that clear cut, except in language that is d cisive and easily understood. Neither da we present ourselves to them in languaj ^ MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 ri concerning it which is of doubtful inter- pretation. I for one shall not and cannot stand for any quibbling' and evasion. I know whereof I speak when I speak of ^quibbling and evasion. In the mountains »' of Pennsylvania have I met it. Out on the et coast* in halls hired by the Socialist party 'for me to speak in, have I met it. All ' the way in between, from the prairies of Texas far up into the factory districts of the cities have I met it. I know what I am talking about when I talk about quib- bling and evasion, and uses of words that are given double meanings. No. We know what we want. A political party having for its principles and foundation the ac- quirement and intelligent use of political power. And those whom I have met, and they are on this floor, those whom I have met who have quibbled about this, evaded, u and split hairs when they were in my pres- ence and afterwards were plain enough to y( suit the devil himself, these cannot fool er me. You fool others but you cannot fool me. I know what the workers of this na- tion are talking about They do not stand for crimes against property, not even in the name of the labor unions. Crimes against property are all closely identified physically with danger to life of the work- ing men. We want no chances taken. Prop- erty is a thing that we use. The use of it is our livelihood. The use of it properly is our labor, our living. Property is the product of human labor. THE CHAIRMAN. Your time is up. On motion Del. Gaylord's time was ex- tended five minutes, and he proceeded: Now, to come just to the point, I stand for striking out the words "against the person," and inserting the word "sabo- tage." Some will object that they do not know what that word means. I did not originate its use. Let us take the use of it as they do, subtle and insinuating and suggestive rather than definitive. Let us take the meaning and meanings and all the meanings given the word. We do not want any of it. None of it. We don't want the touch of it on us. We do not want the hint of it connected with us. We repudiate it in every fibre of us. I know it is capa- ble of double meanings, just because those who have adopted its use ask us "what do you mean by sabotage?" What do we mean? We mean what you mean, and we do not want it. Political action undertaken as a method of the working class battle, accepts for the time being the present definition of crime. It includes and implies the right of the majority to change its definitions of crime in so far as we may be able when we have the power, accord- ing to such light and knowledge as may come to us on the basis of our experience, but for the present, for the maintaining of the social order which we have, and un- der which we live, and under which we must live, for the maintaining of such per- sonal safeguards for liberty and life, and the pursuit of happiness as we have, and I am frank to say that I prefer to take those that we have rather than ask for those which may not be granted by the advocates of direct action and sabotage. These safeguards we know and understand. They do not suit us and we propose to in- crease them, to increase the personal use of personal liberty, the personal use of per- sonal powers, but we do not propose to destroy them. Though they do not suit us they are protections in some degree. We propose to increase expression in them by increasing the imperfec* faculties of social action for the common welfare. This is my understanding of the matter, and In this I feel safe in saying that I speak for the comrades from Wisconsin. DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): Probably I won't have the beautiful flow of language or use as many words as the delegate from Wisconsin has used. I am in absolute harmony with the clause in the constitu- tion brought forward toy the committee. I am also in harmony with the amendment proposed by the comrade here, putting in the word "sabotage." A DELEGATE: What are yo_ talking about, then? DEL. SADLER: I object to any indi- vidual attacking any member of this or- ganization by misrepresentation and words that do not mean anything. A DELEGATE: What do you mean? Who is talking? THE CHAIRMAN: Order in the house. Let the Chair regulate this. The comrade will talk to the motion or yield the floor. DEL. SADLER: I will speak to the mo- tion. Comrades, there is no subtle mean- ing to the phrase as has been suggested by the delegate from Wisconsin. There are no two members of the Socialist party who agree on the word sabotage. Not only that, but I think it is out of place in the Socialist constitution and political organization, striving to get political power. For this reason: The Socialist party, a po- litical organization, has no use for sabotage, crime, or anything else of that kind. As a political organization it is not within our jurisdiction to use sabotage, and there- fore it has no place in our programme. It is only an economic organization that can use it, and not a political organization. Therefore, it seems to me, out of place, and I am sure that the committee was in- telligent enough, broad enough, and had experience enough to know that if it had a place in there they would have put it in. So, therefore, I am opposed to the inser- tion of the word "sabotage" in our consti- tution. DEL. GOEBEL: I am speaking now as an individual and not as a member of the committee. On the committee we were di- vided on the use of that word "sabotage." Those are the members of the committee who were better trained in English, usefl a term that they said meant the same thing, so that after all there was no real division. I think that all nine members of the com- mittee stood directly against that thing that is meant by those who use the word "sabotage." For myself, I know that I stand against it. This is a political or- ganization. If we are a political organiza- tion and stand for certain things, and do not stand for certain other things, let us say so. Why not? What is lost by being honest? Now, I am perfectly frank in telling you what I am after, what I am driving at. I want to say that when a man speaks for the Socialist party, in a hall which is paid for by Socialists, that he ought to talk what we mean hy Socialism. (Applause.) I speak again, as Comrade Gaylord spoke, from bitter experience. I have traveled in the service of this Social- ist party in practically every part of the United States, and what do I find? I find the movement in locality after locality dis- organized, I find them fighting amongst themselves. Why? Because men have come into the Socialist party and instead of advocating the principles and tactics of the Socialist political organization, they have advocated the tactics of an economic organization — sabotage. This is the point, get it. If they are amongst those that want to talk sabotage, let them go out on an- NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION other plaform *and talk it. I for one much as 1 disagree with them, am perfectly frank to say it. Sabotage means jack-ass meth- ods of fighting capitalism. In the end it spells but the philosophy of anarchism, the philosophy of the individualist that takes upon himself to know better than the or- ganization, the collectivity, can know. To me, it is a jack-ass method of fighting capitalism. But after that, and this is the only ques- tion before the house, shall we say what we mean by political organization, and thereby make it possible for the good loyal comrades all over the country to have an interpretation that will enable them to say whether a member of the party is talking political organization, or whether they are advocating what they are pleased to call the economic weapon in the fight against capitalism. Now, what did happen in regard to those resolutions, precisely the same resolutions that were adopted four years ago, on labor organizations? We have seen that some of our comrades got up on this platform, and approving these same resolutions that were adopted two years ago — four years ago — they have put on them an interpreta- tion that would allow them to go out to- morrow and say, "They endorsed sabotage; they have endorsed all that we havs been doing and saying in the name of Socialism^" It was as smooth a political trick as I have ever seen in a political convention in all my experience. What I shall do in my economic organization, what I am liable to do, that is my business. It is not a sub- ject for discussion here; but, what I shall do in the political organization as an ex- pression of my economic interest, is a sub- ject for discussion here. This is what we are trying to say: Do we believe in sabotage as a weapon along political lines? If not, let us say so. DEL. MAX HAYES of Cleveland: What I have to say I will try to make very brief. I understand that it costs something like $500 an hour to conduct this convention. I haven't taken much time and I don't intend to take any more than I can help. When I came to this convention as a dele- gate elected by Socialists in the city of Cleveland, I believed that I was coming to a gathering that was purely political in its nature, that this is a political party, a political organization, with which we are affiliated that has no right to dictate to or take part in the affairs, the politics, or principles of organizations on the economic field. But apparently there 1« a spli] growing in the Socialist Party that soon or later, in the not very distant future, u less we proceed along the same lines tb the Socialists throughout the civilizl world who are in the vanguard in t< political movement to overthrow capitalis. and that adhere to the same principles ail policies that we do, that have been a su] cess in these other nations than we ai as I say, confronted by a new spirit th has arisen which attempts to draw tl political organization in behind the ec nomic organization. In some parts > the country this spirit is rapidly d| veloping to the anarchistic point whe?J if men life Johann Most were sti on earth, they would undoubtedly make a; plication to join. I want you comrade j and particularly those of you who ha\: not practical experience in the every da struggles in the industrial field, to go slo-v and I refer particularly to some of ou so-called parlor variety of Socialists. Som of the intellectuals who have never bee in the labor movement, but sit in thei parlors and theorize and write books tha tell the industrial workers what to do. Th point that I wish to make is simply this You yesterday adopted a declaration re garding the matter of organization on th industrial field, which certainly ought to b ! satisfactory to every right thinking, honest) minded man and woman in the Socialisj movement. Let us stand by that. Keeii your hands off the A. P. of L. Keep youi hands off the I. W. W. Keep your hands off any labor organization. As far as th« A. P. of L. is concerned, no resolution thai you would adopt here would be sufficient tc drive me to join the I. W. W. if I didn't set fit to do so. We can take care of our owr affairs on the industrial field. We do no1 want you to butt in. Leave the industrial field to the unions. THE CHAIRMAN: The original motior is the adoption of the report of the com- mittee, Article 2, Section 6. An amend- ment is offered by Garver of Missouri, tc strike out in this particular section the words "against the person," and to insert the word "sabotage" in the same place. Th« amendment to the amendment is offered bj Merrick of Pennsylvania to strike out th( entire section. That is the status quo jusl now. The convention will be adjourned until 2.30 this afternoon. Whereupon the convention adjourned un- til 2:30 o'clock p. m., same day. AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 AFTERNOON SESSION. N Chairman Duncan called the convention to order at 2:30 p. m. Consideration of the Constitution was resumed. THE CHAIRMAN: The question before the house is on the amendment offered v by Del. Garver of Missouri, to strike from Section 6 the words "against the person," and insert the word "Sabotage," and on the substitute offered by Dei. Merrick of Pennsylvania to strike out the entire Sec- tion 6. The Chair recognizes Del. Berlyn \i of Illinois. an DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I wish to make les a motion relating to the special order. You know that this afternoon at three o'clock, according to the previous action, JnJ we are going to nominate candidates for oai President and Vice-President. I wish to make this motion: That when we take ftp the nominations, a roll call of states sell be made, giving each state an opportunity to nominate. (Seconded.) DEL. SPARGO: I offer an amendment to the motion. The amendment is that instead of going into the nominations at three o'clock, we go into the nominations as soon as the business before us is dis- posed of, that is, as soon as the report of the Constitution Committee is disposed of. DEL. BARNES: I accept that. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I offer a sub- stitute that we have a special session to- night, beginning at eight o'clock, the special order of which shall be the nomi- nation of presidential and vice-presidential candidates. On motion of Del. Prevey of Ohio the motion of Del. Barnes was laid on the table. CONSTITUTION. Consideration of the Constitution was then resumed. DEL. BERLYN (111.): I desire to state to the comrades that this is the time for clearness. The motion to strike out that entire paragraph is liable to becloud. There have been aspersions cast that we are yellow. We want to go on record where we stand. I am in favor of put- ting the word "sabotage" in. I will vote with the committee if they will consent to it and I will tell you why, I know what sabotage means. I know why I became a Socialist. I was a trade union- ist before I was a Socialist, and the meth- ods used by the trade unionists did not appeal to me, and I wanted a better way. "Sabotage" comes from the French word "sabot," wooden shoes — putting the boots to them. Now, you will say that is one definition. That is true. What does "boycott" mean, and where did it come from? It is Irish, and it meant Englishman who was oppressing the Irish, and they set an example of iso- lation. Everybody understands now what Captain Boycott stands for — boycott. And today "sabotage" has its positive signifi- cance just the same. Now I am not trying to dictate to the economic movement. When they will come in actual contact with the capital- ist class they will adopt such methods and manners of fighting as they deem proper. That is their business, and I do not want to interfere with them, but as a Socialist who has found a better way, in our party, when t'.iis thing has been thrust on us we should have the courage to say where we stand. There is no duck- ing in this. I won't duck. The Socialist party is organized. It has a better way, because it tries to do things for the whole working class — and the best that the eco- nomic movement does is to carry on a guerilla warfare. But that is the evi- dence of the class struggle. We should not suppress them, and in all their strug- gles, whatever they do, they do what seems right to them, and we will give them support. But that does not permit a man to preach sabotage or violence from our platform. We make the propaganda for the cap- ture, of the public powers, to realize the declaration of principles and the various planks in our platform. What we So- cialists appeal to the workingmen to do is to unite and get all you can until you get all. And to do this, and to speak plain English, is not yellow. To some of these boys who talk about being yellow, I would like to say if they were in some of the scrapes that I was they would know something about who is yellow and who is not. Ask the boys in Colorado, when I went out there six ^years ago, if I was yellow, if I didn't go anywhere, wherever they told me. I would go to hell if they told me. Isn't that so, Floaten? I went to Trinidad and I went to Cripple Creek, and I was the first fellow that spoke there after the deportations. I didn't hesitate. I had the gun put to my nose in Chicago, and I made fun of the fellow that did it. But that is neither here nor there. The ques- tion is a question of party policy. We are striving to realize ideals and propo- sitions responsive to the needs and as- pirations of the working class. There are elements that have intruded and have used our party as a stalking place to preach anarchy. I won't weaken and we won't have anarchy preached in our plat- form. We are not going to do it. DEL. CASSIDY (N. Y.): In my opinion there have been, during my eleven years in the Socialist party, different times when our movement has been threatened from two different directions. At one time it seemed as if it was threatened from the opportunist end. But I want to say tonight — and I am not usually a positiv- ist on most things — that the great dan- ger, the tremendous danger that faces the movement today is from the end that smacks of, that smells of violence and anarchy. (Applause.) I want, comrades, to give you some facts to show you how imminent this danger is to the movement at this time. Most of you have read about the May day demonstration and parade in Union Square, New York, on the first dav of this month, and what happened at that meeting. I was the Chairman of that meeting, and I think I can speak with au- thority. What happened? In the first place, I want to precede this by telling you that for years the New York Social- ists and labor organizations have com- bined in a conference and have carried out a parade on the first of May, which was followed by a mass meeting, usually in Union Square. Heretofore we have had no trouble Heretofore the anarchists have kept their hands off. The most they have done has been to stand on the sidewalk as we passed by on parade, to stand on the edge of the crowd, sneering at us; because we have no more bitter and vi- cious enemies today than the anarchists. (Applause.) When the parade arrived in 7 r in<* NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Union Square, I was on the platform, about as big as this platform here, with a little projecting space about as big as this for the speaker. DEL. BESSMER (Ohio): A point of or- der. Are we discussing what happened in New York, or this amendment to strike this out? THE CHAIRMAN: I rule that the com- rade is talking to the question, and cit- ing this as an illustration of the point he wishes to make. DEL. CASSIDY: No unusual prepara- tion had been made for this meeting. We did not anticipate, we did not suspect what happened that day. There were two entrances to the platform. When the meeting was about to open, the anar- chists, about fifty or sixty of them, all Italian immigrants, began to act. Fif- teen or twenty, like a big wedge, came up the stairway on this side. Another fifteen or twenty rushed up on this side of the platform. As our platform was a little higher than this from the ground, they climbed up to the top and took pos- session of the speakers' stand. I realized that we were up against something. I realized that that was a moment that might have been turned into another Hay- market affair and used to discredit the Socialist movement throughout this coun- try. (Applause.) I went to these men standing on the platform and taking the full space up. I went to the first man and said, "I am Chairman of this meet- ing, and I ask you to stand back for the speakers." He says, "No, no, no, this is workingman's meeting." "Well." I says, "yes, that is true; this is a workingman's meeting, but we have got to have order at a workingman's meeting." "No, 'no, no, this workingman's meeting." I went and got three or four committeemen, and we came back again and pleaded with them and asked them to get back. They said no. The only answer was, "Work- ingman's meeting," and there was noth- ing too bitter, there was nothing too vile for them to hurl at the Socialist move- ment. Now, comrades, I am going to state that. Let me tell you another peculiar incident about this meeting;; a significant incident. Heretofore at meetings the po- lice department of New York has given us so many police that we were defended. There were police on the right, front and rear. But on this occasion, for some rea- son that you can guess at and attach whatever significance you like to it, there was no police on the platform. On this occasion, for the first time in the history of any kind of parade in New York, not even one policeman was sent along to escort the parade, and even the police along the road said, "What is the mat- ter? Why haven't you got a police es- cort?" Under that situation we stayed there, and these ugly, vicious men stayed there. And you must remember that these men do not fight with their fists. They have • a knife, or worst of all, there is a bomb, for they are the class that want to use force. One of our committee said, "We can send out in the Square and get fifty husky trade union Socialists and throw them off the platform." I said, "No, let not one comrade hit anybody or do any act of violence." I was afraid, not for myself, but afraid for the move- ment. ("Applause.) These men stayed there. The organizer of Local New York, Comrade Gerber, telephoned to police headquarters for men, but they sent us no men. The policeman in charge of the police employed in the Square refused to come on the platform. Under these con- ditions I permitted these men to stay there as the best way out of the diffi- culty. Now, let me show you — (confu- sion, interrupting the speaker.) No, I am not going to waste your time; I am keep- ing straight to the point. I want to show you where we are drifting, unless we take a hitch-up. Why did these Italian anar- chists have the courage, to do something that they did not attempt before? Of course, a comrade here asks "What did they do?" You have read the descrip- tion. One of the things they did was to hiss at the speakers and so on. Another thing that they did was that a bunch of them in front said, "Take down that flag." I says, "What flag?" He says, "The American flag." I says, "You will not take it down, damn you; you will not take; it down." (Applause.) And they wedged' toward the flag, and we got our comrades and we stood back and held them back. I said, "Comrades, don't strike, don't strike." Because I did not think they j would strike back with their fists. It ' might have been with a weapon, and then I did not know what might hap- pen. We talked and argued with them, and finally appealed. Socialists tried to protect the flag, and anarchists tried to tear it down. It managed to go down, although it was not trampled by anybody. Now, to my point. Why did they get the courage to do that? Why? Let me show you, comrades. I am only giving , you these facts the way I see the thing. When the Lawrence hunger strike start- ed out it brought the Socialist party in connection with the local I. W. W. in^ New York, and it brought the I. W. W. in connection with the Italian Socialist Federation. The Italian Socialist Federa- J tion took these men as members. As to what we call the Italian Socialist Federa- tion I will explain. (Del. Carey of Massachusetts moved to extend the speaker's time five minutes.)' DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): A point of or-! der. Under the rules the time for nomi- nations is here now. It is three o'clock. THE CHAIRMAN: It is not yet three o'clock, the motion is that the time of the speaker be extended five minutes. Injj two minutes it will be three o'clock. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to amend that the time be extended two! minutes. The amendment was carried and thel speaker's time was extended two minutes. DEL. CASSIDY- When the Lawrence* strike broke out, what did we Socialists do? In every struggle of the working; people for better conditions, we go to. their rescue. In this particular case we. came in contact with the local I. W. W. * and through that with this Italian Social-! ist Federation. Now, let me explain what J this Italian Socialist Federation is. The-j Italian Socialist Federation, so-called, is] an organization that is not affiliated, nor] can it be, nor does it desire to be, withj the Socialist party in any respect. They] frankly tell you that they are anarchists.! The Italian anarchists, the Socialist Fed-' eration, took an active part in the Law-] rence strike. They sent finances. They were the chief agency in bringing the; Lawrence children to New York City. Inj that way many members of our party,, through the I. W. W. got mixed up in this once case. Now, comrades, in this way is the danger. Now, about the local.} I. W. W. I am telling you facts now, and you can draw your own conclusion. When this attack on the Socialist party. May day meeting was made, the local I. ■ W. W. called a meeting, and a motion was AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 12. v i| 3e at that meeting, that they repudiate actions of these men who took the tform and threw down the national r, and the vote repudiating the action these men was taken, and it was only ried by a vote of 28 to 31. >EL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to pend the rules and continue the dis- sion. (Seconded.) )EL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I move to end that we change the order of the so that this pending discussion on 3 section of the Constitution shall be shed and disposed of before we pro- d with the regular order. (Seconded.) 'HE CHAIRMAN: That motion has al- dy been laid upon the table. >EL. ALEXANDER: A point of order, ere has been business transacted since motion tov lay on the table was car- d. CHE CHAIRMAN: The motion at this le is that the rules be suspended and it we proceed with the dicussion of s motion before the house, this par- ular section. DEL. MERRICK: I wish to speak ainst suspending the rules. DEL. ALEXANDER: I wish to speak suspending the rules. DEL. MERRICK: At the beginning of s convention, you recognized the im- rtance of providing for the nominations some definite time, in the interest of complishing the best interests of this nvention. You knew that such situ- 10ns as this were going to come, and at is the reason you put that rule in ere. Now, are you going to change the lole order of business and bring about nfusion here and produce a situation at your better judgment showed you at e beginning of this convention might How? There were several motions and lendments made here for the purpose placing the nominations earlier in the nvention, and as a compromise you ally fixed Friday afternoon at three 1 3lock. Now that time is here. If you gin to suspend the rules I can tell you at you do not know what you are go- g fo do or where you are going to land. ick to the program and vote this down. On motion of Del. Richardson (Cal.) e previous question was ordered. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): The way to do to finish what you have in hand before )U proceed to the next business. This institution is the result of five days' ork in the committee, and the issues in- >lved in this discussion are very likely ■ affect the decision of the convention, • to bear upon the decision, certainly, ith reference to the nominations. THE CHAIRMAN: As many as are in ivor of suspending the rules and con- nuing the discussion will signify it by lying aye. Contrary, no. The Chair is i doubt. DEL. KOOP (111.): A point of order. : the Chair would state that it only ;eans this clause, I think we would all gree. THE CHAIRMAN: That is what the hci It* sts-tfici DEL. KOOP: He did not state it the ,st time. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair did not ate it the last time, because he sup- ped it was perfectly well understood lat it means this section. As many as re in favor of suspending the rules and mtinuing this discussion until this see- on of the Constitution is disposed of ill raise their hands. Those opposed ill raise their hands. The motion is irried; for, 168; against, SI. DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): I wish we might be able to discuss this particular clause without showing such prejudice in our discussion. This clause is very im- portant to the working class. Many of those who have already spoken on this particular clause seem to think that we are now meeting the same issues in our movement a." we did four, five or ten years ago. Let me call your attention to the fact that as the working class draw up closer and encroach more and more upon the material interests of the capitalist class, the class struggle is growing more intense. The capitalist class is going to devise new ways and means of beating down the power of the working class. The working class, on the other hand, as they realize that they must meet the greater power of the capitalist class, are also adopting new tactics. Now, then, we did not hear anything about Sabotage tour years ago in our national convention. We did not know anything about the word. I do not know anything about it now. because I have not had occasion to fight in the ranks of the workers in" a strike or anything of that kind. If I had, maybe I would know something about Sabotage. Let me call your atten- tion to another thing. We did not know anything about the working class being accessories before the fact in every case where there is a strike, as we do now. (Applause.) The capitalist class are so interpreting the laws of this country now that they are convicting workingmen of crimes everywhere in the United States for being accessories before the fact. Don't forget that. Now, then, in the in- terpretation of this word "Sabotage" as given by Delegate Gaylord, from Wiscon- consin, this morning, he said that it meant a destruction of property. Comrades, I am surprised that the Boston delegation did not rise en masse, because they comee from a city where the earlier patriots', destroyed property in the American Revo- lution. (Applause.) In Boston, when the rebels threw the tea over in the harbor, that was Sabotage. We have a monu- ment in Akron, Ohio, built to the mem- ory of John Brown, who was also a rebel. Now, the capitalist class are interpreting the laws so" that in every strike where there is any property destroyed, the working men who are out on strike may be indicted for being accessories before ithe fact and be jailed, when they had no part in destroying this property that was destroyed while they were on strike. If we adopt this clause, which as Delegate Gaylord interprets it means the destruc- tion of property, are we, the Socialist party, going to expel from the party a workmgman convicted by the capitalist courts of destroying property? (Voices, "No.") Now, don't let us render any as- sistance to the capitalist class. They are convicting the workers everywhere of destruction of property. How can we de- termine whether the workingmen de- stroyed the property or not? How can we? I am in favor of striking out this entire clause for this reason. I am heart- ily in favor of this part of Section 1 of Ar- ticle II that we adopted with reference to political action.* It says that all who subscribe to the principles of the Social- ist party, including political action, shall be eligible to membership in the party. I have no sympathy with anybody that joins the party for the purpose of using tfic Socialist party to further the inter- ests of some other organization. (Ap- plause. ) I do not care whether that other organization is the A. P. of L., the L W. 7/ ffW 128 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION r W. or an independent organization of any kind. When we come into the Socialist party we fight the political battle. But the destruction of property will not take place by political socialists. As one com- rade said, that will be done in the eco- nomic organizations. Now if the, politi- cal organization is going to back up the Vorking class on the economic field, we must back them up and we must not dis- criminate when the capitalist class says they have destroyed property somewhere, somehow. Let us stick to the working class. (Applause.) DEL. DOBBS (Ky.): The comrade who has just preceded me has inadvertently given the strongest possible reason why you should le.ave this clause as reported by the committee, when she instances the case of the Boston Tea Party. Now, any- one who knows the significance of that event knows that it was an outburst on the part of John Hancock and a band of smugglers who used their own selfish in- terests to accomplish their purposes. (Ap- plause.) Here is just the point: if you fail to include in the Constitution this clause as reported, you are going to fur- nish the basis for "provoking agents." It means that if you strike out the clause, or if you do not leave this clause in there, It mean? that the capitalist agents in the organizations will start expeditions of sabotage and make the working class responsible. (Applause.) There is the point. There may be exhibitions of vio- lence as the comrade from Ohio has in- stanced, but they are the exceptions, and we cannot., in fairness to ourselves, base our actions on these exceptional outbursts which in the dim future may prove to be approvable. We, in this convention, rep- resent, it seems to me, the high tide of Socialism. Heretofore we have been in >• «- something of a chaos. Now we have come tn ? to a position where we are a force in sai- civilization, and if the socialist movement l T is to realize all that is best in it, it must now and here irrevocably put the stamp of its disapproval upon any anti-social, arti-constructive proceeding. (Applause.) We have got not only to allow the old members of this party, who have been fighting in it from the beginning, to go back to our respective constituencies with a declaration such as this in the Consti- tution, but we have a larger and wider duty. The working class is entitle! ta the best that there is in our civilization, and I protest against, this attitude upon the part of some members of this party that, because there are not more gool things in capitalism and civilization as it exists, therefore, we should repudiate capitalism and civilization and all its work. The working class is entitled to the best, and if the capitalist class de- sires to stain its hands with fraud and to practice violence, let us, who repre- sent a new and constructive force, take our stand in favor of order as against chaos. (Applause.) DEL. BENTALL: I am speaking against this section because of the discussion that has arisen. Not because I am in favor of violence, cr in favor of any crime against any person; but I am against putting the Socialist pafty in a position where we have to put out something like this to the world, throwing a suspicion over us: the same as we did two years ago, or four years ago, when we told thi* world we were neutral on religion. We had no business telling the world that; they ought to have known that any- way. This year I understand that is not in the platform, and nowhere in our lit- erature. We have learned a lesson. "* should we now go on record, doing same fool thing over again. The reason for all this is not bee* there are some Socialists who stand violence, or because there is a tende towards Sabotage in the Socialist p;! — not for a moment. There are speakers who have not been on the sqi, in this business. They are trying throw dust in the fact of the people, in the face of the rank and file of Socialist party. This is the kernel of whole business. There is an element the Socialist party today that is progn ive and wants to go forward, wants move and go ahead and use the 1 possible methods, so that we may |l something and there is another elen| that stands conservative, reactions monkeying with the old, outworn rnacl ery. There is the division and you talk for ten months, and that is the ci thing, and not Sabotage or violence ' anything of the kind. Now, come out i be square, every last one of you fello When I was on the board of the Chic. Daily Socialist, I fought against the h rible thing of violence, and mentionet specific instance; when a little girl eg down from her day's work and scab and in the corridor were two great men. They knocked in three of her ri they crushed her jaw, and put her in hospital for several months, and she a cripple for life. I said, "I stand agai that sort of thing," and every other me ber of the board of the Chicago Dj Socialist said: "Oh, you are foolish; on and let them do it." Barney Berlyr member of the board himseli, and G Koop, one of them, and Mary O'Reilly, DEL. KOOP: I deny it DEL. O'REILLY: I deny it. DEL. BENTALL: I am not going hind the bush. THE CHAIRMAN: Stick to the subj( DEL. BENTALL: This is the subj. In spite of the fact that I have stood all the peaceful means without advoc ing the slightest violence, because I ad cate this form of organization that s that violence may be absolutely unnec sary; because of that, they say that I a direct actionist, and want violence. T is the reason that we have to come squarely, and not come with things throw dust in one another's eyes. So, we have said before, we stand for pol cal action, and that we stand for th things that make it possible for us gain our purpose through our inte gence, through our ballot, through i organization, and not through bloodst! and you don't need any of these thir A DELEGATE: Move to extend time. DEL. BENTALL: I don't need m time. I have done enough now to k the other fellows quiet for a while. DEL. O'REILLY (111.): I rise to a qu tion of personal privilege. When I i to a question of personal privilege the attack that was made upon me, tl was made upon the Daily Socialist Bo; of Directors and upon some of us nan specifically and upon me especially, won't be able to talk upon the quest now before the house — so don't call down for not talking to the quest! However, I shall come as close to ta ing to the question as the last comn from Illinois. I say, as I always have said, not o must we stand against sabotage and v lence in our platform and in our priri pies, but we must stand against it in < AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 129 ctics when we face the practical issues a the time of the strikes. ? Now we had a personal controversy on j e Board of Directors of the Dally So- * alist in Chicago, with which contro- versy you have no business to be both- J'ed at this time, and with which I would )t bother you were it not for the per- mal attack which has been made upon e and which I must answer. This is the first time Bentall has ever ,ced me with such a statement, such a large, because he dare not face me with rf ich an accusation in Chicago where rerybody knows better, and knows that I as right in that controversy. 8We had a strike in Chicago. Comrade n entail blundered as editor of the Daily Jjj >ci alist, not because he took one side or ct ie other — he never takes sides — he blun- ered because he tried to be on both sides the question, and because he knew othing whatever of the issue. THE CHAIRMAN: Speak to your ques- on of personal privilege. DEL. O'REILLY: Comrades, I have leen attacked, and I would not care at all J ' it was merely an attack on me, but you re not going to attack the position of ie Daily Socialist on the subject of labor nions; you are not going to attack the oard of Directors of the Daily Socialist; ou are not going to misrepresent Mary 'Reilly without my talking back. At the time of our strike, the Garment Workers' strike in Chicago I wpnt to Ben- all as a friend — I thought he was a friend f mine — and begged him not to stand for jj he labor leaders at the head of that Gjtrike. I knew they were crooked; I now it today. Robert Norine, President f the Garment Workers there in Chi- cago, and their National President were he type of leaders for which we could ot stand. Bentall refused to take any nformation from the trade unionists who mew the situation. He went from meet- rig to meeting during that strike beg- ;ing for votes for the Socialist party, fou never saw such catering to trade mions in all your life as Comrade Ben- all went through during that strike. THE CHAIRMAN. Defend your own >osition. DEL. O'REILLY: This is my position. Ie took an automobile and took in Robert •Jorine and the crooked officers of the Gar- nent Workers' Union, arfd with them he vent out vote begging, vote getting in he cheapest clap-trap kind of a way. He lent that bill for the automobile to the Executive Committee of the Socialist )arty and after a protest they paid that till. Then he came out in an attack upon :he people who had tried their very best ;o save those poor hungry garment worker yirls from being defeated by that grafting irowd of trade unionists, and Comrade 3entall did this because he did not under- stand the situation. I answered him in he Daily Socialist and the Daily Socialist epudiated the position he had taken and withdrew him from his position on the editorial committee of the paper. That is :he history of the Daily Socialist trouble that he bases his attack on. I have a lopy of the article in my hand in which T review the whole thing and that was printed in the Daily Socialist. This is the flrst time Bentall ever had the nerve to face me and attempt to answer, and I think it will be his last. DEL. KOOP (111.): I rise to a question It personal privilege. Bentall attacked ae. 1 THE CHAIRMAN: We have passed that question now. DEL. WHITE (Mass.): Koop was named directly by Bentall. THE CHAIRMAN: If we are going to allow every person whose name is men- tioned to rise to a question of personal privilege we may take up all of the time of the convention, which costs $5 a min- ute, and we shall get no business done. We shall have a big bill to pay for these personalities. If the convention wants the Chair to allow all of this dirty linen to be washed in public, the Chair will let them wash it. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): It is not dirty linen. But it is my opinion that it is going out of the road of this convention. DEL. KOOP: If the Chair had called Bentall down at the start this would not have happened. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair did call him down as soon as he got into person- fllltlPS DEL. WHITE (Mass.): The other day a man who is not a delegate here permit- ted the same rights that Delegate Koop now asks for. I don't believe this is a washing of dirty linen. This had better be thrashed now than to be held in abey- ance. It will have to be thrashed out some time. I think it is only fair and just that a comrade who has served in the ranks as many years as Koop should be given a hearing in this case. I move that Comrade Koop be granted a hearing on the question of personal privilege. THE CHAIRMAN: I will allow Com- rade Koop the floor on the question of personal privilege. DEL. KOOP (111.): I want to stand be- fore you here and deny the statement made by Comrade Bentall that we stood for slugging a girl or anyone else. We have never advocated that. We have al- ways opposed it. Just now we have the example in Chicago where men of wealth, the Lawsons, the Hearsts, who have the police department back of .them, who have the thugs that they can buy with their money back of the police courts, hired to slug union printers, that are scabbing on the pressmen and stereotypers at the present time. I have seen this myself; and you can't do a thing. This rule as it is put forth by' the committee should be adopted. The capitalist class have the power; they have the army, the militia, the police back of them who will put sabotage into use, not when the I. W. W. wants it, but when the capitalist class wants it. Adopt the report of the com- mittee. DEL. BREWER (Kan.): On the square, wouldn't it be a beautiful thing if we should split over a word that only 5 per cent of us know anything about. That is exactly what this word sabotage amounts to in this convention. If it is inserted, or if it is not inserted in this Constitution, the capitalist press will probably be compelled to notice it and give a definition of it in explanation. To my mind it is a word that is unnecessary in this document. It is quite evident that it is this word that is creating the fric- tion, and I want to submit to Comrade Gaylord, the man who injected it here, that yesterday in the constitutional com- mittee meeting he practically endorsed the ideas that we presented when we agreed to eliminate it from our report. My position as a Socialist is quite clear. I am sorry that there was not placed in our platform a declaration for industrial unionism, or the industrial form of or- ganization; and yet I am not a direct ac- tionist; I am not an anarchist; I am not in sympathy with many of the tactics of 0. r-, 13O NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION the present I. W. W. But I have found myself confronted with this same trouble that so many other Socialists who have traveled over the country have found themselves confronted with. I realize that there is a disrupting element in the I. W. W. in the direct actionists; as there is a disrupting element even in the So- cialist party. But I am convinced that if this document had been adopted, before this discussion which has terminated in personalities, the use of personal epi- thets, and going into personal histories with which this convention has no con- cern, I believe that every man and woman in this convention would have gone from here with a new-born hope in their hearts regarding the onrushing National Social- ist movement. I believe that we would have had a keener feeling of fellowship, of comradeship for each other, than we can possibly have after this difficulty that has been engendered by this particular specific word, around which so much seems to hinge. Frankly, I want to say that those who have injected it into this report have simply raised hell. I feel that if this is voted down, and if it is adopted as it stands, it will answer all the purposes that it is intended to an- swer. If it is knocked out entirely I am satisfied that there will be a substitute that will cover the ground even better than the present one. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Our Milwaukee movement is short on phrases, but long on action. Let us be perfectly sincere about this matter — perfectly sincere. The time has come when the two opposite trends of thought that we have had in our party must clash again. And the part- ing of the ways has come again. There is no bridge between Socialism and Anarchism. There was no bridge when Karl Marx and Bakunim were fight- ing to a finish. There never can be any such bridge. Those of you who stand for political, action and for an effective and sane eco- nomic movement — who stand against the bomb, the dagger and every other form of violence — will know how to vote on this amendment without any further par- ley. Comrades, the trouble with our party is that we have men in our councils who claim to be in favor of political action when they are not. We have a number of men who use our political organiza- tion — our Socialist party — as a cloak for what they call direct action, for I. W. W.- ism, sabotage and syndicalism. It is an- archism by a new name. Now, Comrades, anarchy as such may be a beautiful philosophy. I don't blame anybody for proclaiming himself an an- archist; that is his privilege. But he ought not to foist himself upon the So- cialist party. I have known John Most personally. When nobody dared to preside in one of his meetings in Milwaukee in 1888 after the hanging of the anarchists in Chicago, and he asked me to take the chair, I did so. I told the audience that I did not agree with Most in anything, but that I believed in free speech. And I give John Most credit that he did not try to fasten himself upon the Socialist party. He start- ed a group of his own. Those who be- lieve in the same principle's as John Most did, should do as he did — leave the So- cialist party and join the Anarchists. (Loud cheers.) I desire to say that articles in the In- dustrial Worker, of Spokane, the official organ of the I. W. W. breathe the same spirit, are as anarchistic as anything tha John Most has ever written. I want to say to you, comrades, that for one do not believe in murder as j means of propaganda; I do not believe i; theft as a means of expropriation; no in a continuous riot as a free speech agi tation. Every true Socialist will agree with m- when I say that those who believe tha we should substitute "Hallelujah, I'm i bum," for the Marseillaise, and for th< "International," should start a "Bum Or ganization" of their own. (Loud laugh' ter and great cheering.)) Comrades, I have gone through a nunr ber of splits in this party. It was no. always a fight against anarchism in th* past. In the past we often had to fighij Utopianism and fanaticism. Now it is an- archism again that is eating away at tin vitals of our party. If there is to be a parting of the ways if there is to be a split — and it seems thai you will have it, and must "have it — then I am ready to split right here. I ani ready to go back to Milwaukee and ap. peal to the Socialists all over the coun- try to cut this cancer out of our organi- zation. The objection that the word "sabotage* is not known is a subterfuge. We all un- derstand it. It is a French word, mean* ing — willful destruction of products, oi machinery or means of production. You know the French have also given us tha word Socialism, but they were also the. first to use the word Anarchism. You Know where Anarchism leads to. You know where it led in 1886 in our country. It led to the Hay Market riots and to the gallows. In France in 1894 the anarchist Ravachol headed a band oi highwaymen and robbers in the name ol the proletariat and expropriation for thd benefit of his gang. You know what an- archism has accomplished this year in London and in Paris. It made individual brigandage possible under the cloak of afl| idea. I am not willing that our party should stand godfather for any business of that kind. Some of the comrades over there said, that sabotage is a matter for the indus* trial organization to take up or not tl take up. They contend that some mem- bers may have to commit it because their economic organization — their union wants them to. My answer is that any Socialist who is willing to commit such insane acts for his industrial organization, should ouit our party. I would rather have such a man belong to the Malitia of Christ, like the McNamaras. I would prefer that a mail committing murder or theft should have a membership card of the Knights of Co- lumbus than show the "red card." My time is up I see. A NUMBER OF DELEGATES: Move that the time be extended. DEL. BERGER: I don't need any more: time. I hope this convention will over-* whelmingly vote for the insertion of the] word "sabotage" in this section. I want to put it up to every delegate to take a stand for either one side or the other. DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): Leaving out thlft word was a most egregious mistake. Ever since this discussion arose I have been studying in my own mind what would be. the best thins? for the Socialist partv to' do. But about fortv minutes ago I came to the conclusion, and I will give you the reasons why I have made up my mind that* the best thing to do is to strike out the", wnole clause. N AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 131 [n the flrst place the Socialist Party has ver declared for violence. It has never en a party of violence. It has never en accused of any such thing- by those 10 were acquainted with its history, tere is no reason why we should blazon rth to the world that we stand against a ing when there was never a suspicion long ourselves or among those who ew us that we stood for it. It would be ually ridiculous as it would be for Joty irriman's wife from the glorious State California to place upon his back a acard reading "My husband has solemnly jdged me that he will not get drunk ring the National convention." If we ould read such a sign on Harriman's at the suspicion would immediately arise at he was in the habit of getting drunk, ery time he went away from home. Now we are going to put the whole moral de in the constitution then I ask you to equally consistent and put in a specific claration against larceny, put in a speci- declaration against polygamy, put in a ecific declaration against free love. We .ve never stood for larceny; we have iver stood for polygamy; we have never ood for free love. We have never stood r what some of our friends are pleased call direct action. This is a political rty, and this assertion has no place in r constitution. Who ever heard of polit- al sabotage? It is absolutely ridiculous, friend Hayes of Ohio made a splendid >eech in favor of striking out this whole ction, although he didn't seem to realize He stood here speaking for the auton- ny of the trades unions and the labor lions, beginning this convention that we ould not interfere with their business. 3t this constitutional committee comes re and proposes* to tell the trade unions hat they should do and what they should )t do. I am of the opinion it is none of ir business. A DELEGATE: Read it again. DEL. HOGAN: I have read it and I in understand English. Now don't be armed about this threat of my big- parted friend Berger, that he is going to ^lit. That is a periodical threat of Berg- 's at every convention. Every time mething doesn't go to suit Comrade erger he goes up in the air and threatens plit. There is no danger of Berger jlitting. He is loyal to the American cialist movement and so are we. There no need here for acrimonious discussion, here was no need for Berger or any other leaker who got on this floor to state that lis was an effort to curb an anarchistic ement. I believe this is a united party, believe it stands for political action. I ilieve it stands for all that is best in ie working class. We don't have to be tbeled by a clause in the constitution. We on't need to tell people that we stand for iw and order. DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): Those who in- ist that we do not understand the mean- lg of this word and therefore we ought 3 take out the planks; those who insist hat by leaving it in we will negatively ccuse ourselves of having stood for those tiings previously and that we are now en- eavoring to get out of it by an apology, ntirely overlook the facts involved. If hey don't understand the meaning of this rord I am able to quote for their benefits rom a man whom I believe they will ac- ept as second, if not first, in the organi- sation that is alleged to practice these lings. At least he advocates them anlence it is difficult to determine where 3 direct actionist ends and the bandit gins. That is what we have got to set- j here this afternoon. We are a political ganization. The adoption of this clause es not say to the labor organizations of is country, you shall do this, that or the her thing. It simply says that if a man fe|ikes application to the Socialist party America for membership that in making yJat application he shall declare that he is siit in favor of these tactics in any k rt of an organization. If he advocates 0! ese tactics then we simply will not admit a na to membership in the Socialist party, si DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): First I want so insist that the Socialist party is a b. 'litical party organized expressly to ti rry out a certain program with an ul- tt nate object in view, viz., the establish- ed of a new order of society. I con- nd that in no instance has the Socialist irty been or ever will be an organization r the suppression of crime. That is the ity of the present order of society and 3 constituted officials. Now, I want to throw a little light in i this. I want to go back to yesterday, want to remind the members of the >mmittee, of which I was a member, the >mmittee on the Relationship of the So- alist party to the Trades Union move- ent, that when we met as a unit to re- )rt back to this body, we agreed to elim- ate other matters that we expected to port; in other words, when we agreed ?on our report there was only one thing i the hands of the majority, a resolution ractically of the same import as incor- Drated in that resolution there, and we the minority objected to it, and we repared a counter-resolution, defending ir class against the aspersions cast upon Now, we dropped these things 'wester- ly for the sake of peace and harmony, nd today some one has injected that see- on into this Constitution for a purpose, ow, I have got something here that per- aps is going to astonish a few members C this Convention. I have a matter of jcord here. Comrade Berger has a rec- rd in this Magazine, "The Common ause." I am going to show you, and I ill give Comrade Berger an opportunity o deny that he wrote this paragraph. I m reading this for the express purpose f showing you that even intellectual so- ialists cannot at times refrain from giv- ig their allegiance, their sympathy, to he working class even when they are go- ig to commit actual violence: "In view t the plutocratic law-making of the pres- ent day, it is easy to predict that the afety and hope of this country will nally lie in one direction only — that of violent and bloody revolution, therefore say that each of the 500,000 socialist oters and of the 2,000,000 workingmen vho instinctively incline our way, should, •esides doing much reading and still more hinking, also have a good rifle and the lecessary rounds of ammunition in his tome." Now, let me repeat this: "There- ore, I say, each of the 500,000 Socialist '•oters, and of the 2,000,000 workingmen vho instinctively incline our way, should, >esides doing much reading and still nore thinking, also have a good rifle and he necessary rouncts of ammunition in lis home, and be prepared to back up his jallot with his bullets, if necessary.'" Now, I am not accusing Comrade Berger f inciting "sabotage.*' I know he is in jympathy with the sfruggles of his class. I know I have said rash things myself under provocation. I am one of those who, while I deplore violence, knowing its disastrous consequences in the out- come, yet if my class does commit vio- lence, I am with them. THE CHAIRMAN: Your time is up. The previous question was called for. Del. Berger rose to a question of per- sonal privilege. Cries of "Berger," from all over the house. Motion for the previous question was put, and declared lost. Division was called for and the previous question carried. THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Berger rises on a question of personal privilege. The pre- vious question has been called for. On division, there is an absolute majority in favor of the previous question being put, — 159 in favor. Before the previous ques- tion is put I will allow Comrade Berger the floor, on a question of personal priv- ilege. DEL. BERGER: Comrades, what I want to explain is, that the Socialist movement is undoubtedly revolutionary; that the Milwaukee movement is also revolution- ary, of course, and that if it ever comes down to do real fighting, we will be there without question. But we do not mistake a riot for a revolution, nor murder for propaganda. We do not suggest theft as a means of expropriation. We do not preach the revolution in that way. I also want to state that my article has not been quoted as a whole. The com- rade over there, I believe it was Comrade Clifford just tore out a piece. I believe that is unfair to ourselves. DEL. CLIFFORD: I will show you the Whole editorial clipped out of your own paper. DEL. BERGER: Well, Tom, you didn't read it. That editorial is good reading. (Laughter.) But this is not a time to read my editorials. This is the time to draw the line between a real Socialist revolution on one side and anarchy, mur- der and sabotage, on the other. THE CHAIRMAN: I recognize Del. Harriman to speak for the insertion of the word sabotage. DEL. HARRIMAN: In reply to Clifford, it is true there were other resolutions be- fore the committee when we made our re- port yesterday, and we postponed those resolutions until the committee should meet. That committee has not yet had a session, and the resolutions are, there- fore, in the air. In the meantime, thf question arose. When I opened the argvto ment yesterday, I said we had had maion weary hours over the discussion 'Of ov«- differences, arid that the excitement pre*s vailing just before I took the platform 1 "- was the evidence of a fundamental dif- ference here. There is a difference here. Don't you think it is sugar-coated over in the words of that resolution. What we did yesterday in that resolution was to gobble up industrial unionism with the variations as they are provided in the labor movement of today. There is industrial unionism and industrial union- ism. There is a difference between them. What we did, I want to call vour atten- tion to ft, men, and to call it plainly, there is a reason for this difference. I told you yesterday. I repeat it; it is caused by the separation of the two igreat movements of America. They are weak; and tbe weakness begets a hopelessness, and the hopelessness begets the fight. There you are. Every blessed man who doesn't want this "sabotage" in our plat- NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION ygm form or in our constitution, comes in — not every one of them but many of them — comes into our party and teaches it on the platform. Now, listen, boys. You cannot find a trades union Constitution in America that puts it in there. Why? They don't dare to put their sabotage in, but you pro- pogate it upon our platform, you commit the great Socialist party to it, and we must defend ourselves against it, because, between the two movements, is being born today the Syndicalist movement. I tell you the heart and the soul and the blood of the Syndicalist movement is sabotage. There isn't a man that believes in it that dares to stand up and say I did it. Of course not. I know what the con- ditions are; I know that the men oft- times have to fight for their lives, and when the struggle is on there is no telling what will be done, but we must say, we cannot teach it, nor countenance it. If you do, and you permit it to absorb you, it will dissolve you and destroy you. Just look at it for a moment, look at what you are up against. On top of it comes the detective, back of it the police, back of it the judge to construe the law; all the evidence would be against us. You are expecting us to stand for a thing that not only will dissolve us, but that will put all the weapons in the hands of the other man. Why is it, men, that the great German movement has practically no syn- dicalism? Why is it? One of my friends here last night laughed and said it was because they were of the Teutonic race, and the other fellow was of the Italian race? Partly yes, but not all. Whenever you are separated, whenever you are weak, any weapon is a weapon of the man in despair, and this is the weapon of * the boys that have lost hope in political action and are losing hope. The evidence is, that they stand here between us strik- ing at political action, as they cheered yesterday when I made the statement against striking it out. They have lost their hope and the birth of Syndicalism is right here in our convention if we do not understand the facts. THE CHAIRMAN: I recognize Dele- gate Hickey who will speak on the motion to strike out the whole paragraph. DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): There is a feel- ing through the convention at this mom- ent that I, Clifford, a^d Tom Lewis are bad bridge builders, and the logic and philosophy that kept Harriman and my- self apart for twenty years seems to be still working through its usual channels. . Yesterday after leaving this platform I Jrid that Indianapolis will be historic in fiis, that it had two unity conventions, j,nd T. still hope that this is going to be a second unity convention. The impossible happened yesterday; we had come to- gether, and Gaylord of Wisconsin, said that there was very smooth work. Well, I didn't find any smoothness. I didn't write a line; I didn't dictate a paragraph, not even a semi-colon. All came from the other side that has injected this thing now. Why? Well, if we had nominated our candidate for the presidency at 3 o'clock this thing would not have hap- pened at all. Peanut politics, that is what it is of course. Now, then, I don't know, I cannot understand the spirit that underlies that resolution, that section. I cannot understand it. I have had, with the other two Toms, to fight it from the start, and I will show ypu why. . Tt was practically proposed the other night at a quarter to 12, that we should repudiate violence and advise the working class to u »t ev r vaukr: -sevff s frcf that end. I picked up the resolution an< said: "Why don't you advise the capital class not to use violence?" Sabotage who can define it; why, they are not ev able to pronounce it, with the Milwaul accent. Sabotage; there are fifty-s< different varieties of pronunciations the intellectual variety that says "sab tage" right down to the Irish pronunci tion that says "sabbatage." The fact that sabotage is in the air and sometim it is down on the ground very strong, an we have nothing to do with it. We are' political party, and in the course of o<\ development we come to have men of t) times upon labor committees, upon co;, stitutional committees that have earnt; the right to sit upon them by belongir to organized labor, and then they will n< produce the anaemic things that the ii tellectuals have produced this afternoon. However, and this is not from "Tr.| Common Cause," "in view of the plutocrc tic law making of the present day it easy to predict that the safety and hop of this country will finally lie in one d rection only, that of a violent and blood revolution." (Signed) "Victor L. Berger." This is from the Social Democrat Herald. I object to the introduction of this en, tire section. I object to anything tha says, we warn the working class agains anything. It is the working class, th class that has patiently carried the cros through the centuries. I say, you hat better cut it all out and destroy tha paragraph. I make the suggestion tha Bill Haywood say a word or two. DEL. HILLQUIT: In behalf of the com mittee, I wish to state that with the ex ception of Comrade Brewer who spoke 01 the subject and expressed his own beliefs the committee unanimously accepts th< amendment to insert the word "sabotage 1 instead of the words "against the person.' The committee is opposed to the amend ment to strike out the entire clause, will tell you why in a minute. Before w< proceed to that, however, I want to stafc that the committee is not wantonly in jecting this subject. The section unde consideration is an enlargement of th' section we have had in the constitutiol now in force. We have had the provisiol that a member who opposes political ac tion shall be expelled from the party. W> have added the definition of political ac tion. We have added the provision agains advocating crime, or, as it will now b€ "sabotage," or other methods of violence Del. Brewer raised a point of order tha Del. Hillquit was now speaking for th report of the Committee, and Del. Harri man had already done so. DEL. HILLQUIT: I had a distinct under standing with the Chairman that I woul< have the closing word in support of thi paragraph, and have therefore refr'aine* from trying to get the floor in the mean time. THE CHAIRMAN: The chairman of th Committee is correct in his statemenl with this exception: he did not Inform th chairman of the meeting that the Com mittee had accepted the word "sabotage. Had that been the case, Comrade Hillqui should have had the floor in the first in stance in place o'f Comrade Harriman. rule that the point of order made by Com rade Brewer is well taken. DEL. HILLQUIT: From which I dul; appe.-;]. THE CHAIRMAN: An appeal is take: frcra the decision of the Chair. The Chai rules that inasmuch as the committee ha AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 ijliccepted the amendment using the word ^'sabotage" as a part of its original mo- tion, and inasmuch as Harriman has al- ready spoken on that side of the ques- tion, the chairman of the committee has v,io right to discuss that side of the ques- tion at this time. ab DEL. HILLQUIT: Which side of the 4 luestion? I THE CHAIRMAN: What you are flo- Dl ng. The committee's position has already Jaeen stated. o, DEL. HILLQUIT: In support of my ap- d jeal I will say that I do not know of any :oi procedure by which the Chairman can i)lace a delegate, not a member of the ommittee, to state the position of the I do not know of anything the Chairman which would „, jommittee. j. stated by , show that by any act or assent I had n ivaived the right of the committee to be , leard last on the subject. On the con- trary, it is admitted that we had a spe- ;ific agreement that I should have the ast word on the subject; and I claim, Comrades, since there have been so many nsinuations against the action of the jommittee in submitting that report to /on, it is no more than fair that you should hear from the committee on the nodification and on tlie meaning of this slause. Tbe appeal was sustained and the de- jision of the Chair reversed. A "DELEGATE: Now that Comrade 'rlillquit is speaking on this section as imended, , will one delegate who is in favor of the report as it originally stood, De allowed to speak on it. THE CHAIRMAN: No; the action of :he committee in accepting Garver's imendment takes the original paragraph put of the discussion of the convention. DEL. HDLLQUIT: It is important that we get to understand each other before pve take a vote. I wish to call your attention to the act that an attempt has been made here \o interpret the language before you as ipplying only to the Socialist party plat- orm, in other words, several delegates lave stated that all those who favor or idvocate crime, sabotage, or other meth- )ds of violence as a weapon in the work- ns? ' class struggle, may advocate this nethod in union meetings, but not on a Socialist party platform. I want it to xo on record that there is no such un- lerstandins: of the committee which Irafted this clause, as far as I know. It rohibits the advocacy of crime or sabo- :asre or violence as a method of working lass struggle, under any and all cir- umstances, and everywhere. We cannot De Socialists within the Socialist party tnd anarchists on other occasions. I wish irou to understand that, while you vote pn it. There has been an assertion here hat in adopting or approving this clause, we attempt to dictate to the working lass or to the labor movement, the use :>f its methods or weapons. We do not. We are dealing here with members of pur own party and with no one else. We ■nerely attempt to lay down a rule as to tvho shall be qualified to hold member- hip in this political^ organization of ours. We do not attempt to prescribe anything o labor unions. Some comrades also claim that the mere mention of sabotage, violence and rime would lead to the imputation that he Socialist members may be advocating that. That is why they want it stricken out. How about the paragraph we ha, just adopted, prohibiting distinction o. race, color, creed, etc. Why didn't they raise an objection then? Why didn't they move to strike that out for fear it might otherwise be supposed that the Socialists ^have race or class or religious prejudices; I will state furthermore, comrades, of the labor unions; let us be frank with each other on the subject. If there had not been any Socialists advocating these measures we would not be discussing it here now. Is it a pure accident that all these comrades who think the word "sa- botage" irrelevant, happen to.be the same who may perhaps be suspected of a fond- ness for these matters? I know person- ally of instances where prominent mem- bers of the party on public platforms did advocate just these things. Everyone of you knows. Why hide from it? I fear that our self-styled revolutionary com- rades haven't always grot the courage of their convictions. Why, comrades, if this is so absolutely improper for a Socialist constitution, why don't you simply vote against it? Why do you want to strike out the section entirely? Why don't you put it to the test? Why don't you stand up for it? Now, comrades I will say this: This is an exceedingly serious matter and should not be straddled. Vote it up or vote it down, but express yourselves on it. It has taken this movement about thirty-five years to come to the point where we are beginning at last to see the fruit of a generation's work, and I say, i£ there is one thing in this coun- try that "cair--»^w , -^ch*eckr"*'or2: disrupt the SocTalIsF~Tn~b'vemenT, it is not the capi- talist class, it is not the Catholic Church; it^OanrT "own injudicious friends from within. DeL Cumbie of Oklahoma moved that the vote be taken by roll call. Carried. On motion of Del. Bruce of Pennsyl- vania, the delegates in the corridor were notified that there was to be a vote by roll call. DEL. CAREY (Mass.): Three of the Massachusetts delegates are compelled to leave in fifteen minutes, and we would like to be recorded. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will rule that in the calling of the roll, the call will be made by states and the spokes- man of each state will record the vote. The decision of the Chair was appealed from, and reversed. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is to strike out the whole paragraph, Section 6 of Article II; that is the question be- fore the house. The vote yes, strikes it out. To vote no, does not strike it out; it retains it. DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): If we vote no, not to strike out, does that mean that the word "sabotage" is stricken out? THE CHAIRMAN: I will make this ruling: The vote is on the committee's recommendation which fncludes the word "sabotage." The substitute motion is to strike out tfie whole section. You either strike it out or you do not strike it out. DEL. BARNES (Pa.): Is it the under- standing of the Chair that this vote will be succeeded by another vote on the adoption of the committee's report? We want to know whether there will be an onportunity to vote for the adoption of the report as originally presented. THE CHAIRMAN: Except later by agreement? No. $2 / r mr NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION t . The roll call was then taken and re- ulted as follows: Ala. Ariz. Ark. Cal. Yes. Erma H. Allen Ida Callery Dan Hogan Colo. Conn. Dela. D. of C. Fla. Ga. Ida. 111. Fred Stanley A. F. Castlebury G. W. Beloit J. O. Bentall J. R. Burge J. C. Sjoden F. T. Maxwell Ind. Iowa Kan. Ky. La. Me. Md. Mass. Jas. Baxter Margaret D. Brown Lee W. Lang Oscar H. Blase A. W. Ricker Geo. D. Brewer S. M. Stallard J. R. Jones C. W. Staub No. G. L. Cox E. Johnson A. R. Finks J. A. C. Meng A. E. Briggs E. A. Cantrell G. W. Downing Mary E. Garbutt Job Harriman E. H. Mizner R. A. Maynard A. W. Harris E. L. Reguin N. A. Richardson H. C. Tuck J. W. Wells F. C. Wheeler Ethel Whitehead T. W. Williams J. Stitt Wilson Frank E. Wolfe H. C. Wright W. P. Collins A. H. Floaten Mary L. Geffs Thos. M. Todd John Troxell S. E. Beardsley E. Berger E. P. Clarke Chas. T. Peach Jasper McLevy F. A. Houck W. J. Ghent J. S. Alexander C. C. Allen Thos. Coonrod S. W. Motley I. F. Stewart B. Berlyn L. F. Haemer J. C. Kennedy M. E. Kirkpatrlck Geo. Koop J. P. Larsen Caroline A. Lowe Mary O'Reilly W. E. Rodriguez Seymour Stedman G. N. Taylor Guy Underwood S. S. Condo W. W. Farmer Janet Fenimore S. C. Garrison W. H. Henry James Oneal S. M. Reynolds Wm. Sheffler Florence Wattles J. J. Jacobspn I. S. McCrillis May Wood-Simons Benj. F. Wilson Chas. Dobbs W. Lanfersiek Geo. A. England A. E. Hartlg Dr. J. Rosett James F. Carey Alex. Coleman Chas. E. Fenner J. M. Caldwell Robert Lawrence Patrick Mahoney Rose Fenner G. E. Roewer, Jr. Dan A. White John Ohsol Mich. Miss. Mo. Mont. Neb. Nev. N. H. N. J. N. M. N. Y. N. C. N. D. Ohio Okla Yes. Jas. Hoogerhyde H. S. McMaster Etta Menton J. H. McFarland Marietta F. Fournier Morris Kaplan J. G. Maatala A. O. Devoid Lewis J. Duncan C. A. Smith Jacob M. Kruse James B. Scott P. H. Christian C. J. Cosgrove W. B. Killingbeck Gustave Theimer Henry Slobodin E. Lindgren Albert Pauly Benj. T. Tiller J. L. Bachman M. J. Beery Wm. Bessemer Max Boehm T. Clifford D. Lewis Davis D. J. Farrell E. J. Jones W. Hinkle F. N. Prevey Dan McCarten Wm. Patterson Edgar E. Powell Marguerite Prevey Chas. M. Priestap C. E. Ruthenberg Anna Storck Lawrence A. Zitt John G. Wills No. Frank Aaltonen Guy H. Lockwoo J. A. C. Menton J. H. Grant Nels S. Hillman J. S. Ingalls Olaus Jacobson T. E. Latimer David Morgan Jay E. Nash O. S. Watkins M. E. Fritz E. T. Behrens Wm. L. Garver Caleb Lipscomb Geo. W. O'Dam Otto Vierling W. N A. War* Fred J. Warren C. R. Oyler Clyde J. Wright Grant Miller John P. Burke Wm. A. McCall j M. C. Jones George H. Gpebel Harry F. Kopp Frederick Krafft James M. Reilly J. B. Lang C. J. Ball, Jr. Fred Bennetts Theresa Malkiel William Burckle Jas. A. Mansett Edward F. Cassid Wm. E. Duffy Otto L. Endres C. L. Furman Morris Hillquit Algernon Lee Meyer London Herbert M. Merri! Clinton H. Pierce G. Rothmund Chas. E. Russell H. A. Simmons U. Solomon Gustave A. Strebt Joshua Wanhope A. E. Bowen, Jr. Robert Grant Chas. D. Kelso Arthur LeSueur Max S. Hayes F. G. Strickland Ernest Schilling O. F. Branstetter Allen Fields J. T. Cumbie R. E. Dooley L. B. Irvin Patrick S. Nagle AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 Yes. M. E. Dorfman John Hayden Tom J. Lewis Floyd C. Ramp C. W. Sherman L. R. Bruce Gertrude B. Hunt C. W. Ervin F. H. Merrick Edward Moore William Parker C. F. Foley A. G. Ward No. Geo. E. Owen Oscar Ameringer M. F. Parker George W. Bacon J. Mahlon Barnes Cora M. Bixler Dan M. Caldwell Anna Cohen Jos. E. Cohen Frank A. Davis Lewis Goaziou Robert J. Wheeler R. L. Grainger James C. Hogan W. A. Prosser C. A. Maurer J. H. Maurer R. B. Ringler John W. Slayton David Williams L. B. Wilson, Jr. John C. Young I Not Voting C. Wm. Eberhard D. Benjamin Dempsey nn. C. G. Harold xas Ed. A. Green Richey Alexander Thos. A. Hickey Geo. C. Edwards Ernest R. Meitzen Chas. A. Byrd Will S. Noble L. L. Rhodes J. C. Rhodes M. A. Smith J. C. Thompson B. Williams Homer P. Burt James A. Smith Wm. M. Wesley John Spargo G. M. Norris ash. Leslie E. Aller Edwin J. BroWn Adam H. Barth Wm. H. Way nick Frans Bostrom Emma D. Cory Kate Sadler H. C. Cupples Samuel Sadler Anna A. Maley Hulet M. Wells Henry Hensefer . Va. H. W. Houston . C. H. Boswell E. H. Kintzer Victor L. Berger is. Dan W. Hoan W. R. Gay lord W. A. Jacobs Thomas Minklein Emil Seidel Eliz. H. Thomas Carl D. Thompson jro. Paul J. Paulsen Antony Carlson J. Suaja The motion to strike out was declared 5t, the vote standing 90 for to 191 ainst. „ _ On motion of Del. Brewer of Kansas, e original motion to adopt the report made by the committee, was put and rried. _ THE CHAIRMAN: The hour set by the les of the convention, for adjournment, s arrived, and unless there is a motion sxispend the rules DEL. CALDWELL (Mass.): I move that e rules be suspended and that we pro- ed to the regular order of business for lich this convention was called, the mination for candidates of President d Vice-President of the United States. DEL. BERGER: I rise to a point of der and I want a ruling upon it. Under e rules we adjourn at 5:30, and the 3tion just made is not in a nature to spend the rules. It requires a two- irds vote to suspend. DEL. WARD (Miss.): I move that we journ to 8 o'clock. The motion was put and lost. NOMINATIONS. DEL. BARTH: I move that the con- vention suspend the rules and proceed to the nomination of candidates for Presi- dent and Vice-President of the United States. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before the house is that we proceed to nominate. It was moved to amend that the con- vention continue in session until the nominations have been completed. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion now be- fore the house is that we proceed to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President. DEL. BARNES (Pa.): And that the roll of states be called and each state be given a chance to nominate. THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved that the roll be called and each state be given an opportunity to make its nominations. The motion was carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion as amended is before you, that we suspend the rules and proceed to the nominations of candidates for President and Vice- President of the United States, that the roll of States be called and each state given an opportunity to name its candi- date, and that the convention remain. In session until the nominees shall have been selected. DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): There are dele- gations that are divided. (Cries of "Nominate them all.") THE CHAIRMAN: When a state Is called any delegate will have an oppor- tunity to nominate a candidate. Any state not wishing to nominate or electing to give their time to some other state may do so. The roll call for nominations for can- didates for President of the United States was then had and resulted in the nomina- tion of Eugene V. Debs, Emil Seidel and Charles Edward Russell. A DELEGATE: It has been circulated in the hall that Gene Debs is in physi- cal ill health. I want to know whether ■ there is any truth in that report? DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): A point of order. The rule prohibits nominating speeches but does not prohibit, and on the contrary encourages the discussion of nominees and their respective merits and availability when the nominations are completed. THE CHAIRMAN: Nominating speeches will not be allowed. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): A point of T5r- der. If we can not make nominating speeches we can discuss the respective merits of the candidates. DEL. MILLER (Nev.): I have been as- sured by a dozen men that Debs is all right. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules that no nominating speeches or discussions of the merits of candidates is in order under the rules of the convention. DEL. HILLQUIT: I appeal from the ruling of the Chair. THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: State the ground of the appeal. (Cries of "roll call.") THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates will be in order. We will hear the appeal. DEL. HILLQUIT: You will not howl me down. I have taken an appeal from the Chair for this reason: A motion was made to cut out nominating speeches, and for a very good reason, because nominat- ing speeches are in most instances of such a character as to turn the convention from a deliberative body into a howling / NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION mob. But I claim there is no word in the rule against the discussion of the merits of the candidates, and on the con- trary if we want to carry out the spirit of the rule in not making nominating speeches which is that we want to be a deliberative, sensible body, then I claim that I have the right to discuss on the floor of the convention whether one or the other of the members whose names have been placed before us would be the best standard bearer for the Socialist party. I claim that I owe this to my con- stituents who have instructed me on this matter. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair stands simply on the rules of the convention and their interpretation in what he believes to have been the spirit of those rules. The motion to sustain the Chair w carried. It was then moved and seconded th the roll call be made of the individu delegates. The motion was carried. A DELEGATE: How are we to kno that Comrade Debs will accept? DEL. BERGER: Before we vote ought to know whether Comrade De will accept. THE CHAIRMAN: The question h been asked whether there is any certain whether Comrade Debs will accept til nomination. It is stated positively tha he will by people who claim to knou what they are talking about. DEL. BERGER: Do they? THE CHAIRMAN: They do. The roll call on the vote upon the noral- nations was then had as follows: Alabama — Arizona — Arkansas — California — Colorado — Connecticut- Georgia— Delaware— d. of a— Florida — Idaho — > Illinois- Indiana/— ROLL CALL FOR NOMINATIONS FOR PRESIDENT. DEBS. G. L. Cox E. H. Allen E. Johnston Ida Callery Dan Hogan J. A. C. Meng A. R. Finks Edw. A. Cantrell H. C. Tuck H. E. Wright W. P. Collins Mary L. Geffs Thomas M. Todd John Troxell Iowa — Fred Stanley G. W. Beloit Thos. J. Coonrod Sidney W. Motley Isaac F. Stewart J. 0. Bentall Joseph R. Burge Louis F. Haemer John C. Sjoden Caroline A. Lowe J. C. Kennedy M. E. Kirkpatrick Geo. Koop George North Taylor ■>3J\ T. Maxwell Guy Underwood S. S. Condo W. W. Farmer Janet Fenimore Stephen C. Garrison Wm. H. Henry -James Oneal S. M. Reynolds William Sheffler Florence Wattles Jas. Baxter Lee W. Lang SEIDEL. A. E. Briggs Geo. W. Downing ■ Job Harriman E. H. Mizner R. A. Maynard A. W. Harris Ernest L. Reguin N. A. Richardson J. W. Wells Fred C. Wheeler Ethel Whitehead Thos. W. Williams -J. Stitt Wilson Frank E. Wolfe A. F. Castleberry Frank A. Hcuck •W. J. Ghent C. C. Allen Jas. P. Larsen Mary O'Reilly W. E. Rodriguez John J. Jacobsen Margaret D. Brown Irving S. McCrillls RUSSELL. Mary E. Garbutt A. H. Floaten S. E. Beardsley Ernest Berger E. P. Clark Chas. T. Peach Jasper McLevy Bernard Berlyn AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, ills Kansas — Kentucky — Louisiana — Maine — Maryland — Massachusetts — Michigan — Minnesota- Mississippi- Missouri— Montana- Nebraska — Nevada- DEBS. Oscar H. Bias* Geo. D. Brewer A. W. Ricker May Wood-Simons S. M. Stallard Benj. F. Wilson Chas. Dobbs Walter Lanferslsk J. R. Jones Alex Coleman Chas. E. Fenner J. M. Caldwell Dan A. White Rose Fenner J. G. Ohsol Frank Aaltonen Jas. Hoogerhyde Guy H. Lockwood H. S. McMaster Etta Menton J. A. C. Menton Jas. H. McFarland Marietta E. Fournier John H. Grant J. S,Ingalls Olaus Jacobson Morris Kaplan Thos. E. Latimer J. G. Maattala A. O. Devoid O. S. Watkins M. E. Fritz Lewis J. Duncan Clarence A. Smith Jacob M. Kruse James B. Scott Fred J. Warren C. R. Oyler Clyde J. Wright Grant Miller ■XIDSL. JtUSSXLL. Nels S. Hillman David Morgan Jay F. Nash E. T. Behrens Wm. L. Garver Caleb Lipscomb George W. O'Dam Otto Vierling W. A. Ward New Hampshire — John P. Burke Wm. A. McCall New Jersey New Mexico- New York— J. R. Jones Christopher J. Cosgrove George H. Goebel W. B. Killingbeck Harry F. Kopp James M. Reilly Gustave Theimer J. B. Lang E. Lindgren Albert Pauly Frederick Kraflt North Carolina — North Dakota — A. E. Bowen, Jr Robert Grant Chas. D. Kelso Arthur LeSueur Geo. A. England Chas. B. Backman Dr. J. Rosett C. W. Staub Robt. Lawrence G. E. Roewer, Jr. Philip H. Christian Hsnry Slobodln C. J. Ball, Jr. Fred Bennetts Theresa Malkiel Wm. Burckle Jas. A. Mansett *~Ed. F. Cassidy Wm. E. Duffy Otto L. Endrea C. L. Furman -Morris Hillquit .-Algernon Lee -Meyer London H. M. Merrill C. K. Pierce G. Rothmund H. A. Simmons U. Solomon Gustave A. Strebel Joshua Wanhope Benjamin T. Tiller NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Oklahoma- Oregon — Pennsylvania — Rhode Island — South Carolina- South Dakota — Tennessee — Texas— DEBS. Jacob L. Bachman M. J. Beery Wm. Bessemer Max Boehm T. Clifford D. J. Farrell Edw. J. Jones F. N. Prevey Dan McCarten - Wm. Patterson E. E. Powell Marguerite Prevey C. M. Priestap **U. E. Ruthenberg Anna K. Storck Lawrence A. Zitt John G. Wills M. F. Barker Maurice E. Dorfman John Hayden Tom J. Lewis Floyd C. Ramp C. W. Sherman G. W. Bacon J. M. Barnes Cora Mae Bixler Leroy R. Bruce Anna Cohen Jos. E. Cohen Lewis Goaziou Richard L. Grainger James C. Hogan Gertrude B. Hunt ■ J. H. Maurer C. W. Irvin F. H. Merrick Edward Moore Wm. Parker C. F. Foley J. W. SI ay ton A. G. Ward R. J. Wheeler David Williams John C. Young James P. Reid E. W. Theinert Utah- Vermont — Virginia- Washington — West Virginia- Wisconsin — Wyoming — C. G. Harold Ed. A. Green T. A. Hickey E. R. Meitzen W. S. Noble J. C. Rhodes L. L. Rhodes M. A. Smith J. C. Thornpsom B. Williams G. M. Norris L. E. Aller A. H. Barth Frans Bostrom Emma D. Cory Kate Sadler Samuel Sadler Hulet M. Wells C. H. Boswell H. W. Houston E. H. Kintzer Antony Carlson Paul J. Paulsen J. Suaja SEIDEL. D. L. Davis M. S. Hayes F. G. Strickland RUSSELL. W. Hinkle O. Ameringer Otto F. Branstetter R. E. Dooley Patrick S. Nagle Geo. E. Owen Allen Fields J. T. Cumbie L. B. Irvin E. Schilling Dan M. Caldwell Frank A. Davij *Chas. H. Maurer L. B. Wilson, Jr. W. A. Prosser Wm. Eberhard R. Alexander G. C. Edwards C. A. Byrd B. Dempsey H. P. Burt J. A. Smith W. M. Wesley John Spargo E. J. Brown W. H. Waynick H. C. Cupples Henry Hensefer ^Victor L. Berger Dan W. Hoan W. R. Gaylord W. A. Jacobs T. Minklein Elizabeth H. Thomas Carl D. Thompson Emll Seldel AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 141 The roll call showed the following re- sults: Eugene V. Debs, 165; Emil Seidel, 56; Charles Edward Russell, 54. DEL. SEIDEL (Wis.): I wish to thank those that cast their votes for Seidel, as suggested by Wisconsin, for the confi- dence that they have placed in the Wis- consin spirit. On the other hand, in be- half of Mrs. Seidel, I wish to thank those who have voted against me, because Mrs. Seidel wished that I should not be nomi- nated. I desire to make a motion at this time, which I believe will be seconded by Comrade Russell, that we make the nomination of Comrade Debs unanimous. DEL. RUSSELL (N. Y.): I never had greater joy in my life than I have when I second that motion. On the motion being put the nomina- tion of Comrade Debs was made unani- mous. >. DEL. BERLYN (111.): I move that a despatch be sent to Comrade E. V. Debs notifying him on his nomination. It was so ordered. DEL. SPARGO: I move that we now proceed with the nomination for Vice- President in the same manner that we nominated for President. The motion was carried. The roll call on nominations for Vice- President and resulted in the nomination of Dan Hogan, J. W. Slayton and Emil Seidel. DEL. RUSSELL (N. Y.): In order to save the time of this convention which has now grown somewhat valuable, let me say that for reasons which I can state but which I would prefer not to state, it will be impossible for me to accept this nomination, although I ap- preciate very much the kindness of those who have urged it upon you. All of the nominees declined except Delegates Seidel, Slayton and Hogan. The roll was then called for the selec- tion of the vice-presidential candidate. \ Alabama- Arizona— Arkansas- California — HOGAN. Ida Callery J. A. C. Meng A. R. Finks Ernest L. Reguin NOMINATIONS FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. SLAYTON. Coloradc Connecticut- Delaware— D. of. C.— Florida- Georgia — Idaho — ■ Illinois- Illinois—* Fred Stanley G. W. Belolt I. F. Stewart J. O. Bentall Indian SEIDEL. G. L. Cox Erma Hyatt E. Johnson A. E. Brigga E. A. Cantrell G. W. Downing Mary E. Garbutt Job Harriman E. H. Mizner R. A. Maynard A. W. Harris N. A. Richardson H. C. Tuck J. W. Wells Fred C. Wheeler Ethel Whitehead T. W. Williams J. S. Wilson Frank E. Wolfe H. E. Wright W. P. Collins A. H. Floaten Mary L,. Geffs Thos. M. Todd John Troxell Sam E. Beardsley Ernest Berger E. P. Clarke Chas. T. Peach Jasper McLevy Frank A. Houck W. J. Ghent A. F. Castleberry T. J. Coon rod S. W. Motley Bernard Berlyn J. R. Burge J. C. Sjoden J. C. Kennedy M. E. Klrkpatrlck George Koop James P. Larsen Caroline A. Lowe F. T. Maxwell Mary O'Reilly W. E. Rodriguez Seymour Stedman G. N. Taylor Guy Underwood Samuel Condo W. W. Farmer Janet Fenimore S. C. Garrison 143 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION HOGAN. ■LATTON. Iowa— Kamai — Kentucky — Louisiana — Maine — ■ Maryland — Massachusetts — Michigan — Minnesota- Oscar H. Blase Geo. D. Brewer S. M. Stallard Charles E. Fenner Rose Fenner Frank Aaltonen Jas. Hoogerhyde Guy H. Lockwood H. S. McMaster Etta Menton Jas. H. McFarland Mississippi—* Missouri— Montana- Nebraska- Lewla J. Duncan Clarence A. Smith Jacob M. Kruse James B. Scott Philip H. Christian Nevada- New Hampshire — J. P. Burke New Jersey — C. J. Cosgrove W. B. Killingbeck New Mexico — New York — Not Voting Henry Slobodln Theresa Malkiel E. Lindgren Albert Pauly North Carolina- North Dakota — Ohio- Jacob L. Bachman M. J. Beery Wm. Bessemer Max Borhm T. Clifford Demlniak J. rarrell A. W. Ricker A. R. Hartig C. W. Staub J. M. Caldwell J. A. C. Menton W. A. McCall Fred Bennetta C. L. Furman Clinton H. Pierca G. Rothmund Arthur LieSueur F. G. Strickland SEIDEL. Wm. H. Henry S. M. Reynolda Wm. Sheffler Florence Wattles Margaret D. Brown J. J. Jacobsen Lee W. Lang Irving S. McCrillis Benj. F. Wilson May Wood-Simons Chas. Dobbs J. R. Jones G. A. England Dr. J. Rosett Alex. Coleman Robt. Lawrence G. E. Roewer, Jr. Dan A. White J. G. Ohsol M. F. Fournier J. H. Grant N. S. Hillman J. S. Ingalls Olaus Jacobson Morris Kaplan Thos. E. Latimer J. G. Maattala David Morgan Jay E. Nash A. O. Devoid O. S. Watkins M. E. Fritz E. T. Behrena W. L. Garver C. Lipscomb G. W. O'Dam Otto Vierling W. A. Ward F. J. Warre» C. R. Oyler Grant Miller J. R. Jonea H. F. Kopp F. Krafft J. M. Rellly Gustave Thelmer Wm. Burckle Jas. A. Mansett E. F. Cassldy Wm. L. Duffy O. L. Endres Morris Hillquit Algernon Lee Meyer London H. M. Merrill C. E. Russell H. A. Simmoni U. Solomon G. A. Strebel J. Wanhope B. T. Tiller A. E. Bowen, Jr. Robert Grant Chas. D. Kelso D. L. Davia M. S. Hayes W. Hinkle Marguerite Prevay AFTERNOON SESSION. MAY 17. 1912 HOGAN. E. J. Jones P. N. Prevey Wm. Patterson Chas. M. Priestap C. E. Ruthenberg Anna K. Storck Lawrence A. Zitt Dan McCartan :Iahoma — •egon— Tom J. Lewis mnsylvania — Leroy R. Bruce James C. Hogan C. W. Ervin F. H. Merrick Wm. Parker A. G. Ward R. J. Wheeler node Island — >. Carolina — ». Dakota — ■ Benjamin Dempsey jnnessee — C. G. Harold ixas — E. A. Green T. A. Hickey E. R. Meitzen W. S. Noble J. C. Rhodes L. L. Rhodes M. A. Smith J. C. Thompson B. William tah — Wm. M. Wesley ermont— irginia — • Washington — Leslie E. Aller A. H. Barth Frans Bostrom Kate Sadler Samuel Sadler rest Va.— H. W. Houston Wisconsin-— Emil Seidel SLAYTON. G. W. Bacon Dan M. Caldwell Frank A. Davis Lewis Goaziou Chas. A. Maurer R. B. Ringler John C. Young James P. Reld E. W. Theinert Hulet M. Wells E. H. Kintzer SEIDEL. Tyoming- Paul J. Paulsen J. Suaja E. Schilling O. F. Branstetter S. T. Cumbie R. E. Dooley L. B. Irvin P. S. Nagle G. E. Owen Oscar Ameringer M. F. Barker J. G. Wills M. E. Dorfman J. Hayden F. C. Ramp C. W. Sherman Cora M. Bixler J. E. Cohen R. L. Grainger Jas. H. Maurer J. W. Slayton David Williams L. B. Wilson, Jr. W. A. Prosser Wm. Eberhard Richey Alexander G. C. Edwards C. A. Byrd John Spargo G. M. Norris E. J. Brown W. H. Wing Emma D. Cory H. C. Cupples Anna A. Maley Henry Henseler C. H. Boswell Dan W. Hoan W. R. Gay lord W. A. Jacobs Thos. Minklein Elizabeth H. Thomas C. D. Thompson Antony Carlson 143 The result of the roll call was an- Gunced as follows: Emil Seidel, 159; >an Hogan, 73; John W. Slayton, 24. DEL. HOGAN: Appreciating the unex- ected honcxr given me by the 73 com- ities who voted for me for the second lace on the ticket I move that the nomi- ation of Emil Seidel be made unani- 10US. DEL. SLAYTON: I need not repeat fhat Comrade Hogan has said. The honor o me is not quite so large in numbers, ut then he is a larger man. I second he motion to make the nominution of ,'omrade Seidel unanimous. •The motion was unanimously carried. A DELEGATE: I move that we ad- ourn and join the parade. DEL. SPARGO: With all deference to ae local comrades that have arranged this •arade, I submit that parading the streets a less important to the party than doing the business for which we have been called together. Most of us have arranged so that we must get through tomorrow night. Some of our most important com- mittees' have not yet reported. We have still the immigration matter and three- quarters of the Constitution to adopt. I move as an amendment that we adjourn until 9:30 o'clock tonight. At this point there were cries for a speech from Comrade Seidel, who at the request of the Chairman took the plat- form. DEL. SEIDEL: I do not intend to de- lay you for any length of time. But I want to make it clear to you that I shall do everything in my power to give the opposition, the capitalist parties, as warm a fight as they have ever had. From what I know of Comrade Deb- I believe that he will be heart and so»il with me in this. The little differences that we have had 144 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION on tne floor of the convention only con- cern themselves with questions of tac- tics. Let me say that I believe that the Washington comrades as well as the Cali- fornia comrades and the comrades of Ohio, as well as those of Pennsylvania, New York and Wisconsin, all stand together for that one big thing, the final abolition of this wage slave system. We differ a little bit in the way of getting there. We of Wisconsin believe that we should try to do everything that we can to strength- en our class. Some of the other com- rades, quite as sincere, believe that we dissipate our forces if we pay any atten- tion to the immediate questions before us. But whatever our differences on that line let us see that the enemy get no comfort out of those differences. While I believe in fighting for the immediate things, as well as the ultimate goal let me say that I stand squarely on the platform. Every one of the Wisconsin comrades hopes and works, and those that pray, pray for the final and absolute dissolution of this wage system, for the day when we may see the manhood and womanhood made free to develop into a higher and better man- hood and womanhood. We hope for that and we all work for that. When thia convention is over let us go out and be- gin the fight. Let us show the enemy that there is the same spirit of liberty In our ranks; let them understand that they cannot yet have everything their own way; le't them understand that the American working class is developing its Intelligence, is growing in strength nu- merically and that the day is rapidly coming when that Working class will get control of all that it shduld control i get for itself all that it produces. Now I am not going to make a c< palgn speech here. We must reserve strength for the enemy. We must fight each other too hard in the few maining hours, but reserve our stren for the enemy. Let us have our li squabbles, and when we are through v them get together and pitch right 1 the middle of the battle. I want to thank you one and all this vote of confidence that you have < for a Wisconsin nominee, for I don't c sider it a personal victory; but I do pr< ise you that everything that I can do si be done to make this next campaign liveliest fight the enemy has ever kno I thank you one and all. THE CHAIRMAN: The question \ before the house is on the motion of C< rade Spargo that we adjourn to meet nine o'clock tonight. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): Is it unc stood that we may also take part in parade? THE CHAIRMAN: You may r the purpose of finding - a capable, jtic, administrative official. I be- hat it would be a misfortune to have .e State Secretaries of the United of America on the National Com- s. I hope that the amendment of elegate from Ohio will pass, and ye will return to the old Constitu- n this respect, with the change of to 3,000 in order that it shall be id to the growing conditions of the j. SOLOMON (N. Y.): As one of the Secretaries who, by virtue, of the ions of this new Constitution, will part of the National Committee, I to support the amendment offered mrade Ruthenberg. While I do not with the comrade in so far as the r of the State Secretaries and their edge of the organization outside of own state is concerned, at the same [, nevertheless, fail to see any rea- hatever why they ought necessarily made members of the National Com- j. I contend that in many places tate Secretary, if he wishes to be a er of the National Committee, can > the election in his own state with- iaking it necessary by a mere Con- conal provision to make him a de member of the committee, whether ink and file of the state desire him a member of the committee or not. eve, in view of the extraordinary to be conferred on the National ittee, and the fact that this corn- » is to become a real, active body d of a mere figurehead under our ization, it is very important to make member of that committee elected e referendum vote in their respect- ates; and also in view of the fact n some states, in fact the most im- lt states, the State Secretary is not d by referendum vote, but his mem- p in the State Committee is subject ;all by the state, it is not a very move to have him become a mem- t the National Committee; because, inderstand it, it is making the Na- Committee elected by the rank and ubject to recall by the rank and nd from the fact that a number of tate Secretaries are appointed in- of being elected by th# rank and is not very advisable to make them |ers of the National Committee, previous question was then or- _ PANKIN (of the Jewish Agitation u): I believe it a very unwise thing l to make it mandatory by the Con- >on that the state officers of the in the different states shall consti- he National Committee. It seems to at the State Secretaries have suffi- jwork to do in- their respective states lit burdening them with the work of ational Committee, and therefore I favor of the amendment made by ilegate from the state of Ohio that ve a body entirely different from the Secretaries to constitute the Na- Committee. Let us not turn over arty to the petty officers of the Let us have it managed by the jdes at large. j. GOEBEL (N. J.): I want to beg ja to go very slow in voting for the Iment. As far as I am concerned think I speak for every member of >mmittee. If you adopt the amend- we say to you, "Tear up the Con- on. You have taken the heart out Don't say no. For twelve years Hillquit and certain other members, and myself and certain other members have been on opposite sides. Hillquit and oth- ers have claimed in tlfe name of effi- ciency that we wanted to do away with a certain amount of the referendum. On the other hand, I have always stood, and others with me, for giving all power into the hands of the rank and file. Now, we compromised and we got together because we thought we found a way of putting the national organization into direct touch and control of the rank and file, and at the same time getting efficiency. Now, you comrades and you State Secretaries, you go slow before you vote in favor of this amendment. Time and time again we have had complaint of lack of har- mony between the state offices and the national offices. We have had open con- flict, or we have had indifference on the part of the State Secretaries. Under our plan we make the state organization and the national organization one as far as being able to get in touch with each other and understand each other. What do we propose? Once a year a gathering of those men, in the first place, that are able to talk for their states because no man in the state like the State Secretary knows that movement in that state. He knows the workers. The comrade who proposed this amendment said they elect- ed for their State Secretaries men of ex- ecutive ability. That is exactly what we are trying to put on this National Com- mittee; not the men who happen, because they are speakers or writers, to be the best known in the state and be able to get elected on the National Committee; but the men that are on the job, the Jimmy Higginses, the Billy Baxters, that know the crowd because they are in touch with the crowd, we want them on that National Committee so that when they meet once a year when it comes to the question of routing speakers or the best distribution of literature and a better way of carrying on the work and getting every possible dollar's worth of value for every penny we spend, we will have a man that can within a week go out of that town and arrange a national meet- ing, that will arrange for practically an entire years' work and who will under- stand the plan because he helped to make the plan. . I beg you not to stand for this amendment, because if you do stand for this amendment you are only going back to the time when every Tom, Dick and Harry could be elected to the National Committee and you did not know any- thing about the condition of things. The National Committeemen have the duties of planning the general work. Yes, and who can do it better than the State Sec- retaries. What are their duties? To talk to the men and women as National Secre- taries, to run the party between meet- ings, who is better acquainted, better able to judge as to who will make a good Na- tional Secretary than those men and those women who as State Secretaries have learned what a National Secretary ought to be; people who know how to do it? There is another thing we have in mind. Gradually as this party develops we are going to develop — not the speakers, for we have speakers; not necessarily the writers, but the fellows that know how to organize and take the forces and put them together. We are hoping that out of this we will get a method of promot- ing and bringing up the work and gradu- ally developing it until we have experts along every line. Now, as far as I am concerned, I am only one and I have only / i46 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION v the voice and influence of one; but hav- ing sat on this committee and worked over it as we have done in the commit- tee, I want to say that when you adopt the amendment I take no further heart in the thing, because, now, we have taken the old machine with the old inefficiency, and in addition to that we have taken the control of the national organization, out of the rank and file; because the only thing that connects that directly with the rank and file, after all, are these State Secretaries. They are in daily touch with the rank and file. That was the rea»on I was willing to accept it; that was the reason Comrade Brewer was willing to accept it; because we said these men are right in touch with the rank and file. We have through them a daily referendum, a weekly referendum, a monthly referen- dum. I beg of you to vote down the amendment. You have appointed men to do this work of revising the Constitution. There is not a line there but what is re- lated to every other line. We do not take one paragraph by itself, we build this thing like you build a house from the basement to the roof. Try out the plan, and if it don't work out in a year, then it will be time to make the changes that my comrade over there presents for you to make. (Applause.) The question was then put on the amendment of Del. Ruthenberg, and the amendment was lost by a vote of 65 to 153. DEL. J. E. COHEN (Pa.): I move that in place of the first sentence of Section 1 the following be substituted: "The Na- tional Committee shall consist of 100 members, to be apportioned among the states and territories in the following manner: State Secretaries from all organ- ized states and territories, and additional members in proportion to the average national dues paid by the organization in such states and territories during the preceding year. (Seconded.) On Page 9, Section 4 of Article IX, reads: "Delegates to be apportioned among the states," etc. That is a very good proposition because it comes from Pennsylvania, was adopted by the Pennsylvania convention, and the delegates were instructed to vote to that effect. I think it is a very good propo- sition that the National Committee shall consist of a definite number who shall be competent to do the executive work, and not of a number that varies from year to year according to how the member- ship changes. And therefore I hope that you will vote for this new proposition making a definite number who shall be competent to do the executive work of the party from year to year, to be re- viewed by the National Convention, which is a much larger number and which meets only once in four years; and thereby your work will be done in an efficient man- ner as the Constitution desires. Del. Smith (Mont.) took the floor. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): Permit me to make a statement that may have some- thing to do with Comrade Smith's talk. I want to say that we figured out the prob- able number of members we would have on the committee. At the beginning we will have from 68 to 74, and we figured that with the present rate of progress, when the next National Convention meets it will be about 95 to 100, which is prac- tically what you want, without changing this as we have it in the Constitution there. DEL. SMITH (Mont): I seconded the amendment chiefly because discussion was stopped on the previous amendment. I wish to discuss the principle Involved the plan outlined by this new Consti tion, and not particularly in favor of •< particular or specific change in the p as outlined; except that I shall supp the amendment proposed by the comri here because no other change is provi at this time. I should be in favor of amendment. The plan as outlined by Committee on Constitution is this; * we cannot discuss any part of that p without understanding and consider: the entire plan. The plan is that the I tional Committee DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): A point order, that we are discussing the amei ment, with a motion to adopt the sect as a whole, and not discussing this amei ment which he manifestly states he 1 not much interest in. THE CHAIRMAN: The comrade s{ he will link up the support of this amei ment to the matters he is presenting n( DEL. SMITH: The proposition is tl the State Secretaries shall constitute National Committee; that the Natioi Executive Committee of five membi shall be selected by the National Comm tee, which is composed of the State Sec taries. The Executive Secretary shall a be selected in like manner. Now, I want say that not only are the National Sec: taries not all elected by referendum vo the State Secretaries are not all eled by referendum vote, as has been sho by the comrade from New York, bul want to show another evil in this systt The Executive Committee, while it elected by the National Committee, is 1 subject to recall by the membership large. DEL. HOAN (Wis.): It is. DEL. SMITH: Show me where. Here the proposition that Comrade Goebel ca attention to: The members of the Exe< tive Committee, Woman's National Co mittee and Executive Secretary and g< eral correspondent may at any time 1 On proper motion be temporarily suspei ed from office by the National Committ and by nobody else. DEL. HOAN: There is another pi vision. DEL. SMITH: Members of the Exec tive Committee, Woman's National Ca mittee, the Executive Secretary, Gene] Correspondent, etc., may be recalled] any time by the membership in the par and may be temporarily suspended d| ing the initiation and taking of a natioi referendum. I confess I am wrong on tl point, which is due to not having read i entire thing through. (Applause.) No I trust you will have patience. This 1 the first time during this convention tlj I have asked for the privilege of the floi and it is not because I want to show nj self, but because I am interested in tl proposition. Now, I want to call your i tention to the chief points involved 1 this proposition. The State Secretaries' the Socialist party are the executives ' the party within their respective statj They are, as has been stated here, ■ daily communication with the majority] the state, and without regard to the gd faith of the different state organizatio] they are the persons who have a t| mendous personal influence with tht states. They are the ones whose decislj on any referendum, should they becol interested on either side of a referenda would have great influence in carryfl that referendum out or defeating it, the case might be. These people are j the people who should constitute the 1 tional Committee of the Socialist pan EVENING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912 e National Committee of the Socialist rty should consist of such men or imen, as the case may be, as have no eater influence with the membership in j state, by virtue of any official posi- .n, than any other members of the bo- ilist party within their respective Ues Now, we will suppose that the tional Executive Committee, selected the National Committee of State bec- aries, should pursue a course that eht be contrary to the judgment of a ee proportion of members within cer- n states and they would be required to tiate a referendum against it. Then would be confronted with this situ- on- The State Secretaries, who consti- te the National Committee and who are strumental in electing the National Ex- ative Committee, would be charged with =» work of taking a referendum against eir own policies, and I maintain that solute impartiality could not be main- ied under those circumstances. We ht not to have referendums conducted people who are interested particularly .those referendums (applause), espe- uly by people who are in daily com- inication with the entire membership the party throughout the entire nation. . of the State Secretaries are in com- inication with all of the members of e entire Socialist party, and I maintain at a machine can be built up by a Na- >nal Executive Committee and a major- of the National Committee, composed State Secretaries, which no power on rth can break down. (Applause.) Com- des, I say this from having had expe- mce as Secretary of an organization, i l not going to say what organization it or anything about it, but I have had fficient experience to know that the cretary of an organization can wield a ?mendous influence. The chairman of is committee has already called your at- ntion to the fact that the National Sec- tary, simply because he is National Sec- tary, can be re-elected National Secre- ry unless there are some very extraor- lary circumstances connected with the iction or the nominations. It is almost possible to defeat a National Secretary, a State Secretary, I might add, even ough he did not use undue influence, d I want to say that when all of the fluence that a State Secretary may have =ty be used, there is no power in tne cialist party that can defeat the State cretary or the measures in which the ate Secretary may be interested. DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I wish to 'er an amendment f$ the amendment. here it says that the National Commit- s shall consist of State Secretaries, I sh to add in there "or such other per- ns as the state may designate. THE CHAIRMAN: This is hardly an lendment to the amendment. That is the nature of an original amendment the proposition of the Committee. DEL. PATTERSON: What I want to do to leave this part optional with the site THE CHAIRMAN: You will have an portunity to present that later, but it not in the nature of an amendment to e amendment. The previous question was ordered on e amendment offered by Del. Cohen, DEL. SPARGO: I am opposed to the Idea of making it a condition of the mem- bership of the National Committee tnat the representatives shall be the State Sec- retaries. I am, in other words, opposed to making the State Secretary, by virtue of his position as State Secretary, a mem- ber of the National Committee. I believe that is a very dangerous power and a very dangerous precedent to set in our party. DEL. HILLQUIT: Just two points about the amendment and the motion before you leaving the State Secretaries as members of the National Committee. The only thing the Cohen amendment seeks to do is to fix the membership of the National Com- mittee. Now, the Constitution Committee did not deem that expedient, for this rea- son: That on the basis proposed, one com- mitteeman for every three thousand mem- bers, will have today about seventy-five members of the National Committee. There is no reason why we should today in- crease it to 100. That will simply mean more expense and a little more cumber- some machinery when the party has grown till it automatically reaches the 100 mark, and when it threatens to be- come unwieldy, as our conventions be- gui to threaten already, then we can al- ways limit it. At present there is no such danger. I may also say, although the question is not directly involved but was nearly brought up, that we considered very carefully the danger or alleged dan- ger that may come from the influence of the State Secretaries, and we came to this conclusion, that the State Secretaries rep- resent the interests of their states, md whe^n a majority of the State Secretaries come together on any one plan or propo- sition it is no more a clique, it is an ex- pression of the will of a majority of a majority of the party, and they are wel- come to it. (Applause.) The Cohen amendment was then put to a vote and was lost. At this point, on motion, consideration of the Constitution was suspended and Comrade Emil Seidel, of Milwaukee, nom- inee for "Vice-President, and Comrade Charles Edward Russell, Delegate from New York, were called on and addressed the convention and visitors. At the conclusion of the campaign speeches, the convention resumed consider- ation of the Constitution. DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio.): In the first section it says the national committee shall consist of state secretaries, and so on. I wish to offer the following amendment: "The ' national committee shall consist of one representative from each state, and an additional delegate for every 2,500 mem- bers, or major fraction thereof." (Sec- onded.) Del. Branstetter made a point of order that substantially the same proposition had been voted down. The point of order was sustained by the Chair. DEL. STITT WILSON (Cal.): I move an amendment, as follows: "The national com- mittee shall consist of the state secretaries of all organized states and territories, or such other persons as the members of the party in the states shall elect by referen- dum vote," and so on. (Seconded.) At this point, on motion of Del. Hogan (Ark.) the convention adjourned until 9:00 o'clock Saturday morning. NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION 7"' SEVENTH DAY'S SESSION. The convention was called to order at 9 a. m. by Chairman Duncan. The following- were nominated as chair- man for the day: Goebel, N. J.; Killingbeck, N. J.; Hogan, Ark.; Thompson, Wis.; Gaylord, Wis.; Slay- ton, Pa. All declined excepting Comrades Gaylord, Goebel and Slayton. The vote resulted as follows: Gaylord, 61; Goebel, 62; Slayton, 19. Comrade Goebel of New Jersey was de- clared elected chairman of the day. CHAIRMAN GOEBEL: On the last day of the convention there is always a rush and pressure of business. We have the Constitution Committee report to finish, the report of the Woman's Committee, the Committee on Party Owned Press, and many other important matters. We also have the rule adjourning this convention at midnight tonight. This all means that we must be as quick as possible, and very likely the chairman in trying to get through with business at times will seem to be arbitrary. If you think injustice is done I want you to appeal at once from the Chair. I am going to do the best I can to complete the business of the convention and I want you all to help me out. Nominations for vice chairman were then made as follows: Thompson, Wis.; Slay- ton, Pa.; Strebel, N. Y.; Hogan, Ark.; Ru- thenberg, Ohio; Collins, Colo. Delegates Ruthenberg and Collins were the only delegates who accepted. The vote resulted as follows: ; Ruthenberg, 59; Collins, 57. Delegate Ruthenberg was elected vice chairman of the day. On motion the roll call and the reading of minutes were dispensed with. The secretary reported that John Ed- ward Russell had been seated by the New York delegation as alternate for Charles Edward Russell. C. L. Brunier was seated in place of E: L. Reguin of California. S. A. Benbrook was seated in place of M. A. Smith, Texas. COMMUNICATIONS. Communications were read from Caspar Bauer, San Diego. J. D. Osborn, Oakland, Cal. Young People's Socialist Educational and Dramatic Club, Brooklyn. Workmen's Circle, New York. Board of Directors, Labor League, Bos- ton, Mass. Jacob S. Rosenberg, Worcester. Mass. ( Branch 4 Socialist Party, Worcester, Mass. Local Rochester, New York. Bohemian Daily, New York. Bohemian Workingmen's Gymnastic Union of America. G. E. Daniels, Augusta, Ga. William Voss, Chairman, Winnipeg:, Man. A. C. Wyman, Boston, Mass. Organizer E. Kaplan, Hartford, Conn. N. Mahlon, Pittsburg, Pa. Syracuse Local, N. Y. Educational League, Cleveland, Ohio. C. R. Metcalfe, Sioux City, la. THE CHAIRMAN: The next order oi business is the report of the Committee on Constitution, Article 4, Section 1. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I propose th< following amendment: "The National Com- mittee shall consist of the state secretaries of all organized states and territories, oi in place of said secretaries such other parties as the members of that state shall elect by referendum vote." The rest to follow as it is in the re port. DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): A poll of order. Yesterday they voted down amendment that made it optional to sele< a member in place of the state secretary. THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order made that this amendment is in effect duplication of the amendment defeated las evening. I rule that Comrade Branstet ter's point is well taken and the amendmei is out of order. DEL. WILSON: Will you permit me word my amendment in another way. THE CHAIRMAN: Let the Chair sj . that he will not accept any amendment bj which the state secretaries are excluded. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I appeal fror the decision of the Chair, and the grounc for my appeal is that the chairman has nc right to gag an amendment to this articl in any respect. The amendment now oi fered is not the same as the amendmei offered yesterday. I think the conventk should demand that every possible point view should be given an opportunity to heard and the proposal voted upon. THE CHAIRMAN. The Chair's positioi is that this very matter involved in thi amendment was debated and voted upoi Chairman Duncan yesterday ruled precisel as the chairman has ruled this morning (Cries of "Oh, no.") THE CHAIRMAN: Oh, yes, he did. Tl proper method of procedure would be move to re-consider. On a vote the Chair's ruling was not sus tained and the amendment offered by Dele gate Wilson was declared in order. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I am very loat to offer an amendment here after the cor sideration that has been given to this mat ter by the seven wise men. They hai labored over this and have doubtless pr pared a better instrument than the or with which we have been working. Bi I fear that this is lodging altogether t< much power in the hands of state secrets ries. This national committee will consis of probably 65 or 70 members to begil with and between 40 and 50 of them wil be state secretaries. The various state differ in their method of electing state set retaries. Some are elected by a referei dum of the entire stat« membership. Soi S3 MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 149 re elected by nine or ten committeemen of he state. Some of them are appointed by he state boards of control. In the state f California we follow the method of hir- ag for our state secretary a man specially apable of handling the details of the office. Ve hire him and fire him by a vote of a Lmited number of people whom we elect o carry on the policy of the party in the tate. There is another point in this. The Na- ional Committee always meets in national onvention years. That will mean that in he national convention every state secre- ary will be a delegate to the national con- ention. That will not do. People will not end some one else to this convention, they vill f ave the fare of one man and the ian vho will have to come will be the tate secretary, with the result that we hall have fifty state secretaries in our text national convention. That is a dan- erous concentration of power in those nen and it ought to be voted down. There is still another point. Under this tew constitution the state secretaries, if hey form a majority of the national com- nittee would elect the national executive ommittee. It is easy to see that the na- ional executive committee could be selected rom the state secretaries and very likely t would be. If the state secretaries are the nost capable men for the national commit- ee by the same reasoning five or six or even state secretaries are likely to be the nost capable men for the national executive lommittee. Now, I submit to you that the tate secretaries are not necessarily the nen most capable of determining the policy f the national movement of the national ocialist party. They are not elected in ur states to determine policies. They are •lected to carry out the policies determined )y the state; they are elected we may say s our clerks, not as determining factors in ur policies. In California when they seek o determine our policy we determine them ut of office. Have we not had to disci- )line state secretaries all over this nation or assuming power and trying to deter- nine the policy of the Socialist party. So ! say to you that fifty of these secretaries n the national committee would not be men [ualified to determine the policy of the lational party when they are not the men ;lected to determine our policy in the sev- eral states. I hope that you will not per- nit this section of the constitution as rec- ommended by the committee to stand. A DELEGATE: Tell us what your motion s. DEL. WILSON: "The National Committee shall consist of the State Secretaries of all organized states and territories or such other person as the members of the party n the state shall elect by referendum ^ote." I will add one provision with the consent of my second. "Provided that the State Secretary shall always by virtue of lis office be a nominee for election to the STational Committee." That will make it possible for the state membership to elect he State Secretary if they see fit. I be- ieve if my second will consent this will lave us from a difficulty that is involved. : would like to see men as familiar with ■>ur affairs as are the State Secretaries on :*his National Committee but to pack the STational Committee with State Secretaries s a dangerous concentration of power. THE CHAIRMAN: Does the second ac- :ept the addition? DEL. PATTERSON (O.): I refuse to iccept the amendment. DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): Don't be deceived by this cry of bosses or boss ruie because the constitution expressly states that no member of the National Committee is eligible on the National Executive Com- mittee. DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): No. THE CHAIRMAN: Will Comrade Bran- stetter read the clause that he thinks is there. DEL. BRANSTETTER: That was my understanding. It is stated that we have perhaps a better constitution than the one we have been working under. If we have a better constitution it is because the state organizations and the National Committee and the National Executive Committee are to be brought into closer touch and har- mony with each other than ever before. The trouble with our present organization is that there is constant friction between the state organizations, between the state secretaries and the executive committee, between the state secretaries and the na- tional secretary. The purpose of this pro- posed constitution is to get harmonious work between the state and national organi- zation. Some one has said that about the only purpose of the national organization is to administer affairs between the states. There is nobody so well fitted to represent the interests of the separate states as the State Secretaries. They are in actual touch with the state affairs. In the smaller states with only one or two thousand mem- bers the State Secretary is not a clerk merely hired to keep the books, but in all the smaller state organizations he is the man who more than any other does know the needs of that organization. He is not a clerk, he is their spokesman, he is their organizer. In the smaller states the State Secretary is generally the only man in the state who knows the needs of the or- ganization. Where the state has ten or twelve thousand members, where the State Secretary may be largely a clerk, hired for his executive ability, there will be three or four others as representatives on the National Committee, and therefore no in- justice will be worked, while in the smaller states the most efficient man will be elected. It has been said here that the State Secre- taries will arrogate power to themselves. That can be attended to by the state organ- ization. If you have a man in your state that you can't unseat the rest of us can't help you. But I am sure that when the rest of the members are ready to unseat him he will be unseated. But so long as he is the State Secretary and so long as the transactions between the state and national bodies are carried on by the State Secre- taries it will help towards a harmonious relationship if this is adopted. I believe a majority of the state will remove a sec- retary who is not satisfactory when the time opmes. Again they argue that many of the State Secretaries are only executive officers. What is this National Committee? We haven't formed a committee to control the policies of the organization. The national convention and the referendum declare the policy of the party. The purpose of the National Committee is not to declare the principles of this organization. The pur- pose of the National Committee is to carry out the plans, dictated by referendum and by our national conventions. And I do not know anybody so well fitted to help in car- rying out, to formulate methods of carrying out the plans of the national organization as the State Secretaries under whose 150 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION dir-ction in the respective states those plans are to be carried out. The previous question was moved and carried. DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio.): It seems to me that one point has been overlooked. In the acceptance of this amendment we are still going out from here if it is adopted, in that form, with the committee already elected, but we are merely leaving it optional to the states to make a change afterwards if they desire. We are not spoiling the plan; we are not taking the heart out of the constitution, but we are making it optional with the states to change that requirement if -later they find it necessary or desirable. We go out from here with the plan in force if this be adopted by the referendum vote following the convention, as it will undoubtedly do. Then the committee is already elected, at least the State Secretaries are elected and you already have your National Committee under the new plan. Now under the plan of state autonomy if later any state desires to change the arrangement and choose a different member of the committee by ref- erendum they have the right to do it. Not only that but in the larger states they have to do it any way. So we are not spoiling the plan, but we are allowing larger scope for state autonomy, and we are allowing the comrades in every state an opportunity to adapt themselves to this plan in the very best way. We are not spoiling the plan. We are making it possible for all the states, regardless of the method by which they elect a State Secretary, we are giving each state the chance to thoroughly co- operate with the plan that has been offered by the seven wise men on the platform. DEL. KELSO (N. D.): Suppose a State Secretary is elected a member of the Na- tional Committee, can he be recalled as a member of the National Committee? If he is not recalled as State Secretary and is recalled as National Committeeman what condition are you in? DEL. HILLQUIT: As the National Committeeman he is an officer of his state, not of the national organization. He could be recalled by his state but not by general referendum. DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): There is a good deal of undue excitement about this. Every point that has been mentioned here was thrashed out from A to Z in the com- mittee. Some one brought up every one of these objections. See some of the mis- takes that have been made. The comrade that spoke last tells you that these secre- taries go into office at once. That is be- cause he hasn't read the constitution. It provides that between the time when this constitution takes effect and the first day of April, 1913, all the state organizations shall elect members of the National Com- mittee in accordance with the provisions of this constitution. They do not come in un- til the regular term of office is up. Com- rade Wilson tells you that nobody would go to the conventions, or to meetings of the National Committee except the State Sec- retaries because the states would want to save the fare and would not send anybody but the secretary. DEL WILSON (Cal.): I didn't state that. DEL. RICHARDSON: Very well, you said they would be the only ones that would go. Now the fares are paid for the na- tional committeemen. Now it is said that the State Secretaries would constitute a majority. I have looked over a great many votes that have been taken on important questions and if you are as familiar with that as I am you know on the average of 50 per cent do not vot They don't know anything about the que tion. Now we want these things in tl hands of men who will pay attention what is going on, men through who; hands all this business must go. Tl State Secretary is in touch with the bus ness of the national office. He necessari] has to be in touch with it. He is tt man who knows most about it. Another thing, we know what wrangling have been going on between the state some of them almost seceding because t lack of harmonious action. If we can brin these State Secretaries together once year and let them compare notes it wi do more for harmonious work between th states than anything else that could occui Your committee thrashed out all thea points and we know what we are talkin about. Again Comrade Wilson speaks of the n< cessity of firing them out of office some times. There is nothing to prevent thai There is nothing to prevent thp stati firing its National Committeeman. An about one-third of the states should fir their National Committemen now for no attending to business that is submitted t them. We want a live, active committee, ii touch with the work and the needs of th Socialist party which will bring abou harmonious work throughout the natioi and you will get that through the Stat Secretaries. They will not be a majorit; of the committee, but they will be a liv energetic part of the committee, they wi] know what has to be done. We hope you will support this. We bfl lieve it is right; that it is best for th party. There is no danger of concentrat ing power. The Executive Committee cal be recalled either by the National Commit tee or the membership. All the membetf of the National Committee can be recallei by their States. If you were going to b afraid of the power that is vested in thos bodies where in the name of heaven wil you vest power? The committee are no afraid of it. Consider it wisely and vot for this section. A division was called for upon tn amendment offered by Delegate Wilson The amendment was carried by a vote 0! Ill aye to 73 no. DEL. MENG (Ark.): I move that \*i reconsider the vote by which the Stati Secretaries are members of the Nationa Committee. THE CHAIRMAN: That motion is ou of order until such time as other businesi has intervened. DEL. CUPPLES (Wash.): I move to re» commit this section and have the commit tee bring in a report in favor of a yearlj conference of the State Secretaries instead of making the State Secretaries member! of the National Committee. THE CHAIRMAN: I shall have to ru« your motion out of order as not relevant to this paragraph. J DEL. CUPPLES: I appeal from the do cision of the Chair. THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: State tIM ground for your appeal. J DEL. CUPPLES: I appeal from the de- cision on the ground that I want thU auestion re-committed with instructions— THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: State your par- liamentary grounds. DEL. CUPPLES: That is a parliamentary gr DEL." GOEBEL: My understanding oJ the rules is that the order under which w< are proceeding is this particular section MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 151 that that motion would pertain to an- er subject. n a vote the Chair was sustained, he previous question was then ordered n the paragraph as amended. EL.. MENG: I want to speak against paragraph. It should not meet with approval of the majority of this con- tion. Del. Goebel said that we should tinker with this constitution because nine wise men of the committee had ?n it such deep consideration, had ghed and considered everything and we t have respect for their superior abil- and be very careful how we approach holy of holies, that we must take off shoes and approach softly, for the wise have, spoken. Why did he say that? re is a reason, as Comrade Charley Post Dor. t attack this beautiful structure, s built from the ground up. He is a center. He knows how to build a con- ution, so don't touch it. There is a good on why we should not touch it. It is t on a foundation of sand. If you touch is gone; and they know it. I have all >ect and reverence for these most potent, /e and reverent seniors who have under- n to draft this constitution. I tajke off hat to the famous gentlemen that we here. I believe every delegation is Dsed to making the State Secretaries the h Bas of the Socialist movement, the lord everything else. In our State we 3 had one man who is the whole thing. State Secretary is a clerk. He has lgh to do if he does that well. I want hange this to say if he is State Secre- he shall not be eligible to the office vTational Committeeman. EL. HILLQUIT: The committee at this t desires to call the attention of the gates to this fact, that we are on the nd page of a sixteen-page document, this is Saturday, the last day of the ention. EL. HICKEY '(Tex.): What will you vith that proposition in a State where e is no State Secretary? In our State had to kill the State Committee, the e Executive Committee and are pre- d to fire the State Secretary. Therefore int to know what you are going to do State where there is no State Secre- §L. HILLQUIT: I must say that the mittee has had Texas in view. The only ble with us was we didn't know ther Texas would fire its National Com- eeman. IE CHAIRMAN: The motion is on the tion of this paragraph. |D. SLAYTON: I move as a substitute the whole matter be adopted as it now ds, the whole sixteen pages, le motion was seconded. IE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will not rtain that motion, but the Chair will rtain the motion to adopt the whole of 2le 4, and in order to do that, you would to call for the reading of the article. 3L. SLAYTON: Then I ask for the ing and adoption of this article, ctions 3, 4 and 5 of Article 4 were then by the Secretary. gL. SLAYTON: My motion is that that le as read be adopted. • e motion was duly seconded. SI,, HILLQUIT: I do not think the nittee will be at all favorable to this on. I think it is not a very wise pro- fe after wasting four hours on one sec- then to swallow the whole of the rest : without consideration or discussion, ink we shall do very much better to have every section read in order and if there is no objection adopt it and pass to the next. There are important questions in the rest of this constitution that should be considered and discussed seriously. THE CHAIRMAN: The matter before the house is this: The original motion is that we adopt Section 2 of Article 4. Del. Slayton offers as a substitute that we adopt the entire Article 4 as read. DEL. SLAYTON: The reason for my mo- tion is that in debating other matters here on the floor at times in amending part of an article we run up against a contradic- tion in another part. I do not believe that we should do as much injury if we would adopt the whole, try to work it out, and then come back another time, or by refer- endum, change and amend where it has been found by experience to be necessary to change and amend. DEL. BESSEMER (O.) : I wish to offer an amendment to Section 2. THE CHAIRMAN: I should have to de- cide that amendment out of order. Comrade Slayton's motion is a substitute. DED. MERRICK (Pa.): I wish to en- dorse Hillquit's proposition. I think this discussion now is the best proof that in- stead of expediting matters you are going to delay them. I don't think there is any- body going to make an objection to many of these paragraphs, and I think if we vote this down and get through with it, adopting each section or defeating each section as it comes up without unnecessary discussion, we shall get through much more quickly. The motion of Delegate Slayton was de- DEL. STRICKLAND: Why can't we adopt the rule that was followed yesterday that in considering this seriatim when a section is read it be considered adopted if there is no objection without a motion. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will so rule hereafter. DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to move an amendment to Section 2. I wish to add after the last word "Persons who have been elected to political offices shall not be eligi- ble." The motion was seconded. DEL. BESSEMER: I am opposed to any of our elective officials having any power in the organization. I believe that when we^lect officials from the Socialist party we are simply electing servants of the So- cialist party, and I believe that the rank and file should be in a position to instruct those men that we elect in any way what- soever that we wish and they should be de- prived of any power to instruct themselves at all. Therefore I believe this amendment should be carried. I believe that a Con- gressman or a Senator or the Mayor of a city elected by the Socialist party is there as a servant of the people and the whole power of instructing him should be in the hands of the rank and file, and I think this should be passed unanimously without dis- cussion. DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.) : The delibera- tions in this convention during the past week have impressed me very favorably. But I have found that almost every one who gets on the floor has some kind of sus- picion against some other member. This is not acting in a comradely spirit. Here we are wrangling about things and do not come to any conclusions. We have been monkeying around with this thing for about seven hours. Now in regard to the motion made by our comrade from Ohio, I want to tell you this, that if nominations 152 NATIONAL, SOCIALIST CONVENTION are made by any local body for public office they are going to select those in whom they have confidence to carry out the work of the comrades in that locality. The larger the territory from which that comrade is to be elected the more capable he is ex- pected to be. We should take the force that has developed in the party to do the work of the party. This proposition is that we should take them out of the active work of the party when it comes to our own or- ganization. Now just take a look at Ger- many. Wherever there is any important party work to be done you will always find that it is the men who have been prominent in the Reichstag or who have filled other important elective public offices who are called upon to do that work. Vote this thing down here. Let us place confidence in the men to whom we give the power, and in the remainder of this discussion let us be harmonious and not acrimonious, let us not be so suspicious of each other. The previous question was then ordered. DEL. HICKEY: One of the most prom- inent members in this convention discussed this matter with me, or rather sought to discuss this matter with me last evening, and I absolutely refused to discuss it, be- cause there are certain things that can not be discussed. This proposition that a man holding a political office shall not also hold executive office is such an elementary prop- osition in democracy that sane men should not waste two minutes over it. Now in a little story of sixteen columns that I pulled off about this national convention last week I pointed out that any one elected by this convention, or rather elected to office and also held an office in the Socialist party would be liable tQ punishment under the Texas law because in Texas the primary law provides a penalty for holding execu- tive and political office at the same time. A DELEGATE: Is that a good election law? DEL. HICKEY: Don't ask such foolish questions. I am not concerned with what they do in Germany. I am concerned with an elementary principle of democracy that is recognized in every portion of the United States. I believe with the delegate from Ohio that the rank and file should attend to this thing of political offices being in a place to criticise themselves and instruct themselves. DEL. HILLQUIT: I think if this motion were put in a sensible form it should read: "Every member of the party elected to pub- lic office shall, ex-officio, be a member of the National Committee." The party in Germany has that provision. And when Comrade Hickey says that he is not con- cerned with Germany but he is concerned with Texas, I simply wish to call Comrade Hickey's attention to the fact that the So- cialist comrades in Germany have made somewhat better progress than the com- rades in Texas. We can well afford to imi- tate the comrades in Germany rather than those in Texas. The trouble with our ultra-democratic friends is that they haye set forms of words and phrases. If, for instance, Com- rade Hickey would consider that we are not speaking about two offices within the same organization, an executive office and a legislative office in the Socialist party. But we are speaking of offices in the Social- ist party organization and a political office in a municipality, in a State Legislature or the Congress of the United States. Where is the contradiction? What he has in mind is the separation of powers and functions, the system of checks and balances, all of which have been accepted Ion* ago by sensible democracy, and he mixes up Socialist party, the National governn the capitalistic State government in common pot. Now that is the contri tion. We have been in the habit of d this highly democratic thing, We firsi lect our officers, our servants, and whei have elected them the presumption th< that they are thieves and scoundrels I they prove the contrary. Every one of officials — when we want to be really d' cratic — we frown upon them. We "You have the power now to steal; you prove that you haven't stolen or you don't steal." That is not democi We are not in this party for power, are not in this party for self-enrichn The men elected to our National Execi Committee, the men elected to our gress, the men elected to our State L lature, the men that we elect to be ma or councilmen, the men that we elec dog catchers or the men that we elec local Secretaries, all serve the part; their various capacities and they do solutely nothing more, and the more have of active, competent men in all p ble fields of usefulness, the better for Socialist party. You speak about the pi of these men. What about the powe the party press? How about our newsp editors, Comrade Hickey? As oppose this proposition, why not adopt the that no editor of a Socialist party pi the man who has power to mold the < ion of delegates, should ever be a dele to a National Convention. DEL. HICKEY: I wish to say th accept that. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I accept proposition. (Cries of "Vote, vote.") THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Besse you are out of order. DEL. BESSEMER: I simply rise foi purpose of accepting the proposition i wants to make it. THE CHAIRMAN: The matter b< the house is this amendment. THE SECRETARY: The amendmei! offered by Bessemer of Ohio. "Perj who have been elected to or who hold j lie offices shall not be eligible." The motion of Comrade Bessemer j lost. DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I mov incorporate into that section a provj suggested by Comrade Hillquit bai from membership in the convention i tors of Socialist newspapers. THE CHAIRMAN: I shall rule yod of order. Del. Hillquit's opinions onj question are not pertinent to this sect This section does not refer to the qj fications of delegates to the National 1 venfion. That question is covered bjl other section. Section 2 was then adopted as read The Secretary then read Section i Article IV. DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I move to si out from the fourth line all that foil the word "held." I want to strike outi words 'in which years it shall holcu session in conjunction with the con) tion." I do not believe in having two] ganizations assembled at the same J when it appears that they will prott conflict. I am not in favor of holdla National Committee meeting in the ] in which the National Convention is 1 We can slip that year. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I second) amendment. \ MOx^NING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 THE SECRETARY: Delegate Barnes moves to make Article IV, Section 3, read: "The National Committee shall meet in regular session on the first Sunday after the first Monday in May in each year, ex- cept in years when National Conventions of the party are to be held." DEL. BARNES: That would mean that in that year they would not hold any an- nual meeting. I contend that it would not result well for the National Commit- tee to meet in conjunction with the Na- tional Convention. They would conflict. When the convention is in session we do not need a meeting of the National Com- mittee. The National Convention can take care of all questions. DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): Comrade Barnes' proposition would be a very wise one if the National Committee were not charge . with certain specific duties, which duties it must perform annually, such as the el€ tion of an Executive Committee, of a Secrt ary, of a Woman's Committee and the Secretary of that committee. The Na- tional Committee also has to render a re- port to the National Convention. The mem- bers of the National Committee will in all likelihood also be delegates to the conven- tion. The only result then will be that a small portion of the National Committee- men who are not delegates to the conven- tion will come to that meeting. There can be no conflict since the National Conven- tion is always supreme. On the other hand we can not do away with the com- mittee for the reason that it has impor- tant specific functions to perform. DEL. BARNES: May I ask a question? Does the phrase "in conjunction" mean to- gether? DEL. HILLQUIT: It means at the same time. We state that it shall be held at definite times except in convention years when it shall hold its session in ^conjunc- tion with, or at the same time with the^ convention. DEL. BARNES: Not meet together. With this construction the point in my amendment is gone, and therefore with the consent of my second I withdraw my mo- tion. Section 3 was then adopted as read. Section 4, Article IV, was then read and adopted. Section 5, Article IV, was then .read. DEL. KOOP: I move to insert $4 in place of $2.50 in Section 5. DEL. BROWN (Wash): I move to amend by making it read "The members of the National Committee attending the meetings, and the delegates to the regu- lar National Convention shall be paid from the Treasury their railroad fares and $2.50 per day to cover expenses, but such pay and railroad fares shall not be paid until the committee meeting or the convention has adjourned." The motion was seconded. THE CHAIRMAN: We have a separate clause on conventions. Suppose you just make your motion to refer to the members of the National Committee because under the head of the convention there is a clause that the delegate shall be paid on the same basis as members attending the National Committee meeting. DEL. BROWN: Does that appear later on? DEL. KOOP: I had a motion. THE CHAIRMAN: Was Comrade Koop's amendment seconded? DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): The point will be raised that we have consumed more than four hours on this report. We shall then have to amend the rules in order to con- tinue, and I should like to present this mCvion first: That the Secretary read the report now entirely through; second, that we debate for one hour thereafter; that at the end of that hour we vote on the propo- sition. THE CHAIRMAN: Your amendment is not in order at this time. It relates to the rules of the National Convention. We are discussing this section. DEL. EDWARDS: My motion refers to the whole matter before the house. THE CHAIRMAN: You are right. The Secretary will read the motion. The motion of Comrade Edwards >was read by the Secretary. DEL. EDWARDS: Many points that have been raised have been decided in favor of the committee by their pointing out that those very points have been covered in other paragraphs of the proposed consti- tution. It is apparent that at least a ma- jority of us have not read this report through. I happen to have read it through, so I am not pleading laziness on my own part. An alternate section to any one of these sections may be presented to go along with the referendum by one-fourth of the delegates. In the hour that I sug- gest it would be possible to present many amendments on all important points as we read through the propositions. And finally it has all got to be submitted to a refer- endum vote at the end. Therefore I be- lieve we will get all the important objec- tions and features brought out in our de- bate and we will be able to go on and do the rest of our business. I submit this as a last point, that already the delegates have begun to go home and many of us are extremely desirous of getting away to- night and therefore if we are going to do much important business that is before us this will be as good a method of at- tending to this matter as we can devise in the short time at our disposal. The motion of Delegate Edwards was carried. DEL. HILLQUIT: Questions are being asked on the floor as to whether amend- ments can be offered while the reading proceeds. My understanding was the con- stitution was to be read through, (hen amendments were to be offered and at the end of an hour's discussion the whole mat- ter was to be disposed of. DEL. STRICKLAND: The Secretary wishes to state that his understanding of the motion is that the clerk sJhall read the remaining portion, that at the end of the reading there will be discussion for an hour on any amendments offered and then the vote will be taken. DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish the Chairman would make a ruling so that afterwards the convention will know what powers it has. THE CHAIRMAN: As the only way to avoid a tangle I will rule as Comrade Hill- quit has suggested. The Secretary then proceeded to read the remaining sections of the constitution. Before the reading of Section 2, of Arti- cle V, Delegate Hillquit said: DEL. HILLQUIT: The next section is It should read: "The shall elect an Execu- tive members and a Committee of sevon members; no two members of either of these committees shall be from the same state." At the conclusion of the reading the com- mittee made the following explanation: not properly printed. National Committee tive Committee of Woman's National 1 j4 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION DEL. HILLQUIT: We have made no recommendation as to party press, or for- eign-speaking organizations because there are special committees on those matters. As to the foreign speaking matters, this committee has adopted the report of that committee, and the recommendations will be included in the constitution. I don't suppose another reading of that is desired. There has also been submitted a resolu- tion providing for nominations for Presi- dent and Vice President by a general ref- erendum of the party. Your committee has not passed upon the subject and has no recommendation to offer. It has drafted an amendment which embodies the idea so that if it is desired by the convention to adopt the principle suggested the commit- tee recommends that it be adopted in the form to be read before you. The commit- tee itself is not opposed to it or favoring it; it is not passing upon it one way or the other. It has decided to submit it to you as a subject worthy of consideration by this body. Comrade Strickland will please read this proposed amendment. The Secretary then read the proposed Section 9, of Article IX, action on which was taken at the afternoon session, which will be found in the report of that session. At the conclusion of the reading, Dele- gate Strickland moved that only such sec- tions of the constitution be read a second time as were requested by the delegates. Adopted. DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.): I want to ask whether this was the intention of the com- mittee, as to Section 4, Article 6: It says that the National Committee shall meet at headquarters. Does that mean that the committee shall meet at headquarters in Chicago although the National Convention may meet in some other city? Is it the intention that the National Committee shall go to one city and the National Convention may go to another city. That will be the case unless the National Convention meets where the National headquarters are. DEL. HILLQUIT: I think the Section may be misinterpreted, and I suggest that we cure it by saying "Except in conven- tion years when it shall meet at the same time and place as the National Conven- tion." DEL. GOAZIOU: Then you will have to change this. DEL. HILLQUIT: The wording can be changed to meet that situation. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. T.): I move to amend Article 5, Section 1, clause d, by striking out the word "require" and insert- ing the word "request," so that it will read "such States and Territories as may re- quest interference on the part of the Na- tional organization." My motion is to leave that question to the State to say whether they wish such interference on the part of the National organization. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont): I move that we first receive notices of desire to amend; that a record of these requests to amend be made by the clerk in the order of the Articles to be amended, and that all these proposed amendments be received before discussion begins, and then be taken up in the order in which they are proposed. THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no ob- jection, the Chair will so rule. DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): I would like to propose in addition to that, that they be handed in in writing. THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec- tion, the Chair will rule that we proceed along the line suggested by Comrade Dun- can. A DELEGATE: Do I understand the ruling to be that the Chair will now calif for any and all amendments to Article 5, and when we are through with that, for amendments to Article 6, and so on? THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will read off simply the numbers, the number of the Article first, and the numbers of the Sections as they follow, and any one having an amendment to present will pre- sent it. AMENDMENTS PROPOSED. ARTICLE V. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I have two amendments to Article V. In Sec. 1, clause (d), strike out the word "require" and insert in place thereof the word "request." In Sec. 12, after the words, "no more than one hundred dollars," insert the words "at one time." DEL. BURKLE (N. Y.): In Article V, ' Sec. 12, I move to substitute $300 for $100. 3 DEL. ROSETTE (Md.): I move to add a new section at the end of the article, as follows: Sec. 13. The National Committee shall publish a monthly bulletin of Socialist information, which shall contain such in- formation as may be of interest to Social- ists. The bulletin shall be sold by sub- scription, and its scope increased in pro- portion to the income from subscriptions. The National Committee shall maintain, in connection with the National Bulletin, a Bureau of Information which shall, on request furnish party members such in- formation as they may need in the furth- erance of Socialist propaganda. THE CHAIRMAN: All of this belongs to ARTICLE VII. DEL. GARVEY: I want information on ART. IX, Sec. 4. DEL. MERRICK: I move that we take them up in regular order. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair, if you re- call, tried to rule that we take them up in regular Torder. The Chair will now rule that the read- ing clerk will call off the numbers on the Constitution, and those who have amend- ments will make them before we go on. ARTICLE V is under consideration. DEL. MERRICK: I move to amend Sec. 2 of ART. V by striking out the word "five" and inserting the word "seven," so that the National Executive Committee shall be composed of seven members in- stead of five. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move an addition to Sec. 6, to read as follows: Persons holding elective political positions shall not be eligible to membership on the' National Committee, National Executive Committee, employee of the National Office, Organizer, or delegate to the National Convention. This will be Clause 2. THE CHAIRMAN: That amendment is out of order. It has been acted upon. DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I offer as an addition to Sec. 2: All members of the Executive Committee shall make their res- idences in the city where the National Headquarters are located. DEL. OYLER (Neb.): I wish to intro- duce Sec. 13: That the National Committee shall have power to publish a Party news- paper or newspapers. DEL. GRANT (Minn.): I wish to have inserted in Sec. (e), following the end of the fourth line: A press service that will furnish patent and plate matter for So- cialist papers. DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): The National Committee shall not publish nor delegate any official organ. V MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 155 3EL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to amend j. 12 by striking out the words: "No re than one hundred dollars shall be ap- priated to any organization other than a ^division of the party." ARTICLE VI. Sec. 1. No amendments. Sec. 2. Del. Merrick moved to add at end of Sec. 2: "And a stenographic ort of all discussions taking place in Committee shall be kept for reference the National Committee." Sec. 3. No. amendment. Sec. 4. No amendment. ARTICLE VII. Sec. 1. Del. Floyd moved to amend Sec. by strikin r out $1,500 and substituting 200. Sec. 2. N» amendment. 3ec. 3. Nc amendment. ARTICLE VIII. 3ec. 1. Stands. 3ec. 2. Stands. Sec. 3. Del. Merrick of Pennsylvania )ved to strike out the last sentence and sert instead the following: They shall ;ct a chairman of the group who shall t under instructions of the National Com- ttee on all matters. DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to amend c. 2 by adding: "Or by general refer- dum of the Party." ARTICLE IX. Bee. 1. Del. Zitt moved to amend Art. by striking out Sections 1 and 3. Sec. 2. Del. Barker of Oklahoma moved amend by inserting the word "majority" fore "general vote" in the second line. Sec. 3. Motion to strike out. Sec. 4. Del. Krafft, of New Jersey, asked r information from the Committee on e computation of the delegates. THE CHAIRMAN (HILLQUIT): It shall composed of 300 delegates, one from ch State and Territory, and the remain- r in proportion to the average national es paid. Assume that we have a mem- rship of 200,000. Let us assume that ere are 50 organized states. That will take /ay 50 delegates, at one for each state, d leave 250 to be elected on a basis of e delegate for every 800 members. Let say the state of New York has 8,000 embers, that will mean ten delegates in Idition to the one which it gets at large. ien, of course, the question of fractions ay come in. There is but one way to Cset that, and that is to recognize the rgest fractions in number. Sec. 4. Del. Solomon of New York oved to amend Section 4 by changing the ords "two years" in the last line, to hree years." Del. Zitt moved to add to Section 4, or (rhaps make it a new section, the fol- wing: Persons holding elective political (sitions, and all employees of the party ith salary attached, shall be ineligible serve as delegates to National Conven- ons. Sec. 5. DEL. BOSTROM of Washing- n moved to amend Sec. 5 so as to read: ailroad fare, including tourist sleeper. I ant that specified, so that delegates may low what to expect. Sec. 7. DEL. SLOBODIN: I moved to sert in the second sentence of the sec- id paragraph the words "at the time of s nomination." I want to do away with trpenters and shoemakers in the party ho haven't done a day's work for twenty Bars. Sec. 8 Stands. "ARTICLE X. Sec. 1. Stands. Sec. 2. Stands. Sec. 3. Del. K. Sadler of Washington moved to amend Sec. 3 by adding at the very end the words: To do otherwise will constitute party treason, and result in ex- pulsion from the party. DEL. DUNCAN moved to amend Sec. 3 by striking out, in the next to the last line on the second paragraph, the words "endorsed or recommended." DEL. M'FALL of New Hampshire moved to amend Sec. 2 by striking out the last sentence, beginning "When the member- ship." Sec. 4. DEL. WELLS of California moved to amend Sec. 4 by adding, after the end of the 6th line, reading "affairs within such state or territory," the words "Provided such propaganda is in harmony with the national platform and declared policy of the Party." Sec. 5. DEL. SMITH (Mont.): I wish to offer an amendment to Sec. 5, in writ- ing, which I will ask the reading clerk to read. DEL. WELLS (Wash.): I move to strike out the word "five" and insert the word "three or two," and add "This pro- vision to take effect on January 1, 1913." DEL. SMITH'S amendment to Sec. 5 was read, as follows: During the months of January and July in each i year, or at any other time re- quired by the National Executive Com- mittee or by this Constitution, State Sec- retaries shall furnish to the National Sec- retary a list of all locals affiliated with their respective state organizations, to- gether with the number of members in good standing in each local. Refusal, fail- ure or neglect to comply with this section shall subject the state organization to sus- pension from the Socialist party and de- prive such state organization from partici- pating in the affairs of the Socialist party, and shall be a forfeiture of the right of representation in the National Committee, the National Executive or the conventions or congresses of the party. Sec. 6. DEL. NOBLE of Texas moved to amend Sec. 6 to read two cents instead of five for each member in good standing. DEL. HOOGERHYDE of Michigan moved to add Sec. 6: And only due stamps is- sued by the National Committee and af- fixed to members' due cards shall be re- ceived for payment of said dues. DEL. BOSTROM moved to strike out the whole section. Sec. 7. DEL. MERRICK of Pennsylva- nia moved to strike out the last sentence of the first paragraph, beginning "In cases where husband and wife are both party members " DEL. BROWN (Ohio): I move to amend Sec. 7 by adding the words: Also women who are in receipt of income may be allowed to receive exempt due stamps. DEL. GRANT (Minn.): In the line im- mediately following "exempt stamps," add "Excepting those issued to wives of com- rades." DEL. WAYNICK (Wash.): In the fifth line after the words '^within his control," I wish to insert "Such exempt stamps to bear no designation or mark, distinguish- ing them from the regular due stamps of the Party." Sec. 8. DEL. DORFMAN (Ore.): I move to substitute the word "recall" for "im- perative mandate." DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): A number of the Ohio comrades wish to go on rec- ord as moving to strike out the entire Section 7. We want to be so recorded. 156 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Sec. 9. DEL. BENTALL of Illinois de- sires to amend the close of the first para- graph, making it read as follows: No per- son shall be nominated or endorsed by any subdivision of the Party, or candidate for public office, unless he is a member of the Party and has been such for at least two consecutive years immediately preceding such nomination. DEL. KILLINGBECK of New Jersey moved to strike out the last sentence of Sec. 9, beginning "But this provision shall not apply to organizations which have been in existence for less than a year." DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I make an amendment to the amendment, by making it three years instead of one, in the last line. Sec. 8. DEL. GARVER of Missouri moved to add to Sec. 8: "Failure to do so shall give the National Party jurisdic- tion." DEL. ZITT moved to have the word "one" in the fourth line, where it says "at least one year," substituted by three. DEL. ALEXANDER of Texas moved to substitute for "one year," in the last line, "five consecutive years." Sec. 8. DEL. GARVER moved to strike it out. DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I would like to in- coporate as Article X, Section 11, the fol- lowing: "Branches may be organized to accommodate night workers, to be known as daylight branches." DEL. BESSEMER: I wish { 'to add a Section 11 to Article X: "State Secretaries shall report to the National Office every three months, the name and addresses of all local Secretaries in the state, together with the number of members in good standing in each." Sec. 1. ARTICLE XI. No amendment. ARTICLE XII. DEL. PREVEY of Ohio moves to amend by striking out "15,000 members" and in- serting "20,000." DEL. BOSTROM moves to amend the amendment by making it read "30,000" instead of 15,000. Amendment to strike out the words "And a per diem equal to the per diem fixed for national organizers and lecturers," at the top of page 14. ARTICLE XIII. DEL. BOSTROM of Washington moved to strike out the whole of Article XIII. Sec. 1. Stands. Sec. 2. Stands. Sec. 3. Stands. Sec. 4. Stands. ARTICLE XIV. Sec. 1. Stands. ARTICLE XV. Sec. 1. DEL. ZITT moved to amend by striking out the words "National Commit- tee in session" in the two places where it occurs, in Sec. 1. Sec. 2. Stands. DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to offer a now section, Section 3, at the end of Arti- cle XV: "Referendums to evoke or amend a provision of this Constitution may be instituted only one year after the adoption of said provision." ARTICLE XVI. Sec. 1. Stands. Sec. 2. Stands. MINORITY REPORT. Substitute for Article V, Section 8. Sec. 8. No amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: Under the mc which was adopted we have less twenty minutes to discuss and adopt t amendments. A DELEGATE: I move that these am ments be taken up and adopted or jected without discussion. The Indiana delegation handed in a section for Article XVI, that the Natt organization copyright the emblem. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): If this is time to do it, I want to move that National emblem shall be the arm and torch. THE CHAIRMAN: Unless the ami ment is properly and offered as a pax* the Constitution, I shall have to rul out of order. DEL. BESSEMER moved to adjourn til 1:30. THE CHAIRMAN: To do that, we W} have to suspend the rules. Motion was made to suspend the n and another motion to table the motioi suspend he rules, which was put and clared carried. THE CHAIRMAN: We will now proj to take up the amendments seriatim* vote upon them. THE SECRETARY: Under Article? Section 12, the first amendment I haw by Burkle of New York, to substitute ! in place of one hundred. The motion was put and declared lost Clifford of Ohio offers an amendment Article V, Section 12, by cutting out] sentence beginning: "No more than hundred dollars" to the end of the sect Motion duly put, and defeated. Amendment to Article V, Section 2, Del. Merrick, by striking out five ana serting seven, was put and declared loi Amendment of Ohsol, to Section 2, nut, and declared lost. Amendment of Grant, to Section 6, feated. Amendment of Grant in regard to it taining a press service that will fuij plate and patent matter to Socialist pers, was put and declared carried. THE SECRETARY: There are two sections proposed, to be known as Sec 13. Both being in regard to Party Pi upon motion, duly seconded, action i them was deferred until we have thd port of the Committee on Press. The Minority Report on the amends to Section 8 of Article V was put and clared lost. Division was called for, i the Minority Report was defeated b] vote of 98 to 118. The Secretary read the amendment fered by Del. Slobodin of New York Section 12, of Article V, that to inser| words "at one session" after the W] "one hundred dollars." The amend! was lost. The Secretary next read an amends offered by Del. Slobodin to amend Ja graph (d), of Section 1, of Article Vj striking out the word "require" and in* ing the word "request." Amendment lost. The convention then proceeded to j sider Article VI. The Secretary read an amendment Section 2, offered by Del. Merrick of Pj sylvania, to add to the Section the foD ing: "A stenographic report of all difl sions taking place in the Committee I be kept for the information of the Natl Committee." MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 15* amendment was adopted by a vot« to 93. cle VII was next taken up and con- d. Secretary read an amendment to n 1, offered by Del. Downing of Cali- to strike out "$1,500" and insert 0." amendment was lost. Rosette of Maryland moved to add i section to be known as Section 4, lows: "The Executive Secretary shall h a monthly bulletin of Socialist in- tion, which shall contain such infor- n on industrial, civic, historical and matters as may be of interest to ists. The Bulletin shall be sold by ription, and its scope increased in rtion to the income from subscrip- The Executive Secretary shall main- in connection with the Bulletin, a u of infoi nation which shall, on re- furnish arty members such infor- jn as they may need in the further- of Socialise propaganda." motion of Del. O'Reilly of Illinois amendment was deferred until the Committee should report, endments to Article VIII were then up. The Secretary read an amend- offered by Del. Merrick of Pennsyl- to strike out the last sentence of »n 3, beginning "They shall elect a nan of the group," etc., and to in- 'they shall elect a chairman of the and shall act under instructions by the National Committee on all rs." endment lost. Secretary next read an amendment ction 2, offered by Del. Bessemer of that the section be made to read as 7s: "They shall carry out instruc- which may be given to them by Na- Conventions, by the National Com- e in session, or by a general refer- n vote of the party." i amendment was adopted, icle IX was next taken up. Zitt (Ohio) offered an amendment ;rike out Section 1 and Section 3, of which provide for the holding of nal Conventions, endment lost. amendment was offered by Del. Par- Okla.), as follows: In Section 2 in- 'majority" before "general," so that 11 read, "at any time if decided upon majority general vote." » amendment was lost. L. SOLOMON (N. Y.) "offered an dment to Section 4, to strike out and insert "three," so that the last e of the section should read, "and have been a member of the party or- ation at least three years." ? amendment was adopted. Zitt of Ohio offered the following ion to Section 4: "Persons holding ve political positions, and all salaried Dyes of the party, shall be ineligible rve as delegates to National Conven- »» lendment lost. tion 5, of Article IX, as originally ted by the committee, was read. L. HILLQUIT: That was corrected !ie committee to read, "Railroad fare legates going to and j coming from the mtions of the party, (and the per diem ance of $2.50 to cover expenses," etc. iL. BOSTROM (Wash.) moved to d by adding after "railroad fare" the s "including ^ourist sleeper car fare." L. KILLINGBECK (N. J.) moved to lie amendment on the table. At the request of Del. Kate Sadler of Washington, the Chairman explained the difference between tourist sleepers and regular Pullman sleepers. The amendment was then adopted. A motion was carried to continue in ses- sion until the report of the Committee on Constitution was finished, and then to ad- journ for one hour. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) offered the fol- lowing amendment to Section 7 of Article IX: That the second sentence be changed so as to read "Such list shall contain the occupation of each delegate at the time of his nomination." Amendment adopted. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved to strike out the first eight lines of the second para- graph, being that portion beginning "The Executive Secretary" and ending "and fur- nished to the party press for publication." Amendment lost. The Secretary read the following section, formulated by the Committee on Constitu- tion as Section 9 of Article IX, a new sec- tion not in the printed report of the com- mittee: Sec. 9. On the first day of November in each year preceding a presidential election, the national office shall issue a call for nominations for candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States, and each local shall be entitled to nominate one candidate for each office. Thirty days shall be allow.ed for nominations, and fif- teen days for '^acceptances and declinations by candidates who have received at least five nominations. The names of candidates having received five or more nominations and having accepted the same shall im- mediately be published for seconds, each local being entitled to second the nomina- tion of one candidate for President and one for Vice-President. All candidates receiv- ing at least 50 seconds to the nomination, including the nominations each may have received in the first instance, shall be placed on the referendum ballot. The ref- erendum shall be submitted on February 1st. Fifty days shall be allowed for the referendum. The candidate receiving a majority of all the votes cast shall be the nominee. In case no candidate receives the majority, a second referendum shall be held, upon the ballot for which shall appear the names of all candidates receiv- ing as high as ten per cent of the vote cast in the preceding referendum. The second referendum shall be submitted fif- teen days after the close of the first ref- erendum, and shall be closed in fifty days from the date of submission. In case no candidate receives a majority pf all the votes cast in the second referendum the names of the two highest shall be placed on the ballot for a third referendum, which shall be submitted fifteen days after the close of the second, and such third refer- endum shall close fifty days from the date of submission. The candidates thus nomi- nated shall be the nominees of the Social- ist party, and their names shall be placed upon the ballots in presidential primary elections in all states where such primary elections are mandatory. No member of the party shall allow his name to be placed on such primary ballots if he is not the regular nominee of the party. All candi- dates for Presidentail or Vice-Presidential nomination by the Socialist party shall possess the qualifications required by the Constitution of the United States for President and Vice-President, and in addi- tion thereto shall have been members of the party at least eight years." DEL. TAYLOR (111.): A point of infor- mation. I wish to ask the chairman of this NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION committee, If In figuring the time for this referendum, he has considered that the Presidential primary in certain states oc- curs the first Tuesday after the first Mon- day in April, and if this method will give time enough. DEL. DUNCAN: It will not give time enough, because it takes six months. DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.):. I have an amendment to offer. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will have to rule that you cannot make an amend- ment and cannot discuss it. BjEL. ENDRES: I objecT to that ruling. THE CHAIRMAN: No amendments are in order. DEL. DUNCAN: What is the reason? DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move to recom- mit this to the committee. (Seconded.) DEL. HILLQUIT: This is not a com- mittee report. The committee has merely phrased it and formulated certain propo- sitions made by delegates. The committee does not stand for it, and there is no rea- son and no sense in referring it back ta the committee. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move that we place this amendment in the hands of the committee for revision and report. [(Sec- onded.) THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is in or- der if the mover insists. DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I move that we refer it to the new National Committee for favorable consideration so far as the principle is concerned. (Seconded.) DEL. HILLQUIT: I move to amencf by striking out the word "favorable." Let it be referred for consideration to the in- coming National Executive Committee. (Seconded.) The amendment was lost, and the origi- nal motion was then carried. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is car- ried, to reier it to the new National Com- mittee, which will meet some time next year, on or about the first of June. The convention then proceeded to the consideration of Article X. DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.) offered the following amendment: To add at the end of Section 3 the following words: "To do otherwise will constitute party treason and will result in expulsion from the party." The question was put on the amendment, and it was declared lost. A second vote was taken, and the amendment was adopt- ed. Section 4 was read. DEL. WELLS (Cal.) offered an amend- ment to add the following words to the section: "Provided such propaganda is in harmony with the national platform and declared policy." Amendment adopted. Section 5 was next read. DEL. SMITH (Mont.) moved to amend by adding the following to the section: "During the months of January and July of each year, or at any other time required by the National Executive Committee or by this constitution, the State Secretaries shall furnish the National Secretary a list of all locals affiliated with their respective state organizations, together with the num- ber of members in good standing, and the name and address of the corresponding secretary of each local. Refusal, failure or neglect to comply with this section shall subject the state organization to suspen- sion from the Socialist party and deprive such state organization of participation in the affairs of the Socialist party, and shall be a forfeiture of the right to representa- tion in the National Committee, the Na- tional Executive Committee, the conv*| tions and congresses of the party." Amendment adopted. Section 6 read by the Secretary. DEL. HOOGERHYDE (Mich.) moved amend by addition the following: "A| only dues stamps issued by the Nation Committee shall be affixed to member dues cards as valid receipts for the pa) ment of dues." Amendment adopted. DEL. WELLS (Wash.) moved to amei Section 5 by striking out "five cents" al inserting "three cents," and to add the fo lowing to the section: "To take effe January 1, 1913." Amendment lost. DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) moved to am< the same section by substituting "t#j cents" for "five cents." Amendment lost. Section 7 was read. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved t Strike out the entire section. Amendment lost. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.) moved to strif jut the last sentence in the second pari graph, referring to exemption stamps I be used by husband or wife. Amendment lost. DEL. BROWN (Iowa) moved to add tl ollowing to the section: "Also women w| ire not in receipt of incomes may be a! owed to receive the special exemj tamps." Amendment lost. DEL. GRANT (Minn.) moved an amen nent that immediately following the word 'exempt stamps" in the eighth line of th first paragraph the following words 1 added: "Excepting those issued to th *vives of comrades." Amendment lost. DEL. WAYNICK (Wash.) moved tha >fter the word "control" in the fifth lir ■>f the first paragraph of Section 7, th ollowing be inserted: "Such exempt stamp o bear no designation or marks distir jguishing them from the regular due tamps of the party." Amendment lost. Section 8 was read. DEL. DORFMAN (Ore.) moved to sul titute "recall' for "imperative . mandate. Amendment lost. DEL. GARVER (Mo.) moved the fo! "Vwing addition: "Failure to do so sha! ?ive the national party jurisdiction." Amendment lost. Section 9 was read. DEL. BENT ALL (111.) moved to amen »y striking out "one" and inserting "two. Amendment adopted. DEL. KILLINGBECK (N. J.) moved t strike out the last sentence, reading "Bu this provision shall not apply to organ: zations which have been in existence fc ess than one year/ r Amendment lost. DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.) moved to amen by making the time three years. Amendment lost. DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.) moved t nake the time five years. Amendment lost. Section 10 was* read. DEL. GARVER (Mo.) moved to strlh out the section altogether. Amendment lost. DEL TUCK (Cal.) moved to add the fol lowing new section: "Branches may b organized to accommodate night worh ers, such branches to be known as das light branches." Amendment lost. MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 \ DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved the ad- tion of a new section to be known as action 11, as follows: "State Secretaries lall report to the national office every iree months the names and addrsses of 11 members in good standing in ^ach." Amendment lost. Article XII was read. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.) moved to strike, fter the word "delegates," the words "and per diem equal to the per diem fixed for ational organizers and lecturers." Amendment lost. DEL. PREVEY (Ohio) moved to strike at "fifteen thousand" and insert "twenty lousand members." Amendment adopted. DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved to make le number "thirty thousand" instead of fifteen thousa/ d." Amendment )st. Article XIII was read. An amendmei. ; was offered to strike out he entire article. DEL. MALEY (Wash.) moved to defer tion till after the report of the Wom- n's National Committee is received. Motion to defer lost. A vote was taken on the amendment, nd it was defeated. Article XIV was read. DEL. ZITT (Ohio) moved to strike out 11 reference to the National Committee in ession, where it occurs. Amendment lost. DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) offered the llowing as an addition to the article, to e known as Section 3: "Referendums to evoke or amend the provisions of this onstitution may be instituted only one ear after the adoption of such provi- ions." Amendment adopted. Article ,XVI. The Indiana delegation submitted a new section, to be known as Section 3, as follows: "In order to pre- vent the misuse of the party name by par- ties calling themselves Socialists, but who are not members of the party, the name 'Socialist Party of the United States' shall be copyrighted." Amendment lost. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) moved the ad- dition of the following- hew section: "The national emblem of the party shall be the arm and torch." Amendment lost. DEL. McFALL (N. Y.) moved to strike out the last sentence in Section 2 of Article X, which provides for revoking the charter of a state when the membership falls be- low 150 per month for any six consecutive months. Amendment lost. DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio) then moved the adoption of the Constitution as a whole, with the exception of the points deferred. (Seconded.) The motion was carried, and the Consti- tution was adopted as a whole, with the exception of the points deferred. DEL. SPARGO moved to change the or- der of the day and take up the report of the Committee on Immigration this after- noon. The Chairman held that the motion could not be entertained, under the rules. TELEGRAM FROM COMRADE DEBS. The Secretary read a telegram from Com- rade Eugene V. Debs, accepting the nomi- nation for President. The convention then, at 1:45 p. m., ad- journed for one hour. AFTERNOON SESSION. Chairman Goebel called the convention o order at 2:45 p. m. CONSTITUTION. DEL. KATE SADLER: At the preced- ng session I offered a new section to be dded to the Constitution, but it was not cted on. It was just an omission, that [s all.' THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec- ion we will put it to a vote. The Consti- ution has been adopted as a whole. Is here any objection to reading this sec- ion? There is none, and we will read it ind put it to a vote now. The Secretary read the following: A lew section to be added to the Constitu- ion, offered by Del. Kate Sadler of Wash- ngton: "That the National Executive Com- nittee shall print a specific statement in he Bulletin of all moneys expended for >rinting leaflets and books, and the names f the same and their authors." The amendment was adopted. DEL. ZITT (Ohio) : I rise to a point of nformation. I would like to know if the )ld Constitution will be submitted to ref- jrendum along with the new. THE CHAIRMAN: No, it will not. The Secretary read an amendment of- 'ered by Del. Meitzen of Texas, provid- ng that members of the National Com- mittee shall not hold office for more than two consecutive terms. The amendment was lost. COMPENSATION. DEL. WHITE (Mass.) moved that the Secretary and Assistant Secretaries be re- munerated at the rate of $4.00 per diem for the days of the convention. The motion was seconded and carried. On motion of Del. Patterson (Ohio), the sergeants-at-arms were included in the same motion. REPORT OP WOMAN'S COMMITTEE. DEL. LOWE (111.), of the Woman's Na- tional Committee, made the following re- port on behalf of the committee: DEL. LOWE: Our report this after- noon will be made just as brief as pos- sible, and I think it will arouse no dis- cussion and in that way we can dispose of this in just a few minutes, I believe. I want to say first that I shall report to you the work that we have accom- plished during the past two years, the result of the work of the Woman's Com- mittee. Comrade May Wood Simons will present to you the recommendations for the coming year. We believe that it is necessary that the delegates to this con- vention carry home with them some re- port of the work that we have done, and it has been proved to us that that is necessary because of the motions made by our comrade from Washington this morning. When I asked him whether or not he had read the report which has been in your hands since last Sunday, he admitted he had not, and I will ven- ture to say that many of you have not. He said to me, "I don't believe in this NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION aggregation of women." I said, "Neither do we. That is the thing we are fighting. The thing that we want is getting the women right into the Socialist party lo- cals side by side with the men." (Ap- plause.) We do not want separate organi- zations of women. The Socialist party would have no more control over sepa- rate organizations of women than it would have over separate organizations of men, none whatever. We simply want to have the women members of your lo- cals elected by you to a woman's com- mittee, whose special duty it is to carry on the propaganda work, the educational work among the wives and the daughters of the members of the locals, and the women who are sympathizers and inter- ested in the movement. That is the pur- pose of our organization; and, working along those lines, on broad general plans, during the latter part of 1910 and 1911, we have accomplished this, and I shall read this to you.* RECOMMENDATIONS. THE CHAIRMAN: Vice-Chairman Com- rade Simons will now read the recom- mendations of the National Woman s Committee. DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS: The Na- tional Woman's Committee wishes to put these recommendations before you for your consideration. Two years ago, when the national conference was held, vari- ous women in various parts of the coun try were appointed by the National Wo- man's Committee to make a special study of various phases of propaganda as it affects women, and these women have, with only one exception, reported to the National Woman's Committee, and it is their recommendations as finally worked over by the National Woman's Committee that are being presented to you today. Our first recommendation is upon the propaganda among housewives: RECOMMENDATION ON PROPAGANDA AMONG HOUSEWIVES. The committee recognizes: 1. The ne- cessity of bringing the message of So- cialism to the housewives of the nation. 2. That the first duty of the housewife, while her children are young, is toward these children, her husand and her home. 3. That owing to this fact, agitation is particularly difficult because' housewives who are tied to their homes cannot go to meetings and do not even care to do so. Therefore, the committee recognizes that these housewives can be reached chiefly by means of literature, which must be simple and short, and prove to the housewife that the salvation of her family lies in the direction of Socialism; and The committee recommends that liter- ature appealing to the housewife should take the home as the starting point and prove that capitalism destroys the home, and that Socialism will rebuild the same on a more substantial basis by making both men and women economically inde- pendent. The committee finally suggests that the literary propaganda be supplemented by individual work by Socialist men and women in the homes and in social gath- erings of non-Socialist women, especially of the women of the working class. RECOMMENDATION ON PROPAGANDA AMONG FARMERS' WIVES. In view of the fact, that the woman on the farm is the most isolated of any so- cial group, she is less conscious of hei social interdependence. We recommend that all literature cir- culated in this group be of such nature as to point out clearly the exploitation * of her individual industry and the rapid centralization of the farm and its prod- ucts into the hands of a few. We further recommend that a sys- tematic canvass be made for the names of farmers' wives and that this list be used in the systematic distribution of such literature as will appeal to her. RECOMMENDATION ON WORK AMONG FOREIGN SPEAKING WOMEN. Women of the working class who come to our shores from other countries may be classified into two general divisions: Socialists and Non-Socialists. This naturally divides the work of this department into two general heads: 1. Work among foreign speaking wo- " men who are already Socialists. This work consists in educating and informing them as to our political methods and the ^ importance of Suffrage for Woman. The propaganda for woman's ballot will not only be helpful to women, but it will also inspire the women to urge their men rela- . fives to become citizens as soon as pos- sible. Plan of Work: We recommend a leaflet explaining the ! ballot as a factor in securing political ij power for the working class, and the im- ] portance of the right of suffrage and the necessity of taking an active part in the campaigns for the extension of franchised rights. 2. That we request all translators to I give out all our plans of work and sug- gestions to the locals and branches, and ' as far as possible translate our leaflets. 3. That they in turn give us an English translation of all plans and methods em- ployed in their work among women. WORK AMONG NON-SOCIALIST FOR- EIGN SPEAKING WOMEN. The foreign speaking woman must be reached with our propaganda. This is important, not only for her own sake, but because of the influence she exerts in her •own home. Plan of Work:— 1. We recommend a series of articles explaining why the foreigner does notf find the opportunity and liberty in this country he had anticipated, and show how the workers have the same struggle in the United States as in other countries. 2. We recommend the publication of the list of foreign leaflets and periodicals and where they may be obtained, so our English speaking women may know where and what they can get to distribute among the foreign speaking women. 3. We recommend the distribution of leaflets dealing with the conditions the foreigner will find in this country and giving information concerning the Social- ist party and its work in foreign ports among the people embarking for Amer- ica. This will necessitate the co-opera- tion with our comrades in other lands, and give us some definite work in estab- lishing a closer international bond of ac- tivity. 4. We recommend that special effort be made to organize the foreign speaking women on the economic field where they are employed in the industrial world, and ♦The Report is printed, in full in Appen- dix I. " v ; AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 161 i t all leaflets printed in English on this >ject relative to the importance of men organizing in unions, be translated 1 distriouted among the people where y are needod. )EL. SIMONS: The next recommenda- i is on the Teachers' Section. The rea- we have brought this in is because far the work of the Teachers' Bureau been handled by the National office. a recommendation is as follows: RECOMMENDATION. Establishment of Municipal Bureau. (Teachers.) 'here is a rapidly /rowing demand upon part of the new} r elected officials for ormation upon thj municipal problems ,t confront them. At the present time ire is no provision in the National Of- for supplying this demand. The pres- Teachers' Bureau, which has been in stence eight months, is attempting to swer but one of the municipal prob- is which our officials must £ace. TVe believe that this department in the tional Office should be enlarged into a h nicipal Bureau, having for its purpose i securing of information upon all mu- rtpal problems. CVe therefore recommend that this be DEL. SIMONS: Our next recommenda- n is on the question of the suffrage, d I consider that to some extent this one of the most important recommen- tions we have to make before you to- . I am at present living in the state Kansas. This fall we shall have the stion of the suffrage before the peo- i of the state of Kansas, and there is tie doubt that it will be granted, and it full suffrage will belong to women that state. The same question is corn- s' before other states, and I consider it great importance, because my own per- lal experience has been, in these towns Kansas where women already have the micipal ballot, that the women need great deal of education. There is no ubt that women will have the ballot in very short time. It is also important cause we have not up to this time suffi- ntly extended our propaganda among )men. We find that the ballot will be pen to women, and then we will have a ry large task to educate them in the use the ballot. This is our recommenda- n: 'Whereas, Woman suffrage amendments 11 be submitted to the voters in Wis- hsin, Michigan, Kansas, Oregon and do, we earnestly urge upon the mem- rship in these states the importance of iking this a leading issue in this cam- ign. All speakers, literature agents, ganizers, canvassers, watchers and >rkers of all kinds should be instructed give this measure their especial atten- n.'" (Applause.) T want to say that I cannot tell you w serious I think this is, because we ve just closed a campaign in the town which I live, in which campaign the cialists were defeated because of the ct that we had not sufficiently educated e women how to use their ballots. I lieve that at this time this convention ould wake up to the fact that we are ing to have the vote very soon, and ur propaganda work among women ust be carried on with the greatest en- gy. (Applause.) The last recommendation of the Com- ittee is on the subject of White Slavery: Whereas, The houses of infamy which are protected by the capitalist govern- ments of the cities of the United States are not only destructive of the physical health and moral conscience of the peo- ple, but are the means of a most shame- ful slavery for young girls as well; and Whereas, It has been shown by official investigation that large numbers of young girls are taken into those places by lures, tricks, frauds and even by force. That the hunting, deluding, entrapping and capturing of working girls, solely for inmates of segregated districts of vice,, has become a regular established busi- ness followed by large numbers of men in the country. That while such business is forbidden by law, it is protected by the officials who, for the protection, share the profits. That while capitalist officials boast of standing for "law and order" and for making all things constitutional, they, at the same time, establish those districts where not only statutory law and the con- science of the land is broken, but every noble impulse of the human conscience is violated; and Whereas, The attempted hygienic value of such segregation and regulation has been shown a failure, the highest medi- cal authorities here and in Europe are condemning it in unstinted terms (As Dr. Prince A. Morrow of New York; Drs. Lesser, Neisser and Blascho of Germany; Drs. Mauriac aftd Fournier of France, and the highest medical authorities cf Eng- land and the Scandinavian countries); and Whereas, It is distinctively class ques- tion, as working girls form 99 per cent of the victims, and as the "segregating" consists in appointing an area in the very poorest districts of the city where the evil may go t>n with official help for keepers and procurers, thus becoming a constant menace to the poor who must live in such districts: their children, girls and boys alike early falling victims to this worst of capitalist protected vices; and Whereas, The men engaged in this traf- fic combine with big business for protec- tion, and big business protects them in turn for the votes fraudulent and other- wise that they give to the machine. There- fore be it Resolved, That we, the delegates of the National Socialist Party of America, in convention assembled, do hereby proclaim our unremitting hostility to such institu- tions; that we urge our members in all the cities of the land to make insistent and urgent protest against such segre- gation and despoliation of helpless wom- anhood; that we demand the enforce- ment of law; and further be it Resolved, That where Socialist admin- istrations be elected in cities they imme- diately abolish such districts, extend care and protection to the unhappy women in- mates, and prosecute vigorously all keep- ers, procurers and others engaged in this most infamous business; and further be it Resolved, That we use our power to se- cure legislation requiring physicians to report all cases of venereal diseases, and that a public record be kept of the same; and also make it a felony for any person not a regularly licensed physician, to treat such diseases. Resolved, That while we recognize that prostitution is a by-product of capitalism, we recommend this measure as one which will hamper the cadet in his right to take profits from the unfortunate woman, and to show our contempt for the miserable substitute for a home offered by the mas- ters to our workingmen; and we further / / 162 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. Recommend, That to the end that our and girls may be better able to pro- tect themselves, instruction in sex hygiene be carefully given in all public schools. The reading of the recommendations was received with great applause. DEL. SIMONS: I move that these rec- ommendations be accepted by* the conven- tion. (.Seconded.) DEL. MALKIEL (N. Y.) : I move that they be taken up and discussed seriatim, because there are a number of things that have to be discussed. (Seconded.) DEL. LONDON (N. Y.): I move as an amendment that the recommendations of the Woman's Commfttee be referred to the National Executive Committee. If that motion is seconded I will explain why I make that motion. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): A point of or- der. There is a motion made and prop- erly before the house, and this amend- ment has no relation whatever to the proposition before the house. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair would rule the motion out of order at this time. The amendment is before us. DEL. LONDON: Is the motion to refer out of order? THE CHAIRMAN: To the National Ex- ecutive Committee, yes. I believe this re- port is before the convention and should be acted on. DEL. LONDON: It is an amendment to the amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: An amendment to the amendment is in order. DEL. LONDON: That is what I made, an amendment to the amendment, in the nature of an amendment. THE CHAIRMAN: You made a motion to refer. That is not an amendment. DEL. LONDON: Then I make it as a substitute. THE CHAIRMAN: Substitutes have been ruled out of order under Robert's Rules of Order by this convention. DEL. LONDON: Not at all. THE CHAIRMAN: Let us understand the status of things. We' have had the report of the Woman's Committee. The Secretary will please state just how the things stand. SEC. REILLY: The motion is that the report and recommendations of the com- mittee be adopted. Amendment by Mal- kiel of New York, to take up the recom- mendations seriatim. THE CHAIRMAN: The question is on the amendment. The previous question was ordered. DEL. MALKIEL: I am speaking for the amendment: You are getting ready to go home, but don't forget that this mat- ter is more important and of greater sig- nificance than a good many if not most of the matters you have voted on up till now. You don't realize it. The woman's question is the greatest question that con- fronts the Socialist party. Within four or five years the United States will enfran- chise women in every single state. For the present it is the greatest question be- fore the Socialist movement in this coun- try, and if you do not realize it now you will later on when it will be entirely too late. I appeal to you, before you go, to give this consideration. There are a num- ber of recommendations made there. They are not made just for the purpose of corn- ins: here and presenting them to you. They are made for the purpose of your serious discussion and consideration. There are a good many other points that will be up today before you, among them the immigration question, which faces you after this report is disposed of. We sending missionaries to China, while are leaving women in ignorance at homd You have in your midst six million womel who have neither fathers nor husband! nor brothers to shape their ideas and theil views, and the minute, they get a voti they will use it against the Socialist party. Therefore, I say to you, considef them before you decide not to take up this report seriatim and to vote it dowm DEL. SIMONS: These recommendation represent the work during the past fe^| years of women from all over the couni try who are not present at this conven* tion. We drew the report up in as briel form as we possibly could. I am no\i speaking for the Woman's Committee. Wl are perfectly satisfied, if you so desirS that you vote for this report as a wholel and we do not ask you to take it up seril atim. For my part, I think we havi touched upon every phase of the question that we possibly can. We have tried tEL. SLOBODIN: I move to insert after j words "a large number of men," the rds "and women;' (Seconded.) DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I rise to a int of order. The orevious question had sn ordered, and this amendment and de- te are out of order. rHE CHAIRMAN: The Chair is a little doubt as to whether the previous ques- >n did cover this. The matter before the use is the motion to adopt as a whole, I understand it. Comrade Slobodin of- rs an amendment. Is that true? I think mrade Slobodin is in order, but I hope one will take advantage of .this rul- er any more than can be helped. DEL. MALKIEL: I want to move as an lendment that the resolution on White ivery be read over once more. THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec- >n. the Secretary will read it. DEL. THOMPSON: I move the previous estion. Seconded and carried. SEC. REILLY: The amendment by obodin of New York is to add to the words "a large number of men," the words "and women." I don't know just where it comes in, but that is the way it was given. The amendment was carried, and the amended motion to adopt the report as a whole was then cariied. DEL. LOWE (111.): May I say a word on behalf of the Committee? Comrade Meyer London explained to us that he feared there was something in our recom- mendations that might contradict some action on something that was already passed.. He says he has read it carefully since and that there is not. rules' of order. DEL. LEE (N. Y.): Has the report of the Committee been disposed of? THE CHAIRMAN: It has. DEL. LEE: Then there is no motion be- fore the house? THE CHAIRMAN: No. DEL. LEE: I then move a special rule, and I understand that it will take a two- thirds vote to carry this rule. I desire to move a rule and to say a few words in support of it. I move that no action taken by the convention up to this time be here- after reconsidered by the convention, un- less by the vote of a majority of the whole number of delegates entitled to seats in the convention. (Seconded.) I do not know with what truth, but it has been said this afternoon, and I have heard it from vari- ous quarters, that there would be an at- tempt to reconsider Section 6 of Article II of the Constitution, which was adopted yesterday by a roll call vote of 191 to 90, if I remember right. We know very well that under gag law it might be done. We know very well that some delegates will have to go home. We know very well that the longer the convention goes on and the longer we stay the greater the danger of its action being unrepresentative. I want to say that if there is no intention to take such advantage at such an hour, then the comrades will not oppose this. The rules will work no injustice. The rules will do nothing but to maintain the well-considered and recorded sentiments of this convention and to prevent any in- judicious or ill-advised comrade from pre- cipitating a scandal in the last davs of the convention which would give the laugh to the telegram from our presidential candi- date that we so heartily applauded this morning. DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I second the motion. THE CHAIRMAN: Let the Secretary read the motion. SEC. REILLY: "Motion by Lee of New York, that no action taken by the conven- tion up to this time be hereafter reconsid- ered by the convention unless by a vote of a. majority of the whole number of dele- gates entitled to seats in the convention." THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair wants to say this. The Chair is going to make a statement, — DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I would just like to make a statement. THE CHAIRMAN: Let me make my statement. I want to make a suggestion. This is what I started to sav: Comrade Lee has been, like myself, on orte side of this question. He has spoken for that side. I think they want fair play as much as I want it. DEL. WHEELER: I just want to make this statement on this matter. Now all has been said and done, and there is absolutely no person on this side objecting in any particular to what has been done. There is no person on this side endeavoring to go ; 164 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION about and try to reconsider. We do not want to do such a thing. (Applause.) Speaking' of tricks, we do not have to use tricks. We are perfectly satisfied with the action you took yesterday. I am sure you will agree, when you have had time to consider it, that, considering the stand we have consistently taken in this convention and before we came to this convention, that we could not have acted in any other manner than we acted when we voted against that section. We having been in the minority and being thus placed on record, we have no purpose in seeking a reconsideration. What some other com- rades are fearing has something to do with another proposition, and not with this con- vention. I want to say for the younger element of those representing us here, that although you may not believe it now, we acted in perfect good faith, and we have the interests of this party at stake as well as any men with white hair. (Applause.) I want to say furthermore, and I am not saying it with bitterness, nor am I say- ing it with a feeling of desire to get back at anybody — I hope I am beyond any such thing as that — I want to say this, that as the comrade back there said, there is no use denying things; it has been mentioned around here; it has been spoken in the corridor; it has been spoken on the plat- form that there might be aT trick. Now, we never had such a thing in our minds. (Ap- plause.) And when we go from here we will put every ounce of energy we have into the campaign as well as you. (Ap- plause.) I am sure my Comrade Lee — and I would say that I am not putting any soft soap on him — I have known him a long time and I admire the work he has done — I am sure my good Comrade Lee will now consider that some of his remarks were not to the point. We represent this side of the proposition. You will all agree that we have a perfect right to our opinion, and I am sure you would have no respect for us if we had not done what we did yesterday; and now, if we tried some petty scheme for the purpose of getting a momentary ad- vantage, you might have some cause for discontent, but we are not going to do it. THE CHAIRMAN: No; we are going out of here united. That is what it means. DEL. WHEELER: If you feel the same way, we are going from here united. The previous question was ordered, and the motion of Del. Lee was carried. CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Hillquit has a supplementary report from the Commit- tee on Constitution. There is nothing in order but Comrade Hillquit at this time. DEL. HILLQUIT: This report, Com- rades, does not deal directly with the Con- stitution. The Constitution deals with our permanent form of organization. The sup- plementary report which we submit now deals with a temporary condition. That is the reason we make it separate. It bears upon the campaign before us. The Com- mittee on Constitution finds that the plan of organization submitted by the Commit- tee and adopted by you will not enter into force until after the campaign. Meanwhile we will have the largest and I hope, most effective campaign before us that we have ever had, with practically no National Ex- ecutive Committee to conduct it unless our committee might make it possible to meet once or at most twice before the election. That certainly will be entirely insufficient for the purpose of planning and carrying out the details of a campaign of the mag- nitude anticipated by us. We therefore recommend that this convention elect a special Campaign Committee of five, selei ing persons from such localities as vs make it convenient for them to meet ofti say about once a month to start with, once every two weeks, and if need be on a week, during the close of the campai| We also and particularly recommend you the election of a Campaign Manag for the reason that the regular business the National office is such today that takes every moment of the present offi force and the present Secretary, and if | desire to carry on a vigorous campaign, must have a special working departme for that purpose. This, therefore, is o recommendation submitted to you, that 1 now proceed to elect a Campaign Comm tee and a Campaign Manager to conduct campaign in conjunction with the Natioij Executive Committee, after probably o conference agreeing upon the general lin The motion was seconded and carried, THE CHAIRMAN: Shall we now pi ceed to the election? Nominations are order. DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I move that t election of the Campaign Chairman be Is in the hands of the National Executi Committee. DEL. HILLQUIT: The National Exec tive Committee had the matter under co sideration, and prefers that for this i] portant position, this convention make t choice. We might be in a better position elect the Committee, but we wish the co vention as a whole to elect a Campai Manager, who will have the largest i sponsibility in this campaign, and whc position will be much more fortified if comes with the sanction of this large a representative body rather than as t choice of the Executive Committee. THE CHAIRMAN: We have a moti that has been carried, as I understands for the nomination and election of a Cai paign Committee of five and a Campai Manager. In what order shall we ta them? Campaign Manager first, if there no objection: DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to place nomination for this position Comrade Mahlon Barnes. (Seconded.) In doing I wish to state to the comrades that I ha been on the National Executive Committ a number of years, and I have had oppc tunity and occasion to observe the work Comrade Barnes, and while I have no mc personal attachment to Barnes or inter* in the matter than any other delegate, wish to say that my colleagues on t National Executive Committee, and on t several committees are unanimous in t opinion that the party has very few men, any men as efficient, as painstaking, as 6 voted, and, on the whole, as fit for the po; tion as Comrade Barnes. I wish to sta also — speaking now personally for myse and I am very frank in this matter- think this convention and this party ow a reparation to Comrade Barnes becau of the campaign of slander institut against him and the hunting up of m£ ters dead and buried years ago and th< publication in Socialist papers. I thi: this was one of the most disgrace! things ever suffered in the Socialist par (Applause.) I think, as far as I mys< am concerned — I do not care whether it wise, whether it is politic — I think eve man among us is entitled to justice, a I speak for Comrade Barnes because know a great injustice has been done hi (Applause.) DEL. MERRICK: A point of inform tion. Do I understand this recommend tion, that this is the action of the Natior Executive Committee? AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 165 EL. HILLQUIT: No; it is the nomina- of Delegate Hillquit from New York. EL. MERRICK: Not the nomination lames; that isn't what I refer to. It is recommendation of tne committee. EL. HILLQUIT: Which action? EL. MERRICK: The recommendation, Barnes. EL. HILLQUIT: This comes from the mittee on Constitution and also from National Executive Committee. EL. MERRICK: With the endorse- t of the National Executive Com- ee? EL. HILLQUIT: A general recom- xlation, yes. HE CHAIRMAN: I believe Comrade quit was trying to make the point that nomination was as an individual. EL. PREVEY: I am very sorry that laking a nomination, Comrade Hillquit also to make a speech. Now, I desire lace in nomination for the position of paign Manager of the Socialist party 1912 a man who probably has not been s close touch with the members of the lonal Executive Committee as Barnes, he is a' man that has had some ex- ence, not only in campaign managing, also in executive work in cities and in aging local campaigns, and knows ething about arranging meetings. I efore place in nomination as Campaign ager for the Socialist party Carl D. mpson of AVisconsin. (Applause.) I 'ry that Comrade Hillquit took this ision to open up the Barnes case. If rade Barnes is again placed in con- ion with the National office, we are not lg ahead as a unified Socialist party in ying on this campaign. Comrade quit says we owe something to Com- 1 Barnes. I say we do not owe some- g to Comrade Barnes. He has been for his services. He was compelled esign under fire, and we do not want to pen the cape. HE CHAIRMAN: We have had both s as far as one nomination is con- ed. I sugsrest that in further nom- ing you cut out all reference to the linees' private affairs. EL. MOTLEY (Ida.): I just want to r my protest against a delegate on floor bringing up things that have n dead. EL. MORRISON: I want to gro on rec- l the same way. The comrade had no it to bring that in. delegate placed in nomination Del. meld R. Gaylord of Wisconsin. EL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I nominate a l to take care of .the eastern states, us Gerber. EL. STRICLAND (Ohio): I would like >ut in nomination a comrade whose ex- tive work has not been so great in re- I years, but which is just as good as it r was, a comrade whom we can trust who will he in very close sympathy h the candidates. .1 wish to nominate irade Seymour Stedman of Illinois. 'PlauseJ EL. GARVFTR (Mo.V T desire to nom- te William M. Brandt of St. Louis. !'EL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I nominate irade Branstetter of Oklahoma. •EL. CORY (Wash.): T wish to place m lination ^r comrade Oeorere H. cJoebel. ■EL. GOEBEL: Goebel is for Barnes, .not ashamed of it. delegate nominated Oscar Amermger )klahoma. _ _ , « he nominations were then closed, ana list of nominees was read for accept- DEL. BARNES: I can only say that I don't want a job. I do not need a job, bu,t if I can be of any service to the party in this temporary position I am willing to SLCCGP t DEL. THOMPSON: I decline. ' DEL. GAYLORD: I have got both hands full, and if I did not have I would not in- terfere with Barnes. He needs that job. The name of Comrade Brandt was called, but there was no response. THE CHAIRMAN: Unless they are vouched for, they won't stand. DEL. LARSEN (111.): Stedman will be unable to accept. Therefore, I decline Tor him. DEL. GARVER: I nominated Comrade Brandt under a misapprehension when you were calling for nominations. I with- draw the name of Brandt. DEL. BRANSTETTER: Being heartily in accord with the comrade that nom- inated Barnes, I decline. DEL. GOEBEL: I echo the sentiments of Branstetter. DEL. AMERINGER: Being a member of the supreme court that tried Barnes t I de- cline. SEC. REILLY: That leaves one nom- ination, J. Mahlon Barnes of Pennsylvania. On motion of Del. Solomon of New York, Del. Barnes was elected Campaign Man- ager by acclamation. Nominations were then called for for members of the Campaign Committee. NATIONAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. The following nominations were made for the National Campaign Committee: Dan Hoeran, Ark. Carl D. Thompson, Wis. James Oneal, Ind. Margaret Prevey, Ohio. Tom Lewis, Ore. Wm. M. Brandt, St. Loula. James F. Carey, Mass. Dan White, Mass. J. W. Slayton, Pa. W. J. Ghent, Washington, D. C Anna A. Ma ley, Wash. Fred Krafft. N. J. Stephen M. Reynolds, Ind. S. C. Garrison, Ind. J. Stitt Wilson, Cal. W. E. Rodriguez, 111. A. H. Floaten, Colo. L. J. Duncan, Mont. J. E. Snyder, Cal. O. F. Branstetter, Okla. A. M. Simons, Kans. A. Germer, 111. Gustav Strebel, N. Y. Mary O'Reilly, 111. Alexander Irvine, Cal. Clyde J. Wright, Neb. The following nominees accepted: Hoaran. Lewis, Brandt, White, Slayton, Krafft, Revnolds, Garrison. Wilson, Rod- riguez, Duncan, Snyder, Branstetter Si- mons, Wrlerht. DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish to call atten- tion to the fact that the reason for the recommendation for the election of this committee was that the members of the National Executive Committee are scat- tered all over the United States. If now we are to elect a committee from Califor- nia and New York. Oresron and New Jer- sey we are duplicating the same inefficient work. m . _. DEL. WILSON: In view of the state- ment I decline. _ ._ DEL. WHITE: As a delegate from the Atlantic Coast I decline. DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): It is effici- ent work that we want out of this com- mittee. The committee will have to be In / 166 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION session for weeks at a time during the campaign. We have got to get men near headquarters, as well as men competent to do the work. I move that no man be elected who lives more than 5Q0 miles from Chicago. A DELEGATE: I suggest to save time that Comrade Hillquit give us a list of five names for this committee. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair would not entertain that motion. DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): I move that Seidel and Debs be allowed to choose their own campaign committee. The motion by Delegate Collins was tabled. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move that the National Executive Committee together with the nominees for President and Vice- President select the campaign committee. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I rise to a point of order. We have gone into the nomination of committeemen, and now we are over- turning it. DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): I move to amend that the committee be elected from those nominated here. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): It is absurd to waste an hour and a half selecting a committee of five. My motion is that the National Executive Committee in conjunc- tion with the presidential and vice presi- dential nominees select from the nominees named at this convention five to be the Campaign Committee. The motion was carried. DEL. ZITT (Ohio): The Ohio delegation wants to be recorded as opposing the in- troduction of the Barnes matter, not the nomination of Barnes but the speech by Comrade Hillquit. THE CHAIRMAN: Does the Comrade represent Ohio? DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio): As to the introduction of the Barnes matter I re- gard it as unfortunate and agree with the delegates from Ohio. THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Goebel from New Jersey wants to be recorded as saying that when a sneak who is not capa- ble of a fair fight, in an underhanded manner circulates lies against a man, Goebel wishes to go on record as endorsing all that Hillquit said. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I wish to be recorded as protesting against the intro- duction of the Barnes matter while voting for Comrade Barnes as Campaign Man- ager. DEL. PROSSER (Pa.): I also want to be recorded. THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules that all of you who wish to be recorded, can come up here and read your names to the Secretary. EDITING. On motion a committee of two was ap- pointed to edit the report of the commit- tee, making only such changes as might be necessary for that purpose. PLATFORM. The Committee on Platform further rec- ommended that plank 14 of the Political Demand be changed to read: "The enact- ment of further measures for the conserva- tion of health." THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec- tion to the adoption of this clause? DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): A point of Order. This can not be changed without a vote by a majority of the whole conven- tion. By consent the section as recommended by the committee was adopted. DEL. STRICKLAND: I want to rise to a question of personal privilege. While I regretted the introduction of the Bi matter I want it understood that I aj with him on the main proposition wb was brought up. I think that character assassination of which "Christian Socialist" was guilty wai famous. THE CHAIRMAN: The question b the house is on this fourteenth plan the platform. DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I wan know if that doesn't change the v subject matter. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): It does. DEL. WHEELER: I certainly obje that change.. It strikes at the very \ of the whole thing. We had it a*et the othe* night and it was carried by to one to put that amendment in thef€ our delegation are going to see thi stays there if we have any influence. THE CHAIRMAN: In order to < this it will require a majority of the -vi convention. On motion the whole matter was lai the table. DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I have port to present. IMMIGRATION. DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): We have ai der of business adopted here and I ] that the reporters on Immigration be heard and that when they are so hear close the debate and proceed to a vote The motion was duly seconded. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move the Committee on Immigration be tinued to present its renort at the convention. The motion was seconded. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to ai that we receive the report without d< and vote upon it. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I desire to s for the majority report. Comrade U: man, who is the chief author of the jority report is absent from the cob tion and is unable to speak for it. i rade Hunter of the majority is also sent. Comrade Wanhope and myself other two members of the majority the least to do with drawing this rq I support the amendment of the Con; from New York that we continue' question in the hands of the committei til the next congress. DEL. MERRICK: I think the comj came here to vote upon this questid think we all understand this que! that the reports have been read andj we are intelligent enough to vote up without any discussion whatever. B. you vote to re-commit when we go] to our people they will want to 1 what kind of a convention this is I how when we spend two years prepi reports which you are afraid to voti I may be in the minority but I ani afraid to record myself on one side of question, say where I stand and go 4 to my constituency and justify my duct. There is no reason why you ca) vote on this question now without oratory. Let us settle this question] each of us voting according to his; victions. DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): This is i question of being afraid to vote. The is that a great many of us are not] position to vote intelliarentlv and on this question. I think if we over to the next convention by thati we shall be able to pass upon the fl that will then be presented. We ] nothing to lose and everything to gai postponing action on this proposition ; /A. 3 AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 167 now that Spargo has 75 pounds of steam er square inch to unload on this question, ut I think we had better postpone action n it. DEL. SPARGO: Just because it is late nd we are tired we ought not to make urselves ridiculous by refusing to act pon the report of the committee that has een working on it for two years. There- am opposed to continuing the com- In the second place, I am satis- that the comrades can without any „jry at all, vote on the question, but if *ou have read these reports I call your ttention to this fact, that the .majority eport makes certain recommendations for xclusiqn and in the printed report it ives its reasons for so recommending. In he minority report we simply say that we ecommend the re-affirmation of the Stutt- art resolution and there is not one word f reason why we make that recommenda- ion. The question is whether you want he majority report with its reasons. Com- ade Wanhope was authorized by the ma- ority to present their views and has a ght to do it. If you want the majority eport you will have to accept the reasons f the majority. They are Unterman's rea- ons, they are Wilson's reasons, they are JVanhope's reasons, they are Hunter's rea- sons, they have all signed it. If you vote or the majority report well and good. All hat the minority asks is to place before r ou_ the Stuttgart resolution and then to itate the reasons why our party should re- affirm that. So far as I am concerned I relieve I can state those reasons in ten ninutes. DEL. MERRICK: A point of informa- ion. Is there not a third report? DEL. SPARGO: That is simply Comrade Laukki's statement. He is with London ind myself in our report. DEL. LAUKKI: I stand for the report pf the minority. Meyer, London and Spar- aro state the international position. My statement simply takes into consideration the American conditions at the present time, and I have made some recommenda- tions based on these conditions. THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before the house is the substitute by Merrick to receive the reports as printed* and pro- ceed to a vote without debate. The motion of Comrade Merrick was lost. The motion of Comrade Solomon that the committee be continued with instructions to further investigate and report at the next convention was carried. COMMITTEE ON PARTY PRESS. DEL. O'REILLY: In presenting this re- P.t. 1 am £° in % to ask that it be referred to the National Executive Committee. There is no loss in any way by having this report referred to the National Ex- ecutive Committee. I hope you will do this because during the present campaign t may be found that a party owned print- ing plant will be entirely practicable and very much needed. In that case leave th ? m , i n a Position to purchase one, and establish one if they wish. That is what the committee asks. On motion duly seconded it was so or- dered. The report of the committee on Party Press is as follows: REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PARTY PRESS. The rapid growth of the Socialist move- ment and the increased demand for So- cialist literature has created a consider- able demand for the establishment of a printing plant to be owned and controlled by the Socialist party for printing and publishing Socialist books, pamphlets, leaflets, tracts and other Socialist litera- ture. The present Socialist news bureau, which can scarcely yet be said to have passed the experimental stage, has al- ready demonstrated its usefulness despite the fact that it has been hampered by lack of funds. Through a proper organi- zation of this bureau and the general co- operation of the Socialist newspapers to be served thereby the Socialist press throughout the country will be greatly strengthened and the movement benefited. Inasmuch as the sentiment regarding a party-owned newspaper is not crystallized, but considerably divided, we make no rec- ommendation thereon save as hereinafter provided. We therefore recommend the following: - 1. That this convention instruct the National Executive Committee to investi- gate fully as quickly as possible the fea- sibility of establishing a party-owned and controlled publishing plant and to pur- chase and install such plant if upon in- vestigation the same shall be found prac- ticable. 2. That the National Executive Commit- tee call together immediately a conference of all editors and managers of Socialist newspapers for the purpose of enlarging and perfecting the usefulness of the Na- tional Socialist News Bureau and of pro- moting co-operation between the Socialist publications. 3. That a committee of three shall be elected by the National Executive Commit- tee to consist of comrades familiar with Socialist newspaper work and manage- ment which shall gather and compile all data obtained from Socialist parties of this and other countries relating to the subject of a party-owned and controlled newspaper. Such committee shall report. at the earliest possible moment, and not later than one year to the National Execu- tive Committee and the report of this sub- committee shall be published by the Na- tional Office and sent out to the party or- ganizations. AH expenses of said commit- tee shall be borne by the National Office. MARY O'REILLY, R. A. MAYNARD, WM. M. WESLEY, W. A. JACOBS, J. L. BACHMANN, MEYER LONDON, GEO. E. OWEN, FRED KRAFFT, S. E. BEARDSLEY, Committee on Party Press. DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I move that all reports of committees not submitted to the convention at its close be referred to the National Executive Committee with power to act. Delegate Merrick moved to amend that they be referred to the National Commit- tee. > DEL. MERRICK: I want to speak on this motion. DEL. SLAYTON: I have been trying to get the eye of the Chairman. Is there only one man in this convention and should he be given the floor all afternoon? The motion of Delegate Merrick that they be referred to the National Commit- tee was lost. -* *Both the majority and minority reports are printed as Appendix J, together with Delegate Laukki's statement. — Editor. 168 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Delegate Sadler's motion to refer it to the National Executive Committee was carried. DEL. COLLINS: A special matter. I move that we instruct the National Secre- tary to pay to the ushers,, Sergeant-at- arms and clerks not less than $3 a day for their services during the convention. The motion was carried. STATE AND MUNICIPAL PROGRAM. THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Thompson will now report for the Committee on State and Municipal Program. DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): This report* has been put on your table and if there is no objection I suggest that we can dis- pose of this in about five minutes in the following manner. In the first place if you have not read the report you can get copies of it and read it. I want to em- phasize this point about it, that every- thing in the report up to the fifth page, and not including the fifth page, is merely suggestive. It is in no sense binding upon any local or State organization but is pre- sented merely as assembling the data from which those who care to may draw such parts as they may find useful in preparing their municipal and State program. There- fore it is unnecessary at this time to read all of it. It is unnecessary to take it un- der consideration seriatim, and I am go- ing to make a motion that that part be adopted as a whole, and afterwards pre- sent the recommendation. I move, there- fore, Comrade Chairman, that the first part of this report up to and including the first paragraph on page 5 be adopted as a whole. The motion was carried. On motion of Comrade Thompson the first clause of the recommendation was adopted. The recommendation as to the study of unemployment was adopted. The third recommendation as to the es- tablishment of a legislative bureau on motion of Delegate Solomon was referred to the National Executive Committee. The section of the report as to resolu- tions by Comrade Simons was adopted. Thereupon the report of the committee as a whole was adopted. REPORT OF THE PUBLICITY COM- MITTEE. The Socialist Convention of 1912 is the first one in the history of the party that has elected a Publicity Committee. Here- tofore the Press Committee has considered matters relating to party press and co- operated with the newspaper and general oress representatives to the end of secur- ing for the convention and the party as much useful publicity as possible. It is the latter function that has been assumed by the Publicity Committee of this Convention. "We have done all in our power to see that the important ^actions of the Convention should receive as much and as favorable publicity as possible. In this respect members of the Socialist press have rendered the greatest assistance. We believe that the result has been a consid- erable improvement in the treatment of our Convention by the general and news- paper press of the United States. The only recommendation this commit- tee would make is that future conventions should consolidate the Publicity Commit- tee and the Committee On Party Press and that the latter committee should assign three of its members, preferably expe- *The report is printed in full, as appen- dix K.— Editor. rienced newspaper men, to the duty looking after the welfare of the press re' resentatives at the convention. FRANK E. WOLFE, Chairman, EDWARD PERKINS CLARKE, • Secreta)] JOHN HAYDEN, MAX HAYES, GUS THEIMER. DEL. WOLFE (Cal.): Our report unanimous. I think we have had the mo harmonious committee in the conventic Our duties have been to pussyfoot aroun and so far as we cculd look after the cor fort of the newspaper men and assist the in every way possible. We have endeavored to see that tij work of the convention should have i wide publicity as possible and the on recommendation that we make is that : the future the Publicity Committee ar the Committee on Party Press should I combined^and that three members prefei 1 ably experienced newspaper men shoul look after the welfare of the press at th convention. COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. DEL. SPARGO: We have very few resc lutions left. The first one is on nomin ating women candidates. "Whereas, an increasing number c women are taking part in industrial actlv ity so that they are today an importar factor in economic and social life and ar thereby qualifying themselves for partic] pation in political administration; Therefore, Be it "esolved, that the So cialist party deems women equally en titled with men to be nominated for and t be elected to, public office so that the may help to manage our common affair: THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec tion the resolution will be adopted a read. DEL. SPARGO: The next resolution i on temperance. In substance the resolu tion is the same as that adopted in 1901 but there are some changes in phrasin with the idea of strengthening and im proving it. TEMPERANCE. The manufacture and sale for profit o intoxicating and adulterated liquors lead directly to many serious social evils. In temperance in the use of alcoholic liquor weakens the physical, mental and mora powers. We hold, therefore, that any excessiv indulgence in intoxicating liquors by mem bers of the working class is a serious ob stacle to the triumph of our class since i impairs the vigor of the fighters in th political and economic struggle, and w urpre the members of the working class t avoid any indulgence which might impai their ability to wage a successful politi cal and economic struggle, and so hinde the progress of the movement for thei emancipation. We do not believe that the evils o alcoholism can be eradicated by repressiv measures or any extension of the polic powers of the capitalist state — alcoholisr is a disease of which capitalism is th chief cause. Poverty, overwork and over worry necessarily result in intemperanc on the part of the Victims. To abolis the wage system with all its evils is th surest way to eliminate the evils of al coholism and the traffic in intoxicatin liquor. The resolution was adopted as read. AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912 169 , The next resolution on the subject of reiilitary education of children was read a follows: ilLITARY EDUCATION OF CHILDREN. Whereas, The capitalist class Is making etermined and persistent efforts to use le public schools for the military training C children and for the inculcation of the ilitary spirit; therefore be it Resolved, That we are opposed to all Sorts to introduce military training into le public schools, and that we recommend le introduction into our public school "/stem of a thorough and progressive surse in physical culture, and Resolved, That we request the National xecutive Committee to suggest plans and rograms along this line and furnish these i the party membership, together with uch advice in the matter as may be help- jl to the party membership in introducing 'uch a system into our public schools. *j On motion the resolution was adopted as ead. The next resolution, protesting against be Dillingham Bill, was then read as fol- )ws; THE DILLINGHAM BILL. Whereas, the Dillingham bill passed by hie United States Senate would bar from his country many political refugees under hollow distinction that some political rimes involve "moral turpitude"; and, Whereas, such distinctions would destroy he political asylum, heretofore maintained a this country, for revolutionists of all ofands, as the officials of one country can- ot sit in judgment over the methods of olitical strife and civil war in another Country; and Whereas, Senator Root's amendment pro- iding for deportation without trial of any alien who shall take advantage of is residence in the United States to con- pire with others for the violent over- hrow of a foreign government, recognized >y the United States," passed by the Tnited States Senate, without a dissenting 'ote, seeks to establish in this country a tassport system for aliens, thus destroy- ng at once the principle that it is the ight of every people to overthrow by orce, if necessary, a despotic govern- nent, declared in the Declaration of Inde- lendence, and the principle of individual reedom from police supervision, hereto- ore held sacred in this country; therefore, >e it Resolved, by the Socialist party at In- Ilanapolis. Ind., on the 16th day of May, 912, in National Convention assembled, hat we protest against this attempt of the Jnited States Senate to turn the govern- nent_ of this country into a detective tgency for foreign governments in their Persecution of men and women fighting or the freedom of their native lands; be t further Resolved, That we demand that the Jnited States shall remain, as heretofore, in asylum for political refugees from all >ountries, without any distinction as to Dolitical crimes or supervision of political -efugees; and be it further Resolved, That a copy of these resolu- tions be forwarded to the President of the [Jnited States, Speaker of the House of ttepresentatives and to every member of the House Committee on Immigration and Naturalization. On motion the resolutionwas carried. The next resolution, in reference to Soung People's Socialist organizations was then read as follows: YOUNG PEOPLES SOCIALIST ORGANI- ZATIONS. Whereas, a fertile and promising field for Socialist education is found among the young people, both because it reaches per- sons with unprejudiced and unbiased minds, and because it yields the most val- uable recruits for the Socialist movement; and, Whereas, If we can gain the ear of a majority of the youth of our country, the future will be ours, with the passing of the present generation. Therefore, be it Resolved, That we recommend and urge our Locals to form, encourage and assist Young Socialist Leagues and Young People's Clubs for the purpose of educa- ting our youth in the principles of Social- ism, and that this education be combined with social pleasures and athletic exer- cises; and further Resolved, That we recommend to the National Executive Committee to give such aid and encouragement to this work as may seem to it best calculated to further the spread of Socialism among the youth of the United States. The resolution was adopted as read. DEL. SPARGO: The following resolu- tion on the restriction of citizenship sub- mitted by the State delegation of Wash- ington ijs favorably reported by your committee. I move its adoption: RESTRICTIONS ON CITIZENSHIP. Whereas, The courts in charge of nat- uralization have shewn a disposition to enlarge the interpretation of the rule which prohibits the naturalization of avowed anarchists, so that anyone who disbelieves in the present system of so- ciety has been held to be ineligible to become an American citizen; And, whereas this tendency found a most aggravated expression in the revo- cation of the citizenship of Leonard Ols- son, a Socialist, at Tacoma, Washington, by Judge Cornelius Hanford; Therefore be it Resolved, that the So- cialist party in convention assembled en- ters its most emphatic protest against such procedure and points out that the denial of the right of citizenship to for- eign born applicants not anarchists be- cause they hold progressive ideas inevit- ably forces those now voters .into the ranks of those who believe in force and violence; And be it further resolved that a copy of these resolutions be sent to the Secre- tary of Commerce and Labor, and that we demand of him that an order be issued to the effect that this rule in naturalization cases shall be strictly interpreted and not enlarged to include persons who sim- ply hold Socialistic or progressive social ideas. The motion was carried as read. DEL. SPARGO: This is the last resolu- tion: "The convention hereby expresses its thanks to the officers of the convention for their services and to the Comrades of Local Marion County for their hospitality and friendly assistance." The resolution was carried by a unan- imous vote. DEL. SPARGO: That concludes Our re- Fort and we ask our discharge. Perhaps ought to say here that many resolu- tions which referred to us when first read here were by us, after consideration, re- ferred to other committees, such as the committees on Platform and Constitution, and the National Executive Committee. because they seemed to us to properly belong to such other committees. That 170 NATIONAL, SOCIALIST CONVENTION explains why some important resolutions have not been reported by us. I thank you. COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS. DEL. LE SEUER (N. D.): We have here what I, believe a good report. It is so unimportant however, that I am not going to take time to read it. It relates to nothing but the ways and means in which we can raise funds to elect our candidates. Of course that doesn't mat- ter so I am going to ask you to refer it to the National Committee with author- ity to act. REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS. To the 1912 National Socialist Convention: > Comrades — The problem of financing a proletarian movement presents one of the most serious questions with which the movement has to deal, but it is hoped that the following recommendation will be of assistance in solving that question for the coming campaign: First — We recommend that an assess- ment of $1.00 be made against each mem- ber of the Party, except, that in no case shall the assessment be more than $1.00 for husband and wife jointly. Second — We recommend that a 1912 "Booster's Campaign Badge" be furnished by the National Executive Committee to the secretaries of the several States in an amount equal at least to the number of the dues-paying members in each State, t-> be sold at $1.00 per badge, and fur- nished free to all those paying their $1.00 assessment. Third — That a call be issued by the National Secretary for special collections at local meetings and propaganda meet- ings for the Campaign Fund. Fourth — That an appeal be made through the Party Press and through all Party communications calculated to fall naturally into the hands of labor, that labor make common cause with the So- cialist Party by contributing to its Cam- paign Fund, and by voting at the polls labor's ticket — the ticket of the Socialist Party. Fifth — We believe that a suggestion through the National Bulletin to the Locals that the women comrades put on special programs, making a full charge for admission,_ is a plan that would result in splendid propaganda as well as some revenue. Sixth — In reference to the resolution of W. Lanfersiek asking assistance for sev- eral Southern States, we believe the fol- lowing to be the proper disposal of the same. Much evidence was submitted be- fore this committee, showing the needs for assistance of the Southern States mentioned. We recommend that the Na- tional Executive Committee pass upon the needs of each State when presented through the regular official channels and give all possible assistance to all States so applying, and recommend to said States that the applications for assistance by the said States, specify their particular needs, as for instance, that when speak- ers are routed through the Southern States they be selected by the respective State organizations, owing to the fact that no Northern organizers can secure as good results as men familiar with local conditions. We, therefore, recom- mend that this resolution be referred to the National Executive Committee. Seventh — In reporting upon the moving picture resolution, this committee realizes that moving pictures and charts are high value in presenting the . philoso of Socialism to the uninitiated and lieve that a moving picture bureau mi succeed at this time, and we reconam that the National Executive Commit take such steps as are necessary to termine whether the same is feasible not. We recommend that this resolution e be referred to the National Execut Committee, and if sufficient money to p vide good sets of slides and films portable moving picture machines •< moving picture shows can be spared fr the party funds, the money would be v spent. The slides to b,e furnished to ganizers, lecturers and moving pict houses at cost, and sets to be exchan; at will by purchasers when kept in g condition. We believe this plan would suit eventually in one of the best me of propaganda. Fraternally submitted, ARTHUR LE SUEUR. MILO C. JONES, MARGARET D. BROWN, GEORGE W. BACON, L. B. IRWIN, E. L. REGUIN, I. F. STEWART, MAX BOEHM, O. S. WATKINS. It was moved and seconded that the port be referred to the Campaign C< mittee, which motion was carried. TELEGRAM TO COMRADE TOM MA DEL. SE1DEL (Wis.): I should like present a message and ask this conv tion to send it to Tom Mann of Engl who has been jailed For advising soldiers not to fire upon their work brothers. I have adopted similar m< ods in the city of Milwaukee, direct the Chief of Police not to permit the of the police department to use the p ers of the police against the strikers do not believe that it is right that should pay taxes — and no matter w you say we have to pay taxes; you ci maintain government five minutes w out taxation — I don't believe it is ri that the taxes we pay should go tows maintaining a police department or kind of military force that when I out to improve my living condition 1 mailed fist of police or military should used against me, to keep me down, don't think there is any class in country or any other country that h the right to expect that from its soldi its police department or its state < stabulary. I therefore ask that this message sent in the name of the Socialist Part: America to Tom Mann, Manchester . England: "GREETINGS: We cheer your st against fratricide." That is all I ask to be said. I thin is plain and simply says that we must murder our brothers. The motion was seconded and car unanimously. NAT. SEC. WORK: Reports have I made by the seven foreign-speaking ganizations affiliated with the Natii office. I move that, they be received w out reading and made a part of the | ceedings. Seconded and carried. COMMITTEE ON CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT. DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): A commi on investigation of the Co-opera Movement was provided for and w AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18. 1912 V 171 come up under unfinished business at this time. The committee have talked .the matter over and unanimously recommend that these names be placed upon that committee subject to the approval of the National Executive Committee, and with Rower to fill vacancies. Comrades Vlag, ew York, Edwards, Texas, Hayes of Illi- nois, Gaylord, Wisconsin, Corey, Wash- ington. There is a special reason for putting Comrade Hayes on this committee. He is connected with the mine workers where there is a movement or this kind under way. For myself I will promise the co- operation of one great University and I am positive that I can secure the co-oper- ation of another for such impartial in- vestigation of this subject as we have never had in this country. The motion of Delegate Gaylord was carried. COMMITTEE ON STATE AND MUNIC- IPAL. PROGRAM. DEL. WILSON (Gal.): In connection with the recommendation by Comrade Thompson that a committee of ;seven. members be elected for State and Munic- ipal Program, I move that the existing committee be continued as that co"«mit- The motion was seconded and carried. REPORT OF CONGRESSMAN BERGER. DEL. JACOBS (Wis.): Comrade Berb- er's report is here in print. I move that it be received and made a part of the pro- ceedings of this convention. The motion was seconded and adopted. IMMIGRATION COMMITTEE. THE CHAIRMAN: I have something that may require action by the conven- tion. "Indianapolis, Ind., May 18, 1912. "To the Delegates of the National Con- vention: "I hereby tender my resignation from your Committee on Immigration. "JOSHUA WANHOPE." A DELEGATE: I don't blame him either. THE CHAIRMAN: This Committee on Immigration was continued. Shall we fill the vacancy now? DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I move that the Committee be given power to fill the vacancy. The motion was seconded and adopted. DEL. KATE SADLER: I just want to have the last word from Washington to let the convention know that Washing- ton is still ahead of the procession. In the first resolution today we recommended the nomination of woman candidates. We expect our leader and standard bearer in the next campaign to be a woman, Com- rade Anna Maley of Washington. (Loud cheers.) DEL. WHEELER (Cal.) : I move that this convention extend to the Press of Indianapolis a vote of thanks for the courteous treatment that has been ac- corded to this convention. The motion was carried unanimously. DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move that for the next National Convention the National Executive Committee be instructed to co- operate with the local comrades in order to conduct during the convention or at its close, a significant public meeting or pub- lic meetings, instead of having things conducted as they were this time. DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I mo^e to lay the motion on the table. DEL. SPARGO (Vt.) : I protest against the adoption of the resolution because of the intimation contained in it that the National Executive Committee at this convention would not co-operate with the local comrades. I remind you further that there are certain well established usages about the reception of conventions. When we go to a town or city to hold our con- vention the comrades in that city become our hosts. It is their practice to arrange meetings and we co-operate with them. In this instance the local comrades ar- ranged an impossible schedule, and then the National Executive Committee, in the interests of the convention had to consult with those comrades and try to get things arranged on a satisfactory basis. I object to this eleventh hour slap in the face given to the National Executive Committee, and we might be better em- ployed singing the Marseillaise before we go home. THE CHAIRMAN: I don't think that Comrade Wilson intended any slur on the National Executive, Committee. DEL. WILSON: I had no such thing in my mind. My hope was that at the next National Convention we should have meetings, and have them of such a char- acter and such significance as would stamp our influence upon that community as we had the opportunity to do last night. THE CHAIRMAN: All in favor of this motion will say aye. The motion was carried. DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I think there is some misapprehension here as to a petition that has been circulated in the convention. It has been stated here this afternoon that there is no disposition on the part of us who are signing this peti- tion to re-open a matter which was de- cided in this convention. This petition is in accordance with the new constitu- tion which allows a certain number of delegates to send for submission to the party referendum an alternative section or paragraph or article when the matter goes out to the party. This petition is simply to bring up an alternative para- graph to be submitted to the full referen- dum of the party, so that the whole party may have a chance to choose between the statement adopted here yesterday regard- ing our attitude toward labor organiza- tions, or the one that some of the rest of us wanted to have adopted. We do not wish you to go away with the idea that we have misled you into thinking that the matter is not to be opened elsewhere. It is not to be opened on the floor of this convention, and we simply want the party to express its opinion on this subject. DEL. BERGER (Wis.): They will. A telegram was read from the secre- tary of the Socialist Party in San Diego: "Attorney Fred Moore and stenographer arrested this morning. Charges not known. Writ of habeas corpus in prepara- tion. Vigilantes active." DEL .SPARGO: Mr. Chairman, I now move you that we adjourn sine die. • Sec- onded. The motion was carried. The convention then adjourned sine die. 172 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION, "APPENDIX A Rules of the Socialist Party, National Convention* 1912. 1. A chairman and vice-chairman shall be elected at the beginning of each day's session. 2. A permanent secretary and two as- sistants, who may be chosen from outside the body of delegates, shall be elected for the entire Convention. 3. A reading clerk shall be appointed by the secretary, and he may appoint one or more assistants. 4. A permanent sergeant-at-arms and assistants, who may be chosen from out- side the body of delegates, shall be ap- pointed by the chairman. 5. The sergeant-at-arms shall appoint 24 messengers to assist him, who shall serve in relays of 8. 6. lour permanent tellers and 2 per- manent judges to count all ballots shall be elected, and in addition there shall be appointed by the chair, for the purpose of tabulating the vote on the various Con- vention Committees, 20 special tellers. 7. The 6 committees named in the Na- tional Constitution, viz.: A Committee on Platform of 9 mem- bers. A Committee on Constitution of 9 members. A Committee on Resolutions of 9 members. A Committee on Ways and Means of 9 members. A Committee on Reports of National Officers of 7 members. A Committee on International Rela- tions of 5 members, and the following additional committees shall be elected, each committee to be composed of the number of delegate stat- ed and of not more than one delegate froir* the same state: A Publicity Committee of 5 mem- bers; \ An Auditing Committee of 5 mem- bers; A Committee on Foreign Speaking Organisations of 9 members. A Committee on Labor Organiza- tions and Their Relation to the So- cialist Party of 9 members; A Committee on Co-Operatives of 7 members: A Committee on State and Munici- pal Program of 9 members. 8. Discussion shall be limited to 5 min- utes for each speaker. Chairmen of com- mittees shall have 20 minutes to report. No delegate shall speak a second time, until all desiring to use their time -shall have bad an opportunity to speak. 9. The sessions of the Convention shall be from 10:00 a. m. to 1:00 p. m. and from 2:30 to 5:30 p. m. Night sessions as or- dered. 10. Robert's Rules of Order shall be used, with the exceptions that when the previous question has been called, one delegate on each side may speak for minutes; also, that the previous questio may be called for by a majority vote. 11. During the sessions, no smoking c Chewing of tobacco shall be allowed. 12. Each delegation shall select one c its members to announce its vote. Th vote of no state shall be cast as a uni where the delegates of such state are no in agreement on the matter up for vote provided, that where an instruction ha been given by referendum on a particula question the instruction on that particula question shall be obeyed. 13. Each delegation shall designate i the absence of any delegate, the alter nate who shall fill such vacancy. 1\ Such members of the National Ex ecutive Committee who are not delegate; and the National Secre'tary shall have voice and no vote in the Convention. Thi provision also applies to members of Tn Women's National Committee. 15. Neither contesting or conteste delegates shall vote upon any questio In relation to their rights to be seated. 16. The nomination for candidates fo President and Vice-President shall be b at least a majority of all the votes cas 17. A roll call shall be had when de manded by at least 50 delegates. 18. On Friday, May 17th, at 3:00o'cloc in the afternoon, all business of the Cbn vention shall be suspended, and the Con vention shall proceed to the nominatio of President and Vice-President of th United States. 19. The Convention shall adjourn no later than Saturday, May 18th, at mid night. 20. -All speeches of welcome shall b made after the Convention is permanent ly organized, and shall be limited to minutes each. 21. All resolutions offered from th floor of the Convention shall be referre by the Chairman to the proper Committe without discussion. 22. At 5:00 o'clock on each day, th Chairman shall suspend the business the pending before the Convention and accep and dispose of Resolutions offered by del egates. 23. The discussion on any report, reso lution or other subject before the Con vention shall not exceed four hours. Th time for such discussion shall be divide enually, as nearly as possible, between th delegates representing the various view on the subjects. 24. Acceptances and declinations sha be called for after the nominations fo all Committees shall have been complete and no delegate shall accept the nomina tion for more than one Committee. 25. The rules may be suspended at an time by a two-thirds majority of the del egates voting. «s APPENDIX 173 ORDER 07' BUSINESS. 3. Reading of Minutes of preceding The Order of Bui ness for each day -of day » unless dispensed with on motion. he Convention sha/ , be as follows: £ g^^ C o^!henU,ls. . ** The Convention shall be called to or- 6# Unfinished business of the previous ler by the Chairman of th© preceding ^y lay, or in his absence by the Vice-Chair- 7 / Reports of Committees in the order nan, or the National Secretary, and the above enumerated, except that the report Jhairman and Vice-Chairman shall be of the Representative in Congress shall jlected for the day, as otherwise directed. follow the report of the Committee on In- A-nn ii jjji *-. ..~r au ternational Relations. 2. Roll call of delegates, unless di"s- 8# New business. >ensed with upon motion. 9. Adjournment.' NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION APPENDIX B Report of Committee on Education. 1. IMPORTANCE OP THE QUESTION OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. The industrial revolution has made the development of individual skill essential to the maintenance of the various produc- tive processes. Although the specializa- tion of processes has made it possible to employ profitably larger and larger num- bers of unskilled workers, economically and commercially efficient production re- ally calls for a larger proportion of skilled workers than were employed even when production was largely carried on by means of hand labor. The reason for this may be seen in the fact that on the one hand the proportion of agricultural laborers has steadily decreased, while the proportion of those engaged in manfac- ture and transportation has increased; and on the other hand, the increased use of machinery in agriculture and transpor- tation, together with the specialization in agricultural methods, create the need for skilled workers even in these branches of production. The inten.se competition between the capitalists of different countries has led to the organization and administration of industries upon the principle of qu,ick re- turns. As a result, low-grade labor ap- plied to specialized processes has been exploited to the utmos*t. In consequence of this practice, the cultivation of agen- cies to supply skilled labor has been neg- lected. On the other hand, boys and girls sent to the factories early in life and at- tached to the specialized machines, have been given no opportunity to acquire trade knowledge and trade skill commensurate with a high earning power. Cheap child labor was able for years to yield satisfactory returns to the capi- talists. It is not, however, capable either of sustaining industries in competition with skilled workers, or of developing a population having high standards or living. In other words, the retention of large portions of the population at low levels of industrial skill is not only ex- tremely wasteful economically, however profitable it may have been to certain classes of capitalists in the past, but it is positively disastrous socially. A mass of unskilled workers, being poorly paid, nec- essarily maintain a low standard of liv- ing; but what is still worse, such a body is a fertile breeding spot for all social vices and a source of crime and misery that make the task of the social worker and educator almost hopeless. Unskilled and untrained workers are condemned not to frugal lives, but to miserable lives. The misery of the poverty resulting from such conditions lies in the moral debase- ment which it involves. Or, we may say that a population of skillful workers is more productive and more prosperous even under modern capitalistic conditions. Giv- en the machinery aria the technology To- day available, a highly skilled body of workers has the possibilities of high- grade living; with the same machinery and technology, an • unskilled population is condemned to inhuman conditions of living. Hand in hand with the development of our industry there has been a decay of the ancient methods for developing skill in workers. On the one hand, industries have been driven from the home, where formerly the children became acquainted with many processes and principles which the children of today for the most part ^do not learn. On the other hand, the in- dustries have become specialized so that the young boy or girl going into the mills or shops has no opportunity to acquire a trade. It has been more profitable for the employers to keep the children at the special machines than to teach them the trades; it has also been more remunera- tive to the children, for the time being, to stay at a single machine than to learn the trade. The demand for quick profits on the one hand, and the necessity for max- imum family earnings on the otlyer, have between them done much to destroy the apprenticeship possibilities of modern in- dustry. Even when large manufacturers realize the importance of training up skilled workers, they are frequently deterred by the consideration that after a workman is trained there is no assurance that his superior services will be available to the employer that went to the trouble and ex- pense of training him. For well-known reasons, the working population is un- stable. Changes of industrial methods, fluctuations in market conditions, the state of "finances," political expediency or pressure, industrial disputes and other so- cial forces constantly drive the workers hither and thither. On the other hand, the sons and daughters of the workers could not for the most part afford to ap- prentice themselves to a trade because for a few years a young person can make more money at odd jobs and at special- ized factory work than at an apprentice- ship; and the few dollars additional is an important consideration to the parents. The result has been that more than half of the young people who leave the schools at about the age of fourteen drift into oc- cupations which have absolutely no future for them except to continue to work as men and women at wages that can be earned by boys and girls. The fact that the industries have been driven from the home and apprenticeship from the shops necessitates a new instru- ment for developing the potential skill and industrial efficiency of the boys and girls who are to be the workers of the rising generation. The gradual extension of the APPENDIX 175 ctions of the schools is in part due to growing complexity of closely inte- ted societies; but it is also in large t due to the growing need for a means develop industrial skill, etc. It is for 3 reason that attention is directed to schools in connection with problems ndustrial efficiency, commercial suprem- I agricultural adequacy, etc. WHY THE SCHOOLS ARE INADE- QUATE. Che schools on their side have never n organized to adjust themselves auto- .tically to the changing needs of society of the various communities. The work the schools not only deals with tradi- ns, the ^accumulated wisdom and experi- ce of the race; its very process is tradi- nal in manner. The organization of our lools follows an ancient model, whereby lat is established and accepted is readily parted to the youth; but whereby what- er is new or different is sharply scru- lized and frequently discredited. Now e traditional in education is of a nature at is admirably adapted to the needs of ose classes that in former times alone ;d access to "education" — namely, the ofessional and the leisure classes; but osc materials, while they are desirable ill, in large measure, for the profession- workers, and even for the leisure of dustrial and other workers, are of no rect value in developing the kinds of lowledge and skill that most men and omen need. In former times the mass people obtained their training in civili- ttion or "culture" through imitation of le customs and manners of their elders, id their education in efficiency in the Dmes and fields and shops. The admis- on of the masses to the schools has coin- ded with the elimination of the various implex productive processes from the omes and from the daily experience of le children. The social life, too, lias hanged, so that the boys and girls can- ot "pick up" their civilization any more nan they can pick up their trades. And o again we see the need for having the chool undertake an education that is uite different from that formerly offered, nd one intimately related to the condi- ions and manners of modern life. . ATTITUDE OP DIFFERENT CLASSES TOWARD THE NEW EDUCATION. Leaders of trade and labor organizations iave for many years realized the necessity or supplementing the work of the schools md the opportunities of the shops with idditional training specifically related to he new processes and the new instru- nents of industry. Leading educators and :ar-sighted publicists have also worked ;oward a closer correlation between schools and life and industry. Many spe- Jial institutions have been founded for ;he purpose of giving young men and vomen direct preparation for the techni- sal work of modern industry. But most nstitutions had before them chiefly the >roblems of those who were to become mperintendents and managers of works •ather than those who were to become :he rank and file of the workers. And nost of those who donated to establish- nent of such schools had in mind chiefly :he provision of opportunities for the ex- Jeptionally able and ambitious, rather :han education for the mass of workers. More recently there has been a growing •ealization for the necessity of introducing ndustrial education systematically to the >nd that every prospective worker shall have an opportunity to acquire a reason- able degree of skill and knowledge be- fore entering upon the working years. That this feeling was first organized and exploited by employers is due to the fact that citizens of this class were in a posi- tion both to feel the effects of lack of skill on the part of the workers, and to command the intelligence to organize a remedy. Where the members of the labor unions felt the need for industrial training they either establishd their own schools or modestly asked for the introduction of manual training into the public schools; they never organized an extensive agita- tion on the subject. But because the man- ufacturers did organize such an agitation, and because they used rather crude argu- ments in the course of this agitation, many members of the labor organizations at once became suspicious of the motives and purposes of the manufacturers. The baldest argument for industrial ed- ucation is that skilled workers earn more wages than unskilled, and that a popula- tion made up of skilled workers is there- fore more prosperous, and the state or community that educates its children to ndustrial efficiency is better off than one that neglects such education. 'The crude reply of the suspicious workers was that an industrially educated working popula- tion can produce more profits to the em- ployer, and that where "general education" is replaced by industrial education the working population is deprived of access to avenues of personal culture and satis- faction of which no one today should be deprived. These two views are both true enough, but they are not necessarily in conflict. Whatever the employer may think of the desirability of liberalizing education for all the people, he knows that the raw material supplied him by the schools cannot yield as high a rate of profit as a body of well trained work- men. And whatever the worker may think of our prevailing economic system, he must recognize that higher skill commands higher wages. The educators and teachers have taken up a thorough and systematic considera- tion of the problem only within a, very few years. Representing the impersonal "pub- lic" and trying to view the situation with- out bias, they have found a third point of attack that must eventually reconcile the various conflicting interests and establish the needed education upon a firmer foun- dation than that demanded by the workers in the trades or by the employers of labor. This point of view lays emphasis upon^the fact that society, as represented by its governmental and administrative agencies, is interested primarily in men and women and not in profits and wages. Our common schools fail to adjust the children to the kind's of lives that the vast majority of them must come to lead — that is, the lives of working men and women. Without prejudice to the education of those who are to become professional or agricultural or commercial workers, the schools should fit those whose occupations will be found in the industries. Without loss of those elements in our culture that is the right- ful heritage of every boy and girl, each child should have the same opportunity to become an efficient worker as is now giv- en to the four per cent who become pro- fessional workers. Another point that must be emphasized by the educator as representing the in- terests of society as a whole is the impor- tance of training for citizenship. The ele- mentary instruction in reading, writing 176 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION ti and arithmetic, which so many of the old- er people consider an adequate return from the school is certainly not sufficient to assure that the potential savage in ev- ery child will be displaced by the poten- tial citizen. The educator demands, then, that training for efficiency shall be admit- ted into the schools; but he stipulates that this shall not be allowed to encroach upon the demands of individual develop- ment and the claims of good citizenship. The atiitude of the Socialist party as rep- resenting the interests of a society made up of workers must coincide with that of the far-sighted educators, who represent the Interests of the common humanity In society, as a whole. 4. THE KINDS OF SCHOOLS NECES- SARY. Experiments in vocational trainfng are by no means new. Indeed, the traditional education of the schools and colleges is but a relic of what was at one time voca- tional education for the "clerics" or minis- ters. Private schools for training in spe- cial branches of mechanical trades or of commerce, as well as public schools for various professions, are old and well es- tablished. The United States Military and Naval Academies are examples of special- ized vocational schools maintained by the national government. Many of the states support schools for training in agricul- ture, law, medicine, dentistry, engineering and other professional vocations. *She •quipment necessary for adequate training in medicine and certain other branches is so expensive that no school for training physicians could be operated for profit and at the same time give education satisfy- ing modern standards. Training for other vocations, however, is not so expensive, and is carried on largely in private schools conducted for profit. There are a number of such schools that devote themselves to the training of men and women for the various trades. A third type of vocational school is that established by endowment from philan- thropic motives. Many of these have done excellent work, although most of them have concerned themselves chiefly with training foremen and superintendents. A fourth type of school is the corpora- tion school, established in connection with some industry for the purpose of training workers for that industry. A number or railroad companies, several large manu- facturing companies and some commercial corporations have established such schools. These schools attempt to organize a sys- tem of apprenticeship under conditions of modern industry. Private schools for teaching trades have frequently had the defect that they were more concerned with getting the student's fee than they were with turning out capa- ble workers. The philanthropic or en- dowed schools are as a rule efficient as far as they go; but the form of manage- ment makes them very pliant to meet the needs of employers in case of industrial disputes. This is inevitable, since they de- pend altogether upon the support and good will of men belonging to the employ- ing class. The corporation or apprentice- ship schools have, on the whole, produced the most effective types of instruction with relation to industrial efficiency. If our sole concern were in producing highly skilled mechanics, the shop schools of the large corporations should be taken as models for industrial education. But while the production of highly skilled mechanics is essential to the pros- perity of any industrial nation, that is the sole consideration. The nation ne c not only skilled workers, but men women of independent spirit, men t women with an appreciation of the me;! ing of civilization, men and women v 1 can insist upon having more out of than mere opportunity to earn a livi Now we cannot depend upon schools c< ducted for profit to give us such men women; we cannot depend upon schol endowed by philanthropists to give us si men and women; we cannot depend ui schools operated by corporations to g us the desired type of education. If public cares for education that aims such results, the public must itself ests lish and control the schools. It therefc devolves upon the public school to mod and to extend its program to include trai ! zing for vocational efficiency. It is or the public school that can protect the 1 terests of the children of the public well as advance those interests. In this connection attention should called to a system of part-time schoc which is being tried experimentally many points. Under this plan there is arrangement between employers ai school officials by which the young workers are allowed to spend a part the time in school and a part in the sho The division of time is various. — as alte nate weeks, or half-day in school and ha in the shop, etc. In this way the boj have an opportunity to learn the trac under shop conditions, while the schoi work is closely correlated with the she work. These experiments should I watched with interest as they must t very instructive as to methods of cor ducting industrial education; but they ai not likely to be entirely satisfactory sin< under some of the arrangements the en ployer determines what boys are or ai not to have an opportunity to learn tr trade, while under all the plans the en ployer is in a position to direct the wor of the school too much. The employe) must not be allowed to control the schoo] for their advantage any more than a trad union may be allowed to restrict opporti nities of workers to its advantage. The public schools that have introduce industrial courses with a view to givin industrial education independent of con mercial shops are likely to be handicappe at first, and for some - time to come, by tfi lack of suitable equipment and by the in possibility of obtaining suitable teachei in sufficient numbers. But eventually th; type of school will probably be the mos satisfactory, A temporary device that wi have to serve for many years is the cor tinuation school, whether day or eveninj These schools, conducted by the publl school officials, furnish education supple mentary to the various occupations fo boys and girls who have to go to wor before receiving complete preparatj.01 These schools are specialized to megt fh needs of different groups of worker! Evening schools should be avoided fo young people, as far as possible. Th amount of work required of them in shop and factories should be restricted by lavi that they may have the opportunity to at tend school without detriment to thei health and physical development. According to the prevailing methods c school administration a pupil general! remains in school as long as his parent can afford to keep him, without regar to whether he is getting any good out o it or not; or a pupil leaves school when hi family can no longer afford to keep hir f V APPENDIX 177 ajhere, whether he is benefiting from the education or not. In either case both the ea mount and the kind of schooling are Bfla.de to depend too frequently upon the ] inancial condition of the family instead if upon the capacity and the interests of he pupil. In recognition of the unhappy results >f the haphazard selection of occupations nd of schooling, there has grown the novement for vocational guidance. Vo- jational guidance is a logical consequence >f present-day conditions, and especially >f the establishment of industrial educa- tion. The principles developed by the stu- dents of vocational, guidance, although jjthe study is still in its beginning, can be aj applied to the problem of how pupils are ) D to be distributed with respect to the dif- ■ I] Cerent vocational courses. This is espe- cially important for avoiding the diver- sion of boys and girls into "blind-alley" I occupations. > ' oo a " H, however, it is acknowledged that pu- ipils should be prepared for the vocations to a which they are best fitted by native capac- aijities and interests, insofar as the needs of the various callings will permit, there are at once raised two other problems that are fundamental. The first is, how can we assure the pupil that he will not be obliged to quit school and go to work be- fore his training is completed? And the second is, how can we assure the pupil that there will be an oppdrtunity for him i'oJ to serve in the chosen calling after his u schooling is completed? bj In regard to the first of these problems, J we have to go beyond the usual compul-, r,{ sory-education_ laws. As at present ad- c | ministered these laws simply keep an un- ij, willing boy or girl in school, or deprive « the family of the earnings of the child. ,1 Of course, the child should have all the ,, schooling that he can possibly turn to \ good use; however, when the compulsion j is resented by both pupil and parent, noth- \ ing but bitterness results. In some states the plan of subsidizing older pupils as long as they remain in school has resulted in an increased attendance. The propsal to pay pupils for attending school will have to be seriously considered, for it is more important to society that each indi- vidual be adequately trained than that the child should earn the few paltry dollars. Not only is it true that in general the days of youth are for learning, not earn- ing; but we must recognize that beyond a certain point the cost of the child's edu- cation should fall properly upon society as a whole rather than upon the parent; and where the cost becomes a hardship, in the sense that the parents cannot sup- port the child at school, the burden must be borne by society. In regard to the second question, that of assuring employment to those who have been educated for special kinds of work, the immediate outlook is not very clear. Public schooling cannot long be continued on the theory that it is to prepare individ- ual pupils for a keener competition with one another. Public schooling can be sup- ported only on the theory that it contrib- utes to some common or social advantage. Now the common interests require that every employable adult be given an op- portunity to work, and that the worker and work be as comfortably and as effi- ciently adjusted to each other as possible. It is possible, by means of suitable statis- tical studies, to approximate with a fair degree of accuracy the proportions of an existing body of children that could be profitably prepared for given vocations to be entered upon by them say ten years hence. But if all our children are thus directed into the various trades and pro- fessions, there is no assurance that all of them will find remunerative employment when they are prepared for it. As long as the private ownership and control oi the large instruments of production and distribution keeps a certain proportion of the population always unemployed, it is impossible to foretell what proportions will be employed when all are employable. The ultimate solution of this problem lies, of course, in society's ownership of its in- dustries as well as of its educational ma- chinery. Other problems suggested, such as the disposition of the" product of the school shops, the training of teachers, etc., do not affect the general principles discussed. SUMMARY. 1. IMPORTANCE OP THE QUESTION. High skill among workers necessary to maintain industrial advance. High skill necessary to give workers a decent basis for living. Industrial training no longer possible n the home. Industrial training no longer sufficiently available in the industries themselves. Lack of training drives the majority of hildren into "blind-alley" occupations that ead to nothing. Extension of the functions of the school suggested as a means for furnish- ing industrial training. 2. WHY THE SCHOOLS ARE INADE- QUATE (AS NOW CONDUCTED). The schools have to do with matters that are important to those who enter the professions. Most of the school work is of no signifi- cance to those who are to do other kinds of work. We must still depend upon the school to preserve and to transmit accumulated race experience, "culture" and the basis of civ- ilization. 3. ATTITUDE OF DIFFERENT CLASSES TOWARDS INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION. Need for industrial education apprecia- ted by the workers. Systematic agitation for it started by employers. Employers look to getting better work- ers and hence larger profits. Workers look to getting higher wages. Educators and publicists are concerned primarily with producing better men and women, and with making better citizens. Industrial training must be introduced, but it must not interfere with training for citizenship and for culture. 4. THE KINDS OF SCHOOLS FOR IN- DUSTRIAL TRAINING. Private schools; conducTecT for profit. These are more concerned with fees than with efficiency of work. Endowed or philanthropic schools; these frequently do good work on the technical side, contribute little or nothing to citizen- ship or culture, and are under the domina- tion, as a rule, of the employers. Corporation or apprenticeship schools; these do very effective work, so far as they go; they are completely dominated by the interests of the employers, and ignore, as a rule, all that has to do with civilized living and with citizenship. Public schools; these being under the control of the public, cannot be so readily diverted to the service of a portion of the 178 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION public; they carry the traditions of educa- tion for citizenship and culture. Tart-time schools; advantage of co- operation between shop and school; danger of class domination and restriction. 5. FURTHER IMPLICATION. Control must be truly representative of the public. Public education should not be uniform education. Differentiated courses should be admin- istered with reference to the needs and capacities of pupils, not with reference to the economic status of the parents. There should be systematic study of vo- cational guidance. There is implied a school-attendance subsidy. And the ultimate control of industry by the public. RECOMMENDATIONS. 1. Approval of national, state and local action leading to the establishment of vo cational instruction in the elementary schools. (Vocational includes agricultural, commercial, domestic and professional as well as industrial. Much of the school work is already vocational for those en- tering the professions — about four per cent of the pupils; no changes are needed in this direction.) 2. Approval of the establishment of vo- cational guidance work in cities and towns. 3. Approval of extension of census work, or the establishment of permanent census work in the direction of yield! information as to the industrial ehang and as to the character of the populate 4. Approval of extension of ag compulsory education, with provisions i, monetary compensation wherever nect sary. 5. Support of legislation that will pr hibit all work for children which does n lead to increasing economic and soc; worth. 6. Opposition to arrangements betwe school (public) officials and shop owne that leave the control of the education the hands of the employers. 7. Insistence upon the control of indu trial education being in the hands of tru representative bodies. 8. Insistence upon the subordination, public schools, of skill and speed to unde standing and appreciation. 9. Insistence upon emphasis being la upon citizenship and manhood and womai hood. 10. Insistence upon administration th; will permit of flexible readjustment pupils to their own developing powers c the one hand, and to changing econom conditions on the other. Fraternally submitted, BENJAMIN GRUENBERG, G. A. STREBEL, BERTHA H. MAILLY, Committe TNote: This report was not adopted b the convention, but referred to a ne standing committee on the subject- Editor.] V APPENDIX 179 J? APPENDIX C Report of Committee on Commission Form of Government. :ei)RT OF COMMITTEE APPOINTED THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 3E SOCIALIST PARTY FOR THE TUDY OF THE COMMISSION FORM OF GOVERNMENT FOR CITIES. THE COMMITTEE. I". Jacobsen (Iowa), Chairman. 1 D. Thompson (Wis.), Secretary, nnie E. Branstetter (Oklahoma), jper M'Levy (Connecticut). e( W. Rose (Mississippi). SW OF THE BEST BOOKS ON THE COMMISSION FORM OF GOVERN- MENT FOR CTT1ES. ty Government by Commission," by H. MacGregor, Bulletin of the Univer- of Wisconsin No. 423, paper, 40 cents, j>ages with very complete bibliography, ommission Government in American s." Annals of the American Academy olitical and Social Science, November, |300 pages, $1.00. ommission Plan of Municipal Govern- t." Debaters' Handbook Series, H. W. on Co., cloth, 178 pages, $1.00, very v presentation of arguments on both 5, complete bibliography, ommission Government in American ss," by Bradford, McMillan Company, ■ cloth, $1.25, 359 pages, ity Government by Commission 1 ," by druff, D Appleton & Co., cloth, $1.50, pages. Comparison of the Forms of Commis- Government in Cities," pamphlet by Iford, reprinted from proceedings of National Municipal League at Buffalo, , 3025 15th street, N. W., Washington, I 30 cents. ST GENERAL MUNICIPAL GOVERN- MENT. Phe City, the Hope of Democracy," by flerick C. Howe. Phe British City," by Frederick C. Howe, ese two books by Howe are probably most advanced view of the problems Qunicipal government, and will be most reciated by Socialist readers.) Municipal Government in Continental 'ope," by Shaw. Municipal Government in Great Brit- 7. by Shaw. ^MISSION FORM OF GOVERNMENT FOR CITIES. REPORT OF COMMITTEE. t the National Convention of the So- 1st party in 1910, a committee was ap- lted to submit to the convention a re- t on the subject of the commission form government for cities, which by that e had begun to attract considerable at- tion throughout the country. The committee gave such attention to the subject as was possible during the convention and submitted a tentative re- port. This first report can be found on pages 290-295 of the proceedings of the National Convention of the Socialist party for 1910. After a discussion of the report, the con- tention unanimously decided to make the committee permanent with instructions to give further study to the subject and make report at the next convention of the party. The tentative report of this committee to the National Convention of the party for 1912, follows: 1. THE EXTENT AND GROWTH OF THE COMMISSION FORM OF GOVERN- MENT. Up to the present time about 151 cities have adopted and are operating under the commission form of government in 29 dif- ferent States. The list of the cities is rather too long to print in the report, but may be found in almost any publication on the subject. (See "Commission Govern- ment in American Cities," by Bradford, pages 131-138.) The States now having one or more cities under the commission form of government, are as follows: Alabama. Montana. California. New Mexico. Colorado. North Carolina. North Dakota. Oklahoma. Oregon. South Dakota- Tennessee. Texas. Utah. Washington. West Virginia. Wisconsin. Wyoming. Iowa. Illinois. Idaho. Kansas. Kentucky. Louisiana. Maryland. Massachusetts. Michigan. Minnesota. Mississippi. New Jersey. Twenty-one States have passed general laws providing for the commission form of government in cities which chose to adopt the general provisions. These States are as follows: North Dakota. New Jersey. South Carolina. South Dakota. New Mexico. Texas. Utah. Washington. Wisconsin. Wyoming. Alabama. California, Idaho. Illinois. Iowa. Louisiana. Kansas. Kentucky. Montana. Mississippi. Minnesota. Some of these States and certain others have a general home rule law which makes it possible for the inauguration of the commission form, which should be added to the above list, for in most of these home rule states the commission 180 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION form has been adopted by one or more cities. These States which may be called "home rule States," are California, Ore- gon, Michigan, Missouri, Oklahoma, Wash- ington and Minnesota. There are 59 cities operating under special charter in states where there is no general law as yet. THjE RATE OP GROWTH OP THE COMMISSION FORM. It is interesting to note that the commission form of govern- ment was first introduced in Galveston, Texas, in 1901. This was not only the first example, but it was also the first form. No other city adopted the plan and there was no further development till 1907. During that year six cities adopted the plan and a few States passed general laws. In 1908 seven more cities adopted the plan. In 1909 there were 26. In 1910 the high-water mark was reached. Dur- ing that year 61 cities adopted the com- mission form of government. In 1911 only 49 cities adopted the form. CITIES REJECTING THE COMMISSION FORM OF GOVERNMENT. Meanwhile the number of cities reject- ing the commission form of government seems to be increasing. In 1909, four cities voted upon and rejected the plan. In 1910 19 cities rejected the plan. In 1911, 33 cities rejected it. It will be noted, therefore, that the rate of increase in the number of cities adopt- ing the commission form of government reached its highest point in 1910, and dropped off in 1911, while the number of cities rejecting the plan beginning with 1909, has rapidly increased. One of the cities rejecting the plan, Biloxi, Miss., has Voted it down twice. Oklahoma City twice rejected the plan, but at a third ref- erendum the plan carried. SIZE OF CITIES ADOPTING THE COM- MISSION FORM. It should also be noted that no large city has as yet adopted the commission form of government, although many of its advocates insist that it is as applicable to the large cities as well as to the small ones. The largest city so far adopting the form is St. Paul, Minn., with 214,000, and Oakland, Cal., comes next with 150,174 population. Only three other cities of more than 100,000 population have adopted it, viz.: Spokane, Wash., Memphis, Tenn., and Birmingham, Ala. All the other cities that have adopted the form have a pop- ulation of less than 100,000. Furthermore there are only eleven cities of the 151 adopting the form, that have a fiopulation of between 50,000 and 100,000. n other words, 136 of the 151 cities adopt- ing the commission form have a popula- tion of less than 50,000. One hundred and seven of the total number adopting the form have a population of less than 25,000 and 73 have a population of less than 10,- 000 and 40 a population of less than 5,000. 2. THE ESSENTIAL, AND NON-ESSEN- TIAL FEATURES OF THE COM- MISSION FORM. While the form of the commission plan of government varies greatly and seems to be constantly changing, there are cer- tain features which are presented by the writers on the subject, as being essential. Your committee, however, takes a some- what different view of this point from most of the writers. Certain features are by some urged as essential to the com- mission form which it seems to us are not so at all. We therefore make a somewhat different division in the discussion of thif* 3 part than most of the writt^s on ject. We think this necessary tc| rect estimate of the commission f THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES following are what to us appear t< essential features of the com form. (1) First and foremost is the tration of the legislative, admini and in most cases some of the functions of the city government hands of one governing body. Tl centration involves also the ap power, as in most cases the head' subordinate departments are appoi the commission. The extent of 1 pointive power, however, varies in ferent cities and under the differen This feature of the concentration various functions of the municip; ernment, constitutes the most c and characteristic element in the c sion form of government. (2) The second most constant of the commission form is the sma erning body generally of five men. few cases it is a smaller number i casionally a somewhat larger numb these are exceptional. There are cities that have seven commissione one or two that have nine. But th common form is a board of commis, of five members. Thus the concentration of powtl functions mentioned in the first! above, becomes by reason of this fee concentration of power and functior the hands of a very small number o generally five. This feature of a body appears in every case. In this connection it is interest: note that the process of concentratii in one or two cases been carried 1 !he idea of a board of five commiss and has gone to the limit of propo single man to have complete charge city. This official is known as th business manager. This was first ii rated by the city of Staunton, Va., population of 12,000. The purpose i case appears to have been to ado commission form of government wi addition of a single official to be knc "city manager." To him was given ' charge and control of all the ex< work of the city in its various c ments and entire charge and control heads of departments and employes city." Under his direction are superi ents of (a) streets; (b) electric lig ,(c) water works; (d) city parks; (e) seer of the poor. His duties are to all contracts for labor and supplie "in general perform all the adminis and executive work now Derformed 1 general standing committees of the cil, except the finance, ordinance and auditing committees." A form of government under wl commission of five was to be electee in turn should appoint a municipal ager, has been proposed by Lockport, In Roswell, N. M., the city supe who is appointed by the council, is a "city manager." Thus we have a concentration brou this case to its logical conclusion of a one man authority. (3) The third most characterise ture of the commission form is th€ tions at large. Tne principle of th< tion of representatives to the gov body of the city from wards and dis is abandoned entirely and the comm: ers are elected from the city at large. f v V APPENDIX 181 ;*e also appears in «very case under mission form. fol Another universal feature of the Mission form is that each commissioner to|d assumes charge of a certain depart- ■m The department which the commis- ikes charge of is generally deter- M by the commissioners themselves •aii they are elected. In a few cases, '. \rer, the commissioners are elected in J st place by the people as heads of l departments. Having each com- ber at the head of a department, is, ;r, a universal feature of the com- a form. J The fifth but less universal feature ^■■rpartisan elections. A little more i of the cities operating under the .'Mission form require non-partisan elec- pa> In most cases the use of party cos and party designations is entirely cne of these, however, can be claimed ssential parts of the commission form government. There are cities, stales t j even nations that have put certain of e features into operation, that have had jommission form of government what- >r example, Switzerland and New 2'ea- have haa the initiative and referendum their national laws for many years. y of the western cities had the recall ■ before the establishing of the corn- lion form of government. The civil ice provision is least of all an essential of the commission form of govern- t, as it had been advocated years before commission form of government was •d of and put into operation very widely various degrees throughout the world, so far as publicity is concerned, there i question whether there is more pub- :y under the commission form of gov- nent, with its small body of elected >ers, than there is under the council n with its larger body and ooen mtset- 3. nd as to home rule, it may be said that he commission form of government to considerable degree increased the right self-government and home rule in cities, \ in itself would constitute a very strong nment in its favor. The home rule irement, however, started long before idea of the commission form of govern- St arose, and has been widely agitated fk*ely apart from it. Moreover, before commission form of government be- ae at all widespread and quite inde- dent of the commission movement, fe were a number of states that came be known as "home rule states." These I notably California, Oregon, Michigan, Hsouri. Oklahoma, Washington and Min- (pta, so that it is quite clear that we not need to resort to a commission $h of government as a means of secur- home rule for cities. And while it may admitted that in many cases the degree feome rule is somewhat increased under i commission form of government, the home, rule features cannot be claimed as an essential part of that form. Whether as some of the opponents of the commission form of government argue, these non-essential features as we have called them, were hitched on to the com- mission form in order to deceive the peo- ple into voting for it or not, we need not at this time discuss. We should be able to distinguish, however, between those fea- tures of the commission form of govern- ment which come as a characteristic part and those which do not really belong to it and which can and are being secured by the cities quite widely entirely apart from the commission form of government. That the initiative, referendum and re- call are desired and urged by every so- cialist organization in the world, is well known. That home rule for cities is one of the foremost and most vital needs of all cities, not only in America but every- where, is also well understood by every student of municipal problems. But all of these matters can be advanced and are being advanced apart from the commission form. They cannot therefore be held sfi characteristic of this form of government. 4. RESULTS OP THE COMMISSION FORMS. TOO EARLY TO JUDGE. Considering the fact that the commission form of gov- ernment has been in operation so short a time, it is too early to judge finally as to its efficiency or success. The only city that has really had enough years of experience to have given the form a real test, is Galveston, Texas, which adopted the form in 1901. But the Galveston form is so much different from what has come to be known as the commission form of govern- ment, and was inaugurated under such dif- ferent circumstances and conditions from practically all of the other cities, that it can hardly be considered a test. No other city adopted the form until four years later, when Houston, Texas, fol- lowed the example and copied much the same form as that of Galveston. Not until two years later, viz., in ' 1907, were there any considerable number of cities adopting the form of government. So it will appear that the experience of any city under the commission form has been brief. Galveston has had the longest which is about eleven years. Houston comes next with nine years. Five other Texas cities, of which Dallas is the largest, and Lewiston, Idaho, have had about six years. Most of these cities in the early period of the commission form, have not yet developed the real form of commission government, which is at present most com- monly advocated. Des Moines, la,, which finally adopted the form most commonly advocated at the present time, has had hardly five years of experience. All of the other cities have had even less than that. Twenty-six of the cities have not yet completed two years of experience and forty-nine are still in their first year. In other words, none of the cities having the present form of com- mission government, most generally ad- vocated, have had more than four or five years of experience, while the great ma- jority of them have only had one or two years. So it will appear that the commission form of government has not been in oper- ation in any case more than four or five years and during that time the form has been constantly modified and changed so that it is really too early to be able to judge as to its results. The further fact that in no case has it been applied in any 183 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION, city of considerable size, still further limits our opportunity for judgment as to its ef- ficiency, so far as political results are con- cerned. FAVORABLE AND UNFAVORABLE REPORTS. Turning now to the reports given out from the various cities as to the results of the operation^ of this for.' . of government, we hnd a mass of literature, pamphlets and magazine articles, which attempt to present the results. Many of them report in most glowing terms the splendid results obtained. Almost every writer on municipal problems has had some- thing to say upon tnis subject. Some so- cialist writers have strongly advocated the commission form. Most notable of these is Charles Edward Russell, whose article in "Everybody's Magazine" April, 1910, on "Sanity and Democracy for American Cities" is a most positive and unqualified endorsement of the idea. And the article which is written with special reference to Des Moines attempts to point out most re- markable and favorable results. Coming as it does from one of our prominent so- cialists, this article immediately chal- lenged the attention of your committee. Correspondence with Comrade Russell drew out the fact that he was very decidedly of the opinion that the commission form of government was in every way worthy of the support of those who desire a better municipal government. A contrary opinion, however, is held by other socialists and even by other writers With regard to Des Moines and t^e success of .the form there. In the case of the recent street car strike there the commissioner of public safety was undoubtedly in sympathy with the workers. As is usual in such strug- gles the company depended upon the sup- port of the police to help them. When the strike breakers were brought in to operate the cars the company expected the police to give them special protection, and asked permission for their men to carry weapons. This the commissioner of public safety re- fused to permit. The result was that inside of two days the strike was won and the union men were operating the cars. Suosequently. and in absolute violation Of the Iowa law, this particular commis- sioner was deprived of the control of the police force. He had control, by virtue of his office of both the fire and the police forces. When the crisis came the police force was taken away from him. This nat- urally brought forth vigorous protests from many quarters. In order to offset this, the whole department was taken away from this commissioner and given over to one of the others. The feeling of the people was very de- cidedly manifested in the ensuing election when all three of the commissioners who had been parties to this high handed pro- ceeding were defeated. And yet, in spite of all this, when the new commission took office they did not restore the commissioner who had shown his sympathy for the work- ers to the control of the police and fire department forces. In Minot. North Dakota, we have another illustration of the peculiar workings of the commission form of government. One of our Socialists, Arthur LeSueur, was elected chairman of the commission. An- other Socialist had also been elected and these two found that one of the other mem- bers worked and voted with them. This gave them the control of the commission. They proceeded then to enforce the laws and clean up the city. A little later on, however, one of the Socialist candidates failed of re-election, another was | pelled to leave town and the Socialist control of the commission. There three non-Socialists against the tw cialists. The commission law in this case it incumbent upon the chairman p ularly to enforce the laws relative to gambling and the -selling of liquor. County Sheriff was particularly host the chairman of the commission. Coi LeSueur was therefore in this dile the law required him to enforce the gambling and anti-vice ordinances, county officials who were hostile stood to prosecute him if he did not en them. But meanwhile the three mer of the commission who stood against had elected an entirely new police con sion and they in turn had taken the i force out of his control. The law pelled him to enforce the ordinances the commission had taken away from the power by which alone he could c In this predicament he appealed to local of the Socialist party for a dec as what was best to do and they de> that the only thing in that case was him to resign, which he did. This would seem to us a clear indie; of the bad working of this form of ernment, or at least an evidence that no better than the old form. In spit this, however, Comrade LeSueur beli strongly in the commission form of ernment. In 1907, the Polk County Republ Club, of Des Moines, appointed a com tee that visited Galveston and India olis, in order to make comparison of forms of government there with the posed Des Moines plan. This comm was evidently very much opposed to Galveston plan. Their report was stro against the commission idea. Speakin the Galveston plan, they say: "It is a potentially perfect political chine. There has been no change in membership of the Galveston commis since it was organized in 1900 (excep the death of a member). The exter powers of the commissioners have ena them to control all political factions completely to crush the opposition, commissioners' faction is in complete trol, and its leaders dictate nomination commissioners, members of the legisla and congressmen. "The Galveston commissioners and officials are not easily accessible to citizens of the city, and give but a s portion of their time to the city's busir None of the commissioners, except mayor, has an office in the city hall, of them have other extensive interests citizens seeking redress or assistance r run the gauntlet of the outside office closed door of the private business offic "In Houston, which also has a com sion form of government where the c missioners are required to stay in the hall every day, business men do not these positions although the salaries higher than the proposed salaries of Des Moines commissioners. One com: sioner was formerly a. scavenger, ano a blacksmith, justice of the peace and derman, a third a railroad auditor, a fo 1 a dry goods merchant, and the mayor a tired capitalist. "The Galveston commissioners favor corporation. The only franchise givei a corporation by the commission is franchise obtained by the Galveston St Railway Co. in Mav, 1906. It was not ferred to a vote of the people. (This f chise was given for a period of fifty yea \ APPENDIX 183 te city received no compensation for this anchise and collected no franchise taxes it. The city receives no percentage of e gross or net receipts. The company arges a straight five-cent fare and trans- rs are issued ,only from May to October." Speaking of this failure of the commis- Dn government in Galveston to provide the franchises granted to the street car mpany for adequate protection to the ople of the city, Mr. Starzinger (quoted the hand book above referred to, page e 3) says: "In Galveston today, for instance, not te cent is derived from the existence of iluable franchises," and he asks indig- mtly, "Is this the superior legislation of D hich friends of the commission idea >eak?" Furthermore, according to these investi- f itors, the Galveston municipal govern- ent is not free from graft. This is the ost unkind cut of all. as the friends of le commission form have boasted most udly of this most particular achievement. he committee refers to the Galveston po- ce board records in proof of their conten- on that graft still prevails; and they cite milar instances in the city attorney's de- artment. Professor Rowe, in discussing the com- mission plan in the Debaters' Handbook Jbove referred to, points out very clearly ilie fundamental issue involved. He says ; ,! rankly that the choice presented to our .merican communities takes the form of n apparent opposition between democracy nd efficiency. Very clearly therefore we 51 re called upon here to sacrifice the prin- * iple of democracy in the interests of al- 2ged efficiency. Prof. Rowe says: "This means that the people are prepared o accept the same administrative stan- ards in municipal affairs as those which irevail in the business world. The re- ent proposal to give the police commis- ioner of N ;w York a term of ten years or ossibly a life tenure, would have been eceived in scorn and indignation fifty '•ears ago. Today it is regarded by many ls the best possible means of securing an ifficient administration of this service." Here then we have the most direct objec- ion to the commission form, the fact that t proposes not only extreme concentration, )ut that there is appearing already as a ogieal sequence the proposal for long term )f office and finally even of life terms. And he fact that this is suggested with ref- rence to the control of the police is par- icularly significant to a working class movement that is struggling for fairness in its struggle with an unprincipled plu- tocracy. Finally it is argued against the commis- sion "plan that it has been tried in at least one case for fifteen years and found a fail- ure. Hon. Clinton L. White, of Sacra- mento, Cal., writing of the form of gov- ernment there, says that that city has tried the commission form for fifteen years and abandoned it in 1893. Speaking of the re- sults of this experience in. the commission form of government, he says: "The management of the street depart- ment, the small amount of. work accom- plished with funds provided for the pur- pose and the number of employes doing only a nominal amount of work, but drawing full pav from the city were at times some- thing simply scandalous. The manage- ment of the water works system was fre- quently almost as bad, and these things were not checked by a disinterested tri- bunal. " (See Debaters' Handbook on "Commission Plan of Municipal Govern- ment," page 134.) In view of these facts, Mr. White says the people of Sacramento abandoned the commission form, and have gone back to the usual form of municipal government, which he says has been very much su- perior to the commission system. The experience of Boston with the non- partisan feature of the commission plan seems to have been unfavorable. At least an article in Pearson's Magazine by George P. Anderson, takes a decidedly critical view of the idea, and reports serious evils re- sulting from the new method of handling the city's civic life. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science for November, 1911, has a number of articles written by different men on "Objections, Limitations and Modifications of the Commission Plan." One of the writers, Dunbar F. Carpenter, of Colorado Springs, Colorado, reporting upon the operation of the commission form in that city, admits that it has been a disap- pointment to its friends and advocates. He says: "We have not found it any more econom- ic — there has been no saving in the cost of operation — there is cairtse for disappoint- ment in the fact that the administration has not been more effective in the general man- agement of the city's business, and the least efficient branch of the public service is what it always is in American cities, the police department." He, says further: "My observations lead me to believe that the commission plan is not the final solution of the great plan of municipal government. The commission plan is a long step over the old plan, but it is only a step and not the goal." We refer to this testimony because it is given by one who proposes to be a friend to the commission form of government, and yet finds it disappointing. The article in the same chapter by Walter G. Cooper of Atlanta, Ga., is also a very strong and rational presentation of the ar- guments against the commission form. Ford H. McGregor, instructor in polit- ical science, University of Wisconsin, in his City Government by Commission, gives a rather strong argument on the "disad- vantages" of the commission form of gov- ernment, pages 115-129. In this there is perhaps the clearest recognition of the most fundamental objection. He says: "But by far the greatest influence and the most dangerous influence exerted on the council or commission will come, not from political organizations, but from the great industrial interests. As has already been pointed out, one of the greatest evils connected with municipal government in the United States has been the corrupt dealings between the city governments and private corporations which desire valuable franchises for semi-public purposes. The interests of these corporations will be the same under the commission plan as under any other form of city organization, and we may reasonably expect that they exert the same pressure upon the members of the commission as they have in the past upon the members of the common councils to secure these valuable franchises. As a certain newspaper has put it, 'Will public service corporations that manage our city railways, our telephones and telegraphs, our water svstem, our heating and lighting plants, cease to covet gain, cease to look with designing eves on the city council, cease to scrutinize the ordinances, and care not about the character of the men who will enforce the regulations* affecting the con- duct and individuals? Will the men inter- ested in the sale of wine and beer and' the NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION patrons of their saloons, will the keepers of dives and gambling dens, become con- verted and join the church and cease to trouble our souls and harass not the po- lice who surround them? The inducements for such interests to control the commis- sion will be even greater than ever, be- cause of the increased power which is given to the commission. This is probably the greatest danger which ^confronts the com- mission plan. A corrupt or inefficient com- mission, with the great powers conferred upon it, would be much more dangerous to the best interests of the city than an equally corrupt or inefficient common council. "Not only does the commission plan af- ford increased opportunity to the politician to manipulate city government, it also pre- sents the possibility of the commission itself becoming a powerful political ma- chine. The more absolutely power and patronage are concentrated, the greater the political force that can be wielded by the holders of them. A small commission ex- ercising the entire power of the city might build up such a machine and so intrench itself that it could not be defeated." From this it will appear that the testi- mony as to the results of the operation of the commission form of government are not all in one way. There is a feeling that on the whole there has been increased effi- ciency and some improvements. But the more enthusiastic supporters of the idea become so extreme in their efforts to show good results that their reports can hardly be trusted. . On the other hand there are those who hold that the improvements have been in no way commensurate with the risk in- volved in the experiment of greatly in- creased power in the hands of a few. They urge that the principle of democracy has been sacrificed to the promise of efficiency. And they go so far as to claim that the promise of efficiency has not materialized to any appreciable extent. REPORT FROM THE SOCIALIST LO- CALS. In order to learn directly from the localities where the commission form is in operation, and to get the .views of the Socialists themselves, your committee ad- dressed a circular letter to about 125 secre- taries of locals in cities where the commis- sion form of government is in operation. As there were only about 150 cities in all, as stated above, this circular letter was sent to a very large proportion of all the cities that have the commission form. In response to this letter your commit- tee received replies from 76 cities in 18 different States. The questions bore upon details relative to the form in operation in the various cities, the fact of which we have brought out in other parts of this report. Among other things we inquired what at- titude the Socialists in the community had taken regarding the commission form, whether they were in favor or opposed to it. In answer to this question, 13 locals reported that they favored the commission form of government. Twenty-seven locals reported that they were opposed to it. Nine others reported that they were in a gen- eral way opposed to the commission form. Four locals reported that they- wore di- vided among themselves, some favoring and some opposing it. Fifteen locals reported that the comrades of their community had taken no attitude whatever, one way or the,, other. « From this it will appear that there is no consensus of opinion among the Social- ists of the country that refers to the com- mission form. Some favor it, others op pose it and a good many seem not to hav« given it any study and therefore take m stand upon the matter. Of those who favored the commissioi form of .government, it was interesting t< note that nearly all of the California lo cals reporting upon the subject were fa- vorable. The State secretary of the So- cialist party of California, Comrade F. B Meriam, takes the pains to write at con- siderable length in favor of the commis- sion form. He says: "A pure commission government or a government where the citizens select a committee or council, leaving everything to them as everything is left to the board of directors of a corporation, is a govern- ment in favor of which from a Socialist standpoint, little can be said. But as to those cities where their officers are elect- ed by the electors, where they have the initiative, referendum and recall-*and also where all partisan ballots are eliminated, very different conditions are presented for consideration. In a general way the latter represents the general type of the Califor- nia municipal government of the new class. "Most of the Socialists oppose the com- mission form because it eliminates partisan ballots, and are prolific in the predictions of dire calamity. Several of the California cities have been under this non-partisan form of charter for a number of years. San i Diego adopted it at the close of the year ' 1908, holding its first election in the spring of 1909. The Socialists there gave the matter careful consideration and finally de- cided to support the proposition for certain well defined reasons. There is practically no intelligent Socialist in the city today who would change this if he could. The experience there and the experience throughout the State during the past year has all pointed J.n one direction and that is, to the benefit of the Socialist movement. It has in its practical operation resulted in a demoralization of the old party ma- chine organizations; has largely eliminated the terror of the party whip; has a ten- dency to remove the influence of party prejudice and in almost every instance has resulted in forcing a clean cut, unbefogged fight between the Socialists on the one side and all branches of capitalism on the other. It has brought out a clean cut issue of hu- manity against mammon. It has had no effect in the way of demoralizing Socialist organizations or in minimizing our party action and activities. In fact the Socialist party is the only party which has been able to preserve its party activities, with a re- sult similar to the conflict between a thor- oughly drilled and organized body of men and a disorganized body. "The educational and propaganda value of these clear cut battles are tremendous. They enable us to show things up in their true light and make the usual flim-flamming of the public on immaterial issues next to impossible. What future experience may develop, of course, remains to be seen but under the usual form adopted in California so far as our experience goes up to the present time, we have certainly reaped a positive and decided advantage by the adop- tion of this form of municipal government. Just so soon as we are enabled to eliminate from our political contests the old sus- picions, prejudices and bogie men which have been built up in each of the old par- ties against the other for the sole purpose of blinding their constituency as to the real issue, just so soon we will have en- tered upon the last short, sharp battle, which will result in victory for the Social- ■«a APPENDIX 185 party. When the issue is clean cut, against money, we will soon land them. elimination of partisan ballots in mu- Dal affairs produces just this result." >mrade Frank E. Wolfe, writing in ad- t3>n to the answers to the questions, and Diking for the Socialist local of Sac- ento, Cal., takes a similar attitude. He 3tudy of conditions here and study of charter has convinced me the commis- i form will be vastly better for the pie and better for the Socialists. We have an excellent opportunity of levement if we elect. The prospects first-class. Even if we get but one i through, we will be able to put a dent the old system. One man will give us fifth of the entire city government. In Los Angeles we are about to write a 7 charter. It will, doubtless, be based the commission form. Socialists there in much confusion on the question. I s not certain about it but I am now in or of it there, and hope to get the com- es to approve it officially. 'This form shortens the ballot and gives an opportunity to concentrate our tits." The locals at Vallejo, San Obispo and desto, also report that their comrades /or the commission form of government. 3n the other hand, as mentioned above, locals reporting, state that their com- 3es are opposed to the commission form. ie comrades in Flint. Mich., take an ac- e stand against the commission form government, and in their paper, "The int Flashes," published a number of ar- les agains.t it. The local of Peoria, 111., blished a leaflet against the commission rm of government, which was reprinted the Chicago Daily Socialist on February ,1911. Comrade James O'Neil prepared a leaflet rainst the conmission form of govern- ent for the Indiana comrades, which was printed in the Chicago Daily Socialist on arch 4, 1911. Comrade Moulton, Secretary of the Hav- hill, Mass., local, reports that the com- tdes tli ere have taken a stand against the >mmission form of government and gives some length the arguments which they old against it. This will be referred to iter. In some cases the locals report contro- ersies having arisen in their locals over ie question of the commission form. This i notably true in Spokane, where factional ivision seems to have arisen over the elec- ton of Comrade David Coates as commis- ioner of public works, under the commis- ion form. The comrades report that their Deal decidedly opposed the commission orm of government, while Comrade Coates imself is an enthusiastic supporter. The Deal at Spokane complained that the elim- nation of the party lines enabled Com- ade Coates to secure the election, which e could not have secured as a Socialist, 'he merits of the controversy, of course, our committee does not care to enter, sim- ly calling attention to the fact that the seal there is reported as strongly opposed o the commission form. Comrade Coates rho has been elected under it strongly avored it, and a factional fight developed ver the situation. lRGUMENTS PRO AND CON. AS RE- PORTED BY THE SOCIALIST OFFICIALS. The arguments in favor of the commis- ion form of government, which the locals eport as being most commonly used by he Socialists who favor it, are as follows: Most common of all are the usual argu- ments that the commission form results in greater efficiency and promises more ready action. Another argument, less com- mon, in its favor is that it results in great- er economy. We have already referred to the argu- ments submitted by Comrades Meriam and Wolfe, of California, referred to above. On the other hand the one and most constant objection urged against the commission form of government by practically all of the locals opposing it, is the concentration of power into the hands of a few, wjhich they believe to be undemocratic and danger- ous. In different forms and with many variations this seems always to be the most common objection. Next to this the most constant objection raised is against the election at large which eliminates representation from the wards. This feature, it is argued, prevents the mi- nority parties from securing any representa- tion whatever in the governing bodies. It is pointed out that under the ward repre- sentation the working classes are sure to predominate in certain wards, and therefore are able to secure at least a minority rep- resentation if permitted to elect representa- tives from these wards. This gives them not only the advantage of having a work- ing class representative in the governing body, but it also gives them the opportunity for experience in public service. These two objections, the concentration of power and the elimination of ward rep- resentation, constitute the most universal arguments against the commission form as given by the secretaries of the branches replying. 5. OBJECTIONABLE FEATURES. There are three principal objections to the commission form of government. There are many minor points that are objection- able but they are matters of detail. (1) EXTREME CONCENTRATION. Ex- treme concentration of power is regarded by all critics of the commission form of government as its most dangerous and ob- jectionable feature. Reducing the number of officials to five, the commission form combines the legislative, executive and ju- dicial functions. It combines the tax levy- ing, appropriating and expending powers. In addition it gives this small governing commission all of the appointive power including not only the right to appoint all municipal appointees but to remove them, to create new positions or discontinue them, to fix salaries and prescribe all official duties, alter or transfer them. Thus it not only gives this small group of five men almost complete control of the entire municipal affairs, but it also makes all of the city employes practically the agents and dependents of the commission. This is concentration with a vengeance. Nothing of the sort has been attempted in modern times anywhere in the. world. We have had in the past single rulers of cities and nations — kings, monarchs and emperors, and painfully and slowly through centuries of struggle the world has gotten away from monarchy and autocracy. We have had in ancient times dictators, triumvirates and decemvirates, but in modern times no na- tion on earth has proposed such a centrali- zation of power. With the tendency of modern years everywhere in the direction of greater democracy, the commission form of government comes with a tendency back again towards the old idea of the rule by the few and power in the hands of the few. In reply to this objection the friends of the commission form of government always urge that it has incorporated the initiative, 186 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION referendum and the recall, which are the instruments of modern democracy. It is doubtful, however, whether these features constitute a sufficient safeguard against the dangers of concentration. And besides .there is reason to doubt the wisdom of so radical a departure from the democratic form of government as will compel the people to depend upon these devices- as their only possible escape from the tyranny of autocracy. Speaking of this point, J. R. Palda in a report to the Bohemian Independent Po- litical Club of Cedar Rapids (quoted in Debaters' Handbook on "Commission Plan of Municipal Government," page 135) says: "The initiative referendum and recall are good provisions; in fact, the best the plan contains, but they will in no sense counter- balance the powers granted to the commis- sion. It is a difficult defense against the possible misconduct and inefficiency of the commission, as it requires in the greater number of cases a petition signed by 25 per cent of the voters. Who will undertake the work, and who will pay the expenses of securing such a petition? That is worthy of consideration. Will it not oc- cur to all that the people will tolerate many, many abuses from the honorable commission before they will reach out for these means of defense? That they will remain supyiely silent for a long, long time before making use of the initiative, before they would avail themselves of the desig- nated means of protest. "Besides the initiative, the referen lum, and the recall, which are the most salient features of the new plan, can very easily be incorporated into the present system, and it is not necessary in order to secure the benefits of those provisions to force upon the people the attendant dangers and burdens of the commission plan." With the government of a great city in the hands of a few men with such un- limited power as the commission form gives them, it is doubtful whether the people would have at hand the necessary time, resource and means of publicity to con- tend with such a centralized, swift-acting power. (2) THE NON-PARTISAN FALLACY. The elimination of narties is also a se- riously objectionable feature. There can be no greater fallacy than the so-called non-partisan idea. Whether it be the mere stupidity of our so-called reformers or the clever design of politicians who seek to manipulate municipal government to their advantage, or a little of both, we can see no logical reason whatever for this non-partisan idea. Some seem to feel that if they can only eliminate "parties" in mu- nicipal affairs, everything will be lovely. In some cases this is carried to the ex- treme of prohibiting any kind of party designation whatsoever in a municipal cam- paign. Generally, however, the idea is to eliminate national parties from the local campaigns. And the line of argument ad- vanced in favor of this is that the national parties have no issues that pertain to mu- nicipal affairs — that national affairs have nothing to do with local issues. Little need be said with regard to the proposition that proposes to eliminate all party designations of every kind. Such a proposition would take out of civic life the responsibility of fighting together for prin- ciples. By eliminating all designations by which people would work together for some principle or idea, municipal campaigns would be thrown back again upon the worst elements in our political life. The experience of Boston with their non- partisan government is an Illustration. Speaking of the situation there, George Anderson, writing on "The First Result Boston's Elaborate Political Reform,' Pearson's Magazine, says: "The aim of the promoters of the r charter was to smash party lines and break up party fealty. The charter complished this, but resulted in the in: tion of race and religious issues as sub;! tutes. This is a most unfortunate res but it is not wholly logical. In ordin; campaigns the candidate of a party stan for certain principles or traditions of t! party. Take those away, and the can date's personality is bound to be the le ing issue, and his race or religion cam fail to be discussed. Which arrangemcj is better Boston knows to her sorrow. Otl cities on the edge of a reform ferme if they are wise, will pause before folio ing her example." And this is what might naturally be t pected. The efforts to eliminate what supposed to be the baneful influence partisanship and the party, this non-pg tisan movement eliminates principle well. And eliminating principle leav nothing but personalities, race and i ligious prejudices as issues in municip campaigns. Against the elimination of national par names and national issues even more mi be said. There is hardly a serious proble of municipal government that can solved at all aside from the state and n tional movement. Take the question home rule. Here in the very nature of t case the city is powerless in the hands the state legislature. The fight for hor rule itself is a state and national figl Take the question of the commission for of government itself — it has been an iss 1 for state legislatures very largely. Or consider some of our commercial and i dustrial problems. The real difficulti that concern a people in a city, invol- state and national issues. For examp] the supply of coal for a city — what a any city in America do on a problem that sort without state and national actioi The city may establish a coal yard? Bi that is only the merest fraction of tl problem. The coal must be shipped to tl city over railroads that are owned by pi vate corporations. It must be mined mines that are owned by the monopoli* and trusts. The transportation of the co; becomes a problem of interstate commerc Thus the most elemental problem of tl city becomes a state and national probler a question requiring a consistent and con prehensive programme for state and ns tional action. To undertake to solve prol lems of this kind by limiting our efforts i local issues, and separating our cities fro: state and national issues, is absurd. It may be quite true that neither the R publican nor the Democratic national pa: ties have anything in their platforms < programmes, looking to the relief of th people that live in cities. Perhaps the purposely omit any such ideas. That doubtless a part of the plan of the figl of modern plutocracy, to keep the grej political parties out of the most essenth part of the fight. But to attempt to teac the people that they can find' any relic from the evils that torment them withov state and national action, is the height < folly. If the Republican and Democrat: parties have no programme and no prii ciples that apply to the great problem c municipal government, so much the wor? for them. Let the people know it, th sooner the better. It is exactly what shoul be expected. Jt APPENDIX 18. Such is llOfc the case with the Socialist party. It has a programme — municipal, state and national. And they are a part of one consistent whole. The same prin- ciples for which the socialist party stands in the state and nation, apply with equal force, though with different details, to the city as well. And what its more, there is no solution of municipal problems apart from the principles of social democracy. And the principles of social democracy can- not be applied except through state and national action. The effort therefore to eliminate national and state issues and to prevent the organization of a state and national political party that shall have also a municipal programme, is to block the way to a final solution of the problems of municipal government. Furthermore, let the Socialist party of America grow to sufficient strength and numbers; let it capture enough of the cities of this country, let it secure enough repre- sentatives in a few of the state legislatures and the national congress to make its mu- nicipal, state and national programme a real menace to the capitalistic parties of today, and we shall very quickly see the political powers of capitalism rush into a party that will be the most bitterly par- tisan that this country has known since the anti-slavery times. There is an issue in municipal govern- ment that is bound up inseparably with the state and national programme. It is im- possible to solve the municipal problems apart from these larger state and national problems. So the lines of this struggle may as well be drawn sharply and as closely as possible. We believe it to be the task of the Socialist party to bring this issue into the open and to make the people of This country realize that the struggle between plutocracy and the com- mon people is not only a municipal struggle but a state and national one as well. And the effort to* - conceal this struggle by de- taching the city and its issues and problems from the state and national situation, serves only to deceive the people and to prolong the period of their enslavement. (3) ELIMINATION OF MINORITY REP- RESENTATION. The elimination of mi- nority representation is another serious ob- jection to the commission form of govern- ment which is urged by all its critics. By abolishing ward representation and electing the commissioners at large, the possibility of a minority party securing a representa- tion is destroyed. This is particularly true with regard to the working class. In the nature of the case certain wards in our cities are inhabited by the working class. Other wards are inhabited mostly by the capitalistic class. Under the method of ward organization there are sure to be some wards where the working class pre- dominate and where therefore they can secure representation long before they are able to capture the city. This minority representation serves not only to give the working class a voice in the government to that extent, but it affords the working class experience in public affairs. All of this is sacrificed by the commis- sion form of government and we believe is a serious loss. Furthermore the arguments in favor of representation aL large is offset by argu- ments in favor of ward representation. For while it may be true that representatives from certain districts of the city will be inclined to neglect the general welfare of the city in their concern for their own constituency, yet on the other hand it is also true, particularly in larger cities, that the needs of a certain district are likely to be overlooked by a form of representa- tion that concerns itself solely with the general welfare of a city. The jrinciple of ward representation has always been that in this way residents of a certain district are better able to bring the requirements of their district to the attention of the gov- erning body. And this argument cannot be overlooked. The cities which have combined a repre- sentation from wards with a group of al- dermen elected at large, secure both of these advantages. We have such a form of municipal government in Milwaukee at the present time. The commission form of government sacrifices one of these advan- tages entirely. (4) OTHER OBJECTIONS. In addition to the above, which are the chief and most serious objections, there are others which should not be overlooked. For example, whether intentional or not, there seems to have crept into many of the laws and char- ters providing for the commission form of government, features which can hardly be regarded other than as jokers. For ex- ample, in many cases the percentage re- quired for the initiative, referendum and r.ecall are so high as to practically destroy their value. The most notable case of this kind was the Illinois law which at first re- quired a seventy-five per cent of the total vote in order to start a recall. Of course such a percentage is absolutely prohibitive. It should be said, however, that the next session of the legislature reduced that per- centage to fifty-five, but even that is pro- hibitive. In many of the cities twenty-five per cent and in some even thirty-five per cent of the voters are required for referendum. These are too high. The same may be said with regard to the initiative. Twenty-five and thirty per cent are frequently required and in one case the Kansas law required forty per cent in cities of the second class. (For analysis of this point see Commis- sion Government in America, by Bradford, pages 220-233.) It is also important to know that in many of the charters and many of the state laws, one or the other of these demo- cratic devices have been omitted entirely. For example, thirteen out of fifty-one cities omitted the referendum entirely in their charters and seven states out of twenty- four omitted it from their general state laws. Twelve cities have omitted the recall provision from their charters and eight out of the cities adopting a general commis- sion law, have omitted the recall from the provision of their general acts. 5a. SOME OP THE CLAIMS INVESTI- GATED. DOES IT CONCENTRATE? In spite of the fact that the most characteristic fea- ture of the commission form is its concen- tration of power and in spite of the fact that this is urged as the strongest argu- ment in favor t>f the commission form it is interesting to note that in one or two respects it fails even at this point. For example, the school boards or boards of education are almost nowhere brought un- der the control of the commissions. So here is one other important part of the government In a city which is not concen- But more important still, if concentration is to be considered an argument in favor Of the commission form, is the fact that it does not concentrate the judicial power. While in many cases the municipal court Is brought under the control of the com* NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. mission, this does not relieve the munici- pality of the interference of the courts where they may be hostile to the local gov- ernment. And any student of municipal government, and particularly those who have been following the struggles of the cities that are trying to free" themselves from the grip of the corporations, under- stand how serious the power of the courts is. Wherever a city has made a really serious stand against the domination of the interests the capitalistic courts have immediately swung into line against the local government. In the city of Cleve- land, Ohio, for example, this went so far that in Order to defeat Tom D. Johnson in his fight for the three-cent fare, which he had practically won, the matter was taken to the Supreme CSurt of the state and the charter of the city itself declared uncon- stitutional. And in this way the city was beaten by the courts. Similar experiences could be cited in scores of cases. It is well understood and perfectly nat- ural that the capitalistic courts should be everywhere the last resort of the corporate interests. If we are to secure an inde- pendent and free local government for a city we shall have to find some way of preventing the courts from overthrowing the acts of the local government through injunction proceedings and the like. And after all this is one of the most serious problems for the student of municipal gov- ernment. And the commission form does not meet it in any sense of the word, x In fact it does not contemplate it. the freedom of action on the part of the municipal government by means of con- centration of power, the commission form of government breaks down at this point. DOES IT FIX RESPONSIBILITY? It is also argued that by concentrating the power of a municipal government in the hands of a few we are able to fix the re- sponsibility, to know exactly who is to blame if things do not go right. How far is this true? . A commission iy elected of, let us say, five men. The ques- tion of a certain line of action is decided by a majority vote. One of the commis- sioners who is at the head of a depart- ment, decides upon a certain line of action. Three of the five, however, vote against it. The work cannot be done. Who now is to blame for the failure of the commission to act? The commissioner who proposed the ac- tion did his part. He lays the blame upon the others. But th.e neglected work is in his department, so the others shift the blame on to him. Another illustration of the shifting of re- sponsibility occurred in Oklahoma City. A circuit judge was elected as one of the commissioners because of his known friend- ly attitude toward union labor. When he was elected he was put at the head of the Department of Public Works.. But when the question of engaging union labor came up he dodged the issue and shifted the re- sponsibility by referring the question to the commission. The commission then decided that they could not under the laws "dis- criminate against" the non-union workers. Tn this way the labor question was shifted from one commissioner to the other and so disposed of. Again in Dps Moines the citizens circu- lated a petition asking for the submission of the Question of the purchase of the street ear system. The signatures of 16 per cent of the voters were secured. Now. the com- missioners did not want to submit the Question. On the other hand, they did not wish to offend the 2,300 voters who had signed the petition. So they shifted th« responsibility by referring the question to the legal department. The city attorney gave them an opinion in which he held that the form of the ordinance was illegal. In spite of the opinion of the legal de- partment the commissioners decided .to sub- mit the question to a vote of the people, after which the district court at the insti- gation of the street railway company in- tervened, restraining the commission from submitting the question. But they again shifted the responsibility from the city at- torney's shoulder and in spite of his opin- ion submitted the question. Then the dis- trict court stepped in upon the petition of one of the citizens and issued an injunc- tion restraining the commission from sub- mitting the question. Thus, we have in this case the shifting of responsibility first from the shoulders of the commission to those of the city at- torney; back again from the shoulders of the city attorney to those of the commis- sioners; and finally again from their shoul- ders to those of the district court. It would be pretty hard to conceive of a bet- ter illustration oT the failure of the com- mission form of government to "fix .re- sponsibility." ^ From this it would appear that so long as you have more than one in your com- mission, there is more or less shifting of responsibility inevitable. And hence the arguments actually made in favor of a one- man commission. And even more serious is the interference of State legislatures and courts. The es- tablishment of the commission form of government in a city does not take away the possibility of interference by the legis- lature and the courts. So long as the ad- ministration of the citv is in harmony in its purposes and policies with the State legislature and the courts, so long matters may go smootfilv. But let anv city admin- istration undertake to withstand the cap- italistic policies of the courts and the State legislature and there soon is a manifesta- tion of these superior powers. It only re- quires one man in a city to apply to the courts for an injunction. And the domi- nant political party in the State legislature when controlled bv capitalistic influences, can be very quickly swung into opposi- tion to the city administration. When this happens, as it is constantlv happening, will not then the resDonsibility bp shifted again? When a commission in such a case at- tempts or even proposes to do something for the people of a citv. mav it not very easily shift the responsibility for not hav- ing succeeded either on to the courts or the State legislature? So it is evident that the commission form does not wholly solve the problem of "fixing the responsibility." With the Socialist party this question is a very simple one. The party itself as- sumps and wishes to carry the responsibil- ity for the handling of any degree of po- litical power that is given to its representa- tives. If any of the men elected bv the party fail to make good, let it count against the party. Why should not other organiza- tions and parties assume the same responsi- bility? And whv should they not stand or fall as the Socialist party proposes to stand or fall upon the record that it makes. In this connection it seems to us that the commission form of government has a se- (i rious weakness. Having destroyed entirely • parties and party organizations, there is no one that can he held responsible for what the elected officers do. Tn this sense the commission form of government makes it V APPENDIX sion form of government. And they have than less, and this phase of the matter •hould be considered. IS IT MORE EFFICIENT? Another claim of the commission form of govern- ment that should be investigated is, the claim put forward by all of its advocates that it greatly increases efficiency of the with regard to certain matters. A gre^t deal has been written and said by the friends of the commission form along these V lines. When we come to examine the de- tails upon which this claim is based, how- ever, the argument does not seem to carry so much weight, government. It may be frankly admitted, for the sake of argument, that the cities that have adopted the commission form of govern- ment, have shown evidences of improvement For example, it is claimed for certain of the commission governed cities that they have greatly reduced the burden of taxa- tion by economies effected. But hundreds of cities have accomplished things of that sort without being under the commission form of government. It is always the boast of a new administration that it has reduced the taxes. And most capitalistic campaigns in the cities are waged on the promise to reduce the taxes. Furthermore, low taxes may not be an evidence of efficiency of city government at all. On the contrary, a partial increase of the tax burden may be an absolute essential in the first steps towards an efficient city. Practically every American city is lacking in school facilities, in proper street equip- ment, parks and boulevards, sewerage and the like, ^o bring these up to the standard of efficiency shown by European cities will naturally and inevitably require increased expenditures. But what is much more vital than this even, the American city is far behind the cities of every progressive na- tion in the world in the matter of the own- ership of revenue producing enterprises. If the American city is to be made efficient in the true sense of the word, it will be compelled to deliberately assume the policy which the European city long ago assumed, viz., in investing in revenue producing en- terprises — water works, gas plants, lighting plants, street car system and all other pub- lic utilities, and especially land and sites. But every step in this direction involves, of course, an initial investment. And while the gradual introduction of this policy will enable the cities to use revenues produced by one utility in instituting the public own- ership and operation of the next, it is never- theless difficult, if not impossible, to in- augurate this programme without some in- crease in the tax burden. And yet there is no more essential feature, no more vital element in the efficiency of city government than this. So the mere matter of reduced taxes can- not be taken as any evidence' of efficiency. Other matters enter for consideration. Again it is claimed that the commissions in certain cities have introduced more busi- ness-like methods in the municipal account- ing. But scientific budget making is being developed on a much larger scale and in a much more thorough-going way in such cities as Chicago, New York and Milwaukee, than in any of the commissioned governed cities. So this can hardly be claimed as an evidence of increased efficiency. The achievements of a purchasing department, of a bureau of efficiency and economy are also urged as evidences of greater efficiency. But these details have also been estab- lished in many cities without the commis- 189 more difficult to fix the responsibility rather made equally good recorus. In short, it is difficult for the advocates of the commission form of government tc point out specific instances of increased efficiency unuer their commission, that has not oeen equalled somewhere in other cities that are not under the commission form. In view of these facts, too much weight cannot be permitted to the claims made by the advocates of the commission form While it may be admitted that there have been some gains, they do not all stand to the credit of the commission form of gov- ernment as to mere form. 6. EXPERIENCE IN OTHER COUN- The commission form of government, as has already been pointed out, is not the result of a careful or comprehensive study of the problems of municipal government It seems rather to have been stumbled upon and had its inception in an accident — the calamity at Galveston. It seems strange that the students of municipal gov- ernment in America should not have come forward long before this, with some care- fully prepared plan of municipal reform based upon a thorough investigation of the subject in this and other countries. It is not to be expected, of course, that America should copy the forms of municipal govern- ment found in other countries; but it would be the height of folly for the people of this nation to disregard entirely the ex- perience of other lands in the matter of municipal government, especially in view of the fact that other countries have made such notable achievements in that line. But this seems to be exactly what the advo- cates of the commission form of govern- ment nave done. They have overlooked en- tirely and disregarded the experience of other nations. (1) THE GERMAN FORM OF MUNICI- PAL GOVERNMENT. Without doubt the best governed cities in the world, and par- ticularly the most efficient, are the cities of Germany. While of course the Socialists of this country would by no means advo- cate the election forms of the German cities, it is interesting to note that in those partic- ular respects in which the commission form of government is said to excel, the German cities have long ago made their greatest achievements. The German municipal gov- ernment is efficient. And as compared to the American cities, they are decidedly pro- gressive as well. These things — efficiency and progressive- ness. have been achieved in the German cities, not under the commission form of government, but quite the opposite. The general form of city government in Ger- many is that of a large council. There are 126 members of the city council of Berlin; Breslau has 100; Dresden 70. The coun- cilmen are also elected from the wards or districts, and these in turn elect the heads of departments. These latter constitute a second body, handling in general the ad- ministrative affairs of the city. In addi- tion to these two bodies are numerous com- missions, part of them salaried and part of them rendering services without pay. The council selects the mayor, who need not be, arid generally is not, a resident of the city, but is selected solely for his efficiency, ability and knowledge of municipal prob- lems. The heads of the departments are also selected in a similar way and serve for long terms, sometimes for life. Now, whether this form of government be better than the usual council form in America or not, one thing is certain — this, and not the commission form, is the one NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION under which the German municipal govern- ment has reached its high degree of effi- ciency. If the form of government has anything to do with it, then the experience of Ger- many is against the commission form of government. (2) THE ENGLISH FORM OP MUNICI- PAL GOVERNMENT. The experience of England is somewhat similar to that of Germany. Prior to 1835 the English people had their problems of political corruption and municipal misrule, similar to those we have in America at the present time. Then came the municipal reform act, which, while it did not change the form of their govern- ment materially, nevertheless produced a profound effect for the better upon munici- pal government in England until today probably the next best governed cities in the world to those of Germany are the English. Here again it is not the commission form of government under which efficiency has arisen, but quite the opposite. The council is a large body. Glasgow has 77 members; Manchester 124; Liverpool 134. They are also elected as in Germany from the va- rious ward?. And besides politics are not excluded from municipal government as is proposed by advocates of the commission form. There are generally two or three councilmen ' from each ward. This elected council then selects a second body one-third as large as the elective council. Theae two houses working together select the mayor, usually from their own membership. But the mayor has little power in the English city. These two bodies also select all other city officials. Thus the English experience further dis- proves the contention of the advocates of the commission form of government, that only by the abolition of ward lines and the election of the small body at large, can efficient municipal government be attained. The English cities are well governed and have been well governed for nearly three generations. Moreover, the English city government is comparatively free from graft in spite of the fact that almost uni- versally the cities own and operate large and important public utilities and employ thousands of men and spend millions of dollars every year. And this has been accomplished, not un- Ger the commission form of government, but quite the opposite. (3) THE FRENCH FORM OF MUNICI- PAL GOVERNMENT. The municipal code of France permits the cities to choose their council either at large or by wards. The majority of the smaller cities elect their council at large, but most of the larger ones have chosen the ward plan. The elections are not non-partisan, nor are majority elec- tions required. The council here as in Ger- many and England selects the administra- tive organizations. Nor is the council a small body as proposed by the commission advocates. The average for the ordinary French city is at least thirty-six. In the French city the council elects the mayor who is a much more responsible official than the burgomaster in Germany and much more so than the mayor in Eng- land. He appoints all city officials except the treasurer and a few other important officers which are filled by the national gov- ernment. His appointments bt3 not even subject to the ratification of a council and he can remove any official except those of the police department. Thus the experience of these countries In ■which the highest degree of efficiency of municipal government has been attained, affords no encouragement to the idea of the commission form. On the contrary, whatever efficiency has been ( attained in these countries has been attained by a movement in the opposite direction. 7. DESIRABLE FORMS AND FEATURES OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. In connection with the commission form of government are a number of features which all must agree are desirable. This fact requires discrimination in stating the position which the socialist party should take. If the party either locally or other- wise takes a stand against the commission form of government unqualifiedly, it there- by puts itself in opposition to certain de- sirable features that have been attached to the commission form. It is necessary therefore to study carefully the form and the various features of each particular city charter and the general state act as it comes forward. The attitude that the party is to take in any city or state can be de- termined~ by the particular form and the specific features of the commission' form proposed. ' (1) HOME RULE. Wherever the general state acts establishing the commission form of government proposes a greater degree of home rule than the cities in that state al- ready enjoy, the party will have to con- sider seriously whether such a law even though objectionable in some other fea- tures, will not be to the advantage of the cities in the state. Above almost every- thing else, home rule and the right of self-government, the right of the city to manage its own affairs, is most important. Especially in the fight for municipal own- ership, for direct employment, for trades union conditions of labor, the union label, the union scale, the eight-hour day and union conditions, home rule is essential. Many of the commission charters, so far as we can discover, do not add one iota of home rule to the city's power. Many of the states have secured home rule entirely apart from the commission form and we believe the rest of the states would in time secure the same. Where the cities do not yet enjoy home rule, and the state law es- tablishing the commission form does give the city more home rule, there the party should consider seriously whether it is not better to support the commission form on that account. And this will have to be determined in each case by a careful and discriminate estimate of the degree of home rule secured, and the question of whether there are other objectionable features that overbalance the possible advantages of the home rule involved. (2) THE INITIATIVE, REFERENDA AND RECALL. The Socialist party every- where, of course, is seeking to establish direct legislation and greater control by the people over the government. The ini- tiative, referendum and recall are means to that end. They are proposed in connec- tion with the commission form in the great majority of cases. Here, again, the party will have to exercise discriminating judg- ment in determining its attitude. Some matters are clear, however. Where any of these forms are missing in the pro- posed charter or State law. there the party should make a vigorous fight to have them included. And where the percentages are too high, the party should fight for their reduction. In our opinion the initiative should not require the signatures of more than ten per cent of the voters; the rpfer- endum should rot require more than fifteen per cent and the recall should not require more than twenty per cent. These figures, V APPENDIX i9i rever, are arbitrary but are the figures, J t are coming to be regarded by the » mds of direct legislation as being near- the desired point. The percentages uld not be so high as to make the de- 3S too difficult of putting into operation, should they be so low as to interfere h the efficient operation of the municipal eminent. 3) SIZE OF THE GOVERNING BODY, the smaller cities, the five members pro- i .ed by the commission form are doubt- 3 sufficient. It is desirable to keep the ms of government as simple as the sit- ;ion will warrant. But in the larger es, we do not believe the small body five men is sufficient to insure efficiency, do not agree with the contention put th by most advocates of the commis- n form, that there should be such a eeping reduction of the number of cted officials and increase of the num- of appointive officials as would be in- ved by the change of form of govern- Idnt in a large city of say 400,000 popula- n or more, from the present council and yor form of government, to that of a nmission form. For the large cities, ur committee would recommend a medi- ation of the present form of municipal vernment, drawn from the best expen- ses of European and American cities in s respect rather than the commission •m. (4) SALARIES. One good feature of 3 commission form of government is the t that it generally provides for a salary the elected commissioners and large ough to attract men of capacity into the blic service and to enable them to de- te their entire time .to it. This we be- ve to be essential. Without salaries for blic officials, the working class can hardly er hope to take a iy part in civic life, le necessity of earning a living and the fficulty attendant thereto makes it im- ssible for them to devote their time to e public service. The failure to provide laries, therefore, results either in office dding becoming the special privilege of e wealthy class, or it deteriorates into mething worse. The provision of ade- late salaries we believe to be an essential ature of municipal government. (5) SELECTING THE HEADS OF DE- ARTMENTS. One serious and objection- )le feature of most of the commission >rm charters and laws is the fact that le five commissioners are elected without iy reference to the work that they are i perform and are allowed afterwards to ?cide among themselves which men are » be put at the head of the five respective epartments. A few of the commission larters. however, have remedied this de- jct. This is notably the case of the Grand unction, Colorado, charter, which is per- aps on the whole one of the best. Under the usual form, the five most popular can- didates might be elected as commissioners and all of them be well qualified to fill one or two of tne offices of heads of depart- ments, while no one might be elected who is qualified to fill the others. The people are better able to determine the fitness of a man for a certain office than are the commissioners by trade and wire pulling after election. It seems strange that the Grand Junction form should not have been insisted upon in more of the charters. There can be no justification for the plan by which the commissioners are allowed to select the of- fices for themselves after they are elected. IN CONCLUSION. In conclusion, the study of the move- ment for the commission form of govern- ment for cities in America reveals the fact that the forms proposed vary greatly in detail. Indeed, there is a great variation even in essential features. Furthermore, the form itself has been passing through the process of modification since its incep- tion. This change and modification is still going on. There has not yet been proposed a final and definite form of the commission form of government; the whole matter is in process of development. In view of these facts, it is impossible at the present time, we believe, to lay down or to fix any definite policy that shall ap- ply equally to all the states and all of the cities with reference to this matter. Certain general principles may be stated. Certain errors and fallacies of the argu- ments may be pointed out, certain ev^s opposed. And where the form is entirely objectionable, it may be defeated. In some cases the Socialist party or- ganizations have already used their in- fluence against certain objectionable forms and defeated them. In other cases they have compelled a modification of the form by insisting on the introduction of certain features that had been omitted. And so far as your committee can see, this dis- criminating attitude, varying with the con- ditions that concern the party in different localities, and varying as the movement varies, will have to be the position of the party. One thing, however, your committee would recottimend, viz., That a committee be appointed by the convention to study further the best forms of municipal gov- ernment and to submit the results of their work as a basis for a form that mav be proposed as an alternative and improve- ment upon the commission plan. Respectfully submitted, J. J. JACOBSEN (la.). Chairman, CARL D. THOMPSON (Wis.), Secretary, WINNIE E. BRANSTETTER (Okla.), JASPER M'LEVY (Conn.). Committee. 192 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION, APPENDIX D Report of Farmers' Committee. During the decade just passed agriculture in America has entered upon a new stage of evolution, which both in direction and velocity of movement differs sharply from that of previous years. The causes of this change are several. 1. Free land has disappeared and the value of that now under cultivation is in- creasing more rapidly than ever before. From 1900 to 1910 this increase amounted to over 100 per cent for the entire nation. In the upper Mississippi valley, in so far as the census statistics are available, it ap- pears that the value of the average farm is now about $15,000. (In Illinois, $15,- 505; in Iowa, $17,259.) This is a sum fully equal to that which now separates the average wage worker from ownership in the tools of his industry, and indicates that from now on the landless farmer must surrender all hope of ever entering the class of farm owners. 2. That the conclusion drawn above is correct is borne out by the fact that in the three states of Indiana, Iowa and Illinois (the only ones in this locality from which the census data is available) the total num- ber of farms has decreased from 714,670 in 1900 to 684,410 in 1910. The agricultural counties of these states, almost without ex- ception show an absolute decrease in popu- lation, a still further proof of the same Still another fact leading to the same conclusion that the class of small farm owners is disappearing is the census state- ment that in these three states the num- ber of farms of between 20 and 100 acres in area has absolutely decreased, while those of less than ten acres and of more than 175, show the" most rapid rate of in- crease. This fact is indicative of the two forms in which agricultural concentration is operating: through the formation of in- tensively cultivated, artificially heated and wage-worker operated suburban market gardens, and large mechanically cultivated farms. Perhaps more Important than any of the above facts as showing the growing separa- tion of the farmer from the land is seen in the remarkably accelerating rate at which farm tenantry is progressing. The census bulletins show that in the three states of Indiana, Iowa and Illinois, 30 per cent, 38 per cent and 41 per cent of all farms are now operated by tenants. Independent research shows that in the purely agricul- tural sections the actual average is over 60 per cent in these states. The situation in the South is even more striking. Here the census figures show that from 45 per cent to 66 per cent of all farms are op- erated by tenants, while investigation of the cotton farming districts (the over- whelmingly dominant agricultural industry) shows that fully 80 per cent of the cotton farms are operated by tenants, whose con- dition is far below that of the average tory wage-worker. The land is not the only instrument sential to agricultural production wl ownership by the producer is growing n difficult. The cost of farm machinery the animals necessary for cultiva where animal power is used is also creasing rapidly. With the introduetioi other than animal power, which is progressing at a most revolutionary i this cost will soon render these ins ments also far beyond the reach of farm worker. Along with this goes multiplication of subsidiary industries forming operations hitherto perfor upon the farm, or which are immedia essential to agriculture, but the machii for which are completely out of the c ership of the farmer. Such are sugar factories, canning factories, packing hou alfalfa mills, cotton gins, rice mills, et The workers affected by these condit reached a total of more than ten mil in 1910, and constitute by far the Ian number embraced in any single brand industry. To confess ourselves unabh include these in the program of Social is to surrender our position as the p» ical representative of the working clas Of these ten million, 3,933,705 are farm owners, and in spite of all the dencies mentioned above this group creased over a quarter of a million in last ten years, a greater increase tha: to be found in any other single groul industrial workers, with the single tremely significant exception of the gi of farm tenants, which added a little < 320,000 to its numbers during the s period, and which now includes 2,349 workers. Far larger than either of these divis is that of agricultural laborers, of wl there were nearly four million in 1910. is significant, however, that these are cated geographically, in sections larj apart from the other classes. So far as census data is available it appears nearly twice as much money is spent agricultural labor in the little county Cook, in which the city of Chicago is cated. than in any other county in United States. In so far as farm labo are employed either upon the hierhly < italized and intensively cultivated gavt and green houses or upon large capita tically organized ranches, fruit farms, mechanically operated farms in gen( their problem is not distinctively diffe: from that of other wage-workers save \ hitherto the difficulties of propaganda, « cation and organization among them t been greater than among other classe* wage-workers. There are, however, cer definite steps (some of which are indici in the program presented) which can taken by a Socialist administered loca' VN APPENDIX 193 te government that Will assist them in ir struggle. 'he extent, of the problem, the complex- of the factors involved and the rapid nges that are now taking place in ag- ulture all emphasize the necessity of ser study of this problem and the need the preparation of literature especially ed to this field, and the committee would especial stress upon the urgent need the preparation of literature and its ex- sive circulation. ls measures particularly suited to meet s problem we would recommend the ption by the convention of the follow- program as indicating the lines of work be pursued by a working class govern- nt for the especial relief of this largest ision of that class: PROPOSED FARMERS* PROGRAM. m . The Socialist party demands that the ans of transportation and storage and : plants used in the manufacture of farm )ducts and farm machinery, when such ans are used for exploitation, shall be jially owned and democratically man- 3d. i. To prevent the holding of land out use and to eliminate tenantry, we de- md that all farm land not cultivated by ners shall be taxed at its full rental iue, and that actual use and occupancy ill be the only title to land. 5. We demand the retention by the na- inal, state or local governing bodies of land owned by them, and the continuous quirement of other land by reclamation, rchase. condemnation, taxation or other- se; such land to be organized as rapidly possible into socially operated farms for conduct of collective agricultural en- rprises. 4. Such farms should constitute educa- tional and experimental centers for crop culture, the use of fertilizers and farm ma- chinery and distributing points for im- proved seeds and better breeds of animals. 5. The formation of co-operative asso- ciations for agricultural purposes should be encouraged. 6. Insurance against diseases of animals and plants, insect pests and natural calam- ities should be provided by national, state or local governments. 7. We call attention to the fact that the elimination of farm tenantry and the de- velopment of socially owned and operated agriculture will open new opportunities to the agricultural wage-worker and to that extent free him from the tyranny of the private employer. 8. The Socialist party pledges its sup- port to the renters and the agricultural •wage workers in their attempts to organize to protect themselves from the aggressions of capitalism and the employers in agri- culture. While the above is offered as a general outline for the National Agricultural i-ro- gram of the Socialist party, we wish to point out that there are such variations of conditions in the widely separated districts. of the United States that to each section and to each state must be left the task of working out the further details of a pro- gram applicable to the peculiar agricultural conditions in their respective states and districts. A. M. SIMONS, Chairman, A. LEE. OSCAR AMERINGER. CARL D. THOMPSON, JAMES H. MAURER, CLYDE J. WRIGHT. Committee. It* NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. APPENDIX E Report oT Committee on Co-operative Movement. (Adopted by the Convention.) Just as the labor unions fight for indus- trial self-control for the working class, the Socialist party for political self-control, and the labor and Socialist press for intellec- tual self-control for the workers, so the co- operative movement fights for an increasing degree of economic self-control for the workers through the ownership and use of industrial and commercial capital by or- ganized groups of the workers. The development and successful opera- tion of the "co-operative movement in con- nection with the international labor move- ment is an historical fact, which cannot be disputed. While in some countries it may seem for the time being to. have checked other lines of working class ac- tivity, it seems to be true also that "the economic power of a class at a given stage of development turns into political power." The value of the co-operative movement to the working class has been recognized by the Socialist party, though reluctantly at first. It was recently so recognized at the Copenhagen congress in 1910, the Amer- can delegates voting for the resolution. Following the path of other national or- ganizations of the Socialist party, the So- cialist party of America must recognize the fact of the existence on the American continent of a successful co-operative move- ment, though it has not as yet been brought into any unified form. Your committee has not been able to gather any adequate data, but is informed, from the personal knowledge of those who came before the committee, of distributive co-operatives doing a total business of not less than twenty million dollars a year, in only a few of the states of the Union. Nearly one thousand local organizations are within the knowledge of those reporting these facts to your committee, which are operating successfully. That there is still room within the devel- oping processes of the capitalist system in this country for the inauguration and build- ing up of a strong and successful co-oper- ative movement, is evident from the facts already adduced, especially in view of other and as yet unverified statements which are nevertheless largely of common knowledge. The benefits claimed by those most close- ly connected with the international co-oper- ative movement are three-fold, and relate 1. The furnishing of an improved qua ity of food and other supplies to the c operators; 2. The actual increase of the econom resources of the co-operators, through tl control of their own purchasing power, ai the building up of reserve funds whi< have been of great service to the industri and political arms of the labor movemen 3. The training of members of the wor ing class in the processes of industrial ai commercial administrative work, and d veloping this new capacity among thei thus proving that it is possible not only do without the capitalist's capital but al: to do without his alleged superior intell gence. The most successful co-operatives America seem to be among the groups i foreign-speaking workers of v the same n tionality, who furnish a community high homogeneous, having similar habits ai customs of life; and among the farmer who find it possible to combine at on their buying and selling powers in the san organization. In view of the failures which have o curred in this and other countries in coi nection with the efforts to establish c operatives, we recommend that a commits of five persons be elected by this conve: tion, not confined to delegates in the coi vention, who shall be given the assistan< of the national office in making an invest gation into the facts concerning the co-o] erative movement; the committee to mal a special effort to ascertain what bearir the degree of industrial development ar organization in any particular locality hi upon the operation of co-operation in thi locality; to make tentative reports fro: time to time through the national office ar the party pre?:s; and to make a final repo; at the next national convention. W. R. GATLORD, Wisconsin. MRS. E. D. CORY. Washington. CALEB LIPSCOMB. Missouri. J. T. CUMBIE, LEE LANG. E. E. POWELL. Oklahoma. Iowa. Ohio. Committe APPENDIX 195 v. APPENDIX F port of Committee on Labor Organization and Their Relation to the Party. m ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION, olitical organization and economic or- ization are alike necessary in the lggle for working class emancipation. ! most harmonious relations ought to 5t between the two great forces of the •king class movement — the Socialist ty and the Labor Unions, he. labor movement of the United States of recent years made marvelous prog- I in all directions. It has steadily in- ased in numbers and has reached trades industries which were before unor- ized. It has in many instances con- trated its power and increased its effi- lcy by the amalgamation of related les into federations and industrial ons. Many unions have opened their stings and journals to the discussion vital social and political problems of working class, and have repudiated demoralizing politics represented by National Civic Federation. The organ- I workers are rapidly developing an ightened and militant class-cortscious- s. 'he reality of this progress is attested the increasing virulence with which organized capitalists wage their war dnst the union. This improved eco- ,nic organization is not a matter of tract theory, but grows out of the •erience of the wage workers in the ly class struggle. Only those actually ,,-aged in the struggle in the various ides and industries can solve the prob- ts of form of organization, 'he Socialist party therefore reaffirms position it has always taken with re- Id to the movement of organized labor: That the party has neither the right the desire to interfere in any con- versies which may* exist within the or union movement over questions of m of organization or technical meth- of action in the industrial struggle, trusts to the labor organizations mselves to solve these questions. 2. That the Socialists call the atten- tion of their brothers in the labor unions to the vital importance of the task of or- ganizing the unorganized, especially the immigrants and the unskilled laborers, who stand in greatest need of organized protection and who will constitute a great menace to the progress and welfare of or- ganized labor, if they remain neglected. The Socialist party will ever be ready to co-operate with the labor unions in the task of organizing the unorganized work- ers, and urges all labor organizations, who have not already done so, to throw their doors wide open to the workers of their respective trades and industries, abolishing all onerous conditions of mem- bership and artificial restrictions. In the face of the tremendous powers of the American capitalists and their close indus- trial and political union the workers of this country can win their battles only by a strong class-consciousness and closely united organizations on the economic field, a powerful and militant party on the polit- ical field and by joint attack of both on the common enemy. 3. That it is the duty of the Party to give moral and material support to the labor organizations in all their defensive or ag- gressive struggles against capitalist oppres- sion and exploitation, for the protection and extension of the rights of the wage work- ers and the betterment of their material and social condition. 4. That it is the duty of the members of the Socialist party who are eligible to membership in the unions to join and be active in their respective labor organiza- tions. OSCAR AMERINGER, TOM CLIFFORD, JOB HARRIMAN, TOM HICKEY, ALGERNON LEE, TOM J. LEWIS. JAMES H. MAURER, WILLIAM E. RODRIGUEZ, DAN A. WHITE, Committee. 196 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION. APPENDIX G Report of P atform Committee as Revised and Adopted by the Conventioj The Socialist party declares that the capitalist system has outgrown its his- torical function, and has become utterly incapable of meeting the problems now con- fronting society. We denounce this out- grown system as incompetent and corrupt and the source of unspeakable misery and suffering to the whole working class. Under this system the industrial equip- ment of the nation has passed into the absolute control of a plutocracy which ex- acts an annual tribute of hundreds of mil- lions of dollars from the producers. Un- afraid of any organized resistance, It stretches out its greedy hands over the still undeveloped resources of the nation — the land, the mines, the forests and the water-powers of every state in the union. In spite of the multiplication of labor- saving machines and improved methods in industry which cheapen the cost of produc- tion, the share of the producers grows ever \ess, and the prices of all the necessities of life steadily increase. The boasted pros- perity of this nation is for the owning class alone. To the rest it means only greater hardship and misery. The hign cost of living is felt in every home. Mil- lions of wage-workers have seen the pur- chasing power of their wages decrease un- til life has become a desperate battle for mere existence. Multitudes of unemployed walk the streets of our cities or trudge from state to state awaiting the will of the masters to move the wheels of industry. The farmers in every state are plundered by the increasing prices exacted for tools and machinery and by extortionate rent, freight rates and storage charges. Capitalist concentration is mercilessly crushing the class of small business men and driving its members into the ranks of propertiless wage-workers. The over- whelming majority of the people of Amer- ica are being forced under a yoke of bond- age by this soulless industrial despotism. It is this capitalist system that is re- sponsible for the increasing burden of arm- aments, the poverty, slums, child labor, most of the insanity, crime and prostitu- tion, and much of the disease that afflicts mankind. Under this system the working class is exposed to poisonous conditions, to fright- ful and needless perils to life and limb, is walled around with court decisions, injunc- tions and unjust laws, and is preyed upon incessantly for the benefit of the controll- ing oligarchy of wealth. Under it also, the children of the working class are doomed to ignorance, drudging toil and darkened lives. In the face of these evils, so manifest that all thoughtful observers are appalled at them, the legislative representatives of the Republican and Democratic parties re- main the faithful servants of the oppres- sors. Measures designed to secure to tl wage earners of this nation as humane ai| just treatment' as is already enjoyed by t) wage earners of all other civilized natio: have been smothered in committee witho debate, and laws ostensibly designed bring relief to the farmers and gener consumers are juggled and transformed i to instruments for the exaction of furth tribute. The growing unrest under oppre sion has driven these two old parties the enactment of a variety of regulati 1 measures, none of which has limited in ai appreciable degree the power of the pluto racy, and some of which have been pe verted into means for increasing th power. Anti-trust laws, railroad restri tions and regulations, with the prosec tions, indictments and investigations bas< uoon such legislation, have prpved to 1 utterly futile and ridiculous. Nor has this plutocracy been serious restrained or even threatened by any R publican or Democratic executive. It h: continued to grow in power and insolen alike under the administrations of Clev land, McKinley, Roosevelt and Taft. In addition to this legislative jugglh and this executive connivance, the cour of America have .^sanctioned and strengt ened the hold of this plutocracy as t] Dred Scott and other decisions strengthen^ the slave-power before the civil war. Th< have been used as instruments for the o pression of the working class and for tl suppression of free speech and free a sembly. We declare, therefore, that the long sufferance of these conditions is impossih and we purpose to end them all. We d clare them to be the product of the prese system in which industry is carried on f private greed, instead of for the welfare society. We declare, furthermore, that f these evils there will be and can be i remedy and no substantial relief exce through Socialism, under which indust will be carried on for the common good a: every worker receive the full social val of the wealth he creates. Society is divided into warring grou and classes, based upon material interesi Fundamentally, this struggle is a confii between the two main classes, one of whic the capitalist class, owns the means production, and the other, the working claf must use these means of production < terms dictated by the owners. The capitalist class, though few in nui bers, absolutely controls the government legislative, executive and judicial. This cla owns the machinery of gathering and di seminating news through its organiz press. It subsidizes seats of learning — t colleges and schools — and even religious a: moral agencies. It has also the added pre tigc which established customs give to a; order of society, right or wrong. APPENDIX 197 The working class, which includes all ose who are forced to work for a living, aether by hand or brain, in shop, mine or . the soil, vastly outnumbers the capitalist iss. Lacking effective organization and ass solidarity, this class is unable to en- rce its will. Given such class solidarity id effective organization, the workers will L ve the power to make all laws and con- ol all industry in their own interest. All political parties are the expression of onomic class interests. All other parti.es an the Socialist party represent one or an- her group of the ruling capitalist class, leir political conflicts reflect merely super- nal rivalries between competing capitalist ■oups. However they result, these conflicts ive no issue of real value to the workers, 'hether the Democrats or Republicans win ditically, it is the capitalist class that is ctorious economically. The Socialist party is the political expres- ojon of the economic interests of the work- 's. Its defeats have been their defeats id its victories their victories. It Is a r irty founded on the science and laws of icial development. It proposes that, since 1 social necessities today are socially pro- e iced, the means of their production and stribution shall be socially owned and jmocratically controlled. In the face of the economic and political agressions of the capitalist class the only iliance left the workers is that of their jonomic organizations and their political )wer. By the intelligent and class-con- nous use of these, they may resist sue- issfully the capitalist class, break the itters of wage-slavery, and fit themselves >r the future society, which is to displace le capitalist system. The Socialist party ppreciates the full significance of class or- lanization and urges the wage earners, le working farmers and al? other useful orkers everywhere to organize for eco- omic and political action, and we pledge urselves to support the toilers of the fields s well as those in the shops, factories and lines of the nation in their struggles for ^onomic justice. In the defeat or victory of the working lass party in this new struggle for free- om lies the defeat or triumph of the com- lon people of all economic groups, as well s the failure or the triumph of popular overnment. Thus the Socialist party is he party of the present day revolution, hich marks the transition from economic idividualism to socialism, from wage slav- ry to free co-operation from capitalist ligarchy to industrial democracy. WORKING PROGRAM. As measures calculated to strengthen She working class in its fight for the real- zation of its ultimate aim, the co-opera- ive commonwealth, and to increase its ower of resistance capitalist oppression, fe advocate and pledgf ourselves and our lected officers to the following program: COLLECTIVE OWNERSHIP. 1. The collective ownership and demo- •ratic management of railroads, wire and tireless telegraphs and telephones, express ervices, steamboat lines and all other ocial means of transportation and eom- nunication and of all large-scale indus- ries. 2 The immediate acquirement by the municipalities, the states or the federal rovernment of all grain elevators, stock ards, storage warehouses, and other dis- ributing agencies, in order to reduce the sresent extortionate cost of living. 3. The extension of the public domain to include mines, quarries, oil wells, forests and water power. 4. Tue further conservation and develop- ment of natural resources for the use and benefit of all the people: (a) By scientific forestation and timber protection. (b) By the reclamation of arid and swamp tracts. (c) By the storage of flood waters and the utilization of water power. (d) By the stoppage of the present ex- travagant waste of the soil and of the pro- ducts of mines and oil wells. (e) By the development of highway and waterway systems. 5. The collective ownership of land wherever practicable, and in cases where such ownership is impracticable, the appro- priation by taxation of the annual rental value of all land held for speculation or exploitation. 6. The collective ownership and demo- cratic management of the banking and cur- rency system. UNEMPLOYMENT. The immediate government relief of the unemployed by the extension of all useful public works. All persons employed on such works to be engaged directly by the government under a workday of not more than eight hours and at not less than the prevailing union . wages. The government also to establish employment bureaus; to lend money to states and municipalities without interest for the purpose of carry- ing on public works, and to take such other measures within its power as will' lessen the widesoread misery of the workers caused by the misrule of the capitalist INDUSTRIAL DEMANDS. The conservation of human resources, particularly of the lives and well-being of the workers and their families: 1. By shortening the workday in keep- ing with the increased productiveness of machinery. 2. By securing to every worker a rest period of not less than a day and a half in each week. 3. By securing a more effective inspec- tion of workshops, factories and mines. 4. By forbidding the employment of chil- dren under sixteen years of years. 5. By the co-operative organization of the industries in the federal penitentiaries for the benefit of the convicts and their dependents. 6. By forbidding the interstate transpor- tation of the products of child labor, of convict labor and of all uninspected fac- tories and mines. 7. By abolishing the profit system in government work and substituting either the direct hire of labor or the awarding of contracts to co-operative groups of work- ers. V 8. By establishing minimum. wage scales.* 9. By abolishing official charity and sub- stituting a non-contributory system of old- age pensions, a general system of insur- ance by the State of all its members against unemployment and invalidism and a system of compulsory insurance by em- ployers of their workers, without cost to the latter, against industrial diseases, ac- cidents and death. POLITICAL DEMANDS. 1. The absolute freedom of press, speech and assemblage. 2. The adoption of a graduated income tax, the increase of the rates of the pres- ent corporation tax and the extension of 198 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION inheritance taxes, graduated in proportion to the value of the estate and to nearness of kin — the proceeds of these taxes .to be employed in the socialization of industry. 3. The abolition of the monopoly owner- ship of patents and the substitution of col- lective ownership, with direct rewards to inventors by premiums or royalties. 4. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for men and women. 5. The adoption of the initiative, refer- endum and recall and of proportional repre- sentation, nationally as well as locally. 6. The abolition of the Senate and of the veto power of the President. 7. The election of the President and the Vice-President by direct vote of the people. 8. The abolition of the power usurped by the Supreme Court of the United States to pass upon the constitutionality of the legislation enacted by Congress. National laws to be repealed only by act of Congress or by a referendum vote of the whole peo- ple. 9. The abolition of the present restric- tions upon the amendment of the constitu- tion, so that instrument may be made amendable by a majority of the voters in a majority of the States. 10. The granting of the right of suffrage in the District of Columbia with representa- tion in Congress and a democratic form of municipal government for purely local affairs. 11. The extension of democratic govern- ment to all United States territory. 12. The enactment of further measures for general education and particularly for vocational education in useful pursuits. The Bureau of Education to be made Department. 13. The enactment of further measui for the conservation of health. The cr< tion of an independent bureau of heal with such restrictions as will secure f liberty to all schools of practice. 14. The separation of the prese Bureau of Labor from the Department Commerce and Labor and its elevation the rank of a department. 15. Abolition of all federal distr courts and the United States circuit com of appeals. State courts to have jurisd tion in all cases arising between citize of the several states and foreign corpoi tions. The election of all judges for she terms. > 16. The immediate curbing of the po\n of the courts to issue injunctions. 17. The free administration of the lai 18. The caning of a convention for t revision of the constitution of the Unit States. Such measures of relief as we may able to force from capitalism are but ^reparation of the workers to fceize t whole powers of government, in order th they may thereby lay hold of the wht system of socialized industry and th come to their rightful inheritance. CHARLES EDWARD RUSSELL, VICTOR L. BERGER, JAMES F. CAREY, J. STITT WILSON, W. J. GHENT, LEWIS J. DUNCAN, CHARLES DOBBS, DAN HOGAN, A. W. RICKER, Committee. APPENDIX 100 APPENDIX H National Constitution as Revised and Adopted by the Convention. Amended by the National Convention f the party, May, 1912, and approved by eferendum Aug. 4, 1912. Issued by the National Office of the So- ialist Party, 111 North Market street, Ihicago. ARTICLE I. Name. Sec. 1. The name of this organization hall be the Socialist Party, except in uch states where a different name ha? r may become a legal requirement. ARTICLE II. Membership. Sec. 1. Every person, resident of the Tnited States of the age of eighteen years nd upward, without discrimination as to ex, race, color or creed, who has severed is connection with all other political arties and political organizations, and ubscribes to the principles of the Social- 3t T^arty, including political action and nrestricted political rights for both exes, shall be eligible to membership in he party. Sec. 2. No person holding an elective ublic office by gift of any party or or- anization other than the Socialist Party hall be eligible to membership in the So- ialist Party nor shall any member of he party accept or iiold any appointive ublic office, honorary or remunerative Civil Service positions excepted), with ut the consent of his state organization. To party member shall be a candidate or public office without the consent of he City, County or State organizations, ccording to the nature of the office. Sec. 3. A member who desires to trans- fer his membership from the party in one tate to the party in another state may so upon the presentation of his card howing him to be in good standing at he time of asking for such transfer arid lso a transfer card duly signed by the ecretary of the local from which he ransfers. Sec. 4. No member of the party, in any tate or territory, shall, under any pre- sxt. interfere with the regular or or- anized movement in any other state. Sec. 5. All persons joining the Socialist 'arty shall sign the following pledge: I. the undersigned, recognizing the class truggle between the capitalist class and he working class and the necessity of he working class constituting itself into political party distinct from and op- osed to all parties formed by the cap- :alist class, hereby declare that I have evered my relations with all other par- ies, and I indorse the platform and con- titution of the Socialist Partv including he principle of political action, and here- 1 apply for admission to said party." Sec. 6. Any member of the party who pposes political action or advocates crime, sabotage, or other methods of vio- lence as a weapon of the working class to aid in its emancipation shall be ex- pelled from membership in the party. Political action shall be construed to mean participation in elections for public office and practical legislative and admin- istrative work along the lines of the So- cialist Party platform. ARTICLE III. Management. Sec. 1. The affairs of the Socialist Party shall be adrhinistered by the Na- tional Committee, its sub-committees and officials, the National Convention and the general vote of the party. ARTICLE IV. National Committee. Sec. 1. The National Committee shall consist of the State Secretaries of all or- ganized states and territories, or such other person as the members of the party in the state shall elect by referendum vote, and of one additional member from each state or territory for every 3,000 members in good standing in such state or territory. For the purpose of deter- mining the representation to which each state or territory may be entitled, the Executive Secretary shall compute at the beginning of each calendar year the aver- age dues-paying membership of such state or territory for the preceding year. Sec. 2. Three years' consecutive mem- bership in the party shall be necessary to qualify for membership in the National Committee, its standing sub-committees, and executive officials. Sec. 3. The National Committee shall meet in regular session on the first Sun- day after the first Monday in May of each year, except in years when National Con- ventions of the party are to be held, in which years it shall hold its sessions in conjunction with the convention. Sec. 4. Special meetings of the National Committee shall be held when determined by vote of two-thirds of its members. Sec. -5. Th* members of the National Committee attending the meetings shall be paid from the national treasurv their railroad fares and $2.50 per day to cover expenses. ARTICLE V. The Duties* and Powers of the National Committee. Sec. 1. The duties of this committee shall be: (a) To represent the party in all Na- tional and International affairs. (b) To call National Conventions and special conventions decided upon by the referendum of the party. (c) To make reports of the membership and reports and recommendations to the National Conventions. F 800 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION (d) To perfect and strengthen the or- ganization and the worK of propaganda in such states and territories as may re- quire the assistance of the National Or- ganization. (e) To maintain in connection with the National Office a Lecture Bureau for tne purpose of arranging lectures or lecture courses for the propaganda of Socialism; a Literature Bureau for the publication and dissemination of Socialist literature, a press service that will furnish patent and plate matter for Socialist papers, and. such other bureaus or departments as it may from time to time decide to establish. (f) To establish a uniform rate of com- pensation for all lecturers and organizers working under the auspices of the Na- tional organization. (g) To formulate the rules and order of business of the National Conventions of the party and otherwise provided for by this constitution, subject to adoption and amendment by the convention. (h) To receive dues and reports from state organizations. (i) To conduct national referendums in the manner provided by this constitution, to consider and report upon the program, propaganda and organization of the party. (j) To recommend to the membership of the party amendments to the constitu- tion. (k) To supervise the work and to trans- act all current business of the National Office. Sec. 2. The National Committee shall elect an Executive Committee of five members and a Woman's National Com- mittee of seven members; no two mem- bers of either of these committes shall be from the same state. Sec. 3. It shall also elect an Executive Secretary, and a General Correspondent for the Woman's National Committee. Sec. 4. The members of the Executive Committee and of the Woman's National Committee need not be members of the National Committee and the Executive Secretary and General Correspondent of the Woman's National Committee shall not be members of the committee. Sec. 5. Members of the Executive Com- mittee, Woman's National Committee, the Executive Secretary and the General Cor- respondent of the said committee may at any time and on proper motion be re- called or temporarily suspended from office by the National Committee. Sec. 6. No member of the National Committee or of the Executive Commit- tee shall be eligible to any position of permanent employment in the National Office, but such members may be ap- pointed lecturers of courses arranged by the National Office and may be given tem- porary assignments for special party work. Sec. 7. The National Committee shall elect from its own membership* a per- manent chairman, who shall serve without salary. The committee shall formulate its own rules of procedure, not inconsist- ent with the provisions of this constitu- tion. Sec. 8. All standing committees and permanent officers of the National Com- mittee shall be elected at the regular meetings of the committee and shall serve for the term of one year from the first day of June following the date of their election. Sec. 9. The election of the Executive Committee, the Woman's National Com- mittee, the Executive Secretary, General Correspondent of the Woman's National Committee and the submission of proposed amendments to this constitution, and all other affirmative actions of the comm tee shall be taken at its regular or so- cial meetings. Between such meetin ^the National Committee shall initiate motions or resolutions except as here: after provided, and except motions recall members of the sub-committees, officials elected by it, or to fill vacanc] in such committees and offices. All bui ness of the National Committee shall, the intervals between its sessions, transacted by correspondence. Sec. 10. Members of the Executi Committee, the Woman's National Coi mittee, the Executive Secretary, Genei Correspondent of the Woman's Natior Committee and all other National Officia may be recalled at an^y time by the mei bership of the party in the same manr which has been provided for the initiati and conduct of national referendums. Sec. 11. No motion shall be submitt to a referendum of the National Comm tee by correspondence unless support within fifteen days by not less than fi members of the National Committee fr< three different states. Sec. 12. Neither the National Comm tee nor the Executive Committee shall a propriate funds of the National organis tion for any purpose not directly cc nected with the propaganda of Sociali: or the struggles of labor; no more th one hundred dollars shall be appropriat to any organization other than a st division of the party; no application 1 financial assistance coming from loc: or other subdivisions of state organij / etions shall be entertained unless th have the indorsement of the state orgs ization. ARTICLE VI. Executive Committee. Sec. 1. The Executive Committee sh{ between sessions of the National Co mittee, be vested with all the powers a shall perform all the duties of the I< tional Committee except that i 4 shall hs no power to call National Conventio formulate rules for the conventions, r< ommend amendments to the constitute or fill vacancies in its own body or 1 Woman's National Committee or in 1 office of the Executive Secretary or 1 General Correspondent of the Woma National Committee or to recall si members or officer. Sec. 2. The Executive Committee sh adopt its own rules of procedure not : consistent with this constitution, or w the rules of the National Committee, stenographic report of all discussions ts ing place in the committee shall be k< for the information of the National Co mittee. Sec. 3. The Executive Committee sh transmit copies of the minutes of . meetings to all members of the Natioi Committee; such minutes shall also published in the Monthly Bulletin, acts and resolutions of the Executi Committee shall ' become binding a effective upon their passage, but a member of the National Committee m within fifteen days after notice of su act or resolution has been mailed by t National Office to the members of the J< tional Committee, move to reverse modify such act or resolution, and st Motion shall be disposed of in the sai manner as other National Committee n tions. Sec. 4. All meetings of the Natioi -" Committee and of the Executive Comm tee shall be held in the city in which t headquarters of the party shall be ! cated. APPENDIX 801 V" Sec. 5. The Executive Committee shall >rint a specific statement in the Bulletin >f all moneys expended for printing leaf- ets and books, and the names of the same ind their authors. ARTICLE VII. Executive Secretary. Sec. 1. The Executive Secretary shall •eceive as compensation the sum of 11,500.00 annually and shall give a bond n a sum fixed by the National Committee. Sec. 2. The Executive Secretary shall lave charge of all affairs of the National Dffice, including the employment of neces- oi ?ary help, subject to the directions of the Executive Committee and the National ZJommittee. He shall receive the reports 3f the state organizations and of the lo- jal organizations in unorganized states ind territories. He shall supervise the iccounts of the National Office and the Lecture Bureau, the Literature Bureau ind such other departments as may here- after be established in connection with the National Office. Sec. 3. The Executive Secretary shall issue to all party organizations Monthly Bulletins which shall contain all impor- tant official reports and announcements; a report of the financial affairs of the party; a summary of the conditions and membership of the several state and ter- ritorial organizations; the principal busi- ness transacted by the National officials and such other matters pertaining to the organization of the party as may be of general interest to the membership. No personal correspondence shall be pub- lished. The Bulletin shall be largely given to accounts of the more important organ- ization and propaganda work of the na- tional, state, territorial and local organ- izations, and to the work, discussion and explanation of new and effective methods of organization, education and propa- ganda. ARTICLE VIII. Representatives in Congress. Sec. 1. Members of Congress elected on the ticket of the Socialist Party shall sub- mit reports of their actions in Congress to the National Conventions and to the annual meetings of the National Commit- tee. Sec. 2, They shall carry out instruc- tions which may be given to them by Na- tional Conventions, by the National Com-, mittee in session, or by a general refer-! endum of the party. I Sec. 3. The Socialist representatives in Congress shall organize themselves into a Socialist Congressional group, separate , and apart from all other political parties i represented in Congress. They shall elect a chairman of the group, shall confer with each other on all measures involving questions of Socialist principles, policy I and tactics, and shall vote on such ques- tions as a unit according to the decision of a majority of the members. ARTICLE IX. Conventions. Sec. 1. The regular National Conventions j of the party shall be held in all years . in which elections for President and Vice- President of the United States are to be held. Sec. 2. Special Conventions of the party may be held at any time if decided upon by a general vote of the party member- ship. Such general vote shall also fix the date and place of such special con- vention. Sec. 3. The date and place of the reg- ular conventions shall be fixed by the Na- tional Committee at its regular annual meeting held i.i the year preceding such convention. Sec. 4. The National Convention shall be composed of three hundred delegates to be apportioned among the states in the following manner: One from each State and Territory and the remainder in proportion to the aver- age national dues paid by the organiza- tions of such States and Territories dur- ing the preceding year. No delegate shall be eligible unless he is a resident member of the state from which his credential Is presented, and shall have been a member of the party organization at least three years. Sec. 5. Railroad fare, including tourist sleeper carfare, of delegates going to and ,; coming from the conventions of the party and the per diem allowance of $2.50 to cover expenses, shall be paid from the Na- ' tional Treasury, by setting aside a por- tion of the national dues sufficient to cover the same, to be estimated at the beginning of each year. Sec. 6. The, expenses of delegates at- tending conventions and of members of the National Committee and the Executive _ Committee attending the respective ses- sions of their committees shall be raised by setting aside such portion of the na- tional dues as may be required to cover 1 the same, to be computed by the National i Committee annually in advance. Sec. 7. The election of delegates to the National Convention shall, wherever pos- sible, be completed not later than 60 days preceding the convention, and the re- spective state secretaries shall furnish ''» the Executive Secretary with a list of ac- credited delegates immediately after said election. ,\ The Executive Secretary shall prepare a printed roster of the accredited dele- gates to be sent to each delegate and for- warded to the party press for publication. Such list shall contain the occupation of - : each delegate at the time of his nomina- tion and his office or employment in the party. All official reports required to be presented to the National Convention shall be printed and sent to each delegate elected at least fifteen days before the date of the convention and furnished to the party press for publication. h.-. At the time ana place set for the open- *f ing of the National Convention, the chair- 1 man of the National Committee shall call ; the convention to order, and shall call the roll to ascertain the number of uncontest- i. ed delegates, and they shall permanently organize the convention. Sec. 8. All national platforms, amend- ments of platforms, and resolutions adopt- ed by any National Convention shall be submitted seriatim to a referendum vote of the membership. One-fourth of the - regularly elected delegates shall be en- titled to have alternative paragraphs to be submitted at the same time. Such alternative paragraphs, signed by one- fourth of such delegates, shall be filed with the Executive Secretary not later than one day after the adjournment of the convention. ARTICLE X. State Organizations. Sec. 1. The formation of Ml state or ter- ritorial organizations or the reorganiza- tion of state or territorial organizations which may have lapsed shall be u^der the direction of the Executive Committee and r NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION in conformity with the rules of the Na- tional Committee. Sec. 2. No siate or territory may be organized unless it has at least ten locals or an aggregate membership of not less than two hundred, but this provision shall not affect the rights of states and terri- tories organized prior to the adoption of this constitution. When the membership of any state averages less than 150 per month for any six consecutive months the National Committee may revoke the char- ter of that state. Sec. 3. The platform of the Socialist Party shall be the supreme declaration of the party, and all state and municipal platforms shall conform thereto. No state or local organization shall under any cir- cumstances fuse, combin3 or compromise with any other political party or organ- ization, or refrain from making nomina- tions, in order to faA l r the candidate of such other organizations, nor shall any candidate of the Socialist Party accept any nomination or indorsement from any other party or political organization. No member of tha Socialist Party shall, under any circumstances, vote in primary or regular elections for any candidate other than Socialists nominated, indorsed or recommended as candidates by the So- cialist Party. To do otherwise will con- stitute party treason, and result in ex- pulsion from the party. Sec. 4. In states and territories in which there is one central organization affiliated with the party, the state or ter- ritorial organizations shall have the sole jurisdiction of the members residing within their respective territories, and the sole control of all matters pertaining to the propaganda, organization and finan- cial affairs within such state or territory; provided, such propaganda is in harmony with the national platform and declared policy of the party. Their activity shall be confined to their respective organiza- tions, and the National Committee, its sub-committees or officers shall have no right to interfere in such matters without the consent of the respective state or ter- ritorial organizations. Sec. 5. The State Committees shall make monthly reports to the Executive Secretary concerning their membership, financial condition and general standing of the party. During the months of January and July of each year, or at any other time re- quired by the Executive Committee or by, this constitution, the state secretaries shall furnish the Executive Secretary a list of all locals affiliated with their re- spective state organizations, together with the number of members in good standing, and the name and address of the corresponding secretary of each local. Refusal, failure or neglect to comply with this section shall subject the state organ- ization to suspension from the Socialist Party and deprive such state organization of participation in the affairs of the So- cialist Party, and shall be a forfeiture of the right to representation in the National Committee, the Executive Committee, the conventions and congresses of the party. Sec. 6. The State Committees shall pay to the National Committee every month a sum equal to five cents for each member in good standing within their respective states and territories. And only due stamps issued by the National Committee shall be affixed to members' dues cards as valid receipts for the payment of dues. Sec. 7. The National Office shall also issue to the state secretaries "exempt stamps" free of charge, to be used by party members temporarily unable to pay dues on account of unemployment causi by sickness, strikes, lockouts or any oth condition not within their control, cases where husband and wife are bo party members and only one of them is receipt of an income the other may lik wise be allowed to use such "exem stamps." Any member desiring to use such "e: empt stamps" shall make applicatu therefor to the financial secretary of h local organization, and such applicatic shall be passed upon by such organizi tion. "Exempt stamps" shall be issut only to members in good standing wl have paid dues for at least three montl and who are by the same action exemj from the payment of dues to the sta> and local organizations. The number < "exempt stamps" shall not exceed 10 pt cent of the total number of stamps ol tained by the respective state organize tions. The acceptance of "exempt stamps by any member shall in no way disqualii such member from any rights and prit ileges of party membership. Sec. 8. All state organizations sha provide in their constitutions for the in tiative, referendum and imperative mai date. Sec. 9. No person shall be nominate or indorsed by any subdivision of th f>arty for candidate for public office ur ess he is a member of the party and hs been such for at least two years. Bi this provision shall not apply to orgar izations which have been in existence fc less than two years. Sec. 10. No local or branch organize tion shall be formed on the basis of tfc occupation of its members. ARTICLE XL Headquarters. Sec. 1. The location of the headquai ters of the party shall be determined b the National Committee. ARTICLE XIL International Delegates and Internation* Secretaries. Delegates to the International Congres and International Secretary shall be elecl ed by referendum in the year in whic the Congress is held. The call for nomina tions shall be made on the first day c January. Forty days shall be allowe for nominations, fifteen for acceptance and declinations and sixty for the refei endum. There shall be one delegate fc every twenty thousand members, ascei tained by computing the average for th preceding year. The requisite number c candidates receiving the highest numbe of votes shall be elected. The next high est in the election shall be the alternate; The expenses of the delegates and a pe diem equal to the per diem fixed for na tional organizers and lecturers shall b paid out of the national treasury. ARTICLE XIII. Woman's National Committee. Sec. 1. The Woman's National Com mittee shall have the general charge c propaganda and organization amon women. All plans of said committee con curred in by the- Executive Committe shall be carried out at the expense of th National Office. Sec. 2. The General Correspondent c the Woman's National Committee sha! be attached to the National Office. Sec. 3. The Woman's National Commit tee shall meet in regular session once i each year, in conjunction with the sessio of the National Committee. Special meet V APPENDIX 203 tngs of the Woman's Committee may be ailed at any time by the concurrent con- ent of the Executive Committee and the Roman's National Committee. Sec 4. Railroad fares and expenses of he members of the Woman's National :ommittee shall be paid by the National )ffice on the same basis as the fares and sxpenses of the members of the National Committee. . ARTICLE XIV. Foreign Speaking Federations. Sec. 1. Five branches of the Socialist D arty working in any other language han English shall have the right to form , National Federation under the super- ision of the Executive Secretary and the Executive Committee. Sec. 2. Such National Language Fed- ration shall have the right to elect an )fficer known as Translator-Secretary, vho shall be conversant with his own anguage as well as the English language, md whose duty it shall be to serve as a nedium of, communication between his ederation and the 'National Organization )f the Socialist Party. Sec. 3. When such National Language federation shall have at least 500 mem- )ers their Translator-Secretary shall be mtitled to necessary office room in the National Office, and to a salary from the lational body not to exceed $28 per week, lor to be less than $15, the exact sum to je fixed by the Executive Committee of he Socialist Party. Such Translator- secretary must be at least three consecu- -ive years a member of the party except ivhen his federation has not been affiliated tvith the party that length of time. Sec. 4. Language federations shall pay .o the National Office the same sum monthly per capita as paid by the State Organizations, receiving in exchange berefor due stamps. They shall also pay through the Translator-Secretary to the [f^-ular state and county or city organiza- tion 50 per cent of the dues paid bv the Relish speakins- branches. The Trans- * tor-Secretary shall nay to the respect- ive State Secretaries the tax on all mem- J»*rs of his nationality in the states. The State Secretarv shall forward the county dues to the respective countv secretaries, wbprever there is an organized countv. Sec. 5. Branches of languaa-e federa- tions shall be an integral part of the countv and state organizations, and must in all cases work in harmony with the constitution and platform of the state *r,r{ county organizations of the Socialist Party. , . it Sec. 6. AIT propaganda work of the language federations shall be carried out unnVr the sunervision of their executive officers according to the by-laws of the f * orations. Such by-laws must be m ponformitv with the constitution of the Socialist Partv. Spc. 7. Each Translator-Secretary shall pnbmit a monthly renort of the due ptorons sold during that period to the Na- tional and State offices. He shall make pv Prv thrpe months, also, a report of the p-or^ral standing of his federation to the Na+'onal O^pe. . _ ■ ... „_- Pen R The National Partv shall not rpcos-nize more than one federation of the *»«>TY»f» language. q Pft q "Each national fpdpration shall ^ pntitlpd to PlPct or.P fraternal dele- gate to the National Conventions of the party; provided, that such delegate shall have a voice* but no vote. ARTICLE XV. Referendum. Sec. 1. Motions to amend any part of this constitution, as well as any other motions or resolutions to be voted upon by the entire membership of the party, shall be submitted by the Executive Sec- retary to the referendum vote of the party membership, upon the request of at least three states representing at least 5 per cent of the entire membership of the party, on the basis of dues paid in the preceding year, or of five states regard- less of membership. The term "state," as herein used, shall be construed to mean the membership of a state organization,, the State Committee or a duly authorized State Executive Committee. Sec. 2. Such a referendum may be initiated by one State, and when so initiated shall remain open for ninety days from the date of its first publication, and unless it shall receive the requisite number of sec- onds within such period it shall be aban- doned. The vote on every such referen- dum shall close sixty days from the date of its submission. Sec. 3. Referendums to revoke or amend the provisions of this constitution may be instituted only one year after the adoption of such provisions. ARTICLE XVI. Amendments. Sec. 1. This constitution may be amend- ed by a National Convention, National Committee in session, or by a referendum of the party in the manner above provid- ed. But all amendments made* by a Na- tional Convention or National Committee, in session shall be submitted seriatim to a referendum vote of the party member- ship. Sec. 2. All amendments shall take effect sixty days after being approved by the membership. ARTICLE XVII. Tenure. , Sec. 1. The members of the Executive Committee, the Woman's National Com- mittee, the National Secretary and the General Correspondent of the Woman's National Committee, now in office, shall remain in office until June 1, 1913, when the members of the Executive Committee, the Woman's National Committe, the Executive Secretary and the General Cor- respondent of the Woman's National Com- mittee, elected by the National Commit- tee as herein provided, shall take their respective places., Sec. 2. As soon as this constitution shall take effect, the provisions of the same affecting the Executive Committee, the' Woman's National Committee, the Execu- tive Secretary, and the General Corre- spondent of the Woman's National Com- mittee shall be binding upon the corre- sponding officers under the present con- stitution in so far as they are capable of application to them, and when not so ap- plicable, the provisions of the present constitution shall govern. Between the time when this constitu- tion takes effect and the first day of Anril. 1913 all state organizations shall elect members of the National Committee in accordance with the provisions of the con- stitution. p 204 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION APPENDIX I Report of the Woman's Department. To the Socialist Party National Convention, 1912' • There is nothing more hopeful in the outlook for the Socialist Party than the rapid growth in the number of woman members and the increasing scope of their work in all matters pertaining to its wel- fare. , ' . Ten years ago the woman s movement in our party was a negligible quantity, ex- isting chiefly in the minds of a few de- voted women. At the birth of the present Socialist Party, which took place at the Unity Con- vention of 1901, there were eight women who attended as regularly elected dele- gates. Their influence was that of individual women and not that of representatives of any special movement of unrest or protest among the women of the working class. Sttch a movement had not yet had time for formation^ and we find no mention made in the minutes of the convention of woman's activity in the party organization, or of any need for special propaganda among women. The only mention made of the party's atti- tude toward women is in the platform, which demands "equal civil and political rights for men and women." Three years later, in the national con- vention of 1904, the number of women delegates had not increased. California, Oregon. Colorado, Iowa, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania each sent one, while Kansas sent two women in a delegation of six. In the proceedings of this convention, al^o. we search in vain for any acknowl- edgment of the special wrongs or needs of the working women, or of the necessity for any particular line of work to reach them with the Socialist message and en- list 'them in the party organization. The constitution remained silent unon the organization of women, and the plat- form simply demanded equal suffrage for men and women. The Socinlist women definitely made their debut in the party organization at the National Convention of 190R. Twenty of them appeared upon the floor of the con- vention as delegates from fourteen states. Each of the twenty had a decided opinion as to the best wav to reach her sisters and briber them into the fold. P>om the first day to the last no group in the convention was more active and ag- gressive than were the women. During the years from 1904 to 1908 the Socialist partv had awakened to the fact thnt the "woman ouestion'* was a vital, 1'ving is°ue a^d must receive consideration. So. on the afternoon of the first day. the committee on rules recommended that "a committee on women and their relationship to the Socialist Party (*hall he elected, to consist of nine members," and the commit- tee was duly elected. The report of this committee recon mended that a permanent Woman's Nsl tional Committee, consisting of five men; bers, be elected to formulate plans for, an to have charge of, the special work of pre! paganda and organization among woraeil It also provided that a special woman oi: ganizer be kept permanently in the field. Not only did the convention adopt tb above plans for pushing the work amon women, but it also enlarged upon the meg ger platform demand of 1904 by insertin the plank, "Unrestricted and equal suffirag for men and women, and we pledge our selves to engage in an active campaign i that direction." The quiet, earnest work of the wome pioneers had at least borne fruit an woman's share in the affairs of the part was now officially recognized. It but r« mained for her to outline her plan of actio and put it into effect. The Woman's National Committee pre ceeded to do this in a most efficient mar ner. A "Plan of Work for Women in Sc cialist Locals" was prepared and widel circulated. Snecial leaflets dealing with many phase of the woman question and the industry conditions particularly affecting wome and children, were published. By 1910 the special woman's work wa so well established that the National Part Congress of that year embodied in the Ns tional Constitution provisions for its cor tinnance. An amendment which was ir eluded in the report- of the Committee o Constitution and adopted bv the Congresi provided that a Woman's National Commit tee, consisting of seven women, be electe in a manner similar to the election nf tt 1 National Executive Committee and that have charsre of the propaganda and orsrar ization among women. Tt further provide that all plans of the committee cdnourrc in bv the National Executive Committee I carried out at the expense of the Nation; Offiee. The closing parap-raoh of the report c the Woman's National Committee contains the recommendation that there be instnlle a Woman"s Denartment in the Nation; Office and that the manager of this depar ment be one of the regular emnloyes of tr office. The report was adopted. Now. indeed, the women had become bona fide institution in the party organiz; tion. The Woman's National Committ* elected a general correspondent to tal charge of the Woman's Department and tr work among women was established upon permanent basis. GENERAL, RESULTS OF 1910-'ll. Much has been accomplished within tr pa«t two years. Many local woman's con mittees ha-'e b"^ organized, hundreds < thousands of leaflets for women have bee / APPENDIX 205 ^ stributed. Women are serving as secre- ries of five states, and of two hundred d seventy locals. One member of the National Executive >mmittee, two members of the National mmittee and one of the International cretaries are women. Fifteen states have >men State Correspondents. Among our st known national lecturers and organ- rs, eight are women, and over twenty )men have come under our notice as do- exceptionally good work on the Social- ; platform in a national way. It is difficult to form an estimate of the suits of the special agitation among >men that the Socialist Party has been rrying on during the last two years,. 3i We have been unable to get complete in- rmation regarding the number of women embers of the party or the number of Oman's committees, although several nes letters have been sent to the local d state secretaries, asking them for this formation. A very small per cent of the cretaries complied with the request. It roughly estimated, however, that the omen constitute one-tenth of the entire embership. About two hundred and fifty circular let- rs were sent out to locals having active omen members, requesting answers to rtain questions. Thirty-five replies were ceived. A summary of the work done by e women in these thirty-five locals shows markable activity. But no summary in )llars and cents can measure the actual ult of their work. It represents an edu- itional growth that is preparing many lousands of women and young girls to ,ke part intelligently in . the class strug- e and work side by side with their broth- s in winning the emancipation of , the orking class. The summary of the reports from these lirty-five committees shows that these cals have a combined membership of 1,677 omen. During the year 1911 these committees ave held 850 meetings. This does not ac- 3unt for all the woman's meetings, held, fen in_ these thirtv-five places In the ew York and Chicago reports, only the irgest and most important meetings were corded. Meetings held by the woman lembers in the individual branches were ot reported for either of these cities. During the year 1911 and the latter part f 1910, these committees through their !wn efforts, raised nearly $10,000, or, to be ■fcact, $9,740.09. This is exclusive of the loney they helped to raise in the regular r ork of the locals; $5,893.96 were raised Dr strike benefits, $866.50 for campaign unds, $529.49 for the support of the So- ialist press, $337.35"* for assisting in the urnishing of local headquarters, and 214.93 were spent for special literature for romen. When we realize that $10,000 were raised y the women in onlv thirty-five out of the ve thousand Socialist locals and branches n the United States, we can begin to ap- reciate that from a financial standpoint, if rom no other, it is important to enlist the romen in the active work as members of he party. In ten of these cities — those large enough o requjre the assistance of the women — hey were at the polls serving as watchers nd clerks. They also served as registra- ion clerks and, in Los Angeles, went from ouse to house instructing the women how :> vote. During the Shirtwaist Strike in New r ork and the Garment Workers' Strike in Ihicago, Socialist women addressed their meetings, did picket service, gave benefits and assisted in every way possible. The women not only fold and stamp the literature, but they go out with the men comrades and distribute it from door to door. They form themselves in squads and sell it at meetings, or distribute it free at the doors of factories and stores. Over 500,000 leaflets, besides thousands of copies of the Progressive Woman, have been dis- tributed in this way. SOCIALIST SCHOOLS, When women enter into any movement they take the children with them. Four of our large cities report? excellent work being done among the children. New York has several Socialist schools. Lessons are prepared by May Wood-Simons, Edith C. Breithut and others. The New York schools are experimenting with these lessons and if they are a success they will be published and put into general use throughout the country for next year's work. The demand for material tor So- cialist schools is constantly on the in- crease. By another year a systematic course of lessons should be ready for use. Rochester, N. Y., has a school with an average attendance of two hundred pupils. Los Angeles, California, reports a splendid school which they call a Socialist Lyceum. New Jersey has elected a special school committee, which has prepared a leaflet giving excellent instructions regarding the organization of Socialist schools. This com- mittee is entering upon its work in a thorough manner and good results may be expected. The New York State Committee on So- cialist Schools prepared an outline on "How to Organize Socialist Schools." This has been published by the Woman's National Committee and recommended to be used in locals desiring to reach the children. ANTI-BO^ SCOUT ORGANIZATION. Bridgeport, Connecticut, has an Anti-Boy Scout organization, with a membership of thirt'y-nine boys. St. Louis has an organi- zation of boys which they have named the Universal Scouts of Freedom. They are or- ganized bv wards, as a part of the work of the ward branches. Through their efforts one corps of Boy Scouts was induced to disband. They also made their influence felt by supporting Union Labor in the ►stand it took against permitting the Boy Scouts to take part in the parade on the occasion of President Taft's visit to St. Louis. WOMAN'S DAY. Woman's Day, February 25th, was ob- served to a far greater extent than ever before. Every available speaker was secured by the active locals and the meetings were well advertised. The White Slave Traffic was the subject chosen for discussion and a special pro- gram upon this subject was prepared by the Woman's National Committee. This program, consisting of songs, reci- tations and readings, fitted for a full even- ing's entertainment, was advertised in the weekly and monthly bulletins sent out from our National Office. Over 150 orders were filled and many more were received, but the supply was ex- hausted. Glowing reports of the success of the en- tertainments were sent in by the comrades from many places with the request that mL ar P ro S ram s be furnished regularly The capitalist papers gave a surprising amount of space to the observance of this day, designating it as the Socialist Woman's p 206 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION Day. In a few instances more than two columns were given to an account of the celebration. EQUAL SUFFRAGE PETITION. In August, 1911, the Woman's National Committee recommended the circulation of a petition for woman suffrage, to be pre- sented by Congressman Victor L. Berger, Socialist Representative from Wisconsin. The recommendation was concurred in by the National Executive Committee and the following petition was prepared: "We, the undersigned citizens of the United States, over twenty-one years of age, hereby request you to submit to the legislatures of the several states for rati- fication an amendment to the National Con- stitution which shall enable women to vote in all elections upon the same terms as men." One hundred thousand copies of this peti- tion have been sent to all of the Socialist locals, thousands of labor organizations, and to every source from which it was be- lieved signatures could be obtained. Requests for them are still being re- ceived. We have sent out the call for all signed petitions to be returned to the Na- tional Office and will complete the counting and forward them to Congressman Berger within the next month. The circulation of this petition has been of great educational value and has afforded one of the best means by which the position of the Socialist Party upon the question of equal suffrage for men and women has been verified. On January 16, 1912, Congressman Berg- er introduced in the House of Representa- tives the following Joint Resolution, pro- posing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States extending' the right of suffrage to women: Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein), That the following article is proposed as " an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, shall be valid to all intents and pur- poses as a part of the Constitution: ARTICLE . . "SECTION 1. The right of citizens of the United- States to vote shall not be de- nied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex. " "SECTION 2. When the right to vote at any election for Tfie choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied or in any way abridged on the ground of sex, the basis of repre- sentation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such citi- zens shall bear to the whole number of male and female citizens twenty-one years of age in such state." WdMAN ORGANIZERS. At the opening of the Woman's Depart-' ment in the National Office, Anna A. Maley was the onlv National woman organizer sent out by the Woman's National Commit- tee. Comrade Maley is one of the most capable organizers in the Socialist Party. -Her work proved of great service to the committee. Later she gave up the work to become the editor of "The Comonwealth." Florence Wattles and Nellie M. Zeh were elected as organizers for the committee. Comrade Wattles was assigned *to In- diana. As a result of seven weeks' work in this state, two local committees were or- ganized and the woman's movement was given great impetus throughout the state. Much of her work 'was in unorganized places. She organized many locals, though the movement was too new to form com- mittees of women. In December, 1911, Comrade Wattles be- gan work in Pennsylvania. During the four months in that state she has organized forty committees and has strengthened not only the work among women, but the gen- eral movement as well. The state secre- tary of Indiana has requested that she be returned to that state for the remainder of the campaign and this has been so ar- ranged. Comrade Zeh was unable to enter upon the work at that time, but she is now pre- paring to take it up along special lines in" the south. Mary L. Geffs was authorized to do some special work in Colorado, with encouraging results. Janet Penimore, Prudence Stokes Brown and Madge Patton Stephens have been elected by the committee to serve as woman organizers during the coming cam- paign. Among the organizers who have carried on the general propaganda work, special credit is due to Mila Tupper Maynard, Theresa Serber Malkiel, Ella Reeve Bloor and John M. Work for their earnest efforts to strengthen the movement among the women. In addition to their regular duties, when in the field work, they made a special plea to women to join the party and urged the comrades to elect the woman members of the respective locals into committees to carry on the propaganda among women. They sent in to the General Correspond- ent the names of the active women along the route, thereby enabling the General Correspondent to communicate directly with these women and explain the work to be done in their locality. If all our organizers would adopt this plan the beneficial results upon the organ- ization would soon be felt. LITERATURE FOR WOMEN. +fcS? e i, Wom ^ n ' s National Committee, M?ofl U f h the N , ational Office, has published leaflets upon the following subjects: Boys d Socialist and other Labor papers that II print upon the average two articles rtaining to women each month. This jans an equivalent of 800 articles each mth, or 9,600 a year. And the list stead- increases in number. NATIONAL TEACHERS' BUREAU. The Socialist Teachers' Bureau is grad- lly growing in importance as a useful de- rtment in the work of the National Rce. It was started in August, 1911, by Com- de Terence Vincent, who conducted it in able manner. Later it was placed in e hands of the Woman's Department. The purpose of the Bureau is to enable cialist teachers to get in touch with So- tlist members of School Boards. Also by ving a complete list of Socialist teachers file in the National Office, something in e nature of a loose organization exists lich is easy to circularize and to keep in uch with all matters pertaining to their ecial line of work. It is useless to apply for assistance in re- rd to securing either a position or a acher unless the applicant encloses proof his paid-up membership in the party, mpliance with this request is a necessary fe guard. When this proof has been furnished the plication is placed on file. All informa- >n is considered strictly confidential — ly those applicants who have proved eir party membership being entitled to it. A Socialist teacher appfying for a posi- >n receives a list of the positions open, gether with the available information re- rding salary and grade. A Socialist hool director applying for a teacher re- ives a list of teachers, stating the posi- >ns they are prepared to fill. Then cor- spondence may be opened between the rector and the teacher, and the work of e National Office along this line has been lfilled. At the present time we have on hana" ap- ications for positions from forty-nine achers and inquiries regarding the secur- g of Socialist teachers to fill twerfty cancies. The National Office does not guarantee sitions, nor does it guarantee good faith j>on the part of either applicant. It slm- I helps to bring the teacher and the posi- i>n together, rendering service free of arge. It does this because of the ever owing demand of school directors for So- \list teachers, and of Socialist teachers 1 positions in which they can teach un- .mpered by the prejudice of capitalist- inded school boards. FOREIGN SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS. Thus far the Woman's Department has been obliged to concentrate its energies upon the work of reaching the women of the general membership and has found it impossible to conduct special propaganda work among our foreign speaking com- rades. The time is now at hand, however, when a start along these lines can be made and preparations are on foot toward this end. , The foreign translator-secretaries have ^elected the women's leaflets bes«t suited to their purposes and the National Office will publish them in their respective languages. In the large cities where the Central Woman's Committees are elected to conduct the work of agitation and organization throughout all branches, special effort will be made from this time forth to co-operate with the women in foreign speaking organ- izations and induce them to send represent- atives to the Central Woman's Committee. The Finnish women are doing most ex- cellent work. They have their own weekly paper called "Toveritar," meaning "The Comrades." It consists of eight pages and is well gotten up in every way. Comrade Helen Vitikainen is the editor. In our Finnish locals the women consti- tue one-third of the membership and are ictive in all branches of the work. This no doubt accounts for the fact that the Finnish have one of the most perfect and efficient organizations in the United States. The women are working in the Socialist Party side by side with the men, both of them concentrating their energies upon its work. The German women comrades of New York City are doing active work. They have organized in separate woman's branches with a total of. about 280 mem- bers. They also sent a German woman or- ganizer into the field and she formed or- ganizations in Chicago, Syracuse, Rochester and Philadelphia. The German women raised contributions for the campaign fund and for the Volke- Zeitung, the New York Call and other So- cialist papers. They also prepafed and dis- tributed Socialist leaflets printed in the German language. No reports have been received from other nationalities. WOMEN'S PERIODICALS. The Progressive Woman is the only So- calist publication for English-speaking women fn the United States. It has a cir- culation of about 12,000. This paper has made a valiant fight for Its life, and has received all possible sup- port from the Woman's National Commit- tee. It has been a great help to the com- mittee and has been one of the means through which so much work has been ac- complished. During 1911 programs for use in Socialist locals were prepared by the Committee and published monthly in the Progressive Woman. In other ways it enabled the Woman's National Committee to carry on Its work, and it is today the only woman's paper for carrying the Socialist message into English-speaking homes. During the Mexican revolution, when every effort was being made to fan the military spirit into white heat in the United States, this paper was turned over to the Woman's National Committee and a special anti-military edition was prepared. Over 30.000 copies were placed in circulation. (Address, The Progressive Woman, 111 North Market Street, Chicago, 111.) / 208 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION 'Toveritar," or "The Woman Comrade," is a Finnish weekly paper for women. It has a circulation of about 5,000 and is doing nrood educational work among the women of that nationality. Articles sent out by the Woman's .Department are published in this paper, and in every \vay*it co-operates with the Woman's National Committee. (Address Toveritar, Tenth and Duane, As- toria, Ore.) Life and Labor is a monthly magazine appealing especially to women engaged in the industries. It is the official organ ofl the Woman's Trade Union League and it is* deserving of our recommendation and sup- port. We should place it in the hands of all women, especially those who are work- ing in industries that can be organized. (Address Life and Labor, 127 North Dear- born Street, Chicago, 111.) The Forerunner is another monthly mag- azine that is worthy of the attention of the Socialists. It is filled with vital truths, presented in a way that appeals to the aver- age woman, whether in the home or out, young or old. Before the reader is aware of it, her ideas have changed from the old conservative viewpoint to the new radical revolutionary position. It is worth while for us to aid in the circulation of The Forerunner. (Address The Forerunner, 67 Wall Street, New York City.) The Young Socialist Magazine is the only Socialist magazine for children in the United States. It contains educational arti- cles and stories tending to teach the chil- dren of the working class a correct appre- ciation of the class struggle. It should be in the hands of every cliild in the Socialist movement. (Address The Young Socialist Magazine, 15 Spruce Street, New York City.) The editors of all of the above magazines are Socialists. NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITY. At the present convention twenty-five women were elected regular delegates, which is a fair representation, being about one-tenth of the entire number of dele- gates. For the first time the Woman's National Committee of the Socialist Party was rep- resented by a fraternal delegate at the National Woman's Suffrage Convention, heM at Louisville, Ky., on October 17, 1911. For the first time Socialists took part in the congressional suffrage hearing held in Washington, March 13th. The Socialist Party was represented by three Socialist women. This was due to the fact that we now have a Socialist representative in Congress, and one of the suffrage resolu- tions before the House was presented by him. For the first time Socialist women were elected as delegates to the International Socialist Congress, held at Copenhagen in August, 1911. Three women delegates from the United States attended this Congress, and one of them was chosen by the United States, delegation to serve as its reporter of the proceedings. SUMMARY. It ha-; taken but two years for the women to demonstrate the great value of their organized efforts in the work of the Socialist Party. The Socialist Party real- izes as never before the absolute necessity of reaching the women with the message of Socialism. The National Executive Com- mittee, the Woman's National Committee and the National Office are sparing no effort in educating them to an understanding | their class interests and in bringing the! into the party as dues-paying raembei having the same duties and the same n sponsibilities as the men. Not only are they educating the womei they are losing no opportunity to teach tt men members of the party the senseles futility and the criminal ignorance man fested when one-half of the working clas strives to free itself from slavery whl leaving the other half in bondage. Wome and men, not divided upon a basis of se but united ujton the basis of working-clas solidarity, are a necessary part of tl working class program. The educational results from carrying c a national equal suffrage campaign throug the medium of a petition are incalculabl Thousands of men and women, with pet tions and pencil in one hand and Sociali! leaflets in the other, have gone from hou* to house, have invaded thousands of mee ings and have carried on a tremendot agitation and education, not only for equ; political rights for women and men, but f( complete industrial freedom for the entii working class. Within the organization of the Sociali! Party the woman's committees have alreac proved to be a source of strength and pov er for good. Through their systematic woi as regularly elected committees of their vi rious locals they are bringing new life ar social energy into the routine of the pari work. As a means of reaching the organize workers, whether it be during the stress i a great strike, or in the every-day work their trades, the Socialist women have der onstrated their especial fitness to hand with class-conscious loyalty and unfailir tact the difficult situations that arise. In the realm of practical politics the have proved themselves apt students. J watchers and clerks at the polls they ha - " proved their ability not only to understai and carry out the instructions goverhir the elections, but to deport themselves wii a quiet dignity that never fails to abolh coarse language or unmanly conduct. In assisting in campaigns they falter i no task of endurance. No duty is t( small, no task too great for them to a tempt for the sake of the cause they lov The Socialist woman is no longer an ui known quantity. She is an immeasurab constructive force in the growing workin, class movement. In large numbers she joining with the men of her class, ai through their united efforts freedom fi all humanity will be won. The question of women and their woi in the party is of more importance at should receive more careful considerate by the convention than ever before. Tl time is rioe for earnest discussion of tl woman question. We should go from th convention with clearly defined ideas as the best plans for educating the women : America to a class-conscious understand ina: of their needs and of enlisting them f< active service in the great army of tl working class — the Socialist Party. Fraternally submitted, META BERGER, WINNIE E. BRANSTETTER, GRACE D. BREWER, ELLA CARR, LENA MORROW LEWIS, MAY WOOD-STMONS, LUELLA TWINING, Woman's National Committe CAROLINE A. LOWE, General Correspondet APPENDIX 20tf APPENDIX J Reports of the Majority and Minority Committees on Immigration. (a) MAJORITY REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION. At the national congress of the Socialist Party in 1910, the Committee on Immigra- tion presented a majority report signed by Ernest Untermann, Joshua Wanhope and Victor L. Berger, and a minority report signed, by John Spargo. The majority report declared that the in- terests of the labor unions and of the So- cialist Party of America demanded the en- forcement of the existing exclusion laws which keep out the mass immigration or importation of Asiatic laborers. The minority report declared that the danger from Asiatic labor immigration or importation was more imaginary than real and that, therefore, the Socialist Party should content itself with an emphasis upon the international solidarity of all working people regardless of nationality or race. The minority report did not state whether the Socialist Party should demand the repeal of the existing exclusion laws. When asked during the debate whether he favored the repeal of these laws, Comrade Spargo declined to commit himself to a definite answer. In the course of the discussion, Comrade Morris Hillquit introduced a substitute for both reports. This substitute evaded the question for or against the existing exclu- sion laws, merely demanding that the mass of importation of contract laborers from all countries should be combated by the Social- ist Party. An amendment to this substitute, de- manding a special emphasis upon the fact that the bulk of the Asiatic immigration was stimulated by the capitalists and for this reason should be excluded, was offered by Comrade Algernon Lee. After a debate lasting nearly two days, the congress adopted Hillquit's substitute by a vote of 55 against 50. This close vote induced the congress to recommit the question for further study to a new committee on immigration with in- structions to report to the national con- I vention of 1912. In this new committee the same align- I ment immediately took place. After a fruit- less effort of the chairman to get unani- mous action, the majority decided to act by I itself and let the minority do the same. Continued study and the developments on I the Pacific Coast during the last two years f convinced the majority of this committee jf more than ever that the existing exclusion j lnws against Asiatic laborers should be en- I forced and be amended in such way that I they can be more effectively enforced. The details of the necessary amendments should be worked out by our representatives, or by our future representatives, in Congress and submitted for ratification to the Committee on Immigration, which should be m'ade permanent for this purpose. It does not matter whether Asiatic im- migration is voluntary or stimulated by capitalists. There is no room for doubt that the capitalists welcome this immigra- tion, and that its effect upon the economic and political class organizations of the American workers is destructive. It is true that all foreign labor immigra- tion lowers the standard of living, increases I the unemployed problem and supplies the capitalists with uninformed and willing tools of reaction. But of all foreign labor immigration, the Asiatic element, owing to its social and racial peculiarities, is the most difficult to assimilate and mold into a homogeneous and effective revolutionary body. It is all the more dangerous to the most advanced labor organizations of this , nation, because it adds to and intensifies the race issue which is already a grave problem in large sections of this country. In the European countries the labor unions and the Socialist Party are not con- fronted by the task of educating, organiz- ing and uniting vast masses of alien na- tionalities and races with the main body of the native class-conscious workers. Where alien immigration enters intc the European labor problem, it plays but an insignificant role compared to the overwhelming mass of native workers. America is the only coun- trv in which the labor unions and the So- cialist Party are compelled to face the problem of educating, organizing and unit- ing not only the native workers but a con- tinually increasing army of foreign na- tionalities and races who enter this country without any knowledge of the English lan- guage, of American traditions, of economic and political conditions. The disappearance of the Western frontier has intensified the difficulties of labor organizations and So- cialist propaganda to such a degree that it has become an unavoidable task to decide whether restrictive measures shall or shall not be demanded in the interests of the labor unions and of the Socialist Party. Since the race issue enters most prominent- ly into this problem and has for years been the central point of restrictive legislation, the Socialist Party has been compelled to take notice of it. Race feeling is not so much a result of social as of biological evolution. It does not change essentially with changes of eco- nomic systems. It is deeper than any class feeling ana will outlast the capitalist sys- tem. It persists even after race prejudice has been outgrown. It exists, not because the capitalists nurse it for economic rea- sons, but the capitalists rather have an op- portunity to nurse it for economic reasons because it exists as a product of biology. It is bound to play a role in the economics of the future society. If it should not as- sert itself in open warfare under a So- V 210 NATIOxNAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION cialist form of society, it will nevertheless lead to a rivalry of races for expansion over the globe as a result of the play of natural and sexual selection. We may temper this race feeling by education, but we can never hope to extinguish it alto- gether. Class-consciousness must be learned, but race-consciousnes's is inborn and cannot be wholly unlearned. A few in- dividuals may indulge in the luxury of ig- noring race and posing as utterly raceless humanitarians, but whole races never. Where races struggle for the means of life, racial animosities cannot be avoided. Where working people struggle for jobs, self-preservation enforces its decrees. Eco- nomic and political considerations lead to racial fights and to legislation restricting the invasion of the white man's domain by other races. The Socialist Party cannot avoid this is- sue. The exclusion of definite races, not on account of race, but for economic and polit- ical reasons, has been forced upon the old party statesmen in spite of the bitter op- position of the great capitalists. Every addition of incompatible race ele- ments to the present societies of nations or races strengthens the hands of the great capitalists against the rising hosts of class- conscious workers. But the race feeling is so strong that even the majority of old party statesmen have not dared to ignore it. From the point of view of the class-con- scious workers it is irrational in the ex- treme to permit the capitalists to protect their profits by high tariffs against the competition of foreign capital, and at the same time connive at their attempts to ex- tend free trade in the one commodity which the laborer should protect more than any other, his labor power. It is still more irrational to excuse this self-destructive policy by the slogan of in- ternational working class solidarity, for this sentimental solidarity works wholly into the hands of the capitalist class and injures the revolutionary movement of the most advanced workers of this nation, out of ill-considered worship of an Asiatic working class which is as yet steeped in the ideas of a primitive state of unde- veloped capitalism. A proper consideration of working class interests, to which the Socialist Party is pledged by all traditions and by all histori- cal precedent, demands that our representa- tives in the legislative bodies of this nation should reduce the tariff protection of the capitalists and introduce a tariff, or tax, upon unwholesome competitors of the work- ing class, regardless of whether these com- petitors are voluntary or subsidized immi- grants. Real protection of American labor requires a tariff on labor power and the re- duction and gradual abolition of the tariff on capital. Such labor legislation already exists in British Columbia and has proved effective there. at least give to the American laborer advantage of fighting the Asiatic compet tion at long range and wholly through ternational commerce, instead of having struggle with the Asiatic laborer for jobs upon American soil. This will tend to aboil ish the labor of children and women ifl American factories, to maintain a rational standard of living and to reduce the unl employed problem for adult male workers. International solidarity between the working people of Asia, Europe and Amery ica will be the outcome of international evolution, not of sentimental formulas. So long as the minds- of the workers of nationC and races are separated by long distance* of industrial evolution, the desired solidary ity cahnot be completely realized, and whilH it is in process of realization, the demand! of immediate self-preservation are more im* perative than dreams of ideal solidarity. | The international solidarity of the work-' ing class can be most effectively demon-; strated, not by mass immigration into each] others' countries, but by the international! co-operation of strong labor unions and ofl the national sections of fhe International] Socialist Party. Socialism proves itself a science to the extent that it enables us to foretell the' actual tendencies of future development. This is the general principle that guidesj us in the struggle against the capitalists classes of the world. We work for thej transformation of capitalist into Socialist society, not so much because sentiment,} longing, dogma or argument drive us, but because we are convinced that the dominant tendencies of capitalism work in the direc-j tion of Socialism. This point of view has been almost wholly overlooked in the discussion and practice of these "immediate" policies which serve as our conscious steps in the direction of Socialism. In our general propaganda and party or- ganization, we work for the prophesied out- come of capitalist development and shape our actions in harmony with the foreseen probable course which the majority of the citizens will be compelled to adopt during the revolution "of the human mind towards a Socialist consciousness. Not so in discussing and acting upon questions of immediate policy, such as the exclusion of Asiatic laborers from the United States. Instead of clearly foretelling the inevitable policy which the majority of the voters of this nation 'will be compelled to adopt in this particular instance, we are supposed to- shape our actions in response to sentimental, Utopian or dogmatic argu- ments dictated by the personal likes or dis- likes of a few individuals. Instead of scientifically foretelling the in- evitable logic of events, we are supposed tQ' listen to a logic inspired by the sophistry of the advocates of unrestricted immigra- tion. Those who affirm the sentimental solidar- The argument that the menace of Asiatic ) ity, of the working classes the world oyer I and at the same time demand a restriction J of the stimulated mass importation of con- I tract laborers admit unwillingly that this * ideal solidarity is reallv impossible. And while they thus contradict their own senti- mental assertion, they evade the real issue bv an exaggerated reverence for a Utopian race solidarity. T he com mon sense Socialist policy under these" UlrTUiuiAtwmvs is to build up strong national labor unions and strong national Socialist parties in the different countries and work toward more perfect solidarity by an international co-operation of these labor unions and parties. To this end the So- labor immigration is more imaginary than real overlooks the obvious fact that this menace has been minimized and kept within bounds by the existing exclusion laws, and that it can be eliminated altogether by a strict enforcement and more up-to-date amendment of these laws. The maioritv of this committee realize of course, that 1he development of capitalism in Phina, India and Japan will necessarily tend to brinrr the American laborer into competition with the Asiatic laborer, even If the \slnt 1 '" floes not come to the «horp^ of 1'm- country But the exclusion of the Asiatic from the shores of this country will APPENDIX 211 ist Party of America should consider ve all the interests of those native and eign working class citizens whose eco- nic and political class organizations are tined to be the dominant elements in the ial revolution of this country. n the United States this means neces- •ily the enforcement of the existing ex- sion laws against Asiatic laborers, and : amendment of these laws in such a way ,t the working class of America shall tify its strategic position in the struggle unst the capitalist class. Che majority of this committee are not )Osed to the social mingling of races ough travel, education and friendly as- Siation upon terms of equality. But we -, convinced that the mass of the voters, :h the growth of social consciousness, 1 rather eliminate more and more those rring elements of social development ich interfere with an orderly and sys- latic organization of industrial and polit- 1 democracy. They will not be anxious i intensify the unemployed problem and \ race issue, but will strive to transform s international working class solidarity m a Utopian shibboleth into a construc- e policy. They will use their collective elligence to reduce the evils growing out unemployment and race feeling, until we 111 be able to eliminate those evils alto- ther and strip race feeling at least of its italities. Phis tendency is so plainly evident to the jority of this committee that we can ord to dispense with appeals to passion. is question will not' be solved by a repeti- n of phrases, but by a conscious and istructive policy which will enforce it- f as an inevitable step in the direction working class solidarity and Socialism j world over. ERNEST UNTERMANN, Chairman. JOSHUA WANHOPE, J. STITT WILSON, ROBER/T HUNTER. ) MINORITY REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON IMMIGRATION. We, the undersigned, propose that this ivention endorse the position taken on question of immigration by the Inter- tional Congress at Stuttgart. (Signed) MEYER LONDON, (Signed) JOHN SPARGO, (Signed) LEO. LAUKKI. all working people regardless of nationality or race. But the question, Shall the Social- ist Party in the principle and hence in prac- tice, commit itself to the policy of exclu- sion or shall it not, Comrade Spargo evaded and so left it undecided by declaring (from the floor) that — "If the time comes when we, after seri- ous, honest, conscientious and prolonged effort, have to say we have failed and we cannot do it, and in protection of ourselves we must close the doors to the Asiatic, I shall be ready to close the doors. If it comes to the time when we must close the door to the Italian, I shall be ready to close the door. If the time comes when we have got to close the door against men of my own race, I shall say: We must close the door. But that time is not yet." The majority report declared the time to be here already and so the minority report was done, it lost all its -force by that de- claration of Comrade Spargo. Adopting the substitute resolution pre- sented by Comrade Morris Hillquit, which totally evaded the question to be decided, only demanding that the party should com- bat the mass importation of contract labor- ers from all countries, the congress referred the question back to the committee with instructions to report to the national con- vention in 1912. Since that time there has been drafted by Comrade Ernest Untermann and signed by Comrades Robert Hunter, Joshua Wanhope and J. Stitt Wilson a majority report, which in the main follows the same lines as the majority report to the congress of 1910 and declares in favor of exclusional policy. There will be also a minority report to be presented by Comrade Spargo, but up to date it has not been sent to the undersigned and therefore it cannot be referred to. The demand that the Socialist Party should declare itself in regard to the Asi- atic or other immigration' labor in favor of exclusion is based upon the following two assumptions: 1. That the strategic position of the American workiif^ - class in its struggle with capitalism and against the capitalist class will be better if the Asiatic immigrant labor will be excluded from the United States, or vice versa, that the immigration of Asiatic labor places the American work- ing class strategically more or less in a disadvantageous position to successfully combat the American capitalist class, to maintain its standard of living, or better its conditions. 2. That the Asiatic laborers in contra- distinction to the laborers of all other na- tionalities immigrating tcf United States are racially unable to be arrayed in the ranks of American working class against the capitalist exploitation and oppression; that in regard of them it is impossible for our party to accept the same policy as in reeard of other immigrant nationalities — ■ the Scandinavians, the Slavs, the Southern Europeans, the Balkans and others; that we cannot accept the policy of organizing the Asiatics economically and politically, because they are of a "backward race." According to the first assumption the American working class with the purpose to gain the most advantageous strategic position against the capitalist class should seclude itself from the competition of Asi- atic labor by trying to erect barriers, real "Chinese walls," in the form of exclusion laws against the Asiatic working men and women compelled by the iron laws of eco- nomic evolution to leave their native land. At the same time it shows the folly of assuming that "an international question can be solved through national seclusion." F 212 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION It is the irony of fate that, the same na- tion that has been the foremost tool of cap- italist evolution in breaking down the hun- dred years' old walls of China by opening its ports and gates for the European and American merchandise, capital, money and labor and so teaching the Asiatics the omnipotence of economic evolution, teaching them that their great walls and seclusion avail to nothing before international cap- italism, it is really a big irony of fate that now the same nation in these days of the triumph of international capitalism over the thousand years old seclusional culture of China in the Chinese revolution, takes up that worn idea from the Chinese and yells: "We want seclusion!" We want a Chinese wall around the dear United States to keep out all those foreigners to save our culture and our standard of living from their de- stroying competition." There are many reasons which prove that the working class cannot successfully fight capitalism isolated, secluded in national or other units, closed between national boun- daries, and the main reason is, that the eco- nomic evolution does not tolerate any bar- riers and boundaries. It leaps over them— ^ they may have been constructed of the best kind of steel and beaten or written in as many statute books as there are in the United States. For the capitalism of the present day the Pacific Ocean is only a pond and the keeping of Asiatic laborers on that side of the Pacific has almost as much meaning economically for the strategic position of the American working class as were the Asiatics living in Canada. The idea that seclusion will give a na- tion an advantage in its relation to other nations is as old as the earth, and evolu- tion has always shown it to be fallacious. So in the history of social life this idea has been many times tried and shown to be Utopian, conservative and often reactionary in its/ workings. The many communistic societies of last century tried here and in Europe were only unsuccessful experiments with this idea of solving the social ques- tion by seclusion from the whole outer world, isolated from it in all possible ways. Also the "closed for non-relatives and for non-acquaintances, pure and simple, craft unions" are another experiment with this seclusion idea, and the McNamara case shows how successfully it works. The whole American Federation of Labor can be said to lack force and power only because it is ridden by the idea that as many workers as possible should be out of its unions. "Let us exclude as many as possible from our trade and our union and we can main- tain our wage scale," is the slogan of every craft union. And what is economic evolu- tion now teaching to the isolated craftsmen who have secluded themselves behind their big initiation fees? Every one of you knows. May it only be said here that the idea of excluding the Asiatic laborers from Amer- ica is the same idea and emanates before this convention from the garbage pile of outworn ideas of the A. F. of L. In the class struggle the working class gets its strength and power relative to the capitalist class from the industrial evolu- tion. It gets it from the position it holds in the industrial production and distribu- tion, from the dependence of the social life upon it, and hot from the racial or national character of the working class. If the eco- nomic evolution of a nation is backward, its working people have very little power and strength; it may then, nationally and linguistically, be as homogeneous a whole as can be, e. g., the Japanese working class. Vice versa, a working class nationally het- erogeneous can be unconquerable if onll is in a commanding economic relatioil the capitalist class and to society aS whole; for example, Lawrence, Mass. Therefore, the American working cl can as well maintain its position aga: ; the capitalists, better its conditions , force the enemy out of business be tr. Asiatic workers in its ranks or not. ' industrial position it occupies, and t only, gives it all the force it needs. ] at the same time this same industrial € lution can transform the Asiatic immigr laborer to an American industrial pr< tarian by forcing him ahead in the fi against capitalism, by forcing him to 1 the forces working for the organizat education and emancipation of the pr tariat, by forcing him to be just as wor an ally to the American workers of other nationalities as they are to e other. The Asiatics when thrown into industrial mills of America cannot fore remain Asiatic's; they will get the habits the American industrial worker; they J undergo the same sufferings in the same ] and so into their hearts will grow the se hatred and the same desires as in hearts of the Western workers. Econo life itself arrays them against capitali THEY CAN AND THEY WILL BE ( GANIZED AGAINST THE CAPITAL! CLASS, BOTH IN THEIR NATIVE LA AND IN AMERICA, EVERYWHE: WHERE THEY BECOME INDUSTR] PROLETARIATS. To understand that this policy of sec sion will not at all strengthen the stn gical position of the American work class relative to its exploiter, we m only think what an absurdity it would to claim that if the Asiatics were exclu from the United tStates, the standard living of the American working class wc rise, the American workers would then able to win so and so much concessi from their exploiter, the international ce talism. Everyone understands that con: tition of Asiatic labor in America does decide the wages and the standard of ing of the American working class, that the mode of production and distri tion, the evolution of the industrial I decides it. If the industrial life devel in the direction that it does not need ntelligent, well-fed and well-educa labor power as before, the wages standard of living will go down; capi ism will force them down either by us cheap paid foreigners or native labor, women and children. And vice versa, the industrial evolution develops in sue) way as to necessitate general forward e lution of the proletariat, demands more i more intelligence, education, physical J psychical power of the working class, we socialists believe that it does and u] which scientific knowledge all our hope the future supremacy of working class lies, in that the standard of living can be forced down by immigrant labor cc petition or otherwise. On the contra the industrial life will raise the immign labor to the same higher standard dema: ed by the economical production its* All the talk that the Asiatics force do the standard of living of the Amerh working class is only an acho from disappearing of the craftsman before industrial worker. While that is a ft it does not mean that the standard of 1 ing of the whole American working cl; is going down. On the contrary, it is craft worker who, with his seclusion ide is swept aside by the industrial evolut and who, not understanding this evo APPENDIX 213 , like a King Canute, tries, by all kinds silly means, to bid the tide of evolu- i stay back, and so he also yells out the wide world, "Look here, what the atics do; they force down our (he sn't say "my") standard of living. Ex- ile them!" And the echo (the merely e catchers) answers, "Really, they force /n the standard of living of the Ameri- working class. Exclude them!" And 3 they call scientific Socialism! 'o prove this, it suffices only to mention fact that the common laborers in the stern States, where this Asiatic immi- .tion is acute, in general do not join in cry, "Exclude the Asiatics." They do even give any notice to the whole ques- n; it does not exist for them. The same )lies to the foreigners, at least to the mish laborers working in the Pacific ist mines, sawmills, lumber camps and fishers. They haven't any such silly as that especially the Asiatics lower the ndard of living of the American working ss. When they lack work and fair wages ;y seek for the reasons elsewhere, in the lustrial conditions of the time and in the t that the native-born workers, for the ison of their isolated craft's position, are jping the American working class weak; is in a state of almost paradoxical dis- janization and conservatism. For us Socialists it is not merely senti- ntalism to believe that the industrial oletariat, be he of what race or national- whatever, will be arrayed and organized ainst capitalism to fight the capitalist iss "both economically and politically; but is a scientific fact, upon which our whole jvement is founded, and it has by history, st and present, so amply been proven to true, that there is needed an overwhelm- gr mass of facts to overthrow it, and not srely assumptions, which are the main ntent of the majority report to this and e preceding convention. Our party must remember, before the pol- jr presented by the majority report can be irranted, that both it and the unions have tie practically nothing in regard to the aiatic laborers in the other way. They ive not even tried to organize the Asiatic borers, any more than they have tried to ganize the other foreign workeVs of the nited States, and still they have courage claim that the Asiatics canno't be organ- ized. At least before our party in this ques- tion can refute its basic principles and de- clare itself in favor of a policy which is mainly sought for only by the blind clamors of disappearing craft workers and small traders of the Pacific coast, it must try the other way; it must try to reach the Asiat- ics as well as all other nationalities in the United States by its ideas and organization. Therefore the only recommendation that can be made to this convention in regard to the Asiatic laborer is: "That the Socialist party place an organ- izer among these Asiatic workers who can speak their languages and in every other way try to help the Asiatics to become ac- quainted with the Socialist ideas and move- ment and to form a national Asiatic Social- ist organization along the same lines that the other nationalities are organized. "That the Socialist party declare itself in opposition to the discrimination against Asiatic workers, politically or otherwise, and demand for them the same civil and political rights which it demands for other races and nationalities in the United States." What becomes of the fact that Asiatics as well as other foreign and native work- ers, especially women and children, are ex- ploited by the American capitalists as so- called cheap labor, to replace the higher paid craft workers and so throwing them out into the ranks of the industrial prole- tariat? It cannot be hindered in the least by any reactionary policy of the dying semi- bourgeoisie and craftsmen. But this cheap paid industrial proletariat can be hindered from selling its labor power too cheap; it can and it will be induced to raise its standard of wages, to better its working and living conditions by the general policy of our party, of which the most effective in this regard will be the demand — For a general eight-hour working day. For a minimum wage scale. It will be self-evident that when the length of the day and the compensation for the work are stipulated by general laws, backed and enforced by the workers them- selves, there will be no possibility nor rea- son for any capitalist to employ cheap labor. The effects of the cheap labor will disappear only in this way. LEO LAUKKI. V 214 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION APPENDIX K Report of Committee on Municipal and State Program. PREAMBLE. Socialism cannot be carried into full ef- fect while the Socialist Party is a minority party. Nor can it be inaugurated in any single city. Furthermore, so long as na- tional and state legislatures and particu- larly the courts are in the control of the capitalist class, a municipal administration even though absolutely controlled by Social- ists, will be hampered, crippled and restrict- ed in every possible way. We maintain that the evils of the present system will be removed only when the working class wholly abolish private own- ership in the social means of production, collectively assume the management of the industries and operate them for use and not for profit, for the benefit of all and not for the enrichment of a privileged class. In this the Socialist Party stands alone in the political field. But the Socialist Party also believes that the evils of the modern system may be materially relieved and their final disap- pearance may be hastened by the introduc- tion of social, political and economic meas- ures which will have the effect of bettering the lives, strengthening the position of the workers and curbing the power and domi- nation of the capitalists. The Socialist Party therefore supports the struggles of the working class against the exploitation and oppression of the capi- talist class, and is vitally concerned in the efficiency of the parliamentary and adminis- trative means for tKe fighting of the class struggle. Furthermore, it should be distinctly un- derstood that the following suggested mu- nicipal and state program is not put forth as mandatory or binding upon the state or local organizations. It is offered as sug- gestive data t'o assist those localities that may desire to use it, and as a basis for the activities of Socialist members of state leg- islatures and local administrations. STATE PROGRAM. I. Labor Legislation. (1) An eight-hour day, trades union scale and minimum wage for both sexes. (2) Legalization of the right to strike, picket and boycott. (3) Abolition of the injunction as a means of breaking strikes and the estab- lishment of trial by jury in all labor dis- putes. (4) Prohibition of the use of the military and the police power to break strikes. (5) Prohibition of the employment of private detective agencies and police forces in labor disputes. (6) The repeal of all military law which surrenders the power of the governor over the militia to the federal authorities. (7) Requirements that in time of labor disputes advertisements for help published by employers shall contain notice of tl fact that such labor dispute exists. Provl sion to be made for the prosecution of pel sons who shall employ workers without in forming them that such labor troubl exists. (8) Prohibition of employment of ohil dren under the age of sixteen, compulsor} education, and the pensioning of widow with minor children where such provisioi is necessary. (9) The organization of state employ ment agencies and rigid control of privafc agencies. (10) Suitable safeguards and sanitar: regulations in all occupations with ampl< provision for frequent and effective inspeo tion of places of employment, machinery and appliances. (llj Old age pensions, sick benefits an( accident insurance to be established. (12) Workingmen's compensation laws to be carefully drawn to protect labor. II. Home rule for cities. III. Public Education. (1) Compulsory education of both sexes up to the age of sixteen years with ade quate provision for further courses when desired. (2) Establishment of vocational anc continuation schools and manual trainini for both sexes. (3) Free text books for teachers anc pupils; uniform text books on all subjects to be furnished free to public schools. (4) Physical training through system atic courses of gymnastics and open air ex ercises. Open air schools and playgrounds IV. TAXATION. (1) A graduated income tax; wages anc salaries up to $2,000 to be exempt. (2) Graduated inheritance tax. (3) All land held for speculation and al land not occupied or used by the owners to be taxed up to full rental value. V. PUBLIC WORKS AND CONSERVATION (1) For the purpose of developing anc preserving the natural resources of the state and offering additional opportunities- of labor to the unemployed, the states shall undertake a comprehensive system of pub- lic works, such as the building of roads canals, and the reclamation and irrigatior of land. All forests, mineral lands, watei ways and natural resources now owned bj the states to be conserved and kept for pub- lic use. (2) The contract system shall be abol- ished in all public works, such work to b€ done by the state directly, all labor to be employed not more than eight hours per APPENDIX ay at trade union wages and under the jest possible working conditions. VI. LEGISLATION. (1) The legislature of the state to con- ist of one house of representatives. (2) The initative, referendum and re- all to be enacted. VII. EQUAL SUFFRAGE. (1) Unrestricted political rights for men and women. (2) Resident qualification for all elec- tions not to exceed 90 days. (3) The right to vote, not to be contin- gent upon the payment of any taxes, either In money or labor. VIII. AGRICULTURE. (1) Extension of the State Agricultural and experimental farms for crop culture, for the distribution of improved seeds, for the development of fertilizers, for the de- sign and introduction of the best types of farm machinery, and for the encouragement of the breeding of superior types of stock. (2) All land owned by the state to be retained, and other land brought into pub- lic ownership and use by reclamation, pur- chase, condemnation, taxation or otherwise: Such land to be organized into socially operated farms far the conduct of collec- tive agricultural enterprises. (3) Landlords to assess their own lands, the state reserving the right to purchase such lands at the assessed value. (4) State insurance against pestilence, diseases of animals and plants and against natural calamities. IX. DEFECTIVES AND DELINQUENTS. * (1) The present unscientific and brutal method of treating criminal persons, de- fectives and delinquents to be replaced by modern scientific and humane methods. This to include the abolition of all death penalties, of the prison contract systeVn, of isolated confinement. Penal institutions to be located in rural localities with adequate healthful open air employment and hu- mare treatment. MUNICIPAL PROGRAM. LABOR MEASURES. (1) Eight hour day, trade union wages and conditions in all public employment and on all contract work done for the city. (2) Old age pension, accident insurance and sick benefits to be provided for all pub- lic employes. (3) Special laws for the protection of both women and children, in mercantile, domestic and industrial pursuits. (4) The abolition of child labor. (5) Police not to be used to break strikes. (6) Rieid inspection of factories by lo- cal authorities for the improvement of sanitary conditions, lighting, ventilating, heating and the like. Safety appliances re- quired in all cases to protect the worker ;against dangerous machinery. (7) Free employment bureaus to be es- tablished in the cities to work in co-opera- Jftion with state bureaus. Abolition of con- f tract system and direct employment by the Icity on all public works. (8) Free legal advice. (9) The provision of work for the un- 4 employed by the erection of model dwell- ings for workingmen; the paving and im- provement of streets and alleys, and the extension and improvement of parks and playgrounds. II. HOME RULE. (1) Home rule for cities; including the right of the City to own and operate any and all public utilities; to engage in com- mercial enterprises of any and all kinds; the right of excess condemnation, both within and outside the City and the right of two of more cities to co-operate in the ownership and management of public utili- ties; the City to have the right of issuing bonds for these purposes up to 50% of the assessed valuation, or the right to issue mortgage certificates against the property acquired, said certificates not to count against the bonded indebtedness of the City. III. MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP. (1) The City to acquire as rapidly as possible, own and operate its public utili- ties, especially street car systems, light, heat, and power plants, docks, wharves, etc. Among the things which may be owned and operated by the City to advantage are slaughter houses, bakeries, milk depots, coal and wood yards, ice plants, undertaking establishments and crematories. On all public works, eight hour day trade union wages and progressive im- provement in the condition of labor to be established and maintained. IV. CITY PLATTING, PLANNING AND HOUSING. (1) The introduction of scientific city planning to provide Apr the development of cities along the most sanitary, economic and attractive lines. ' (2) The City to secure the ownership of land, to plat the same so as to provide for plenty of open space and to erect model dwellings thereon to be rented by the municipality at cost. (3) Transportation facilities to be main- tained with special reference to the pre- vention of overcrowding in insanitary ten- ements and the creation of slum districts. PUBLIC HEALTH. (1) Inspection of food. (2) Sanitary inspection. (3) Extension of hospital and free med- ical treatment. (4) Child welfare department, to com- bat infant death rate prevailing especially in working class sections. (5) Special attention to eradication of tuberculosis and other contagious diseases. (6) System of street toilets and public comfort stations. (7) Adequate system of public baths, parks, playgrounds and gymnasiums. VI. PUBLIC EDUCATION. (1) Adequate number of teachers so that classes may not be too large. (2) Retirement fund for teachers. (3) Kindergartens to be established and conducted in connection with all schools. (4) Adequate school buildings to be pro- vided and maintained. (5) Ample playgrounds with instructors in charge. (6) Free text books and equipment. (7) Penny lunches, and where necessary, free meals and clothing. NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION (8) Medical inspection including free service in the care of eyes, ears, throat, teeth and general health where necessary to insure mental efficiency in the educa- tional work, and special inspection to pro- tect the schools from contagion. (9) Baths and gymnasiums in each school. (10) Establishment of vacation schools and adequate night schools for adults. \ (11) All school buildings to be open or available for the citizens of their respective communities, at any and all times and for any purposes desired by the citizens, so long as such use does not interfere with the regular school work. All schools to serve as centers for social, civic and rec- reational purposes. VII. THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC AND VICE. (1) Socialization of the liquor traffic; the city to offer as substitute for the so- cial features of the saloon, opportunities for recreation and amusement, under whole- some conditions. (2) Abolition of the restricted vice dis- tricts. VIII. MUNICIPAL MARKETS. Municipal markets to be established where it is found that by this means a re- duction may be secured in the cost of the necessities of life. PERMANENT COMMITTEE ON MUNICI- PAL AND STATE PROGRAM RECOMMENDED. Tour committee would recommend that the Convention appoint a permanent com- mittee of seven on state and municipal affairs. The purpose of the committee to be to study the problems involved in muni- cipal and state legislation, collect informa- tion and data bearing thereon and to sub- mit to the next National Congress sugges- tions and recommendations for municipal and state activities and program. The committee should have power to fill vacan- cies that may occur on their committee. STUDY OF UNEMPLOYMENT RECOM- MENDED. The Committee on Municipal and State Program, to which was referred the follow- ing resolution relative to the study of the problem of the unemployed, unanimously recommended its adoption: By Winfield R. Gaylord, of Wisconsin. Whereas, The problem of unemployment has been recognized by reports of federal and state authorities to be one of the pri- mary problems of our civilization; and Whereas, The formulation of definite de- mands for the remedying of the conditions of unemployment must be based upon defi- nite information as to the conditions and facts of unemployment in this country; and Whereas, Labor organizations in other countries have established a statistical basis of the facts relating to the unemploy- ment of their own members and the work- ers in their respective industries, which facts have become the basis of a definite program for the relief of the unemployed by means of state and municipal aid and the institution of national channels for re- ducing unemployment; and Whereas, There is no body of information available relating to the conditions of em- ployment in the organized industries, so far as the offices of the national interna- tional unions are concerned, and only two or three states have undertaken any seri- ous investigation of the facts relating to this subject; now, therefore, be it Resolved. That the Socialist Party does hereby urge upon the various state organi- zations the imperative necessity of pressing the matter of an official investigation by state authorities of the facts and condi- tions of unemployment in the various states of the union, upon some uniform basis as to method; and be it also Resolved, That the Socialist Party also urges upon the executive heads of the various labor organizations the importance of keeping and tabulating accurate records of the conditions of employment in their respective trades and industries upon some common and uniform basis as to method. Be it also Resolved, That the National Secretary of the Socialist Party be instructed to forward copies of these resolutions to the secre- taries of the various labor organizations and federations, state, national and inter- national. ESTABLISHMENT OF LEGISLATIVE BUREAU RECOMMENDED. The Committee on Municipal and State Program, to which was referred the fol- lowing resolution relative to the establish- ment of a Legislative Bureau, introduced by W. R. Gaylord of Wisconsin, unanimous- ly recommend its adoption: Whereas, It is more than likely that there will be representatives of the Social- ist Party in twelve or more state legisla- tures after the fall elections; with scores of municipal officers already elected and scores more to be elected; and Whereas, The majority of these repre- sentatives will be without adequate in- formation or aid in the preparation of proper material for their legislative work in most of the states; and Whereas, It is desirable that there should be as far as possible a unity of purpose and program in the work of the various So- cialist legislative groups, which can be attained only by securing some definite method and channel of co-operation to that end; and Whereas, It is impossible even now for the Socialist municipal officers and mem- bers of legislative groups having expe- rience to comply with the demands made upon them in this direction; now, therefore, be it Resolved, That there shall be created a department which shall be known as the Legislative Bureau of the Socialist Party, to be placed in charge of a capable secre- tary with adequate training for that work; the salaries and expenses of the office to be regulated by the N. E. C. Be it further Resolved, That it shall be the duty of this bureau to secure all possible informa- tion from sources in this and other coun- tries, such as shall be of help to the vari- ous state and municipal elected officials of the Socialist Party, and to furnish this in- formation on request to these officials or to other local, state or national officers of the Socialist Party; and to render such aid as may be convenient in the matter of drafting legislative propositions. RESOLUTIONS REFERRED TO THE COMMITTEE. Your committee on municipal and state program to which was referred the follow- ; iner resolution by Comrade Simmons of New York, proposing that the National Convention adopt the general plan of So- cialist control proposed by Local Glenville, New York, would recommend that the same be referred to the permanent committee on APPENDIX 217 licipal and state program for further "Gel al Plan of Socialist Control" pro sideration and later recommendation: pos< by Local Glenville, of the Socialist ■~r .», -^.^T, o,^o. T a t rem /-amttjat par be endorsed and adopted. PLAN FOR SOCIALIST C^ Trr ^OL. Respectfully submitted- \^ Whereas, Socialists are cr ached for having - no v. ure in taking over +v, ° re- CARL D. THOMPSON, Chairman. t ro- ANNA A. MALEY, luc- JOHN C. KENNEDY, . and distribution, a. / THOS. M. TODD, Vhereas, The increasing ,/ .oipatit of _. ialists in Government m» ~-d the fori. 1- w - w - MKMfiK . on of some definite plan of Social- 1 GEO. W. DOWNING, trol more and more imperative MARGUERITE PREVEY, iesolved, By the Socialist Party o*. ERNEST BERGER, ierica in convention assembled that the R. E. DOOLEY. f 218 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION APPENDIX L Report of National Secretary. To the National Convention of the Socialist Party: Dear Comrades: — I submit a summary of the principal phases of our party's progress, together with recommendations for the future. FINANCES. A complete record of the finances of the National Office is to be found in the month- ly financial statements contained in the Monthly Bulletins, in the annual reports made at the close of each year and in the audits published from time to time. I shall not repeat the figures here. LITERATURE. * The average amount of money per month received at the National Office for litera- ture, as far back as the records show, is as follows: 1904 average per month % 349.99 1905 average per month 42.23 1906 average per month 188.49 1907 average per month 117.84 1908 average per month.. ! 498.38 1909 average per month 142.86 1910 average per month 481.41 1911 average per month 663.95 1912 average for first three months 1,158.30 Thus far in 1912 the National Office pub- lished the following literature: 300,000 National Platforms. 1,000,000 copies of "The Growing Grocery Bill," by Allan L. Benson. 2,000,000 leaflets. It is my opinion that the greatest mis- sion of the National Office in the future is to be the publisher and disseminator of So- cialist Literature. Such activity is distinct- ly a national matter. The only question involved is whether it shall be done by pri- vate concerns or by the organization. In the annual report in January I expressed the opinion that the National Office ought to become the greatest, if not the only, publisher of Socialist literature. The only objections I have heard since then have come from private publishers. Their osten- sible reason for objecting is that it might result in paternalism within the party. This is identically the same objection which our enemies make against Socialism. And it is equally as fallacious. Just as we propose to prevent Socialism from develop- ing paternalism by surrounding it with safeguards, so also we can and will prevent the party from developing paternalism by surrounding it with safeguards. It is al- ready surrounded with safeguards, for that matter, but if we need more, let us have more, instead of trying to make the clock of progress run backward. There need not be the slightest hostility toward the private publishers. The Na- tional Office should absorb them on terms which will be fair to all. It is a waste < time and energy to investigate the privai concerns, except in so far as it calls attel tion to the fact that the party should I its own publisher. They have done goc work, and the party has no right to obje< to their activities so long as it does n< supply the demand for literature itself. When the National Office goes into tl literature business in earnest, the privai publishers will come to it, asking to be al sorbed. They can no more compete wit the National Office than a private postofflx could compete with the government. The National Constitution already autho; izes the publishing of Socialist literatui by the National Office. Unless the convei tion takes action to the contrary, it will 1 taken for granted that the constitution ah authorizes the installation of a printin plant by the National Office in order to pul lish literature to better advantage, in ca$ it should be more economical. It will ui doubtedly, be more economical if the li erature business of the office is expand* as herein suggested. ORGANISATION AND AGITATION. Of late, in order not to interfere with a: rangements made by the state organizs tions, the dates for national lecturers ar organizers have not been made by the Ns tional Office, except in cases of foreig speaking organizers whose dates have bee arranged bv the National Translator-Secr< taries. The plan has been to assign orgai izers to states where needed, the Nations Office paying the deficits. At the time of the national congress < 1910, six of the states were unorganizei namely: Delaware, Virginia, North Can lina, South Carolina, Georgia and Missii sippi. Virginia became an organized stal in October, 1910; Georgia, in Januar; 1911; Mississippi,- in July, 1911, and Nort Carolina, in March, 1912. Of the two remaining unorganized state Delaware has six locals. South Carolina has nine locals and eigl members at large. It is probable that state organization will be formed soon. The unorganized territory of Alaska ha fourteen locals and four members at larg It is probable that a territorial organiz? tion will be formed there soon. In/ January, 1912, the District of Colun bia /separated from the State organizatio of Maryland and received a charter of it own, having the same rights as a state oi ganization. In Porto Rico we have one local. In the Canal Zone we have a number c members at large. LYCEUM DEPARTMENT. The lyceum subscription lecture cours plan has been very successful from th APPENDIX tandpoint of education and from the standpoint of organization. It has put housands of Socialist books and pam- >hlets into circulation. It has put thousands >f subscriptions on the mailing lists of tne socialist publications. It has attracted housands of new hearers to listen to an jxplanation of what Socialism is, what it las done, and what it proposes to do. And t has increased the membership and the •fflciency of the locals adopting it. The greatest credit must be given to L. E. tatterfeld, head of the department. Whether or not the lyceum plan shall be ontinued depends upon the policy to be idopted by the convention. If the conven- ion decides that the lecture work should >e handled by the National Office, it should je continued. If, on the other hand, the convention decides that lecture work should ye in the hands of the state organizations, :he National Office should entirely cease .ouring any speakers except the candidates "or president and vice-president and foreign speaking lecturers and organizers. I can see good arguments on both sides, md I am indifferent as to which course is aken. But, if the National Office is to continue the plan, it should be done with ;he specific sanction of the convention and with the definite understanding that no state organization shall have the right to 3eerease the efficiency of the course by keeping it out of the state. Either give the National Office a free hand or none at all. In case the plan is continued, It should e so modified that the locals will be anx- ious to accept it, instead of having to be oaxed to do so. It should also be so modified that any live local, no matter how small, could take ad- vantage of it. It should also be so modified that the locals will make a payment in advance. This is necessary for two reasons. First, because the National Office must not be compelled to practically suspend all other activities for several months in order to pay the preliminary expense of the Ly^ ceum Department, as it did last year. Second, in order to guard against loss when locals cancel their contracts. It would also necessarily have to be modified so that the wages of the lectur- ers would be three dollars per day and ex- penses, unless the convention, and later the membership by referendum vote de- cided to increase them. The three-dollar rate was fixed by referendum vote of the Membership. The constitutional provision for special lecturers paying a commission to the National Office does not apply, to fhe Lvceum lecturers. I have no objec- tion to their wages being increased some- what over the three-dollar rate, but I do ■ot think thev ought to be increased to ■anal the rate paid this year. If anv in- crease is made, it should also apply to Rational organizers and lecturers and to ■he heads of departments, in the National Office. Tt is, of course, unui«t to pay a IByceum lecturer who makes the hi eh places ■Bid stops at the best hotels hisrher wages JBhan we pav to a pioneer orVanizer who Iftakes the hard places and nuts ur> with ill manner of hardship and inconvenience. il«.nd. as for the heads of departments, trhile their employment may be a trifle lore steadv. they have equally hard work nd much greater responsibility. A separate report for the Lyceum De- partment will be made by L. E. Katter- " Id, head of ths department, and I request that he be given a hearing when the mat- ter comes up for discussion, although he is not a delegate. WOMAN'S DEPARTMENT. This department has developed constant- ly since it was made a part of the work of the National Office by the National Con- gress of 1910. It has demonstrated its value to the cause of woman's emancipa- tion, under the direction of the Woman's National Committee and the General Cor- respondent, Caroline A. Lowe. And well it may. For, Socialism would not be worth having if it left half the race enslaved. The awakening of woman is one of the most hopeful signs of the times. Our Woman's Department is playing an important part, and is destined to play a still more important part, in securing the triumph of the woman's movement and of Socialism A number of States have state corres- pondents and the locals and branches are electing women's committees to carry on special propaganda among the women and children. The monthly programs have been widely used. Hundreds of thousands of leaflets have been put into circulation. Special women's organizers have been sent into the field. Special articles have been furnished to the press. A petition for equal suffrage was gathered. A teachers' bureau is also conducted in connection with the Woman's Department, the object of which is to put Socialist teachers and Socialist school boards or patrons in touch with each other. A separate report for the Woman's De- partment will be made by the Woman's National Committee. MEMBERSHIP. The Socialist Party was organized early in August, 1901. The records are too in- complete to determine just how many members we had in the years 1901 and 1902. The membership for each year since then, based on the average dues received, is as follows: 1903 15,975 1904 20,763 1905 23,327 1906 26,784 1907 29,270 1908 4 1 , 7 T> 1 1909 41,479 1910 58,011 1911 84.716 1912 (first three months) 125, S26 The number of locals and branches is approximately five thousand. CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS. Since the National Congress of 1910 and the party referendum following the same, the national constitution has been amended by referendum vote as follows: Referendum "A," 1911. by Hallettsville, Texas, adding a new section (Section 3) to Article HI, relating to the election of Na- tional Officers annually, and limiting the number of terms of office to two. was adopted April 19. 1911, by a vote of 9.050 to 8.511— majority 539. Referendum "B." 1911, by Local New York, striking out the limiting of terms clause in Section 3, Article in. was adopted bv a vote of 11,057 to 7,428 — ma- jority 3,629. THE SOCIALIST VOTE. The vote in each state, beginning with the Social Democratic part:' vote of 1900, up to and including the vote of 1910, is as follows: r 220 NATIONAL, SOCIALIST CONVENTION 1900. 928 Alabama Arizona Arkansas 27 California 7,572 Colorado 684 Connecticut 1,029. Delaware 57 Florida 603 Georgia Idaho Illinois 9,687 Indiana ^,374 Iowa 2,742 Kansas 1,605 Kentucky 770 Louisiana Maine 878 Maryland 908 Massachusetts 9,716 Michigan 2,826 Minnesota 3,065 Mississippi Missouri 6,128 Montana 708 Nebraska 823 Nevada New Hampshire 790 New Jersey 4,609 New Mexico New York 12,869 North Carolina North Dakota 518 Ohio 4,847 Oklahoma 815 Oregon 1,495 Pennsylvania 4,831 Rhode Island South Carolina South Dakota 169 Tennessee 410 Texas 1,846 Utah 717 Vermont 371 Virginia 145 Washington L 2,006 West Virginia 268 Wisconsin 7,095 Wyoming Total 96,931 ELECTED OFFICIALS. Our successes at the polls are too fa- miliar to need elaboration. The number of elected officials, which was very slight two years ago, has now increased to goodly proportions. Strange as it may seem, it is difficult to secure accurate information on this subject. As nearly as we were able to obtain the data, there were 1,039 of them in office at the beginning of the present year, classified as to the nature of their offices as follows: Auditors (city) 10 Attorneys (city) 4 Aldermen 145 Assessors 61 Collectors 2 Commissioners (city and town- ship) 9 Commissioners (street) 1 Commissioners (park) 2 Commissioners (charter) 5 Commissioners (public works) . . 1 Congressmen 1 Clerks (city, township and countv) 25 Clerks (court) 1 Coroners 7 Councilmen 160 Comptrollers 3 Constables 57 Directors 1 Election Officials 45 Judges (civil) 2 1902. 2,312 510 9,592 7,177 2,804 1,567 20,167 7,111 6,360 4,078 1,683 1,973 499 33,629 4,271 5,143 5',335 3,131 3,157 l!o57 4,541 23,400 1,245 14,270 1,963 3,771 21,910 2,738 S',615 3,069 "l55 4,739 15,970 552 223,494 1904. 1,853 1,304 1,816 29,533 4,304 4,543 146 2,337 197 4,954 69,225 12,013 14,847 15,494 3,602 995 2,106 2,247 13,604 8,941 11,692 393 13,009 5,676 7,412 925 1,090 9,587 162 36,883 124 2,017 36,260 4,443 7,651 21,863 956 22 3,138 1,354 2,791 5,767 844 218 10,023 1,572 28,220 1,077 409,230 1906. 389 1,995 2,164 17,515 16,938 3,005 149 2,530 98 5, (Til 42,005 7,824 8,901 8,796 1,819 603 1,553 3,106 20,699 5,994 14,445 173 11,528 4,638 3,763 1,251 1,011 7,766 211 25,948 1,689 18,432 4,040 17,033 18,736 416 32 2,542 1,637 3,065 3,010 512 8,' ; 7 2,< 1 24,. ,6 1,827 331,043 1908. 1,399 1,912 5,842 28,659 7,974 5,113 240 3,747 584 7,400 34,711 13,476 8,287 12,420 4,185 2,538 1,758 2,323 10,781 11,586 14,527 978 15,431 5,855 3,524 2,103 1,299 10,249 1,056 38,451 345 2,421 33,795 21,779 7,339 33,913 1,365 100 2,846 1,870 7,870 4,895 547 255 14,177 3,679 28,164 1,715 424,483 Justices of the Peace Listers Magistrates Marshals Mayors Members of Constitutional Con- vention Pound • Keepers POLICE OFFICIALS: Police Magistrates 3 Police Judges 15 Officers 4 Presidents of Council Road Overseers Recorders Registrars of Deeds Representatives (state) SCHOOL OFFICIALS: Presidents and School Boards.. 2 Members of School Boards.... 40 School Trustees 16 School Directors 70 School Comptrollers 2 Chairmen of Boards 2 School Supervisors 1 Members of Board of Education 12 School Clerks 7 School Treasurers 3 Surveyors State Senators Sheriffs APPENDIX 221 Supervisors (county, town and city) Supervisors (of assessments) . . Treasurers jj Trustees (library) j Trustees (township, village, city) TOWN OFFICIALS: Village Presidents 4 Members of Board of Selectmen 2 Members of Village Boards... 4 Superintendents of Poor 3 Members of Board of Public Affairs 3 Chairmen of Town Boards 1 Chairmen of Board Trustees.. 1 Town Chairmen 1 Other Town Officials 9 40 1 29 2 39 JVlce Mayors Total 28 1 1,039 THE SOCIALIST PRESS. Since the national congress of 1910, two additional daily papers in the English lan- guage have been started, namely: The Milwaukee Leader, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and the Alarm, Belleville, Illinois. Weekly papers have sprung up in many places, over one hundred and fifty of them being co- operative papers. The mailing list at the National Office shows that the number of Socialist papers now published in this country is as follows: Daily, English 5 Daily, foreign 8 Weekly, English 262 Weekly, foreign 36 Monthly, English 10 Monthly, foreign 2 PROPAGANDA PRESS SERVICE. Each week the National Office sends out mimeographed articles to about four hun- dred Socialist, union and other papers. We Offer to send them to any paper that will print at least one article per week. Com- rades in various places have made such ar- rangements with their local non-Socialist papers, and we have placed them on the mailing list. NEWS PRESS SERVICE. During the sessions of Congress the Na- tional Office has sustained a press repre- sentative in Washington. He sends daily news service by mail to the Socialist dailies, and weekly service to the weekly Socialist and a number of union papers, and furn- ishes telegraphic service as desired. All of this service, except the telegraphic, is financed by the National Office and is sup- plied to the papers free of charge. The National Office also sent a special Fpress representative to Indianapolis for a short time. It rendered financiaVassistance to the representative of the Socialist press >at Los Angeles. And it has arranged to 'cover the national convention for the So- cialist press. ^FOREIGN SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS. There are now seven foreign speaking or- ganizations affiliated with the party, as : follows: Bohemian, Finnish, Italian, Polish Alli- ance, Polish Section, Scandinavian and South Slavic. All of these organizations are making substantial progress in carrying on So- cialist propaganda among their own people. An effort is now being made to unite the two Polish organizations. Separate reports will be made by the Translator-Secretaries. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. Our relations with the international movement have been fraternal and mutually helpful. In the eighth International Socialist Con- gress, held at Copenhagen, Denmark, from August 28 to September 4, 1910, our party was represented by eight delegates, namely: Victor L. Berger, Wm. D. Haywood, Robert Hunter, Morris Hillquit, Lena Morrow Lewis, John Spargo, May Wood-Simons and Luella Twining. CONSTITUTIONAL RECOMMENDATIONS. I request that the following recommenda- tions be submitted to the Committee on Constitution: We have come to the point where the itch for office is likely to cause an influx of old party politicians into our ranks. We should increase the length of membership neces- sary to be a candidate for public office. Doubtless an attempt will be made to let down the bars and make it easier to get into the party and easier to run for office. It should be made harder, not easier. This is too critical a juncture in our movement to throw down the safeguards and allow it to become the prey of designing self- seekers. The signing of blank resignations by our candidates for public office should be made obligatory. Even though the capitalist courts might declare such resignations void, their moral effect is great. But no committee should be entrusted with the power to fill out and file such resignations. The membership in the territory covered by the office should alone have the power- to decide when such action is to be taken. The National Executive Committee and the Woman's National Committee should be elected from districts, so that the entire nation will be represented, such districts to be apportioned according to membership. The provision for the Woman's Depart- ment in the National Office, which now stands merely as a provision adopted by the party congress, should be made a part of the constitution. The General Corres- pondent should be made electable by the Woman's National Committee, and dis- chargeable by it or by the National Secre- tary. At present she is appointed by the National Secretary, with the approval of the Woman's National Committee, and dis- chargeable by either. To avoid a repetition of the fiasco which we have enacted this year in selecting the time and place for the national convention, it should be provided that the conventions and congresses are to be held in the city where the national headquarters are lo- cated, and that they are to be held in May or June. The National Executive Commit- tee or the National Secretary should be given authority to fix the exact date, which would naturally be affected by the times when appropriate halls could be secured, and other circumstances. It is the natural thing for the other parties to jockey over the place of their conventions, but it is idiotic for us to do so. The article about referendums needs to be overhauled. Branches should be given the power to initiate or second referen- dums. The time when a proposed referen- dum expires should be the 15th of the sec- ond month after its publication in the Monthly Bulletin. At present the com- ments of locals or branches on proposed referendums are published in the Weekly Bulletin and also in the Monthly Bulletin. As the Weekly Bulletin is a mimeographed document and must have some limit to it, this practice is becoming impracticable. r 222 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION They should be published in the Monthly Bulletin only. These comments are on the increase. They show a healthy interest in party affairs and they need to be encour- aged. But, unfortunately, a local domi- nated by a freak can take advantage of this right and degenerate it into a -nuisance. To avoid this, and also to keep the comments within reasonable space limits, each local or branch making such comments should be required to pay the cost of publishing them. When a referendum is proposed, another referendum to the same effect should not be permitted within a given length of time. And when a referendum js adopted, a refer- endum to undo it should not be permitted within a given length of time. The refer- endum is our great safeguard, and it must not be allowed to be reduced to an absurd- ity. It should be made entirely serviceable and at the same time fool-proof. Branches should also be given the power to nominate candidates for national party offices. We ought to have some method of fur- nishing due stamps to distressed and un- employed members, without . payment by them, and also without placing the burden on the branch, local or state organizations. If the National Office furnished such stamps, they would cost nothing except the trifling amount paid for printing them. They should be identical with all the other due stamps, so that there would be no taint of charity attached to them. The local sec- retaries should have the power to make req- uisition upon the state secretaries for whatever number of stamps are needed for this purpose, and the state secretaries should have the power to make requisition upon the National Secretary for them, with- out any money changing hands anywhere along the line. Wherever practicable, candidates for pub- lic office should be nominated by referen- dum vote. It is entirely feasible to nom- inate our candidates for president and vice- president in that manner. Of course, it is too late to do it this time, but it should be done hereafter. It will not only be the proper method of nominating, but it will vastly increase the usefulness of our na- tional conventions. They are now largely spoiled by the fact that they have such candidates to select. The provision should be so worded that in case of vacancy for president, the candidate for vice-president would take this place, and in case of va- cancy for vice-president, the next highest would take his place. State organizations should be required to furnish the National Office with a list of the local and branch secretaries in the state. Any state refusing or neglecting to do so thereby fails to co-operate with the rest of the organization, and it should be denied the right to participate in national affairs. It should be denied the right to vote on national referendums, or to initiate or second referendums, or to nominate candidates for national party positions. Its members of the National Committee should also be denied the right to vote on that committee. If it has any members of the National Executive Committee or the Wo- man's National Committee, they should be denied the right to act on those commit- tees. The provision requiring the National Office to take a referendum vote of a state in order to select state officers, upon pre- sentation of a petition in case of contro- versy, should be struck out. It cost the National Office considerably more than a hundred dollars last year without accom- plishing anything at all. It is unworkable, unwise and unjust. Unworkable, because i« is practically impossible to tell whether ] petition is valid or not, or to tell, who would be eligible to vote in the referendum. Un- wise, because states can settle their own trouble much better than the Nationa] Office can settle it for them. Unjust, be- cause it disfranchises a large portion of the members. The condition in which the party con- gress of 1910 left the matter of the foreign speaking organizations is unsatisfactory to everybody. It is unsatisfactory to the na- tional organization, to the state organiza- tions, to the county and local organizations and to the foreign speaking organizations themselves. Part of these organizations get their dues stamps from the National Office and part of them get them from their locals. Part of them pay full local and state dues, part of them pay fifty per cent of the local and state dues, and part of them only pay national dues and do not pay any local and state dues at all. This unsystematic lack of arrangement is in- tolerable. The constitution should be so changed that all of them would be affiliated in the same manner. They should all pay fifty per cent of the local and state dues. And they should all pay their local, state and national dues to their respective na- tional translator-secretaries, to be properly apportioned by them. The national dues should be paid in full as heretofore, because the National Office pays the wages of the translator-secretaries and furnishes them office room free of charge, besides appro- priating large sums of money to assist them in organizing work. Not more than one organization of any single nationality should be permitted to affiliate. Free-lancing should be abolished. When a comrade makes isolated dates with locals or branches it cannot properly be called free-lancing, and if done with the consent of the state organizations there can be no objection to it. In fact, it is a nuisance for the organization to handle such dates it- self. But comrades should not be permitted to make up tours in any way excepjt through the organization, and at the regular rates. The National Executive Committee has wisely stated that it is the sense of the committee that all lectures delivered by So- cialist Party members for Socialist Party locals should be arranged by the organiza- tion of the party upon the usual terms, and that Socialist Party lecturers working for non-party lyceums be requested to make a stipulation with such lyceums that appli- cation for dates shall not be made to party locals or branches. This statement should be embodied in the constitution. And, lesv it should be construed to only apply to cap- italist lyceum bureaus, it should be definite- ly provided that Socialist papers^and peri- odicals shall not engage in the practice of touring lecturers. It is outside their do- main, and it interferes with the legiti- mate work of the organization. The National Executive Committee and the National Committee should be prohib- ited from appropriating or loaning the f>arty funds for purposes outside the activ- ty of the national organization. Special calls for funds may well be made in special cases, but when money is voted out of the regular party funds, it keeps the National Office stripped of money and prevents it from developing its legitimate functions. Each appropriation or loan decreases the activity of the organization just that much. There is no need of tying up several thousand dollars in a mileage fund by setting aside any percentage of the dues for that purpose. The necessary amount can APPENDIX VI accumulated immediately before a, con- tlon or congress by proper administra- i That provision should be struck out he constitution. . . ince the membership has greatly in- ased, the apportionment of delegates to ional congresses and conventions, dele- es to international congresses, and na- lal committeemen, should be changed ac- tTs S a y waste of money to publish in book rn the speeches made at our national ventions and congresses. The proceed- i exclusive of speeches and mere par- nentary matter, should be published, s would pTevent a waste of several hun- a he d r°e lla sh S 6uld be an information depart- (1 t in the National Office to act as a Jrinj? house regarding the activities of elefted official* They need to have the eftt of each other's experience, without h- of them having to conduct a volumin- h correspondence in order to secure it rnmrades in general also need this in- TiatSn Such a department might also ect 2nd furnish data on all manner of lie and administrative questions ■onsidSration should be given to the ■ter of creating departments in the Na- ml Office for the furtherance and deyel- ent of the work of the Intercollegiate laSst Society and of the Young People's al st League. These excellent activities ht to be carried on as integral parts of le^nstitution should be so amended t the election of National Secretary will e at least one month before he takes office As it stands at present, his Xi begins only a day or two after the i closes This is unfortunate both for elected' and the defeated candidates, as y do not know what to count on nor 3ther they are at liberty to make other & e hould be a. regular time set for books of the National Office to be aud- l, and a method provided for selecting ie bookkeeper and assistant bookkeeper the National Office should be required to bond, or else the provision requiring National Secretary to give bond should struck out. Just as the cashier of a 1 has greater opportunity to get away B the funds than the president has so | the bookkeeper and assistant t>oo«- feer have greater opportunity along that i than the National Secretary has They le the entries in the books handle the Mttances and take them to the banks f or fesit. I have the utmost confidence in m but I am under bond myself, and the le caution which requires me to give d should require it of them. | is no longer necessary for us to pro- Ft the National Office from publishing an Hal organ or a periodical. It might be- le advantageous for us to do so. At Irate, the way should be opened by king out those portions of the eonstitu- Our leaflets, our propaganda press Ice and our news press service show e plainly that we have outgrown those Visions. Steps might well be taken to Ire the second class mailing rate for the 1th ly Bulletin so as to send it direct to [ member who subscribes, and expand it f a monthly magazine. lie party press should be owned and ■rolled by the party organizations, lo- * state and perhaps national. As for i'Co-operative papers, there are now no * than eight companies publishing a total fever a hundred and fifty such papers, at comparatively slight expense. Their value has been demonstrated by the elec- tion returns. These companies should be absorbed by the state or national organi- zations and the plan developed until there is a paper in every locality in the coun- try. Or, in case it is not found feasible to absorb these companies, the organization should proceed to produce such papers any- how. As to whether it should be done by the state or the national organization de- pends upon the wishes of the state organi- zations. If any considerable portion of them are unwilling to have the National Office handle the matter, it should be left to the states. This subject should receive the serious attention of the convention. The National Executive Committee should be given authority to levy special assess- ments for the purpose of erecting build- ings and purchasing printing machinery, also for the purpose of buying the neces- sary land for the buildings. CAMPAIGN RECOMMENDATIONS. I request that the following recommenda- tions be submitted to the Committee on Ways and Means. So far as the National Office is concerned, the campaign this year should be a litera- ture campaign. It will be necessary, of course, for the National Office to tour the candidates for president and vice-president, and for the national translator-secretaries to tour speakers among the locals and branches in their own languages. But, in general, it is very unsystematic and un- economical for the national and state or- ganizations each to tour speakers over the same territory. Since the state organiza- tions will be touring speakers anyhow, they should be allowed to tour all of them, with the above exceptions. This will avoid many conflictions and much bad blood. The Na- tional Office can of course use its good offices in assisting the state organizations and the speakers to get connected up to- gether. Either this method should be adopted, or else the state organizations should practically abandon the touring of speakers during the campaign and turn the whole matter over bodily to the National Office, which they will hardly be willing to do. If the National Office is permitted to con- fine itself largely to a literature campaign, it can flood the entire nation with litera- ture. My idea is to secure the co-opera- tion, so far as possible, of every local and branch in the United States in making sys- tematic house-to-house distributions of leaflets once a week throughout the cam- paign; to get out a different leaflet each week for this purpose; to sell them to the locals and' branches at cost; to furnish them free of charge to locals, branches and comrades who will undertake to distribute them in unorganized communities; to make use of the mailing list companies to send literature to vast numbers of non-Social- ists; and to publish pamphlets at rock bot- tom prices. In this manner the National Office can carry on a stupendous literature campaign such as the Socialist Partv has never undertaken or dreamed of undertak- ing in the past, provided wp are permitted to concentrate upon it. and provided the National Office funds are not permitted to be voted away as appropriations. It would be a mistake t' have another Red Special. It was th* i-irht thing In 1908, but it would be a stake to repeat it, for it wquld sap th^ dninoei pnd pre- vent the state and na r>nal organizations from carrying on the wide activities which will otherwise be possible. Immense meet- > 224 I NATIONAL -SOCIALIST CONVENTION ings can be arranged for the candidates in the regular manner, and they can be util- ized for the purpose of putting vast quan- tities of literature into circulation. The most direct method of raising a cam- paign fund is the best. I recommend that a special assessment of *one dollar per member be levied; ten per cent of it to go to the National Office, forty per cent to the state office, and fifty per cent to the locals and branches. The campaign ought not to be conducted on the vote catching plan. Without mak- ing any special appeal for votes, we will get all the votes that are coming to us and probably more. The campaign should be a campaign of education. AN ERA OP BIG THINGS. The Socialist Party is entering upon an era of big things. We must give ourselves room to do big things. We must expand our activities in accordance with the needs of the hour. We have a stupendous task before us and we must use the most effi- cient means of accomplishing it. We have a stupendous task of education and a stupendous task of administration. Anyone who permits himself to be foi into believing that the path from here the co-operative commonwealth is a smc and gentle incline will find himself terr mi strLkpn On the contrary, there are mountains climb, cliffs to scale, jungles to penetr rivers to ford and wild beasts to o 1 come, before the goal can be reached. We shall have reverses and discoun ments. We shall have need for every gi of our courage, wisdom, persistence, sourcefulness, constructiveness, and s control. But all obstacles will be overcome the goal will be reached. The indust have evolved to the point where they ripe for Socialism. It is ours to convi our fellow workingmen and women 1 this is true, and to transform our pri pies into action. We believe that the p ent is the most promising moment in world's history, and we face the fu1 with enthusiastic > confidence. Fraternally submitted, JOHN M. WORK, National Secretar APPENDIX APPENDIX M 226 Report of Lyceum Department. K INANCIAL STATEMENT, APRIL, 15. Receipts, bscriptions: '(Locals) $76,899.32 Organizers). 379.00 (Misc.) 270.84 ides (Lan- ern) 98.45 inting 12.11 » e c i a 1 Lec- ures 1,561.31 nations and ollections .. 499.S1 scellaneous . 222.68 ivanced b y National Of- 5ce before Tan. 1 -$79,943.02 3,038.75 a,ges $ stage lephone and Telegraph . . eight and Ex- press ationery and Supplies .... Rce Fixtures, ides (Lantern Advertising) .. inting •ganizers .... icturers bscriptions .. iscellaneous. . Expenditures. -$82,981.77 6,510.02 1,859.79 338.00 1,971.54 536.35 849.19 124.28 12,250.06 5,735.20 21,503.15 27,166.58 298.69 Bank Balance, * April 15 . . . -$79,142.85 3,838.92 Assets on Hand a n k Balance, April 15 lice Fixtures (approx.) ... tpplies -$82,981.77 $ 3,838.92 700.00 500.00 Total •eight and Ex- press $ ationery and Supplies .... Anting Itional Office. $ 5,038.92 Liabilities. > 53.51 45.20 .60 3,086.71 Estimate of Unfinished Business, tiount still due from Locals. $21,962.28 lount needed complete ourse: >ffice (esti- mated) ...$ 400.00 lecturers (estimated) 1,600.00 Subscriptions (estimated) 10,000.00 -$ 3,186.12 $12,000.00 I shall submit at the convention for the consideration of such delegates as may be interested a detailed and itemized statement of the Amount paid by each Local and the amount paid to each organizer, lecturer and publisher, together with the number of sub- scriptions forwarded to each up to May 9th. - It is probable that this entire work will be completed without one cent of expense to the National treasury. In the amount put down as due the National Office is included one-fifth of the National Secretary's salary and part of the salary of other National Office employes proportionate to the increase that the Lyceum has meant in their work. The Lyceum has also been charged with one-half the Natienal Office telephone, one- third the light and one-fourth of the rent, so that it can truly be said to have been self- sustaining. In comparing it with any other Party activities, this should be kept in mind: That, whereas practically all other pro- paganda work is partly paid for with dues, either local, state or national, not a c'ent of dues-money has been used to carry on the Lyceum, except that about $3,000 was ad- vanced during six months preceding January 1, to start it. This is now on hand and can be returned at any time. The entire prop- osition has* been paid for out of the com- missions on the Socialist papers and books sold by the comrades. EVOLUTION OF LYCEUM PLAN. But the real significance of this Lyceum work cannot be measured in terms of money. Weighing the arguments for and against it, it is essential to understand the conditions that led up to the project, the fundamental ideas at the bottom of it and the objects to be accomplished. Like many other comrades, I have for years studied the problem of how to hold our Party membership. I noted that during campaign time our membership always grows, but when no active campaign is being waged by a local, the tendency is ever pres- ent for the organization to dissolve itself into a mere little philosophical discussion society, where a few of the. faithful come together semi-occasionally and engage in the more or less pleasant pastime of "clar- ifying" each other. With others, I have come to the conclu- sion that just as a man must exercise to develop his muscle, so an organization to hold its members and build itself up, MUST WORK. The first purpose of the National Socialist Lyceum is to furnish this work to locals, to- gether with a special incentive for them to do it; work that is worth while enough to bring back into the harness every old war horse and to make use of the enthusiastic energy of every new convert; work through which they will learn that they can accom- plish more together as an organization than by themselves as individual bushwhackers; ' NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION wor that will develop the locals into well drilled, ciiieient fighting armies. The second fundamental idea of the Ly- ceum is that this work should be done in such a way as to secure the greatest possi- ble results for the energy expended. It re- quires a certain amount of energy to take a subscription for a Socialist paper or sell a Socialist book. It also takes a similar amount of energy to get a non-Socialist to attend a Socialist lecture. By combining the two operations we make it easier to ac- complish both than it was before merely to succeed in one. In other words, the sub- scription lecture is a labor-saving device for our propaganda. We kill two birds with one stone. There is the additional advantage that our literature is most effective when rein- forced by the personal appeal of ou« speak- ers; while- on the other hand, our lecturers' message will find its readiest response if the audience has already been set to think- ing by our papers, books and pamphlets. The written and the spoken word combined with the personal work of the Local Com- rades form the ideal propaganda. » The third fundamental of the Lyceum plan is that the same number of speakers can accomplish more working as one team than they can in disconnected lectures. It is impossible for one speaker to cover the whole subject of Socialism satisfactorily in one evening's time. In a series of lectures a greater measure of justice may be done, especially if each lecture is delivered by some one well suited to his special part and if each speaker knoVs what the other speak- ers have said or will say and adapts him- self so that each lecture supplements the others. This was one objective in planning the lecture courses, to secure even among our speakers the greatest possible amount of "team work." The first speaker was to present the problem, the second to go into our philosophy, the third to make clear the fact that there Is a class war, the fourth to eliminate all other ways of dealing with the problem and the fifth to tell how Socialists meet it. The plan was to present our whole position logically and bring the audience step by step to the inevitable conclusion, Membership in the Socialist Party. This plan was not altogether untried. Some of its essential features had been proven successful under different private auspices. The direct antecedent of the Na- tional Socialist Lyceum Bureau was the Chicago Daily Socialist Lecture Course, of which I was in charge. In spite of the fact that many mistakes were made and that financially the proposition was a failure, it was very much worth while as far as the Party was concerned, more than two thou- sand new members being brought into the organization through the work. Many other papers have also conducted lectures along similar lines. Two or three papers having started in this work, compe- tition forced others into it — they found the plan successful and within a year nearly every Socialist publisher would have been using it. NATIONAL SOCIALIST LYCEUM ESTAB- LISHED. Now, as long as there were only a few trying to route speakers, it did not cause mu^h confusion in the Party work, but a score or more different agencies trying to make dates for speakers independently of each other would cause a confusion alto- gether unbearable. It would also mean a great waste in competitive advertising on the part of the different publishers to per- suade the Locals to take up this proposition or that one. It would mean a terrible wa of railroad fare in touring so many speak back and forth across the country with* plan or system. According to our Socialist philosop such conditions in the commercial field br cut-throat competition, resulting in strong gobbling up the weak; then the s vivors, seeing the cost of their competit war, get together in a "trust." This same condition would have develo; in the Socialist propaganda field; a ceni Lyceum Bureau would inevitably h; grown up controlled by the strongest cialist publishers. If such a central bure controlling practically all prominent cialist speakers, had been allowed to gr up outside the party organization, it wo have meant, to say the least, a danger concentration of power in the hands of dividuals without corresponding respoi bility to the party membership. This was the condition thaL faced the ] tional Executive Committee at its meet in Boston on May 1st, 1911, when I laid fore them the plan for the National cialist Lyceum Bureau, to be established National Headquarters under the control the party. There were only three poss: ways of meeting the situation: 1 — To do what some of the State Org? zations tried to do; that is, to prohibit cals from taking speakers routed on the s scription plan. This would have stop the smaller papers from entering this ] of work, but would not have prevented more powerful ones from doing so, would therefore have been manifestly just. Even if this could have been done would not have been desirable because subscription lectures offered the best most effective propaganda yet devised. 2 — To let the whole development go or its logical conclusion. This would h meant within the near future a central ceum Bureau outside the party organizal and party control that would have absor and assumed many of the functions that long to the State and National offices. 3 — The only other alternative was course that was pursued — the establishrc of the National Socialist Lyceum Bur< The fundamental object of this bur< which must always be kept in mind, is help build up the Socialist Party organ tion. PROGRESS OP THE WORK. It was decided to conduct the Bur along the most liberal lines possible wil the following limitations: (a) Every speaker to be a good stand party member. (b) The Lyceum Course to be placed c with locals in good standing and only v the consent of state officers. (c) Only periodicals controlled by g standing party members to be handled. The first letter announcing: the plans the Bureau was sent to state secrtaries June 1. Beginning June 26, I put in all time in the National Office, directing Lyceum work. The response from state : retaries, locals, speakers and publishers ' most gratifying, and on August 11, w the Executive Committee met in Milwau: I was able to report that only one state fused permission to the operation of Lyceum; that most of the states were onerating with a splendid spirit; that a s ficient list of speakers had expressed tl willingness to serve on the Lyceum, that the plans had met with enthusiastic sponse from a sufficient number of local; guarantee a fair measure of success to enterprise. APPENDIX 227 The Committee approved the plans as a vhole. With their sanction the country was livided into four circuits and afterward the issignment of the speakers and subjects nade substantially as follows: LIST OF SUBJECTS. 1. How We Are Gouged. 2. Why Thing's Happen to Happen. 3. The War of the Classes. 4. The Trust Busters. 5. Socialists at Work. LIST OF CIRCUITS AND SPEAKERS. Eastern Circuit-*— 64 Lecture Courses. TERRITORY: New England, Atlantic Coast States and Pennsylvania. r, SPEAKERS: 1. Charles Edward Russell, Janet Fenimore. 2. Walter J. Millard. 3. Ben F. Wilson, James H. Maurer. 4. John W. Slayton. 5. Lena Morrow Lewis. Central Circuit — 68 Lecture Courses. TERRITORY: Michigan, Ohio, West Vir- ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Arkansas. SPEAKERS: 1. Arthur Brooks Baker. 2. W. Harry Spears. 3. Frank Bohn. 4. Phil H Callery. 5. A. W. Ricker, Walter J. Millard. Western Circuit — 85 Lecture Courses. TERRITORY: Minnesota, North and South Dakota, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma. SPEAKERS: 1. W. F. Ries. 2. Ernest Untermann. 3. R. A. Maynard. 4. Mila Tupper Maynard. 5. Ralph Korngold. Pacific Circuit — 92 Lecture Courses. TERRITORY: Montana, Idaho, Utah, Washington, Oregon, California, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado. SPEAKERS: 1. Eugene Wood, Edward Adams Cantrell. 2. N. A. Richardson. 3. George D. Brewer. 4. May Wood-Simons, Anna A. Maley. 5. George H. Goebel. The plans for the Lyceum also received the unanimous endorsement of the conven- tion of Socialist Elected Officials Meeting in Milwaukee during the Executive Committee session. According to these plans we issued special combination subscription tickets good for admission to the lectures and also for sub- scriptions to Socialist papers and books. A ticket to one lecture was attached to each 26 cent subscription and a ticket to all the lec- tures to each dollar subscription. The course of five lectures was offered the locals as a prize for selling $300 worth of these com- bination subscriptions.. In this way every worker could hustle for the publication that he liked best and the subscriber could get the one of his own choice with the lecture ticket. We paid the speakers' wages and evpenses and furnished advertising matter. The locals got the collections and literature sal ps made at the meetings and a commis- sion of 40 per cent on all the combination subscriptions sold above the $300 require- ment. . , One good fortune deserves mention here. We discovered that Comrade Arthur Brooks Baker, who was to have worked as an ad- vance organizer, was an expert printer. With his help we published for the advertising appropriation of $30 that we had allowed for each local, not only a much greater quantity of advertising matter than we had originally planned, but advertising matter of a much higher grade than we had hoped to produce. Our plan included sending advance organi- zers to locals to make the preliminary ar- rangements. Tin- following arc the 'com- rades selected for this work and the num- ber of days that each one was in the field: Arthur Brooks Baker 4 Thomas G. Beem 9 Frank Bohn 5 Prudence Stokes Brown .'.'.'.'. 167 Edwin F. Cassidy 77 H, G. Creel ] 8 Leon Durocher mi M. J. Hynes 115 W. B. Killingbeck 33 Anna A. Maley 12 Edward J. McGurty 21 H. C. Mestemaker 71 Ernest J. Moore 172 J. E. Snyder 105 Piet Vlag 9 Clyde J. Wright : 68 Quite a number of locals that were not visited by field men took the offer up by mail; altogether 442 locals accepted the proposition and signed the agreement to sell at least $300 worth of subscriptions for the Lyceum Course. SHORTCOMINGS. Before mentioning the results achieved through this work, I want to say that no one can realize more fully than those of us that were actively engaged in conducting it, how far it has fallen short of the possibili- ties, financially as well as in other ways. Tn no single detail is the work above criti- cism; in no detail has it been done as well as it should be done. There are many reasons for this, some of which I want to mention, not as excuses but as explanations, in the hope that they will help increase the effectiveness of whatever may be undertaken in the future. LACK OF EXPERIENCE. — Both we here in the office and the comrades in the field lacked experience. Much time and money was used for correspondence which would have been needless if we could have fur- nished locals and hustlers with printed in- struction books, covering the different con- tingencies that would be Jikely to arise. In many ways we had to experiment. Now we KNOW. A LATE START. — The preliminary work was begun too late to get full results. Tn many cases it was impossible to get out the advertising as early as it should have been sent. Some of the locals did not have suf- ficient time to make their own advance ar- rangements and sell the subserintions. Cap- italist bureaus begin their preliminary work over a year in advance, and their local con- tracts are usually made several months in advance. We can not begin too early for the cominer season. SHORT FUNDS. — The Lyceum was grent- lv handicapped at the beginning by lack of funds. We could not carry on the right sort of advertising campaign and we could not put out enough advance organizers. T ater, when we had plenty of money for these things, the ^on«nn was too far advanced for the he^t wnrV. SHORT JIVA^. — Tn launching such a Inrp-p enterprise, involving so much work in new fields, the Lvoeum ' needed several men of force and initiative, capable of taking charge of the various departments, thinking nut plans and putting them into execution. Tt Is V. NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION not easy to secure Socialists possessing these qualifications so long as privately- owned publishing houses are glad to pay th«m much better salaries than the National Office is permitted U offer. HIGH COST. — The Lyceum Course cost the locals too much. Many elements con- tributed to this high cost. First — There was much waste, part of which was inevitable because of the dif- ficulties incidental to the launching of any enterprise, but some of which might easily have been avoided had all concerned given their hearty co-operation. Second — We were compelled to use ex- pensive advertising, to compete with pri- vately-owned Socialist publishing houses for the enlistment of the party workers and hustlers. This turning the attention arid arousing the enthusiasm of the workers cost a great deal of money. We were at a decided disadvantage, as our competitors, with second-class postal rate and rapid-fire periodical issue reached the worker often and cheaply, while we could only talk to him at longer intervals and high expense. Third — The experiments necessarily at- tending the building of a new business ne- cessitated items of cost which will not be a permanent feature. For instance, now that the locals generally are familiar with the plans, it will not be necessary to repeat the pioneer work of sending out advance organ- izers, which this year cost nearly $6,000. Fourth — The business methods used, both by the Bureau and the locals, were so loose as to involve much unnecessary expense. We offered them a contract which was not suf- ficiently rigid; they accepted it because it was easy to sign, and in many cases did not even attempt to carry out their obligations. All the expense of advance work, correspon- dence, etc., with locals which failed to make good was necessarily shifted upon those that were able and willing to carry out their obligations. Fifth — Because of inadequate preliminary work, the fixing of dates was done too late, and to accommodate locals which secured their halls at the eleventh hour the speakers were often obliged to "back track" at great- ly increased mileage and expense. By work- ing farther in' advance, a more nearly per- fect order of dating can be secured and the mileage greatly lessened. Sixth — The same rush of work and lack of time caused unnecessary expense in routing the lecturers. Instead of each speaker beginning near his home, several were transported two thousand miles to the place of their first engagement, receiving wages and all expenses while en route. Seventh — While the manufacturing cost of the advertising matter was low owing to the great quantities purchased, the results se- cured were at high cost. Owing to the rush of work, with insufficient help, many locals received their advertising- too late to get its full value (even though we sent some of it bv high-priced express). Many others, not having paid directly for the advertising, failed to appreciate its value and did not circulate it properly. Tn fact, from lec- turers' reports, the advertising was properly and fullv used only in exceptional cases. This was largely the fault of our office, in that while Ave gave full instructions, we had no system of constantly reminding and urg- ing unon committees the necessity of cir- culating and posting their paner. Another factor which decreased the re- sults of the Lyceum and increased the cost per local over what it should have been. Was the lack of co-operation of some of the state ofRoos and the active hostility of cer- tain individuals. Furthermore, some of the papers that should have been enthusiastic in support of this plan to build up a better party organization remained silent. It was impossible to achieve the best results and the greatest economy without the publicity that similar enterprises conducted under private agencies had secured in the past. All this meant for us an indirect expense of thousands of dollars so that instead of having a $10,000.00 surplus we are coming out barely even financially. We must learn how to co-operate so as to do our party propaganda work with less waste. Still another respect in which this year's Lyceum fell far short of the original plans is in the lecturers themselves. The fact is that the speakers did NOT do the desired team work. The lecture course was not al- together what we intended it should be: a connected series of lectures giving a logical presentation of the entire Socialist position. This was due partly to the fact that the in- dividuality of most lecturers is abnormally developed so that it is hard for them to overcome the temptation to "star" rather than work as members of a team, but the main reason for this shortcoming was that because of lack of time any adequate inter- change of ideas preliminary to the lecture tour was practically impossible. A further criticism of this .year's work can be made because contrary to original intentions some of the speakers peddled lit- erature for their own profit. They should be excused since this has been the custom for Socialist speakers in the past who thereby increased a wage which seemed to them in- sufficient. We ourselves are to blame, since because of lack of time and lack of experi- enced help we had not worked out a system- atic plan for handling the literature to be sold at the meetings. But all the energy wasted here at the office and by the lecturers is insignificant when compared with the energy wasted by some of the locals as measured in their failure to make the most of their opportu- nities. Compared to what might have been done the results achieved are small indeed. Compared to our hopes and aspirations the Lyceum cannot yet be called a success, but it would not be just to weigh it in such a scale. RESULTS. In spite of all these mistakes and short- comings; in spite of all disappointments, difficulties and obstacles, the following re- sults were accomplished: 1 — 309 of the 442 locals that voted to take up the Lyceum Course carried it through, which means a total of 1,545 Lyceum lec- tures. The average audience at the Lyceum lectures was over 300. In addition to the Lyceum lectures 82 special lectures were given on open dates. The advance organ- izers had over 500 advertised meetings. The Lyceum work has brought together aud- iences totaling over five hundred thousand. # 2 — The number of subscriptions to Social- ist papers forwarded to the publishers up to Anril 15th was 50,-194. The number of cloth bound books sold on* the Lvcenm subscrip- tion cards was 18.000. while the number of paper bound books sold in this way was 24.735, making the total number of subscrip- tions for books and papers already for- warded to the publishers 93,229. 3 — The reports from Lyceum locals indi- cate that in addition to all this literature sold on Lyceum subscriptions, the literature sales at the meetings averaged about $10.00. The Lyceum has therefore alreadv men^t the distribution of about $100,000.00 worth of Socialist papers and books, about one-half of the total being books. APPENDIX 229 4 — Over 2,000,000 pieces of advertising matter were distriDUted. All of this was ar- ranged so as to navv uie greatest possible propaganda value, especially the big- 16 page folders, over 3uo,vUu 01 which were ua^a. 5 — We have received clippings irom cap- italist papers totaling aoouc iu,0uu inches of reports of Lyceum lectures. In many ways this is the mo. t valuable feature of the entire worK, since tne paragraphs quoted from the Lyceum lectures printed in the local capitalist papers reached a vast number of people iu wiiom the message could not be carried by any other method. It would have co_>t tne party many thou- sands of dollars to accomplish a similar amount of propaganda in other ways. 6 — In some of the locals individual com- rades found it necessary to dig into their own pockets to make up the amount due on the Lyceum Course, but reports show that other locals have made enough profit from the lectures to offset this. 7 — A number of new locals have been 'organized by the Lyceum lecturers on open dates. Collections were taken up at many of the meetings for the benefit of strikers in different parts of the country, thousands Of signatures were secured to the woman suffrage petition, and in many other ways the Lyceum was made use of to help along other party activities. 8 — The records cf the National , Office show that the Lyceum work did not sup- plant activity in other lines, but that the locals working on the Lyceum Course at the same time ordered more than their pro- portion of leaflets for house to house dis- tribution, pamphlets and other literature for sale. Reports from the locals also indi- cate that the Lyceum work did not decrease but rather augmented the demand for local speakers. 9 — Specific reports received from a large number of the locals that had the Lyceum Course indicate that the work has brought into the party to date in those locals at least 10„000 new members. This means ad- ditional dues of $6,000 per annum to the national treasury, $6,000 to the state offices and $18,000 to the locals concerned. It is of course true that other agitation preced- ing the Lyceum Course is largely responsi- ble for the members so far brought in. On the other hand it is equally true that the [full effects will not be felt for a long time to come, since the people whom the Ly- ceum has started studying this winter will only in exceptional instances join the (party before next year. L 10 — A large number of locals that have had the Lyceum Course have been success- ful in their local elections this spring, and rat least a few of them attribute their suc- cess at the polls directly to the general in- fluence of the Lyceum work upon their community. I 11 — According to reports received from peeretaries. the Lyceum has increased the rovorking efficiency of nearly every local [that took it up. It means a vastly more [efficient campaign next fall than would [otherwise have been possible. The fact [that this has been carried through success- fully will gradually get the comrades to jtnore and more make u c e of the organiza- tion for doing- their work. The experience ■rained through the Lyceum will be an in- valuable asset to the locals for whatever Khey may undertake in the future. RECOMMENDATIONS. f. For the purpose of increasing the effec- tiveness of the work f made certain rec- nmendations# to the Executive Committee t its March session. In order to l^arn r the sentiment of the locals that had this years Lyceum Course and to secure further- data as a guide to future action, I sub- mitted the same propositions to an advisory referendum of the Lyceum locals and the state secretaries of the 41 states in which the Lyceum was held. I am pleased "to announce that of all tnese state secretaries only two voted against tne continuation of the Lyceum and of tne 182 locals whose ad- visory ballots we have received only one voted against it and 181 voted to continue the Lyceum, which is about as nearly unani- mous as anything has ever been in the So- cialist Party. (96 of these locals reported the number voting which was 1,893 yes and only 25 nays.) We may be pardoned for feeling grati- fied with this splendid endorsement of the Lyceum plan on the part of comrades who out on the firing line have stood the brunt of the fight, and whose devotion to the cause and never-tiring work without hope of immediate personal, reward has made possible whatever of success has been achieved. Most of these recommendations are mere matters of administrative detail and should not properly take up any of the conven- tion's time. Since, however, a general knowledge of the problems that confront tne management of the Lyceum is essential to its greatest sucess, I herewith append the recommendations together with the vote thereon, the first figure in each case representing the vote of the locals and the second the vote of the state secretaries. I shall also add to each recommendation some of my reasons for making it. 1. That the Lyceum be continued next year with such changes as seem advisable. Yes, 181 and 20; No, 1 and 2. Comment: — There are four possible courses of action: (1) the entire work of arranging subscription lectures or So- cialist lecture courses could be prohibited. No argument seems necessary on this point. (2) This work could be left to the pri- vate agencies of Socialist publishers. The reasons that were given earlier ir # this re- port and that prevailed with the executive committees one year ago should be suf- ficient here. , (3) The work could be turned over en- tirely to the state offices. This does not seem to me a good plan since most of the state offices are in no way equipped to handle the details of such a proposition and even if all of them were so equipped it would mean in many ways a worse than useless duplication of effort. Much of the Lyceum work can be done as easily for the whole United States as for one state or even one local. It would mean applying to our own problems the logic of a Bryan, who would "Bust the Trust" and go back to the days of small-scale production. (4) Let the Lyceum develop under na- tional auspices, with the guidance of the Executive Committee and under the con- trol of the party membership, in such ways as experience may teach to be wisest and best. This is my recommendation. 2. That the preliminary work start as soon as possible, but that the lec- ture course do not begin until after the fall election. Yes, 176 and 18; No, 6 and 2. Comment: — This past season we were be- hind the time all the time. The work was not started early enough. At least six months should elapse between the selection of speakers and the beginning of their lec- ture tours. I therefore recommend, that the preliminary work begin immediately. F 230 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION I do not however, agree with some en- thusiastic comrades who want the Lyceum lectures to run during the campaign. Most competent speakers are already engaged, and most state secretaries have already completed their plans for the fall cam- paign. Let us take advantage of every ounce of campaign enthusiasm for selling Lyceum subscriptions but, in order to avoid confusion and secure the best possible re- sults, let us not start the lecturers them- selves until after election. 3. .That two lecture courses be ar- ranged, one course of six numbers at $300, another course of three numbers for $150. Yes, 174 and 19; No, 3 and 1. Comment: — Since I made this recommen- dation Comrade Arthur Brooks Baker, the printing expert whose technical knowledge has already saved the National Office many thousands of dollars, has revised our esti- mates on advertising and printing costs. I have carefully gone over all the other figures in the light of last season's experi- ence, and feel sure that if the recommenda- tions made in this report are adopted, we can give the Lyceum Course of five lectures to every local that sells $150.00 worth of subscriptions, instead of requiring $300.00 worth as last season. I therefore recom- mend one lecture course of five numbers for $150.00 worth of subscriptions. 4. That one of these numbers be an illustrated lecture. Yes, 177 and 16; No, 2 and 3. Comment: — There has been considerable demand for an illustrated lecture. I my- self do not yet know as to the practicabil- ity of making one of the Lyceum lectures an illustrated lecture, and would like to hear from all who have experience on the subject. 5. That the Executive Committee put on the "Approved List" at least twice as many speakers as will be needed. Yes, 173 and 18; No, 4 and 1. Comment: — In filling vacancies this sea- son, we could not consider the wants of comrades in states to be traversed, since the small approved list left the manage- ment so little choice. It may be that it would be impossible to find\ enough speak- ers to carry out this proposal literally, but there should be an approved list so large that we can at all times give due consider- ation to the special adaptability of speak- ers to subject and territory. Of course, no speakers will receive any pay except those actually, employed. 6. That opinions on party tactics receive no consideration in the selec- tion of speakers and that on the other hand the speakers be instructed not to dwell on these moot questions during their lectures. Yes, 171 and 17; No, 9 and 4. Comment: — The Lyceum should be above factional fights. We should select speakers not because of opinions on tactics, but only for their special qualifications as Lyceum lecturers. On the other hand, they should use their position, not to boost party fac- tions but to teach undisputed fundamentals. 7. That speakers be paid a uniform flat rate of $50 per week and railroad fare, and that they pay out of their $50 their own hotel bills and incident- als, it being understood that $28 of this is wages and $22 personal ex- enses. Yes, 1&7 and 11; No, 11 and 7. Comment: — Under the Executive Com- mittee's ruling that the constitutional limit of $3 per day for organizers did not apply to Lyceum lecturers, we paid them $35 p< week and railroad fare and personal ei penses. Personal expense accounts of di: ferent speakers varied so greatly that seems better to pay a flat rate and 1< them pay their expenses. This last seaso the speakers cost from $55 to $70 per wee plus railroad fare. I now recommend tlu this be REDUCED to $49 per week an R. R. fare, which would be just $4 per da salary and $3 for hotel and incidental e? penses. I certainly do not favor the fancy sa aries that some are said 'to draw from oi movement, but on the other hand I thin our speakers should not feel compelled t eke out their incomes by peddling thing for private profit as seems to have been tr. custom in the past, but should receh enough to keep themselves in good cond tion and care for their families. If this conflicts with the constitute then let's amend the constitution. 8. That party membership of at least three years' standing be required of Lyceum lecturers. Yes, 147 and 19; No, 31 and 2. Comment: — It may be that three years : rather long, but I am sure that the be; interests of the movement demand that an bitious orators be "kept in pickle'" at lea; two years. 9. That the maximum wage limit in " the office be raised to equal that of the speakers. Yes, 151 and 10; No, 21 and 5. Comment: — At present the highest wag that can be paid to any office employe $21 per week. My recommendation is l raise this maximum limit to $28 per wee Different departments of the work shou: be in charge of specialists who are also : demand elsewhere. The inevitable effei of the present limitation is that some < the best brains in the movement are bougl by private enterprises more or less ii directly connected with it, instead of beir in the direct service of the party. 10. That I be permitted to scour the country for the best and most efficient persons for this work. Yes, 174 and 19; No, 7 and 1. Comment: — I do not wish to minimize tr worth of private enterprises in advancir the Socialist movement. But to me tl most important part of the work is thi done directly through the party organiz; tion. I believe that our party should ha-\ in its service the most efficient machiner the most efficient methods and the moi efficient men that can be had. If I am 1 manage the Lyceum, I want permission 1 search for and secure the best persons f( this work no matter where or by who: they -may at present be employed. 11. That as much as possible of the work, especially the advance work, be turned over to State Offices, and that the State Offices be paid $10 for each Local that makes good on the $300 course, and $5.00 for each Local that makes good on the $150 course. Yes, 162 and 17; No, 16 and 4. Comment: — Most of the Lyceum woi can be done so much cheaper and bett< from one central point that it would 1 ridiculous to divide it up among forty di ferent State Offices. However, some of for instance the advance work, could many cases be directed better by the Sta Secretaries, who know the Locals in the territory. There seems to be some opno< V tion to turning this work over to the Sta •''Offices on the pArt of State Secretary themselves, and I have corfte to the co elusion that it would be best to , mal APPENDIX 231 ^ i eial arrangements only with those State if ices that may be able and willing to do il s special work. 12. That the list of "approved peakers" be submitted to State Offices or their approval. Yes, 169 and 18; No, 11 and 3. Comment: — This merely means that no aj[>akers shall be toured in a State whom s State does not want. It is very em- rassing to bring these matters up after angements have already been made. Un- ■ my plan dislikes could be discovered 1 taken into consideration before the jakers are assigned. 13. 'xhat publication of a series of jpecial propaganda leaflets for Lyceum v^idvertising be authorized. Yes, 179 and 20; No, 1 and 1. omment: — I propose the publication of special propaganda leaflets to fit the jture course outline, two of the leaflets to distributed house to house before the jt lecture and one before each of the Ifers, each leaflet to advertise the follow- r lecture. In this way an immenser lount of propaganda work will be accom- 5 Shed in a systematic manner. I 14. That the Lyceum Department be permitted to publish a weekly leaflet Cor "Party Boosters," this leaflet to be mailed under second class rates. Yes, 176 and 18; No, 5 and 3. Comment: — This year it cost $100 post- i to §end a message to each of the 5,000 ft'ceum hustlers. To send the same message Ifa leaflet under second class rates would Je cost only fifty cents postage, a differ- fee of $99.50. If there were a party paper jwhich a column could be devoted to the fceum work, this leaflet would not be Ided, but as it is the Lyceum is very 5 ach "hobbled." I believe that the party's ' rceum Bureau should have as good oppor- faity to encourage party builders to their it efforts as different private institutions m have to enthuse their respective sup- fters. This year's experience teachss that feh a periodical is essential to the great- t success of this or any other party prk. 15. That a report of this year's Ly- fceum Bureau, together with the plans gor next year, be submitted to the National Convention for endorsement. Yes, 176 and 21; No, X and 0. Comment: — By this I do not mean to take the time of this Convention with a icussion of these 'recommendations in ■ail. They are properly the work of ad- fcistration, and the management should I left free to work out these problems as ■y present themselves, under the guid- le of the National Secretary and the Itional Executive Committee. The Con- dition will prcbably not care to consume time discussing details of the Lyceum nagement, but I shall be glad to re- fc^e personally all suggestions from in- idual delegates who have ideas on how improve the work. The question, how- r, of stopping or continuing the • Ly- m work is one that in my judgment uld be decided by the Convention, his past season every bit of progress "e by the Lyceum has been made with brakes set in certain quarters, which ;de the work exceedingly difficult. The ceum should either be stopped alto- her or should have the united support the entire party organization. The en- sement of the proposition as a whole on part of this Convention would gain this ted support. I therefore recommended the Executive Committee that the ques- tion of continuing the Lyceum be referred to the Convention. Some additional recommendations that in my opinion will greatly increase the effec- tiveness of the Lyceum work are the fol- lowing: 16. That we select a series of books, appropriate for the different lecture subjects, and either publish them our- selves or buy them in large quantities. Lecturers and publishers should not exploit the Lyceum audiences for pri- vate profit. Literature sold at Lyceum lectures should be handled systematic- ally through the Lyceum and the Locals. Comment: — This recommendation I sub- mitted in a letter to Lyceum Locals and received unanimous endorsement. I be- lieve the best results would be obtained by selling, after each lecture, printed copies of the lecture itself. Comrade Baker, who has demonstrated with "The Growing Grocery Bill" that he can substantiate his printing estimates, tells me that if we publish the lectures ourselves we can retail them in the form of 32-page pamphlets at ten for a dime and still turn over 50 per cent of the selling price to the Locals. I recommend that all the Lyceum lectures be published. Gn the back of each pamphlet could be stamped an announcement of the follow- ing lecture. The people who buy these pamphlets at one lecture will distribute them to their neighbors, and in that way not only do some excellent propaganda work, but also help to build up the audi- ence for the next speaker. 17. That the publication of ten So- cialist books, approximately the size of "What's So and What Isn't," be author- ized for sale in connection with the Ly- ceum lectures. Comment: — In no way can we facilitate the sale of Lyceum subscriptions more than by putting into concrete, visible, tan- gible form the best book offer ever pre- sented to the public. We now know that even without a Na- tional Print Shop, such as I hope will be established, we can print on our own ac- count ten books, averaging 160 pages each, totel 1,600 pages, and sell them together With a Lyceum ticket for fifty cents. To make this possible we would have to ship to the Locals direct by freight and get cash in advance from the Locals-. But by placing in the hands of the hustler a set of paper covered volumes which the pro- spective customer could see and feel and weigh, we would be giving the Comrade Hustler a lever with which he would find it easy to pry loose the fifty-cent piece. The ten books should be selected so as to cover the main elements of the Socialist Philosophy and their application to present flay problems, following the same general outline as the leaflets and the lectures themselves. ■vt 1 * 8 .- ^ hat the $3,000 advanced bv the National Office last year to start the Lyceum be left in the Lyceum Fund for beginning- this year's work Comment: — Even this sum is utterly in- adequate to start the work unon the scale that it should be done. T believe, however that by using our credit and e-ettimr the Locals to make advance payments the plans can be worked out to brin* a suffici- ent income by the time the S3 000 is snent to carry on this work. Next fail the $3,000 could be returned to the National Treasury CONCLUSION. .- Tf these recommendations are adopted by the Executive Committee and the Lvceum is endorsed by the Convention, we' shall r 232 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION make the following offer to the Locals: A lecture course of five numbers to every Local that sells $150 worth of subscrip- tions. Every 50-cent subscription will en- title the holder to admission, to the entire course of five lectures and to a library of 10 Socialist books or a 50-cent subscription to any other Socialist books or papers whose publishers give a satisfactory rate to the Lyceum. This offer is the best that can be made until the party owns its own press and its own publishing plant, which I hope will be in the near future. Under such an unprecedented offer even Locals in the smallest country towns could avail themselves of this great organizing campaign. Judging from this . year's ex- perience, two thousand Locals could make a success of this undertaking, necessitating 16 circuits with five speakers on each cir- cuit. This would mean in round figures 80 lecturers, each filling 125 dates, a total of ten thousand Lyceum lectures for the sea- son. It would mean the selling of at least four million Socialist books, and several hundred thousand subscriptions to Socialist papers. It would mean the circulation of ten million pamphlets and the distribution of thirty million propaganda leaflets. It would mean that instead of our campaif relaxing after the National election th fall, it would increase in vigor and e: thusiasm throughout the entire year. I feel sure that these estimates can 1 surpassed with this Lyceum plan. It cor bines logically arranged series of lecturi by specially trained speakers, careful planneu publicity campaign in the Capita ist press, publication and sale of special prepared lecture pamphlets, publication ai sale of a special library of ten stronge propaganda books, sale of subscriptions all other Socialist papers and books, houi to house distribution of a suitable serii of propaganda leaflets, personal effort i every live member and co-operation i State Organizers, State Offices and tl National. It means co-ordinating all the differei factors of our movement so as to get tl greatest possible results for every ounce i our energy. It means the development of great labor saving device to do our pr paganda and organization work. It meai LESS FRICTION AND MORE POWER. Fraternally submitted, L. E. KATTERFELD, Manage APPENDIX APPENDIX N 288 Report of Representative Victor L. Berger, of the Fifth District of Wisconsin, as to His Activity. The fall election of 1910 marked a new epoch in the history of the Socialist move- ment in America. A Socialist was elected to the Congress of the United States. Naturally I considered it a great honor to ibe the first representative of the class •conscious proletariat of America in the halls of our national legislature. But having been in the fight for the emancipa- tion of the working class for almost a gen- eration, I also at once realized the difficulty •of my position. I was the only member of ;a much feared and much hated party in the lower House, with 391 other members of the House, and 96 Senators, absolutely and uncompromisingly opposed to me on all f. vital political and economic questions. Moreover, our republic differs from all . other republics ' known in the civilized ; world. The President of the United States I is not only the chief executive and is .^elected by a geneeal vote of all citizens — • on account of his veto power he also forms ! a very important part of the national legis- [ lature. Under our Constitution the real power of the House of Representatives lies in the «fact that the House, being the so-called , popular branch of the legislature, has the >sole power to originate bills raising revenue F — the Senate has only the power to amend [a, bill containing an appropriation, and can- , not originate an appropriation. Our Constitution was formed very much 1 after the English form of government — as £to the control of the treasury our House of f Representatives was to resemble the House [of Commons in England. In our country, however, in practice this power of the House of Representatives is kxeduced to a shadow. The shortness of the term of the mem- l hers of the House when compared with the [ much longer term of the Senators, and the I Senate's power over the patronage of the [different districts very soon gave all the f practical advantages to the Senate. The Senate today is really the ruling legislative tbody of our country. Furthermore, it must be remembered that fe when our constitution was formed less than I one-third of the male inhabitants were given the right to vote. The upper house of our national legislature was even created for the very purpose of represent- ing "the wealth and invested interests of the country" as Alexander Hamilton put it — even against that third of the male popu- lation that could vote for it. From the beginning of our government the Senate was intended to "form a check upon the will of the people." Therefore, its selection was removed from the people as * far as possible and put in the hands of the 1 respective legislatures. Our reformers have been trying to rem- | edy this by having the senators elected | directly by the people. However, this so- called remedy is only superficial. Even in a reformed Senate the 30,000 voters of Wyoming would have as many Senators as the two million voters of New York, which is absurd on the face of it, although the Senators of each state are elected directly by the people. Moreover, the Senate is indefensible as a check against bad legislation. Either the Senate agrees to the legislation proposed by the Representatives of the people and then it is superfluous. Or it is opposed to the legislation of the Representatives of the people and then it is dangerous and un- democratic. If there is any corrective to be provided in a democracy, let democracy provide for it. The best possible check upon any whim- sical or hasty legislation is a referendum of the people. Abolish the Senate. The best cure for any ills of democracy is more democracy. I mention this only so that some of my bills should be understood. The fact is that the Senate is the para- mount power in the Congress of the United States and that as a body it represents best the power of capitalism. The Senate has a small membership, and discussion in the Senate is unlimited; thus one senator with some powers of endurance . may talk to death any bill which he op- poses. The House has a very large mem- bership and this has made it necessary to limit the right of the individual members to speak and to offer amendments from the floor. The short intervals between elections of members of the House which makes many of them in a sense permanent candidates and the fact that most of them are lawyers and professional orators makes stringent rules obviously necessary to limit the out- put of oratory. The proceedings of the two houses of Congress are supposed to be published verbatim in the Congressional Record. Therefore, the custom has grown up of printing speeches that have never been de- livered on the floor. And this is a wise custom owing to the temptation of the members to impress themselves upon their constituents at home by making speeches in Congress. As it is, the constructive work amounts to very little. Our system of government by checks and balances — the ideal of the American bourgeois — and the antiquated constitution have resulted In the fact that nr a single great and important measure h& j passed our Congress in thirty years. uniess we consider tariff bills "and the Sherman anti-trust act as great and im- portant measures. Moreover, both houses of Congress are practically made up of the same type of men. Wealth was always held in great respect in our country. When our govern- ment was formed George Washington was 234 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION chosen the first president not oniy on ac- count of his merits, but also because he was the richest man in America. The majority of the members of Congress belong to what I would call the upper mid- dle class. Capitalism as a 'whole is of course excellently represented — especially the railroads, the manufacturers, the banks and similar interests. Yet there are even large groups within the capitalist class of America that are not over-well repre- sented. An overwhelming majority of both houses is made up of lawyers. There are quite a number of business men and manu- facturers, and I also want to say in con- nection with this, that these men are not dishonest or crooked as is often claimed. They are. as a rule honest to the class and the interest they represent, only they do not represent our class, nor our class in- terest. As everybody knows there are a few workingmen in the House of Representa- tives — about half a dozen so-called card men — men with union cards in their pockets. They do in no way, however, dif- fer from the other representatives of the capitalist parties in their votes, argumenta- tion or method of thinking. Practically all the work of Congress and of the House of Representatives is done in the committees. There is hardly any pos- sibility of rejecting a bill that is proposed by the ruling party in the House of Repre- sentatives. Of course the bills are dis- cussed in the committee of the whole and smaller amendments are occasionally agreed to. But as a rule, the Democrats will vote absolutely with the Democratic leaders and the Republicans with the Re- publican leaders, and every one knows be- forehand what the fate of the bill is going to be when it is once reported to the House. There is no such thing as an adverse or unfavorable report in the House. A bill reported always means favorably reported by the majority of the committee. If the minority disagrees it can make a minority report. Of the many thousand bills intro- duced only very few are reported. Of the nearly 40,000 bills introduced in the preceding Congress, only 700 became law — the great majority of these were ad- ministrative acts of small importance to the country in general. Besides these, Congress passed about 6,000 private pen- sion bills. Such are the parliamentary conditions that confronted your first Socialist Con- gressman. They are as unfavorable to any new departure as they can possibly be. and yet some people expected wonderful things. It is no exaggeration to say that not only the eyes of the Socialist Party, but the attention of the entire American people, as far as it gave any attention to the doings of Congress, were riveted upon me. I could not afford to do or say anything that would make one cause and one party ridiculous before the many millions that are not yet with us. There was no prece- dent in the experience of any other party in our country to guide me, because ours was essentially a two-party country in the past — the People's party never got a real first hold in Congress. In Germany they always had many par- ties and three Sor-ial Democrats were elected right from the beginning to the Reichstag in 1867, 'so that was no criterion to go by. Our parliamentarism is of an entirely dif- ferent makeup. Tt. is based upon the two- party system. The appointment for the committees, where all the real legislative work is done, and even the assignment of the time for the debate is on a two-party basis. There were two ways before me. I coul( make a free-speech fight all alone, try t< break down all precedent and all barriers speak about the coming revolution and th< co-operative commonwealth, as long as nr lung power would hold out, and wind u] my short parliamentary career by beinj suspended from the House, and thus als< make an end to political action by thii "direct action." Or 1 could pursue the other course, obe: all rules and precedents of the House unti they are changed — get the respect and th( attention of my fellow members, speai sparingly and only when measures directly concerning the working-class are up fo : discussion, giving, however, close attentior to all the business before the House o Representatives. This latter course I de cided to follow — and this I did follow fron the very beginning. Owing to the unique position I held however, I was from the beginning callec upon to do a greater variety of things thar any other Congressman in Washington. Not only did my correspondence grow tc such enormous proportions that it kepi three secretaries busy, although only abou three per cent of this correspondence cam* from my district. But the answering o: these letters was only one part of tha work. I was also considered a court o: last resort for a great number of men anc women who had real or imaginary griev ances, against our government and oui federal courts, or even against state govern ments and state courts. Moreover, I was the recipient of requests for investigation* of all kinds in the various departments 01 our government, and of course was askec to protect numerous immigrants all ovei the country who were either to be sem back to Europe or were refused admissior for various reasons, some of them being political refugees. In each and all cases I did examine the evidence and the circumstances, and wher- ever there was even the slightest chance of making good on the ease, I took it ur with the respective departments. And 1 succeeded in very numerous instances. I take pleasure in stating I was treated with uniform civility by the governmenl and I am especially indebted to the Secre- tary of Commerce and Labor, Hon. Chares Nagel, an otherwise very conservative gen- tleman, who went as far as the existing law would permit him, in helping me with immigrant cases, his office allowing him considerable discretion in the matter. The work of the departments was ex- ceedingly laborious, and took a great dea] of time, not only of myself, but also of my helpmates in the office. On this occasion 1 want to acknowledge my appreciation of the very valuable services of my secretary and comrade, Wm. J. Ghent, not only in answering letters, but in helping me to frame bills. In the framing and introducing of bills embodying: the demands of the platforms of the Socialist Party of America and of the Social Democratic Party of Wisconsin, I saw one of my most important duties — because thus I gave expression to the concrete demands as well as to the hopes and ambitions of my class. As to my votes in the House I tried to follow strictly not only the letter but the spirit of our plat- form. I may divide my work on general lines in legislative activities, work before commit- tees, and departmental activities. The following are some of the more im- portant facts, some of them very big, some of them very small — just as life is made up of big and small things. All of them APPENDIX 235 Id tflll convey the idea, however, that I always ;ried to fulfill my duty as the "congress- nan at large" at the disposal of the work- ing class of America. BEFORE COMMITTEES. 1911. MAY 11. Appeared before House Committee on Reform in the Civil Service and spoke in favor of the Lloyd bill to give Government employes the right to or- ganize and petition Congress. 89. Before House Committee on Rules and made a statement in favor of an investigation of the kidnapping of the McNamara brothers. Also conducted the examination of witnesses during hearin£ - 1912. 17 Again before House Committee on Reform in the Civil Service in advo- cacy of a favorable report on the Lloyd bill. 1 Before House Committee on Rules to conduct the hearing on my resolution to investigate the Lawrence strike. 4. Before House Committee on Library to advocate the reporting of a bill to establish a legislative division of the Library of Congress. I was then in Milwaukee but a state- ment which I had prepared in advocacy of woman suffrage was read by Com- rade Elsie Cole Phillips before House Committee on Judiciary. AY 4 Before House Committee on Immi- gration to express my opposition to the Root amendment to the immigra- tion bill, providing for the deportation of political refugees. LEGISLATIVE ACTIVITIES. 1911. ■pjT Introduced a petition containing 87,- 600 signatures, calling upon Congress to withdraw the United States troops from the Mexican border. UNE— Delivered my first speech in advo- cacy of a reduction of the tariff on wool. UGUST— M ■ ■ _ 7. Made a speech in favor of general old age pensions. ECEMBER— 14. Introduced my old age pension bill as an amendment to the then pending appropriation bill. Made a speech in its favor, but the amendment was ruled out on a point of order. Addressed the House in favor of the bill providing for the eight-hour day on all Government contract work. 1912. ANUARY— 3. Made a short speech, pointing out that the insurgents could not . claim separate recognition as long as they were part and parcel of the old parties. 4. Called the attention of the House to the fact that the Democratic appro- priation bill for the District of Colum- bia contained only starvation wages for some of the employes, some getting as low as $240 a year. Again addressed the House on the above subject and offered an amend- ment to raise the wages but failed. 18. Advocated the establishment of a municipal asphalt plant for the Dis- trict of Columbia. 29. Showed, in a short speech in the dis- cussion of , tariff bill, that labor is never protected by tariffs. FEBRUARY— 23. Interposed in the personal debate between Representatives Hay and Hob- son, and suggested that the House had better investigate the problem of un- employment rather than to elect com- mittee to settle personal difference*.. 28. Addressed the House in favor or an investgation of the Lawrence out- rages. MARCH— 4. In a short speech denounced the provisions for low wages for laborers employed in the Department of Agri- culture. APRIL— 19. Made a short speech and offered an amendment in favor of the automatic promotion of all postal employes from the $1,100 grade to the $1,200 grade. My amendment was defeated by vote of 45 to 33. 26. Spoke in favor of a woman suffrage clause in the charter for territorial government given to Alaska. MAY— 1. Made an address and introduced an amendment in favor of permitting pos- tal employes to use stools for at least two hours a day. This amendment was defeated by a vote of 55 to 3t>. 3. Made a short speech against the amendment to the post office appropria- tion bill requiring newspapers to print weekly a list of all their stockholders. This amendment would have proved a great hardship to Socialist and labor papers, which are owned by a great number of individuals and organiza- tions. The House defeated that amend- ment and instead passed one requiring that only the names of those persons owning more than $550 worth of stock shall be printed. DEPARTMENTAL ACTIVITIES. 1911. JUNE— 29. Took up with the Department of Justice the unjust imprisonment of Matthew H. Lough, an engineer of the Panama Railroad. He was arrested as a result of an unavoidable accident on the road. After some correspondence he was released. JULY— 1. Called upon the Post Office Depart- ment to permit mail carriers in warm weather to wear blouses. The Depart- ment has modified its position in this matter to a great extent. 7. Called upon the Post Office Depart- ment to facilitate the application of the California Social Democrat for the second class mail privilege. Request granted. 2. Through some correspondence with the War Department, Charles S. Gim- blin, a youthful deserter of the Pacific Coast Artillerv, was freed. 27. Called on President Taft to free Al- bert Dewey Carter, a twelve-year-old boy, who had been convicted of em- bezzling a money-order while enu as a postal messenger in Texas. Al- though he was below working age and the blame being, therefore, on the Government, Carter has not yet been freed. 236 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION AUGUST— 10. Took up with the Department of Commerce and Labor the case of Theo- dore Malkoff, a political refugee, who was detained at Ellis Island. The De- partment admitted him. . 11. Took up the case of Dr. H. C. Bark- man, of Washington, who was denied citizenship papers because of his belief in Socialism. The matter is still pend- ing. DECEMBER — 15. Took up case of Zolel Marcus, an- other refugee. He was also admitted into this country. 1912. MARCH— 1. Called on President Taft to order an investigation of -the Lawrence out- rages. The Department of Justice was instructed to take up the matter. APRIL — 18. Department of Commerce and Labor, at my request, took the same action in regard to The Russian refugees, Fitel Kagan and Vasily Lachatachoff, who had escaped from Siberia and were denied admission by Tacoma, Washing- ton, immigration authorities, under the pretext that they were Anarchists. The decision was reversed and both ad- mitted. - VOTED FOR Campaign publicity bill. Canadian reciprocity. Farmers' free list bill. To admit Arizona* with "recall." To reduce tariff on steel, wool and cottc Against the Russian treaty. So much for the first year of the fir Socialist Congressman in America. I have tried to do my duty fearless, faithfully, to the best of my light. Y always want to keep before you that was only one man with work enough x 300 Congressmen and 60 Senators and President of the United States; that was not only alone, but I had to hew ri path through this "wilderness" and h to overcome mountains of prejudice and sea of ill will. I believe that I ha cleared a modest path on which other coi rades can join me which we can wid and which will finally wind up in a cle road for Socialism and the emancipati of the working class as far as the legisl tive halls of our nation are concerned. It is for you, comrades, and for the wor ing class to elect the many who will a complish this. VICTOR L. BERGER. APPENDIX 237 APPENDIX O Reports of Foreign Speaking Organizations. tEPORT OF THE FINNISH TRANS- LATOR-SECRETARY TO THE SO- CIALIST PARTY NATIONAL CONVENTION, 1912. the Socialist Party National Convention, 1912: The organizing - of the Finns into the So- ialist Party was mainly begun in 1902 ad 1903, and during- the years following lere were scores of Finnish locals and ranches organized. But the movement 'as weak until our present form of na- onal organization, composed of all Finnish >cals and branches of the Socialist Party, las started in 1906 and the translator's Sice established at the party's national eadquarters beginning with the year 1907. St the beginning there were fifty-three Ranches in the organization with member- lip of about 2,000. With this small but romising group of units and members our rganization was then heartily recognized | the Socialist Party, through its national kecutive committee and national secretary, fcd a space for our translator in the na- pnal headquarters was arranged for. Of purse, we had to have our own office fix- Ires, pay rent for the space and cond- ensate our translator-secretary, but the fciple recognition and the moral and ad- feory aid given to us by the Socialist iixty was of great help to our organiza- fon when added to the praiseworthy en- tusiasm in the rank and file. From May, 108, we have had the office space free, and Ibm October, 1910, the translator's wages Lve been paid by the national office. The intinuous growth of our organization will 1 best seen by the following figures as town by the records in the translator's pee. The average paid-up membership r month and the number of locals in good anding at the end of each year respect- ely has been as follows: In 1910 — Total receipts, $18,836.34; re- ceipts for party dues, $8,332.25. Total ex- penditures, $18,824.39; national dues, $3,- 539.50; state dues, $4,135.89. In 1911— Total receipts, $20,646.46; re- ceipts for dues, $9,469.52. Total expendi- tures, $19,578.56; national dues, $4,604.80; state dues, $4,755.55. In 1912 (up to and including April 30) — Total receipts, $11,315.06; receipts for dues, $4,087.80. Total expenditures, $9,- 902.57; national dues, $1,993.70; state dues, $2,094.10. Besides the receipts and disbursements for party dues the financial transactions consist mainly of the following: Special monthly assessment of 5 cents per member, collected for agitation and organization purposes, which has been permanent dur- ing the whole life of our organization and which is required from every affiliated branch; special assessments and donations for the Finnish College; special yearly assessments to our convention fund, and contributions to Finland's socialist and trade union movements; for Russia revolu- tionists; for the general strike in Sweden ($1,369.70 in 1909), and for every strike, labor controversy, special election fund, etc., in this country, for which a call for funds has been issued among the socialists. The total amount, collected as assessments for the College during the years 1909, 1911 and 1912 up to April 30, has been $6,073.79. The next highest sum collected through our organization during 1908, 1910, 1911 and 1912 has been for the socialist movement in Finland, a total of $4,622.92. To our call for statistics about the ac- tivities and conditions of the Finnish locals, during and at the end of last year, 185 of the 217 locals answered. According to the answers of these 185 locals, the follow- ing data is given: The membership of these locals on De- cember 31, 1911, was: Paid up to date, of locals at the end of year 133 of locals at the end of year 160 of locals at the end of year 180 b. of locals at the end of year 173 b. of locals at the end of year 217 ). of locals at the end of April 223 1907 membership, 2,928 1908 membership, 3,960 1909 membership, 5,384 1910 membership, 7,767 1911 membership, 9,139 1912 aver, for 1 months, membership, 11,483 The figures showing the financial trans- tion of the translator's office during the me period are as follows: In 1907— Total receipts, $7,329.52; re- [pts for party dues, $4,128.36. Total ex- nditures, $6,545.45; for state and national les, $3,570.13. Sin 1908— Total receipts, $10,069.82; re- ipts for party dues, $4,770.45. Total ex- nditures, $9,964.74; for national dues, ,'.,939.40; state dues, $2,121.09. |jn 1909 — Total receipts, $15,645.94; re- fcipts for partv dup\ $6,087.00. Total ex- gnditures, $15,208.79; national dues, 1476.10; state dues, $2,862.63. 8,332; total In the books, 13,391, of which 9,138 were men and 3,755 women. Mem- bers of labor unions, 2,317; naturalized citi- zens, 1,635, and 2,234 having the first pa- pers. Business meetings held during the year. 4,346; propaganda meetings, 2,128; enter- tainments, etc., 3,233. Sub-committees: 83 agitation committees, 12 women's committees, 106 show commit- tees, 22 singing societies, 28 brass banrts, 89 sewing clubs and 53 gymnastic clubs. Lecture courses were held in 39 locals, for a total time of 58^ weeks and the combined attendance has been 4,576 per- 238 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION sons. Schools for English in 21 locals for 615 pupils. Locals own 19 libraries with 10,061 vol- umes. Besides there are 62 libraries, witn 20,419 volumes, which are not owned by locals, but by all the Finns in each locality and in most cases are controlled and man- aged by Socialists. Approximate amount of literature and papers distributed free, $2,436.19. Approximate amount of literature and papers sold, $22,644.70. Total receipts for the year, $193,569.47; expenditures, $180,922.50. Sixty-three of the locals own real estate or hall buildings, or both, with- a total valuation of $313,365.11. Total value of shares of stock and bonds to the college and different publishing companies, etc., $55,118.00. Total value of all property be- longing to these locals, $550,751.00. Debts to individual members and real estate sellers, $232,084.98. Net resources of all the locals combined, $323,964.41. ■ Approximate Finnish population, men, women and children, in the localities where these party locals exist is 108,323. The actual paid-up membership of the Finnish locals and branches of the Social- ist Party is well over 10,000. The number of Finnish locals in good standing is 223, which are located in 28 states, as follows: Arizona 1, California 6, Colorado 2, Connec- ticut 1, Florida 1, Idaho 3, Illinois 5, In- diana 2, Maine 5, Massachusetts 17, Michi- gan 26, Minnesota 48, Montana 10, Nevada 3, New Hampshire 7, New Jersey 3, New York 6, North Dakota 2, Ohio 11, Oregon 3, Pennsylvania 10, Rhode Island 1, Utah 2, Vermont 3, Washington 16, West Vir- ginia 2, Wisconsin 17, Wyoming 10. With the exception of Connecticut, Florida, New York and Rhode Island and the large cities in California, Ohio and Oregon, the Finnish locals and branches in these states have had the right to buy their party due stamps from the translator. The state organiza- tions of Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minne- sota, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, North Dakota, Ohio,, Oregon. Wisconsin and Wyoming have already allowed the Finnish branches the requested 50 per cent rebate on - state dues, but not always on ' local dues: California, Montana, Pennsylvania, Utah, Washington and West Virginia are allowing some rebate, and the rest of the states do not allow any at all. The agitation and organization work is being carried on by the eastern, middle and western district committees, which were organized affpr the plan decided upon at our Hancock convention in 1909. Ev- ery district is routing a permanent or- ganizer and special organizers occasion- ally. While, on account of language difficulties, our work is and has been more of an educational propaganda, still we are trving to take part in the political affairs as well. Our locals are bound, by the prevailing resolution of Hancock convention, to participate in the affairs of their countv and city organiza- tion as much as possible, and every effort is bpiner made in the way of urging our members to become American citizens. At lenst thrpe special organizers will be put in the n>ld during the coming campaign. The Finnish Socialists of the United Statos have had three national conventions. The first one was hpld at Cleveland, Ohio, in 190-1; thp second one at Hibbing, Minn., in IftOfi, and the third at Hancock, Mich., in 1909. The welfare of the Socialistic ac- tivity among the Finns in this country, the plans of work for our national organiza' woman's paper, "Toveritar," at Astoi tion and its relations to the Socialist Pai have been the most important matters : discussion at the conventions. The Soci ist Party has had a representative at eve one of these conventions. Our next c< vention will be held June 1, 1912, at I luth, Minn., and most likely it will be i less of importance than any of the previc conventions. One of the propositions tl will come under discussion is the taki over of our papers and publishing hou; into the ownership of the organization. The Socialist papers in the United Stat published in the Finnish language, are: "Tyomies," a daily, published at Hj cock, Mich., circulation of about 12, 0i "Raivaaja," a daily, published at Fitchbu Mass., circulation over 6,000; "Toveri," tri-weekly, but will appear as a daily and after July 1, published at Astor Ore., circulation around 4,000; a weel Ore., has been in existence since July last year and already has a circulation over 2,000. A monthly magazine, nan: "Sakenia," is also published at Fitchbu Mass., and a comic -semi-monthly pap "Lapatossu," at Hancock, Mich. Besic these, there is "Tyokansa," published Port Arthur, Ont., Canada, heretofore tri-weekly, but by May 1 will be a dai which is widely circulated among and g< a considerable part of its support from t Finns in the United States. The papers s owned by stock companies, in which t Finnish locals as well as individual I cialists are the shareholders. Tyomies a Raivaaja both own their buildings, cc venient for printing and publishing the £ cialist message which they have been ( ing in the most valuable manner. "Tyovaen Opisto" (The Working Peopl College), with its school building and otl accommodations at Smithville, Minn., also owned and controlled by the Finni Socialists and Socialist locals. This ins tution is being conducted on the same lir and for the same purposes as workers' u: versities in European countries. The co mon school subjects are taught, spec stress beins- put upon the study of the Er lish language, and lectures are given Socialism and economic subjects. The i tendance in the school has been increasi every year. The tuition has been made low as possible in order to give an c portunity for a greater number of peoi to attend. Heretofore the school has be maintained mainly by special assessmer and voluntary donations by the locals our organization, and methods for its su port in the future will be discussed at o next convention as well as at the anni meeting of the College stockholders, whi will be held after the adjournment of o convention. As seen by the figures above publish* the Finnish Socialists have always be lavish in their support of the moveme in the old country. From time to time i have sent over financial aid for the politic and educational campaigns of the Sociali Party of Finland. This has not been do for the love of the "fatherland," nor f the purpose of keeping our nationality ali or to simply save the so-called sta autonomy of Finland. At least a great m jority of us have had a deeper interest the matter — have had the aim of intern tional Socialism in mind and have giv< Tielp to that part of the globe where su pression is more felt and where, on t: other hand, our cause at present has considerably strong foothold. It is tl fight against Russian autocracy, which f a decade and a half has used every effo APPENDIX 230 to bring in reaction in the place of the ad- vanced education and ever-increasing in- terest in Socialism in Finland, in which we are taking part. We ore in this fight with the struggling proletariat of Russia, and we know that only in the victory of the Socialists in Russia lies the victory Of the Socialists in Finland. Before the victory is won, the struggle may become more pressing, and the time may come when you — the delegates to this convention > — and your constituents will be asked to do your utmost in the way directed in the resolution on Finland adopted at the last International Socialist Congress. in conclusion I take the liberty to make a few suggestions regarding the matters concerning our organization as well as the other foreign-speaking organizations in the American Socialist Party. The Socialist Party should do everything in its power to organize the so-called for- eigners — all kinds of them- — as it is the only probable way to prevent them from lowering the American standard of living. The same help should be given to every nationality in order to prevent the capital- ist class from using the unorganized and yet unawakened nationalities against others that happen to be organized and are try- ing' to better their condition^. Agitators should be sent to speak to them in their own language and the organization of all non-English speaking Socialists should be given all possible forward push. The pro- visions for conducting the work of national non-English speaking organizations shorid be made a part of the national constitu tion and such part of the constitution made imperative to all state and' local organiza- tions, without regard to any state auton- omy, as the welfare of these organizations affects the national party as a whole. The provisions in the present constitution have been of good help for non-English speaking organizations, but some modifications in them should be made. It should be strictly provided that only one national organiza- tion of the same language shall be ad- mitted or recognized by the Socialist Party; branches of non-English speaking organiza- tions should belong to the national party only on the condition that they also be- long to their respective state organizations; the non-English speaking organizations should not be compelled to come under the jurisdiction of the county and city organi- zations, but in political campaigns and con- ventions for political purposes they should have equal standing with the rest (this provision has been successfully practiced in the state of Washington, for instance) ; an allowance of a certain amount, say 50 per cent, of the state and local dues should be granted for use in agitation and organi- zation work by such organizations; for the present the non-English speaking branches, no matter in what state or county they are located, should have the privilege of buying their party dues stamps from their re- spective national translator-secretaries. The more you help the foreigners to or- ganize, the sooner they cease to be foreign- ers. When, in the course of time, the Na- tional Finnish Organization will be no more a necessity, the moral spirit and the ma- terial holdings, which then will be left to the Socialist Party, will be worth receiv- ing. Fraternally submitted, J. W. SARLUND, Translator-Secretary. REPORT OF SOUTH SLAVIC SECTION. To the Socialist Party National Conven- tion, 1912: At the Joint Convention of the South Slavic nationalities, which was held at Chi- cago on July 3 and 4, 1910, it was decided that they form a South Slavic Socialist Federation, which should affiliate with the Socialist Party of the United States, and that the new organization should begin January, 1911. The South Slavic Socialist Federation in- cludes the following nationalities: Sloven- ians, Croatians and Servians. The Federa- tion was organized in the latter part of December, 1910, and it affiliated itself with the Socialist Party in the early part of January, 1911. in accordance with Article XII of the National Constitution. At the time of affiliation the Federation had 36 active locals, as follows: Chicago, 5; La Salle, 111., 1; Glencoe, Ohio, 1; N. S. Pittsburgh, Pa., 1; E. S. Pittsburgh, Pa., 1; Conemaugh, Pa., 1; Johnstown, Pa., 1; Mil- waukee-, Wis., 2; Forest City, Pa., 1; Ken- osha, Wis., 1; Sygan, Pa., 1; St. Louis, Mo., 1; Clairton, Pa., 1; E. Youhgstown, Ohio, 1; S. Sharon Pa., 1; Kansas City, Kan., 1; Chisholm, Minn., 1; Indianapolis, Ind., 1; Pullman, 111., 1; Hegewich, 111., 1; Neff Ohio, 1; Cleveland, Ohio, 1; Roslyn, Wash., 1; Seattle Wash. 1; Breezy Hill, Kan., 1; West Mineral, Kan., 1; W. Newton, Pa. 1; New York, N. Y., 1; Frontenac, Kan., 1; W. Alli«, Wis., 1, and E. Palestine, Ohio, 1. The 36 Locals had at that time a mem- bership of 635, of which were — Croatians 340 Slovenians 250 Servians 45 Total 635 Of these 36 locals, the following were affiliated with the State and County organ- izations: Two in Chicago, 1 in Pittsburgh, 1 in South Sharon, 1 in Clairton, 2 in Mil- waukee, 1 in Kenosha, 1 in Sygan, 1 in Conemaugh. Total, 10, with a membership of 120., All the 635 members (with exception of 22 in Cleveland) expressed the wish to buy the dues stamps from the South Slavic Socialist Federation. The Executive Com- mittee has tried to bring each local into State and County organizations wherever the foreign organization received a rebate on County and State dues. The Executive Committee could not force the locals which were in districts where the rebate was not allowed to join the County and State or- ganizations. According to the view of the Executive Committee and of the members of the Federation it is not the fault of the foreign branches that they are not affiliated with the County and State organizations, but in many cases it is the fault of the respective State and County offices. From January 1, 1911, to December 31. 1911, there were 30 new locals organized with over 800 members. At the close of 1911 there were 58 active locals in the field with a membership of 1,266. Eight locals lapsed during the year for various reasons. The discontinued locals were Chicago women s branch, on account of morering with the men's local: Kansas City, Kan., on account of the neglect of the Soeretarv; Seattle. Wash., on account of unemploy- ment; Haekett, Pa., on account of closing of mine; Pullman. Til., on account of un- employment; Hegewich. 111., on account of unemployment; Joliet, 111., on account of members leaving town; Johnstown, Pa., on account of neglect of the Secretary 240 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION The locals admitted to the Federation, according to months, were: January 2 February * March * April « May -• * June * July ° August e September Q October * November £ December _^ Total 30 Six hundred dollars was paid during the year to the National Office for dues stamps, an average of 1,055 dues stamps per month On December 31, 1911, there were 1,266 members in good standing. Of these were — • Slovenians 607 Croatians Jj>8 Servians 10i Total • L 266 During the year the locals paid the fol- lowing amounts to the South Slavic So- cialist Federation: For the National Committee, party dues, at 5c $ 590.70 For the South Slavic Central Com- mittee, at 5c - •• 253. d8 For the National Central Commit- tee at 3c 378.58 For Special dues', 'at 5c 22 ^Ai For Memberahip books, at 2c 44.&S Total $1,495.69 The National Committees received $319.15 out of $378.59. as follows: #1CC , Q Slovenian Central Committee JJ ^ Croatian Central Committee ol^o Servian Central Committee 25.42 Total $319.15 As some reports of the locals were not definite on the question of nationalities, the Executive Committee could not apportion $59.44 to the respective National Commit- tees and the sum was given over to the Federation. AGITATION. There were held 58 public meetings un- der the auspices of the South Slavic So- cialist Federation. The meetings were held in the following cities: Indianapolis, Ind.; Detroit, Mich.; South Sharon, Pa.; N. S. Pittsburgh, Pa.; Monessen, Pa.; S. S. Pitts- burgh, Pa.; Barberton, Ohio; Clairton, Pa.; Chisholm, Minn.; E. Pittsburgh, Pa.; Wau- kegan, 111.; La Salle, 111.; Sygan, Pa.; Ken- osha, Wis.; Milwaukee, Wis.; Gary. Ind.; Hammond, Ind.; Pullman, 111.; Chicago, 111., and E. Youngstown, Ohio. The Executive Committee has held 15 meetings during the year and considered 145 matters. The Executive Committee proposes to have the best Socialist speakers of Austria during the present fall campaign .at its service. The snoakers will he under the direction of the "South Slavic Socialist Fed- eration and will tour the United States dur- ing the coming September and October. FINANCIAL REPORT. Financial report of the South Slavic So- cialist Federation, from January 1, 1911, till December 31, 1911: Total Receipts $1,833.58 Total Expenditures l,6zi.d& Cash on hand, Dec. 31, 1911 $ 212.2?! Special fund (to be deducted) 229.44 Deficit for the year $ 17.21 LOCAL ACTIVITIES. There are at present — March 31, 1912 — the following locals which are affiliated with the County and State organizations: Chicago, 111 fi N. S. Pittsburgh, Pa 1 La Salle, 111 1 Conemaugh, Pa 1 Milwaukee, Wis 2 Kenosha, Wis 1 E. Pittsburgh, Pa J Sygan, Pa 1 Cleveland, Ohio 1 Frontenac, Kan 3 W. Allis, Wis 1 Collinwood, Ohio 1 Indianapolis, Ind 2 Detroit, Mich i Virden, 111 1 Waukegan, 111 1 Oglesby, 111 1 Panama, 111 1 East St. Louis, 111 1 Livingston, 111 1 Springfield, 111 1 Total 2 r , Union members 34( American citizens 20] Public meetings held by locals 5! Singing Societies and Tamburicza Clubs. 2: Paid, to Counties and States $ 239.6' Paid for arrangements of public buildings by locals 493.6' Paid for maintenance of singing and tamburiczas 947.4' Paid for rent, light and furniture.. 1,322.4: Paid for books, stationery, buttons, etc 1,968.2 Collection for the party press.... 620.1 For political campaigns and strikes collected 309.7 Grand total receipts 8,662.8 Grand total expenditures 7,538.2 Cash on hand, Dec. 31, 1911, by all locals $1,124.6 Property value of all locals 3,537.7 PRINTING AND PARTY ORGANS. The organs of the South Slavic SociaHs Federation are "Proletarec" for the Slovt nians, "Radnicka Straza" for the Croatian and "Narodni Glas" (The People's Voice for the Servians. The first two name are weeklies, the last one a semi-monthl paper. The South Slavic Federation has also e.' tablished a co-operative printery with view of building up a plant where tr organs and party literature could t printed. ' The establishment is incorporate under the Illinois State law for $1,000.( as capital stock, with the view of increa: ing it to $10,000. The shares are $10.( each and can be sold to the Socialist local individual members and also to locals < various fraternal societies who are in syn pathy with the Socialist movement. From January 1, 1912, to March 31, 191 further progress was made. The Mar< report indicates that there was an increa! of 8 locals with 140 members. The financial report of these thr< months is as follows: APPENDIX 241 ace on hand January 1, 1912..$ 212.23 ipts for this period 638.93 tal receipts $ 851.16 I expenditures for this period. 391.44 sh on hand March 31, 1912..$ 459.72 ial fund for campaign speaker 405.61 lance March 31, 1912 $ 54.11 le to Central Committees for January, uary and March, 3c for each member: Sloveniam Central Committee.. $ 60.57 proatian Central Committee.... 34.74 Servian Central Committee.... 11.79 tal due $ 107.10 ace on hand 54.11 ficit $ 52.99 Fraternally submitted, INK PETRICH, Translator-Secretary. Report of Italian section. the Socialist Party National Conven- tion, 1912: te activity of the Italians in the Social- Party began in the latter part of the 1908, after a tour through the coun- made by Comrade G. Bertelli, under auspices of the National Office, [th the closing of the presidential cam- h. of that year the Socialist Party "Led about 40 Italian branches. Very were the Italian branches affiliated the party before the year 1908. th ■ following year, 1909, a movement started by. the New York branches to nize all the Italian branches of the [ into a national organization in order fcarry on the Socialist propaganda g the Italian immigrants. A conven- was called in West Hoboken, N. J., for purpose, but it had failed in its very ning and nothing concrete could be ac- lished. year after the West Hoboken, N. J., ention, December, 1910, with the con- Of the National Office, the Italian Sec- was formally organized with about ty branches, less than half of the Italian branches affiliated with the in that time, for the other branches lot fully realize the necessity of such rganization. om December, 1910 till October, 1911, ty-two branches joined the Section, in the same period of time fourteen hes disbanded. len I took the office as Translator- itary September, 1911, the Section con- d of twenty-eight branches with less 660 members, although the translator- tary was in communication with more twenty other Italian branches directly ected with the party. the . last seven months (September, to April 15, 1912) seventeen new ches were organized and eight branches d while eight have disbanded, leaving a of forty-four branches alive and in standing, scattered in the following" s: Hlinois 14 New York ..14 New Jersey 4 Pennsylvania 3 Massachusetts 3 Wisconsin 2 (Vermont 2 'Florida '. . 1 [Colorado 1 (ese have a total membership of 1,200. ban branches of the party not arrili- with our Section, but in communica- r— - found in the following states: Pennsyl- vania, 6; Montana, 1; Illinois, 6; Michigan, 2; New Jersey, 3; Indiana, 1. Italian members of the party can also be found in all the mining districts, especially in the states of Illinois, Michigan and Pennsylvania, where the party branches are mixed of different nationalities and also in many industrial centers. The Socialist sentiment is very strong among the Italian workers in this country, and it will be only a matter of time to have a strong Italian organization, which will no doubt be able to accomplish its mission in organizing and educating the Italian workers in this country without the assistance of the party. PARTY* PRESS. Our press consists of three weekly papers: "La Parola Dei Socialisti," official organ, published in Chicago, Illinois, with an average circulation of three thousand copies, "La Fiaccola," published in Buf- falo, N. Y., with 1,500 -copies circulation, weekly. "La Fiamma," published in Cam- den, N. J., with two thousand copies circu- lation. The latter two weeklies will be combined in the near future, following a resolution passed at the interstate convention held in Schenectady, N. Y., April 7 and 8, 1912. The New York branches and vicinity are working to establish a weekly paper of their own. ORAL PROPAGANDA AND ORGANIZERS. From October, 1911, to April, 1912, about 120 lectures have been delivered by A. Cravello, as a special organizer; in a three months' tour, and by G. Corti, A. Caroti, S. Bonfiglio and G. Bertelli. The states cov- ered were Illinois, Wisconsin, New York, Kansas and New Jersey. For the coming national campaign we have secured as a speaker one of the best orators and propagandists on the Italian platform, Comrade Miss A. Balabanoff, who will be in this country in the middle of May for a four months' tour. At the same time Comrade V. Vacirca, publicist and orator, has left the city of Trieste the 13th of this month, bound for New York, who, after a short stay in that city, will come to Chicago to edit our official organ until he becomes acquainted with the American movement; then, he will be engaged as an organizer. The future is full of promise and the prospects are very bright to our young movement. With a permanent organizer in the field, we are sure that in a year's time we will double the members of our branches and will build up a strong party press, without which we would not be able to accomplish much. Fraternally submitted, ' JOSEPH CORTI, Translator-Secretary. REPORT OP POLISH SECTION. TO THE SOCIALIST PARTY NATIONAL, CONVENTION, 1912. My report will be very brief, consisting only of figures, as they are more convinc- ing and reliable. GENERAL. Four years ago, in December, 1908, the Polish Section of the Socialist Party was organized, with 23 branches and 400 mem- bers. But only a year ago, in April, 1911, the Polish Translator-Secretary's office was establis.hjed. Therefore, I can give my re- port only for the period since then. 242 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION On December 31, 1911, the Polish Section was composed of 115 branches with a mem- bership of 1,450 in good standing-. The total membership was 2,130 members. During the year of 1911 there were 59 new branches organized and 215 branches dis- banded. The net gain in the membership for the last year was 105 per cent. From January 1 to March 31, 1912, there were 17 new branches organized and two dissolved, leaving 130 branches with a membership of 2,000 in good standing. The total membership was 2,460 members. DUES STAMPS. My first monthly report of the sale of dues stamps was made for the month of April, 1911, the amount of which was $31.40, representing 628 members in good standing. The above sum was paid to the Natfonal Office and $25.06 paid to several different state offices, as our branches, all of them, belong to their respective state organizations. Since that time a steady growth can be noticed up to the present time. Each month broke the record for the previous one. In March, 1912, the sale of dues stamps to the Polish branches amounted to $78.15 paid to the National Office and $63.07 paid to the State and County offices. This does not include the Polish branches in the States of New Jer- sey and New York, as the Polish branches in these two states secure their dues stamps directly ^ from the locals, because these state and 'county organizations com- pel them to do so for reasons unknown to us. As there are 31 Polish branches in these two states, the Polish section repre- sents altogether 130 branches and 2,000 members in good standing. The total mem- bership is 2,460. AGITATION AND ORGANIZATION. During the last year two speakers were in the field, One for five months and the other for three months. Since January 1,, 1912, one organizer was in the field for two months and on April 9th another lec- turer was sent out on a lecture tour, which will continue until July 8th. PRESS AND LITERATURE. The Polish Section publishes one daily paper, "Dzienik Ludowy," and one weekly, "Bicz Bozy." During the year 1911 there was literature sold and distributed to the amount of $1,285.00. The above does not include subscriptions secured for our papers. In conclusion I wish to say that the pros- pects for the future are bright and in not a very distant time the Polish Section will bring into the Socialist Party a large por- tion of the Polish people living in this country. Respectfully submitted. . H. GLUSKI, Translator-Secretary. REPORT OF THE POLISH ALLIANCE. To the Socialist Party National Convention, 1912: Dear Comrades: — Herewith I submit a statistical report of our organization as it stands on April 20, 1912: Our branches are situated in fourteen states and Canada, as follows: Connecticut 5 New York 11 New Jersey 16 Pennsylvania 18 Massachusetts 18 Rhode Island 3 Michigan 2 Illinois 6 Ohio Indiana Oregon California Maryland "Washington Canada Membership dues paid for: January 197 February 356 •March .....1. 763 April 307 Total 1,623 Members in arrears over three moi not included. Fraternally yours, - (Signed) L BANK. Translator-Secret REPORT OF BOHEMIAN SECTION To the Socialist Party National C#rr tion, 1912: TJhe Bohemian Socialist movement in United States has been in existence fi than fifteen years, but the Bohemian tion was affiliated with the Socialist P; of America as a foreign-speaking orgar tion in December, 1911, and the pre translator-secretary took his office on cember 13, 1911. At that time the B> mian Section had 37 branches with a m bership of about 800, in ten states. From December, 1911, to March 31, 1 seven new branches were organized, the' Bohemian Section had 44 branche; eleven states, with 1,164 members. Bohemian branches are in the follcv cities: Chicago, 111., 13; Baltimore, Md New Bedford, Mass., 1; St. Louis, Mo. Omaha, Neb., 2; South Omaha, Neb. Elizabeth, 'N. J., 1; Union Hill *N. J. Buffalo, N. Y., 1; New York, N. Y., 1; ^ field, N. Y., 1; Cleveland, Ohio, 5; Bell; 1; Bridgeport, 1; Neffs, 1; Allegheny, Pa Irwin, 1; Loyalhanna, 1; Mt. Pleasant North Braddock, 1; Philadelphia, 1; Will ding, 1; Taylor Crossing, Va„ 1; Manito Wis., 1; Milwaukee, 1; Racine, 1. The Bohemian Section resolved by r« endum vote that every Bohemian brs has to belong to state and county. Bohemian branch can buy the .party < stamps unless it pays the dues to the s and county. It is the opinion of the ir bership of the Bohemian Section thai take in branches and members to the tion which are not affiliated with state county would be a step backward. After the very successful tour of C rade Dr. Francis Soukup from Prague, hernia, who was here last year and ace plished very good results, the Bohen Section decided by referendum vote to in closer relationship with the Sc Democratic Party in Bohemia and ge good organizer every year. Another portant step was taken by the establisl of an information bureau for the pur] of warning the Bohemian workingmen garding steamship companies' agents, are encouraging the emigration and, ui false pretenses, are painting the beaut life in America to get business. Immigr* after coming here are disappointed and used by patriotic American capitalists lower the standard of living for the wi ing class. For such Bohemian comn who are members* of the party in the country and have decided to come to United States the Bohemian Section es lished an information bureau to as them in every possible way and to 1 them in the party. 1 APPENDIX 243 The Bohemian Section owns and con- trols five papers — one daily and four week- lies. The oldest of them, the weekly "Spravedlnost" (Justice), has been pub- lished since 1900. Eight years ago the Bo- hemian Section bought property — three lots and two buildings — at 1S21-1826 Loomis street, in Chicago, where the printing plant was established. In 1906 the daily "Spravedlnost" was started. In addition to newspaper print- ing, the plant has a modern and well- equipped job printing department. Last' year a new press was bought for $6,500, payable in installments in four years. The daily is not self-supporting at present> and the deficit is paid by collections, profits from different party affairs, such as bazaars, balls, picnics, etc. In 1908 the Bohemian branches began to publish in Cleveland, Ohio, a weekly paper, "Americke Delnicke Listy" (American- Workingmen's News), to which they added in 1912 another weekly, "Pravo" .(The Right). Both papers are printed in Cleve- land in their own printing shcp. This printing shop also has a job printing de- partment. In 1911 the Bohemian branch in New York, in co-operation with the Bohemian trade unions, started a weekly paper, "Obrana" (The Defense). In addition to papers, the Bohemian Section is publishing other literature— books, pamphlets, etc. During the year of 1911 the amount re- ceived for literature was more than $1,000. All the papers are owned direct by the Section, and the Board of Directors of same is elected by referendum vote, only members in good standing having votes. The Bohemian Section has seven woman branches — two in Chicago, two in Cleve- land, one in Omaha, one in South Omaha and one in Baltimore. In organizing women the Section has to face some difficulties in regard to the dues question, as the women are complaining of high dues. The Bo- hemian Section is awaiting some reform in this question from the convention. One of the features of the Bohemian So- cialist movement is the organizing of gym- nastic associations, where both boys and girls are active members. This organiza- tion of young people is a recruiting sta- tion for Bohemian branches. It takes care of children from six years up for physical development, and when they reach the age of 18 years they become party members. In this way the Bohemian Socialist move- ment lays a strong foundation for spread- ing Socialism among the youth. At present the gymnastic associations are in the fol- lowing cities: Chicago. 5; Cleveland, 3; Dillonvale, O., 1, and North Braddock. Pa., 1. This organization was formed three years ago, and at present has about 1,000 members, both men and women. Fraternally submitted, JOSEP NOVAK, Translator-Secretary. REPORT OP SCANDINAVIAN SECTION. TO THE SOCIALIST PARTY NATIONAL CONVENTION, 1912. ORGANIZATION. The Scandinavian Socialist Federation was organized at a convention held for this purpose in the city of Chicago, July 2, 3, 4, 1910. At the beginning of the year 1911 the Federation consisted of seven branches with a membership of 216. During the year of 1911 the number of branches in- creased to 20 with a membership of 784, and today it has thirty branches with a membership of over 1,000. Outside of the Federation are still a few Scandinavian branches not yet affiliated, mostly on ac- count of technicalities and other hindrances, but it is believed that these obstacles will be overcome in the near future. Our relation to the national and state or- ganizations has, with a few exceptions, been the very best. The Federation has de- cided that all its branches shall be affiliated with the state and county organizations, and co-operate with them at all elections and otherwise. AGITATION. The work of agitation has been carried on to as large a degree as the resources of the Federation would allow. At the be- ginning of 1911 we had only one small branch in the East, namely: Kearney Branch No. 3, s New Jersey, and for a long time it seemed to be impossible for us to make any headway in that part of the country, mostly on account of the strong S. L. P. movement among the Scandinavians in the East, but the opposition seems now to be broken. The comrades out there have been working hard and steady and to- day we have eight active branches in the eastern states. We expect that this num- ber shall be more than doubled as the re- sult of an extensive organizing tour which Comrade Frithjof Werenskjold now is mak- ing under the direction of our Federation and with the assistance of the National Office. During the months of November and De- cember, 1911, the National Office routed Comrade E. Sibiakoffsky through the mid- dle states, which resulted in the organiza- tion of ten new branches. In the western states where the Scandi- navian population is largest there are at present very few branches of the Federa- tion, but our National Committee has now decided to send Comrade Werenskjold out there as soon as his work in the East is completed. Our agitation among women has been neglected until a few months ago, but now the number of women members in our or- ganization is steadily increasing. PRESS. The Scandinavian Socialist Federation Is publishing two weekly propaganda papers: "The Svenska Socialisten" in the Swedish language and "The Social Demokraten" in the Danish language. These two papers are owned and controlled by the Federation directly. The only certificate that gives a voice and vote in deciding their policy and management is a paid up membership book. Fake advertisements, such as patent medi- cine, land and mining schemes as well as advertisements from saloons and liquor dealers have never been accepted by these papers, and, in spite of financial difficulties, our members are determined to never com- promise on these points. The circulation of the papers has increased rapidly during the last few months, which to a large de- gree is due to the work of the Lyceum Course. Their present combined circula- tion is a little over 5,000. If the increase of their circulation continues at the present rate, then they will be self-supporting be- fore the year is gone. PRESS FUND. In order to meet the deficit of our papers, the Federation has provided for a press fund. This fund gets its income from special assessments, contributions, picnics, etc J 244 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION LITERATURE. The Federation has established its own literature department, which was begun on February 1, 1912. Several thousand pam- phlets have already been published and sold, and we intend to develop this depart- ment to such an extent that we shall be able to meet all demands for Socialistic literature in the Scandinavian languages. INFORMATION BUREAU FOR IMMIGRANTS. In order to assist the immigrants from the Scandinavian countries, helping them to find work and keep in touch with the American labor movement, etc., we are at present negotiating with the Socialist and other organizations in these countries for the purpose of establishing some kind of co-operation in this direction. "We have always urged strongly upon 'our member- ship to become citizens in order to acquire their political rights, and in this work we have been very successful. CONCLUSION. During the childhood of the Scandinavian Socialist Federation it has been nobly as- sisted by the Finnish comrades as well as the National Office of the Socialist Party, thus making it possible for the young or- ganization to survive the hardships it had to pass through and to carry on the work it has undertaken to do. We cannot boast, ourselves, of any great achievement, but we believe that a good solid foundation for the organization has been laid, and if it is allowed to develop unhindered, and in the future will be met with the same good understanding as in the past, then the Scandinavian Socialist Federation will surely be able to fulfill the mission for which it has organized. By order of The Executive Committee, Fraternally submitted, N. JUEL CHRISTENSEN, Translator-Secretary. REPORT SUBMITTED IN BEHALF OP THE JEWISH SOCIALIST AGITA- TION BUREAU. This foreign-speaking organization is or- ganized on an entirely different basis than any of the other foreign-speaking organi- zations. The membership is affiliated with the Socialist party, in the respective States and Countries directly, paying the same dues as the English-speaking members of such localities do. The branches of the Bureau are in every respect similar to the ordinary party locals or branches, except- ing that they use and speak the Jewish language in their meetings and to a great extent use same in the general propaganda. Since the last Socialist Congress held in Chicago, 1910, the Bureau has extended its usefulness over thirty States. In the last two years it has organized sixteen new branches which are directly affiliated with the party, taking their places side by side with the English speaking organizations. While the Bureau is not connected di- rectlv with the National Socialist party , as provided for in the National Constitution, the National Executive Committee has helped the Bureau in its work materially, donating sums of money for propaganda purposes, and the National Secretary help- ing by valuable advice. A partial report of the work actually done, which we herein submit, will clearly show the goou that can be accomplished by foreign-speaking organizations among the immigrant workers in America. HALL MEETINGS. May, 1910— May, 1912 320 Average attendance 200 Total attendance 64,000 Leaflets published and sold ;.. 150,000 Price per 1,000 $1.50 Total $225.00 LEAFLETS DISTRIBUTED BY BUREAU. Without cost to the branches 40,000 BOOKLETS PUBLISHED AND SOLD. Various Booklets 15,000 These booklets were sold in 1911 for prices ranging from $20.00 to $35.00 per thousand. American Government Booklets sold . ($70 per M.) 4,000 The American Government Booklet re- ferred to is one that could be easily trans- lated into other languages and would be of invaluable use among immigrant workers of other nationalities. At the present time the Bureau is in communication with upwards of 80 branches in about thirty States. Besides, it is in communication with hundreds of Branches of the Workman's Circle. It might be added that the Workman's Circle is of great help to this Bureau in its work. There can hardly be two opinions as to the necessity -of foreign-speaking organi- zations. The comrades of the non-English speaking nations are surely best fitted to carry on the propaganda among their own people. Yet, in some instances, local county organizations have refused to per- mit the organization of Language Groups. The Constitution should be amended so as to give foreign comrades speaking foreign languages the right to organize separate branches and to conduct their affairs in the language they know best. At the same time it should be provided that all branches must affiliate with the local move- ment, in their respective localities, and through these local organizations, with the National party. J. PANKEN, Delegate Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau. REPORT BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMIT- TEE NATIONAL LETTISH OR- GANIZATION, S. P. A. MEMBERSHIP. Our membership is scattered through twelve different States of the Union, some of them are in Canada. It is a tremendous task to keep them together. In 1910 we had 27 clubs with a total memberslfip of 1001; at the present moment we have 26 clubs with 983 good standing members, among them 210 women. This decrease of membership is due to the fact that the Boston Lettish W. Asso- ciation withdrew from our organization, as we have stated in our previous report to National Secretary Comrade J. M. Barnes. The B. L. W. A. with its 170 members, has remained, however, in the S. P. All our members are organized in branches and locals of the S. P., and are directly affiliated both with state and local organizations of the party. They pay regu- lar national, state and local dues. The vast majority of our members have applied for citizenship, yet few have ob- tained their second papers. Last year our rival organization among the Lettish workers, the Lettish Federation I APPENDIX of the S'. L. P., split up. Since then about 50 of its members as individuals have joined the S. P., either through our branches or otherwise. B. FINANCES. During the two calendar years 1910 and 1911 our members have paid: 1. Dues to the S. P. (national, state and local) $3,272.00 2. Dues to our branches for their local agitation 1,097.37 3. Collections and subscriptions for the Lettish Social Democ- racy in Russia 1,093.36 This includes $705.47 for the Relief Fund of political pris- oners. . 4. Our branches have collected for the Pol. Ref. Defense League , on various occasions 244.13 C. REFERENDA. In 1910 our membership adopted Refer- endum la requiring that wives of our members not engaged directly in industrial occupations, should be freed from member- ship dues. For 265, against 244. In January, 1911, this rule was reversed by another referendum No. 2 vote, with 463 to 30. Referendum lb provides that the Execu- tive Committee of our organization pay the printers of our semi-weekly Strahdneeks sick insurance $1 a month. For 279, against 201. Referendum 2a provides s that the ac- counts and funds of the Executive Com- mittee of our organization should be aud- ited not by the Boston Branch alone, but by three auditors elected by our Boston, New York and Lawrence branches, and that the auditing committee should report its findings in our paper twice a year. For 273, against 210. Referendum 2b. That Comrades J. Klawa and J. Tomin be sent to the Chicago con- vention of the Socialist party. Vote closed May, 1910. Comrade Klawa elected with 345 votes, and Comrade Tomin with 234 votes. Referendum No. 3: Dec. 1910. ELECTIONS OF NEW EXECUTIVE COM- MITTEE. In 1911 Referendum No. 1. Election of the editor of our semi-weekly Strahdneeks. In January, 1911, Comrade John G. Ohsol elected with 437 votes. Referendum No. ,3, amended slightly our constitution. Carried in Mav, with 509 to 9. Referendum No. 4, providing that the ed- itor of the Strahdneeks be paid full wages (15 dollars a week), also those weeks when, owing to holidays, only one issue of our paper is published, was rejected with 245 to 217, in September, -1911. # Referendum No. 5a provides that 45 days time be granted for the discussion of pro- posed referenda instead of 30. Carried in September, 1911, with 400 to 65. Referendum No. 5b provides that our Executive Committee elections should be changed so as to make the committee serve for one year from April 1 to March 31, in- stead of the calendar year. Carried with 461 to 13. Referendum No. 6. Election of the ed- itor of the Strahdneeks for the year 1912. Elected Comrade John G. Obsol with 437 votes. D. AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA. fe The chief business of the Executive Com- mittee of our organization is the publish- ing of the Strahdneeks, which Is a 4-page semi-weekly (21x31 inches), and is being printed at Fitchburg, Mass. Since October, 1911, once every two weeks it has a literary supplement. The number of its subscribers varies between 1200-1500, the price is $3.00 per year. We employ two printers, two editors and one mailing clerk. Besides the subscriptions we have re- ceived towards the sustenance of the paper: 1. Special dues from our members, 15 cents per capita per month, in 1910 $1,378.76 1911 1.475.90 2* Donations: 1910 250.00 * 1911 , 422.15 3. From advertisements: 1910 600.00 1911 800.00 This paper is our chief propaganda and organizing medium. In fact it is the only means of keeping our members together. We are positively sure that the interest of our members in the English Socialist press is constantly increasing, as is witnessed by the discussions of our members in the "Strahdneeks," on party tactics, and in the Haywood-Hillquit controversy, on law and order, and on our party attitude towards trade unions. On January 1, 1912, there were 7 prop- aganda circles in our various branches with a total membership of 105. During the year 1911 those circles had 31 propaganda meetings. Large agitation meetings are being held by our Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Chicago and San Francisco branches, every year on October 30th (in memoriam of the October Manifesto in Russia, 1905), on January 22nd (Red Sunday memorial) and in March (Commune memorial). Needless to add that our branches everywhere are taking active and energetic part in all propaganda and agitation work carried on by the English speaking locals of the party. Our members responded liberally to the McNamara defense fund, toward the sup- port of the Lawrence strikers, etc. Our Socialist book agency, now located at Fitchburg, Mass., has been in business since 1907. Its object is to supply our members as cheaply as possible with So- cialist literature in Russian, Lettish, German and English At the present moment the total value of our book sup- ply, both at Fitchburg and at the branches, is $1,810.70, while in 1910 it was $1,429.19. During the last three years (1910, 1911, 1912) we have published a fairly good sized (7x10 in., 96-112 pages) Socialist Almanach, 1500-2.000 copies. We hope to continue this line of work and may pos- sibly publish some pamphlets also. Some of our branches (Boston Lettish No. 2, New York. Chicago. Philadelphia) occasionally circulate special agitation leaflets. # One of the chief duties of our organiza- tion has been to introduce our members to the S. P. so as to make them permanent and active workers within the English speaking body of our party. To that end the Eastern Coast Agitation Bureau was formed by the end of 1909, comprising our ten branches in Massachusetts (Boston, Lawrence, Beverly), New York, Pennsyl- vania and Maryland, with 536 members. We hope to form a similar agitation bureau around Chicago before long. We have instructed our lecturer, Comrade J. G. Ohsol, to help organize such a bureau on his present lecturing trip in Chicago, Aurora, St. Louis, Cleveland and Minne- apolis. These five branches have a mem- bership of 264. 7 246 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVU'Im N Our Eastern Coast Agitation Bureau has arranged the following agitation trips: 1. Spring, 1910, by Comrade J. Klawa, who lectured on (1) Darwinism. (2) Woman's suffrage. (3) Materialistic interpretation of his- tory. 2. September, 1910, by Comrade John G. Ohsol, who lectured on (1) New currents in the American trade unions. (2) The minimum wage. (3) The Constitution of the U. S. v. the working class. 3. February, 1911, by Comrade K. Jan- son, whose topics were: (1) Co-operatives. (2) Intellectuals and Socialism. (3) Socialist attitude towards general strilcp 4. May, 1911, by Comrade G. Bernhard, on (1) American literature. (2) Development of Capitalism in the U. S. (3) Growth of Socialism in the U. S. 5. In September, 1911, by Comrade R. Hansen, on (1) Russian politics. (2) Socialist tactics in municipalities. (3) Social growth and natural growth. 6. In February, 1912, by Comrade Sierin, on (1) The Chinese revolution. (2) S. P. attitude towards trade unions. (3) Darwinism and Socialism. (4) Significance of Art in Life. (5) Materialistic interpretation of his- tory. Each agitation trip, including two weeks' wages ($12.00 each) for the lecturer, has cost the bureau about $60.00. On December 24th and 25th, 1911, the Agitation Bureau called a conference in New York city, where among several tech- nical details ,of organization and propa- ganda work, also some resolutions on gen- eral questions were adopted. As the conference was merely a delibera- tive body, these resolutions were nothing but suggestions to our branches. All those resolutions were taken up by the branches, discussed at their meetings and in the Strahdneeks, and subsequently adopted as recommendations to our party institutions, subject to their consideration and ap- proval. "We quote these resolutions here: ON THE ATTITUDE OP THE S. P. TOWARDS THE TRADE UNIONS. 1. Whereas, For the complete emancipa- tion of the working class from its intellect- ual, political and economic bondage, both the political and the economic struggle are equally necessary, and as for the success- ful conduct of this struggle in nearly all countries permanent relations between economic organizations of the workers and Socialist parties have been established, 2. Whereas, In the United States the existing relations between the S. P. and the trade unions are very weak and spora- dic, 3. Whereas, The activities of the S. P. members among the trade unions are un- successful as long as those activities are not co-ordinated and led by the party in- stitutions, 4. Whereas, The members of the S. P. often have turned over without fight, the responsible posts in the trade unions to the agents of the Civic Federation and to other opponents of class struggle, who are tying up the trade unions with capitalist politics and are resisting the spread of So- cialism among the organized proletariat, 5. Whereas, The trade unions, in deny- ing the existence of class struggle, are up- holding among their rank and file the craft spirit, which splits up the economic strug- gle, leads to civil strife among the craft organizations and to many lost battles of labor, 6. Whereas, Such lost battles have forced some members of the trade unions to resort to desperate means (McNamara case) which, in the first place are a de- moralizing influence upon labor organiza- tions, and second, are helping along the crusade, of the capitalist organization and the government against the proletariat, 1. That all members of the S. P. join their respective trade unions. 2. 'That the members of the S. P. in each trade union come to a better understanding among each other that under the guidance of the responsible party authorities they should be able more successfully to explain from the Socialist point of view all issues resulting from the economic struggle, and thus educate the members of the trade unions to a better understanding of the class struggle. 3. That the members of the S. P. nom- inate their own candidates for responsible offices in the trade unions, especially in the referendum elections and in conventions. 4. That our comrades strive towards uniting the various mutually independent economic organizations which are acting in one and the same establishment, in one and the same' industry or on the same ter- ritory into such centralized bodies of eco- nomic organizations as in each given case the solidarity of all workers in the class struggle requires. 5. That the central institution of the S. P. have to take care of establishing rela- tions with the central bodies of the unions both during periods of great economic and political battles, and during the regular parliamentary struggle for labor legisla- tion with the ultimate end in view that permanent organized relations between both militant bodies of organized proletariat be secured. RESOLUTION ON PARTY CENTRAL ORGAN. 1. Whereas, The central organ is one of the most necessary means of securing the party unity in its intellectual leadership, as well as in its organization. 2. Whereas, The lack of such an organ has led the S. P. to confusion in theory and practice (organization), as witnessed by: (a^i The Arizona and Missouri contro- versies. (b) The syndicalist theories preached in the International Socialist Review, by the campaign of slander against party in- stitutions and party officials, carried on in the Christian Socialist, Provoker and the Militant. (c) By the sudden change of the party program in regard to our agrarian policy. '(d) By the too frequent and haphazard referenda about the change of our party constitution. 3. Whereas, Nearly all Socialist papers are at the present time private concerns, which reouire large sacrifices from individ- ual members as well as from party insti- tutions, but do not feel obliged to stand up for the interests of the party as a whole in many important questions. 4. Whereas, The party, owing to the ab- sence of a central organ," is unable to take a definite stand on many important politi- APPENDIX 247 issues and questions of tactics, because resolutions of the National Executive nmittee often give only technical hints. Whereas, The present Party Bulletin, ng to its limited and, dry material, can replace a party organ. Je it resolved: . That a national referendum vote be en in order to change immediately the pective sections of our national consti- ion so as to empower the National Ex- live to establish a central organ. . That the National Executive take lni- diately the necessary preliminary steps yard the creation of such an organ ithering of necessary funds, etc.). . That the National Executive Commit- submit a detailed project on the pub- ition of a central organ to the coming tional Convention. Resolution on the agrarian QUESTION. The Conference finds: ' f. That the plank demanding the Social- ition of all land, which was stricken out a national referendum of the S. P. be instated into the platform of the party. !. That we should strongly reject any empt of the S. P. to voice the interests the farmers or some other non-proletar- l social group on points not identical 5th those of the working class, no matter lether this be done by putting up com- omising demands or by using compro- ising tactics. Comment: — Some people think that the linge from private or corporate owner- ftp of land to common ownership under I present capitalistic organization of so- fty necessarily involves socialization of In fact this demand aims only to do away fth speculation in land rents and proposes I pass over the rent from private land ijrners and corporations to social institu- Ins. This may be realized either through ftionalization of land or through munici- II ownership of land. In the first case le whole nation takes over the land and linages it through ite representatives; in re second case states, towns or municipal- fes become land owners. In any case this Easure does away with the land owning Ess, under whose- grip whole nations are feering at the present moment. • |At the S. P. Congress at Chicago, 1910, |e farmers' committee and some speakers posed the socialization of land, because ey confused the issue. They stated that was the duty of the Socialist party to pport the farmers as a subjugated social oup. The support of the farmers, how- er, means the defense of their private nership and artificial maintenance of ieir small households which can not stand e competition of the large ones. The rmers' committee draws no line just lere such support should cease. In the first place, this is not the duty of e S. P. since it is the party of the work- er class and not a farmers' party. In the cond place such aim is a ytopia which can ver he realized. The farmers' committee the Chicago Congress formulated not e demands of farm laborers, but those of e formers. The co-called problems of fral development, the irrigation of farm I is. insurance of live stock, improve- >ts. etc.. are entirely out of place in a IjW nlist congresc. Farmers' societies or i icultural development companies have || rlenl with those problems. We have to ■ on the lookout that our party should not tied up with the demands of an eco- nieallv decaving class of small bour- RESOI/UTION ON OUR ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE CHURCH. The conference finds: 1. That our members ought to be en- lightened about the evolution of the uni- verse, development of mankind, and other important matters of natural science in order that any kind of superstition may be eliminated from amidst our ranks. 2. That the church and its teachings should be directly opposed where it tries to take a hand in the class struggle with attempt to bridge over the class conflict, that is: (a) We should oppose the teaching of religion in the schools in any masked or unmasked form, since it is calculated to cultivate the spirit of serfdom among the young generation. (b) We should oppose the mixing of religious questions into the economic strife, in the strikes, in the trade unions, at their conventions, etc. (c) We should denounce the reactionary conduct of the servants of the church, of the Catholic bishops, of the priests of the Civic Federation, and other Socialist eaters, who are opposed to the democratization of our political institutions, who are fighting against the initiative, referendum, recall, against women's suffrage and other urgent and timely reforms. 3. The conference advises the members of the party to abstain from any anti-relig- ious agitation within the parishes or sim- ilar religious bodies. Comment: — It is not our task to investi- gate the evolution of religious views. All we have got to state is how to carry out the plank of our party program, which re- quests that religion be private affair of the individual. While large masses of the people are in complete ignorance about the most elemen- tary parts of natural science, it is an easy task for the church to beguile the workers and to make them intellectual cripples. Once they have become such, they gladly accept the spiritual crutches extended to them by the servants of the church and thus religious beliefs gradually become a public concern, a social necessity. In order to put a check upon the deadly influence of the teachings of the church upon men's minds, it is necessary to dis- seminate knowledge about nature — a task which has been entirely neglected in this country. In destroying man's superstition about nature we take away one of the foundations on which every religion rests. The complexity and the uncertainty of our social life under capitalism breeds tim- idity of intellect, it furthers fatalism, which is another pillar of the church. Man has ceased to be the ruler of his destiny under capitalism. To be sure there are a few gods among men, whose purses control the des- tinies of millions of toilers. Science is the best antidote against re- ligion. Where science comes in, beliefs and creeds must give way. Instead of be- lief and faith we put conviction, based on freedom of conscience. Freedom of con science is broader than freedom" of belief. It includes both -freedom of belief and free- dom of non-belief. A man can believe what he will. He may not believe anything. Similarly, freedom of speech includes both the right to speak and the right to keep silent. Freedom of assemblage includes freedom to stay from meetines which you do not approve. Some members of the party (Comrade Shier in the S. P. PulletlM seem to haA-e confused notionc about the task of the Social Democracy. They do not vet realize that Social Democracy has not f 348 NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION undertaken to defend any religion, not. even the Christian faith.. Scientific Socialism can not be Christian or pagan just as there is no Jewish arithmetic or Catholic astronomy. %a , The ethics of socialism and religion are directly opposed to each "other. Christian- ity preaches brotherly love for all, Social- ism discriminates among social classas. It preaches the class struggle among those whose interests are opposed. It does not create the class war, but it does explain it, while the church tries to conceal it. So- cialism maintains that through class strug- gle the workers will eventually win and do away with class differences. . Socialism bases all its ideals on this "sinful world; the church can not. help preaching about some other world. Socialism condemns what hurts the working class, it commends what helps to improve the conditions of the working class. The church puts its stamp of approval (good) or disapproval (bad) according to some superhuman ethics, dic- tated by being unknown to mankind. The church tries to organize strikers ac- cording to their creeds, as was seen in the recent Illinois Central Railroad strike. Thus the class solidarity of the workers is impaired and their enemies triumph. The dragging in of the Carpenter of Nazareth into discussions at trade unions conven- tions is a silly attempt to distract the worker's attention from the main issues. The "Militia of Christ'" has become an ac- tive enemy of the workers and is helping the state militia to crush the strikers. The role of the church as a strike-breaking agency should be made plain to the work- ers. It is true, that the church is struggling hard to save its vanishing power. It prom- ises the workers to help them. We should refuse such a help. In a land where the organization of political parties and the participation in political action is free to everybody, we can not recognze any inter- mediaries for the attainment of our polit- ical ends. Party members should not tolerate any political censure of their churches over their political action, and they should with- draw from such religious bodies, who are opposing the decisions of our party. Our party should not waste any time or money on anti-religious agitation within the church organizations. Where religion has reallv become a private affair, there is no need for our agitation. As long as the gods remain confined to their temples, they can cause no direct harm to the class strug- gle. RESOLUTION ON THE S. P. TACTICS IN THE LEGISLATURES AND EXECU- TIVE INSTITUTIONS. I. 1. Whereas. The demands of the work- ing class can best be realized and defended, when the possibly largest masses of the population are involved in the struggle for those demands. , 2. Whereas, The employers in different states of" the union are refusing to comply with the demands of the workers on the ground that progressive labor legislation, restricting the exploitation of workers, make them unable to compete with ployers in similar industries in < states; such motives are often endorse the people and are a stumbling against necessary labor legislation. 3. Whereas, The centralized class s- gle of the proletariat needs a broader in order to facilitate the conquest of, central political powers in the U. S. fo: establishment of the co-operative com wealth. We declare: 1. That all legislation having any ing upon the people of the United Stat* a whole, should be concentrated in Congress at Washington, while at the time the state legislatures and other 1 lative bodies should be made use of. 2. That it is unbecoming to reserv* right to sign the petitions of the S. P. s to the citizens of the United States, sii large portion of the workers of the U States are not yet citizens. 3. That such petitions in places ^ there are already representatives of tl P. should be presented only through 1 representatives. II. Whereas, The experiences of the prol iat in the class struggle up to the pr< time have demonstrated: 1. That any success in the labor lej tion is directly dependent upon the oi ized power of the masses. 2. That the elections, generaly spea are helpful to the organization work o Social Democracy, but that the parlia tary struggle in a more restricted sen chiefly a means of agitation. 3. That the activities of represents of the S. P. in legislatures are onlj part of our party action, and that onl respective central institutions of the can successfully co-ordinate and lead action. 4. That in all cases the action of t P. representatives in those institi fails, if it is not backed up by politic; tion of the workers outside the legisla We regard as indispensable: 1. That all steps of the represent; of our party in the said institutions, e in unforeseen cases, be taken in full a with the decisions of the party. 2. That the leading institutions o S. P. have to use all means in ord back up each important measure o working class by mass action; by mee demonstrations, petitions and s: means. 3. That all S. P. factions in the le tures have to use their positions in tl terest of the revolutionary agitation ( S. P. in presenting its demands unco ' misingly and in criticizing unreserved: measures of the bourgeois parties an government. 4. That any attempt of the repre: tives of the bourgeois parties to proj their measures through compromising and through surrender of the worker mands be condemned as being opportt and harmful tn the class struggle. SECRETARY C. KARKI 6 Chestnut Ter., Boston, INDEX INDEX Addresses of Welcome — 21, 22. Addresses by Fraternal Delegates — 33, 58, 89. Auditing Committee: Election of — 30; Report of— 63, 64, 65, 66. Congressman Beger's Report — 171, 233. Campaign Committee — 164, 165. Campaign Manager, Election of — 165. Citizenship, Restrictions on — 169. Commission Government: Report of Committee on — 179; Discussed — 46; Action of Convention on — 56; Com- munications— 25, 31, 41, 60, 148. Co-Operation: Majority Report of Com- mittee on — 91, 194; Minority Report of Committee on — 93; Discussion on —91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 171; Ac- tion of Convention on — 98. Constitution: Report of Committee on —113; Recommendations of Minor- ity of Committee — 156; Discussion on— 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 137, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159; Adoption as a Whole — 159. Denver, Protest from against Recognizing a Member — 31. Dillingham Bill, the— 169. Education: Military, of Children — 169; Report of Committee on Industrial, 27, 174; Supplementary Report of Woman's Committee on — 42; Discus- sion on — 45; Nomination and Elec- tion of New Committee on — 45, 68. Election of Committees: Auditing — 30; Campaign — 165 ; Co-operation — 35 ; Education — 45; Foreign-speaking Or- ganization — 30; International Rela- tions — 30; Labor Organizations — 36; Officers' Reports — 30; Party Press — 36; Platform— 36; Ways and Means— 36; Resolutions— 36; State and Mu- nicipal Program — 36. Election of Convention Officials — 21, 24. Ettorand Giovanetti, Resolution on Pros- ecution of — 85. Farmers' Program: Report of Commit- tee— 67, 73, 192; Discussion— 67, 68, 69, 74, 76, 77, 78; Action of Conven- tion— 70, 82. First Day's Session — 3. Fourth Day's Session — 58. Fifth Day's Session— 81. Foreign Speaking Organizations: Elec- tion of Committee on — 30; Report of Committee — 86, 237 ; Discussion — 63, 86, 87, 88; Action of Convention— 63, 91; Reports of— 237. Immigration: Majority Report of Com- mittee on — 167, 209; Minority Report of Committee on — 167, 209; Continu- ance of Committee, 167; Resignation from Committee — 171. International Relations : Report of Com- mittee on — 101; Action of Conven- tion— 102. Labor Organizations: Committee on So- cialist Party and Elected — 36; Report of Committee — 98, 113; Discussion — 98, 99, 100, 113; Action of Conven- tion— 101. Labor Conditions of Pacific Coast — 85. Larra, G. De, Address by — 37. Legien, Karl, Address by — 58. Mann, Tom, Greetings of Convention to —170. Municipal Employees, Organization of — —85. Municipal Program— 168, 171, 214. Nominations of Candidates: For Presi- ' dent— 138; For Vice-President— 141; Rule Relating to — 16. Order of Business Adopted — 21. Party Press: Election of Committee on — 36; Report of Committee — 167; Action of Convention — 167. Personal Privilege: Barnes, J. M. — 58; Berger, V. L — 133; Hayward, W. D. — 40; Ruling of Chair on McLevy'a Claim of — 41. r II INDEX Platform: Committee on Elected — 36; Report of Committee on — 102, 196; Preamble of Adopted — 103; Discus- sion, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112, 166; Adopted as a Whole— 112. Pettigrew, G. , Address by — 33. Press, of Indianapolis, Thanked by Con- vention — 171. Propaganda : Among Armed Forces — 85 ; Among Housewives, etc. — 160; Among Young People — 169 ; Among Farmers' Wives — 160; Among Non-Socialist Foreign Speaking Women — 160. Publicity Committee: Report of — 168. Pullman Car Fares — 29. Reports: Congressional Representative's —233; Woman's Committee— 204; Lyceum Bureau — 225; National Sec- retary — 218; Foreign Speaking Or- ganizations — 237; International Re- lations — 101. Resolutions Adopted: On Dilliagham Bill — 169; Conditions on Pacific Coast — 85; Prosecution of Ettor and Gio- vanetti — 85; Organization of Young People — 169; Labor Organizations and the Party — 36; Military Educa- tion of Children — 169; Propaganda Among Armed forces — 85; Propa- ganda among women — 161 ; Restric- tions of Citizenship — 169; Adminis- tration by Municipal Employees — 85; Whjte Slave Traffic— 161; Temper- ance — 168; Women's Suffrage — 161. Roll Calls— 83, 136, 138, 141. Rules of the Convention — 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 172. Sabotage, Discussion on — 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135. San Diego Free Speech Fight— -60, 61, 62, 70. Second Day's Session — 24. Sixth Day's Session — 113. Seventh Day's Session — 148. Sirola, G., Address by — 89. State and Municipal Program — 168, 171, 214. Teachers, Municipal Bureau for — 161. Temperance — 168. , Telegram from Debs — 159. Third Day's Session— 37. Ways and Means Committee: Election of— 36; Report of— 170; Action of Convention — 170. White Slave Traffic— 161. Woman's Suffrage — 161. Woman's National Committee: Report of — 159; Supplementary Report on Education by — 42; Resolutions In- troduced by — 161. INDEX TO APPENDIX III Appendix A — Rules of The Socialist Party, National Convention, 1912. 172 Appendix B — Report of Committee on Education 174 Appendix C — Report of Committee on Commission Form of Govern- ment 179 Appendix D — Report of Farmers' Committee 192 Appendix E — Report of Committee on Co-operative Movement 194 Appendix F — Report of Committee on Labor Organization and ( Their Relation to the Party 195 Appendix G — Report of Platform Committee as Revised and Adopt- ed by the Convention 196 Appendix H — National Constitution as Revised and Adopted by the Convention 199 Appendix I — Report of the Woman's Department 204 Appendix J — Reports of the Majority and Minority Committees on Immigration 209 Appendix K — Report of Committee on Municipal and State Program . . 214 Appendix L — Report of National Sec- retary 218 Appendix M — Report of Lyceum De- partment *. 225 Appendix N — Report of Representa- tive Victor L. Berger, of the Fifth District ~ c Wisconsin, as to His ActivRyTTT.. 233 Appendix O — Reports of Foreign Speaking Organizations 237 Finnish Department 237 South Slavic Section 239 Italian Section 241 Polish Section 241 Polish Alliance 242 Bohemian Section 242 Scandinavian Section 243 Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau 244 Lettish Section 244 IV INDEX TO DELEGATES (For Roll Call, See Pages 83, 136, 138 and 141.) Aaltonen, Frank — 89. Alexander, J. S — 16, 29, 45, 77, 98, 116, 127, 156, 158. Alexander, R. Allen, C. C, Fla.— 104. Allen, L. E. Ameringer, Oscar— 97, 98, 100, 165. Bachman, J. L. Bacon, G. W. Ball Chas. J., Jr. Banka, Z. Barnes, J. Mahlon— 29, 58, 87, 101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 125, 135, 137, 152, 153, 158, 165. Barker, M. R— 102, 155. Barth, A. H— 102, 104, 137. Baxter, Jas. Beardsley, S. E.— 41, 104. Beery, M. J. Behrens, E. T. Beloit, G. W. Bennetts, Fred. BentaU, J. O.— 104, 128, 156, 158. Berlyn, B.— 6, 7, 10, 12, 15, 25, 31, 54, 105, 111, 125, 141. Berger, Victor L .— 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, ID, 12, 14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 30, 46, 60, 102, 104, 106, 107, 113, 130, 133, 137, 138, 171. Berger, Ernest. Bessemer, W. M.— 24, 44, 45, 60, 61, 71, 82, 83, 117, 119, 126, 132, 144, 151, 152, 155, 156, 158, 159. Bixler, C. Mac. Blase, O. H. Boehm, Max— 27, 29, 113. Bostrom, Frans — 155, 156, 157. Boswall, C. H.— 120. Bower, A. E., Jr. Branstetter, O. F.— 15, 63, 148, 149, 165. Brewer, Geo. D.— 53, 129. Briggs, A. E. Brown, Ed. J.— 153, 155, 158. Brown, Margaret D. Bruce, L. R — 119, 135. Burkle, Wm- 95, 102, 154, 156. Burke, J. P.— 17. Burge, J. R. Burt, H. P. Byrd, C. A.— 8, 11, 50, 78. Caldwell, J. M.— 63, 116, 137. Callery, Ida H. Calwell, D. M. Cantrell, E. A. Carey, James F.— 20, 26, 81, 113, 126, 135. Cassidy, E. F — 29, 69, 85, 125, 126. Castleberry, A. F. Christian, P. H. Clarke, E. P. Clifford, Tom— 17, 20, 41, 42, 43, 44, 62, 82, 98, 100, 106, 113, 116, 133, 156. Cohen, A. Cohen, J. E.— 146. Collins, W. P.— 24, 31, 41, 61, 77, 13 166, 168. Coleman, A. Coonrod, T. J. Condo, S. S. Corti, -Jos. Cory, E. D— 165. Cosgrove, C. J.— 6, 7, 63, 64. Cox, A. L. Cumbie, J. T.— 135. Cupples, H. G— 150. Davis, D. L. Davis, F. A , Penn— 19. Dempsey, B. J. Devoid, A. O.— 76, 77, 78. Dobbs, Chas.— 128. Dorfman, M. E — 155, 158. Downing, G. W — 157. Dooley, R. E. Duncan, L. J.— 82, 83, 102, 103, 111, 11: 148, 154, 155, 158, 166, 171. Duffy, W. E.— 44, 67, 73, 112. Eberhard, Wm. Edwards, G. C — 12, 13, 21, 69, 73, 7< 113, 120, 146, 153. Endres, O. L.— 6, 118, 135, 151, 158. England, G.A. Ervin, C. W. Farmer, W. W. Farrell, D. J. ' Fenimore, Janet. Fenner, C. E.— 78. Fenner, Rose M. Fields, Allen. Finke, A. R. Foley, C. F. Fournier, M. Floaten, AH— 16, 30. Fritz, M. E — 82. Furman, C. L — 26, 81, 95, 97, 109, IV 156, 158, 165. Garbutt, Mary E. Garrison, S. G— 100, 101. Gai-ver, W. L.— 122, 154, 156, 158, 16 Gaylord, W. R— 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 15, 16, 1: 26, 29, 52, 91, 93, 94, 96, 98, 10! 103, 104, 122, 127, 170. Geffs, M. L.— 28, 41, 81. Germer, A.— 102. Ghent, W. J. Goaziou, L— 5, 93, 154. Goebel, Geo. H.— 5, 7, 11, 12, 14, 25, 2 28, 28, 83, 86, 90, 112, 117, 120, 12 125, 129, 145, 146, 148, 150, 165. Grainger, R. L. Grant, J. H.— 154. Grant, Robt.— 155, 156, 158. Green, E. A. Gluski, H. Haemer, L. F.— 101. Hansen, M. Harrack, A. W. Harriman, Job— 13, 61, 70, 71, 98, 9 108, 113, 133. «i INDEX TO DELEGATES— Continued "Irold, C. G. ,rtig, A. E. i.yden, John. oyes, Max S.— 124. airy, W. tf., Ind.— 102. att, Emma. CKey, Thos. A.— 54, 100, 121, 125, 131, 134, 152. llman, N. S. Uquit, Morris— 4, 26, 73, 82, 83, 98, 102, 104, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113, 116, 118, 121, 122, 134, 135, 137, 147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 164, 165. nkel, W. Dan, D. W— 107, 446. Dgan, Dan— 8, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 53, 64, 73, 104, 106, 109, 113, 120, 130, 131, 141, 143. ^pgan, J. C. Dogerhyde, J. — 155. 3uck, Frank A. Duston, H. W. ant, Gertrude B — 24. galls, -J. S. vin, L. B— 106. cobs, W. A— 18, 171. cobsen, J. J.— 8, 27. cobson, A. .nes, E. J. •nes, M. C. aies, J. R. »hnson, E. apian, Morris— 5, 14, 56, 94, 95, 104. elso, C. D — 150. ennedy, John C. illingbeck, W. B— 18, 156, 157, 158. intzer, E. H. iikpatrick, M. E. oop, Geo.— 103, 112, 127, 128, 129, 153. opp, H. F. rafft, F — 6, 9, 20, 132, 155. ruse, J. M. ane, C. A. ane, C. B. anfersiek, W. — 9, 26. ang, Lee W. arsen, C. arsen, J. P. — 165.' atimer, T. E.— 88, 108. aukki, Leo — 167. awrence, Robert, ee, Algernon— 28, 42, 163. entz, L. R. e Sueur, Arthur— 48, 87, 102, 104, 106, 170. ewis, Tom J.— 9, 107. indgren, Ed.— 91, 93. ipscomb, Caleb. Dckwood, G. H — 6, 25. ondon, M— 62, 95, 118, 162, 163. 3we, Caroline— 20, 45, 88, 159, 163. !aattala, J. G. ahoney, Patrick— 5, 32, 64, 90. .aley, Anna A.— 9, 76, 113, 118, 159. Malkiel, Theresa— 26, 28, 53, 61, 118, 119, 162, 163. Manson, J. A. Maynard, R. A. Maurer, C. A. Maurer, J. H. Maxwell, F. T.— 103. Meitzen, E. R. Meng, J. A. C— 21, 119, 150, 151. Menton, Etta. Menton, J. A. C. Merrick, F. H.— 13, 81, 86, 88, 89, 104, 106, 113, 118, 122, 126, 144, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167, 171. Merrill, H. M — 66. Miller, Grant— 20, 31, 137. Minckley, C. Misner, E. H. Moore, Ed.— 8, 61, 116. Morgan, David— 11, 48, 69, 75, 78. Motley, S. W. McCartan, D. McCrillis, I. S — 51. McMaster, H. S. McFarlan, J. H. McFall, W. H— 155, 159. McLevy, J. — 41. Nash, J. E. Nagle, P. S.— 76, 121. Noble, W. S— 82, 155. Norris, Geo. M. Novak, Jos.— 88, 89. Ohsol, J. G — 27, 68, 69, 74, 78, 101, 154. Oneal, Jas — 17, 132. Owen, G. E — 6. Oyler, C. R.— 154. O'Dam, G. W O'Reilly, Mary— 17, 73, 128, 129, 157, 167. Pankin, J.— 8, 87, 145. Parker, M. F.,Okla. Parker, Wm. Patterson, Wm — 32, 51, 104, 116, 119, 120, 147, 149, 152, 155, 166. Pauley, A. Paulsen, P. J. Peach, C. T— 19, 28, 108. Perrin, E. W.— 103. Petrich, F. Pierce, C. H. Powell, E. E. Priestap, C. M.— 45, 117. Prevey, Marguerite— 25, 61, 95, 103, 127, 154, 156, 165, 166. Prevey, F. N. Prosser, W. A —62, 166. Ramp, F. C— 9 Reguin, E. L'. Reid, Jas. P.— 32. Reilly, J. M— 5,. 9, 24, 25, 45, 64, 71, 86, 112, 117, 162, 163. Reynolds, S. M.— 100, 101. Rhodes, L. L — 75. Rhodes, J. C. Richardson, N. A— 5, 25, 103, 150, 165. VI INDEX TO DELEGATES— Concluded Ricker, A. W — 108, 110, 111. Ringler, Robert B— 9, 18, 64, 106. Roewer, G. E., Jr. Rodriguez, W. E.— 11, 40, 62, 83, 104, 113, 118, 119. Rosett, J.— 82, 95, 104, 105, 110, 154, 157. Rothmund, G. Russell, Charles E — 102, 103, 104, 105, 109, 110, 137, 141, 147. Ruthenberg, C. E.— 82, 86, 144. Sadler, Kate— 9, 15, 41, 61, 63, 71, 72, 86, 96, 109, 155, 158, 159, 171. Sadler, Samuel— 8, 10. 11. 14, 41, 60, 62, 90, 98, 113, 123, 167.' Schilling, Ernest. Scott, J. B. Seidel, Emil-43, 137, 141, 143, 147, 170. Sheffler, Wm. Sherman, C. W.— 73. Simmons, H. A. Simmons, May Wood— 27, 28, 29, 44, 81, 101, 160, 162. Sjoden, Jno. C. Slayton, John W.— 17, 26, 28, 29, 75, 109, 131, 141, 143, 151, 164, 167. Slobodin, H. L.— 6, 11, 16, 26, 42, 44, 49, 55, 58, 63, 67, 68, 72, 74, 78, 90, 96, 97, 104, 111, 120, 121, 154, 156, 157, 163, 165. Smith, C. A., Mont.— 107, 146, 155, 157. Smith, J. A., Utah— 9, 55. Smith, M. A. Solomon, U — 7, 8, 11, 13, 15, 16, 18, 24, 63, 64, 72, 86, 101, 107, 116, 117, 119, 145, 152, 156, 157, 159, 166. Spargo, John— 7, 9, 10, 18, 25, 26, 31, 33, 40, 41,, 44, 45, 51, 61, 63, 72, 82, 85, 86, 90, 91, 101, 110, 118, 147, 159, 166, 167, 168, 169, 171. Stallard, S. -M — 28, 29, 40, 79, 122. Stanley, Fred. Staub, C. W. Stewart, I. F. Storck, A. K. Strebel, G. A— 26, 27, 43, 44, 78, 81, 90, 113. Strickland, F. G— 79, 113, 150, 153, 15 166. Swaja, John. Taylor, Geo. N.— 74, 116, 157. Theimer, Qus — 9. Theinert, E. W. Thomas, Elizabeth H.* Thompson, C. D— 7, 41, 46, 48, 55, 7 76, 78, 81, 113, 163, 166, 168, 171. Thompson, J. C. Tiller, B. T. Todd, T. M. Troxel, Jno. Tuck, H. C— 7, 9, 94, 156, 158. Underwood, Guy. Vierling, 0—116, 117. * * Warren, F. J. Ward, A:G.— 137. Ward, William A. Wanhope, Joshua — 171. WatKins, A. S. Wattles, Florence. Waynick, W. JI — 155, 158. Wells, H. M. Wells, J. W — 102, 155, 158. Wesley, W. M. Wheeler, F. C, Calif.— 50, 119, 12 166, 171. Wheeler,R. J.,Pa.— 17, 18,19,103,163, 16 White, Dan A —12, 113, 130, 159, 165. Whitehead, Ethel. Williams, B., Texas. Williams, D., Penn.— 41, 116. Williams, T. W., Calif. Wills, Jno. G.— 69, 70, 78, 82, 105. Wilson, B. F. Wilson, J. Stitt— 6, 8, 10, 19, 49, 55, 5' 60, 102, 108, 109, 119, 144, 147, 1 149, 150, 158, 165, 166, 171. Wilson, L. B., Jr. Wolfe, Frank E.— 168. Wright, Clyde J.— 13, 74. Wright, H. E. Young, J. C. Zitt, Lawrence A.— 14, 16, 42, 45, 70, 82 83, 112, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 166 ^ r ^ I X ;iNIVrne»' ¥,v University of California Library Los Angeles ThisbookisDUEonchel^^ online Renewals http://cataiogiibrary.ucla.edu My Account SEP 3 2008 i£$LL :CE!VED 24139 ":-- w in 3 1158 00220 5382 li