THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
LOS ANGELES
GIFT OF
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C - Ltbr.
ary
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PROCEEDINGS
NATIONAL CONVENTION
OF THE
SOCIALIST
PARTY
1912
NATIONAL CONVENTION
OF THE
SOCIALIST PARTY
HELD AT
Indianapolis, Ind., May 12 to 18, 1912
STENOGRAPHIC REPORT BY
Wilson E. McDermut, assisted by Charles W. Phillips
Edited by
JOHN SPARGO
Proofs Read and Corrected by
HARRY B. FISH
/;
Published by
THE SOCIALIST PARTY
JOHN M. WORK, National Secretary
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS
M A DONOHUE & COMPANY
PRINTERS, BINDERS. PUBLISHERS
701-727 S. Dearborn St. CHICAGO
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
National Convention of the Socialist Party
Held at Indianapolis, Indiana, Beginning Sunday, May 12, 1912,
and Ending Saturday, May 18, 1912
FIRST DAY'S SESSION.
The National Convention of the Socialist
Party of America was called to order by
National Secretary John M. Work at Tom-
linson Hall, Indianapolis, Ind., Sunday,
May 12, 1912, at 10 o'clock A. M.
The roll was called by Delegate Strebel
of New York, and showed the following
named delegates and alternates to be pres-
ent:
ALABAMA— G. L. Cox.
ARIZONA — Erma Hyatt Allen, E. John-
ston.
ARKANSAS — x da Callery, Dan Hogan, J.
A. C. Meng, A. R. Finks.
CALIFORNIA— A. E. Briggs, Edw. Ad-
ams Cantrell, Geo. W. Downing, Mary E.
Garbutt, Job Harriman, E. H. Mizner, R. A.
Maynard, A. W. Harris, Ernest L. Reguin,
N. A. Richardson, H. C. Tuck, J. W. Wells,
Fred C. Wheeler, Ethel Whitehead, Thos.
W. Williams, J. Stitt Wilson, Frank E.
Wolfe, C. K. Broneer.
COLORADO — W. P. Collins, A. H. Floa-
ten, Mary L, Geffs, Thomas M. Todd, John
Troxell.
CONNECTICUT— Sam E. Beardsley (at
large), Ernest Berger, Edward Perkins
Clarke, Chas. T. Peach, Jasper McLevy.
DELAWARE — Frank A. Houck.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA— W. J. Ghent.
FLORIDA — J. S. Alexander, C. C. Allen,
Fred Stanley.
GEORGIA— Max Wilk.
IDAHO— G. W. Beloit, Thos. J. Coonrod,
Sidney W. Motley, Isaac Franklin Stewart,
ILLINOIS— J. O. Bentall, Bernard Ber-
lyn, Joseph R. Burge, John C. Sjoden,
Louis F. Haemer, John C. Kennedy, Mar-
shall E. Kirkpatrick, George Koop, James
P. Larsen, Caroline A. Lowe, F. T. Max-
well, Mary O'Reilly, W. E. Rodriguez, Sey-
mour Stedman, George North Taylor, Guy
j Underwood.
j INDIANA — Samuel S. Condo, W. W.
^^"arraer, Janet Fenimore, Stephen C. Gar-
^ejtf-gson* Wil l iam H. Henry, James Ones "
M. Reynolds, William Sheffler, Florence
Wattles.
IOWA — Margaret D. Brown, John Juul
Jacobsen, Lee W. Lang, Irving S. McCril-
lis.
KANSAS— Oscar H. Blase, A. W. Rieker
L. F. Fuller, May Wood-Simons, S. M. Stal-
lard, Benj. Franklin Wilson.
KENTUCKY— Charles Dobbs, Walter
Lanfersiek.
LOUISIANA— J. R. Jones.
MAINE — Geo. Allen England.
MARYLAND— Chas. B. Backman, Dr. J.
Rosett, C. W. Staub.
MASSACHUSETTS— James F. Carey,
Alex. Coleman, Charles E. Fenner, J. M.
Coldwell, Robert Lawrance, Patrick Ma-
honey, Rose Tenner, George E. Roevver,
Jr., Dan A. White. .£\ i
MICHIGAN— Frank Aaltonen, Jas.
gerhyde, Guy H. Lockwood, Hamiii
McMaster, Etta Menton, J. A. C. Mt »i :
Jas. H, McFarland. »»
MINNESOTA — Marietta E. FouMr'
John H. Grant, Nels S. Hillman, J. S.ti.<
galls, Olaus Jacobson, Morris Kapf s
Thomas Erwin Latimer, J. G. Maatt .*
David Morgan, Jay E. Nash, A. O. DevOi *
O. S. Wat kins.
MISSISSIPPI— M. E. Fritz.
MISSOURI — Ernest Theo. Behrens, Wm.
Lincoln Garver, Caleb Lipscomb. George
W. O'Dam, Otto Vierling, W. A. Ward.
MONTANA — Lewis J. Duncan, Clarence
A. Smith, Jacob M. Kruse, James B. Scott,
Philip H. Christian.
NEBRASKA— Fred J. Warren, Clyde J.
Wright.
NEVADA— Grant Miller.
NEW HAMPSHIRE — John P. Burke,
Wm. A. McCall.
NEW JERSEY — Henry Oarless, Christ'
pher J. Cosgrove, George H. Goebel, W
son B. Killingbeck, Harry F. Kopp, Fred-
erick Krafft, James M. Reilly, Gustavo
eimer.
6^5636
)
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
NEW MEXICO— J. B. Lang.
NEW YORK— Henry °iobodin, Charles J.
Ball, Jr., Fred Benneffs, Theresa Malkiel,
William Burckle, JasJ A. Mansett, Edward
F. Cassidy, William E. Duffy, Otto L. En-
dres, C. L. Furman, Morris Hillquit, Alger-
non Lee, E. Lindgren, Meyer London, Her-
bert M. Merrill, Albert Pauly, Clinton H.
Pierce, G. Rothmund, Charles Edward
Russell, Harvey A. Simmons, U. Solomon,
Gustave A. Strebel, Joshua Wanhope.
NORTH CAROLINA — Benjamin T. Tiller,
NORTH DAKOTA— A. E. Bowen, Jr.,
Robert Grant, Chas. D. Kelso, Arthur Le
Sueur.
OHIO — Jacob L. Bachman, Wm. Besse-
mer, Max Boehm, T. Clifford (at large), D.
Lewis Davis, Dominick J. Farrell, Edward
John Jones, Dan McCartan, William Pat-
terson, Edgar Eugene Powell, Marguerite
Prevey, Chas. M. Priestap, C. E. Ruthen-
berg, Anna Katherine Storck, Frederick
Guy Strickland, Lawrence A. Zitt.
OKLAHOMA — Otto F. Branstetter, Car-
rie C. Block, J. T. Cumbie, Roscoe Emin
Dooley, L. B. Irvin, Patrick S. Nagle, Geo.
E. Owen, John G. Wills.
OREGON — Maurice E. Dorfman, John
Hayden, Tom J. Lewis, Floyd C. Ramp, C.
W. Sherman.
PENNSYLVANIA — George W. Bacon, J.
Mahlon Barnes, Cora Mae Bixler, Leroy
Rutherford Bruce, Dan M. Caldwell, Anna
Cohen, Jos. E. Cohen, Frank A. Davis,
Lewis Goaziou, Richard L. Grainger, James
C. Hogan, Gertrude Breslau Hunt, Charles
A. Maurer, James H. Maurer, C. W. Ervin,
Frederick Hall Merrick, Edward Moore,
William Parker, Robert B. Ringler, John
W. Slayton, Alfred Geo. Ward, Robert J.
Wheeler, David Williams, Lorenzo Birch
Wilson, Jr., John C. Young.
RHODE ISLAND— James P. Reid, Ed-
ward W. Theinert.
SOUTH CAROLINA— William Eberhard.
SOUTH DAKOTA — Benjamin Dempsy.
TEXAS — Richey Alexander, Geo. C. Ed-
wards, Chas. A. Byrd, Ed. A. Green, Thos.
"Aloysius Hickey, Ernest Richard Meitzen,
Will S. Noble, Jacob Chesley Rhodes, D. L.
Rhodes, M. A. Smith, J. C. Thompson.
UTAH — Homer P. Burt, James A. Smith,
Wm. Morris Wesley.
VERMONT — John Spargo.
♦VIRGINIA— Geo. Milton Norris.
WASHINGTON— Leslie E. Aller, Adam
H. Barth, Frans Bostrom, Edwin J. Brown,
Wm. H. Wing, Emma D. Cory, H. C. Cup-
pies, Anna Agnes Maley, Kate Sadler,
%*> el Sadler, Henry Hensefer, Hulet M.
-ST VIRGINIA— C. H. Boswell, E. H.
.er.
[SCONSIN— Victor L. Berger, Dan W.
l, W. R. Gaylord, W. A. Jacobs, Thom-
Finklein, Emil Seidel, Elizabeth H.
mas, Carl D. Thompson.
vVYOMING — Antony Carlson, Paul J.
aulsen, J. Suaja, Foreign-Speaking Or-
anizations, Josef Novak, Leo Laukki, Jos.
Jorti, H. Gluski, Zdzislow Banka, Christian
Larsen, Frank Patrich.
The National Secretary stated that the
delegates and alternates answering to the
roll call were entitled to permanently or-
ganize the convention.
Nominations for chairman for the day
were called for, and the following dele-
gates were placed in nomination:
James F. Carey, Massachusetts. De-
clined.
J. Mahlon Barnes, Pennsylvania. De-
fined.
Morris Hillquit, New York.
John Curtis Kennedy, Illinois. Declined.
Dan White, Massachusetts. Declined.
W. P. Collins, Colorado.
M. A. Smith, Texas. Declined.
The nominations were then closed.
Delegates Strebel, Floaten, Rodriguex
and Oneal were appointed tellers.
A rising vote was taken, resulting in
158 for Hillquit, 70 for Collins. Del. Hill-
quit was then declared elected chairman
for the day. On taking the chair he spoke
as follows:
r
OPENING REMARKS.
CHAIRMAN HILLQUIT: Comrades, it
is with extreme pleasure and pride that I
open this fifth National Convention of the
Socialist Party. (Applause.)
In looking at this representative an
splendid gathering my thoughts involun-
tarily revert to the first convention of the
Socialist Party, likewise held in Indianap-
olis. It is just eleven years ago now; a
very short, insignificant span of time, but
within that time the Socialist movement
in this country has so grown in extent, In
significance and in substance, that a con-
vention meeting here today represents an
entirely different movement from what it
did represent eleven years ago.
When we organized the Socialist Party
here in Indianapolis we claimed 10,000
members, a number born somewhat more
of our enthusiasm than of actual fact.
Today we have about 150,000 members
(applause), men and women who periodi-
cally pay a certain small amount for the
privilege of serving the great cause. There
is no other political party in this country
which can boast of an organized army of
this kind.
When we first organized we had about
half a dozen papers preaching the gospel
of Socialism. Today we have about 300
of them, dailies, weeklies, monthlies, car-
rying the gospel of Socialism in thirty
different languages to all the nationalities
constituting the people of the United
States. <
When we first organized our party our
voting strength was about 100,000. We
have added about a similar number and
more every year. Our last reported vote
was 600,000, and in the next election we
are sure to double or treble that vote.
(Applause.) The Socialist Party has
grown into a political party of first mag-
nitude.
The questions of selecting the nominees
of the different parties for the office of
President of the United States, whether It
be Roosevelt or Taft, whether it be Clark
or Wilson, are very subordinate questions
which will not in the least affect the wel-
fare, the actual life of the American peo-
ple. But whether the Socialist Party will
again double its vote, whether the Social-
ist Party will show up a million and a half
or two millions strong, will be a historical
fact which will lay the foundation for a
new society, for a new life in this country.
(Applause.)
The Socialist Party has grown in every
other way. It has grown in influence.
Within the last few years it has demon-
strated itself to be a factor in the social,
political and public life of this country.
It has, for the first time in the history of
this country, forced open the doors of Con-
gress to its representatives, and we intend
to keep the doors open. (Applause.) In
the next election we are sure to have, not
one, but half a dozen or a dozen repre-
sentatives of the Socialist Party fighting
the cause of labor in the Congress of the (
United States. (Applause.)
1
MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1912
11
;
We have, within the Last few years,
finally succeeded in demonstrating- to a
large portion of the working class of this
country that the Socialist Party is the
only party that truly, fully, at all times,
represents their interests and fights their
battles, and labor is coming into our ranks
in larger and larger numbers every year —
aye, every month and every day.
But, comrades, it is not merely our phys-
ical growth, it is not merely our large
strength, upon which we congratulate our-
selves in assembling at this convention to-
day. It is the fact that the Socialist Party
has at all times remained true to its trust
and carried the banner of International
Socialism aloft in this country, unsullied
and unstained. (Applause )
The Socialist Party, comrades, repre-
sents a factor of tremendous importance
in this country, and this convention is
called upon to lay the foundation for the
future work, extension and struggles of
this party. It is not an exaggeration to
say that today there are about three mil-
lions of Socialists in this country, men
and women, voters and non-voters. The
eyes of these three millions of people in
the United States are focused upon us.
They expect us to show the road to the
emancipation of the working class, and to
lay the foundation for a stronger, more
powerful, more efficient instrument for
the struggles of the working class in this
country.
May we undertake our work and our
tasks with a realization of these great
duties which we are to perform. May we
remember, at all times during the continu-
ance of this convention, that the work we
are called upon to do is work of tremen-
dous importance, and let us not waste
time by petty, unim, .rtant, insignificant
matters. A suggestion has been made by
some comrades that this convention should
last about two weeks. No greater mistake
could be made, comrades. (Applause.) If
we are to let the convention lag on, if we
are to work ourselves into a state of ex-
haustion where we will be incapable of
doing good work, then by all means let us
remain in session two weeks or three
weeks. But if we are to do the work be-
fore us as full-grown men and women, let
us not waste time. Let us do our work
within a week. Let us dispose of every
subject that comes before us, on its mer-
its, and without wasting time. (Applause.)
And here another point, comrades. We
need not close our eyes to the fact that
we come here from different parts of the
country, with different and sometimes con-
flicting views on various questions of pol-
icy and tactics. It is well it should be so.
No live popular movement can exist with-
out like differences between the adherents
Of that movement.
But let us remember, comrades, that
when we held the first convention of the
Socialist Party, the Unity Convention in
Indianapolis, we had perhaps more radical
differences. The spirit was more acrimo-
nious. We thought at that time that the
differences between us could never be
bridged. But how trivial, how silly do
those differences look to us today. How
trivial, how silly will our tactical differ-
ences look to us when we are once in the
midst of the actual fight for the working
class. (Applause.)
Let us not forget this, comrades, and let
us carry on our deliberations with all the
differences, legitimate differences of opin-
ion that we have and should have, in the
realization that, after all, we are here for
ne joint common cause, the emancipation
of the working clas^, and let us act nit
cordingly. (Great applause.) iot
The Chairman called for the nominaUf.
of a temporary secretary. 41
James Reilly of New Jersey was the t v
person nominated for Secretary, and '
unanimously elected. ere
■»ak
RULES FOR THE CONVENTION:*
THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of
business is the adoption of rules. We are
not constituted before the adoption of
rules.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): If in order, I
move to proceed to the adoption of rules
seriatim as printed in the leaflet distrib-
uted to the delegates. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: These rules have
been amended by the National Executive
Committee. What will be in order now
will be the reading of the proposed rules
as a whole. We will then take them up
seriatim, and we will proceed to do so.
DEL. GAYLORD: Then I withdraw my
motion.
The convention rules prepared by the
National Executive Committee were then
read by the Secretary.
THE CHAIRMAN: We shall now pro-
ceed to discuss the proposed rules seria-
tim. Unless there is objection made on
the floor to any of the rules mentioned we
will consider them adopted.
DEL. GOEBEL: In the event of any
addition of new rules, wouldn't it be bet-
ter to wait till all that you have read are
acted on?
THE CHAIRMAN: Additional rules will
be entertained after the ones proposed
have been disposed of.
DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): I move that
the report of the Committee on Rules be
adopted as a whole. (Motion seconded.)
- DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.): I move to
amend that we take up the report seria-
tim. (Seconded.)
The amendment was adopted and the
report was taken up seriatim.
THE CHAIRMAN: The first rule will
now be read, and if there is no objection
we will proceed to the next.
Rules 1 and 2 were read and adopted
without objection.
Rule 3 was read.
DEL. GOAZAIOU (Pa.): I move to
amend that the Secretary shall select a
reading clerk.
The motion was seconded and put and f
carried, and the rule as amended wa
adopted.
Rule 4 was read.
DEL. GOAZAIOU: I move to amend b •
changing the word "elect" to "appoint."
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Now, Mr. Chair 1
man. We had that rule in that shape orig-
inally; it read: to appoint. But that was
changed by the National Executive Com-\
mittee. As far as I am concerned, I am -
willing it should be amended to read now
as it originally read.
DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): "Sergeant-
at-arms and assistants." How many?
What does that mean?
THE CHAIRMAN: That would leave it
to the discretion of the appointing or se-
lecting body.
DEL. RICHARDSON: Then, I move to
amend by striking out "and assistants,"
because that requires this whole conven-
tion to elect all the assistants; and fur-
ther, that the sergeant-at-arms be author-
ized to appoint his assistants.
The amendment was accepted by Del,
Goazaiou and was carried.
/
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Nl
Niules 5 and 6 wee read and adopted
Bal'thout objection.
Wil.lule 7 was next read.
P. GEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): A point of in-
dres, nation. Is this a party press commit-
non Lor the press committee for the conven-
bert ?
Pierc^E CHAIRMAN: A publicity commit-
Russe.Dr the convention, as we understood
it.
'DEL. GAYLORD: Not a committee on
party press?
THE CHAIRMAN: Not on party press.
DEL. GAYLORD: Thank you. Now, I
move to amend the title of the Committee
on Municipal Program, substituting there-
for "State and Municipal Program."
The amendment was seconded and was
then accepted by Del. Berger on behalf of
the National Executive Committee and
agreed to.
DEL. BERLYN (111.): I move to amend
the rules by adding a committee of five to
bring in a report on the question of the
party press. (Seconded.)
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Does that list
constitute all the committees?
THE CHAIRMAN: The appointment of
14 committees named in the rules does not
exclude special committees that the con-
vention may select from time to time later.
DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): I move that we
dispense with the Committee on Contested
Seats.
THE CHAIRMAN: I do not know '
whether there are any contests. Com.
Work, will you inform us whether there
are any contests of delegates?
SEC. WORK: No contests.
The motion of Del. Endres was seconded.
DEL. BERGER: At the time we pre-
pared the report we did not know whether
there would be any contests or not. I am
glad that the party is so harmonious.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I observe that
where the rule provides for extra or addi-
tional committees there is the modification
that the number of delegates shall be 7,
and that not more than one delegate shall
be from the same state." I ask, does that
apply to the previous committees or the
subsequent committees?
THE CHAIRMAN: It applies to both.
DEL. BERGER: It applies to all the
standing committees.
THE CHAIRMAN: The 14 committees.
DEL. BERGER: The 14 committees pro-
vided in this report. We may have special
*■ ^mmittees later, and then, of course, that
ile would not apply.
DEL. GAYLORD: A point of order. I
o ndt know that it matters, but isn't the
Jommittee on Contested Seats a constitu-
tional committee?
THE CHAIRMAN: It is. Therefore,
Com. Gaylord, I assume and shall hold that
the constitution intended the election of
a committee at this time, describing the
number and method of election to provide
for cases where there are contests. It is
not made just for this convention, but for
all conventions. Where there are no con-
tests the constitution does not intend to
have a committee.
DEL. KRAFPT (N. J.): I move that all
committees consist of 9, so that the con-
vention is better represented on the com-
mittees.
THE CHAIRMAN: Motion out of order,
on the ground that the constitution pro-
vides for the number of members of the
committee.
DEL. COSGROVE (N. J.): As I under-
stand your ruling — I may De mistaken —
you are dispensing with the Committee o
Contested Delegates?
THE CHAIRMAN: There is such an
amendment before the house.
^ D . E3 ^ COSGROVE: Well, is it not a fact
that there are some delegates that are not
here yet, and if you dispense with the com-
mittee it eliminates a contesting of dele-
gates that might arise?
THE CHAIRMAN: If there should be
such an occasion this convention will al-
ways have a right, under the constitution,
to elect such a committee.
Del. Wheeler of Texas inquired as to the
last committee read by the clerk.
THE SECRETARY: A committee on
State and Municipal Program of seven
members. He accepted that.
DEL. BERGER: Yes, I accept that.
THE SECRETARY: It now reads "State
and Municipal."
DEL. OWEN (Okla.): I want to find out
what disposition was made of the motion
to appoint a Committee on Party Press.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is pending be-
fore the convention and will be voted on
as soon as we reach it.
DEL. OWEN: I want to move to
amend that motion by changing the num-
ber of members of the committee from 5
to 9.
THE CHAIRMAN: What committee are
you referring to?
DEL. OWEN: Committee on Party
Press, from 5 to 9.
THE CHAIRMAN: From 5 to 9, a Com-
mittee on Party Press.
The amendment was seconded.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I desire to state
this: That I believe that the Committee
on Contested Seats ought to be elected,
and it ought to be elected at once, just as
it stands on the original program, for this
reason: That though there may not be
any contests between duplicate delega-
tions, there may be some contests as to
the seating of alternates in this conven-
tion, and the committee ought to be elect-
ed now instead of delaying.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont): A point of or-
der. The comrade seems to be discussing
something that has already been disposed
of.
THE CHAIRMAN: No.
DEL. DUNCAN: The question before
the house is the size of the Party Press
Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: No, the entire rule
as read is before the convention. No vote
has been taken on it or on the amendment.
DEL. WILSON: My point is this: Any
delegate arriving here who is or might
be contested ought to have an immediate
hearing before such a committee and have
a chance to be seated in the convention,
and not have to delay until we come back
and elect such a committee. I hope this
will be left in the original form.
DEL. LOCKWOOD (Mich.): Comrades,
it is going to be very evident to all of us
that if we are going to try to vote on all
these committees and different amend-
ments we are going to get mixed up, and
I think it would be very advisable to sep-
arate these lists of committees and vote
on each one seriatim. Otherwise we won't
know what we are voting for. We can do
that and dispose of both these committees
without any contest at all. I move to that
effect. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that
we proceed to vote upon each of the pro-
posed committees separately. As far as
the committees provided by the constitu-
tion are concerned the motion is out of
)
MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1912
11
order. As far as the few additional sug-
gested committees are concerned it may-
be entertained.
DEL. COSGROVE (N. J.): I move that
the committees not named by the constitu-
tion shall be taken up seriatim. (Sec-
onded.)
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): What are we
going to vote on?
THE CHAIRMAN: On all the amend-
ments before us.
DEL. GOEBEL: The amendments ought
to be taken up separately. I am inter-
ested in one of them.
THE CHAIRMAN: What we have be-
fore us is the proposed rule submitted by
the Committee on Rules, to which the
amendments are as follows and will be
voted on in the order stated: First, that
as to the committees not named in the
constitution we proceed to vote on each
one separately. Then there is an amend-
ment to the effect that we dispense with
the Committee on Contested Seats. Then
another amendment that we also elect a
Committee on Party Press, of five mem-
bers; and an amendment to that amend-
ment that such committee consist of nine.
We now proceed to the first amendment,
that we take up seriatim the committees
other than those mentioned in the consti-
tution.
The amendment was carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment we
are now going to vote on is the amend-
ment to dispense with the Committee on
Contested Seats.
The question was put and the amend-
ment was lost.
THE CHAIRMAN: We now proceed to
the amendment that we elect a Committee
on Party Press, to consist of five, and
amended to consist of nine. We will di-
vide the motion.
Del Berlyn accepted the amendment to
increase to nine.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment is
accepted by the mover of the motion.
Does the seconder object? He does not.
The amendment before you, then, is the
one that we elect a Committee on Party
Press to consist of nine members. All in
favor —
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) : I want to speak
on the motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: Not while we are
voting. You are too late.
Del. Goebel claimed the floor, on the
ground that there had been no opportunity
for debate on the motion.
The chairman ruled that Del. Goebel
was not entitled to the floor.
Del. Thompson (Wis.) appealed from the
decision of the chair, and the appeal was
sustained.
DEL. GOEBEL: I want to say, in jus-
tice to myself, that I should not have ap-
pealed from the decision of the chair, even
though I thought it was unjust. y I do not
intend to appeal from the decision of the
chair at any time during this convention,
even though I do not like the decision.
But I do feel that this matter ought to
be discussed. We are providing for the
appointment of a seperate committee to
do a certain thing. We have a clause in
our national constitution which specifies
that we shall not print a party paper.
This motion in itself is covered right in
that clause in the constitution. If this
committee brings in a report it must go
again to the Committee on Constitution,
where it properly belongs. Let it go there
to the committee where it belongs, the
Committee on Constitution. Therefore, I
am opposed.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): it - .„ - not
that the fact that we elect 'P™ 1 s vote
Committee on Party Press do lo , n | suail
that the committee so elected i. ded ')
its functions to considering the w York »
the party ownership of the press. ...
or may not consider that subject* 161 *®
creation of a Committee on Party \?- k
enables us to have the whole subject 6
the welfare of our party press considered,
and methods devised for improving its
efficiency. Few matters of greater impor-
tance to our organization will come before
us. I therefore urge the comrades to adopt
the resolution to create this committee.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I trust the dis-
tinction made by Comrade Spargo may be-
come clear, if it has not already done so,
between a party press and a party-owned
press. A Committee on Party Press might
discuss and report recommendations con-
cerning party ownership of the press, or
it might not. The question of the party
papers is a big one and interests us all.
We are looking for information. I am in
favor of the committee.
DEL. BERLYN (111.): I want the dele-
gates to vote on this motion intelligently.
I do not speak of, nor do I have any in-
tention of dealing with the party-owned
press. We have a party press which we
recognize in our National Bulletin. The
relations of that press to the party are
very important ones to take into consid-
eration. There are many things in con-
nection with a movement like ours which
are different from any others. This is not
a haphazard movement. This is an intel-
ligent, organized movement, and we want
to give it the most intelligent expression.
And the question of the relations of the
party to the party press and of the party
press to the party, and to its principles,
and to maintaining the resolutions and
platform which we are to adopt in the
convention — all these things and many
other- things have something to do with
this convention, and the comrades through-
out the country are looking for us to do
something. I look at this question as be-
ing entirely different from a question of a
party-owned press. But if the question
ever comes up it must come up in a dif-
ferent form from the intention of this
resolution. I just wanted to make myself
plain.
Del. Solomon (N. Y.) moved the previous
question. Carried.
The amendment to elect a coir.trJttes 'f
nine on party press was then carried, f
the rule as amended was adopted.
Rule 8 was then read by the Secreta ;
on the subject of time allowed speakers.
DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I move as an amen
ment that five minutes be substituted f<
ten minutes. (Seconded.)
DEL. COSGROVE: A point of order. ±
motion was made to act on these rulet
seriatim. You are now going on to an-
other altogether.
THE CHAIRMAN: Your point of order
is well taken. We will now refer back to
the previous paragraph and read the com-
mittees separately.
The Secretary read, under rule 7, "A
convention press committee of five mem-
bers."
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to
such a committee?
DEL. BERGER: I would call it a Pub-
licity Committee, in order to avoid misun-
derstanding.
THE CHAIRMAN: Publicity Committee
it is called. Any objection to Publicity
Committee?
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
N'»
Nlules 5 ajAN (Ark.): I move to strike
Balthout ob.'and insert "publicity."
Willie 7 wAIRMAN: That has been done
F. GEL. GA of the committee. No objection
dres aationmmittee? Next.
non or Secretary read the next item, "Aud-
bert "? Jommittee of five members."
Piercl iE CHAIRMAN: Any objection?
rdcjEL. GAYLORD: To go to Chicago and
audit the party accounts, everything.
THE CHAIRMAN: No objection. Pro-
ceed to the next committee.
The Secretary read the next item, "A
Committee on Foreign-Speaking Organiza-
tions of Seven Members."
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection?
DEL. GAYLORD: It seems to me this
is a matter which also will come before
the Committee on Constitution necessar-
ily. The relations of the foreign-speaking
organizations must be worked out in the
constitution. The activities of the foreign-
speaking organizations are something that
they concern themselves with. They will
do that; they will do it, anyway. I move
to strike out this committee because it
goes into the Constitution Committee's ac-
tivities. (Seconded.)
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): We have in
the present national constitution different
provisions covering foreign-speaking or-
ganizations. But this question cannot be
settled by a mere provision in the consti-
tution. It requires a special committee,
one which understands the question of
foreign-speaking organizations and their
relations to this organization. If you want
to deal with the question locally you must
have a committee on the subject.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): This subject was
up before the congress two years ago, and
Com. Gaylord remembers, himself, that
when this question of the organization of
our foreign comrades came up we were
obliged to confer with the foreign com-
rades themselves in large numbers in or-
der to get some intelligent understanding
by the Constitution Committee as to what
we ought to do, and they brought to us
their suggestions, but these suggestions
apparently have not worked out satisfac-
torily. I think it would be a great mis-
take to leave this to the Constitution Com-
mittee. I think that the representatives
of the foreign-speaking organizations
themselves, or at least a sufficient number
of them, should be placed upon such a
committee, and they should confer to-
gether and have an opportunity, in their
orf, of assisting, if necessary, the Corn-
tee on Constitution. But, at any rate,
nink that distinct committees should be
ganized for this particular purpose.
DEL. GAYLORD: I withdraw my mo-
on.
DEL. SADLER (Wash.): I move to
mend that we increase that Committee
m Foreign-Speaking Organizations from
seven to nine. (Seconded.)
DEL. BERGER: We accept the amend-
"ment.
DEL. PANKIN (N. Y.): I represent a
foreign language organization. May I
suggest to the convention that it would be
a wise thing to have on the committee on
the relations of the foreign-speaking
groups, some delegates representing for-
eign groups?
DEL. MOORE (Pa.): I move that an
auxiliary committee of three from the
foreign branches be appointed.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is out of
order. The representatives of the foreign-
speaking organizations are here with the
right to a voice only. It has been cus-
tomary at the past conventions to have
our Committee on Foreif n-Speaking Or-
ganizations confer and co-operate with the
delegates of these foreign-speaking orga-
nizations, and I have no doubt the pro-
ceeding will be followed this time.
On motion of Del. Strebel the previous
question was ordered.
The question was then put on the motion
that a Committee on Foreign-Speaking
Organizations to consist of nine members
be elected, and the motion was carried.
The Secretary read the next item, "A
Committee on Labor Organizations and the
Relations of the Party to Labor Organiza-
tions, of seven members."
DEL. JACOBSEN (Iowa): I move to
amend by increasing the Committee on
Labor Organizations from seven to nine.
(Seconded).
DEL. BEHGER: I accept this for the
committee. My experience in these con-
ventions, covering a long, long period, Is
that the smaller the committee, the better
it works. However, there is very little
difference between seven and nine, and I
accept the amendment.
DEL. BYRD (Tex.): I cannot see that
it is essential to increase that committee
from seven to nine, and I think we should
vote it down.
The question was then put on the elec-
tion of a committee of nine on Labor Or-
ganizations, and it was carried.
The Secretary read the next item, "A
Committee on Co-operation, of seven mem-
bers."
DEL. SADLER (Wash.): What is the
function of this committee?
THE CHAIRMAN: The function of this
committee is to consider the co-operative
movement and to report to this convention
on the character and importance of the
movement and the proper relations be-
tween the Socialist Party and the co-oper-
ative movement. Any further discussion?
f DEL. BERGER: And also to make sug-
gestions to this convention how to assist
the co-operative movement. The Socialist
movement, in order to be successful, must
not only help the trade union movement,
or rather the economic struggle, but must
also back up the co-operative movement
That is another root of the co-operative
commonwealth that we cannot neglect
THE CHAIRMAN: The committee will
bring in recommendations on that point.
DEL. HOG AN (Ark*.): I would suggest
that the title of the committee be ampli-
fied, as it were.
THE CHAIRMAN: To-wit, namely —
DEL. HOGAN: By describing the char-
acter of co-operation which it shall con-
sider.
THE CHAIRMAN: What is your amend-
ment, Com. Hogan?
DEL. HOGAN: Co-operative manufac-
turing.
DEL. BERGER: No, I object.
THE CHAIRMAN: Is that your amend-
ment, Com. Hogan?
DEL. HOGAN: No, It is not my amend-
ment.
THE CHAIRMAN: Very well. Any fur-
ther discussion? Any objection to the
appointment of that committee?
DEL. HOGAN: I simply wanted to sug-
gest to the committee that I thought that
ought to be done.
THE CHAIRMAN: The comrades will
take the suggestion. Any objection to the
appointment of this committee?
No objection was heard, and the rule }
was adopted. j r
MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1012
11
unit
The Secretary read the next item, "A
Committee on State and Municipal Pro-
gram, of seven members."
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to the
election of a Committee on State and
Municipal Program?
DEL. KRAFFT (N. J.): Moved that the
committee be enlarged to nine.
Del. Berger accepted the amendment on
behalf of the committee.
DEL. SMITH (Utah): I want to know
If this committee is to consider the ques-
tion known as commission form of gov-
ernment.
DEL. BERGER: Yes.
There being no objection, the rule was
adopted.
DEL. THEIMER (N. J.): I would like to
know whether there is a Committee on
Immigration provided for?
THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee on
Immigration was elected by the last party
congress and will report at this conven-
tion.
Rule 8 was read by the Secretary a sec-
ond time.
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I move
to amend that no delegate shall speak
twice unless by unanimous vote of his
delegation.
THE CHAIRMAN: That would be un-
necessary. By. unanimous vote this dele-
gation can do anything without motion.
DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I rise to renew my
motion to strike out "ten minutes" and
substitute "five minutes." (Seconded.)
DEL BERGER: Com. Chairman and
comrades, I am accustomed of being lim-
ited to a five-minute rule. The average
man can say a great deal in five minutes,
but the average Socialist orator cannot.
And there are a good many men and
women here who only have a chance once
in four years, and at best in two years, to
tell us what happened in the state of
Washington or the state of Mississippi.
That is why I proposed to make it ten
minutes. I will be very glad to accept the
five-minute rule, however, if it meets the
wishes of this convention. Five minutes
are plenty as far as I am concerned. I
simply wanted to give some of my com-
rfldGS -EL Ch.£LTlCG.
DEL MALEY (Wash.): I speak against
the amendment for five minutes; not In
behalf of the Socialist agitator, but in be-
half of the comrades in this convention
who must have a little time in which to
form their thoughts.
DEL. RAMP (Ore.): I want to accept
the amendment. I think the amendment is
good, but I want to offer an amendment to
the amendment, that a delegate may be
given the privilege of speaking a second
time upon a motion, with the consent of
this organization. (Seconded.)
DEL. LANFERSIEK (Ky.): I want to
suggest to the delegates that it is costing
the men and women here at least five dol-
lars for every minute, and if you cannot
express your sentiments in $25 worth of
minutes, then sit down. (Applause.)
DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I am in favor of
the five-minute amendment. I know that
absolutely a week was wasted by the
adoption of the ten-minute rule heretofore.
DEL. LEWIS (Ore.): I wish to offer an
amendment to the amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: There is one before
the house.
DEL. LEWIS: T have another amend-
ment to it.
THE CHAIRMAN: A substitute for the
whole?
DEL. LEWIS: A substitute for the
l hole; that no delegate in any one of the
/
delegations shall speak twice until s^A ^
delegate in all the other delegations saail '
have had an opportunity. (Seconded.)
On motion of Del. Solomon of New, York,
the previous question was ordered.
THE CHAIRMAN: Now, comrades, there
is no rule yet to allow anybody to speak
after the previous question is put. The
recommendation is that the mover of the
motion or chairman of the committee be
allowed to speak after the previous ques-
tion is put. By analogy, if no objection is
made, Com. Berger will have the floor.
DEL. BERGER: I got up and accepted
the amendments in order to save time.
The five-minute rule I also accept for the
committee. I believe that if anyone has
anything worth while this convention will
grant him an additional five minutes at
any time. (Applause.)
THE CHAIRMAN: There are two ques-
tions before the house, whether it shall be
five minutes or ten minutes. There are
also two amendments and a substitute be-
fore the house. One amendment was to
insert "five minutes" instead of "ten min-
utes." The other amendment was that no
delegate be recognized if any other dele-
gate from his state has been recognizd
and there are members of other state del-
egations that have not been recognized.
SEC. REILLY: Here are the amend-
%>ments: The Tuck amendment provides for
five minutes. Then there is the amend-
ment by Del. Ramp of Oregon, that a
delegate can be given the floor the second
time only by a vote of this body.
THE CHAIRMAN: By a majority vote.
SEC. REILLY: A majority vote, of
course.
DEL. SPARGO: I rise to a point of in-
formation. I desire to know whether it
will be your ruling that the vote we are
to take now will decide the entire matter?
THE CHAIRMAN: This will decide the
entire rule; the amendment being dis-
posed of first, and the entire rule as
amended next.
DEL. SPARGO: Then I desire to be
heard in opposition to the substitute.
THE CHAIRMAN: It cannot be done.
The previous question has been put and
carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: There are before the
house one substitute, two amendments and
the original motion or rule. The substi-
tute is to the effect that no delegate be
recognized if any member of his delega-
tion has been recognized on the question
while there remain states which have not ;
been heard from on the subject and desire •
to speak on the subject. The amendment
to the amendment is that the time of each
delegate be limited to five minutes unless
extended by a majority vote. The amend-
ment is that the time limit be five min-
utes instead of ten. The rule is that the
time limit be ten minutes except for the
chairman of the committee, majority and
minority reports of committees, who shall
have twenty minutes, and also after the
previous question has been called each
side to the question shall have one
speaker with five minutes
The question was then put on the sub-
stitute, and the substitute was defeated,
the vote being 54 for and 159 against.
The motion was then put on the amend-
ment to the amendment, limiting speak-
ers to five minutes unless the time should
be extended by majority vote, and the
motion was unanimously carried.
The rule as amended was then adopted.
DEL. CAREY (Mass.): A point of in-
quiry. I would like to know if that would
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
N>
Niul
Baltho ven t the granting- of an additional five
*"" minutes as provided in the rule. Does
it do away with the power of the con-
vention to extend the time, or if that is to
be subject to change?
THE CHAIRMAN: No; the understand-
ing of the chair is that they may have an
extension of time, an additional five min-
utes to debate.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): A point of in-
quiry. Do I understand that the chair-
men of committees will not have twenty
minutes to report?
THE CHAIRMAN: They will.
DEL. SPARGO: I desire to know wheth-
er the chairman understands and rules
that the rule as adopted granting time
for chairmen of committees applies to the
minority as well as the majority.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chairman does
so understand.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): A point of in-
quiry. I wish to ask the chair, what is
your ruling on the last rule where twenty
minutes is given to the chairman of a
committee to report? Can he divide his
time? Has there been any place allowed
for his reply at the close of the discus-
sion, according to the rules?
THE CHAIRMAN: He has five minutes
after the previous question is called, un-
der the rule.
DEL. WILSON: Is that for the chair-
man or for the two?
DEL. BERGER: I think it says two
speakers.
THE CHAIRMAN: It says two speak-
ers, one on each side, and the chairman
of a committee, in a discussion of a re-
port, will certainly be the representa-
tive of the one side for which he speaks.
DEL. BERGER: Not necessarily. If
the chairman of the committee wants to
grant his time to somebody else he may
do so, as long as his side is represented.
Both sides ought to be heard and repre-
sented. The twenty minutes he can also di-
vide up if he so chooses, among the vari-
ous members of his committee, but as a
rule I believe he will consume the whole
time. I never do.
DEL. WILSON: Then I wish a ruling,
Mr. Chairman.
THE CHAIRMAN: The ruling of the
chair will be that the chairman of a com-
mittee cannot divide his time. That is
a personal privilege accorded to the chair-
man of a committee for the purpose of
enabling him personally to make a report,
not to deal out patronage to others.
DEL. BERGER: That is not in accord-
ance with the views of the committee nor
with the practice in large parliamentary
bodies. Com. Chairman, you have no right
to say what I want to do.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair rules.
Now, the orderly way Is to take an appeal.
DEL. BERGER: I take an appeal. Am
I at liberty to state my reason?
THE CHAIRMAN: You are at liberty
to state your reason.
DEL. BERGER: I appeal for this
reason: If the chairman of a committee
has somebody on the committee that un-
derstands a question better than he does
and the chairman is willing to grant such
a member a part of the time, which really
belongs to the entire committee, to make
the statement or part of the statement
for the committee, it should be his privi-
lege to do so. Such is the custom in every
larpre parliamentary body. Tbis Is a con-
vention of about 300 members. We can-
not all be prepared to speak on every
subject. There are some men who have
peculiar qualifications to speak on certain
matters which they have maue a study.
They are on committees, and they ought
to have a right, if the chairman so de-
cides, to explain the position of the com-
mittee on those questions. I appeal to
the convention to grant the chairmen of
the respective committees that right if
the chairman or the committees so choose.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair has ruled
as it has for this reason: First, what is
before me is just the rule. The rule gives
twenty minutes to the chairman of the
committee to speak, not to divide. Now,
I know that the rule prevails in Congress
and similar legislative bodies which places
it within the power of the chairman to
divide his time. But this rule I consider
absolutely undemocratic. I consider it
part of the entire arrangement by which
the committee and the chairman of the
committee practically decide a proposi-
tion. It seems to me, where we provide
for general discussion and give five or ten
minutes, as the case may be, to anyone
who may desire to speak on the subject,
members of the committee will have
ample opportunity to speak. Why do you
make the exception of twenty minutes?
Because, whether it is the chairman or
spokesman of the committee, we want one
consecutive, complete presentation of the
subject, and we know that that cannot be
done in five minutes. That is why we gave
twenty. But I do not think it was the in-
tention of this convention to take a cer-
tain portion of time practically out of the
hands of the convention and place it in
the hands of the chairman of the commit-
tee and let him distribute it as he pleases.
Now you have heard both sides, and will
decide in accordance with your own wis-
dom.
A vote was taken on the appeal, and the
chair being in doubt, a rising vote was
then taken, resulting in 77 in favor of the
appeal and 131 against. So the decision of
the chair was sustained.
Rule 9 was then read as follows:
"The sessions of the Convention shall
be from 10 a. m. to 1 p. m. and from 2:30
to 5:30 p. m. Night sessions as ordered."
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I move as
an amendment that the sessions be from
9 a. m. to 12 m. and from 1:30 to 6 p. m.
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment Is
that the sessions shall be from 9 to 12
and 1:30 till six.
DEL. BERLYN (111.): I offer as a substi-
tute that we meet from 9 a. m. till 1 p. m.
and from 2 p. m. till 6.30 p. m. I will
give my reasons in a minute.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): We have set the
time from ten o'clock so as to give the
various committees time to work. The
committees must have time to do their
work in order to make it possible for
the Convention to go on. In case you are
elected to serve on a committee you will
find that you are an extremely busy man.
Comrade Sadler. Your committee will
meet at eight o'clock every day and have
plenty of work until ten. You will also
have plenty of work for the evening un-
less we decide to hold night sessions.
Our proposition is based upon a great deal
of experience, both in Socialist conven-
tions and in those of various labor organ-
izations. Remember, your work is not
confined to the convention floor; it is in the
committees where the real work Is done
and where the difficult questions are thor-
oughly thrashed out.
I am surprised at Comrade Berlyn. Ho
has always in the past stood for the el&ht
hour day. Now he wants us to work
MORNING SESSION, MAY 12, 1912
11
ten or twelve hours out of twenty-four. I
am not willing to go back on the eight
hour day after fighting for it all my life —
that is, I am willing enough to do com-
mittee work besides of the eight hour
convention day.
In order to facilitate the business of the
convention please accept the proposition
of the Committee on Rules.
DEL. BYRD (Tex.): I seconded that
resolution, or amendment; but Berger's
point is well taken; and I withdraw my
second.
THE CHAIRMAN: The withdrawal
does not affect the motion.
DEL. SADLER: In s.upport of my mo-
tion that we come to order at nine o'clock
and run until 12, and reconvene at 1:30
and run until 6, . I want to say that you
cannot get the committees to come out
in the morning and work. The only time
you can get them to work is after we
adjourn the convention at night. That is
the only time you can get committees to
work. You can't get a whole committee
together before. Two or three will be
lying in bed up to nine o'clock, and com-
ing to the convention late anyhow. So
to get the work done — the working class
are used to hard work anyhow — we can
do the committee work at night.
THE CHAIRMAN: Any further discus-
sion?
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move the pre-
vious question.
The previous question having been duly
seconded was ordered by the convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment
comes first; the amendment is that our
sessions commence at nine and continue
until noon, and then reconvene at one
thirty and continue until six.
The amendment was declared, lost.
THE CHAIRMAN: The original motion
is the adoption of the rule as reported,
which is that we meet at ten o'clock, re-
main in session until one o'clock; re-
convene at half past two, and remain in
session until half past five; night sessions
as ordered.
Rule 9 was then declared adopted as
reported and read.
The Secretary then read Rule 10 as fol-
lows:
RULE 10.
"Robert's Rules of Order shall be used,
with the exception that when the pre-
vious question has been called one dele-
gate on each side may speak for five min-
utes."
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec-
tion Rule 10 will be adopted as read.
Rule 10 was declared adopted.
RULE 11.
"During the sessions no smoking or
chewing of tobacco shall be allowed on
the floor of the convention."
THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec-
tion?
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to
amend by adding the words: "Or in the
corridors of the convention hall."
THE CHAIRMAN: The jurisdiction of
the convention extends only to the four
walls of the hall. The amendment is out
of order.
Rule 11 was then adopted as read.
RULE 12.
"Each delegate shall select one of its
members to announce its vote."
DEL. RODRIGUEZ (111.): This only
means, I assume, in case of a roll call?
THE CHAIRMAN: Yes.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I want to offer
an addition to the rule as read. The ad-
dition is in the following words: "The
vote of no state shall be cast as a unit
where the delegates of aid state are not
in agreement on the matter up for vote.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is understood.
DEL. GOEBEL: I want to offer my
amendment and speak to it.
THE CHAIRMAN: Read it again.
DEL. GOEBEL: You have read the rule
as reported by the Committee. I want
these words added: "The vote of no
state shall be cast as a unit where th9
delegates of said state are not in agree-
ment on the matter up for vote."
The Chairman: I shall have to rule it
out of order. Under our constitution we
cannot interfere with instructions from
states to their delegates, and those in-
structions may include the unit rule.
The chair has ruled that the amendment
cannot be entertained because it contra-
venes the constitution of the Socialist
Party of America, which vests the power
to instruct delegates or to provide for the
procedure of any delegation, in the State
organizations. The chair holds that if a
State should instruct its delegation to act
and vote as a unit this convention has
no power to override that instruction.
DEL. GOEBEL: I want to call attention
to the fact that I think you have deprived
me of my rights, unconsciously. I have
offered an amendment, and I have the
right to give my reasons therefor.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair holds that
this amendment is not in order.
DEL. GOEBEL: This is such an impor-
tant matter that I shall have to appeal in
some way.
THE CHAIRMAN: You may appeal
from the chair's ruling, Comrade Goebel.
A DELEGATE: I seconded the motion
of Comrade Goebel.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is not a question
of a second or otherwise. The chair has
ruled the amendment out of order; and
you know, Comrade Goebel, that I won't
take it as a personal offense if you appeal
from the decision of the chair. If you
want to bring the question before the
body of the convention s'ou will please
take an appeal.
DEL. GOEBEL: Then I will do so for
the purpose of bringing the matter be-
fore the house.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair has been
appealed from. Comrade Goebel will state
the reasons for his appeal.
DEL. MORGAN (Minn.): A point of in-
formation. Were all these- delegates
elected by referendum vote?
THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a ques-
tion of information. I want to call the
attention of the delegates to the fact that
the question now before us does not per-
mit any discussion except the parliamen-
tary question of the appeal from the
chair's ruling. State your reasons, Com-
rade Goebel.
DEL. GOEBEL: My reason for appeal-
ing from the decision of the chair is be-
cause I take the position that this con-
vention has the absolute right to say on
what terms it will count the vote of any
delegate or set of delegates in this body.
Just as we decide who are legal dele-
gates and who are not so we have the
right to decide whose vote shall be
counted and whose shall not. The reason
for my motion: everyone familiar with
old parties and their politics knows that
they have what is called the unit rule. A
selected man in the delegation can take
the delegation from his state and cast it
as one vote; the majority of the delega-
tion through its chairman casts the vote
IZ
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
of every delegate in the delegation from
his state. For c xample, if you have nine
delegates in a delegation from a particu-
lar state, and six of them are in har-
mony, the chairman gets up and an-
nounces nine votes for the particular view
for which the majority stands, and the
six have disfranchised the three. But we
are not in old party politics. We want
the delegates to speak for themselves.
And I rest my position on this, that we
have the absolute right to determine as
this vote state exactly what terms we will
accept the vote on.
THE CHAIRMAN: In support of my
ruling I will say this: I have absolutely
no sympathy for the practice of binding
delegations. I think it is a very vicious,
a very unsocialistic method. I think it
should not be tolerated in the Socialist
Party. But I think our constitution
should make provision against it. I hold
that under the present constitution the
state organization is the sole authority
for the action of its delegates. The dele-
gates represent the state organization.
The state organization may instruct its
delegates to vote for certain candidates,
or for certain measures; and it may in-
struct its delegates to vote as a unit; and
we are powerless under the constitution
to override the will of the membership in
that state.
Whether this is proper or improper
is not the question. If in my state an
attempt had been made to gag the dele-
gation by the unit rule I should vote
against it, but I say that the National
Convention of this party has no power
to override a decision of the state intro-
ducing the unit rule, bad as that rule is.
That is all there is to it. The vote comes
now upon the appeal. The question is:
shall the decision of the chair be sus-
tained. Those in favor of sustaining the
decision of the chair will say "Aye."
Those opposed "No."
The chair is in doubt. It was a long
"No;" I don't know whether it is a
strong "No."
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): Division.
THE CHAIRMAN: A division is called
for. All those in favor of sustaining the
ruling of the chair will rise and remain
standing until counted.
Upon the division the vote stood 79 to
sustain the ruling of the chair, and 129
opposed.
THE CHAIRMAN: The ruling of the
chair is not sustained. Comrade Goebel's
motion is now in order and he has the
floor.
DEL. DAN WHITE (Mass.): I thought
I was voting on the opposite side of the
question.
DEL. BERGER: Count me the other
way.
THE CHAIRMAN: Are there any oth-
ers who voted under a misapprehension?
There was a majority of fifty votes
against the chair, and one or two votes
won't affect the result. Comrade Goebel
has the floor.
DEL. GOEBEL: I desire to have added
the following words: "The vote of no
state shall be cast as a unit, where the
delegates of such states are not in agree-
ment upon the matter up for vote."
The motion of Delegate Goebel was sec-
onded.
DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I move to
amend that by adding: "Providing, that
where an instruction has been given by
referendum on any particular question
the instruction of that particular ques-
tion shall be obeyed."
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment Is
unless there should have been contrari-
wise instructions by a state referendum.
The amendment of Delegate Edwards
was duly seconded.
DEL. BERGER: I originally opposed
the amendment of Comrade Goebel be-
cause I thought it was unnecessary; but
after I heard the explanation of our
chairman I think Goebel's amendment is
very necessary.
We have had the same modus operandi
in the past. No one has ever questioned
the right of every delegate to vote as he
pleases. But the chairman of the dele-
gation acted as the spokesman for the
delegation. He announced the result,
whatever the result was.
But since the chairman construes the
rule differently I believe it is necessary
to have an amendment of this kind. On
the other hand I am not in favor of the
amendment to the amendment offered by
the delegate from Texas. That would
put the state's right idea back where
Comrade Hillquit wants it.
THE CHAIRMAN: Thinks it is.
DEL. BERGER: We have just voted
something down, and now you want to
put it in through the back door. I hope
the convention will reject the amendment
to the amendment and accept the original
amendment offered by Comrade Goebel of
New Jersey.
DEL. BERLTN (111.): The amendment
offered by Comrade Goebel I look upon as
vicious in a Socialist organization. I
am here today representing the state of
Illinois — not Barney Berlyn's views, but I
am here in a representative capacity: I
am here in a delegated capacity in any
way that my state chooses to direct me.
I am in duty bound to carry their mes-
sage here; or if I could not do that I
should refuse to act for them. Now let us
understand this proposition. This is not a
Democratic convention; this is not a Repub-
lican convention. This is a Socialist con-
vention. We are here in a delegate capac-
ity to carry out the principles and wishes
of our constituency. If our constituents
on a special subject have instructed us it
is the duty of the delegation to see that
every member of that delegation follows
the instructions of his state in his dele-
gated capacity. If not, if he violates those
instructions, when he goes home he should
be expelled from the party.
THE CHAIRMAN: The rules having been
adopted so far as the time fixed for our
sessions the hour of adjournment has nvre
than arrived, and the convention stands
adjourned.
The convention then adjourned until 2.30
p. m.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Chairman Hillquit called the convention
to order at 2:30 p. m.
THE CHAIRMAN: We are now consid-
ering the twelfth rule and there are twenty-
five before you for your consideration.
There may be more offered. When we have
passed upon the rules we shall have to
elect our permanent officers; and we shall
then have to nominate fourteen different
committees, with 117 members on those
various committees. Every state will nom-
inate. Now, comrades, if we dispose of
>
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910
13
those nominations today we can have the
ballots printed over night, and we shall be
able to vote upon the nominees tomorrow
morning 1 . If we don't do that we lose an
entire day. So we have to dispose of our
business with great dispatch. Please bear
that in mind.
Rule 12 is now before you. The secretary
will read Rule 12; and then the amendment
and then the amendment to the amend-
ment.
THE SECRETARY: The amendment of-
fered by Delegate Goebel of New Jersey
is that the vote of no state shall be cast
as a unit where the delegates of that state
are not ip agreement on the matter up for
vote. The amendment to the amendment
offered by Delegate Edwards of Texas is
this: "Unless instructed to vote as a unit
by a referendum vote of their state."
DEL. EDWARDS: I wish to make a
correction. As read it refers only to spe-
cific instructions, and not as an instruc-
tion vote as a unit. I will read the mo-
tion to amend: "Provided that where an
instruction has been given by referendum
on a particular question the instruc-
tion on that particular question shall be
obeyed."
Speaking to that I wish to say that I am
heartily in favor of the motion of Com-
rade Goebel which will prevent tying up
a delegation b ' the unit rule where the
delegation is c ivided. But where a state
has expressed by referendum its opinion on
a particular question I believe that if a
delegate is unwilling to abide by the de-
cision of the party of that state on that
particular question he should not be a dele-
gate; and believing that an instruction on
a particular question should be obeyed I
offer that amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary will
read the amendment as corrected.
THE SECRETARY: "Provided that
where an instruction has been given by a
referendum vote on any particular question
the instructions on that particular question
shall be obeyed."
DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.): This entire
question has arisen over instructions given
by the state of California. I presume there-
fore it is our duty to inform the delegates
here of the facts. The facts are that our
state secretary wrote a resolution upon
matters of general policy, generally con-
sistent with the policy adopted in the state
of California. This proposition, all of it
in fact, "would be looked upon favorably by
the membership of that state. After hav-
ing written his resolution he sent it to
Local Vista and had it initiated and passed
out through the state without submitting
it to the State Committee. We were there-
fore instructed on all the propositions con-
tained in the resolutions prepared by the
secretary, and at the close of the general
Instructions this instruction was given and
this I want to read to the convention, so
that you may know precisely what the
situation is and what it is that you are
acting upon:
"And be it further resolved that the
foregoing shall be and constitute instruc-
tions by the membership of California to
its state delegation to the National Con-
vention to be held May 12, 1912; that on
all questions said delegation shall vote as
a unit, and that on all matters where not
instructed a majority vote of the delegation
shall determine the attitude of the delega-
tion."
Now that is what we are up against; and
that is what you people are acting upon.
' nd that is the source of the resolution.
DEL. WRIGHT (Neb.): This convention
is not responsible for the instructions given
to the California delegation; they should
formulate their own method of voting as
a unit; and it is not essential that we
shape our rules of order to meet the situa-
tion presented in their state.
THE CHAIRMAN: Do you rise to a point
of order?
DEL. WRIGHT: I am speaking to the
resolution.
DEL. MERRICK: It seems to me to be
very clear at this time that.. this matter is
one of importance to this party as a matter
of precedent that you are going to set for
future conventions. Comrade Goebel's
proposition is perfectly clear. There can
be no question for a minute but what any
good Socialist who comes instructed by his
state should live up to those instructions.
But to claim for one minute that on mat-
ters where there is no instruction the dele-
gation should hold a caucus and bind and
throttle the members of that delegation in
all probability in violation of the will of
the majority of the members of the party
in the state is certainly contrary to Social-
istic ethics and principles. And if there
has been a matter of very great Importance
arisen since that vote was taken in the
state of California, upon which they could
not instruct the delegates, I cannot as a
Socialist look with favor on any practice
that smacks of Republicanism or Democ-
ratism by bringing in a gag unit rule
here.
I say, comrades, that we should stand by
instructions given on any specific proposi-
tion; but the Socialist Party shall say
whether any unsocialistic practice shall
prevail in this National Convention of the
party; and whether any state delegation
shall be allowed to proceed in a way that
is in violation of fundamental socialist
principles.
I think it is an unfair proposition in any
sense that if a state has instructed its
delegates on any important question that
it has also the right and power to say to
those delegates at the convention when
something of importance suddenly arises
which they cannot know about except as
delegates at the convention, that the ma-
jority of the delegation shall have the
power to override and silence the minority
on that uninstructed matter. It seems to
me that you are setting a dangerous prece-
dent, derived from Republican and Demo-
cratic politics, and having no proper place
in a Socialist organization.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) I think it should
be made possible where a delegation has
been instructed on a particular subject
for the chairman of the delegation to cast
the entire vote of that delegation, no mat-
ter how the individual delegates may feel
about the matter. That is not the busi-
ness of this National convention. And so
far as the delegates carrying out their in-
structions from their state on any given
proposition, if any delegate who comes
here instructed on any such proposition
disregards the instructions of his state,
it is for the state organization to settle
that question; and it is not for us to
settle here. If when he has been selected
by a state as a delegate to this conven-
tion representing that state he has been
given instructions how the state wishes
him to vote on a particular question
he should follow those instructions; and
if he does not he should be dealt with
by his state. But the delegates here
can not by any means pass a unit rule
whereby a chairman of a delegation will
cast a solid vote of the delegates from a
\
14
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
particular state irrespective of the wishes
of the individual delegates.
I believe the proposition by Goebel was
absolutely superiluous. At no time was it
the purpose to have the chairman of the
delegation cast the entire vote of -the dele-
gation regardless of the wishes of the indi-
vidual delegates. On the other hand the
proposition of the gentleman from Texas
would make it possible in a caucus for the
majority to claim that there was an under-
standing in the state for the delegates to
vote one way, or fche other, and then for
the majority of the delegation from that
state to claim the entire vote of the state
and cast the vote accordingly.
DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): I do not believe
there is anybody who sticks more for the
democratic control of the party than I do.
But I want to say that if any state — my
state or any other state — instructs its dele-
gation to cast their vote in a certain way;
and then it is not done, it is the v/ill of
the majority and not the will of the mi-
nority that is being violated. If the ma-
jority of the members of the party in a
state decide that I shall cast my vote ac-
cording to the wish of the majority of the
delegates, and as a whole, why that is the
instruction of the majority of socialists
in that state; that is the will of that state.
If it came from some subdivision of the
party in that state without a referendum
vote that would be a different thing. But
when it comes to a clear majority of the
state on a straight referendum if you are
to have state autonomy at all then you
must stand back of the vote of that state,
and let them decide whether they wish
their delegates at this convention to cast
their votes as one unit. If they have more
faith in the opinion of a majority of their
delegation than they have in the indi-
vidual views of a minority that is their
right. If they wish the majority of the
state delegation to rule the delegation it
is their right so to instruct the delegation.
I maintain that the majority of the Social-
ist Party still have the right to run it.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio) : I believe that since
this is a question of procedure and as the
convenience of this convention is opposed
possibly to the will of the constituents of
a certain delegation, I think it will be well
for the convention to subject its conve-
nience to that will by tabling this whole
matter. And therefore I move as a substi-
tute that we table the original rule and all
the amendments that have been offered.
SEVERAL DELEGATES: Second the
motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion to table
is always in order and is not debatable.
DEL. GOEBEL: A point of information.
Under Robert's Rules of Order — and that
is what we are acting under — if a motion
to table is carried it carries with it all the
rules does it not?
THE CHAIRMAN: Not all the rules;
simply Rule 12.
The motion to table was declared lost.
DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.): I want to say
that I am in favor of the amendment to
the amendment. I take it that we are a
delegate body; not at all an authoritative
body. When we come here from states
have instructed us on certain "propo-
rtions — it makes no difference whether
those instructions are on matters that they
have not had an opportunity to consider —
the rule that the majority of that state
has laid down by its votes must be our
rule. We have no right to take away the
referendum powers of the state that in-
structed that delegation. It would be es-
tablishing a bad precedent. If you vote
down the amendment to the amendment it
leaves you establishing a proposition here
that takes entirely away from the states
the right to instruct their delegates, go-
ing as delegates to a delegate body, and
according to the wishes of the party mem-
bership of a state plainly expressed. Now
do we want to take such a position or do
we not? We know there are differences
of opinion among delegates from a state.
And it is precisely because there are differ-
ences of opinion that delegations are most
frequently instructed on certain definite
propositions. Now do you say that we,
delegates in convention assembled, must
override the action and decree of the whole
membership of a state? If you do vote
down the amendment. But if you believe
in democracy; if you believe in the prin-
ciple of the referendum, and the right of
the membership to express themselves, and
their right to instruct their delegates, and
the moral duty of the delegates to follow
those instructions then vote for the amend-
ment to the amendment.
The previous question having been moved
and seconded was carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques-
tion having been called the secretary will
read the original rule; the amendment and
the amendment to the amendment.
THE SECRETARY: Rule 12. The
original rule you have before you. Amend-
ment by Goebel: "The vote of no state
shall be cast as a unit where the delegates
of said state are not in agreement on the
matter up for vote. The amendment to the
amendment by Edwards is: "Provided that
where instructions have been given by ref-
erendum on a particular question the in-
structions on that particular question shall
be obeyed."
THE CHAIRMAN: -The question comes
on the amendment to the amendment.
DEL. GOEREL: Have I not the right
to close under our rules?
THE CHAIRMAN: No.
DEL. BERGER: Some one has the right
to close. See Rule 10.
DEL. GOEBEL: I have the right under
that rule.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair is wrong.
Speak on, George.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I believe
Goebel has spoken once.
THE CHAIRMAN: He is on one side,
the chair holds. That rule has been
adopted.
DEL. GOEBEL: I want to say that I do
not give the snap of my finger for Cali-
fornia or any other state in this matter.
We are here representing the national So-
cialist Party, the Socialist Party of Amer-
ica. Comrade Kaplan says that, we are
going to establish a precedent. I am per-
fectly willing to concede the point. What
is tried to be established here is the
method by which crooked politicians m
various states have been able to trade off
the vote of entire state delegations to
others having like powers for favors prom-
ised to them. And the precedent that we
shall establish here will be that it will
not go that way in the Socialist Party.
Comrade Edwards' amendment does not
alter my original motion one iota except
to make it more clear. What he proposes is
verv clear. If I have been instructed by
a referendum of my state to vote a certain
way on a certain proposition, on the trades
union question, or the immigration ques-
tion it is my business to obey those plain
instructions. Y But that is not the point
here The party in California have in-
structed their delegates how they shall vote
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910
15
on certain specific questions and then on
top of that added another referendum by
which they are directed to vote as a unit
on the matters about which they have not
been specifically instructed by their state.
That means, if they have eighteen dele-
gates as I think they have, that if ten of
them who think a certain way on any new
proposition get together then even though
the membership of that state know nothing
of the merits of that particular question,
yet if the ten of them agree that way a
certain one representing that ten will stand
up and cast the entire vote of the eighteen
delegates. And that is what I do not be-
lieve in. If that is Socialism, then it is
not my kind of Socialism. It is crooked
Socialism. If we are going to establish a
precedent let us establish it and make it
clear that we won't have the methods that
appiy in the old parties. Let us say that
we don't want that condition of things
where one boss can meet another boss and
say: "Let's shake hands. I will give you
my delegation on this proposition if you
will give me yours on that." That is
what this thing means.
THE CHAIRMAN: Does any delegate
wish to speak in opposition to Comrade
Goebel's position?
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I do.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Gay lord.
DEL. GAYLORD: This does not look
such an awfully s< rious proposition to me,
and perhaps I ha e had as much experi-
ence in old party politics as some of the
others. And perhaps I do not understand
the terrible possibilities of this sort of
thing. But it looks to me that we are all
here in a representative capacity; and that
when the state organization of one state
has made up its mind and voted that its
delegation shall vote as a unit I do not
know what right we have as a convention
to override those instructions. Delegates
accept their positions as delegates under
the conditions prescribed by their state
organizations. And they do so under the
national constitution. There is nothing in
the national constitution so far prevent-
ing or prohibiting the action that is re-
ported to have been taken by the mem-
bership of California.
The appeal to Socialist principles m is
rather vague and indefinite. No specific
principle of Socialism has been named in
support of the other side. Democracy is
too big a word, and the ideas too hazy
when so generally called upon in support
of a proposition. I have known democracy
to be invoked on both sides of a contro-
versy, on both sides of the same proposi-
tion, and I could just as well invoke it here
against Comrade Goebel's proposition.
Goebel wants the organization in Cali-
fornia which has thousands of members in
it to be overridden by these few score
people gathered from the four winds of
the universe. How is that? That sounds
as good as yours does. I could say it
louder, too, if I wanted to. What's the
use?
But there is a more serious matter here,
and that is the right of the membership
of a state to instruct its delegation as to
all actions and as to the entire method of
their action in the national convention.
And this convention has no right to set
that aside. I cha.Wenge the right of this
convention to do it. I challenge our right
to make that rule, especially in the case
of the specific instructions of California
there. I don't care particularly about Cali-
fornia; but we are setting a bad precedent
when a national convention without a con-
stitutional provision to that effect, pre-
sumes to override a state referendum.
THE CHAIRMAN: We shall vote first
on the amendment to the amendment, of-
fered by Delegate Edwards.
The amendment to the amendment upon
a rising vote was then declared carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The vote now comes
on the amendment of Comrade Goebel. The
secretary wjU read.
THE SCRETARY: "The vote ot no state
shall be cast as a unit where the dele-
gates of said state are not in agreement on
the matter up for vote."
DEL. SOLOMON: The amendment just
passed I think does away with this amend-
ment.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair thinks not.
The amendment of Delegate Goebel as
read was then declared carried. And Rule
12 as reported was declared carried as
amended.
DEL. BERLYN (111.) asked that the rule,
be read as amended.
THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary will
read the rule as amended.
THE SECRETARY (reading): Each dele-
gation shall select one of its members to
announce its vote. The vote of no state
shall be cast as a unit where the delegates
of such state are not in agreement on the
matter up for vote; provided, that where an
instruction has been given by referendum
on a particular question the instruction on
that particular question shall be obeyed."
RULE 13.
"Each delegation shall designate in the
absence of any delegate the alternate who
shall fill such vacancy."
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to
Rule 13?
DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): I would
like a ruling of the chair. If the (rule
means that the delegation shall select an
alternate where a vacancy exists regard-
less of the rules of their particular state
then that is a rule that this convention
has no right to adopt. Most state organ-
izations provide in their state constitution
a particular order or rotation in which al-
ternates shall be selected; and this con-
vention has neither -the right nor the power
to give to any state delegation the right
to select an alternate except in accordance
with . the rules of that state constitution
wherever the state organization lias al-
ready decided the way in which an alter-
nate shall be seated. If that is the con-
struction of the rule it is unconstitutional
and out of order. If it is the intention of
this rule that in the absence of any regu-
lar elected delegates or alternates that the
state delegation shall then have the right
to fill the vacancy as stated I am in favor
of the rule.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair holds that
this proposed rule does not contravene the
rule of any state organization; but leaves
it to each delegation to follow the rules
of its own state or to use its discretion in
the absence of such a rule.
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I move
to strike out Rule 13.
The motion was duly seconded. On vote
it was declared lost.
Rule 13 as read was then adopted.
RULE 14.
"Such members of the National Execu-
tive Committee who are not delegates, and
the National Secretary, shall have a voice
and no vote in the convention. This pro-
vision also applies to members of the
Women's National Committee.''
THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec-
tion? There is none. The rule is adopted.
\
16
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
RULE 15.
"Neither contesting nor contested dele-
gates shall vote upon any question in re-
lation to their rights to be seated."
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection.
There is none. The rule is adopted.
RULE 16.
"The nomination for candidates for Presi-
dent and Vice-President shall be by at least
a majority of all the votes cast."
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move to
amend the rule by making it read ""A ma-
jority of all votes entitled to a seat in this
convention."
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): Some of the
delegates may be going home.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment of-
fered by Delegate Solomon of New York
is that it shall require for the nomination
of presidential and vice-presidential candi-
dates not a majority of the delegates pres-
ent and voting, but a majority of all dele-
gates entitled to be seated in the conven-
tion.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I want to
speak in favor of that.
THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Slobodin
has the floor.
DEL. SLOBODIN: The Socialist Party
ought to be the most democratic party in
the world. We can not have our candi-
dates for President and Vice President
nominated by a minority of the convention.
We cannot have a minority candidate. It
would not look good. It would not repre-
sent properly the spirit and practice of
the Socialist Party. If delegates should
want to leave they will take into consid-
eration the fact that there are still the
nominations of candidates for President
and Vice President to be made, and they
will probably stay until such candidates
are named. I urge that we vote for the
amendment offered by Comrade Solomon.
DEL. FLOATEN (Col.): I wish to op-
pose a rule that requires a majority of all
the votes of the people elected as delegates
here to decide any question before us. We
have this question which is causing a fac-
tional fight in the state of Colorado where
one organization of its own motion has
taken the position that you shall not de-
cide anything, nominate anybody, elect an
official of the party, or amend the consti-
tution unless you have a majority of all
the members, at least all the members who
are dues paying members in the party. This
is exactly on the same line. Those people
already have three counties in our state*
under their control, an entirely factional
division, entirely opposed to the body of
the Socialist Party of Colorado. Suppose
now that there are 200 members here. A
time is set when we shall nominate our
candidates for President and Vice Presi-
dent. Assume now that 90 out of those
go away. That leaves 110 of us. It is
possible that only 60 of those will vote
for any one candidate. It might be im-
possible to get 100 out of the 110 to vote
for one candidate. We should have a ma-
jority of the 110 that are left but not a
majority of all the delegates entitled to
seats in the convention. I do hope that
you will not adopt any such rule com-
pelling them to be here. They are in duty
bound to be here and if they are not here
the organization that they represent will
lose all rierht to complain.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): There is very
little difference between the two contend-
ing views. We expect that most of the
delegates will stay here at least until we
nominate for President and Vice President
on the Socialist ticket. We expect that.
There are about 300 delegates here and a
majority of the 300 will be at least 160.
However, as to the comparison with the
old parties if the Republican party would
be more democratic because it requires a
majority of all the delegates, well, then
the Democratic party would be still more
democratic because they require two-thirds
of all the delegates. We use the word de-
mocracy too much, in a vague, foolish way.
So far as I am concerned I am just as well
satisfied with Solomon's amendment — so
long as we don't lose too much time, be-
cause at the rate we are going we won't
do very much in two weeks.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move that this rule
be tabled, and that this convention in-
struct the National Secretary to issue a
referendum call for nominations to the
political offices of President and Vice
President and that the names so received
be sent out to a referendum vote of the
membership in the regular manner.
THE CHAIRMAN: All of which is ex-
ceedingly interesting but entirely out of
order.
The previous question was called for and
ordered.
THE CHAIRMAN: The secretary will
please read the amendment.
THE SECRETARY: The amendment of
Solomon of New York is: "Nominations for
President and Vice President shall be made
by a majority vote of all delegates entitled
to a vote in this convention."
THE CHAIRMAN: All in favor of this
amendment will say "aye." The chair is in
doubt.
(Cries of "division.")
A DELEGATE: On the previous ques-
tion there is a chance to speak on both
sides.
THE CHAIRMAN: Not after the vote is
under way. All in favor of the amendment
requiring a majority of delegates entitled to
be seated for the nomination of candidates
for President and Vice President will please
rise and stand until counted.
On a division the amendment was de-
feated by a vote of 81 ayes and 159 noes
Rule 16 as read was then adopted.
RULE 17.
"A roll call shall be had when demanded
by at least 50 delegates."
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move that the
number be reduced to 15.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): If we have
a roll call every time fifteen members de-
mand it we shall consume half of the time
of the convention in roll calls. I there-
fore move to amend that it require forty
delegates.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): It is our cus-
tom I believe to have a roll call on the
request of about one-sixth. Fifteen is
simply ridiculous. We should do nothing
but call the roll here.
(Cries of "previous question.")
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I have a reason for
making this motion or I would not have
made it. I believe if fifteen members want
the delegates to go on record on a par-
ticular proposition they should go on rec-
ord as voting for or against. I think if a
question comes up of importance to our
constituents and we believe that those con-
stituents should know how the delegates
vote. We have a right to require that.
That is what they are sending us here
for. We are sent here to take certain ac-
tion, and any delegate who is afraid of the
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910
17
roll call should not be entrusted with the
duty of voting-.
DEL. ONEAL (Ind.): I want to say that
if a delegation desires to make a note of
how its individual members vote they can
keep a record of that vote and report it
back to their state.
(The previous question was then or-
dered.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that
it requires fifty members to demand a roll
call. The amendment is that it require
fifteen and the second amendment is that
it require forty. We are now voting- upon
the question of whether a roll call shall
be had at the request of forty delegates.
A division having been called for the
amendment to make the number necessary
for a roll call forty delegates was lost by a
vote of 86 ayes and 131 noes.
The amendment fixing the number at
fifteen delegates was then put and declared
lost.
The original rule requiring fifty delegates
as reported to the convention was then
adored-
RULE 18.
"On Friday, May 17th, at 3 o'clock in the
afternoon all business of the convention
shall be suspended and the convention shall
proceed to the nomination of candidates for
President and Vice President of ! he United
States."
DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I move to
amend the rule by substituting the word
Wednesday, May 15th, instead of Friday,
May 17th.
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I desire to offer
this amendment: "Provided that the na-
tional platform shall at that time have
been adopted."
The amendment of Delegate Hogan was
duly seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment is
that we nominate on that day provided the
platform shall have been adopted at that
time.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): We made it
Friday in order to give the Committee on
Platform a chance to report. It would not
be the proper thing for a Socialist conven-
tion to nominate a President and a Vice
President before we had adopted a plat-
form. For that reason we made it Fri-
day. We also put it off as late as possible
in order to hold the members in Indianap-
olis. Moreover, if you are to discuss
everything as you discuss the rules today,
how are you going to get to the platform
even on Friday? I hope you will accept
the propositibn as laid down in this rule
and make it Friday afternoon at 3 o'clock.
DEL. BURKE (N. H): I have always
had the idea that Socialists were sensible
people. Now, the idea seems to be to get
ill our names in the minutes. Let's get
lown to business. I am in favor of Friday.
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I thought I
«new something about the Socialist move-
ment. I have had ten or twelve years of
experience. My understanding is that you
annot conceive of a candidate that you
ivill nominate for these offices who will
-efuse to run on any platform that you
idopt at any time. You nominate your can-
lidate and the man nominated for that pub-
ic position must stand on the platform as
enunciated by the convention no matter
vhether it is enunciated before or after.
7ou don't have to consult your candidate
r his wishes in the matter. We are here
o tell him where he gets off, and if he
loesn't get off as we tell him we may ac-
elerate his getting off.
" Del. Solomon (N. Y.) moved the previous
question.
The previous question was then ordered.
THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques-
tion having been ordered one speaker will
be recognized on each side of the discus-
sion.
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I speak against
the proposition.
DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): As mover of
the amendment I claim the floor.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let us see whether
the comrade is against you. If he is, you
can speak, otherwise not.
DEL. SLAYTON: I am opposed to the
amendment setting the nominations tfo**
Wednesday, for the reason that Cor~:ade
Berger stated, but in addition f 2 know
enough to know that after ±fr* T r andidates
are nominated the avera .•*;■■> delegate loses
interest; the big thing is done, and he goes
home. Now, don't jump up all over the
floor and say it doesn't mean you. We are
all apt to feel that it means not us, but
them. Still it happens nine times out of
ten. You can do the business better if you
nominate the candidates after the impor-
tant business is done. Let us do our im-
portant business and then make the nomi-
nations for President and Vice President
the last business before us. It should be
our last business. Your candidates are
human vehicles to carry out the conclusions
that you reach here, to do the things that
you direct to be done here. If we make
that the first order of business it looks as
though we thought that they were more
important than all of the rest of the con-
vention put together, which I deny.
THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any delegate
wishing to advocate the claims of Wednes-
day.
DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): The big thing
in this convention is the nomination of .
these candidates — that is Comrade Slay-
ton —
DEL. SLAYTON: No.
DEL. WHEELER: I misunderstood him.
Very well. We decide that the majority of
those here shall nominate the candidates.
If we put it off until Friday a number will
go home. Some will go because they are
unable to pay the price for staying here.
In Pennsylvania we nominated our candi-
dates very early in our convention; after-
wards we adopted our platform. Well, no-
body in Pennsylvania was of the opinion
that our candidates were less able or effi-
cient because we nominated them that way,
or that they won't stand for the platform
because we did it that way. The proposi-
tion back of this amendment is: That more
of the delegates will be here Wednesday;
all who are here Wednesday will be voting
on that. We are not deferring- any of the
important business. We are not putting
any important business aside if we do
that Wednesday. The platform that will
be adopted will not be altered any. The
candidates' position will not be altered.
Some of us who may have to go later will
be here Wednesday. My point is that if
we nominate Wednesday the greater part
of the men and women who have come here
to nominate the candidates will be able to
join in naming them. I do not contend that
the naming of candidates can be of the
utmost importance An a Socialist conven-
tion. We can just as well name them now
as later. I think that since we have de-
cided that it requires only a majority of
those who are present when the nomina-
tions are made this amendment is impor-
tant, as it gives the greatest possible at-
tendance.
/
18
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
THE CHAIRMAN: The vote is now in or-
der. The Secretary will now read the orig-
inal rule, the amendment and the amend-
ment to the amendment.
DEL. HOGAN .(Ark.): I claim my right
to speak.
THE CHAIRMAN: The main question is
between Friday and Wednesday.
THE SECRETARY: The original rule is
No. 18 as printed, that -we nominate Friday,
May 17th„ at 3 o'clock. The amendment of
Wheeler is that it be made Wednesday,
May 15th, instead. The amendment of Del.
Hogan is that we add: "Provided that the
platform shall have been adopted at that
time."
!?!*& CHAIRMAN: The question comes
on the" .adoption of the amendment to the
amending, provided that we shall adopt
the platform Vtefere nominating candidates
for President and Vice President.
A division having been called for the
amendment to the amendment was lost by
a vote of 90 Aye and 134 No.
THE CHAIRMAN: The vote now occurs
on the substitution of Wednesday for Fri-
day.
The amendment was defeated.
Rule 18 as reported by the committee
was then adopted.
RULE 19.
"The convention shall adjourn not later
than Saturday, May 18th, at midnight."
DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I move to amend
by making it Friday night.
The motion was duly seconded.
An amendment that no time be fixed for
adjournment was made and seconded.
DEL. SOLOMON: I move to table the
whole matter.
The motion was duly seconded.
Cries of "Question."
DELEGATES: What is the motion?
I* THE CHAIRMAN: Some delegates do
not understand the motion, or say so. The
motion is that the rule proposed and all
amendments be tabled. That would mean
that we have no rule as to the time of
adjournment.
On division on the motion to table there
was a tie vote of 112 for and 112 against.
THE CHAIRMAN: There being a tie
vote the chair will decide against the mo-
tion to table.
* The previous question was then called
for.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Most of us have
neither time nor money to stay here indefi-
nitely. We rented this hall for one week
only. So if you extend the business of the
convention beyond Saturday night we shall
have to hire another hall. I believe we can
do the work of the party, all the work be-
fore this convention in the time suggested
if we use a little common sense. Please
help us to do the work of the party and
don't take up unnecessary time with points
of order and points of information and un-
necessary discussion of unimportant mat-
ters.
DEL. SOLOMON: I proposed the motion
to table. If we fix a definite time for the
adjournment then the tendency will be to
drag ^long until that time, whether we need
to do so or not. It will prevent us getting
through perhaps on Thursday evening. If
we find that we can conclude our business
by Thursday or Friday evening, then we
should adjourn then. I see no reason for
fixing a definite time for adjournment. I
know in many of our state conventions we
do not waste time by setting a definite
limit for the adjournment. There we al-
ways adjourn six hours earlier than we
expected.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is to
adopt rule 19. The amendment offered by
Ringler is that we adjourn Friday. The
amendment to the amendment by Killing-
beck is that no time be fixed for adjourn-
ment.
DEL. KILLINGBECK (N. J.): My mo-
tion was that this convention adjourn when
it has concluded its business.
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment to
the amendment is that this convention ad-
journ when it has concluded or completed
its business.
A division being called for the amend-
ment to the amendment was lost by a vote
of Aye 55, No 145.
The amendment to the amendment was
defeated by a vote of 55 to 145.
The amendment to substitute Friday for
Saturday was put to a vote and lost.
The original motion, to adjourn not later
than Saturday midnight, was then carried.
Rule 20 was then read by the Secretary.
THE CHAIRMAN: Any opposition or
objection?
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): When are we
permanently organized?
THE CHAIRMAN: I suppose perma-
nently organized means when we have
elected a permanent chairman.
DEL. SOLOMON: I move an amendment
that all speeches of welcome be postponed
till after the election of committees.
DEL. SPARGO: I move as an amend-
ment to the amendment that we hear
speeches of welcome this day at 5 P. M.
(Seconded.)
DEL. JACOBS (Wis.): Mr. Chairman, is
it necessary, when a motion is offered, to
always offer an amendment and then an
amendment to an amendment, and then
vote those down and then adopt the orig-
inal proposition? Is it necessary to do
that on every question? It seems to me we
are wasting time. I want to get the in-
formation.
THE CHAIRMAN: The information of
the chair is that so far it has been neces-
sary. Whether it will be necessary in the
future, God knows. (Laughter.)
DEL. SPARGO: I desire to state briefly
the reason for making my proposition. The
local comrades, I understand, have arranged
for a demonstration for tonight, and it
would seem particularly inappropriate, af-
ter we have held a public demonstration
under their auspices, to be then welcomed
in their behalf. I think we ought to have
that much courtesy.
A vote was then taken on the amendment
to hear the speeches of welcome at f
o'clock this afternoon, and it was carried
Rule 21 was then read and adopted with-
out objection.
Rule 22 was also adopted without objec-
tion. *
The Secretary then read rule 23.
DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): The Pennsyl-
vania delegates think that four hours eaclj
should be allowed for the debate on th«
questions of immigration and agriculture
each side to choose a manager to divide th<
speeches and give notice in writing of th<
assignments of speakers, and all votes shal
be taken without further debate. I movt
the adoption of the following amendment
"That four hours each shall be allowed
for debates on Industrialism, Immigratioi
and Agriculture. Each side shall choose f
manager of time, to whom all who desire t<
speak shall give notice and shall receive ai
equal division of the time. When all haw
spoken on the questions the vote shall bj
taken without further debate." (Secon.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I move to
amend that by inserting instead of th
^
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910
19
Suestion of Industrialism, the report of the
ommittee on Labor Organizations and
Their Relations to the Socialist Party.'
(Seconded.)
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): The delegates
who were present at recent conventions of
the Socialist Party will remember that on
every question that came before those bod-
ies for discussion there were not simply
two sides discussed, but many sides dis-
cussed. Those of you who remember the
prolonged discussion, lasting for nearly two
whole days, on the subject of Immigration
at the last congress which met in Chicago,
will remember that we did not have only a
majority report and a minority report, but
we had a substitute motion, and then we had
delegates from all over America giving their
views on the subject of immigration, that
could not be related either pro or con, either
directly or indirectly, against or for one of
these propositions. That may seem almost
impossible, but it is a fact; and I say, Mr.
Chairman, that when these great questions
come up before us in this assemblage every
delegate on this floor ought to have a right
to express himself on the subject involved.
(Applause.) It is not simply two naked
propositions that will be before us, or an
amendment and an amendment to the
amendment. It will be an effort on the
part of the delegates here to express their
yiews, and they may not be able to say
exactly whether they are for or against any
other particular person's views, but they
ought to have a right to express their
views. I think, Mr. Chairman, that this
kind of a division of time will be contrary
to the best interests of the delegations.
(Applause.) I think that it will be impor-
tant for us to leave this matter of discus-
sion of these questions open to the chair
and to the delegations, and if, at the con-
clusion of any great and serious debate, it
comes finally down to the accepting of a
majority or minority report, then we have
made provisions in the rules by which that
debate may be closed, and we may extend
that if we choose to two or three persons
on conflicting sides. But on the main ques-
tions that shall arise before us here, at
least seven or eight of these questions,
there should be no limit to who stands
where when he rises to speak. As near as
we can, let us leave that to the care of the
chair and to the honor of the delegates. I
hope this management of time, dividing it
into so-called two sides, will be voted en-
tirely down. (Applause.)
DEL. O'REILLY (111.): There is another
point to be considered. I recognize the im-
portance of the questions named, but if we
give twelve hours to those questions at five
hours a day we will find ourselves allotting
two days .and two-fifths to the discussion
of those three questions. Now, they are)
all questions which have been thoroughly .
discussed in previous conventions and in
papers and magazines, and which will be
thoroughly discussed outside of the conven-
tion. I think almost every delegate has
his views on this. subject pretty well crys-
tallized; and if he is working for the best
interests of the delegation and working for
the speedy business of the delegation, as
some of the delegates have been doing to-
day, I think he will be willing to have the
views which he has crystallized on these
questions voiced by one member's explana-
tion of the views which he holds. I do not
believe we should, at the beginning of our
convention, pledge ourselves to spend two
days and two-fifths of the time of our con-
vention in considering three questions, and
tie ourselves to any such pledge. (Ap-
plause.)
DEL. DAVIS (Pa.): If, after receiving
the reports of the various committees, and
if after the various reports are printed in
the Socialist papers, the delegates come
here Undecided, all the speechmaking that
you orators here can make will not change
3'our view one iota. I have studied this
subject, and I know how I am going to vote,
because I have tried to inform myself be-
fore coming here. I am positively opposed
to putting that much of the time of the
convention into the hands of any two men
or any five men. When it comes to the ac-
tion of this convention on the question of
Immigration or the question of Industrial-
ism, I represent a branch that has over 800
members; I know their sentiments and I
know my sentiments, and I want a voice
as well as a vote on this question, and I
am unalterably opposed to limiting this
question to any one, two or half a dozen
men. I want every Socialist here to ex-
press himself on this question and to have
the courage of his convictions to vote
them.
DEL. PEACH (Conn.): This motion now
occupying the attention of the delegates on
these questions is in conflict with the rule
already adopted which governs the mode of
procedure. After reports are made, each
delegate is, by these rules that have been
adopted, assigned a certain time. Therefore,
it is out of order.
The Chairman held the point of order not
well taken.
DEL. HOG AN (Ark.): I understand
these three questions named are to be the
most important that will come before this
convention. When this work is done, when
we have determined the policy of the So-
cialist Party of America with respect to
these three questions, we shall have accom-
plished the major part of our work. Now,
I understand that in the congress of two
years ago, which I had not the honor of
attending, over two days were spent in the
discussion of this question of Immigration.
Now, if it was necessary then, if it was a
large question then, it must necessarily be
as large now. Men who have read the re-
port of the congress and have gone out and
given the subject more than the ordinary
attention since that time, have something
to say here that I want to hear; and I am
sure that when this convention passes upon
this most important matter it ought to be
as a result of our deliberations. And I
hope, with Com. Wilson of California, that
you will not limit the discussion here. You
have already limited the day. You have
already said how many minutes a speaker
may give to a subject. You have already
in the rules hedged about a discussion of
this character. Now, let us not leave a
subject till we have thrashed it out com-
pletely. Let us not hamper ourselves in
this sort of way. Let it be left to the
judgment of the Chairman and the judg-
ment of the delegates, who, I am sure, are
here for the purpose of acquiring the larg-
est information before they vote.
The previous question was then ordered.
The Secretary read the pending questions
and amendments.
DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I rise to speak
in favor of the amendment. I do not think
Com. Wilson's objection can be maintained,
for we must recognize that even though
there are a great many variations in opin-
ion on these three subjects, yet they can
be divided into two general "sides." We
find two well-defined situations. I am sure
you all agree with that. There may be ex-
pressions of opinion that are at variance,
but in the main one or the other side is
going to be maintained. The proposition
20
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
here is plain to all those who understand
the question. I doubt whether there are
here who do not understand where
they are standing on these three questions,
and I agree with the comrade over here that
we could take a vote on these two and not
take much time in the debate, and arrive at
the same conclusion you would after spend-
ing five hours. The position of Com. Wil-
son, that there are so many opinions on the
subject, I do not think can be maintained if
both sides are given an opportunity to pre-
sent and consider the line of argument they
want to present. Let us not decide on four
hours. That is 48 periods of 5 minutes
each. I doubt whether there are 48 persons
in the convention who wish to speak. That
is too long a time. I am "perfectly willing
to allot less time, except on the Agricul-
tural question. I do not believe these objec-
tions are well founded. We are trying to
promote expedition and/ accomplish the
most possible and obtain the best judgment
on these three questions. Now, some may
think we are trying to kick somebody. I
hardly think that is just, because here are
48 opportunities on each side. I am sure
that is absolutely liberal enough. There-
fore, I cannot see how we can do better.
Com. Berger may testify from his experi-
ence as a parliamentarian that you cannot
handle a question of such magnitude with-
out you in some way control the time. Now,
consider that you are allotting plenty of
time to everybody who cares to give notice
to the person selected by each side to man-
age the time. No person who desires to
speak can be excluded up to 48, and I am
sure we will be well within that number.
Therefore, I think the amendment is a sane
proposition.
THE CHAIRMAN: Now we have heard
one on a limitation of the time. Is there
anyone who wants to speak for unlimited
time in these debates?
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I take that
position. I take the position for an unlim-
ited opportunity for every delegate in this
convention to express his views on this
question. I will tell you why. When this
discussion on any of these propositions gets
on the floor, sometimes some of the dele-
gates are not ready to talk, but after hear-
ing the question discussed for a few min-
utes they arise, and they are able, even
though the are humble followers of Marx —
I am not an alleged intellectual — they may
possibly be able to advise those who think
they understand the subject thoroughly.
Now, for myself, on one of these proposi-
tions, if you would appoint me a committee
of one and refer it to me, I would report in
three minutes and settle the whole song
and dance right there.
The pending motion and amendment were
again read by the Secretary.
The amendment to allow four hours to
each side, under the management of a
leader to divide the time, was defeated.
The original motion was then carried.
The next rule, Number 24, was adopted
without objection.
Rule 25 was read.
Del. Floaten (Colo.) moved to strike out
"two-thirds" and insert "majority."
The amendment was lost and the orig-
inal rule adopi
THE CHAIRMAN:. Additional rules are
now in order.
!L. KRAFFT (N. J.): I move that all
committees selected by this convention
shall be in session for one day, and that the
<>ss of the convention shall be sus-
led during that period. (Seconded.)
Now, we wish to expedite matters. It may
horrify you to say that we should suspend
the convention for one day. I would give
you to understand that these committees
would thereby have a good chance to air
their views and allow those members of the
convention who are not on the committees
to give their views also. Suppose we have
14 committees elected: We will then do in
one day 14 committees' work. That is
plain. The committees will then bring their
findings in complete form after all the gas
has been exploded before the convention,
and it will save us considerable time. An-
other thing, comrades; when these commit-
tees, composed of 150 men, are in session,
one-half of this convention carries on the
work of the convention. I wish to be pres-
ent, and I hope many others do also. Work
can be done in this convention that will be
contrary to the wishes of the 150 who are
in session on the committees. Therefore, I
hope that you will adopt this rule.
DEL. MILLER (Nev.): I am against
this proposition. I can state my reason in
two words: Forget it.
The amendment offered by Del. Krafft
was lost.
DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I wish to offer
an amendment to the rules. I move that
no nominating speeches be made. That is
to be inserted in, I believe, Rule 17.
The amendment was carried by a vote
of 162 to 36.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I move that the
rules be adopted as a whole, and that they
be printed immediately and that all dele-
gates be supplied with copies.
DEL. BERGER: No, there is an order of
business that comes next, and must be ac-
cepted. It belongs with the rules.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is right. We
will complete it and have it in type.
DEL. LOWE (111.): I move a reconsid-
eration of Rule 14, in which you say that
the National Secretary and National Execu-
tive Committee shall have a voice but no
• vote.
THE CHAIRMAN: Did you vote in fa-
vor of it?
DEL. LOWE: Yes. I want to. amend it
and to include the Woman's National Com-
mittee to have a voice and no vote.
THE CHAIRMAN: Then you do not need
a reconsideration. You move to amend?
DEL. LOWE: Yes.
The amendment was carried.
ORDER OF BUSINESS.
. THE CHAIRMAN: The order of busi-
' ness will now be read as submitted by the
Committee on Rules.
The Secretary read the first nine rules.
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection to this
order of business?
DEL. BERGER: Yes, I just want to add
that the original printed draft did not con-
tain the provision for a vice-chairman. The
National Executive Committee added a vice-
chairman; however, the Secretary seems to
have forgotten it. I move that a provision
for the election of a vice-chairman every
day be added to the rules.
THE CHAIRMAN: Com. Berger moves
that a vice-chairman be elected every day,
together with the chairman for the day. Is
there any objection? None. The Secretary
will please add the vice-chairman. Is there
any objection to the order of business as
read? As there is no objection, the order
of business will be adopted.
A delegate moved that at the close of the
last session of the convention the record
of that day be read and approved before
adjournment.
THE CHAIRMAN: In other words, that
miniites of the last day be read at the
close of that day's session?
THE DELEGATE: Exactly.
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, WA
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection? The
Secretary will please make a note of it.
DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I move that
no question shall require more than a ma-
jority of those voting. In some cases Rob-
ert's Rules require two-thirds.
THE CHAIRMAN: Com. Edwards moves
that no question shall require more than a
simple majority of those voting, as modify-
ing Robert's Rules of Order, which requires
two-thirds in some cases. Any objection?
DEE. BERGER: Excepting for the sus-
pension of the rules. For this we have
made our own rule.
THE CHAIRMAN: Excepting suspension
of the rules specifically provided for. With
that understanding there is no objection.
DEL. MENG (Ark.): I think we should
have a two-thirds vote on the previous
question. We don't want any kick. The
previous question requires two-thirds ac-
cording to Robert's Rules of Order.
THE CHAIRMAN: Yes.
The motion of Del. Edwards was then
carried.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I move that the
rules and order of business as read be now
adopted as a whole as amended, and that
they be printed immediately and that the
delegates be furnished with copies thereof.*
Motion seconded and carried.
On motion of Del. White (Mass.) the
temporary officers were made the perma-
nent officers of the day.
James Reilly of New Jersey was then
elected permanent secretary of the conven-
tion.
Elizabeth Goldstein of Massachusetts and
John Russell of New York were elected per-
manent assistant secretaries.
The convention then proceeded to the
election of a vice-chairman for the day.
The following nominations were made:
». Maley (Wash.). Declined.
RiCxwoi (Ark.). Declined.
Miller (Nev.). Declined.
Berlyn (111.). Declined.
Ramp' (Ore.)
Del. Ramp was elected vice-chairman.
The chairman called for nominations for
four permanent tellers and two judges.
Del. Clark (Conn.) moved that the four
temporary tellers be declared the perma-
nent tellers of the convention. (Seconded.)
Of the four temporary tellers Del. Strebel
of New York declined to be a candidate for
permanent teller, leaving the acceptances
for permanent tellers as follows: Oneal
(Ind.), Rodriguez (111.). Floaten (Colo.)
Del. Scott (Mont), Bruce (Pa.) and Meit-
zen (Tex.) were placed in nomination.
Delegates Scott and Bruce accepted, and
Meitzen and Oneal declined. Thereupon
Delegates Scott, Bruce, Floaten and Rodri-
guez were elected permanent tellers.
For two permanent judges the following
nominations were made:
Burt (Utah).
%. Sadler (Wash.)
Furman (N. Y.)
McCartan (Ohio).
Burke (N. H.).
Delegates Furman, McCartan and Burke
declined, and Delegates Burt of Utah and
S. Sadler of Washington were elected per-
manent judges.
Del. Bran^tetter announced that the
Oklahoma delegation had selected Ernest O.
Schilling alternate in place of Del. Fifer.
SPEECH OF WELCOME.
Comrade Ott of Local Marion County then
welcomed the convention to Indianapolis.
•The complete Rules and Order of Busi-
ess as adopted will toe found in Appen-
dix A.
He was greeted with loud applause and
cries of "Where are the overalls?"*
COMRADE OTT: The call for the over-
alls is made by some who were disap-
pointed. Others are disappointed because
the overalls have not put in an appearance.
But the overalls made their appearance at
this hall this morning. I had them here.
They are not here now.
Marion County Local has instructed me
to address the convention, and to welcome
the convention and the delegates to Indian-
apolis; and I do so with great pride, from
the very fact that there have only been
two events of great importance in this city
of Indianapolis; one occurred in July, 1901,
when the Unity Convention was assembled
in this city; and the other is this conven-
tion assembled here in the year 1912.
(Cheers.)
Comrades, the statement was made from
the floor of this very hall that in the year
1912 the. great issue would be Socialism and
the Socialists. That statement was made
in this hall by that friend of labor, Mark
Hanna. That was his prophecy, and his
prophecy is being fulfilled. We are in this
convention, the largest convention that has
ever assembled from the working class as
a class-conscious political organization.
There is no doubt in my mind that the
Indianapolis papers and the Indianapolis
reporters are surprised to see you. Be-
cause they have got it into their heads that
as a rule Socialists are not very intelligent
people. They are, no doubt, surprised to
see the high order of intelligence of the
delegates here; and also to see how orderly
they are. In Chicago, four years ago, it
was necessary for the Republicans to post
all about their convention hall such notices
as "Leave your valuables at the hotel.
There are pickpockets in the crowd." I
have no reason to doubt that there may be
a local detective here; but I positively know
that their services are not required; and
their space is more valuable to the Socialist
movement than their presence.
Therefore, comrades, in conclusion, I ex-
tend the welcome of the Marion County
Local; and I wish to say that if the organ-
ization of Local Marion County can be of
service to any of the delegates, we are
at your service. Our headquarters are open
to you for anything that will be of benefit
or comfort to the delegates. We are here
to serve you. I thank you, comrade chair-
man.
THE CHAIRMAN: On behalf of the con-
vention we accept the key to the city of
Indianapolis which you have placed in our
hands. We wish to thank Local Marion
County, represented by you, very heartily
for the hospitality that you have extended,
and that is to be extended and enjoyed ana
to be enjoyed by us all.
Comrades, Branch 175 of the Workmen^
Circle has asked for the privilege of mak-
ing us welcome on behalf of that local.
We are ready to be welcomed by anyone
representing the Workmen's Circle, and if
he is here he will be heard.
# We shall now proceed with the nomina-
tions of the various committees. If we
get through with them today we shall save
a whole day. We can have the ballots
printed over night.
At this point a body of workmen, repre-
senting Workmen's Circle, Branch 175, came
into the hall. Comrade J. Goodman, repre-
senting the Circle, was given the platform.
♦Referring to an alleged motion by Local
Marion County, instructing Comrade Ott to
wear overalls. — [Ed.]
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
COMRADE GOODMAN: I am here from
Workmen's Circle 175. It is an organiza-
tion that extends all over the United States,
and has 40,000 members. I am here to wel-
come you on behalf of our organization
because our organization does not accept
members who do not pledge themselves not
to vote for candidates of the Republican and
Democratic parties; and that they will not
be scabs. While It is organized for the imme-
diate material benefit of its members, it is
also an organization that is doing all it can
for the Socialist Party. I am here to welcome
you to Indianapolis, because you are the peo-
ple who are to bring peace and happiness to
all the people of the United States. The peo-
ple of the country cannot expect anything
from the Republican and Democratic par-
ties because they are organized for the
benefit of a few. But you delegates here
are representing all the men and women
that work, the men and women who produce
everything. Therefore, I welcome you in
the name of my organization. I thank you.
Nominations for committees were then
made as follows;
NOMINATIONS FOR PLATFORM COM-
MITTEE.
Wilson (Cal.), Geffs (Colo.), Ghent
[< Washington, D. C), Hogan (Ark.), Coon-
rod (Ida.), Henry (Ind.), Lanfersick (Ky.),
Spargo (Vt.), Ricker (Kan.), Rosett (Md.)
Carey (Mass.), McMaster (Mich.), Kaplan
(Minn.), Vierling (Mo.), Duncan (Mont),
Lee (N. T.), Russell (N. Y.), Kelso (N. D.),
Zitt (Ohio), Nagle (Okla.), Moore (Pa.)
Alexander (Tex.), Berger (Wis.).
NOMINATIONS FOR CONSTITUTION
COMMITTEE.
Richardson (Cal.), Floaten (Colo.), Peach
(Conn.), Allen (Fla.), Motley (Ida.), Berlyn
(111.), Oneal (Ind.), Jacobsen (Iowa),
Brewer (Kan.), Latimer (Minn.), Garver
(Mo.), Stedman (111.), Jacobs (Wis.), Cas-
sidy (N. Y.), Goebel (N. J.), Hillquit (N.
Y.), Bowen (N. D.), Ruthenberg (Ohio),
Branstetter (Okla), Bostrom (Wash.)
Wheeler (Pa.). Williams (Pa.), Smith
(Tex.), Burt (Utah), Barnes (Pa.), Way-
nick (Wash.), Hogan (Ark.), Carlson
(Wyo.).
A DELEGATE: A point of information.
Can a state nominate more than one mem-
ber of a committee?
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates from
any state can make as many nominations
as they wish, but when it comes to election
only one from each state can be elected.
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
RESOLUTIONS.
Slay ton (Pa), Williams (Cal.), Collins
(Colo.), Cohen (Pa.), Slobodin (N. Y.),
Spargo (Vt.), Thompson (Wis.), Maley
(Wash.), Taylor (111.), Rower (Mass.),
Morgan (Minn.), O'Dam (Mo.), McCrillis
(la.), Rodriguez {111.), Killingbeck (N. J.),
Farrell (Ohio), Wills (Okla.), Dorfman
(Ore.), Lowe (111.), Reed (R. I.), Rhodes
(Tex.), Meitzen (Tex.), Wilson (Kan.), Til-
ler (N. C), Duncan (Mont.), Wells (Cal.),
Thomas (Wis.), Paulsen (Wyo.).
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
WAYS AND MEANS.
Gallery (Ark.), Reguin (Cal.), Troxel
(Colo.), Brown (Iowa), Burke (N. H.), Mil-
ler (Nev.), Watkins (Minn.), Stewart
(Ida.), Clifford (Ohio), Goaziou (Pa.),
Jones (N. J.), Spargo (Vt.), Endres (N. Y.),
Hayes (Ohio), Irvin (Okla.), Bacon (Pa.).
LeSeur (N. D.), Thompson (Tex.), Cupples
(Wash.), Aaltonen (Mich.).
At this point it was moved and seconded
that the rules for the convention be sus-
pended, and that the delegates remain in
session until all the nominations for the
committees have been completed.
The motion was carried.
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
REPORTS OF NATIONAL OFFICERS.
Simons (Kan.), Wattles (Ind.), Stallard
(Kan.), England (Me.), Grant (Minn.), Pre-
vey (Ohio), Miller (Nev.), Duffy (N. Y.">,
Storck (Ohio), Sherman (Ore.), Young
(Pa.), Anna Cohen (Pa.), Ricker (Kan.).
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.
DEL. GAYLORD: What is the meaning
of this committee?
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair assumes
that that committee -reports on the prog-
ress of the Socialist Party abroad and our
relations with the party abroad.
The following delegates were then nomi-
nated for the Committee on International
Relations:
Twining* (— ), Hillquit (N. Y.), Haemer
(111.), Simons (Kan.), Spargo (Vt.), London
(N. Y.), Russell (N. Y.), Solomon (N. Y.),
Bessemer (Ohio), Strickland (Ohio), Laukki
(Minn.), Berger (Conn.), Wanhope (N. Y.),
Reynolds (Ind.), Bennets (N. Y.), Barnes
(Pa,),
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
PARTY PRESS.
The following delegates were nominated
for the Committee on Party Press.
Maynard (Cal.), Reynolds (Ind.), Reilly
(111.), Korngold* ( — ), Beardsley (Conn.),
Harriman (Cal.), Sheffler (Ind.), Hickey
(Tex.), Ingalls (Minn.), Wesley (Utah),
Owen (Okla.), Maley (Wash.), Krafft (N.
J.), Kennedy (111.), Malkiel (N. Y), Lon-
don (N. Y.), Bachmann (Ohio), "I: "ord
(Ohio), Ramp (Ore.), Erwin (Pa.), o^argo
(Vt.), Wilson (Kan.), Lowe (111.), Morrow
(Pa.), Rosett (Md.), Bentall (111.), Cupples
(Wash.), Barnes (Pa.), Jacobs (Wis.),
Brewer (Kan.).
NOMINATIONS FOR PUBLICITY COM-
MITTEE.
Frank W. Wolf. Accepted.
E. P. Clark. Accepted.
Oyler (Neb.). Declined.
Ricker (Kan.). Declined.
C. J. Wright. Accepted.
Theimer (N. J.). Accepted.
Slay ton (Pa.). Declined.
Hogan (Ark). Declined.
Oneal (Ind.). Declined.
W. J. Ghent. Declined.
May Wood Simons. Declined.
John Spargo. Declined.
NOMINATIONS FOR AUDITING COM-
MITTEE.
Latimer (Minn.). Accepted.
Garrison (Ind.)- Accepted.
White (Mass.). Declined.
Reynolds (Ind.). Declined.
J. A. Smith (Utah). Accepted.
Meitzen (Tex.). Declined.
Solomon (N. Y.). Declined.
Bostrom (Wash.). Declined.
Thompson (Wis.). Declined.
Fritz (Miss.). Accepted.
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
FOREIGN-SPEAKING ORGANIZA-
TIONS.
Carolyn Lowe. Accepted.
Burckle (N. Y.). Accepted.
•Not a delegate.
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 12, 1910
33
Ameringer (Okla.). Declined.
Coleman (Mass.). Accepted.
Aaltonen (Mic...). Accepted.
Barnes (Pa.). Declined.
Goaziou. Accepted.
Laukki. Declined.
Malkiel (N. Y.). Declined.
Devoid (Minn.). Accepted.
Jacobson (Minn.). Declined.
McCartan (Ohio). Accepted.
London (N. Y.). Declined.
Petrich (Go. Slov.). Accepted.
J. E. Cohen (Pa.). Accepted.
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
LABOR ORGANIZATIONS AND THEIR
RELATIONS TO THE SOCIAL-
IST PARTY.
Merrick (Pa.). Accepted.
Harriman (Cal.). Accepted.
Troxell (Colo.). Accepted.
McLevy (Conn.). Accepted.
London (N. Y.). Declined.
Williams (Pa.). Accepted.
Richardson (Cal.). Declined.
Goebel (N. J.). Declined.
Rodriguez (111.). Accepted.
J. H. Maurer (Pa.). Accepted.
Strickland (Ohio). Accepted.
J. J. Jacobsen (Iowa). Declined.
Stallard (Kan.). Accepted.
Foley (Pa.). Declined.
Staub (Md.). Accepted.
White (Mass.). Accepted.
J. A. C. Menton (Mich.). Accepted.
Dempsy (S. D.). Accepted.
Branstetter (Okla.). Declined.
Behrens (Mo.). Accepted.
Smith (Mont.). Accepted.
Hickey (Tex.). Accepted.
Lewis (Ore.). Accepted.
Lee (N. Y.). Accepted.
VanLear. Absent.
Clifford (Ohio). Accepted.
Cosgrove (N. J.). Accepted.
Max Hashes (Ohio). Not arrived.
Reguin (Cal.). Declined.
Lawrance (Mass.). Accepted.
Ameringer (Okla.). Accepted.
Reid (R. I.). Accepted.
Spargo (Vt.). Declined.
Edwards (Tex.). Accepted.
Goebel (N. J.). Accepted.
Barth (Wash.). Declined.
Hillman (Minn.). Accepted.
Moore (Pa). Declined.
Minklein. Accepted.
Barnes (Pa.). Declined.
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE
CO-OPERATIVES.
Lang (Iowa). Accepted.
ON
Blase (Kan.). Declined.
Byrd (Tex.). Declined.
Sjodin (111.). Accepted.
Kaplan (Minn.). Declined.
Bruce (Pa.). Accepted.
Wright (Neb.). Declined.
Cory (Wash.). Accepted.
Lipscomb (Mo.). Accepted.
Stanley (Fla.). Declined.
Powell (Ohio). Accepted.
Lindgren (N. Y.). Accepted.
Kopp (N. J.). Declined.
Gay lord (Wis.). Accepted.
Cumbie (Okla.). Accepted.
Wells (Cal.). Accepted.
NOMINATIONS FOR COMMITTEE ON
STATE AND MUNICIPAL PROGRAM.
Simmons (N. Y.). Accepted.
May Wood Simons. Declined.
Williams (Tex.). Accepted.
Lanfersiek (Ky.). Accepted.
Rhodes (T«x.;. Declined.
McCrillis (Iowa). Accepted.
Noble (Tex.). Accepted.
Kennedy (111.). Accepted.
Jacobson (Minn.). Declined.
LeSueur (N. D.). Declined.
Grant (N. D.). Accepted.
Thompson (Wis.). Accepted.
Seidel (Wis.). Not present.
Kopp (N. J.). Accepted.
Dooley (Okla.). Accepted.
Berger (Conn.). Accepted.
Lockwood (Mich.). Absent.
Anna Maley (Wash.). Accepted.
Houck (Del.). Accepted.
Maatala (Minn.). Accepted.
E. J. Brown (Wash.). Accepted.
Hoogerhyde (Mich.). Accepted.
Prevey (Ohio). Accepted.
Todd (Colo.). Accepted.
Downing (Cal.). Accepted.
Duncan (Mont.). Declined.
Parker (Pa.). Declined.
It was moved and seconded that the com-
mittees nominated be printed on the ballot
and be distributed to the delegates, and
when voted upon that the requisite number
of each committee receiving the highest
number of votes be declared elected, that
the candidate receiving the highest number
of votes be the chairman of the committee,
and that when there are more than one can-
didate from a given state the candidate re-
ceiving the highest vote be chosen as a
member of the committee.
The motion was seconded and carried.
The convention then adjourned until
Monday morning at 10 o'clock.
24
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
SECOND DAY'S SESSION.
The meeting 1 was called to order by Chair-
man Hillquit.
The following delegates were nominated
for the Chairman of the day.
J. Mahlon Barnes (Pa.), James P. Carey
(Mass.), James A. Schmidt (Utah), Sam
Beardsley (Conn.), George Goebel (N. J.),
G. H. Lockwood (Mich.), E. A. Greene
(Tex.), Morris Hillquit (N. Y.), Charles T.
Peach (Conn.), Arthur LeSueur (N. D.), J.
Stitt Wilson (Cal.).
All of the above delegates declined the
nomination excepting Barnes of Pennsyl-
vania and Schmidt of Utah.
Upon the vote being taken it resulted,
Barnes, 166; Schmidt, 50. Thereupon J.
Mahlon Barnes of Pennsylvania was de-
clared elected as the Chairman of the day.
The next order of business was the elec-
tion of a Vice-Chairman.
DEL. MALKIEL: I move that the sec-
ond name on the list for Chairman be
chosen as the Vice-Chairman for the day.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to speak
briefly against the motion.
THE CHAIRMAN : Will Comrade Schmidt
accept the nomination?
DEL. SCHMIDT: No.
THE CHAIRMAN: Nominations for
Vice-Chairman are now in order.
The following delegates were then nomi-
nated for the office of Vice-Chairman.
J. G. Strickland (Ohio), George Goebel
(N. J.), J. C. Edwards (Tex.), Anna Maley
(Wash.), N. A. Richardson (Cal.), John
Troxell (Colo.).
All the above nominees having declined
the nomination, excepting Delegate Ed-
wards, the latter was declared elected Vice-
Chairman by acclamation.
DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): We cannot hear
the proceedings at these side tables, and I
move that the delegates seated under the
balconies be allowed to remove their tables
forthwith to the center of the room.
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I wish to amend-
the motion that the National Secretary, or*
whoever has the convention arrangements
in charge, be instructed to secure another
hall in which we can all be heard. It is a
matter of impossibility for us to hear under
the balconies.
A DELEGATE: We can all hear over
here.
DEL. HUNT (Pa.): I believe if the con-
versation in the hall were conducted in a
whisper, and if curtains were put down
around the galleries we could all hear.
DEL. HOG AN: We could see the ges-
tures of the lady who has just been ad-
dressing us, but not a word, not a syllable,
could we understand.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let me suggest that
we are wasting a lot of time by this dis-
cussion. Let us take action upon this mat-
The motion is that the delegates under
the balconies move their seats back in the
center and rear. The amendment is that
a new hall be procured. As many as are
in favor of the amendment that another
hall be procured will say aye. Those op-
posed no. The noes have it. The amend-
ment is lost.
The original motion is that the delegates
located under the balconies be permitted to
move to the center of the hall in the rear.
Is there a sergeant-at-arms?
A DELEGATE: There has been none
elected.
DEL*. BESSEMER (Ohio): I move that
the Chairman appoint six temporary ser-
geants-at-arms until we elect them regu-
larly.
DEL. HOGAN: The election of sergeants-
at-arms is in order now. Why not proceed
with that?
The motion that the Chair appoint six
temporary sergeants-at-arms was carried.
The following delegates were appointed as
temporary sergeants-at-arms: Comrades
Newman, Hogan, Greene, White and Brans-
tetter.
THE CHAIRMAN: The next thing in or-
der is the roll call of delegates unless dis-
pensed with.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move the
roll call be dispensed with.
DEL. REILLY (N. J.): I suggest that
while we may dispense with the roll call,
that any delegates who were not here yes-
terday, and were not recorded, be given an
opportunity to have their names recorded
today.
The motion to dispense with the roll call
was carried.
The following additional delegates were
then reported present: Kruse, Strickland,
Lantz, Zitt (Ohio), Ameringer (Okla.),
Beery (Ohio), Harold (Tenn.), Foley (Pa),
Prosser (Pa.), Huston (W. Va.), Seidel
(Wis.), Maxwell (111.), Ohsol (Mass.), Bax-
ter (la.), Cox (Ala.), Krahl (111.), Frank
Prevey (Ohio), Hayes (Ohio).
On motion the reading of the minutes of
the preceding day be postponed until the
unfinished business is reached.
It was moved and seconded that the min-
utes of each day be printed and placed upon .
the desk of each delegate on the morning
of the following day, and if any delegate
finds anything objectionable in the minutes
he can raise the objection. If no minutes
are objected to they will stand adopted as
printed.
The motion was carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion having:
been adopted, the proper arrangements will ,
be made by authority of this convention to
have the minutes so printed and distrib-i
uted.
THE SECRETARY: That means, of
course, that the minutes of yesterday's ses-
sion will be here tomorrow because we hadj
to arrange all these committees alphabetl-3
cally and it was an awful job.
THE CHAIRMAN: The minutes of to-
day's session will also be here tomorrow. '4
The next order of business will be the re-]
port of the Committee on Credentials. I
There are no additional reports. The next *
MORNING SESSION, MAY 13, 1912
251
order is the unfinished business of yester-
day.
COMRADE A. B. BAKER: There is a
certain human element in getting- printing
done. We decided at yesterday's session to
have the printed list of the nominations
here; the copy was sent to the printer last
night in plenty of time and the ballots will
not be here for an hour. That is the best
we can do.
DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): A matter
of personal privilege. We have come from
all over the nation and there is an impor-
tant question of railroad fares. The slips
have been handed out and we don't know
how to fill them out. Are we to be allowed
our sleeper fares in coming to this conven-
tion? To bring the matter properly before
the meeting, I move that regular sleeper
fares be considered a part of the railway
fare.
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): I move that the
matter be referred to the National Execu-
tive Committee for consideration and re-
port; otherwise we shall repeat the per-
formance of 1904 and have four hours' dis-
cussion of this matter.
The amendment of Delegate Spargo was
duly seconded.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): There are dele-
gates here who come from the Pacific Coast
who ought to know whether they are going
to receive the Pullman car fares.
THE SECRETARY: Does that motion
mean that the committee shall report to-
morrow?
THE CHAIRMAN: That they report to
this convention, I suggest.
DEL. LOCKWOOD: We are here for
business.
The motion to refer to the National Ex-
ecutive Committee was carried on a divi-
sion, 128 voting aye and 56 no.
DEL. REILLY: There is a matter on
the election of committees. On one com-
mittee on which there were five members
to be elected and we had only five nomi-
nees. The rule provides that there shall
not be more than one member on a com-
mittee from any one state. I found that we
had only five nominees on that committee
and two of them were from the state of
New Jersey. Therefore, I didn't send the
copy for that ballot to the printers. I was
included on the committee. Some comrade
made a motion that the Secretary should
act, and that made the five. Now there was
another nominee from my state. I thought
likely it would be possible to fill that pub-
licity committee by a motion on the floor
of the convention. So I take my name off
the committee and we have the names of
Clark, Theimer, Wolf and Hayden.
THE CHAIRMAN: Shall we fill the com-
mittee by nominating one additional nomi-
nee?
The suggestion of the Chair was agreed
to.
THE CHAIRMAN: Nominations are in
order.
DEL. MARGARET PREVEY (Ohio): I
nominate Max Hayes of Ohio.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there are no fur-
ther nominations the nominations will
close.
On motion the five nominees were de-
clared the Committee on Publicity.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Communications and telegrams conveying
greetings to the convention were received
from the following organizations:
New York Young People's Socialist Fed-
eration.
Executive Committee Russian Branches
Socialist Party of the Northwestern States.
Schenectady Italian Socialist Branch
Children of the Southeast Socialist Sun-
day Schools, Cleveland, Ohio
Third Ward Branch, Allegheny County
Pennsylvania. y '
Atlantic County Local, New Jersey
Branch San Diego, California.
Jewish Daily Forward.
Socialist Agitation Bureau, New York
United Hebrew Trades of New York
Locals Grafton and Simpson, Tavlor
County, West Virginia.
Labor League of Boston, Mass.
Poplar BluiJ Local, Missouri.
Socialist Sunday School, 'Cleveland Ohio
Jewish Socialist Territorialists, Philadel-
phia.
Jewish. Socialist Party Conference, Chi-
cago.
Naturalization League, Newark N J
Central Committee Jewish Socialist Ter-
ritorialist Labor Party of America.
Armenian Revolutionary Federation
United Hungarian Socialist Federation of
America.
Newark Young People's Socialist Federa-
tion.
Branch 434,
Haven, Conn.
Workmen's Circle, New
Branch 127, Workmen's Circle, Chicago,
Local Kings County, Socialist Party, New
York.
THE CHAIRMAN: There are a number
of letters which need reference to the com-
mittee which will be read and referred to
the proper committees when elected
National Executive Committee, Independ-
ent Workmen's Circle, Incorporated, Boston.
Mass.
Referred to the Committee on Immigra-
tion.
Wichita Falls, Local 1149.
Referred to Committee on Immigration.
Communications from Swedish Local,
West Concord, N. H, and from Slovak So-
cialist Section, Socialist Party of America-
Referred to the Resolutions Committee.
Communication from the Polish Section
of the Socialist Party.
Referred to the Committee on Platform.
At the conclusion of the reading of the
communication from the Swedish Local,
West Concord, N. H., the following oc-
curred:
DEL. BERLYN (111.): I have an idea
that we are wasting time. That last com-
munication is not a greeting. I think it is
an attempt to influence the convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Berlyn is
right. The Chair announced that there were
some congratulatory telegrams and letters,
and that there were some others that would
be referred to the committee. But there
are only two more.
At the conclusion of the reading of let-
ters and telegrams. Comrade Haywood ad-
dressed the convention as follows:
COM. HAYWOOD: I have a telegram
from San Diego, Cal., that I would like to
have read by the Secretary of the Conven-
tion.
A DELEGATE: I would like to know
whether it refers to a branch of the Social-
ist Party or some other organization.
(Cries of "Read it.")
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec-
tion the Secretary will read it.
The Secretary then read the telegram re-
ferred to as follows:
"William D. Haywood,
"Socialist Convention, Indianapolis.
26
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
"Am sending dispatch to Indianapolis,
registered. Bring it up on floor of conven-
tion. Conditions critical here. Secure an
appropriation from national organization to
aid us. Present fight against anti-picketing
ordinance, which also prevents all public
meetings. Object suppression of Socialist
and industrialist agitation. All radicals be-
ing deported. Employers seek to establish
precedent which will allow deportation of
all strikers in future. American Federation
of Labor must take firm stand with us.
Over 150 men still in jail; 100 I. W. W.
and trade unionists deported Wednesday.
Trade union officials arrested and assaulted
by vigilantes and police. Attempt made to
force them to leave city. Chief of police
personally attacks trade unionist, crippling
him. Gigantic funeral demonstration Los
Angeles; killed by police in raid on I. W. W.
Hall. Unable to hold funeral here on ac-
count of police antagonism. Two men
arrested while arranging funeral. Vigi-
lantes patrolling county roads. Six men
arrested. Socialist organizer held charged
with conspiracy to murder. Grew out of
shooting during raid on hall. Socialist and
union headquarters raided. Property taken."
DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I move that the
matter be referred to the Executive Com-
mittee for immediate action.
DEL. WANHOPE (N. Y.): I second the
motion.
DEL. SLOBODIN: I move to amend that
they report here as soon as possible.
DEL. CAREY: Certainly.
DEL. FURMAN: I move to amend that
they report not later than Wednesday at 3
o'clock.
The amendment was duly seconded.
The motion, as amended, that the mat-
ter be referred to the Executive Committee
for immediate action, with instructions to
report to the convention as soon as possible* <
and not later than Wednesday at 3 o'clock,
was carried.
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I move that
from now on that this mass of daily and
weekly literature of the party be kept
off the delegates' tables. We are utterly
smothered by this literature, and are too
busy to read it. Take it out and give it
to the heathen on the street where it will
do some good.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that
no more literature be laid upon the dele-
gates' tables.
On motion duly seconded, the motion of
Delegate Furman was laid on the table.
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.) : If we have
no other business before the house it seems
it would be well to take up the regular
reports from committees elected by the
last National Congress of the party. There
we have business ready for us and we need j
not waste any time.
DEL. CAREY (Mass.): I second the mo-
tion.
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the
motion that the convention take up the
consideration of the reports of the perma-
nent committees.
DEL. MALKIEL (N. Y.): I move as an
amendment that when the ballots come we
take a recess from the matter then under
consideration and proceed to the election
of the various committees so that those
committees may be able to go to work.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I accept the amend-
ment. . .
THE CHAIRMAN: It is understood then
that when the ballots arrive the then order
of business shall be set aside and we pro-
ceed to elect the committees. It is moved
that we now take up the reports of stand-
ing committees.
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I move to amend
that the report of the Committee on Immi-
gration be taken up first.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt): On behalf of my
comrades of the minority of the Committee
on Immigration I ask the delegates that
they will not carry this motion. We have
held one meeting and it would be neces-
sary for us to have still another.
DEL. SLAYTON: In view of the state-
ment of Delegate Spargo I will withdraw
my motion if my second is willing.
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): This is the
same committee that has been standing for
two years; and it is not ready yet.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is not the point
under discussion. The question is shall
we take up this subject now.
DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): I move that
we now take up the report of the Com-
mittee on Farmers' Programme.
COM. SIMONS: That committee Is In
the same position as the Committee on Im-
migration. We are not quite ready to
report.
THE SECRETARY: The Committee on
Vocational Education is the next.
DEL. STREBEL: They are in a similar
position. They have a report but only one
of the committee is in thfs convention. The
report, however, is here and can be read
and acted upon.
THE CHAIRMAN: We shall then take
up the report of the Committee on Edu-
cation, Comrade Strebel, reporting.
DEL. LANFERSECK (Ky.): I move that
the reading of this report be dispensed
with.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is that
the reading be dispensed with. I might
suggest that it does not follow that every
report will be read because we read this
one. We are competent from time to time
to decide that matter.
DEL. GAYLORD: There is no good rea-
son for taking the time of the convention
in reading printed reports. The comrades
are assumed to have had the time to read
them. There is occasion for the discussion
of the recommendations of a committee, or
the report of the committee. You will find
the printed recommendations in the
printed report. I suggest that Comrade
Strebel read the recommendations; and then
the matter can be brought definitely before
us by a motion for their adoption.
THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make that
motion?
DEL. GAYLORD: There is a motion now
that the reading of the report be dispensed
with. I move to amend that the recom-
mendations only be read at this time.
DEL HILQUITT: I am opposed to the
motion to dispense with the reading of
this report. It is true that the printed
reports have been sent out. It is not
equally true, I venture to say, that every
delegate has read all the reports atten-
tively Also the comrade reporting for a
committee may desire to change parts of
the report, or to elucidate the # report as he
reads it I want to warn this convention
against the practice of acting upon printed
reports upon the assumption that they have
been read and that^their contents are
known and understood by the delegates
That leads to that vicious practice that
Prevails in our legislative bodies where
things are not disposed of intelligently
where things are read and done or assumed
To be read and done, without intell gent
thought as to what action they are taking.
These reports are printed and distributed
for ^ the purpose of giving, the delegates
if they desire the opportunity to consider
MORNING SESSION, MAY 13, 1»13
27
1
them, but not for the purpose of eliminat-
ing the reading from the noor.
DiiiJL.. JACO-tssiiiN (la.): a pomt of order.
Under our rules adopted yesterday each
chairman of a committee has twenty min-
utes in which to report. The cnairman
Of a committee may employ his time in
any way that he chooses. He can read
the report or he can read the recommenda-
tions, or he can give the synopsis of the
report. That is my point of order.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is
not well taken because the convention is
always competent to decide whether it
will have a report read or not; and that
is what the convention is now doing. The
motion is that the report be not read. The
amendment is. that the recommendations
only be read. As many as are in favor of
having the recommendations only read will
say aye.
The amendment to read the recommenda-
tions only was declared lost.
The motion to dispense with the reading
of the report was then defeated.
DEL. STREBEL: At the congress of the
Socialist Party at Chicago, two years ago,
the question was raised that all over the
United States an agitation was in prog-
ress for the adoption of the vocational
school system; that in different states differ-
ent attitudes were taken by different locals;
some favoring, some opposing the adoption
of vocational schools. As this was a mat-
ter of great importance to the party it was
brought before the Congress and this com-
mittee appointed, and the supposition was
that this committee would be constituted of
those who were capable of analyzing this
subject, giving a thorough analysis to tho
vocational school, and the ideas upon which
the theories in support of such schools were
founded. But as to the report that is be-
fore you we never had a meeting; we never
got together; and I am frank to say that
this report may not be the very best that
the convention or the party should have.
Personally I should like to see it go back
for further consideration. The report is
here. As such I was willing to sign it to
get the matter before this convention so
that some further action could be taken
on this important matter. I will read the re-
port as we have it as written by the chair-
man of the committee.*
DELEGATE STREBEL: I move the
adoption of the report. (Seconded.)
DEL. M. W. SIMONS (Kas.): While I am
thoroughly in accord with all the recom-
mendations that have been made by this
committee on vocational education, I think
that several of the recommendations should
have been much stronger; because as edu-
cation is a matter of public service I think
we should lay great emphasis on the state-
ment that all education should come
through the public schools. I think that
we should say that instead of stating it
as it is stated by the committee. Per-
haps those who have not been about the
country so as to know the real situation
do not realize how tremendously important
this question is becoming since we have
been electing members of school boards in
different parts of the United States. In
Kansas we have men elected and in con-
trol of school boards. Two years ago the
Woman's National Committee appointed a
committee on this question and that com-
mittee has reported to the Woman's Na-
tional Committee, and we are ready to bring
in certain recommendations which we be-
lieve are a little more specific, especially
^ *The report is printed in full as Appendix
B.— Editor.
upon the industrial education of girls.
That has not been touched upon here; and
it is very general in its import.
We have also some recommendations to
bring in that we believe to be very specific
upon the manner of handling this question
of education as a whole. This committee
dealt only with vocational education. We
believe that the scope of such a committee
should be enlarged. I would like very
much, as we do not wish to have our
recommendations brought in at this time, I
would like the delegates to remember in
any discussion upon this matter that there
is a second report coming ?.n.
THE CHAIRMAN: Do .you offer an
amendment. The motion has been made to
adopt the report.
DEL. M. W. SIMONS: I offer this
amendment: That the convention defer
action upon this report of the Committee
on Vocational Education until this commit-
tee from the Woman's National Committee
has reported.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I am opposed to
these recommendations, No. 5 and No. 9.
No. 5 demands that we oppose all legisla-
tion giving work to children which does
not create social wealth. What do we
mean by this lame statement. What is
social wealth; what is economic wealth?
Who is going to determine which work of
children creates wealth and which creates
economic wealth, which is industrial and
which is social? It will be decided by the
capitalist' bodies that are in control and
they will determine that any work done by
children between fivo and fourteen years
of age creates social wealth. Now, what
you are dealing with here is education.
Education should not be made work at
all. So long as the capitalists decide what
is social wealth this is detrimental to the
working class. For that reason I move
to strike out the fifth recommendation.
Now, as to the ninth recommendation,
that is also vague. It says that we should
insist upon emphasis being laid upon citi-
zenship, manhood and womanhood. Those
words have become really absurd. What
does the committee mean by citizenship, by
manhood and womanhood. We should im-
prove on those words. What do you mean by
good r'tizenship? If they mean that
citizenship shall be determined by the T. M.
C. A. that is entirely opposed to our idea
of citizenship. We cannot trust the pres-
ent state or any private organization to de-
fine our ideas of citizenship. We are the
organization that must direct the young
thinkers of the working class what our con-
ception of /true citizenship is; what we
mean by good citizenship. But if we simply
say that we insist that the public schools
shall teach manhood and womanhood the
capitalist controlling bodies will interpret
it as their courts interpret what the word
conspiracy means, or what violence is, or
what accessory means in murder. Wo
should instruct this committee to revise
this recommendation and bring in *one
that will be very plain in its terms. I
therefore move to strike out this recom-
mendation 9.
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. BOEHM (O.): I move that action
on the recommendation of this committee
be deferred until we receive the report
of the special committee from the Woman's
National Committee on vocational educa-
tion.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. X): I didn't know
that we had a woman's committee on edu-
cation.
28
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
THE CHAIRMAN: Perhaps I misunder-
stood the motion.
DEL. GOEBEL: No. What has the wo-
man's committee to do with this question
of education? They are butting- into some-
thing- that we had a special committee ap-
pointed to consider.
THE CHAIRMAN: I will ask Comrade
Simons to give me the exact name of that
committee.
DEL. M. W. SIMONS: The National
Woman's Committee appointed a special
committee to inquire into the question of
industrial education for girls. Two years
ago a committee was appointed to investi-
gate that subject and report to the Wo-
man's Committee; and we have their rec-
ommendations to bring before this con-
vention, as a part of the recommendations
of the National Woman's Committee.
DEL. GOEBEL: I am opposed to wait-
ing for the report of the Woman's Na-
tional Committee before acting upon this
matter. I do not believe that this comes
properly within the province of the Wo-
man's Committee. Anything relating to
Socialist Sunday Schools might. In my
judgment this other matter does not. I
have brought this up at this time because
I believe that the Woman's National Com-
mittee are attempting to handle many things
that do ,not come properly within their
province/ They have a special work to
do and I think they should stick to it. We
have a matter here which has been re-
ported by another committee. Let us dis-
cuss it and dispose of it. Let us settle
it. And don't let us wait for the sug-
gestions of another committee upon a mat-
ter that may be remotely connected with
the subject before us.
DEL. STALLARD (Okla.): So far as the
right of the Woman's National Committee
to handle that question is concerned, I
think the work of the Woman's National
Committee covers all things that pertain
to women generally. And so far as it is a
fact that women and girls do enter into
the industrial field, and are to be edu-
cated in those schools, I think that it comes
within their province, and I believe we
should not settle this question rightly until
we have heard from the Woman's Commit-
tee; and therefore I am in favor of defer-
ring action until their report is received.
DEL. GEFFS (Colo.): If education does
not come properly before the Woman's Na-
tional Committee I should like to know
what does.- I should like to know who
there is in all this broad land who has a
better right to handle the question of the
education of our young people, and espe-
cially our young girls, than this same Wo-
man's Committee? I should like to know
where you would draw the line on that
committee in regard to anything that con-
cerns the interest of the young girls of the
land? I object most strenuously to this
matter being disposed of at this time. I
object most strenuously to this report be-
ing adopted until after the Woman's Na-
tion Committee has an opportunity to be
heard. I am not a member of that commit-
tee but they have a right to be heard. It
will only mean a little time, and they are
entitled to this courtesy. It is our right
to demand; and you have no right to re-
fuse it.
DEL. MALKTEL (N. Y.): It is not a
question of whether this committee or that
committee should be the one to handle this
question. It is a matter of this conven-
tion having before it all the information
it can gather before it decides. Before
you decide you want to know all you can
on this subject. It is only a matter of
a day or two. It makes no difference
whether you decide this matter now. The
fear here seems to be that the Woman's
Committee will sway this convention. Don't
fear. If you wait you simply get more
information. Therefore I hope you will
defer action on this.
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): You will re-
member that when Comrade Strebel read
the report he stated that he would like to
have the matter referred back for further
consideration. Now the report that we are
to have from the Woman's Committee may
have just the information that Comrade
Strebel's committee lacked; and thus en-
able us to take decisive and intelligent ac-
tion. I add that as an additional point.
With all possible information before us
the whole convention will be benefited.
DEL. LEE (N Y.): Will you please tell
me the status of the matter at the pres-
ent time?
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved
and seconded that the recommendations of
this committee be approved. It has been
moved as an amendment that action upon
this matter be deferred until we receive the
report of the Woman's National Commit-
tee. The discussion now is on the motion
to defer action.
DEL. LEE: I hear cries from various
parts of the hall for the previous question.
I think that when we were discussing mere
questions of rules of procedure it was very
wise to adopt the previous question early
in the discussion. But here we have the
report of a committee of this body. That
committee has considered this matter for
two years. They have presented what
seems to be a rather carefully worked out
report. You have had it read here. Many
of you have not listened; and most of you
I venture to say have not read the printed
report. I did not listen to all of it because
I had read the printed report. But most
of you have done neither. Then a com-
rade rises here and says there is another
committee that has important information
on the matter before us; and there are
very good reasons why that committee
should have important matter on that
question to present; and then some com-
rade rises and moves the previous ques-
tion; thus saying that the Woman's Com-
mittee should have nothing to do with this;
we are going to vote upon it now. My point
is that if you vote now to defer you cut
off the opportunity to discuss this matter
when we have nothing else before us and a
good opportunity to discuss the matter.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion for the
previous question has not been made yet.
DEL. LEE: The previous question would
carry with it the whole matter.
THE CHAIRMAN: No; only the motion
to defer.
DEL LEE: If that is your ruling I am
willing to have the vote.
DEL. PEACH (Conn.): Had I been given
the opportunity I would have accepted the
suggestion offered by Comrade Simons. I
realize the great importance of this ques-
tion of education. We have it facing us
in our state and it is a very important
question. We have it in a form where it
has been submitted by the Board of Edu-
cation, and adopted in the law, that the
schools shall be conducted part of the
time and the children attend them; and
that the other part of the day they shall
spend in factories. We believe the recom-
mendation of the committee on such a point,
as that is very important and should re-
ceive the earnest consideration of this con-
vention. We from Connecticut believe that
everything relating to education should re-
MORNING SLSSION, MAY 13, 1912
ceive the fullest consideration; because it
is a practical thing actually confronting
us. And I want to say that the question
of the industrial education of women and
girls is of just as much importance as the
education of boys; and therefore I hope
that the convention will accede to the re-
quest of Comrade Simons, so that we may
get all the light possible on the matters
contained in this report.
DEL. CASSIDY (N. Y.): It seems to me
that the report of Comrade Simons if
agreed to will lead to a lot of confusion,
rhe Committee on Education deals specifi-
cally with this question. They have con-
sidered the question; and have dealt with
it in their report. During their delibera-
tions the National Woman's Committee as
well as any one else in the Socialist Party
fttad the opportunity to present to that com-
mittee all the information they had or could
gather on this question. To take up the
Consideration of the matter on two differ-
jnt reports seems to me to lead to loss of
:ime and confusion. What subject are wo-
nen more interested in than the education
)f children, and especially the industrial
jducation of girls? That is absolutely true.
But it is no reason why we should have
:wo committees reporting. It is said that
;he women are very much interested in the
-eport of our Committee on Immigration,
rhat is absolutely true. But that is no
•eason for separate reports. Then there
s the Committee on the Relationship of
he Party to the Labor ynions. They may
>ring in a separate report on that. Now
:or the sake of logical and orderly pro-
;edure let us keep consistently and logi-
ially to one question so that it may be dis-
)osed of. I hope that the motion to defer
tction until the women report will be de-
feated.
DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.) moved the
>revious question. (Seconded.)
The previous question was then ordered.
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I am in favor of
ilmost all of the recommendations of this
:ommittee. I do not favor the method by
vhich they arrive at their conclusions. If
ve vote down this motion to defer and take
inal action on this report, we shall be tak-
ng action on something which contains
ome statements which I do not see how
ve could approve, unless we can have
•resented here the data concerning these
hings. In the report of the committee
here are a lot of things that up to /date
do not believe can be established to be
rue. There are positions taken also that
ny one who has studied industrial educa-
ion deeply knows are hardly tenable. It is
00 great a question; it contains too much
f moment for it to be disposed of off-
and here in a few minutes.
Another thing: The women of the Sb-
ialist Party by all means should have
omething to say on this question. I am
peaking as one with experience in this
ne, and I know that when it comes to the
uestion of education in the public schools
tie women have the first and last word,
'hey have it by right. They have been
1 the main the educators of America, and
le foremost educator in this country today
? a woman. By all means this matter
hould be deferred and all possible in-
jrmation brought in here. If we pass
non this now I want to say that there
re even things in this report that the
bcialist Party cannot stand for; unless
^ey can be established by the proof to be
.ought in here. We ought to have more
(formation. We ought to have everything
1'iat the women can give us; as I said be-
-)re they have the right to what it is. I
hope that we shall vote to defer the mat-
ter until the Woman's Committee shall be
heard.
DEL. GAYLORD: What is the status of
this matter now?
THE CHAIRMAN: One speech in opposi-
tion to the motion to defer.
DEL. GAYLORD: I favor deferring.
DEL. GOEBEL. I am opposed to de-
ferring.
A DELEGATE: Has not Comrade Goebel
spoken already?
DEL. GOEBEL: I was the original one to
object to waiting. And whether I speak
twice or not I think we all agree that par-
liamentary usage would give me the right
to conclude.
Now I want to say to the women of this
convention and to- the women of the So-
cialist Party — I want to say right here and
now — that I refuse to allow the women to
claim the children of this country any more
than I claim them as a man. (Applause
and laughter.) Let us understand each
other about this. We have certain defi-
nite commmittees. We have the National
Committee, we have the National Executive
Committee; and then we have separate
standing and special committees. They
have each some duty to perfom. The mo-
ment they begin to infringe on the duties
of other committees that moment we have
loss of time, loss of money and confusion.
That is the proposition here. Not whether
we shall favor this report. Not whether we
shall defer further action until we hear
from the Woman's Committee. There is a
good reason for my objection. I under-
stand that the women are bringing in a
recommendation on a party owned press.
Doubtless they will bring in separate re-
ports on other matters that are of general
interest. We have a committee to deal with
education. That is their special function.
Special propaganda work among the wo-
men and children would be a different mat-
ter. Let us understand each other. I am
not fighting the Woman's Committee. I
want the national committee to do its busi-
ness; I want the National Woman's Com-
mittee to do its business; I want the Com-
mittees on Immigration and on Farmers'
Program to do their business. That is the
only way in which we can have business
done on a business basis.
DEL. BOEHM (O.): I should like to ask
when the Woman's Committee will be
ready to report.
DEL. M. W. Simons: Our recommenda-
tions are ready. They will be here at the
beginning of the next session. We shall
submit it as a part of our report.
The motion to defer action until after
the report of the Woman's National Com-
mittee had been received was then voted
upon and declared carried.
CHAIRMAN BARNES: One word, for the
benefit of our soap boxers who are going
to distribute our philosophy. It is signfi-
cant that here in this Socialist convention
the first subject discussed before the con-
vention is the question of education. It is
a remarkable contrast to the subjects dis-
cussed in the republican and democratic
conventions.
ALLOWANCE FOR SLEEPING CARS TO
DELEGATES.
DEL. SPARGO: On behalf of the Na-
tional Executive Committee I am ready
to report on the question of Pullman car
allowances to delegates.
The National Executive Committee has
considered the matter of the payment of
Pullman car fares of the delegates to the
convention of the party referred to it by
the convention. The National Executive
f w
1
30
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
Committee having considered the matter
from the standpoint of principle and the
party's finances unanimously recommends
to the convention that payment of travel-
ing expenses be interpreted to include not
only the bare railroad fare but the neces-
sary convenience of a sleeper for traveling
considerable distances. On behalf of the
National Executive Committee I desire to
state very briefly our reasons for that de-
cision. In the first place I have no doubt
at all that with very few exceptions, by an
overwhelming majority of this convention,
those of us who have traveled very long dis-
tances have come by way of a sleeper car.
We have done this not merely for our own
convenience, our desire for luxury, but we
have come in that way in order that we
might be efficient and fit to do the work
imposed upon us. Now, comrades, there
Is always the proposition of the man who
says that as a working class party we
should in all externals represent that work-
ing class. I don't care whether that point
of view is , represented by imagining that
all delegates should come with the tools
and clothing of their craft, or whether it
is expressed in the notion that we ought
to come in day coaches or on the bumpers
underneath the cars, if we possibly can do
so. The fact is that is not the working
class point of view at all. As a working
class convention we first of all recognize
that our supreme business is to build up
an effective fighting machine of the work-
ing class, and men who come to the conven-
tion tired and outworn and weary are not
in a position to make the best resistance
to the forces of capitalism which can be
made.
In the second place, I believe there was a
time in this party when it was necessary
for us to endure hardships; when our mem-
bership was small. There was a time in
the history of this party when opposition
to our position would have had a con-
siderable basis of reason. But that time is,
happily, passel forever.
Finally, comrades, this the twentieth
century. And we of the working class de-
mand for ourselves and our class all the
advantages of the twentieth century.
Moved and seconded that the report of
the National Executive Committee be
adopted. ,
DEL. FLOATEN (Colo.): I move to
amend that wherever it is possible that
they travel in tourist or second class
sleepers, because the sleeping is just as
good and / costs just half as much.
The amendment was not seconded.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I believe that
those have the best right to ride in sleep*
ing cars who build the sleeping cars.
The report of the National Executive
Committee in regard tc payment of Pull-
man car fares to delegates was then de-
clared adopted.
The Chairman announced that the local
committee had made arrangements for a
group picture of the convention to be taken
in front of the court house immediately
after the adjournment.
The convention then adjourned.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Chairman Barnes called the convention
to order at 2:30 p. m.
LETTISH ORGANIZATIONS.
THE CHAIRMAN: Most of the foreign
organizations have submitted in print cop-
ies of reports of their respective activities.
The Executive Committee of the National
Lettish Organization of the S. P. has svib-
mitted a report with sundry recommenda-
tions, and they ask that it be made part
of the record and included in minutes.*
On motion of Del. Goaziou it was so or-
dered. s
COMMITTEE NOMINATIONS.
The roll of states was called for correc-
tions in the printed list of nominations for
the various committees. Several corrections
and withdrawals were announced, and the
delegates were requested to correct their
copies of the ballot accordingly.
In consequence of. declinations and ab-
sences, certain committees were left with-
out enough nominees to equal the numbers
prescribed by the rules, and the subject of
nominations was reopened.
It was moved that the election of the
Committee on Foreign Speaking Organiza-
tions be postponed until the other com-
mittees have been elected.
An amendment was offered that the elec-
tion of the Auditing Committee take the
same course.
An amendment to the amendment was of-
fered, that the convention proceed to com-
plete the nominations for all committees
and elect.
The amendment to the amendment was
carried.
Del. Dobbs (Ky.) moved that the bal-
lot with the corrections be referred back to
the proper committee and reprinted and
•See Appendix O. — Editor.
placed on the desks of the delegates. Mo-
tion lost.
National Secretary Work announced the
presence of A. F. Casselbury as an alter-
nate from Georgia.
The Chairman called for additional
nominations on committees, and the follow-
ing were made:
AUDITING COMMITTER
Former nominations:
Fritz (Miss.).
Garrison (Ind.).
Ward (Mo.).
Additional nominations:
Blase (Kans.).
Benents (N. Y.).
COMMITTEE ON REPORTS OF NA-
TIONAL OFFICERS.
Del. Young (Pa.) withdrew his name
there being two nominees from Pennsyl-
vania, and he nominated H. W. Houston of
West Va.
COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL RE-
LATIONS.
Additional nomination:
John Ohsol (Mass.).
Del. Duncan moved that inasmuch as a
sufficient number of nominations have been
made for the Committee on International
Relations, that the nominees constitute the
committee. Seconded and carried.
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN SPEAKING-
ORGANIZATIONS.
Del. Strebel (N. Y.) stated that the Com-
mittee on Foreign Speaking Organizations,
under the rules, should consist of nine
members, while only seven delegates had-
been nominated, and he moved to completes
the nominations.
So ordered.
1
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 13, 1912
31
The following additional nominations
were made:
Reynolds (Ind.) — declined.
Russel (N. Y.) — declined.
Maxwell (111.) — declined.
On motion of Del. Bessemer (Pa.) the
rules were suspended and the seven nomi-
nees elected as the committee.
ELECTION OF COMMITTEES.
It was moved that the respective state
delegations tabulate their vote for com-
mittees and present the report to the tell-
ers, accompanied by the individual ballots.
An amendment was offered to strike out
the words "accompanied by the individual
ballots." The amendment was lost.
The original motion was then carried by
a vote of 117 for, 110 against.
A recess was taken in order to permit
delegates to prepare their ballots/
The hour of five o'clock, the time for
receiving resolutions, having arrived be-
fore votes were tabulated, it was moved
and carried that the rules be suspended
during the tabulation of the votes and that
the resolutions be received at the close of
the session.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Communications were read from the fol-
lowing:
Pittsburgh Young People's Socialist
League. Referred to Resolution/3 jCom-
mittee.
From Carl M. Sandberg, Chicago, relat-
ing to a plank in the platform. Referred
to Platform Committee.
Resolution adopted by the 25th Ward
Branch, Chicago, recommending a plank for
the platform. Referred to the Platform
Committee.
Resolution signed
Keefer, Secretary, in
press and its conduct.
Committee.
Communication from Norfolk, Va., on the
subject of party papers. Referred to Press
Committee.
Communication from National Lettish
Organization in reference to foreign speak-
ing organizations. Referred to Committee
on Foreign Speaking Organizations.
THE CHAIRMAN: There is a telegram
of a controversial nature, assailing the right
of a member of this convention to have a
voice herein, signed by a branch. Is it the
pleasure of the delegates that the commu-
nication be read?
The reading of the telegram was called
for by several delegates.
' The Secretary began to read. "Denver,
Colo., May 12—"
THE CHAIRMAN: I stated that there
is a telegram of a controversial nature at-
tacking the rights of a member on the
floor, and asked whether you desired it read
or not.
A delegate moved that it be read. Sec-
onded.
Another delegate suggested that there
ought to be a consultation with the state
delegation to which the attacked member
belongs before the communication is read.
THE CHAIRMAN: Com. Floaten says
with authority that it comes from his state.
A DELEGATE: Is this letter from a
state convention?
THE CHAIRMAN: No; from a local
branch.
A DELEGATE: What right have we to
recognize this communication? These dele-
gates are elected by the party.
DEL. BERLYN (111.): This would be es-
tablishing a precedent. I do not want to
establish such a precedent. There are
by Mrs. Charles
reference to Party
Referred to Press
5.000 locals, and if one should address this
convention it would take up all the time.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is but fair to give
you the further information that it assails
the rights of one who is not a delegate,
but one who by courtesy has been given a
voice in this convention. I refer to a mem-
ber of the National Executive Committee.
He is not a delegate.
A delegate moved to refer to the Com-
mittee on Contested Seats.
THE CHAIRMAN: There is no such
committee. The motion is that the com-
munication be read.
DEL. MILLER (Nev.) : I move as a sub-
stitute for the motion that the communi-
cation be referred to the delegation from
Colorado, to report. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: That would come in
the form of an amendment.
DEL. MILLER: All right.
DEL. SPARGO: I move to lay that com-
munication on the table. (Seconded.)
The question was put on the motion to
lay on the table.
DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): A point of order
on the taking of this vote. You have no
right to table this communication till you
know what your are tabling.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is no point of
order.
The motion to table was then carried by
a vote of 128 for, 50 against.
RESOLUTIONS.
The following resolutions were then pre-
sented and read and referred as respective-
ly noted.
From William H. Prosser. Delegate from
Pennsylvania on the liquor traffic. Referred
to Platform Committee.
From C. L. Furman, Albert Pulay and E.
Lindgren, on behalf of Local Kings County,
New York, on using the national machinery
of the party to promote private views on
party tactics. Referred to the Committee
on Constitution.
From Indiana delegation on propaganda
among the army, navy, etc. Referred to
Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution submitted by Del. Theimer of
New Jersey on the subject of systematic
propaganda. Referred to Committee on
Resolutions.
From U. Solomon, delegate from N. Y.,
on the defense of Joseph Ettor and Arturo
Giovannetti. Referred to Committee on
Resolutions.
Resolution on industrial unionism, sub-
mitted by R. J. Wheeler, of Pennsylvania.
Referred to Committee on Labor Organiza-
tions and Their Relations to the Socialist
Party-
Resolution submitted by Del. Walter Lan-
fersiek, of Kentucky, on extending financial
aid to the party in the southern states.
THE CHAIRMAN: That will be referred
to the Committee on Ways and Means.
DEL. SPARGO: I move that the resolu-
tion be referred to the National Executive
Committee. (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: It is referred to the
Committee on Ways and Means. It is the
property of this convention. We have a
committee handling that subject, the Ways
and Means Committee. This is a financial
proposition. That is the reference of the
chair, unless there is a motion made to
some other purpose.
DEL. SPARGO: I have so moved, Com.
Chairman, that it be referred to the Na-
tional Executive Committee. I claim that it
is not within the province or scope of the
work of the Committee on Ways and
Means. The functions of the Committee
on Ways and Means is to devise ways and
32
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
means to finance the party. The function
of the National Executive Committee is to
administer the finances on hand. This is a
request for a specific sum of money for a
specific purpose, and ought to be referred
to the committee.
DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): A point of
order. We have a Resolution Committee.
What is the function of the Resolution
Committee unless to pass on just such
matters as that. Or is that a point of
order?
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is
not well taken. The rules provide that the
chair shall make reference without dis-
cussion being had as to the subject matter,
but the convention is entitled to make ref-
erence as it sees fit.
DEL. MAHONEY: Then I move that it
be referred to the Resolution Committee.
DEL. PATTERSON (O.): A point of or-
der. Resolution coming before this body
must be referred to the proper committees
without discussion, and cannot be acted on
by this convention till after they are re-
ported back to the committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is the judg-
ment of the chair. But a motion is in
order to make a reference other than that
decided upon by the chair.
DEL. PATTERSON: You hold that a
motion is out of order?
THE CHAIRMAN: I hold that your point
of order is not well taken. It is within
the province of the body to make a motion
to refer in opposition to the judgment of
the chair. The chair's judgment is that
it belongs to the Ways and Means Commit-
tee.
DEL. PATTERSON: I appeal from the
decision of the chair.
Appeal seconded, and vice chairman Ed-
wards assumed the chair.
DEL. PATTERSON: The reason I take
this position is that this convention has
adopted rules to govern the convention, and
to allow a motion to be made that sets
aside all rules without consideration is not
fair to the convention. That is one of the
reasons. And further, that the Executive
Committee is not a committee of this con-
vention, and the resolution coming before
the convention is the property of the con-
vention and not the property of any stand-
ing committees or officers of the Socialist
Party. The referring of the communica-
tion or the resolution to the Executive Com-
mittee takes it out. of the hands of the con-
vention and leaves it subject to the discre-
tion of the Executive Committee whether
they will report back here, whether they
will give you a voice in the matter or not.
It simply means the pigeonholing of any
communications or resolutions that the Ex-
ecutive Committee shall see fit.
A vote was taken on appeal, and the chair
was sustained.
THE CHAIRMAN (Del. Barnes): Action
recurs upon the motion of Del. Spargo,
that this subject be referred to the Na-
tional Executive Committee.
DEL. MAHONEY: I made an amendment
to. the motion, that it be referred to the
Resolution Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: Was that motion sec-
onded, Com. Mahoney's motion to refer to
the Resolution Committee?
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: Action recurs on
Spargo's motion to refer to the National
Executive Committee.
DEL. REID (R. I.): I want to say here
that I think it is the duty of this con-
vention to refer this resolution as the
chairman decides, to the Ways and Means
Committee of this convention. If they
should see fit to refer it further to the
National Executive Committee, they should
do it. But this convention should refer it
to the Ways and Means Committee of this
convention, to let them report on it.
DEL. CLIFFORD (O.): As an amend-
ment to the motion proposed by Com. Spar-
go, I move that this resolution be referred
to the Ways and Means Committee. (Sec-
onded.)
The amendment was carried.
^oretary next read a resolution sub-
mitter -e Oregon delegation, Delegates
Dorfman, Hayden, Sherman, Lewis and
Ramp, warning workers to stay away from
the Pacific Coast. Referred to the Com-
mittee on Resolutions.
Resolution to provide a special commit-
tee to investigate and report on the sub-
ject of establishing a moving picture ex-
change. Referred to Committee on Ways
and Means.
Resolution submitted by Mary L. Geffs
of Colorado, favoring the abolition of cap-
ital punishment Referred to Committee on
Resolutions.
Resolution submitted by Montana dele-
gation, containing declaration on the sub-
ject of industrial democracy. Referred to
Platform Committee.
Resolution adopted by Missouri state
convention protesting against the Root
amendment to the Immigration Law now
pending in Congress. Referred to Commit-
tee on Resolutions.
Proposed amendment to Article II, Sec-
tion 2, of the national constitution, making
ineligible to membership any person whose
principal source of income is derived from
rent, interest or profit. Submitted by Dele-
gates Bostrom, Kate Sadler, Samuel Sadler
and A. H. Barth, delegates from Washing-
ton. Referred to Committee on Consti-
tution.
Resolution on Socialist agitation among
trade unions and other labor organizations.
Submitted by Robert Lawrence of Massa-
chusetts. Referred to Committee on Labor
Organizations.
Resolution submitted by Del. J. P. Reid
of Rhode Island to provide each member
of the party with a Monthly Bulletin. Re-
ferred to Committee on Constitution.
Resolution submitted by D. M. Caldwell,
of Pennsylvania, warning members to be-
ware of all persons who advise violence.
Referred to Committee on Resolutions.
Speech by Oscar Ameringer.
While waiting for the announcement of
the vote on committees, Del. Oscar Amer-
inger of Oklahoma, was called to the plat-
form and spoke as follows:
DEL. AMERINGER: Friends and com-
rades, I am very sorry that we did not
have an opportunity to see you in Okla-
homa City instead of this town here for a
great many reasons. In the first place,
we have an excellent hall down there where
you can hear and can see things. Up here
we are somewhat in a very peculiar place.
It reminds me somewhat of an experience I
had coming up from Biloxi, Miss., to New
Orleans one Sunday night. A little fellow
got on the train with me and sat down in
the seat next to me. He said, "Some
people surely got bad luck." I said, "That
is right, that is right." He said, "Some
people v surely got a hard time." I said,
"That is so," being there myself. He said,
"Some people surely don't know what a
hard time other people have." I said, "That
is so. What is the trouble?". "Oh," he
says, "we have a man down here in Biloxi
who has surely got bad luck. He was
born deaf and dumb and couldn't hear and
couldn't talk." "Well," I said, "that is
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 13, 1912
33
1
hard luck." He said, "Yes, and some time
ago he broke his leg, and we fixed it up
as good as we knew how, and it was all
right, so that they took him up to New
Orleans and sawed his leg off. Now he is
deaf and dumb, can't hear, can't talk, and
only has one leg, and yesterday they brought
him home, and he got blind drunk and is
crazier than hell now."
Now, friends, we are somewhat in the
same kind of predicament in this hall here.
We can't hear, we can't see, we can't talk
and everybody is hollering until the blood
goes up in the head, and I am afraid we
will be — well, not crazier than that other
place, but it will be bad enough after
iwhile.
In the meantime, comrades, just put on
smiling countenances. There is absolute-
ly no_ reason in God's creation why some
ot you Socialist delegates should have
'aces that long (illustrating). You make
iwful faces, very bitter faces. Are you
iware of the fact that the whole Socialist
movement is nothing but a movement for
oy, for happiness, for health, for laughter,
for flowers, and for the good things of earth
n general? (Applause.)
Now, I don't want you to take yourselves
00 doggoned serious. Because, remember
;hat this world rolled on for a couple of
rears before you were born, and it is going
o roll on for a few years after you are
;one. Remember that the whole Socialist
novement at this critical time does not
■est on your shoulders exclusively. (Laugh-
er.) Aye, friends, even Karl Marx died,
did the Socialist movement went on. And
f some of you don't get exactly what you
vant, you most likely don't get it because}
t is not coming to you. (Laughter.) And
f the majority seems to have a different
lea than you have, and although you are
horoughly convinced that you are
he only second infallible person in cre-
tion, remember that the majority may
e right after all, and just take things
asy and take it with a smile on your face.
My particular mission in the Socialist
lovement for the last couple of years has
een to get sufficient activity in your faces
o you could crack a smile once in awhile,
ometimes our friends, our Socialists even,
re very unsocial Socialists. We come
lto a meeting like this, and instead of be-
lg happy that there are so many of us, in-
tead of being happy that they are hav-
lg 140,000 party members and going to
ave 1,200,000 votes, instead of being happy
fter we have carried town after town and
ty after city, why, do you know what
ou talk about? About slavery and feudal-
m and capitalism. You live in the past
istead of living today. This is the best
orld I ever got into, in spite of the fact,
lat it is run by the capitalist class. I am
ttisfied that the capitalist has been a
irned sight better to us than the feudal
rd has been or the slave owner. (Laugh-
r.) And the further back you go the
orse it gets. Now, here we are, working
jople, most of us stopping at pretty fair
)tels, aren't we, and you are eating good
rub. Why, 50,000 years ago, instead of
ttlng we would have furnished a meal,
daughter.)
So you see, friends, considerable progress
is been made. The further back you go
ie worse it gets, and the further on you
> the better it gets. Therefore, smile;
>t that face broader. I want to give one
ientific advice to a great many of you
>cialists here; the advice that I have
me to the conclusion that the only salva-
■>n of our movement is to eat more, and
ink more and get fatter. (Applause.)
One of the reasons why our first Congress-
man has made such a howling success as
a Congressman was because he had the
necessary weight of gray matter and other
matter.
Keep ycur eyes on the future. There are
many days of fighting ahead of us, and it
is the fight itself that gives the great
pleasure, understand. It is the struggle it-
self, the class struggle, that can be fought
in such a manner as will repay us for all
our trouble. As soon as the working class
fights with a smiling face, as soon as we
are in a position where we can laugh at all
opposition, as soon as that time comes
we are a power, and not before. (Ap-
plause.)
Take it easy, boys, take it easy. Don't
think that if the working class is not or-
ganized according to a certain way it will
ruin everything. It is not going to . Don't
think that if this or that resolution is
killed the labor movement is killed. No;
remember we are the child of necessity. We
are the child of the capitalist system, and
that system is better than anything we
had, and we are going to be better than
that. We are the child of necessity. The
Socialist movement has its foundation in
a very simple thing, and that is the desire
of the working people to live as good as
the people who don't work. (Applause.)
It is so fundamental, it is so elementary.
What we want is to live better, to live
happier, to enjoy life. I want to say to
some of you doggoned Socialists, don't
make such sour faces and spoil the milk
that way. (Laughter.) You are not going to
catch flies with vinegar, and if you want
to catch bear use honey or molasses. You
don't take fish hooks or vinegar, do you.
Now, friends, be cheerful about the thing,
and don't duarrel much, and when you do
quarrel put on a smiling face. It don't
hurt. And the more you smile the fatter
you get. Look at me. (Laughter and ap-
plause.)
DEL. SPARGO: Com. Chairman, there
was an order made at the time of the elec-
tion of the International Committee we
would proceed with the reception of the
fraternal delegates. I see that one of the
fraternal delegates is in the hall, Com. Pet-
tigrew of the Canadian Socialist Party. I
think we should hear from Com. Pettigrew.
ADDRESS OF GEORGE PETTIGREW.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade George Pet-
tigrew, of the Canadian Socialist Party is
with us. In accordance with the expression
of the delegates and the arrangement on
the program, I bid him welcome in be-
half of the Socialist Party, and give him
an opportunity to present his message at
this time. (Applause.)
Comrade George Pettigrew then addressed
the convention.
COMRADE PETTIGREW: Mr. Chair-
man and comrades, in coming from the
other side of the line, it is rather unfor-
tunate that we of the Canadian Social-
Democratic Party had not a convention in
time to appoint a representative to speak
here. However, I have been here doing
business as an executive member of the
United Mine Workers of America and I
have been asked to speak to the Socialists
here on behalf of the comrades on the
Canadian side.
Unfortunately, on the Canadian side we
have not been able to show the same prog-
ress as is shown here at this convention.
We have had our difficulties over there,
but I am pleased to say to the comrades
here that for the first time in history we
have now got on the right lines of a real
34
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Social-Democratic party. (Applause.) The
Socialist party of Canada for ten or twelve
years has been the dominant party. They
have been pretty much a disruptive party
rather than a party who have meant to
build up the organization, and because of
the methods employed by that party two
other existing organizations were formed
two years ago, but by the referendum vote
six munths ago the Social-Democratic Party
and the Canadian Socialist Federation went
together, and consequently we find that
since that time thousands have joined the
organization. (Applause.)
We as a Social-Democratic party in Can-
ada realize that if progress is to be made
by the Socialist movement it must embrace
every other organization which has as its
object the emancipation of the working
class. And we are pleased to say that
this new movement which has been estab-
lished in Canada has made up its mind to
work hand in hand with our fellow workers
in the organizations which are engaged on
the industrial field. We recognize today
that even though the political issue is one
of the issues for the emancipation of the
workers, that the workers themselves must
take the position that if we can do some-
thing with the right hand, if we can do
something with the left, that both must be
used alike, because we recognize that the
capitalist class are organized on the indus-
trial and on the political field, and they .
sometimes use force against the workers.
We do not advocate force in any way, but
the position that we take over there is that
whatever weapon the capitalist class are
prepared to use to defeat the workers, the
workers must use the same weapon in order
to defeat the capitalist class. (Applause.)
However, I do not know that* I can talk
much on the history of the party. As I
say, I am pleased to be here, to stand on
this platform at the convention of the
American Socialist Party. It is only two
years since I left Great Britain and came
to the American continent, and I am more
familiar with the organization on the other
side of the Atlantic than with the organi-
zations on this side, but I am pleased to
say that since I have come to this hall
I have met the second comrade whom I
heard lecture on Socialism. That was in
far away Scotland, in the year 1895. I refer
to Comrade Spargo. (Applause.)
Comrades, if you care, I should like to
say something- relative to the British move-
ment rather than the Canadian, since I have
spent the greater part of my lifetime work-
ing in that movement. We are beginning
to recognize now that in all countries in the
world where the workers are beginning to
organize they are beginning to come all to-
gether, whether it be on the industrial
or on the political field. We are beginning
to recognize over in that country now that
we have millions of unemployed men and
thousands upon thousands of starving chil-
dren. We are beginning to recognize on
the American continent here that because
of those unemployed men and because of
those starving children that men like my-
self are compelled to seek a new land. I
had no desire to leave the country I was
born in but because of economic conditions,
like many more, I was compelled to come
to the American continent. And what do
we find? We find the capitalist class, both
on the Canadian side and on the United
States side, throwing out every possible in-
ducement they can at the present time to
the workers in Great Britain, to the work-
ers in the European countries, telling them
of the splendid and glorious advantages to
b« gained en the American and Canadian
continent. But what do we find? We And
that many of those people who would not
listen to the question of Socialism when
we were propagating Socialism on the other
side of the ocean, when they have once
been brought to either Canada or the
United States, when once they have been
brought face to face with the issue of cap-
italism and found that the capitalist class
is just as merciless on this side as on the
other side, then they are compelled to
vote, then they are compelled to act, then
they are compelled to advocate industrial
organization and join the Socialist Party;
and because of those results we find the:
movement on both sides, on the Canadian'
side and the United States side, growing
by leaps and bounds at the present time.
(Applause.)
But, fellow workers, we are pleased to
see when we look at any part of the world
that the movement is also growing there.
When we look at Great Britain and see and
examine the conditions that have confronted
the people and the action that the work-
ers have taken in order to defeat the cap-
italist class during the past twelve months,
to me, at least, they are signs that it will
not he many years till the workers of all
countries will take the same action as has
been taken in Britain during the past
twelve months, and as I have said many
times, I believe that if I live ten years
more I will live to see the workers under
a Socialistic regime. (Applause.)
Only some twenty years ago, in Britain,
we did not find the workers organized as
they are now. We found them with their
small craft organizations. We found that
when men came to contest a. political seat
on behalf of the workers they were not re-
garded in any way. But, because of the
fact that the capitalist class, with the
wealth which they have wrung from the
workers, are continually improving machin-
ery, the improved machinery means greater
production of commodities, which on the
other hand, means more poverty for the
workers. But the workers have learned
some lessons over there. They have begun
to recognize that those little strikes have
ceased to be of any use whatever; they
are now beginning to recognize that it is
no use for men connected with one part
of an industry to strike while some men
connected with another part of that same
industry remain at work. Only ten years
ago over there when we first began to talk
of this it was said to be useless. We be-
gan to see how it worked in the building
trades, for example. When the masons
came out on strike the carpenters, plumb-
ers, painters and other workers remained
at work, and the masons would lose theii
strike. Then the other crafts were likewise
attacked. This went on until we have
come to the point where the workers there
are ready for the vote.
But because of those lessons that have
been learned, what do we find at the pres-
ent time? We find that those crafts havt
linked un into one organization. In place
of the ship buildine; trader having ei?rhteei
separate organizations as they had five
years aero, we find that they have now on<
organization. (Applause.) Tn plare of th«
men in the building trades having thirteet
separate organization^, we find the sam<
thing applies; ovo buildine: organization
and when the employers fi°-ht that the!
have the n«p organization to fisrht. W<
find that because of the gigantic struggle:
that have taken place durinsr the pas 1
twelve months, when the dock men an<
the railway men and the miners have beei
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 13, 1912
out, when the military was brought out as
usual to beat the workers down, we found
something more in the month of March of
last year when the military was sent into
South Wales. We found that for the first
time in history one man who wore the uni-
form of the King refused to shoot his fel-
low workers. (Applause.) This young
man, who refused to shoot his fellow work-
ers at the command of his commanding of-
ficer, was placed under arrest. After he
was arrested he made up his mind that he
would desert, and he did desert. He was
gone for ten days. He walked from South
Wales into the city of Glasgow, but after
he had got to his home in the city of Glas-
gow, a detachment of the military arrested
him. There were two charges against him.
One charge was refusing to obey the com-
mand of his superior officer when asked to
shoot men belonging to the railway brother-
hood. The second charge against him was
that he had deserted from his regiment.
The Socialist party began to take up the
question, and what was the result? After
they had taken up the matter and began to
accumulate funds in order to see that this
young man got a fair trial, the authorities
were so cowardly because they were afraid
of the effect on the military in other parts
of the country that they dropped the first
charge and tried him on the second and
gave him seven days' imprisonment. (Ap-
plause.) A few days ago Comrade Tom
Mann asked the military not to use their
arms against the workers during the min-
ers' strike, and for that he has been sen-
tenced to six months' imprisonment. Per-
sonally, I believe that Mann is proud that
he is in prison because he asked the mili-
tary to refuse to shoot. And what is more,
every Socialist is proud of the fact because
the military is beginning to recognize that
it has been hunger that compelled them to
go into the ranks of the army.
We begin to recognize all the forces
which are at work, and more especially
when we recognize that, in the month of
November last year, after the municipal
elections came on, then we found another
phase of the situation. Those people who
had been starving and fighting during the
early part of the year, those people who
had had policemen's clubs beaten on their
heads, what did we find them doing? We
found they had not only begun to act to-
gether on the industrial field, but we found
that in place of the Labor Party, the So-
cialist Labor Party, the Clarion Scouts and
other organizations fighting separately as
they had been doing before, they had come
together and formed what is now known
as the British Socialist Party. (Applause.)
And when the British Socialist Party was
in its formation, what did we find? At the
municipal elections no less than 137 can-
didates were put in the field, and out of
the 137 there were 85 returned to the
municipal chambers. (Applause.) Once we
find the working class beginning to or-
ganize and fight on the industrial field as
they have been doing; once we begin to see
them learning the lessons of the capitalist
class; once those people begin to see that
with all the powers they possess nothing
can defeat the working class when a strike
does take place; when we see those work-
ers linking up into one organization as they
| are doing-; and when as a result of the link-
ing up in industrial organizations <we see
them linking up on the political field, then,
fellow workers, there is hope. (Applause.)
I say, in conclusion, fellow workers, I
only hope that you at this convention at
the present time will carry through your
deliberations without any quarrels; that
you will have no quarrels on the question
of physical or industrial action; that you
will show to the capitalist class — and after
all the whole capitalist class in the world
has its eyes on this small body at the
present time — that you will do your busi-
ness and show them that the party is go-
ing to be the power of the future; that
even now we can teach them lessons; and
that within the next six months, as a result
of this splendid convention, we will poll two
or three million votes on the American con-
tinent. (Applause.)
THE CHAIRMAN: Vice-Chairman Ed-
wards will respond.
RESPONSE BY VICE-CHAIRMAN ED-
WARDS.
VICE-CHAIRMAN EDWARDS: Com-
rades, by request of the chairman of the
convention, I greet Comrade Pettigrew in
your behalf and in doing so show that our
brother from Canada has a welcome not
only from the central part of the United
States where we are now meeting, but from
the uttermost ends of the country. Not
only as your representative, but especially
as a delegate from the Socialist Party of
Texas, do I greet him. I wish to extend
greetings of fraternity from our southern
delegates to our northern comrade. And
the feeling of pleasure, as suggested by
Comrade Ameringer, should exist for sev-
eral reasons. One is that the committee
engaged in tabulating the votes will soon
report and we will be able to go home to
supper. The other is that we have seen
from the remarks of our comrade from the
Mine Workers of Canada that all over the
world the workers are joining hands to
put an end to war. And when an English-
man becomes an advocate of peace, and his
hand is joined by a democrat from Texas,
or an ex-democrat from Texas, in an ad-
vocacy of peace, surely, I believe it is an
augury of the world peace that is sure to
come. (Applause.) We should feel also an
element of satisfaction, for Comrade Petti-
grew is not only a representative of the
Socialist Party, but a representative also of
one union that has known thoroughly how
to attend to its own business on the indus-
trial field; and I believe that the tremen-
dous success of that organization is due
to the fact that it attended to its own
business on the industrial field. (Ap-
plause.) The Mine Workers have given us
a practical illustration that industrial
unionism, when it comes, will come from
the workers themselves without much ad-
vice from outsiders. And so, again, I be-
lieve that I express the feeling of the whole
Socialist Party, and certainly of the So-
cialist Party of Texas, when we express
our welcome and our gratification at hav-
ing our comrade here present with us.
(Applause.)
Del. Reynolds of Indiana moved that we
now hear Comrade De Larra of Mexico.
(Seconded.)
Del. Spargo moved to amend that we
set the first order of business tomorrow
morning for hearing Comrade De Larra in
order to give him more time to deliver his
message.
(Seconded.)
The amendment was carried.
ELECTION OF COMMITTEES.
The tellers then reported the vote on the
various committees, as follows:
Committee on Co 7 operatives, seven mem-
bers:
W. L. Gaylord, Wis 192
Emma D Cory, Wash 172
E. I. Lindgren, N. Y 162
/ w
J6
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
( Caleb Lipscomb, Mo 158
J. T. Cumbie Okla 149
L. W. Lang, Iowa 143
E. E. Powell, Ohio 142
Committee on State and Municipal Pro-
gram, nine members:
Carl D. Thomson 213
Anna A. Maley .. 209
John C. Kennedy 176
Margaret L. Prevey 170
Roscoe E. Dooley 147
Ernest Berger 142
Edwin J. Brown 123
George W. Downing 123
Thomas M. Todd 120
W. W. Farmer 83
Committee on Party Press, nine mem-
bers:
Mary O'Reilly 207
R. A. Maynard 169
W. A. Jacobs 165
J. L. Bachman 162
Meyer London 158
Theresa Malkiel 157
William M. Wesley 155
C. E. Owen 154
S. E. Beardsley 149
Fred Krafft i 117
Delegates Londcfci and Malkiel being
from the same st%te, Delegate Malkiel's
name was dropped and Delegate Krafft was
made the ninth member of the Committee.
The chairman stated that two of the
candidates for Committee on State and
Municipal Program, Delegates Maley and
Brown, being from tbe state of Washington,
under the rules, Delegate Brown having the
smaller vote, would be dropped from the
committee, and W. W. Farmer would con-
stitute the ninth member.
The vote reported by the tellers on the
Committee on Resolutions, nine members,
was as follows:
Joseph E. Cohen 176
John Spargo 175
George E. Roewer 168
Ben Wilson 153
E. H. Thomas 151
Henry L. Slobodin 148
W. P. Collins 138
E. R. Meitzen Ill
John G. Wills, Okla 107
Committee on Ways and Means, nine
members:
Arthur Le Sueur 190
Max Boehm 181
O. S. Watkins '.'.'.'.'. 173
George N. Bacon , , . 177
E. S. Reagan 173
Margaret D. Brown i«J6
L. B. Irvin 156
Isaac F. Stewart 151
Miles C. Jones 148
Committee on Platform, nine members:
Charles Edward Russell 219
Victor L. Berger 204
James F. Carey 180
J. Stitt Wilson 177
William J. Ghent 164
L. J. Duncan 139
Dan Hogan 126
Charles Dobbs 126
A. W. Ricker H8
Committee on Labor Organizations and
Their Relations to the Socialist Party, nine
members:
Oscar Ameringer 177
James H. Maurer 172
Dan White 164
Algernon Lee 153
William E. Rodriguez 141
Job Harriman 126
Robert Lawrance 112
Thomas Clifford 109
Fred Merrick 107
T. J. Lewis 98
T. A. Hickey 97
Of the candidates for this committee, it
appearing that White and Lawrance were
both from Massachusetts and that Maurer
and Merrick were both from Pennsylvania,
the Chairman started that under the rules
Lawrance and Merrick having respectively
the smaller number of votes, would be
dropped, and Lewis and Hickey were in-
cluded in the list to complete the commit-
tee.
The Chairman declared that the delegates
reported by the tellers would constitute the
respective committees of the convention.
The convention then adjourned until 10
o'clock Tuesday morning.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
3Y
THIRD DAY'S SESSION.
Del. Barnes, Chairman of yesterday,
called the convention to order at 10 o'clock
A. M., and called for nominations for Chair-
man of the day. The following delegates
were nominated:
O. Branstetter (Okla.). Accepted.
Beardsley (Conn.). Accepted.
Slay ton (Pa.). Accepted.
Goebel (N. J.). Accepted.
Strickland (Ohio). Declined.
Richardson (Cal.). Declined.
Thompson (Wis.). Declined.
The vote resulted as follows: Branstet-
ter, 10S; Beardsley, 13; Slayton, 56; Goebel,
29. Delegate Branstetter was declared
elected Chairman of the day.
For Vice-Chairman the following nomi-
nations were made:
Anna Maley (Wash.). Declined.
Harold Houston (W. Va.). Absent.
May Wood Simons (Kan.). Declined.
There being no acceptances, Del. Killing-
beck (N. J.) moved that the candidate re-
ceiving the next highest vote for Chairman
be Vice-Chairman. Motion seconded.
Del. Hillquit spoke against the motion.
The motion was lost by a vote of sixty-four
to eighty-one. Nominations for Vice-Chair-
man were' then resumed, and the following
delegates were nominated:
Slayton (Pa.). Declined.
Cassidy (N. Y.). Declined.
Coonrod (Ida,). Declined.
Zitt (Ohio). Declined.
Maley (Wash.). Accepted-
Goebel (N. J.). Declined.
Prevey (Ohio). Declined.
Del. Anna A. Maley of Washington, be-
ing the only candidate, was unanimously
elected Vice-Chairman for the day.
Del. Kate Sadler (Wash.) moved that
only delegates and reporters for the press
be admitted to the floor of the convention.
The motion was opposed by several dele-
gates, and was lost.
Del. Bessemer (Ohio) moved that all per-
sons be excluded from the floor of the con-
vention except delegates and their wives,
or husbands and reporters for the press.
On motion of Del. Young (Pa.) the mo-
tion was laid on the table.
Del. Richardson (Cal.) moved to dispense
with the reading of the minutes of yester-
day.
Del. Strebel (N. Y.) moved that all
amendments or corrections of the minutes
be taken up and made at the close of the
day's session, and to be made a special or-
der at that time.
Del. Slobodin (N. Y.) moved to amend
that delegates desiring to make corrections
or amendments to the minutes hand them
in in writing to the Secretary at the close
of the session.
Del. Strebel accepted the amendment, and
the motion as amended was carried.
ADDRESS OF GUITTERREZ DE LARRA
OF MEXICO.
THE CHAIRMAN: The first order of
business this morning is to hear the frater-
nal delegate from Mexico, Comrade Dc
Larra.
Comrade De Larra took the platform
amid great enthusiasm and spoke as fol-
lows:
COMRADE DE LARRA: Comrade Chair-
man and comrades, I come here to this con-
vention as a fraternal delegate of the So-
cialist Party in Mexico. I have a mission
in coming to this convention. Our com-
rades in Mexico have endorsed the princi-
ples of the revolution. I would better say
they have endorsed the revolution since the
beginning. Why? Nearly half of our com-
rades there who are class-conscious Social-
ists are in the revolution, fighting. They
called on me to come here and explain to
you about our revolution, and to ask you to
pass some energetic resolutions in regard
to the revolution.
Comrades, the revolution in Mexico is a
fight of the past hundred years. It is the
fight of the farmers, the tillers of the soil,
who became the owners of the lands that
they are tilling. A hundred years ago the
.revolution in Spain was carried out by the
tillers of the soil to get the lands from the
big land owners in Mexico at that time.
The big land owners were the church and
the aristocracy. After ten years of revo-
lution independence was recognized. But
the revolutionists were not wise enough to
carry out the revolution in a practical way.
They were tender and satisfied to have an
independent country and a flag. But soon
they realized that they had not been fight-
ing for such a small question as to call
themselves citizens of Mexico and to have
a flag. So they went ahead with the revo-
lution, and about fifteen years later, that
is, in the year 1834, the revolutionists w^re
very nearly in a condition to take away
the land from the church and give it to the
common people. If they have not accom-
plished this, why have they not? Because
the church was not only the big land owner
in Mexico, but also controlled the con-
science in that country, and you know how
hard it is for the agitator to take away
from a man the idea of his wealth in
heaven and his poverty on earth. (Ap-
plause.)
But in the year 1832 or 1833 the Mexican
people were able to elect a president, whose
work was to decree that the Mexican peo-
ple had no government that could compel
them to pay taxes to the church. This
revolutionary decree of that revolutionary
president aroused to the highest degree the
indignation of the church, and then the
church went to work and was able to bring
as president a man that came to enforce the
rights of the church and those of the aris-
tocrcy. But this man found that he was
unable to enforce those rights destroying
the rights of the revolutionists, and found
that the people had a higher passion in
their hearts, and that passion was patriot-
ism, and the patriotism was aroused in the
Mexican people to become an American
nation.
In the meantime in the United States the
slave holders, who needed to increase the
3b
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
power of slavery, tried to arouse the pa-
triotism of the American people by an
international war. There was a common
understanding between the slave owners in
the United States and the land owners in
Mexico that an international war would
make the common people of Mexico forget
the issue of the ownership of the Mexican
lands and make the American people forget
the issue of the emancipation of the slave.
(Applause.) The people in both countries
were to be induced to go and fight and de-
stroy each other like wild beasts in order
to satisfy in Mexico the great ambition of
the aristocracy and the church, and in order
to satisfy in the United Siates the great
ambition of the slave holders.
After the war was over, the Mexican
people, defeated, were unable to carry on
the revolutionary issue of the ownership of
the land by the toilers of the soil. Why?
The American people were tories.j They
were tories because the fight with Mexico
was only for the purpose of enforcing
slavery. That was the kind of victory that
was gained by the American people. After
the big victory was decided, the American
people of the South fought with the Amer-
ican people of the North over the issue of
freeing the negro slaves. But, after the
negro slaves had been freed there remained
necessary another fight in this country in
order to free you slaves. (Applause.)
So. after the war was over, another revo-
lution started in Mexico. The platform of
that revolution, which was in 1851-2, was
that the Mexican people needed another
constitution, because the old constitution
proclaimed in the first years of independ-
ence was a constitution in which were rec-
ognized the rights and privileges of the
church and of the aristocracy, and this new
revolution of the fifties was for the purpose
of giving up this old constitution and fram-
ing a new constitution that would embody
the necessities and the aspirations of the
common people in Mexico. That new con-
stitution, which is the constitution of to-
daj\ was proclaimed on the fifth of Febru-
ary, 1857, and that constitution gave to us
all the freedom that we needed; free speech,
free press and free compulsory education.
But the great point in this constitution was
that it took away the land from the church,
proclaiming that the church, being a divine
institution, had not the right to own any-
thing else. So about, two and a half to
three millions of toilers of the soil thus
became owners of independent lands.
Immediately on the adoption of this con-
stitution, the wealthy class of Mexico, the
church and the aristocracy, found that a
tremendous blow had been struck against
them. The church and aristocracy claimed
the army in Mexico in those years. The
army in Mexico, as everywhere in the world,
has been the most dangerous foe of the
emancipation of the people. The church
and aristocracy claimed the army, and the
army started a series of military riots in
order to be prepared to destroy the lives of
three million toilers of the soil who were
now free and independent men. There was
a civil war of three years between the
church and army and the common people,
and after three years of civil war the com-
mon people were able to entirely defeat the
church and the aristocracy. When the
church and aristocracy surrendered, then
thev sent delegates to Europe to ask help
in order that the European powers might
send their armies to Mexico for the pur-
pose of restoring the lands to the church
and to the aristocracy.
In the vear 1861, England, France and
Spain agreed to send their armies to Mex-
ico, and those armies were sent. But as
soon as England and Spain realized their
mistake and the trouble they were likely to
have on their hands, they withdrew their
armies. But France, ruled by Napoleon III
— the Teddy Roosevelt of those years in
France (applause) — France invaded Mexico
and placed Emperor Maximilian in power.
This invasion was nothing else but a tool
used by the Mexican church and Mexican
aristocracy, and a tool also used by the
Pope of Rome and the Emperor of France
in order that they might come and, in the
name of some farcical laws, take away the
lands from the common people and restore
them to the church and aristocracy. (Ap-
plause.)
This international war lasted about nine
years, and you who read Mexican history
from an economic standpoint can see how
by this time the Mexican people had twice
been able to accomplish the fact of giving
the lands to the common people. A foreign
invader had come into Mexico, but had been
compelled to surrender after having come
to give back the lands to the church and
aristocracy. That has been the only pur-
pose of Mexican foreign wars. After the
French war was over the Mexican people
were entirely broken down by those nine
years of war. A republic was established,
and the people began to take up the ques-
tion of the lands.
But after a few years the church took
back the stranger and allied with the aris-
istcracy and allied with the army and with
the soldiery, who, at the time of the French
war, started a series of military riots
against the rule of the common people, for
the purpose of gaining the ownership of the
lands of the common people. After a while
they succeeded and gained power, but they
were foxy enough to understand that by
this time the church was not in condition
to become the owner of the land, and then
they took this land from the common people
and gave it back to the favorites. That
was the only cause of the despotism main-
tained by Diaz during the thirty years in
which he carried on his military despotic
autocracy.
Comrades, a year and a half ago an-
other revolution started, with the same old
question, the lands for the common people.
That was the only purpose of the revolu-
tion, and will be the only purpose of any
revolution in Mexico. Mr. Madero, today's
president of Mexico, came to the revolu-
tionary movement at the last moment of
the revolution. This ha"! been the case with
other revolutionists in Mexico. We, the old
revolutionists, the pioneers of the revolu-
tion, know that Madero will be unwilling
and unable to accomplish a solution of the
question of the ownership of the lands by
the common people. But the Mexican
masses, who have not as much expe-
rience as we may have, were unwilling to
have Madero as president to stop the revo-
lutionary movement without taking away
the lands bv force from the common people,
and to see if Madero could settle the ques-
tion of the lands. But. fortunately, the
common people in Mexico were quick to
realize that this question of the lands can-
not be settled by one individual, that it had
to be settled by themselves, and nobody
but themselves. (Applause.) And they
went ahead with the revolution, and that is
the purpose of the present revolution in
Mexico.
Madero belonged to a very wealthy fam-
ily of multimillionaires. They owned im-
mense tracts of land in Mexico; and does
anybody suppose that Mr. Madero and his
MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
39
father and grandfather and children and
grandchildren and his nephews and cousins
and relatives are going to give up gra-
ciously their lands to the common people?
They are not. bo the revolution is now in
a critical moment. Right now our com-
rades are fighting in Mexico, and in a few
days more they will succeed in this revo-
lution and will give the lands to the com-
mon people. (Applause.) Yes, the revolu-
tionists have agreed among themselves to
give the lands to the common people as
soon as they take De la Torre. Rabago has
got to a place right now where he is divid-
ed in the northern part of Mexico. As soon
as they take this place they will begin to
confiscate the lands. That means they will
recognize the right of the tiller of the soil
to be the owner of the land that he is till-
ing. (Applause.)
In Mexico the big land owners used to
give to every peon a small patch of land.
The peon had to use this patch of land and
give half of the crop to his master. And,
besides that, there is another big patch of
land reserved by the owner of the land on
which the peon, besides giving half of the
crop from his patch of land, worked for 25
cents a day for his lord and master. But
since the beginning of the revolution, one
year and a half ago, there have been a great
many peons that are peons no more. They
consider themselves the owners of the
patch of land, and they have been raising
the crops on those patches and taking the
crops for themselves, because the masters
have no more policemen or soldiers to com-
pel them to give the half crop to the mas-
ters. (Applause.)
Comrades, the revolution is going to suc-
ceed. In the next two or three months
there will be a beginning, at least, in the
division of the lands, and before the revo-
lution is ended the division of the lands
will be accomplished. After that, under
this agreement of the leaders of the revo-
lution, will come a government, elected, of
course, by these small land owners, and
this government will legalize this part of
the revolution that has been accomplished.
It is not a question that the government is
going to divide the lands. The lands are
going to be taken by the men themselves,
and the government after that will legalize
what has been done. That is the scheme;
that is the plan of the revolution.
About two weeks ago a man came to
Chihuahua and called himself provisional
president of Chihuahua, of Mexico. The
revolutionists told him, "We do not need
any more provisional presidents. We are
not fighting for provisional presidents; we
are fighting for the lands, and so you get
out of here." (Applause.) The man was
already indicted by the American govern-
ment, and so he chose to be a marker on
Mexican soil, and right now he is a polit-
ical prisoner. You see how the revolution
can make political prisoners, too. It is a
much better way than political prisoners
are made in the United States.
Well, in this revolution, comrades, there
will be no one man, there will be no indi-
viduals. Right now you know about that
man Orozco, who appears as a leader of the
revolutionists; and certainly Orozco is noth-
ing else but one of the many revolutionists,
and if Orozco tries some time in the future
to impose his will against the purpose of.
the revolution Orozco will not last a day *
before he will be hanged by the revolution.
(Applause.)
So the issue is very clear now. The divi-
sion of the lands will be accomplished. The
revolution will be successful, but there is
the threat of the old times, the American
government doing everything possible to
interfere in Mexico, with the only purpose
to compel the Mexican workers to serve
their masters and to protect the property
of American citizens. They say that tho
intervention of the American government
will be only for the purpose of protecting
American life and American property in
Mexico, but it will be with the purpose of
carrying on the issue so that it is well un-
derstood by the master class, and that issue
is that the class-conscious master class in.
the United States feel the necessity of help-
ing their brothers, the master class of Mex-
ico. (Applause.)
Comrades, I recognize that American life
in Mexico is very well protected. The only
thing endangering American life in Mexico
is the American government, by its fool-
ishness and its stupidity, telling the Amer-
icans in Mexico to go back to the United
States; while in fact there are lots of
Americans in Mexico who have as much
business there and who are equal entirely
to the Mexicans, and who are showing how
the American government with its talk of
intervention is arousing the ire of the Mex-
ican people, and they see that they will be
the first victims of the stupidity of the
American government. You can see from
the press dispatches that the Americans do
not want to be saved by the American gov-
ernment, and they will remain in Mexico.
About three weeks ago my wife and myself
were on the battlefields, and there was an
American woman there running a small
boarding house. My wife asked her, "Don't
you feel that your life is in danger? Don't
you feel that you would like to go to the
United States?" And the woman said,
"What business have I to go to the United
States? I have no business there. Even if
it sometimes happens that I will go to the
United States, I will have to carry my
Mexican coffee, because in the United States
there is no good coffee for me, and I stay
here. Of course, business is not good, but I
stay here." In the meantime, about ten
feet away from her house, the revolution-
ists/ were riding on horseback and making
themselves ready for the next battle. That
woman will be as safe in Mexico as she can
be in the United States. (Applause.)
So, comrades, I feel that this question of
intervention, from the standpoint of the
Socialist Party, may be one of the most
serious questions covered by your resolu-
tions. You can see how, three times in the
last thirty years, France and Germany have
been very near to having an international
war, and how the French Socialists and
German Socialists have taken a very ener-
getic attitude against their governments in
order to prevent international war, and how
the comrades in Germany have gone so far
as to threaten Emperor William with civil
war if German soldiers crossed the border
line to France. (Applause.) They under-
stand very well the issue, and we know,
too, that when the American soldier crosses
the boundary line into Mexico the money
to support him comes from your pockets.
The American soldier belongs to your class,
and when American soldiers are sent to
Mexico the government is sending men of
your class to go to Mexico to compel Mexi-
can workingmen to starve to death or suf-
fer their lives to be destroyed. I feel that
this is just the time for the Socialist Party
of the United States to take the most ener-
getic stand against this question of inter-
national war. This is the time for the
Socialist Party of the United States to
stand together and pass the most energetic
resolutions against this monkey business of
the American government. (Applause.)
I
f > 40
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
I have been in the Congress in Mexico.
They told me to bring this message to you.
I have been in Washington talking to some
of the bourgeois politicians. They recog-
nize that the American people — which
means Wall Street and the middle class —
will do a very bad business with interven-
tion in Mexico. Most of those men say to
me, "We have no business to interfere in
Mexico. Let the Mexicans fight their own
fights and do what they please with their
lands." So you see that, at least, the mid-
dle class take that position on this ques-
tion. If you take an energetic stand against
this intervention there will be no interven-
tion in Mexico. And, there being no inter-
vention in Mexico, we are going to have at
least four millions of men free and intelli-
gent men, because they will be the owners
of the means of production in the agricul-
tural way. Besides that, we have about a
million industrial workers who are starling
right now a splendid, glorious organization,
in order to fight the battles of the class-
conscious proletariat all over- the world to-
day. (Applause.) And these, our splendid
prospects, can be carried on if you com-
rades, acting in response to the appeal of
the American comrades, take a stand
against this intervention of the United
States so that we may have in the future
in Mexico a free nation and a glorious bat-
tlefield for the battles to come of the work-
ing class. (Applause.)
DEL. STALLARD (Kan.): I move that
the request of Comrade DeLara be referred
to the Committee on International Rela-
tions, with instructions to draft a strong
resolution covering his request, and insist-
ing that the workers of the United States
have no quarrel with the workers of Mex-
ico, and we demand that the United States
does not intervene in the Mexican revo-
lution.
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved
and seconded that the request of Comrade
DeLara be referred to the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, with instructions to that
committee to draft a strong resolution
against American intervention in Mexico.
The motion of Del. Stallard was carried
unanimously.
COMRADE HAYWOOD: I rise to a mat-
ter of personal privilege. At yesterday's
session there was received by this conven-
tion a telegram from Denver, Colo. It pur-
ported to contain charges —
DEL. SPARGO: A point of order.
THE CHAIRMAN: State your point of
order.
DEL. SPARGO: That communication
was tabled yesterday. It remains tabled.
THE CHAIRMAN: Your point is not well
taken. Comrade Haywood, state your ques-
tion of personal privilege.
COMRADE HAYWOOD: I wanted to
point out. that the action of the convention
was to table that telegram. By consent of
Chairman Barnes, who acted yesterday, the
contents of that telegram were given to
the press and it appears in the Indianapo-
lis Star this morning.
Now, I would ask that that telegram be
read to the convention. That it be read
into the records of the convention; and
from now on all communications, in my
opinion, should be read into the minutes
before they are read into the press.
(Cheers.)
In connection with the charges in that
tPlogram, I want to say that they are not
the charges of Denver, but they are charges
that were brought against me in Local
Bridgeport and sent from Bridgeport to
Denver, where they were taken up by an
individual enemy of mine. Now, the com-
mittee that has been investigating these
charges has recommended to Local Denver
that they be dropped.
This telegram, then, has been sent at the
instigation of this individual, who is a
member of Branch 10.
Now, the charges, comrades, are these:
That I organized, or helped to organize,
a dual union of machinists. The truth of
the matter is that I spoke under the aus-
pices of the Brotherhood of Machinists.
That is a rival organization to the Interna-
tional Association of Machinists. Comrade
Robert A. Lecky of New York City is the
secretary of the Brotherhood of Machinists.
I felt perfectly justified in speaking against
an organization that is officered, as the In-
ternational Association of Machinists is offi-
cered, by members of the Militia of Christ
and the Civic Federation. '
A NUMBER OF DELEGATES: Point o]
order.
THE CHAIRMAN: State the point of
order.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: I contend that Com-
rade Haywood is not talking on a matter
of personal privilege, but, as usual, is sim-i
ply denouncing everything that he does not
agree with. I want it understood tnat I
have no objection to Comrade Haywood
speaking to a question of personal privilege
in a proper way.
THE CHAIRMAN: I have heard your
point of order. While a comrade should
not take advantage of a question of per-
sonal privilege as an opportunity to express
his individual views, or to attack anyone
with whom he disagrees, the chair rules
that Comrade Haywood has not wandered
very far from his rights. Comrade Hay-
wood will please bear in mind that he
should not take advantage of this privilege.
COM. HAYWOOD: I appreciate that; I
am going to take but a very few minutes
more.
I have disposed of the question of hav-
ing organized a dual union.
It is alleged in the charges, and I am
likewise charged with organizing a dual
Socialist local. I want to say in connec-
tion with this that I was invited by a com-
'mittee known as the Lawrence Strikers'
Aid Committee to go to Bridgeport and de-
liver a speech in behalf of the Lawrence
strikers. Local Bridgeport, a few days
prior to that meeting, sent me a registered
letter in which they threatened that they
would have charges preferred against me
and threatened my expulsion if I spoke in
Bridgeport under the auspices of what they
were pleased to term a rebel organization.
I wrote to them and urged upon them the
necessity of getting together for this occa-
sion for the purpose of supporting the
Lawrence strikers. I told them that it
would be impossible for me to decline, as
the welfare of the Lawrence strikers was
more to me than the factional fight that
was going on in Bridgeport. I went to
Bridgeport. Local Bridgeport held a meet-
ing the same night, which was on Woman s
Day. That meeting was held to deprive us
and the Lawrence strikers of the benefit
of the crowd that we would have had on
that occasion. Now, we raised at that time
a considerable amount of money for the
Lawrence strikers.
Now, Comrade Chairman, Bridgeport Lo-
cal that prefers the charges against me
contributed to the Lawrence strike. They
raised twelve dollars and they turned it
over to John Golden, who was scabbing on
us every minute.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
\1
41 \
DEL. McLEVEY (Conn.): Comrades,
Comrade Haywood has stated that —
THE CHAIRMAN: In starting out on a
matter of personal privilege, you must bear
in mind that you cannot engage in a dis-
cussion. You can only go into the matter
as it refers to you individually and per-
sonally. We cannot open this subject for
a debate on the whole question. Personal
privilege applies to the individual and not
to the organization. It is a matter of per-
sonal privilege. If you have anything as
an individual as to reflections made by
Comrade Haywood on you as an individual,
it is in order. If you are going to. talk in
defense of Local Bridgeport you have not
the floor.
A DELEGATE: What right has a com-
rade to attack Bridgeport Local without
the charges being read.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I move that
the telegram charging Haywood with these
different charges be taken from the table
and now read.
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and sec-
onded that the telegram from Local Denver
be taken from the table and read.
DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): I want to say
that we voted solidly yesterday to have
this read; we asked to have it read; and I
am in favor of it now. I hope the motion
will carry.
The motion to have telegram referred to
read was carried, and the telegram was
read as follows:
"Denver, Colo., May 13, 1912.
"Secretary Socialist Convention,
"Tomlinson Hall, Indianapolis, Ind.
"At a regular meeting of the Tenth Ward
Branch of the Socialist Party of Denver
the following resolution was adopted: 'We
protest against W. D. Haywood being rec-
ognized as having any voice or vote in the
convention now assembled in Indianapolis,
as there are now charges agafnst him here
in Local Denver, which have never been
disposed of. Said charges are now in the
hands of the trial committee. The charges
preferred against him are treason to the
party and conduct unbecoming a Socialist.
Also charges against him by Local Bridge-
port, Conn., for organizing dual Socialist
clubs consisting of expelled members of
Bridgeport, Conn., Local. On these grounds
we claim he has no right to be recognized
in the convention.'
"SARAH A. LEONARD,
""Secretary of Tenth Ward Branch,
"Denver, Colo."
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I wish to ask
the Colorado delegation whether in Colo-
rado they consider the branch or the local
the unit? My reason is that this telegram
comes from Branch 10 of Local Denver.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question may be
answered briefly.
DEL. GEFFS (Colo.): I am a member
of the same general branch to which Com-
rade Haywood belongs. I can answer the
question that has just been asked. In Den-
ver we have the ward form of organization.
This Tenth Ward Branch is simply a
branch of the general city organization.
We have about 18 altogether. This com-
prises only a few members; it is not a
strong branch in Denver. I am surprised
that that branch —
THE CHAIRMAN: The question has
been answered; that is all that is necessary.
DEL. GEFFS: I want to say that it does
not come by authority of tjje central organ-
ization.
THE CHAIRMAN: That answers the
question. Motions are in order.
DEL. SPARGO: I move that now that
the telegram has been read it be laid on
the table.
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved
and seconded that this telegram do lie on
the table.
The motion to lay on the table was car-
ried.
DEL. WILLIAMS (Pa.): A question of
personal privilege. Is it not a proper ques-
tion of personal privilege if a member of
this body or a comrade having a voice on
this floor assails an organization of which
I am a member and makes misstatements
about that organization?
THE CHAIRMAN: Not necessarily.
DEL. WILLIAMS: I would like to cor-
rect a misstatement about the International
Association of Machinists being officered by
the Mil'itia of Christ.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a ques-
tion of personal privilege.
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I have a
motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: Nothing but the reg-
ular order of business is in order.
DEL. KATE SADLER: This is in order.
I move that all communications shall be
read from the platform and that nothing
shall be given to the press that does not
appear in our minutes.
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: Lt is moved and sec-
onded that all communications shall be
read from the platform, and that no com-
munications or the contents thereof shall
be given to the press until it has been so
read to the convention.
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.) : I do not think
we .should place ourselves in a position
where it is necessary for us to read from
the platform every communication, because
there may come tomfool propositions that
we do not want to have read at all. We
ought not to humiliate ourselves by com-
pelling everything to be read that anybody
may choose to send us. But we ought to
insist on one thing; that no communication
received here shall be given out to the
press until given out by order of the con-
vention. I want to divide the question. I
move to amend by dividing it. I want to
defeat the first part and carry the second.
DEL. SPARGO: I make the point of or-
der. The subject is already covered by the
rules of the convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is
well taken. We will now take up the next
order of business.
DEL. BEARDSLEY (Conn.): The entire
delegation of Connecticut protests against
the ruling in this matter of personal privi-
lege. If a comrade, under the guise of per-
sonal privilege, is allowed to take the floor
and attack the Socialist Party of Connecti-
cut and a particular local of Connecticut,
then that local and the state organization
of Connecticut ought to have the right to
present their side of the matter.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Communications were then read by the
Secretary from:
Jewish Socialist Branch, Memphis, Tenn.
Young People's Socialist Federation, New
York. ••*
W. E. Trautman and others, in regard to
the Lawrence strike.
These communications were referred to
the Committee on Resolutions.
It wa3 moved and seconded that all com-
munications from locals or others than del-
egates to this convention be read by synop-
sis only and then referred to the appropriate
committees.
42
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
There being no objection the motion was
carried.
A communication from Alice C. Miller on
Industrial Organization was referred to the
Committee on Labor Organizations.
A DELEGATE: Should these not be dis-
posed of at 5 o'clock?
THE CHAIRMAN: They are communi-
cations and are properly disposed of in this
way. Resolutions from delegates come up
at 5 o'clock.
A communication was read from Joseph
Brachin referring to the lack of French
speakers and French Socialist literature.
The communication was referred to Com-
mittee on Foreign-Speaking Organizations.
THE SECRETARY: A. E. Hartig of
Baltimore ha.s reported as an alternate
from the state of Maryland, and Charles
Larney has reported as alternate for George
Koop, Illinois.
THE CHAIRMAN: Is it your pleasure
that these alternates be seated?
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio) : I think if you
refer to the minutes of yesterday you will
see it was decided that each state delega-
tion should pass upon the alternates as
they arrive.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move that the ques-
tion of these alternates be referred to their
respective delegations.
It was so ordered.
THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of
business is unfinished business of the pre-
ceding day. The report of the Committee
on Education was before us and we decided
to defer action until the receipt of the re-
port of the Woman's' Committee. If there
is no objection we will now hear the report
of the Woman's National Committee or
their subcommittee on Education. Com-
rade May Wood Simons will report for the
committee.
REPORT OF WOMAN'S COMMITTEE ON
EDUCATION.
Delegate May Wood Simons then pre-
sented the supplementary report of the
Woman's Committee on Education.
RECOMMENDATION ON INDUSTRIAL
EDUCATION.
The National Woman's Committee recom-
mends that the technical education of girls
being a public necessity, that it should be
conducted at public expense as a part of
the public school system.
That courses of study be so arranged that
they recognize that the industrial educa-
tion of girls has a double aim, namely,
preparation of immediate self support, and
preparation for the home and motherhood.
That while domestic training is neces-
sary today for all girls, that when the
"belated household" industry is put on a~
scientific basis, instruction be provided for
expert cooks and chemists only:
That the vocational training of girls who
mu^t work in shops and factories be for
such occupations as will not prevent de-
velopment or incapacitate them for future
mothers:
That everv effort of school authorities
toward making the industrial education of
children merely a training for trades and
thus disregarding the broader general edu-
cation that will provide them with an in-
telligent understanding of the duties of
good citizenship be resisted.
The National Woman's Committee rec-
ommends that the present Committee on
Industrial Education be changed to an Ed-
ucational Committee of seven members, all
of whom are practical educators, be elected
by the National Convention;
1. That the committee make a careful
Investigation of educational questions, in-
cluding methods, appropriations and the
question of industrial education and file all
material on these questions at the national
office for use by the' municipal bureau.
2. That this committee have in charge
the preparation of lessons and the selec-
tion of other suitable material for the So-
cialist Educational Schools, organized for
the purpose of instruction in scientific So-
cialism and in no way in competition with
the public schools.
THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the
further recommendations of the Woman's
National Committee; these are recommenda-
tions to be added to the report of the Com-
mittee on Education. What is your pleas-
ure as to these recommendations.
DEL. LEE (N. Y.): With reference to
recommendation 1, I would ask first to have
the exact wording of the recommendation.
THE SECRETARY: "The Woman's Na-
tional Committee recommends that the
present Committee on Industrial Education
be changed to an educational committee of
seven members, to be elected by this con-
vention."
DEL. LEE: I move that the National
Executive Committee be instructed to elect
a Committee on Education, to consist of
seven members. Seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: There is a substitute
motion to have the National Executive
Committee elect a committee of seven mem-
bers.
DEL. LEE: I need not take much time
in stating my reasons for my position. In
the past two or three conventions we have
constituted several of these standing com-
unittees. I think in all cases we have elect-
ed them by the convention. I think in the
majority of cases we have found that the
members of those committees, most of
them, never did any work on those commit-
tees. And it is very obvious that that will
be the case if this convention elects a com-
mittee of this sort to take up and study
some special problem; and that we shall
be very lucky if we get out of the seven
thus to be elected in this case one or two
who will do the work. The National Exec-
utive Committee, on the other hand, can
take into consideration — it has time to do
so — the members in various parts of the
country who are specially qualified for this
work, they can communicate with them and
find out if they will undertake the serious
and important work of this committee and
then appoint them. I do not think that any
question of real democracy is involved here.
And right here I wish to call attention to
this important distinction that while we
should always elect committees that are in
the nature of governing bodies, this com-
mittee is not to be a governing body in any
sense; it will consist of a certain number
of persons whom we select to study a cer-
tain question. I think for the reasons I
have given selection by the National Execu-
tive Committee is very much to be pre-
ferred to election by the convention.
As for the suggestion that the Committee
on Vocational Training be turned into a
Committee on Education, I think Comrade
Simons will quite agree with me that that
phrasing is quite unnecessary. What she
proposes is a new committee with larger
scope, including the scope of the committee
which has existed and which has reported.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I hope that
the delegates here will elect such a commit-
tee. And I hope that they will not adopt
this report, but refer it to such a committee
with full powers to act; and not wait until
the next convention to carry out the wishes
and principles of the Socialist Party. This
report is presented by a specialist in educa-
MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
43
ion, whom I know to be a good man in his
ine, but he is not a specialist on industrial
raining. I submit to you farther that a
eport on such a question as this is of such
, nature that it cannot receive careful anal-
ysis and consideration in a convention like
his. First, we have not the time necessary
or it. Secondly, it is beyond most of us.
;t is something that calls for special knowl-
dge. However, there is one point on which
,ve are all clear in regard to this question
>f vocational training, and that is that as
Socialists we are opposed to the present
system of trade education. The industrial
ducation which the Socialist desires is dif-
erent from the industrial education which
;he capitalists desire. There is often con-
fusion between training for a trade and
scientific industrial training. How can a
Socialist at this time stand for training for
i trade merely? The lines of trade are be-
ing broken down. They are constantly
mcroaching on each other. For instance,
recently Edison exhibited a new music
stand; showed it to a reporter for a news-
paper; I have seen the photograph of that
music stand in the newspaper; and the
newspaper man was asked what that stand
was made of. On ocular inspection he said
It was made of some hardwood, and he
thought it was worth about sixty dollars.
Thereupon, Edison told him it was made of
cement and was worth only a few dollars.
Thus you have the cement worker encroach-
ing upon the trade of the cabinet worker.
Suppose you train your child as a cabinet
worker and then a process is discovered
that enables all the cabinet work to be
made out of cement, you have lost the time
that was used in making him merely a cab-
inet worker. The lines of trade are being
broken down gradually. I don't say that
we have it already, as our industrial worker
friends would have us believe. We have a
strike in New York; a lockout of the sheet
metal workers. There is a jurisdictional
fight between the different trades as to
whose business it is to hang bathroom
doors. The result is there is a lockout of
the sheet metal workers. You see those
who advocate the education of the boy or
girl for a mere trade are not advocating
what we are striving for. Your boy or girl
should be trained in mechanics; the knowl-
edge of general mechanics, and the use of
tools. The young man or young woman who
[possesses a knowledge of mechanics, and
knows how to use tools can go into many
trades, and can acquire a new trade very
(easily, and can adapt themselves to almost
an,y trade within certain limits.
- That is the first thing, then; broad indus-
trial training, and not merely training for
one trade.
The second important point is control of
the vocational and industrial schools by the
working class, not by the public, as our
reporters want to say. I will give you an
example of control by the public. We had
this question up in the state of New York.
It came before the Socialist Party of New
York. We had to overrule the action of
some of our Socialists there because in the
city of Rochester the public school board
had installed in the schools machines for
the boys and girls to use in making goods;
because that school was under the control
of the public.
My point is, then, that we should not refer
this to the National Executive Committee;
but that we should elect a committee here
to which it should be referred, and thev
should take into account the different kinds
of industrial training; and, second, that we
should insist on the control of vocational
schools in the interest of the working class.
DEL. SEIDEL: I think the motion offered
by Comrade Lee is decidedly timely. I do
hope that you will not take any action on
the recommendations that have been made
here today. What would you think if I
suggested that we appoint on our platform
committee illiterates, men who cannot read
or write. Yet that is what you do when
you appoint men and women on committees
that have to deal with industrial and voca-
tional education who do not know how to
read and write the language of mechanics.
That is what I charge that you have done.
I have been a mechanic for many years. I
have been a mechanic ever since I was
thirteen years old. I have learned three
different trades by this time. That report
of the educational committee starts out
with an untruth; it states something that
is not true. It is a curious mixture of
truths, half truths and untruths. It is ill-
digested. I do hope that the motion of
Comrade Lee will prevail. I think, too,
that what Comrade Slobodin has said is
very pertinent at this point. I do hope that
when we are ready to make a proposition
of this kind, and that when our convention
goes on record, and that what we say on
this question of education for the working
people will be better digested than anything
so far presented to our convention. I do
ask of you that you accept this motion, and
that none of the reports at this time will be
accepted, because so far as I have gone into
them they are unripe for acceptance.
Now, with all due respect to the com-
rades who worked on these committees — I
think they did their very best — they did as
well as they knew how — yet I feel as a
man who has been practical in life for
many years, I feel that these reports do not
give me what I have been looking for. It
does not give me that; it does not give your
boys and girls that.
DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): A word on be-
half of the committee. I realize that this
report is not as good as it could be. Nor
does it cover all that it ought to cover. The
report unfortunately was written up and
came almost wholly from one committee-
man, and the others of the committee had
no opportunity for further discussing and
digesting it. We never had a meeting of
the committee. I was in hopes that the
committee would be here at this convention.
But I am the only member of that commit-
tee here. I believed that to get the matter
properly before the convention for consid-
eration the only thing to do was to sign the
report, although I personally did not agree
with everything in the report. But my
idea was to bring it here in order to im-
press upon the delegates the importance
of the matter. .It was on my initiation
that the matter was brought before the
Congress two years ago. I hope now that
the motion to recommit without adopting
shall prevail; and that it will go to the Ex-
ecutive Committee, believing that that
committee will have the common sense to
elect experts so far as we can to deal with
this subject. I hope you won't discuss it
here at length today, and thus consume
valuable time. I will admit with all who
have criticized it that it is not the best that
could be done; and that in its preamble
there are clearly economic inconsistencies,
which I would not like to see adopted by
this convention. I think, therefore, the
proper thing to do is to move the previous
question; and send it back to a committee.
The motion for the previous question was
seconded.
DEL. CLIFFORD: I desire to object to
a delegate making a speech and at the end
moving the previous question.
u
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques-
tion has been moved. I rule you out of
order, Comrade Clifford.
The previous question was carried.
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I desire to
speak in opposition to this entire report. I
do not agree with the comrades here that
this convention should go on record simply
as demanding industrial education for our
boys and girls. I do not wish, as a member
of the Socialist Party, to go on record
through our convention as favoring the
training of our boys and girls merely for
the purpose of making them more efficient
servants to a master class. I want them
to have the highest industrial education.
But it is practically useless for us even
to demand that until we get control of our
public schools system. When we have done
that we can put into operation any policy
that we see fit, but in the meantime all of
this matter should be simmered down to
the one main demand; for the industrial
education of the boys and girls of the
working class and let it go at that. This
report is entirely too complex. There is
too much verbiage there. It sounds nice,
but it does not mean much. Simmer these
things down; get down to brass tacks. Get
something practicable.
DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS: The Wom-
an's National Committee considered this
question carefully of having a committee
elected by the convention or appointed by
the National Executive Committee. The
last educational committee was appointed
by the National Executive Committee. It
admits that it never met. So far as the
contention of Comrade Lee is concerned, it
has not been shown that a committee ap-
pointed by the National Executive Commit-
tee would do any better work than a com-
mittee elected by this convention. I want
to see this convention elect its own Educa-
tion Committee as it elected its own Farm-
er's Committee. That is one objection to
Comrade Lee's amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: The vote now occurs
on the motion to refer the whole matter to
a committee to be appointed by the Na-
tional Executive Committee.
The substitute motion to refer to a com-
mittee to be appointed by the National
Executive Committee was lost.
THE CHAIRMAN: That substitute be-
ing lost the vote recurs on the original
motion, with which I am not familiar. The
Secretary will please read the motion now
before the house.
The Secretary proceeded to read the rec-
ommendation in the supplementary report
of the Woman's Committee, but was inter-
rupted by several delegates demanding a
division of the substitute of Comrade Lee.
THE CHAIRMAN: Are there fifty dele-
gates who demand a division?
DEL. DUFFY CN. Y.): A point of order.
I believe the Chair is in error there.
Whether it will make any difference in this
case or not, I do not know, but a division
does not require any specified number. It
is a roll call that requires 50.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order
is well taken, and if the division is still
demanded, it will be taken.
Division was demanded, and the vote re-
sulted 55 for the substitute and 143 against,
so the substitute was lost.
THE CHAIRMAN: We have just gone
over the minutes, and it appears that there
has been no previous motion. What was
before the house was the recommendation
in the supplementary report by the Wom-
an's Committee, and this substitute on
which we have just voted was simply
moved as a substitute for the first section,
and that having been defeated this repoi
that has been made is before you.
Del. Strickland (Ohio) moved the ador
tion of the report. Seconded.
Del. Slobodin (N. Y.) moved as an amenc
ment that the report be taken up an
adopted seriatim.
Amendment accepted as part of the orig
inal motion.
DEL. SPARGO: I move as an amend
ment that we accept the report as a whole
(Seconded.) I do so with a view to its sub
sequent reference to a new committee.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): A point o
order. We are a little confused now. W!
have a motion to adopt the original repor
of the committee and some amendments t
it. I remember Comrade Ohsol of Massa
chusetts made an amendment. Now, ther
a new report comes in and there is a motioj
to adopt this report.
THE CHAIRMAN: No, this is the sam
report, I understand.
DEL. SLOBODIN: No, there is a motioi
to adopt the report of the committee witl
amendments to it, and now there is a nev
report with a new motion to adopt, and sec
onded.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let us straighten
this out. Comrade delegates on the floo:
state that there was a motion to adopt th<
original report of the Committee on Educa
tion, and there were several amendment?
to that, and they are pending.
DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): I move to
amend that we elect this committee at
present, and refer the report to that com-i
mittee to act.
THE CHAIRMAN: That amendment is
out of order. The convention has jusl
voted on the question of appointing thai
committee, and voted it down.
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): No, I beg youi
pardon.
DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS (Kan.): ]
move as a substitute for the whole that we
elect in this convention a committee oi
seven to handle the educational question.
The substitute was declared out of order.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): A point oi
order. You claimed that we had decided
not to elect a committee. We decided that
the Executive Committee should not ap-
point. We did not decide that -the conven-
tion shall not elect a committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: I stand corrected.
DEL. BESSEMER: I move as an amend-
ment that this convention elect a commit-
tee, a different committee to consider the
question, and that that committee report.
(Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: We have before us
the report of Comrade Simons, with a mo-
tion that it be adopted seriatim; with an
amendment by Spargo that it be accepted
as a whole; with an amendment by Besse-
mer of Ohio that a committee be elected by
the convention, to whom shall be referred
the whole matter. The last amendment, on
the election of the committee by the con-
vention, is before you.
The previous question was ordered, and
the amendment offered by Del. Bessemer
was carried. Nominations for the commit-
tee were called for.
DEL. DUFFY: I would like to know
whether the nominations to this committee
are to be confined to the delegates of this
convention. As it is a committee that is to
serve over a period of two years. I under-
stand it ought not to be confined neces-
sarily to delegates to this convention. I
would like a ruling.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair wilL rule,
unless a motion to the contrary is made as
an original motion, that members of the
MORNING SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
45
\1
mmittee must be delegates in this con-
ation.
The following- nominations for the com-
ittee were made:
Strebel, New York.
Seidel, Wisconsin.
May Wood Simons, Kansas.
George Clifton Edwards, Texas.
Mary L. Geffs, Colorado.
Morris Kaplan, Minnesota.
Henry L. Slobodin, New York.
Winnie E. Branstetter, Oklahoma.
Dr. Rosette, Maryland.
N. A. Richardson, California.
John G. Ohsol, Massachusetts.
Spargo, Vermont.
T. Clifford, Ohio.
James A. Smith, Utah.
John Slayton, Pennsylvania-
Allan England, Maine.
John C. Kennedy, Illinois.
J. Stitt Wilson, California.
G. H. Lockwood, Michigan.
Anna K. Storck, Ohio.
R. J. Wheeler, Pennsylvania.
It was moved and seconded to close the
minations. Carried.
It was also moved that in reading the
mes of nominees for this committee the
upations of the candidates be stated.
Del. Collins moved to amend that the
mes be printed, together with the occu-
tions, and placed on the desks of the del-
ates in the morning. The amendment was
epted by Del. Duffy, mover of the orig-
a il motion, and the motion as amended
DEL. SPARGO: I wish simply to ask
r information. I did not understand, in
i statement of the motion, whether this
is to be a committee to report at this
ivention, or a standing committee to re-
rt at some future convention.
!|rHE CHAIRMAN: I understand that it
to be a standing committee. Was that
; intention of the mover?
DEL. BESSEMER: Yes.
DEL. SPARGO: Then, in view of the
t that in the reply to the question of
tnrade Duffy you said that unless other-
se ordered you would rule that the mem-
ship of that committee should be con-
5d to the membership of this convention,
nove that if any persons nominated for
it committee, and accepting, are not del-
ttes to this convention, provided they are
mbers of the party, that they shall be
?ible for election.
5EC. REILLY: They are all delegates
o have been nominated, and I suppose all
accept will be members of the conven-
n.
XEL. SPARGO: Then I move to recon-
er. There are no such persons nomi-
:ed, and the reason they have not been
ninated is that we have been prevented
m nominating non-delegates.
'HE CHAIRMAN: Make your motion.
a't discuss it.
)EL. SPARGO: I have made the motion
1 it has been seconded. I have a right
state my reason for reconsideration. My
son for moving to reconsider is that the
dr has stated —
l Washington delegate raised a point of
er that Del. Spargo should make his mo-
i first and give his reasons afterwards.
)EL. SPARGO: I have already moved to
onsider. (Seconded.)
HE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved
seconded to reconsider the action of
convention, inclosing these nominations
to throw them open, with the under-
iding that the ruling of the Chair is set
le, and that comrades, irrespective of
membership in this convention, are eligible
as members in that committee.
DEL. SPARGO: Now, I will state my
reason for reconsideration.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): A point of informa-
tion. How did Comrade Spargo vote?
DEL. SPARGO: I voted in favor. I will
state my reasons for reconsideration. With
the understanding that no person could be
nominated for the committee who was not
a member of this convention, certain dele-
gates here refrained from nominating cer-
tain comrades of the party whom they be-
lieved pre-eminently fitted to deal with this
question. If we are to dispose of it at this
convention, it is perfectly right and proper
that the membership of the committee
should be confined to this convention. If,
however, we are to have a standing commit-
tee for two years, to report on this whole
question, there is no reason under the sun
why we should not go outside of this con-
vention to select those expert members of
our party to deal with the question. (Ap-
plause.) So far as I am concerned, I know
that in the membership of the Socialist
Party today we have some of the most ex-
pert educators in the United States of
America. I know that in the conventions
of the National Educational Association
some of the members of our party come
there with great prestige and are recog-
nized as experts in an expert body; and if
we are to have a report two years from
now at our national congress, I trust we
may have the privilege extended by the
convention to nominate some at least who
are not shoemakers or carpenters to decide
upon the question of education; men and
women who are expert educators. (Ap-
plause.)
DEL. LOWE (111.): I want to speak in
favor of Comrade Spargo's motion. I would
not for one moment accept a nomination on
such a committee as this, because although
I am a teacher, I am not prepared to act on
such a committee. This committee is not
for the purpose of electing certain persons
to fill up the requisite number of names
upon a committee. They are to do special
work along this line, and it is work of im-
portance, and we need the very best educa-
tors that we have in our movement. I want
to say, comrades, by all means do not vote
for a man or woman who lives in your dis-
trict; vote for those who are the best edu-
cators, and I am confident that we have
some in our movement that have not been
nominated yet. I am in favor of Comrade
Spargo's motion.
Del. Miller (Nev.) made a point of order
that a motion to reconsider is not debatable.
The point was sustained by the Chair.
DEL. PRIEST AP (Ohio): I want to say
this: I am sorry that I am a shoemaker,
but I am too old to learn anything else.
The motion to reconsider was carried by
a vote of 121 to 57.
The Chairman called for further nomina-
tions, the occupations of the nominees to be
stated. The following nominations were
then made:
George R. Kirkpatrick, Ohio, teacner.
Accepted.
Ira Tilton, Indiana, lecturer. Accepted.
Caroline Pratt, New York, teacher on
industrial education. Accepted.
Warren Atkinson, Manual Training
School, Norfolk, Va. Accepted.
Frank Sanford, director Manual Training,
Normal School, New York. Accepted.
Benjamin C. Gruenberg, New York, teach-
er. Accepted.
Mary O'Reilly, Illinois, teacher. Ac-
cepted.
/
46
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Gertrude B. Hunt, Pennsylvania, lecturer.
Accepted.
Meta L. Berger, Milwaukee, housewife.
Absent; dropped.
Wm. L. Garver, Missouri, architect and
draftsman. Accepted.
Margaret Prevey, Ohio, teacher. Declined.
Ruth Stokes Brown, California, teacher.
Declined.
James P. Carey, Massachusetts, shoe-
maker. Declined.
Charles A Byrd, Texas University. De-
clined.
Vita D. Scudder, Wellesley College. Ab-
sent; dropped.
Professor Syrjo, Minnesota, school prin-
cipal. Accepted.
Gustave A. Strebel, New York, clothing
cutter. Accepted.
Emil Seidel, Wisconsin, carpenter, design-
er, patternmaker. Accepted.
May Wood Simons, Kansas, teacher. Ac-
cepted.
George Clifton Edwards, Texas, teacher.
Declined.
Mary L. Geffs, Colorado, newspaper re-
porter and dressmaker. Declined.
Morris Kaplan, Minnesota. Declined.
Henry L. Slobodin, New York, lawye
Accepted.
Winnie E. Branstetter, Oklahoma. D
clined.
Dr. Rosette, Maryland, physician. A
cepted.
N. A. Richardson, California. Absent.
John G. Ohsol, Massachusetts, lab
editor. Accepted.
T. Clifford, Ohio, printer. Declined.
James A. Smith, Utah.
Allan A. England, Maine, writer. A
cepted.
John C. Kennedy, Illinois, secretary Ass
ciation of Commerce of the University \
Illinois. Accepted.
J. Stitt Wilson, California. Declined.
G. H. Lockwood, Michigan. Declined.
Anna K. Storck, Ohio.
R. J. Wheeler, Pennsylvania. Accepte
Algernon Lee, New York. Declined.
Marion Hanson, Washington, teache
Accepted.
John Slayton, Pennsylvania, carpente
Accepted.
The convention then adjourned until 2:!
P. M.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The Chairman called the convention to
order at 2:30 P. M.
THE CHAIRMAN: I want to call atten-
tion to an error in the list of committees
elected yesterday as printed. There are
eighteen names given under the head of
Committee on Constitution. Only the first
nine are the ones elected to that committee.
The other nine are the Committee on Labor
Organizations.
DEL. BERGER (N. Y.): The Committee
on Foreign Speaking Organizations is
omitted.
THE CHAIRMAN: If my recollection
serves me right, the Committee on Foreign
Relations and several other committees
were elected on the floor and do not appear
on the printed list. The reports of commit-
tees are now in order. The list of commit-
tees will be read and any that are ready to
report may do so.
The list of committees was read by the
Secretary, and Delegate Thompson of Wis-
consin announced that the Committee on
Commission Form of Government was
ready to report.
It was moved and seconded that the con-
vention take up the report of the Commit-
tee on the Commission Form of Govern-
ment.* Adopted.
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): The report of
this committee is too long to be read. You
have the printed reports before you, or if
not there are enough of them printed and
can be secured by the delegates.
THE CHAIRMAN: There was a motion
adopted yesterday that all reports should
be read.
DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to
dispense with that rule or to suspend the
rule, rather, with respect to this particular
report. It is very lengthy.
The motion to suspend the rules and dis-
pense with the reading of the report was
carried.
DEL. THOMPSON: There are a few
things, however, that I should like to call
your attention to in connection with this
report.
Tn the first place, your committee, for
the past two years, has been gathering from
every possible source Information on this
subject, from magazine articles, pamphlets,
correspondence, books, lenflets, letters from
the various locals, and other material. We
had the assistance in Wisconsin of tl
Municipal Reference Library at Milwauke
which is always glad to help in assemblix
material along these lines. We also hi
the help of the Legislative Referem
Library at Madison, Wis., which is al!
always very willing to help in gatherir
materials and assembling it. In addition '
this material which we gathered in the;
different ways, Comrade Jacobsen, tl
chairman of the committee, assembled tl
names of the secretaries of the locals
the various cities that had the commissi*
form of government; and we sent out ci
cular letters to all of these secretaries, as!
ing about forty different questions bearir
upon this subject; 150 letters of this kii
were sent out and 76 replies were receiv*
up to the present time, and they are sti
coming. So that we think that we have r
ceived a pretty good proportion of repli<
to these letters.
Now, the report that you have on yoi
tables is the result of that work. It is r
ported to you unanimously by the commi
tee, with the exception of one member wl
did not come to this convention and wl
therefore was unable to meet with us, ar
v r e were unable to get a meeting until ju
before the convention assembled, when v
got our committee together.
Now, I would call your attention vei
briefly to the features of this report,
think that will be all that will be necessai
for this time. The first part of the repor
beginning on page 2, is simply a discussic
of the extent and the rate of growth of tl
commission form of government, which, £
we point out, began very slowly, increase
quickly, and then has rather diminished J
its rate of growth.
On page 3 there is a discussion of tl
size of the cities adopting it. We sho
that almost without exception it has bee
the smaller cities that have adopted i
Since this report was sent to the print*
word has been received that St. Pau
Minn., has adopted this form of goven
ment. That then is the largest city, ha^
ing a population of 214,000.
Then follows a discussion of the essel
tial features and the non-essential fei
•The report is printed in full as Append;
C— Editor.
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
j tures; and the characteristic of this re-
7j B port, distinguishing it from all other stud-
ies of the commission form of government,
Dg is this: that we hold that such details as
the initiative, referendum, recall, home rule,
^ civil service, provisions for publicity, are
not essential features of the commission
form of government, because cities that
do not have the commission form have
these features, all or son; • of them; some
cities have them, some m ,ions have them;
and some have not; showing that they are
not essential to the commission form.
We did not wish to go too much into
controversial matters in this report, but on
page five we have taken up the considera-
tion of the results of this commission
form.
Now, reports differ. There is a mass
of information on both sides outside of
J Socialist sources. Some of them are very
much in favor and report that it has been
very successful. Others report that it has
not been^successful. You can read it and
decide for yourselves what your judgment
e f is; what your opinion ought to be from this
information.
On page 6 we mention some of the
favorable and some of the unfavorable re-
ports "showing that there is a difference of
opinion even among the non-Socialists.
On page 9 we report the result of our
circular letters. There you will find some
very peculiar things. You will find in the
first place that some of the Socialist locals
are very much in favor of the commission
form of government. Some of them are
very much opposed to it. Considerably
more of the locals are opposed to it than
favor it. Quite a number do not know
where they stand; and in fact do not stand
anywhere on the question. They are
neither for it nor against it. I suppose
•several hundred people from locals in dif-
ferent parts of the country have written us
'' during these two years asking us to tell
' them where they actually stood on the
11 subject. And of course we had to assume
D the judicial attitude, and tell them they
<• would have to wait until you told us where
f we stood before we told them where they
( stood. That is the purpose of this report.
GJ The result of the reports from the locals
you will find on page 9.
On page 11 we take up the arguments for
I and against as reported by the locals; and
then your committee points out three at
least of the principal objections to the
commission form of government. You will
find beginning at the bottom of page 11
under "Objectionable features," the first one
is "Extreme Concentration,' 1 ' the second one
on page 12, the non-partizan policy; the
third one on page 14, the elimination of
minority representation. And then we take
Up some other general objections.
On page 15 we discuss some of the claims
put forth by the champions of the commis-
sion form of government and we try to
show, what we believe to be true, that many
of the claims put forth by the friends of
the commission form are without founda-
tion. That they are not well established.
I would like to ask those of you who are
following the report to strike out for us
at the present time one part of a sentence
at the bottom of pace 15. It got in by mis-
take and we would like to have it out. It
is the sentence that reads, "This should
have given them sufficient ground for re-
fusing to submit the matter." That sen-
tence should be stricken out. The com-
mittee wishes to have it stricken out; and
it will be stricken out in the final printed
report.
There is one feature in regard to this .1
commission form of government which [• \
seems to us should not have been ove/
looked and which has been overlooked by
almost all writers on this subject, and
that is the experience of other countries in
the effort to solve the problems of munici-
pal government. The commission form of
government we point out is an entirely
new proposition. There is no precedent for
it anywhere in the world. We point out
that while the best governed cities in the
world are beyond question the cities of
Germany, and the next best governed cities
from the standpoint of efficiency are the
cities of England, and perhaps the next
best governed the cities of France, yet
the advocates of the commission form and
nearly all writers have practically ignored
the experience of other nations in the solu-
tion of these problems of municipal govern-
ment.
On page 19 we point out certain desira-
ble features of municipal government in
their relation to the commission form.
There are certain features which we almost
always find in connection with the com-
mission form of government which are very
desirable. And we point out that it is im-
portant not to take an indiscriminate op-
position to commission form of govern-
ment, because that might seem to place
us in opposition to certain features which
we would all desire. The attitude that the
party should take in any particular city
or state should be determined by the par-
ticular form and the specific features
sought to be adopted. For instance while
a commission of five members may be and
probabfly is the most efficient in small cities
we do not believe so small a governing
body is desirable in large cities. Home rule
of course we all believe in. Every student
of municipal problems knows that in this
and all other countries one of the funda-
mental purposes of capitalistic government
is to bind cities down so that they cannot
adopt radical changes which would favor
the working class. Every extension of the
right of home rule to the muncipalities is
a great help in securing municipal owner-
ship, direct employment, trades union con-
ditions, and many other important mat-
ters.
And finally, when the committee came to
the question of recommendations, the com-
mittee did not feel that it would be right
to attempt to make any specific recommen-
dations as to what any certain local or
state organization should do apart from
the general principles that we have dis-
cussed in the report, for the obvious reason
that there are hardly any two cities or any
two states that have the same form of
commission government. Therefore the
only thing we could say to you as a com-
mittee was this, that you would have to
study the particular form of commission
government that is up for discussion in
your city or state and with reference to
the actual situation there, with reference
to the principles that we have laid down,
and then locally decide what your attitude
shall be. That is because of the great
variation in the laws and in the charters.
However, there was one thing upon which
the committee agreed as a recommendation
and that was the very last sentence: "That
a committee be appointed by the conven-
tion to study further the best forms of
muncipal government, and to submit the
results of their work as a ba^is for a form
that may be proposed as an alternative and
improvement upon the commission plan."
Now the thought of your committee is this:
the capitalistic reform forces in this coun-
'-/•
\
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
try seem to think that they are called upon
to make a contribution to the solution of
this most difficult of all American prob-
lcms, that of municipal government; and
thfir contribution is this commission form
of government. That is their last, best
and wisest word. Your committee feel that
that is not the very wisest word; they are
sure it is not the last or best word on the
question of the best form of municipal
government. But, comrades, your commit-
tee also felt that if we were able to say
that much that we also ought to be able
to answer the next question that is sure
to come, namely, Well, what have you that
is better? And that question can not be
answered offhand. It can only be answered
after an exhaustive, thorough going study
of the whole problem of municipal govern-
ment in all its forms, and with constant
reference to the principles involved in the
struggle of the working class of this coun-
try for a new civilization, for better forms
of government, and for the democratic or-
ganization of all industry.
So our recommendation on that point is
that this be attempted; that a committee
be appointed to deal with this matter. I
believe I speak for the whole committee
when I say that we feel that it is up to
the Socialist Party to make on this ques-
tion of the best form of municipal govern-
ment the same kind of constructive contri-
bution that we have made on many other
serious social problems of the day. And we
want to do that.
I move the adoption of the report.
The motion for the adoption of the report
was duly seconded.!
DEL, MORGAN (Minn.): On page 12
you say: "The elimination of parties is a
seriously objectionable feature." Am I to
understand you to say by this report that
the commission form of government by
necessity is non-partizan. If so, you are
mistaken. The commission form of gov-
ernment, or its principle, can be added to
any kind of government, the federal form,
or the county form, or any other. If you
mean that then it is not true: it is not the
fact. /Do I understand the committee to
mean that if a community adopts the com-
mission form of government that they of
necessity must have a non-partizan form?
DEL. THOMPSON: We do not mean to
say that. If you had read the report en-
tirely you would see that on another page
we analyze the various state and city laws
and show just what proportion requires
a non-partizan election and what propor-
tion does not. There are a little more
than half of the state and city laws that
require a non-partizan election. All we
mean to say on page 12 is that where the
non-partizan idea is made a part of the
commission form there is failure. We do
not believe in non-partizan elections.
DEL. MORGAN: As I come from the
largest city that has adopted this commis-
sion form of government, and it will not
go into effect for two years, and it is very
evident that it is an experiment all over
the country I very thoroughly stand in
favor of the recommendation that a com-
mittee be appointed to still consider this
problem and to present something if possi-
ble that would be better for the govern-
ment of our great cities. It does work well
in small cities; it has been in effect In
some small cities for over a hundred years;
but not under the name of the commission
form. Some small cities elect three coun-
cilmen and a mayor; others two and a
mayor. They have the whole government
of a little village or town in their hands;
that is virtually the commission form of
government. That seems to work well. I
has been adopted in many small towns. I
has evidently recommended itself and it;
use is rapidly increasing. The question
however, is now coming up to the larg<
cities, and Saint Paul is the largest citj
that has yet adopted it, and there it cai
not take effect until 1914. Therefore ;
think it would be well to consider thh
question more, because the important poin
made by Comrade Thompson is this: I:
Socialists object to the commission forrr
of government — our local objected to tht
non-partizan feature, but it was carrlec
by an overwhelming majority, with the
privilege of amending it — the question is
put up to us whenever we oppose this form
of government, what have you to offer
that is better for a great city like this?
This is a great question before us and ii
needs earnest and intelligent considera-
tion. I hope this convention will not go
off half cocked, and show our ignorance of
the problem. I think we better wait pa-
tiently for two years; let this investigation
go on with our ablest men engaged in it,
and see if we cannot come finally to some
scientific solution of this one of our great-
est problems, because American cities are
the most disgracefully misgoverned cities
in the world. We know that German and
English cities come nearer to efficient gov-
ernment. Glasgow is almost governed by
the commission form; they center the power
in three or four or five. It is one of the
best governed cities in the world.
I hope this will carry and for the next
two years an efficient committee will thor-
oughly investigate the whole matter.
DEL. LE SEUER (N. D.): In connection
with this discussion I wish just to offer a
few remarks before you act upon it. I
wish to give you a few facts. We have
gone through the commission form of gov-
ernment mill, and we have had experience
with it in office and out of office and we
happen to know something more about its
actual operation than some of you comrades
who have not had the experience. I refer
to Minot, N. D. I want to call your atten-
tion to some of the statements made in
this report, not to criticise but to elucidate.
I want to say now that there are objec-
tions in this report to the commission form
of government that are not well founded,
if they are taken literally. Remember that
is not a reflection upon the fairness of the
committee. I have no doubt that they have
done the best that could be "Hone with the
information at hand; and they are entitled
to the thanks of the Socialist Party for
the 'results obtained. But there are some
objections in this report to the commission
form of government that are not well taken
or well founded. One of them for instance
is that the commission form does away
with minority representation. Nothing could
be further from the truth. Take the coun-
cil form of government where you elect by
wards, and there you have 51 per cent in
each ward represented and the other 49
per cent unrepresented. If there are three
tickets 35 per cent may elect and the other
65 be unrepresented. But when the com-
mission form is adopted there is a pro-
vision in the law in our state that does
give you real minority representation. It
is provided for by the cumulative system
of voting which is not commented upon
here. The committee seems to have had no
information on the cumulative system of
voting in many commission cities. That
provides for minority representation. That
is to say if three or four commissioners are
to be elected, the voter has the right to
cast one vote for each commissioner who
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
1
is to be elected; but the voter may if he
choose, cast all his votes for one candidate,
and that gives you real, practical, demo-
cratic minority representation. Now you
all ought to know that.
Again, with reference to the non-parti-
zan feature. It has been our experience
in our city — and we have a few Socialists
there — we are numerous enough even at
this stage of the game to have brought
about the issuance of a license fc. a regu-
lar marriage ceremony for the two old
parties — it has been our experience in our
town that the Socialist Party organiza-
tion is the only party organization that can
maintain its efficiency and its integrity and
hold its party together without the party
name on the ballot. We have demonstrated
that at least in North Dakota the Socialists
can do that and can survive and flourish
in the face of a non-partizan ballot. It is
not merely a non-partizan ballot. It means
in effect an educational qualification; they
must know who they are voting for without
having some scab politician tell them to
vote the ticket straight.
Again, as to the fact that in foreign
countries there are so far as the committee
knows no commission governed cities. So
far as that is concerned I want to say
that the commission form of government
is not a cut and dried affair; and of all the
parties in American today the Socialist
Party ought to be the very last party to
side step a thing merely because it is
new.
This report makes practically no recom-
mendations at all, and I think it ought to.
Remember, comrades, this it not offered by
way of ciriticism; but by way of sugges-
tion. The last sentence of the report reads
as follows: "One thing, however, your
committee would recommend, viz., that a
ommittee be appointed by the convention
to study further the best forms of munici-
pal government and to submit the results
3f their work as a basis for a form that
may be proposed as an alternative and im-
provement upon the commission plan."
STow, that is right. We have today in
his country hundreds of cities that are
n the condition that Saint Paul was a
couple of weeks ago, debating the question
)f adopting this form of government. Now
his convention owes it to the Socialist
-^arty all over the country after the Na-
ional Executive Committee has circu-
ated literature blindly and ignorantly con-
iemning the commission form of govern-
nent, without knowing what it was, to
state something specific on this question.
' therefore move that the report be amend-
:d as follows: That the matter of en-
'orsing the commission form of govern-
nent is one which must be settled by the
tate organizations owing to the great vari-
tions in the laws concerning that form
f government.
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved
nd seconded that the report be amended
o the effect that each state shall decide
he attitude of that state on the commis-
ion form of government, owing to the
arying state of the laws and the different
inoN of commission government.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move an
mendment to the amendment that this
eport be referred to a committee of nine
o be elected by the National Committee,
hat committee to report its findings and
ecommendation to the National Commit-
ee for action. M ■ ..
The amendment of Delegate Slobodin
ras duly seconded. '
DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to say that this
convention cannot adopt a book containing
matters of policy which may be contro-N
verted; we cannot adopt an essay. We do
not adopt theses or essays. We adopt rec-
ommendations of policy, or for action. We
must adopt resolutions here for the guid-
ance of comrades who have written to the
committee to know where they stand. That
committee now appeals to us for informa-
tion where they stand. What do we say
here? We adopt a question without an
answer. We are not in a position to give
the answer because the committee did not
answer any questions. Therefore we ought
to refer them to a committee for action;
but not to wait for another convention.
Let that committee be elected by the Na-
tional Committee. That committee is as
representative as we are. They should
elect a committee; and that committee
should act at once and report to the Na-
tional Committee its recommendations for
that committee to adopt or reject as they
see fit.
In New York state we have gone on rec-
ord as opposing the commission form of
government. Perhaps we are wrong. But
I am not going to discuss that matter now.
That is not the immediate issue. It is
as important a question, however, as will
ever come before this convention, the ques-
tion of the government of the cities of this
country, because that is where Socialism
bobs up in control of the government. Now
we may be wrong; the Socialist Party by
giving certain guiding resolutions to the
locals of the party may be wrong, but it is
better to be wrong and find it out than to
take no action whatever. I want this party
to take some stand on this question. Is it
in favor of the commission form of govern-
ment or is it opposed to it. It would not
do to say we leave it to the state. It does
not do for New York to oppose the commis-
sion form of government and New Jersey
to favor it. When we come to exchange
speakers how can our speakers be consist-
ent. The Socialist Party should take some
stand upon this question.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I think that one
of the most unfortunate things that has
happened in our ranks since the last con-
gress was the action that was taken on the
question of the commission form of gov-
ernment. I speak to you as one having
some experience with the commission form
of government. The city of Berkeley is so
administered. The new charter" has been
in effect now for four years; and we are now
working under that charter. And with the
experience that we have had in the city
of Berkeley and the other cities of Cali-
fornia where the commission form of gov-
ernment is established I wish to say that
from my experience and observation that
I am profoundly convinced that the com-
mission form of government is superior
for our purposes as Socialists to any other
previous form of city organization.
A DELEGATE: Provided Socialists are
in power.
DEL. WILSON: I will take up that point
in a minute. I am now giving you my ex-
perience. In the first place we found this:
that in every city in the state of California
where we were conducting a campaign with
the non-partizan ballot, the short ballot
and the non-partizan ballot — that we were
the only organization that could hold its
strength through the campaign; that the
only political organization that could hold
its strength through the campaign, both
primary and final was the Socialist organ-
ization. That is the fact. In Alameda, in
Vallejo, in Modesto, in Santa Cruz, in Los
\
/
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Angeles, in all these cities in the state
of California in every one without excep-
tion, we had all sorts of parties strug-
gling- for a place on the ballot and we
stood of course united and alone. In al-
most every case we came out at least sec-
ond on the ballot, with the others disinte-
grated and only one ahead of us. Now
you can see the reason of that. The others
were divided on candidates, on principles;
we were united on our principles and our
candidates; we had our organization; and
we forged to the front in every city; 'and
a little better co-operation between our
party and the trades unions would have
put us in the saddle in half a dozen cities
in the state of California. After the pri-
mary election comes the final election. We
succeeded in getting second place in many
divided, and in antagonism as the result
of the preceding primary election; while
we were just in fighting shape. We had
fought as a unit and continued as a unit.
In the next place when we come to the
question of administration. If we elect
our candidates to office under the commis-
sion form of government that form of gov-
ernment is much more compact and a more
adequate instrument for the administra-
tion of city affairs than the old ward sys-
tem, or any other system of city organiza-
tion that we have yet had in this country.
The mayor and councilmen meet every day
to discuss and conduct the affairs of the
municipality; they take up the matters at
their hand and proceed to attend to them.
That is impossible under the old methods.
Now, these various forms of commission
government vary. They vary in the form
of organization. But the one principle is
there; and what we need to do according to
my experience is this: not oppose the com-
mission form of government but improve
the city charters in the various cities. We
want to perfect the form of administration.
We must perfect the operation of the in-
itiative, referendum and recall. We must
see that they are inserted in every city
charter. We want to perfect the operation
of those elements that give power to the
city council so that they can deal with the
public service corporations, and with mu-
nicipal administration; that is to say, in-
crease and extend the powers of the coun-
cil for reaching out over and taking hold
of everything that we Socialists stand for.
That is what we need to do.
I might have added one other item that
I may bring in now. In every city in the
state of California where we had the com-
mission form of government, when our
candidates were nominated that it lined
up our Socialist forces as nothing had ever
done before, in thos£ cities. That is the
fact. I believe that is entirely undis-
puted in the state of California. Therefore
what I think should be done, although I
make no motion in regard to it, is this: that
,d of Socialists flooding the country
with anti-commission form of government
literature, a mere negation, without any
constructive proposition whatever; that it
is our business to get to the root of this
question, perfect a proposition for the
commission form of government, go to it,
take hold of it, and perfect it, and make
it an instrument for successful city gov-
ernment, an instrument for Socialist suc-
cess, instead of blindly and unintelligently
eking it.
DEL. BYRD (Tex.): I wish to say to
the comrades that the commission form of
government was instituted in the city of
Galveston after the father of the universe
had become enraged at the wickedness of
that city; for the democrats of Texas got
so scared that he would send the balance of
them to hell; and the state legislature also
said, "The Lord is mad at us," and they gave
them the commission form of government.
And for a few years while they remained
scared of the Lord they gave the people a
fairly honest government. But the scare
finally wore off; and so the fact re-
mains that we cannot have any really good
form of government anywhere until we take
complete charge of the government at
Washington. We can never be successful
in our own struggle either until we have
gained the throne of power and recognized
our mothers, wives and sisters as one-half
of the human family and given them a
voice in the affairs of government.
Now I agree with Comrade Wilson from
California. We should thank this commit-
tee for their work, and not go to the ex-
pense of scattering literature opposed to
this commission form of government all
over the United States; but as he said, put
out the scientific principles of Socialism and
go after them until we capture the whole
thing. Let uys get a governor that repre-
sents the working class; elect a president
that represents the working class. And when
the right time comes I want to have the
pleasure of nominating a man to be the
next president of this country, Mayor
Seidel of Milwaukee, who will always rep-
resent the working class.
DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I have no presi-
dential candidate to nominate. But I do
wish to speak upon this motion in favor of
the committee's report, and in favor of the
amendment which is practically the same
as the committee's report offered by Le
Seuer, and against the amendment offered
by the comrade over here and for this
reason: We should not attack the report of
this committee; it is tentative; they make
no positive recommendations. By adopting
this report we can circulate it merely as
matter of information among the locals,
and the comrades throughout the country.
At the present time I am on a committee
of fifteen in the city of Los Angeles where
I want to know all I can of this commis-
sion form of government. After reading a
great deal about the commission form of
government and listening to addresses from
those who were familiar with it I became-
a convert, to its cause. I will say that wej
were the "first city to inaugurate the initi-
ative, referendum and recall which we have?
used. I will say to you that the freehold-,'
ers committee of Los Angeles now in ses-
sion and of which I am a member, is con-',
trolled by our people, the right people; and
we are getting up the most progressive city
charter that there is in America today.
One or two other points: How will this
be against us? I can imagine how for a*
short time the commission form of govern-i
ment may work to our disadvantage as a-?
party organization, but I am firmly con-
vinced that after two years — or four at
the outside — in any community that it will '
be to the advantage of the Socialist move-j
ment, this commission form of government..]
Not only that; it is a step forward, a stepj
toward the ultimate and final goal that we
are all working for; and we as Socialists
cannot afford to stand in the way of a ream
progressive movement until we have some*-j
thing better to offer. In the meantimej
while this report contains no specific i'ec-j
ommendations we can take it simply as the-
findings on the facts of the case at their?
disposal. And then we add that while we,
are neither endorsing nor opposing the com-*
mission form of government, we appoint'
this committee of nine or whatever it may
be to still further investigate and report!
two years hence, or at some other time. Ij
favor the orfginal motion; and I am cer-J
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
5i
Inly against the amendment last offered.
3EL. SPARGO (Vt.): I favor the mo-
a to adopt the report and continue the
nmittee. I am also strongly in favor of
; recommendation made by Comrade Wil-
i, namely, that we should not carry on
we have been doing in this country an
:i-commission form propaganda; and so
ce the national party on that side of the
;stion at this time. I believe the com-
ssion form of government is as inevita-
in politics as is the trust in industry,
relieve that the opposition to the cbm-
ssion form of government per se is just
insensible in the realm of politics as is
opposition to the trust in the realm of
ustrial development. I desire to say
t when our good friend and comrade
m Germany, Dr. Sudekim, was in this
ntry studying the commission form of
'eminent, he told me that as the result
his study from the Socialist point' of
w, he believed it would tend to work to
advantage of the Socialist Party; and
t we ought to support it.
. DELEGATE: A point of order. The
Die question of commission government
I lot under discussion.
'HE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is
well taken. Comrade Spargo is speak-
to the motion and amendment before
house.
»EL. SPARGO: I spent some time in the
- of Spokane, where they have the colli-
sion form of government in its most ad-
ced and perfected form. I attended
sral sessions of the municipal admin-
ative body, and I say to you that after
t experience and having in mind my
erience with municipal government
>where, it seemed to me it was working
only more efficiently as an adminis-
ive machine, but that it was capable of
;h more service to the working class
i the ordinary ward politician, huckster-
tricky style of administration found
er the common form of political admin-
ation.
do want to ask the comrades in this
mention not to go on record against the
mission form of government; and to
rent this anti-commission propaganda
agitation. Leave it to the comrades
heir respective localities to decide their
tude toward the specific form of com-
sion government that is proposed for
r community. In that respect I be-
e that the report of our committee as
before us is a model of wisdom, and
ht well be copied by all other commit-
that are elected or appointed here.
EL. McCRILLIS (la.): I am a rest-
of Des Moines. I am familiar with
celebrated Des Moines plan; I have
irved its workings for about four yearjs,
1 want to speak against the amendment
Comrade Slobodin, that this convention
lid express itself one way or the other.
m very well convinced that this con-
tion should not express itself against
commission form of government. But
ther or not it should express itself in
>r depends upon the information of the
/ention. I am a little in doubt whether
hould.
s to the non-partizan features, and its
ct upon the Socialist movement I will
this: we have just passed through a
licipal campaign in Des Moines. It is
i that we were compelled to drop our
:y name when we went on the ticket,
we were not compelled to lose our
tity. When we went into the primary
paign there is where we won our fight
use we did not expect to get through
primary and I will say that we did
secure a larger and better hearing than we
ever did before in the city of Des Moines
and a larger and better hearing than I be-
lieve it was possible to have secured under
the ward system. Or under the party lines.
Why? Because on the old lines we would
have had to form our own meetings; the
Socialists would have held Socialist meet-
ings; the democrats would have iield demo-
cratic meetings; and the republicans would
have called republican meetings; and we
would not have had a hearing before
either the republican or democratic meet-
ings. But under the non-partisan plan we
got a hearing before the people in general.
And we had this advantage. Our candi-
dates like all others went individually be-
fore the people. But we went as a solid
compact body backed by our organization;
and we carried on our campaign by con-
structive methods. One of our candidates
at one meeting would present one phase
of a subject; another could take it up
where he left off, and present another
phase; and this gave us an advantage over
all the other candidates and it was a little
amusing to find all the other candidates
talking Socialism before the campaign was
over. That was one of the advantages.
But there was a disadvantage, too. I re-
member that just a day or two before the
campaign closed there were men who came
to our committee and wanted to know who
the Socialist candidates were. That is a
disadvantage. We lost our identity as So-
cialists. Then the question is this: So
far as I am concerned, is the advantage
that we get from the greater and better
hearing overbalanced by the disadvantage
of losing our identity when we" go on the
official ballot? I don't believe it is. I want
to supplement and emphasize if I can the
remarks of the comrade from North Da-
kota and the comrade from California when
they say that the Socialist Party is the
only organization that can hold its iden-
tity under the commission form of govern-
ment.
But there is one thing that has not been
touched upon here; and that is that the
commission form of government in the
municipalities is but an entering wedge on
the part of the bourgeois class I believe,
to introduce the same principle into our
state and national governments and there
I believe is a danger that we must look out
for.
DEL. PATTERSON (O.): I am opposed
to the commission form of government for
several reasons. One reason is that this is
a reform movement; a substitute for So-
cialism; especially adapted for advanta-
geous use by the capitalist class in a com-
munity where there is no reform move-
ment outside of the Socialist Party. Then
they build that up as one. The thing that '
the Socialist wants is class lines clearly
drawn. They cannot be drawn by oblit-
erating party lines.
I want to say further that some of the
delegates who are on the floor of this con-
vention today as representatives of the So-
cialist party in this convention, I had the
honor of listening to when they were speak-
ing- for Mayor Jones, the non-partizan can-
didate for mayor of Toledo. We have no
commission form of government in To-
ledo. We don't need it. They took the
precaution soon enough, and they adopted
the non-partizan lines. Thev wiped out the
identity of the Socialist candidates or tried
to.
Some of the delegates say that it makes
everybody talk Socialism. They believe in
Socialism without a party; Christianity
without a Christ. That is» what the com-
52
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
mission form of government means. This
form of government is a good thing for the
reformer. It is a very poor thing for So-
cialists. As a Socialist I don't want any
substitute for Socialism. 1 don't want to
support any candidate who promises sim-
ply to give us a "good government" or a
"clean government" or a "business adminis-
tration" 01* any of these other immediate
demands. I want the capitalist vote op-
posed by a clean cut class conscious So-
cialist vote.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): From my point
of view there has been a confusion of ideas
in this discussion. There has been an un-
necessary separation in some cases because
two ideas have been confused. As the
commission form of government has been
presented to us it has been associated with
two very distinct things. One is the non-
partizan majority election. That is not
an essential part of commission govern-
ment at all. You could just as well elect
a commission form of government with
regular party ballot, and with your candi-
dates regularly placed on party tickets.
Let that be clearly grasped.
The other idea is the election of a small
group of administrative officers, with the
responsible charge of the affairs of the
municipality concentrated in a few hands.
That is the commission form of govern-
ment. That is its essential principle. These
few men hold in their hands all the pow-
ers of the city government, including all
those usually given to the mayor, those
usually exercised by the department of
public works, by the treasurer, the city
clerk, and all the rest of them, the chief
of police included; and this smaller group
of men also hold the powers usually held
by the city council, all these powers, legis-
lative, administrative, and semi-judicial.
All of these are in the hands of the com-
mission. They act as one body. They
do not act as checks and balances at all. It
is all in one hand so to speak- 1 — all the
powers of municipal government.
Now so far as the non-partizan feature
is concerned no socialist group in any city
could be non-partizan if they were So-
cialists. Any political action that is in-
telligent is only the expression in political
form of the interests of some social or
economic group or class. When that is
confused the political action is not intel-
ligent. We have said that so many differ-
ent ways in Milwaukee that they are be-
ginning to see the truth of it there. Even
the legislature came very near to ad-
mitting it at the last special session. They
have tried to persuade us in Wisconsin, in
Milwaukee, that it is not necessary to
designate the principles of a candidate for
municipal office; that it is entirely a matter
of the man; entirely a matter of the in-
telligence of the voters in picking out the
man. We pointed out that they were try-
ing to obscure the great principles, the
great issues of principle, which are not
merely municipal principles, but which run
from top to bottom of the Socialist politi-
cal structure. And finally in a special ses-
sion recently they did enact a non-partizan,
municipal, majority election law for cities
in Wisconsin; and they did make some
progress over the previous session; where
they proposed and insisted, but did not suc-
ceed — that there must be no designation of
principles — and they passed a bill for the
designation of principles. And they confine
that designation of principles to five words.
They must be words not used in the desig-
nation on the ballot, nomination paper,
or election notice, for any state or na-
tional office. We have got to get different
words and we have thought of putting
the ballot these five words: "Workers
the world unite" for non-partizan occasic
this non-partizan election. This makes
clear I truest that this tinkering with t
election machinery for cities is not a nt
essary part of the commission form
government. That is the very thing it
has been most of all insisted upon by o
woozy friends up there in Milwaukee, t
non-partizans, — we call them the "woozie.*
That disposes, it seems to me, of t
non-partizan, majority election feature. "V
are not opposed to the majority electiq
That part of it does bring out the cla
line. We are not opposing that, unless
does this: the majority election may pc
sibly result if it be in a place where the
is not a normal majority — it may resi
in a most unwholesome combination of t
most undesirable elements on one end ay
the equally undesirable googoos at t,
other. Then you get a most horrible mes
I was in Los Angeles and the googoos n,
one end of the campaign and the saloo;
and the dives ran the other. In Milwa
kee we had the same thing. A combinati(
of the red light district and the googoc
and all that sort that come between. Th
is what you get when you force an a
normal majority where there is not a no
mal majority of those properly related
each other by economic connection. Tl
class line is there, however, and sooner <
later there must come intelligent actic
along the lines fixed by economic interes
but for the time being it is liable to confu:
the situation terribly.
As to the commission form of goveri
ment increasing economy and efficiency, yc
do not have to have the commission for
of government in order to have efficienc
I will refer you to all sorts of men, ai
thorities on that subject, who will say thi
the administration of Milwaukee — I am n<
going to make any nominating speech — tl
Milwaukee style of government, mayor, tj
old style council, chief of police, and a
of that — nevertheless it furnished what :
conceded to be if not the most efficient, cer
tainly ranked among the most efficient forn
of city government in this country. ^
made good. We showed what could be do^
in two years. But the commission for*
of government does make it more convt
nient for those to whom the power is give
to do the things which they wish to d
No doubt about that. It simplifies matter
You don't have to have all the folderol, tl
red tape, the hocuspocus of council actioj
wjth resolutions laid over, and a minorit
held in check by all that sort of thini
You get a simplified, more direct action]
that is what you want. But we have Hi
notion in Milwaukee at the present tii|
that the representative the city somethin
to say through their special representatli
in the common council; and gives them
chance to talk it over with the differed
elements, and with the different kind <J
folks there represented it seems to us thi
that has proved to be passably effecti*
when intelligence enough is applied to th^
method. But I also want to say that,,
could — no, I won't be so indiscreet as t
say that I could — but my Comrade Hod
city attorney of Milwaukee, who is a lad
yer, could draft such a form of commissiq
government as would be utterly obnoxiod
to the googoos and the so-called reformed
And he could draft one that would be sal
isfactory to every socialist. The commii
sion form of government can be anythiij
you please. That is the point I wish |
make about the commission form of goj
eminent. Now in settling what shall b
\1
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
53
V
3 particular form of commission gov-
lment the state in each case settles that.
<u will have to change the whole form
government in these United States be-
-e you can change that." And, comrades,
don't propose to wait until we get the
lole United States constitution fixed to
it us before we begin on the job of fixing
i municipal government to suit us.
3EL. MALKIEL. (N. Y.): What are we So-
,lists in this convention doing? We were
i ones that said William Howard Taft
,s not fit to be president of the United
ites because he did not know what he was
ng to do. I say that our committees are
; fit to be committees if after two years'
idy of this subject they are not ready
make any recommendations. What is
s convention doing here? Why can't we
I some intelligent action? Why can't we
some recommendations as to what we
>uld do about it? We have spent two
1 a half days here; two committees have
orted so far; and neither one has
ught in anything by which we could ar-
e at some decision. How in the world
ild we accept this report? What is
re for us to accept? What more do we
>w than we knew before? We come
e to decide these things for ourselves,
lat are we going to do? Two years ago
elected committee; now we are going to
nd days against electing committees;
[ then two years from now they will come
i.in and tell us the same thing over again,
far as the non-partizan commission form
government is concerned I have had
le experiences that are not as favorable
those of the comrades who spoke awhile
. I have been in cities where the people
e sick and tired of the graft of a demo-
tic mayor. For years the democratic
yor fooled them and exploited them,
n they elected a republican mayor and
did likewise. The ball kept rolling from
5 to side. So the people were tired of
this; they did not want any more re-
>liean or democratic mayors; but they
ited some solution of the problem that
? facing them; finally the solution came
he commission form of government; and
y gladly adopted it. They proposed a
-partizan ticket. The working class
e delighted. At last the day of salva-
i had come. But let me tell you what
pened. When the republicans had been
(office the democrats had stood outside
told the people what the republicans
e doing. When the democrats were
office the republicans likewise told the
pie what the democrats were doing. In
t way the people had some little idea
r they were being robbed. Then finally
te the commission form of government;
then the democrats and the republicans
le a contract together; they co-oper-
1; they put up a non-partizan ticket;
! democrats and two republicans and
t were elected; and then there was peace
both the thieves were within; and the
■>le did not know what was going on.
t is where the people got the worst of
er we want it or not. It is coming in
recognition of this fact: there is no longer
in our municipalities a line upon which
the two old parties can divide. The com-
mission form of government is a business
proposition. It is a business administra-
tion of the business of the municipality, in
which all the people, though they be repub-
licans, though they be democrats, though
they be Socialists, all the people are inter-
ested. A comrade over here decries the
idea of bettering the condition of the
municipality where he lives. As for
me I desire to see every city in
the land cleaner; every city in the
land better; its affairs better administered
in the interest of economy.; in the interest
of public health; in the interest of all of
the people; and every one ought to see that
in these things the working man is of all
the most interested. The point I want to
make is this: that no matter how we may
decry the commission form of government,
it is the next step in municipal govern-
ment; it is inevitable; we cannot escape
it; and we have to meet the issue as it is,
and say that we will do all that we can
to make it perfect. That is all.
DEL. BREWER (Kas.): There is cer-
tainly some confusion here this afternoon
on this question of the commission form of
government. I know in my recent travels
through the state of California that in
many of the localities there was the same
confusion among the comrades 'that lis
found here upon the floor of this convention.
I have found the same true in almost ev-
ery community that I have been during
the past four or five months. Socialists ev-
erywhere are asking the same questions
that are asked by the majority of the dele-
gates here. Is the commission form of
government a good thing or not? Now so
far as I am personally concerned I can
only speak from the point of view of Gi-
rard, which has the commission form of
government. In a recent election in that
little city where the class lines were cer-
tainly distinctly drawn, we Socialists did
not lose our identity. The fact is the
good government candidates of the repub-
lican and democratic tickets combined; that
the street walkers and dive Jceepers, the
Methodists, the Presbyterians, "the Baptists
and tfre Catholics, the whole of the repre-
sentatives of capitalism, went to the bal-
lot box on election day and voted for the
"good government" candidates, as against
the working class candidates nominated by
the Socialists, and endorsed and supported
by the working class generally in that
community. Following the election of the
good government candidate of course the
church bells were rung, bonfires were
lighted on the street corners and there was
a tremendous jollification. To my mind
there is one point in the commission form
of government that is of vital importance.
In Kansas we have a law that requires in
cities of the first class a certain percentage
of the voters to sign a recall; that in cities
of the second class there shall be a larger
percentage; and in cities of the third class
it is almost impossible for us to get the
recall. Now these questions should all be
considered; they should be analyzed. So-
cialists have to meet these questions in
every state in the Union. You should dis-
cuss them; you should be ready to advise
the comrades intelligently. It seems to me
very clear that where you have a proper
right of recall that this commission form
of government is not so bad a thing as some
of the comrades peem to think. Now for
my part I feel that the committee has ab-
solutely failed to perform its duties as
J 52
54
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
specified and understood by this conven-
tion. They have dillydallied for two years
and evidently dii not have their report
prepared when we came to this convention.
They evidently prepared it afterwards. It
looks to me as if they need more time or
else we need a new committee to handle
the matter, to conduct a general investi-
gation of the subject on behalf of all the
delegates and all the membership.
DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): I wish at the
very outset to correct a statement made
by another delegate. God Almighty had
absolutely nothing to do with the Galves-
ton flood or the commission form of gov-
ernment. The fact of the matter is that
Galveston would not be where it is except
for a bunch of speculators. The hurricane
arose and the waves came in from the
ocean and the terrific catastrophe occurred,
and then there was $10,000,000 needed to
build a gigantic stone wall to keep out the
waves of the Atlantic. It is a fact that
just before the storm the most corrupt ad-
ministration in any city of its size in
America was in power in Galveston, and
so that they might not swipe the $10,-
000,000 and keep the wall from being built,
the capitalists of Galveston formed the
first commission form of government. That
is how it happened. Since that time we
have had a lot of experience with the com-
mission form of government, which has
spread over the state that I represent.
Houston has a commission form of govern-
ment. We have heard of efficiency. The
efficiency of heavenly Houston is so tre-
mendous in its scope, so far reaching in
every detail, that the powers that be on
the commission have even decided the
brands of beer that shall be sold by the
prostitutes in the red light district. Dallas
has the commission form of government,
and the planters of the city of Dallas, in a
five cornered fight last year, ran a ticket
that was successful. The city govern-
ment is non-partizan to the extent that
the First National Bank and the Standard
Oil Bank are at the same time the govern-
ment in Dallas, Texas. If you go along
the line you will find that the Marxian
position is absolutely correct, and that gov-
ernment under capitalism is the executive
committee of the ruling class. (Applause.)
Consequently, all this talk of good adminis-
trations, nice administrations, is so much
leather and prunell, so much poppycock, so
much idiocy. The commission form of gov-
ernment enables the capitalist class to pur-
chase five commissioners instead of fifty
alderman (applause), and from the stand-
point of the ruling class, of course they
are efficient, the most efficient thing that
you can possibly imagine. But these five
can order the police to club the strikers
to .death just as quick and just as efficiently
as under the old plan. I am going to close
by making this point, which is fundamental,
and I want to see more of it. It is this:
That this national convention has abso-
lutely nothing to do with the commission
form of government. (Applause.) We are
not dealing with states, and we have no
time, I believe, for abstract discussion. We
can get all this information within the
states on that point. Senator Gaylord was
absolutely correct. Why should you bother
about your city form of government? We
are dealing with national affairs in this
national convention, and in the cities we
will pick that efficiency form of government
to pieces.
The previous question was then ordered
by a vote of 136 to 63.
It was moved by Del. Goebel (N. J.) that
the rules be suspended and that on the
original motion and each of the am<
ments five minutes be allowed to a spet
on each side. The motion to suspend
rules was lost.
DEL. BERLIN (111.): The discus!
here has been of great interest. The
cialist party is organized for the pun
of helping the working class to get
public power in their own hands. '
Socialist party is organized to gather
working class together to emancipate
self from the rule of the capitalist cl
The capitalist class see the "handwril
on the wall" and at once they come
masquerade and say that in this cour
all we want is good government; we w
the best men in office; the best men,
then everything will be hallelujah. K
partizanship? Why, we are the very
sence of partizanship. We have got
be; we must; we can't help it. The ne<
sities of the class which they repres
and of which we are part demand it,
we cannot do otherwise. And the capi
ists play this game: You dare not design
yourself; and some comrade here fi
Iowa has found great beauty in that, i
the great joke of it is what I heard ]
say, to my amazement, that they had tt
all talking Socialism before the campa
was over. That didn't tickle me. W
they all talking about the abolition of
wage system? I am an initiative and rei
endum man, subordinate to the main pi
ciple of the abolition of capitalism. I
an immediate demander as a means to
realization of our main principle. But
other fellows can steal all the planks of
immediate demands and still they will
be talking Socialism; understand that (j
plause.) Good government, good admit
tration? I wish some of you boys co
have read one of the last letters that Fr
erick Bngels wrote, s"ho,wingp how the c
italists would do this very thing that
embodied in the very idea of the comix
sion form of government, on account
the expense of running the capitalist a
chine. For the business committee to ©
duct their business will become expens
and they will have to reduce the cost. L<
here; I am not a young chicken; they ca
fool me with this. I remember in N
York City before the Civil War we ha<j
mayor and a board of aldermen. They w
pretty good. There were sixteen aldern
and twenty-four councilmen. Notice I
number. They were known as the "Fqj
Thieves." (Laughter.) That was tff
designation, "Forty Thieves," and la
on we had the Tweed ring, and there w}
only four. They got there just the sa|
And the commission form of governmj
with its concentrated power represent!
the interests of the capitalist class, «
serve the Master, and the servant will i
mand his pay. We working people, wh*
ever they desire to hamper us by tfl|
legislation, we cannot stop them. All j
vituperation against or for the commissi
form of government won't help it one jj
or the other. What we want is to gatJ
the working people together, to do jj
they did in Milwaukee. Milwaukee has rb
glory today in its hour of momentary j
pression than ever it had. It made clc
the class struggle, clearer than it ei
was before, and they understand it Sj|
ator Gaylord made that clear to you. 'W
can stand anything the capitalists will
Remember, when the capitalist legislaj
enacts the commission form of governmj
it is not in the interest of the worlqt
class. It is in the interest of the prop*
tiea class, and the propertied class ■
take care of their interests. We havtf
\6X
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
?: \
i use whatever they present to us. We have
to fight through city government as it is;
we have to fight through the commission
form of government, and they can use a
most potent weapon when they start with
their non-partizanship, bringing together
the man who has his labor to sell and the
other man who exploits him. Just think
of it. It is a joke. (Applause.)
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I think very
few of those who have spoken have done
the committee the honor to read carefully
the report. That would be natural, because
there has not been a day in which to do it.
Many of the arguments that have been
presented here have been gone over care-
fully by that report. If there was no other
reason for continuing the discussion than
this, that it would give you all a chance
to go over that document, which represents
the careful and persistent work of the com-
mittee during our busy lives for two years,
it would be justified. I think we ought
to resent the implication coming from two
or three of the speakers, that this commit-
tee has done nothing or said nothing. Read
that report. (Applause.) Now, I want to
say that of course there is no time now
to discuss the questions and the arguments
that are brought up, but I just want to
make one or two things clear before we
have to vote. First, the committee, I be-
lieve, would not favor the amendment to
the amendment offered by Comrade Slobo-
din to have another committee elected by
the national committee. Let us take care
of that thing right here, if we decide to
have the committee continue. Second, the
committee, I am sure, would approve and
would accept the amendment that was of-
fered by some one over here, because the
amendment is exactly our position. Fur-
thermore, the committee have just had a
little talk with Comrade Wilson. Comrade
Wilson's position, that he tried hard and
had ten minutes to get over to you, is ex-
actly the position the committee takes, and
It is this: Here is the position. Here is
the question regarding municipal govern-
ment. It is an intricate question. It ap-
Dears in different forms in different states
ind cities in the country. You cannot
?rasp it and just without if, and or but,
say, "We are against or for it." You have
jot to discriminate in your judgment. And,
jomrades, what we want is this: We do not
vant the convention — we do not want as
inembers of the convention, the few of us
;hat are here — to thrust the party Into a
sosition against the commission form of
rovernment, or for it, until the party as
well as ourselves have had an opportunity
;o study and digest the facts, all of them
;hat bear on this subject. (Applause.) I
want to remind you that in a former con-
tention — I think it was four years ago —
?ou thrust the party into a certain posi-
;ion on a question, and inside of three
nonths the referendum reversed you. Now,
vhat we want and what the committee
lrges upon the convention, and what Com-
rade Wilson was trying to get across to
fou, and what the comrade over here has
n mind, all agreeing with us, is this:
That here is a subject that we want to
rive thorough study to in order that we
nay forge on to the type of commission
'orm of government, if there is such a
ype, which the Socialist movement can
ipprove, adont and stand for, and one that
vill be for the working class. (Applause.)
?ow, that is about all that we want, and I
A vote was then taken on the amendment
to the amendment that the matter be re-
ferred to a committee of nine to report
to the National Committee their action. The
amendment to the amendment was lost.
The question was then put on the amend-
ment, that the matter of endorsing the
commission form of government be left to
the states. The amendment was adopted by
a vote of 134 to 64.
The motion as amended was then car-
ried.
DEL. STITT WILSON (Cal.): This is
the ablest study of any subject that has
ever been presented to a Socialist com-
vention in America, and I move that the
committee who have so ably presented thi3
discussion of the commission form of gov-
ernment be continued, to bring in a re-
port to the next national convention or
congress of the Socialist party on the com-
mission form of government. (Seconded.)
DEL. SMITH (Utah): Will this pam-
phlet that has been issued on this subject
be published in good shape to be distrib-
uted in the various states if they want it?
DEL. THOMPSON: Yes.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I rise to a
point of order. The convention has just
now decided that the question of commis-
sion form of government is a state matter.
Therefore, let us not meddle with it. You
cannot blow hot and cold. You cannot de-
cide that it is a state matter and then
publish literature on the subject na-
tionally.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair does not
know how to rule on that point, but I take
it that the will of the convention will be
expressed in the vote on the continuance
of the committee. The vote is on the con-
tinuance of the committee. All in favor of
continuing —
DEL. SLOBODIN: I move to amend that
a committee of nine be elected by this
convention to take up that subject.
A delegate seconded the motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair will enter-
tain the amendment and we will have dis-
cussion upon it.
DEL. SLOBODIN. Just as I was saying,
we have presented a report with one rec-
ommendation from the committee and then
it comes out that there is in that report
an endorsement of the commission form
of government. Comrade Thompson wishes
to continue the matter, and that is also
the position of the other delegates. Then
comes an amendment that the commission
form of government is a state matter. I
want to speak against that, and I want
to speak against this form of government.
I am not in favor of continuing the com-
mittee for that reason. The comrade who
made the amendment gave away the en-
tire issue. The commission form of gov-
ernment means that any municipality may
have an appointive executive committee
that shall have the right of legislating and
also certain other powers. I do not want
the convention to elect a committee to do
something which I am opposed fo. Now,
the thing to do would be to elect a state
commission, and that is what they want to
do on the short ballot. They hope to have
a state committee instead of having a na-
tional committee. They should have one
commission for the purpose of giving the
state an appointive executive and judicial
officers also, and having legislative powers.
The third step would be to have a national
commission for the same purpose. Now,
that is against the position of the Interna-
tional Socialists and against the position
that ought to be taken by Socialists all
} 5r
NATIONAL SOCIAUST CONVENTION
over the world. That may be wrong- but
this convention ought not to go on record
and do something hastily. We have always
held and the position of the Socialists is
that the proper powers of legislation should
be vested in the legislature, and the legis-
lature should have the right to appoint ex-
ecutive and judicial officers. The commis-
sion form of government means that the
proper powers of the people should be vest-
ed in an executive that shall have legisla-
tive powers. That is contrary to the gen-
eral position that the Socialists have taken
heretofore, and therefore I am opposed to
the appointment of a committee in favor
of that, and I am in favor of a committee
that is opposed to it.
The previous question was ordered.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I wish to say
that two years ago this subject of the
commission form of government came up in
our national congress, and the discussion
was intense and acute, but we were in a
sense at sea on the subject of commission
form of government. We have had no ade-
quate study made of the question. The
four comrades that were named on this
committee, and whose names appear on this
report, were named without any consider-
ation as to whether they were for or against
the commission form of government. They
are not committed to the commission form
of government now. Not one of them. Not
Thompson or McLevy or Jacobson or Bran-
stetter; they are not in favor of the com-
mission form of government. The report
does not commit them or commit us to be
in favor of the commission form of govern-
ment. My only desire in making this motion
is this: This committee has worked two
years faithfully on this question. Their re-
port shows it . I have had some knowledge of
the work which they have performed. They
have gathered voluminous matter from
various sources upon this subject and have
it in their possession for a still more
complete study of the question. Since they
are not committed to the commission form
of government, and since we are not com-
mitted by the action we have just taken,
would it not be the part of wisdom to re-
appoint or re-elect the same committee
to continue their study and report to us
their findings in a succeeding congress of
this party? If they had done nothing, if
they had proved incompetent students of
the question, if they had proved negligent
to their duty, we might have dismissed
them and decided to appoint a committee
from this body Against Comrade Slobo-
din's motion I wish to urge that a com-
mittee of nine is too large a committee to
take hold of this question. They must
communicate and inter-communicate to get
united action and present it before us. This
is not a serious matter, to be sure, but it
seems to me it would be the part of wis-
dom for this delegation to recommit to the
faithful body of four persons this sub-
ject. They have voluminous material, hav-
ing covered the United States with circular
letters, and there are men in hundreds and
hundreds of places ready to assist them
in the study of this question. I hope the
comrades will simply vote for the motion
and recommit this matter to this committee
and let them act upon it two years hence.
DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.): I am in favor
of Comrade Slobodin's amendment. First,
because I believe we have got to take a
definite position. The committee has had
two years without reaching a definite atti-
tude. I want this committee of nine ap-
pointed, because I am unalterably opposed
and want the Socialist party nationally to
go on record against the commission form
of government. (Applause.) You have yet
to show me an instance — there may be some
here and there — where a capitalist, large
or small, is against the commission form of
government. You have yet to show me an
instance where, in any one of those cities
where the commission form of government
has been introduced in any form, that the
working class conditions in those cities
have been bettered one iota. (Applause.) If
we do not take a position against it; if, on
the other hand, we remain leaving it with
one state going on record in favor, and an-
other against it, the Socialist Party nation-
ally don't know where it is at. In the
state of Minnesota the governor of that
state has gone on record in favor of extend-
ing the commission form of government to
the state, and if somebody like Teddy
Roosevelt is elected president of the
United States he will bring in some sort
of proposition by which any organized po-
litical party with a dues-paying member-
ship — and we are the only dues-paying
party — can come under the interpretation of
the anti-trust Sherman law, and then when
you come to realize it you will be regarded
as a trust, and it will be used to crush you
as it has been used to crush the unions in
certain places, as you very well kryow. This
is a business proposition from the business
man's standpoint, and as already mentioned,
it is regarded as an efficient instrument for
the purposes of the capitalist class.
DEL. WILSON: I rise to a point of or-
der. The commission form of government
is not under discussion. The subject under
discussion is the question of appointing a
committee of nine to whom the subject
shall be recommitted.
DEL. KAPLAN: It is the appointment
of a committee of nine for the purpose of
taking a position against the commission
form of government. And I want to say,
without desiring to be personal, that it has
been demonstrated by experience where we
have elected —
THE CHAIRMAN: You are off the ques-
tion. You are not on the advisability of
having a committee at all, but on the com-
mission form. Which committee do you
want?
DEL. KAPLAN: Well, just a word in
conclusion. The capitalistic attitude has
been shown. I won't say that the mayor
of Berkeley refused to hand in his resig-
nation to the Socialists. (Applause.)
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I rise .to a point
of personal privilege. I simply wish to say
that I resent a statement of that kind from
any comrade on this floor; that it is with-
out authority and without proof, and is
absolutely without any relationship what-
ever to the point under discussion. (Ap-
plause.)
The question was then put on the amend-
ment providing for the election of a com-
mittee of nine, and the amendment was lost
by a vote of 59 to 114.
The original motion for the continuance
of the committee to make a further report :
to the next national Socialist congress, was
then carried.
Certain corrections in the minutes of the
previous day's session were then noted by .
the secretary.
The convention then took up the special
order, the reading of resolutions.
RESOLUTIONS.
The following resolutions were presented ,
and read:
A resolution offered by Del. Strickland
of Ohio, under instructions or request of
Local Dayton, on the subject of literature
for circulation among the military, naval
,1
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 14, 1912
nd police forces. Referred to Committee
n Resolutions.
Resolution from Brunswick, Md., rec-
mmending establishment of a national So-
alist printing plant. Referred to Com-
littee on Resolutions.
Declaration submitted by Missouri del-
ation on united action by all labor or-
anizations. Referred to Committee on
esolutions. _ .
Resolution submitted by E. H. Meisner
f California on prosecutions of California
line workers. Referred to Committee on
esolutions. _ , ,« ,\
Resolution by Delegate Wells (Cal.) with
ie form of a letter to be sent to the Meth-
3ist General Conference at Minneapolis,
eferred to Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution by Delegate Strickland and
gned by Christian Larsen of the Scan-
inavian Federation on the question of the
eligious neutrality of the party. Referred
Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution recommending joint confer-
nce for promoting unity of action between
ocialist party and the labor organizations,
deferred to Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution adopted by Branch I, Local
New York, recommending policy to be
pursued by Socialists in office. Referred to
Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution signed by Iowa delegation, on
the subject of the liquor traffic. Referred
to Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution signed by Delegates J. Ohsol,
Patrick Mahony and Robert Lawrence, of
Massachusetts delegation, protesting
against the Dillingham Immigration Bill
and the Root amendment. Referred to
Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution introduced by Delegate Mary
O'Reilly on opposition to military educa-
tion of children. Referred to Committee
on Resolutions.
Resolution submitted by Del. Geo. W.
O'Dam, of Missouri, that the party provide
a more substantial form of dues cards,
similar to that of the Western Federation
of Miners. Referred to Committee on Reso-
lutions.
Resolution on the subject of labor unions,
submitted under instructions by delegates
from Kings County, New York. Referred
to Committee on Resolutions.
The convention adjourned at 6 o'clnck
p. m.
w i
)
5'
^8
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
FOURTH DAY'S SESSION.
Del. Otto F. Branstetter, chairman of the
preceding day, called the convention to
order at 10 o'clock a. m. Nominations for
chairman of the day were called for, and
the following' were made:
Lee (N. Y.) — accepted.
Slay ton (Pa.) — accepted.
Collins (Colo.) — accepted.
Carey (Mass.) — declined.
Lattimer (Minn.) — declined.
Goebel (N. J.) — accepted.
Thompson (Tex.) — declined.
Barth (Wash.) — accepted.
The vote resulted as follows: Lee 72,
Slayton 48, Collins 34, Goebel 21, Barth 21,
Del. Algernon Lee, of New York, was de-
clared elected chairman for the day.
The following nominations were made for
vice chairman of the day:
Dobbs (Ky.) — absent.
S. Sadler (Wash.) — accepted.
LockWood (Mich.) — declined.
Houston (W. Va.) — declined.
Le Sueur (N. D.) — accepted.
The vote resulted: Sadler 72, Le Sueur
87, and Del. Le Sueur was declare?! elected
vice chairman for the day.
Del. Slobodin, of New York, announced
his withdrawal as a candidate for the Com-
mittee on Education, and requested the
delegates to strike his name from the bal-
lots.
PERSONAL PRIVILEGE.
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): Comrade Chair-
man, I rise to a question of personal priv-
ilege. Yesterday Comrade Haywood in-
serted a subject during my absence, and I
would like to have a few moments to set
the facts of that matter before the conven-
tion. The incident that gave rise to the
question of personal privilege enjoyed by
Comrade Haywood was the receipt on Mon-
day of a telegram which by a vote of the
convention was decided not to be read. I
was acting as chairman. My personal opin-
ion was that the communication should be
read, but I was not governed by my per-
sonal opinion and left it to the option of
the assembly. Afterward it was decided
not to read the telegram. However, by the
description of the nature of the communi-
cation when it was announced that it come
from a Branch in Denver and assailed the
rights of a member of the convention, and
when it was later explained that it was not
a regular member of the convention, but
one to whom the courtesy on a voice had
been granted by the convention, 90 per cent
of the delegates, I am sure, knew whom It
referred to, and in a few minutes after
I think 100 per cent of the delegates and
all the newspaper men knew whom it re-
ferred to. Almost immediately after that
our comrade secretary came to me and said,
"The newspaper men are very much agi-
tated on this subject and there will prob-
ably be large headlines in the papers to-
morrow about suppression of documents
and mystery in the Socialist convention,"
and he transmitted their request that they
might see that without publishing it, jus
the nature of it, in order to color thei
story. And I believe we conferred upon i
and we believed that it would be a goo
idea, putting them on their point of hone
that they might see it, when they kne'
that the decision was not to publis!
Comrade Haywood yesterday said that th
telegram "appeared in the Indianapolis Sta
this morning." That is quite a rash state
ment, when there is just this sentence an
nothing more appearing in the Star: "Hay
wood is charged with conduct unbecoming ,
Socialist." This thing moved Comrad
Haywood to enlarge on his ideas and make
in my judgment, an unwarranted attacl
upon persons not interested or involved ii
the question at all. That, however, is hi
own concern. It seems to me it was a cas
of much-ado-about nothing. The reporter,
respected their honor in every respect
Everybody knew that that one sentence wai
in there. Comrade Haywood was charge*
with conduct unbecoming a Socialist. Thos
are the only published words that are 1]
the telegram, and there are 400 words h
all in the telegram, so that the statemen
of Comrade Haywood is quite incorrect. I
may be possible that it was an error o
judgment on my part, but the purpose, as
have explained, was to prevent a myster;
being spread over the nation in large head
lines and advertising a misconception o
the purposes of the convention. I thanl
you, comrades. (Applause.)
REGULAR ORDER.
Del. Harriman, of California, stated tha
he had two telegrams from San Dieg*o. Th
Chairman stated that they would be reai
Under the order of communications.
On motion of Del. Merrill (N. Y.), th
reading of the minutes was dispensed with
the Chairman announcing that correction;
desired might be handed to the Secretary
to be disposed of before the adjournment
ADDRESS BY KARL LEGIEN, OF GER
MANY.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrades, at thii
point I would like to interrupt the regula
order of business to inform you that ou:
comrade, Karl Legien, the Secretary of thi
General Federation of Labor Unions of th»
organized labor movement of Germany, ii
in the hall. I believe that it would b<
the desire of the delegates that some pro
vision should be made for hearing him to
day. Do I hear a motion to that effect?
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y): I move tha
Comrade Russell, of New York, and Com
rade Harriman, of California, be appointe<
a committee to request Legien to speak an<
to escort him to the platform.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Legien hai
already found his way to the platform.
Del. Mahony, of Massachusetts move<
that the convention hear Comrade Legien
of Germany. Motion was seconded an<
carried.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
^
Comrade Legien then addressed the con-
vention, being received with great enthu-
siasm. He spoke in German, after which
his address was translated into English
by his secretary, Comrade A. Baumeister.
Comrade Legien spoke as follows:
COMRADE LEGIEN: Comrades and Fel-
low-workers: It gives me great pleasure
to attend your convention while I am trav-
eling in this country. I have not been spe-
cially delegated by the Executive Council
of the German Social Democratic Party,
because we had no idea, when I left Eu-
rope, that I would be able to see your con-
vention at all.
I dare say, however, that I should all the
same be entitled to speak on behalf of our
party and also on behalf of its Executive
Council, not only because I am one of the
representatives of the German Social Dem-
ocratic Party in our Reichstag, but also
on account of the fact that I am the Presi-
dent of the German Federation of Trade
Unions, and for this reason in constant
touch with the Executive Council of the
Socialist party of Germany. (Applause.)
As a matter of fact, the Socialist move-
ment of our country is closely and with
much interest watching the movement In
the United States; partly because it is
largely believed that the United States may
possibly be or become the first nation of
practical Socialism (applause), as a result
of the rapid concentration and growth of
capitalism and the privileges and possibil-
ities that are open to the workers of this
country. But, I believe that the labor
movement of the New World, to some ex-
tent at least, depends also on the develop-
ment of our movement in Europe; not mere-
ly on account of our modern means of
communication, but also because the So-
cialist movement is international and its
final aims can only be realized on an in- „
ternational basis.
As far as I know, from the temper of
this convention, from reports published in
your press, and also from prominent mem-
bers of the party, you will have to de-
cide most delicate and important questions,
problems which have for years taken up all
our time in the German movement.
You will be called upon, for instance, to
find a solution with respect to the rela-
tions which should exist between the party
and the trade union movement, and these
relations, of course, must be in accordance
with the actual economic condition and with
the development of both wings of the labor
movement in every country.
At least as far as Germany is concerned,
I may say without hesitation that we have
been able to solve this all-important ques-
tion, not only to the benefit of our own
movement, but I believe also to the bene-
fit of the whole labor movement. I can-
not give any opinion of my own as to
what should be done in your particular
case. All I can do is to give you an idea
of what we did in Germany under similar
circumstances, leaving you to draw par-
allels if you desire.
Trade unions had been in existence in
Germany before we had any Socialist move-
ment at all. While others were established
at the same time as the political party,
some of these unions started through the
direct influence of members of the Socialist
party, while many unions were also estab-
lished by factions of the party that existed
in Germany from the 60's up to 1875.
But all of these organizations, whether
or not under the influence of the party, help
the trade unions to keep aloof from party
politics (applause), believing that they
should unite the working class of all shades
and faiths in opposition to modern capita d
ism, which has no regard to political parties
or religious beliefs.
This principle had been endorsed at a
Trade Union Congress in 1872, and also at
the joint conference of both wings of the
trade unions, which was held in 1875, im-
mediately after both Social Democratic par-
ties had been merged. After that the move-
ment made rapid progress, but they were
brutally suppressed in 1878 by means of
the infamous anti-Socialist law.
During the twelve years of the regime of
this anti-Socialist law the unions were the
only public representatives of the German
working class, while our party was upheld
by an absolutely secret organization only.
The growth of the Social Democratic move-
ment was very satisfactory, and also un-
expected in the first year after the recall
of the anti-Socialist law, because at the
general election that year we were able to
elect a number of members of parliament.
This rapid development accounts for the
false hope of many of our comrades of that
time that the downfall of the present state
of society and the establishment of Social-
ism were near at hand. As a result of all
this we find that early in the 90's the trade
union movement was considered to be of
very little importance. Finally, however, it
was recognized that the working class must
be trained in industrial warfare for bet-
ter conditions and that all wage earners
must be united in their trade union move-
ment as Well.
After this period all possible attention
was given to the trade union movement,
and the party itself has done everything
within its power to assist the trade unions
in their struggle, and we find that special
resolutions were adopted at the various
conventions of the German Social Demo-
cratic Party soliciting the active support
of the party for the trade union move-
ment.
I should not omit to mention the fact
that the party has never claimed that the
unions should assume a political character
or that they should become part and par-
cel of the party itself. Our Comrade Bebel
has repeatedly emphasized the necessity of
a politically neutral trade union movement
in order to be able to organize the workers
of all shades of faith.
The same view has at various times beer
expressed by the Executive Council of th
party. It has been left to the unions t
manage their own affairs and to choose
whatever tactics they consider best for
their work. (Applause.)
For a certain time after the recall of the
anti-Socialist law we had a number of
unions who called themselves Socialist
Unions, adopting the Socialist program.
However, they have never been thoroughly
recognized by the Socialist Party.
Their syndicalist tendencies became clear
about ten years ago, and the Manheim con-
vention of the Socialist Party, which was
held in 1906, decided that these unions
should have nothing to do with the party,
and that their followers should even be
expelled from the party if they would re-
fuse to join the neutral and centralized
trade unions. (Applause.) They were in-
deed expelled afterwards.
The so-called Socialist trade unions have
never been of any great importance since
the anti-Socialist law. It is scarcely pos-
sible to find anything accurate as to their
actual strength, for they refuse to publish
their details. I believe I am giving them
too much credit by saying they may prob-
/ 5'
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Ably number about five or six thousand
members in all Germany.
This does not amount to much in com-
parison with the 2,500,000 paying members
affiliated with our neutral or centralized
unions. In our German movement we have
no room for sabotage and similar syndical-
ist and destructive tendencies. (Great ap-
plause.)
In our what we call neutral or centralized
unions affiliated with the General Federa-
tion of Labor we at all times have refrained
from officially recognizing the Social Demo-
cratic Party. At the June convention of
the Socialist Party, held in 1905, it was
resolved that every member of the party
should be compelled to join his respective
trade union. (Applause.) That is to say,
one of the unions affiliated with our na-
tional central union, one of the neutral
unions.
Our party has never tried and never per-
mitted the creation of new or rival trade
unions, in spite of the many and somewhat
serious connections that have at times ex-
isted between the parties and our unions.
But the German party has always recog-
nized the trade union movement, and it has
developed owing to industrial and other
conditions prevailing in our country. The
Executive Council of the Social Democratic
Party works hand in hand with our Federa-
tion of Trade Unions, in order to prevent
new organizations, no matter on what pre-
text, being established, for this would mean
the disorganization of our labor movement.
This co-operation of the party and the
trade unions has largely benefited our
movement. It is also one of the main
causes of our success at the last general
election, with which you are certainly fa-
miliar, where, out of a total vote of eleven
million cast for fifteen different political
parties, we polled 4,500,000 votes for the
Social Democratic Party (applause), and
where, out of 397 members of the Reich-
stag, we elected 110 Socialists. (Applause.)
"We were indeed able to secure many suc-
cesses, but we are far from over-estimating
our real power. We do have many and
great obstacles in our way. Also they are
different from those you have to overcome
in this country. We are not only con-
vinced that Socialism is possible, but we
know equally well that the future of man-
kind absolutely depends upon Socialism.
'Applause.) We therefore must, and will,
-.vercome all difficulties and obstacles, no
matter what they are.
I am convinced that you, too, will be able
to do your share in this new work. I sin-
cerely hope, in the interest of the interna-
national Socialist movement that the pres-
ent convention will mark a further step
forward in this line. This depends largely
upon the perfect harmony and joint action
of our organizations in all countries, for the
labor movement is and will remain the only
rock on which capitalism is bound to go
to pieces, making room for Socialism. I
thank you. (Great applause.)
On motion of Del. Brown, of Washington,
a rising vote of thanks was given Com-
rade Legien for his address, and to Com-
rade Baumeister for his translation. Three
cheers were then given for Comrade Legien,
and a tiger for his secretary.
COMMUNICATIONS.
A telegram of greeting was received from
the Executive Committee of Elizabeth, N.
J., announcing the defeat of the commis-
sion government plan at a special election.
Other telegrams of greeting were re-
ceived from:
Russian Socialist Daily, New York.
Executive Committee, Russian Branches
of the Eastern States.
East Side Local, Wichita, Kans.
Jewish Branch No. 1, Cleveland, Ohio.
United Brewery Workmen's International
Union.
THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Harriman, of
California, has sent to the desk two tele-
grams addressed to him at this convention
hall referring to San Diego, and asks that
they be read. The Chair hears no objection.
The telegrams were then read.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move that these
two telegrams to Comrade Harriman be re-
ferred to the Executive Committee for im-
mediate consideration and action.
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I move to
amend that they report to this convention
this afternoon what action they take in
the matter.
The amendment was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and sec-
onded to amend by adding that the National
Executive Committee shall be instructed
to report to the convention upon this mas-
ter this afternoon.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I move to
amend the amendment, that the delegates
in convention here send a telegram imme-
diately to the Governor of California de-
manding protection for our comrades. The
amendment to the amendment was duly
seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair is of the
opinion that this is a separate motion,
which will be put after the motion and its
amendment have been disposed of.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I want to say
for the National Executive Committee that
we have taken action on the San Diego af-
fair. As to myself personally, I intend to
take it up in Congress as soon as I can
get back there. But, comrades, don't com-
pel the National Executive Committee to
do a thing that may not be the right thing.
Leave it to their judgment whether they re-
port to you this afternoon or tomorrow
morning. Supposing the National Executive
Committee desires to wire our comrades
in California, to the State Executive Com-
mittee, as to the actual conditions of affairs
there, why not give us time? Why should
we wire at once to the Governor of the
State? Why should we wire a capitalist
politician? Leave it to the National Execu-
tive Committee. If that committee does
not report by tomoriow you can take action.
If they are ready to report they will report
this afternoon. Moreover, I would not send
a telegram until the National Executive
Committee shall recommend the sending of
it. I would not do that. Moreover, as to
such a resolution it ought not to go to the
Resolutions Committee. I promise you that
if it be possible to take action this fore-
noon we will. Please withdraw your mo-
tion, Comrade Sadler, about compelling us
to report this afternoon.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is, by
Del. Wilson, of California, that the tele-
grams be referred to the National Execu-
tive Committee for immediate consideration
and action.
The motion was unanimously carried.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I move that
the convention of the Socialist Party here
assembled immediately send a telegram to
the Governor of California demanding that
he protect the rights of our comrades, and
of the working men of San Diego, and their
protection immediately.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): And one to
the President of the United States also.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
\6l
^
DELr. SPARGO (Vt): I rise in opposi-
tion to the motion not so much that I am
opposed to sending a telegram as suggested
as that I am opposed to doing it before the
action of the National Executive Commit-
tee is reported. When the National Execu-
tive Committee makes its report it may-
make such a report that this may be part of
its proposed action, or it may be felt un-
wise to do it. We know already that the
Governor of California took 'action in the
matter and sent a special agent to San
Diego to investigate affairs there. We
know already that the report of that agent
to the Governor has been confirmatory of
all that we allege as to the situation in
San Diego. So far as we can see now, and
I believe that point was brought before
the Executive Committee by some of the
comrades from California, the difficulty in
the situation is that there may be some
grand stand play by the Governor of Cal-
ifornia and I don't want the Socialist Party
to be a part of that grand stand play with-
out very earnest thought.
DEL. MOORE (Pa.): We had some ex-
perience in the Lawrence affair with a mat-
ter just ilke this. I went up to consult
Berger about it, and informed him of what
we had done. It is just as Comrade Spargo
has said, if we send a telegram to the Pres-
ident of the United States demanding that
he live up to his oath of office, which is to
protect the rights of citizens in this coun-
try from brutal interference by the author-
ities themselves, if we should do that in
San Diego at the present time, and do it in
a sensational way we should play into the
hands of the capitalist politicians. As
Comrade Berger has said, an hour or two's
delay will not make much difference, and if
they send the telegram having in their
possession correct information of the situa-
tion it will prevent sensational things be-
ing done by the Governor of California or
by the President of the United States and
we shall not have committed the Socialist
Party to any foolish or inconsiderate action.
DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): The argument
just presented by Comrade Moore, of Penn-
sylvania, does not seem to me to have suf-
ficient weight to prevent us sending this
telegram. What difference does it make to
the Socialists in convention assembled who
gets credit for what is being done? Are
we favoring some other candidate on the
Republican ticket? If we are paying too
much for prestige as a party regardless of
results, the rights of men are in danger,
their lives are in danger, their liberties are
being trampled upon, and I certainly favor
a telegram as proposed by Comrade Besse-
mer, that we immediately demand protec-
tion for our people. The men are in dan-
ger now. They are going to kidnap this
comrade who is very prominent in these
activities in San Diego. It is results that
we want. I don't care for tactics, it don't
bring results. I heartily favor the send-
ing of this telegram. Whether Taft is go-
ing to make political capital out of it, I
don't care. I want results. I want the rep-
resentatives of the working class who are
fighting in the class struggle in California
safeguarded. That is what we are here for,
working in the interest of the working
class, regardless of whether Taft or some-
body else gets credit for it.
DEL. COLLINS (Col.): I believe the
whole matter turns on the question
whether or not we should hold up the hands
of certain individuals when they have done
something that we believe is inadvisable.
I for one believe that there are many in-
dividuals in the Socialist Party who do
i ihings that I would not do in their place,
but if they get into a clash with the cap-
italist class I believe it is my duty to hold '
up their hands in season and out of sea-
son.
DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.): I think this
matter is likely to be misunderstood. The
State and Labor Council sent a committee,
together with the State Federation of La-
bor, to San Diego, to make an investigation
and report. They were all there at the
same time with the commissioner from the
Governor of the State and an investigation
was made and a report had. If you will
permit a delay until that report can be .
brought before you, or at least the sub- I
stance of it, you will then know how to
decide intelligently what you want to do.
I do not think this telegram is advisable in
the form that is proposed. I think we can
proceed to support those who are fighting
for these men with far greater force than
you will be able to proceed by seeking
favors from the Governor of California or
the President of the United States. I sim-
ply point out that if you will only wait un-
til the Executive Committee has had its
session you will not have reason to regret
it. .
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I wish to cor-
rect one statement made by Comrade Harri-
man. As long as Bessemer is in this move-
ment you will not hear of him soliciting
aid from any capitalist official. I put this
telegram in the form that we demand. We
have the right to demand. You are in-
formed here that there has been an investi-
gation. But the men there are in a serious
condition now. They need protection now.
If our comrade is in danger of being kid-
naped tonight sending a telegram tomor-
row would not be in time. I am not in fa-
vor of waiting for the Executive Commit-
tee to send a telegram or tell us what to
do. The Socialist Party in convention here,
and the delegates here, are a larger and
more powerful body and have more author-
ity than any Executive Committee. I would
hate to feel that the delegates here are in-
capable of deciding whether they want to
demand protection for the comrades in San
Diego. I say "send the telegram," and send
it demanding protection. We don't beg pro-
tection or solicit protection from them;
we demand it.
DEL. MALKIEL (N. Y.): Two days ago
we had a similar communication from Cali-
fornia. We referred it to the National
Executive Committee for immediate action,
with instructions to report back to us.
Comrade Berger informs us that they have
take action. Isn't it proper for them to re-
port to the convention what action they
have taken?
THE CHAIRMAN: If the National Ex-
ecutive Committee can report on that it
will be in order now.
SEVERAL DELEGATES: Move the pre-
vious question.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let the Chair state
the situation. Comrade Malkiel rises to a
point of information. That is not a point
of information. A point of information is
a question addressed to the Chair which
the Chair, in his capacity as Chairman, can
answer. The Chair gave an opportunity for
the Executive Committee to give an answer
if any member wished to give it. The in-
formation was not forthcoming. He gave
recognition to a delegate, not knowing what
he was going to do, and he moved the pre-
vious question. The only thing the Chair
can do is to put the previous question.
The previous question was carried.
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I rise
to favor the sending of the telegram. I
want to know just where we are at. Is it
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
possible that the Socialist Party has be-
come such a thing that we can no longer
/demand? Not very long ago we demanded
as a party the withdrawal of all troops
from the borders of Mexico. That was a
much greater demand than the demand we
are making now. There has come to us a
cry for assistance from those who are with
us in this class struggle. Is it possible
that we are going to delay action in order
that everything may be done in a respect-
able and perfectly proper manner? Or are
we as human beings going to listen to this
call for assistance and answer it in the only
way that we can answer it, by saying to the
authorities of California that we are with
our comrades in that fight? By all means
send this telegram, and also send one of
assurance to our comrades that those of us
in convention assembled are not only sit-
ting here listening to greetings but also
listening to cries for help from those who
are in the class struggle, and not dreaming
of it or talking of it.
DEL. LONDON (N. Y.): I rise against
the motion. This may be a Socialist con-
vention, but we are not therefore bound to
act like a bunch of fools. Let us conduct
our affairs in an orderly and rational man-
ner and not take immediate, ill-considered
action upon any telegram received from
some one outside of this convention hall.
We want to get more information from our
duly constituted committee. We have heard
Comrade Berger's request. We have heard
him state that he desires to look into the
matter, to be given an opportunity to ex-
amine and investigate. Moreover, I don't
believe much in a telegram that tells me
that somebody is going to be kidnaped.
That is nonsense on the face of it Some-
body is going to be kidnaped! Why the
very nature of kidnaping means secrecy.
People don't hire a brass band to announce
that they are going to kidnap somebody.
We are not a bunch of babies here. To be
revolutionary doesn't mean to be a fool.
That is all there is to this.
THE CHAIRMAN: The vote will now
be taken upon the motion of Comrade
Bessemer, of Ohio, that the convention im-
mediately send a telegram to the Governor
of California and to the President of the
United States demanding the protection for
the rights of our comrades.
A division having been called for, the mo-
tion of Del. Bessemer was declared lost by
a vote of ayes 102, noes 137.
DEL. PROSSER (Pa.): Relative to the
matter just voted upon, I move that tele-
grams be sent to the comrades of San Diego
acknowledging the receipt of their tele-
grams and assuring them of our support
at the earliest possible moment.
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved that tele-
grams be sent to the comrades of San Diego
assuring them of support at the earliest
possible moment.
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): We have just
voted down the only rational proposition.
Now you want to send a message of condol-
ence to the comrades there. Don't send
anything if you can't send something that
counts. Stand by your conservatism if you
want to be consistent.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: I have no particular
objection to the motion presented, but I
want to say this, that so far as the fight
for free speech in Los Angeles or San Diego
is concerned there is no doubt in this con-
vention that we support a legitimate fight
for free speech anywhere, all the time,
everywhere, but, Comrade Chairman, it may
be
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): A point of
order. Del. Rodriguez is not speaking to
the motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: I will rule that it is
not in order upon this particular motion to
discuss the nature of the free speech fight
in San Diego. I hope Comrade Rodriguez
will confine himself to the question before
us.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: This is a motion
that we send a telegram promising to give
them aid as soon as possible. I want to
know whether we will or not.
THE CHAIRMAN: I have made a ruling.
You may appeal to the ruling .
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: Let me understand
the Chair's ruling.
THE CHAIRMAN: My ruling is that it
is not in order at this time to take up the
discussion of the nature of the particular
fight now going on in San Diego.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: The motion, as I
understand it, is that we promise them our
immediate support.
THE CHAIRMAN: That we send them a
telegram acknowledging receipt of their
communications and assuring them of our
action at the earliest possible moment.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: Of our action or
support?
THE CHAIRMAN: The word was action,
as I understood it.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: If it says support I
contend that the merits of the controversy
ought to be considered. If it says support
then we are pledging our support and we
want to know what we are going to sup-
port.
THE CHAIRMAN: Do you want the res-
olution read, or do you appeal from the de-
cision of the Chair?
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: On the grounds I
have stated, I certainly do.
COM. HAYWOOD: Will you permit a
statement from the Executive Committee?
THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: The question
Is now on the appeal from the Chair. Com-
rade Rodriguez will state the grounds for
his appeal.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ: The motion as stated
is that we pledge our support uncondition-
ally without any limitation to the fight for
free speech in San Diego. I contend that
on a motion of that kind we have the right
to discuss the merits of that fight for free
speech before we adopt a motion to sup-
port that fight.
COM. HAYWOOD: Will you permit a
statement from the Executive Committee
that may finish this whole controversy?
THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: I don't think
that would be in order now without a mo-
tion from the floor. The Chair will state
the reason for his ruling.
THE CHAIRMAN: I ruled that a dis-
cussion of the merits of the fight now go-
ing on in San Diego was not in order at
this moment. I made this ruling with the
idea of expediting the business of the con-
vention and making it possible to carry on
that business in an intelligent manner.
This discussion,~ J if there is to be a discus-
sion, ought not to arise upon a mere ques-
tion of sending that telegram but ought to
arise when you get a report from your Na- -
tional Executive Committee- which you are
evidently going to get very soon. I think it
will be readily understood that a telegram
of this sort promises our support, not to
anything and everything that may have I
been done, but to a legitimate, free speech |
fight. I don't think, therefore, that it is 1
necessary at this time to consider every I
detail of that fight before we decide j
whether we will send the telegram.
By a vote of 148 to 46 the ruling of
the Chair was sustained.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
I A DELEGATE: I move that the whole
jiatter be laid upon the table until the
ational Executive Commiuee reports.
DEL. SFARGU (Vt.): To send a tele-
ram to the comrades of San Diego assur-
lg them of our support will not of itself
elp to get a single man out of jail or help
> keep a man from being put in jail. They
Bed no such assurance. They know it now.
hey were assured of it yesterday by a
legram which sent them $250. They will
i assured of it still more a little later
hen we send them a telegram with more
omey, as possibly the Executive Commit-
e will recommend. Don't waste your
oney sending idle telegrams. When you
nd a telegram today don't send one say-
g we are with you, but send a tcJegram
lying here is something to help you. If
e can't help them practically we surely
lght not to waste money sending idle tele-
rams. Let us wait for the report of the
xecutive Committee.
DEL. CALDWELL (Mass.): I move that
lis whole matter be laid on the table.
THE CHAIRMAN: By this whole mat-
r you mean the motion of Del. Prosser
om Pennsylvania to the effect that the
invention immediately send a telegram to
ie comrades in San Diego acknowledging
ceipt of their telegrams and assuring
iem of our support.
The motion to lay on the table was car-
ed.
DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): A point
■ order. My point of order is that there
too much demonstration from the gal-
rles.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is hardly a
>int of order. If the galleries forget
emselves too much the Chair will remon-
rate with them. We can not always re-
rain ourselves when we are in the gal-
ries. But the visitors in the galleries will
ndly refrain from interfering with the
liberations of the convention as much as
issible.
The Secretary reported the receipt of cre-
ntials from Allan Fields, Oklahoma;
orge Koop, J. O. Bentall and Guy Under-
Dod, Illinois. He also announced that
tarles Larney was no longer acting as
ternate for George Koop.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and see-
ded that the report on credentials be re-
ived. _
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): Do you
>an to say that when an alternate took
e place of a delegate in the opening of
e convention and that now that delegate
n replace the man who was on the job
Dm the beginning? •
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair so under-
DEL. KATE SADLER: I don't know
lether I am in order to make a motion
re
THE CHAIRMAN: You are in order
DEL. KATE SADLER: I move, that
lere an alternate has been on the job in
: convention from the beginning he be
oernized in this convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: The house can not
ter into a question of why a delegate
me late or wherether he or the alternate
the best delegate to represent the State.
DEL. KATE SADLER: I move you that
2 State take care of the expenses of that
THE CHAIRMAN: That motion is out of
ler at this time.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): While we
ve agreed to dispense with the printing
speeches we have not derided to dis-
use with the printing of the names of
jse who move or second resolutions. I
move that hereafter the names of the mov-
tiie minutes.
ers of resolutions or motions be printed in
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Slobodin
suggests that the names of delegates mak-
ing motions be recorded by the Secretary
in the minutes. Unless there is objection
the Secretary will do this so far as he finds
it /possible.
THE SECRETARY: We are working un-
der Robert's Rules of Order, which do not
require this. That is all.
THE CHAIRMAN: The house will tacitly
require this hereafter.
REPORT OF JEWISH SOCIALIST AGI-
TATION BUREAU.
THE CHAIRMAN: We have the report
of the Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau,
reported by the fraternal delegate of that
organization. That delegate desires that
it be read and incorporated in the minutes.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) : I move that
it be printed and placed on the table with
the other reports.*
The motion was seconded and carried.
REPORT OF AUDITING COMMITTEE.
The Chairman announced that the Audit-
ing Committee was ready to report, and
that the reporter for the committee asked
that some one else read the report, as ho
was suffering from a sore throat.
DEL. COSGROVE (Ohio): I want to
move, previous to the report being read,
in regard to the discussion of the report.
Under the rules we are allowed four hours
for the discussion of the report. I make
the motion that every one speaking on re-
ports present his name or her name in
writing to the Chairman, and that the ques-
tion be not called for until the delegates
who have presented their names to the
Chairman have spoken on the subject.
THE CHAIRMAN: Do you mean that in
the discussion of reports delegates desiring
to speak should send their names to the
Chairman, who shall keep the list of those
name in order, calling upon and recogniz-
ing delegates in that order?
DEL. COSGROVE: The reason I make
the motion is this: During the discussion
yesterday afternoon one side presented its
views very fully. I, as a delegate coming
here opposed to the proposition, voted
against it. We want to hear free discus-
sion of both sides of the question. One
side had given a full discussion, presenting
their views. The opposing side had re-
quested the floor on several occasions and
had been promised by the Chairman that
they would haVe the floor. But the previous
question was called for and the comrades
who had requested the floor we're not al-
lowed to speak. Now, I think it is always
customary, under parliamentary rules such
as govern the proceedings of this conven-
tion, that if a comrade requests the floor
previous to the question being called for,
he has the right to be heard. I think the
safest way, therefore, would be to have
the names presented to the Chairman in
writing and to adopt the rule that the ques-
tion shall not be allowed until the com-
rades who have requested the floor have
expressed their views on the matter before
the bouse.
THE CHAIRMAN: This is equivalent to
a motion to su^nond the rules, which will
require a two-thirds' vote to adopt it.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y): The rules pro-
vide that the time shall be divided as
V
Vtf- \
*The report is printed in full, Apw^ndix
O.— Editor.
/;
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
fairly as possible between the two sides
to a question. That leaves it to the discre-
tion and knowledge of the Chairman as to
the side on which the delegate desires to
speak. If he keeps a list and a large
crowd rushes up with their names the
Chairman must grant the floor in rotation
and the side that manages to get their
names in first will speak and then some-
body on that side will rise when his name
is called and move the previous question.
DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I move as an
amendment that in sending names to the
Chair the delegate shall designate the side
on which he wishes to speak and the Chair
shall select alternately one from each side
until the time arrives at which the vote
must be taken.
DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): Supposing I
am on neither side?
THE CHAIRMAN : I can not answer that
question.
DEL. SOLOMON :<N. Y.): The purpose
of the motion is to prevent the calling for
the previous question. The rules provide
that not more than four hours shall be al-
lowed for discussion on any question. This
means that whenever a delegate arises
whose name is on the list he can move the
previous question and you are in the same
position that you were before.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I want to
speak against the motion because it will be
very easy for a great number of names to
be placed up there in such a way that some
people will talk fifty times on this floor be-
fore they get away and others would not
have a chance to present their views at all.
I want to say right now that I am opposed
to anything of that kind, and that I am
opposed to any slates being arranged for
certain ones who have charge of this con-
vention. I want this convention to be left
open, and absolutely free. I am opposed
to anything being fixed up so that some
may get favors.
The previous question was then moved
and seconded.
DEL. COSGROVE: I want to speak in
support of my motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: After the previous
question is put the Chair will be compelled
to give you the floor in closing if you de-
sire it, but I hope the discussion will be
as short as possible.
The previous question was then ordered.
DEL. COSGROVE: The idea that I had
in view was this, that the names will be
received in rotation as presented. I don't
think that any one is going to present his
name a dozen times until those who have
presented them previously have had an op-
portunity to present their views. It is not
to suppress any discussion, nor to allow a
comrade to present his name so that he
may at any time call for the previous ques-
tion. The motion stated that all comrades
presenting their names should have the op-
portunity to speak before the previous
question is put.
DEL. REILLY (N. J.): I understand the
object in making this motion, but it is real-
ly unnecessary under the rules. Yester-
day in the debate on the commission form
of government the rules were not strictly
enforced. If the Chairman will enforce
the rules it will be unnecessary to have a
list of speakers sent up here. You have
four hours' talk on every subject that comes
up for discussion. I know in the Workmen's
Sick and Death Benefit Fund they kept a
speakers' list, and the last convention con-
tinued nineteen days owing to such a rule,
".-et the Chairman enforce the spirit of the
rule which is to divide the time as nearly
as possible, which he can do very readily
i side ]
each sii
by asking the delegate on which
wishes to speak and recognizing each
in rotation. This will accomplish the o
ject of the comrade from New Jersey a?
at the same time will not make it impo
sible for us to get through with our bus
ness in the time that we have fixed.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved and se
onded that the rules be suspended, ai
that it be provided that in the discussion >
reports delegates desiring the floor sha
send their names in writing to the Chai
man; that the Chairman shall keep a li
of such names and that the Chairman sha
recognize the delegates in the order
which their names have been received; ar
that when the previous question has bet
carried all those whose names are at th;
time upon the list shall nevertheless hai
the right to speak before the vote is take
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I rise to offer a
amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: No amendment is i
order. All in favor of suspending the rul<
will say aye. Those opposed, no.
The motion was lost.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I offer the follow
ing motion: That the previous questic
shall not be ordered until an opportunit
has been given an equal number of tl
speakers upon either side of the propos
tion under discussion to present the
views.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules ths
motion out of order for the reason that
is impossible to demand of a Chairma
authoritative knowledge whether a man
speaking for or against a proposition. Oi
rule states that so far as possible the Cha
shall recognize both sides equally, but yc
can not make a rule that an equal numb<
of persons shall be heard on both side
The report of the Auditing Committee wi
be presented.
The report of the Auditing Committ*
was then read.
To the National Convention of the Socia
ist Party:
Comrades — We, your Audit Committer
beg to make the following report:
Th'e books of the National Office are n<
at the convention, and it is not possible 1
make an Audit at this time.
We find that the books from the precec
ing audit were audited on April 1st, 191:
by the Paine and Bock Audit Company c
Chicago, selected by the National Execute
Committee, and we herewith submit the:
report with recommendations made b
them.
AUDIT OF NATIONAL OFFICE FI-
NANCES.
Telephone Randolph 2592.
Telephone Automatic 62-422.
PAINE & BOCK AUDIT CO.,
Not Inc.
Public Accountants and Auditors.
546 Commercial National Bank Building
Corner Adams and Clark Sts.
Chicago, April 25, 1912.
National Executive Committee, The Social
ist Party, Chicago, 111:
Gentlemen — In accordance with your it]
structions we have audited the books o
the National Office of the Socialist Fart
for the period September 1, 1911, to Apri
1, 1912, and submit herewith, as of Apri
1, 1912:
General Ledger Trial Balance, Nations
Office Statement of Assets and Liabilities
National Office General Ledger Trial Hal
ance, Lyceum Department Statement o
Assets and Liabilities, Lyceum Departmenl
all of which we hereby certify to be correel
MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
1
Our audit comprehended the following:
Verified Entries of Cash Received and
Distribution of Same with Stubs of Secre-
tary's Receipts.
Verified Enteries of Cash Paid and Distri-
bution of Same, with Cancelled Checks and
Receipts for Expenditures.
Verified Footings of Cash Received.
Verified Footings of Cash Expenditures.
Verified Mileage Reserve Fund in Sepa-
rate Bank Account.
Checked Cash Book and Journal Postings
to General Ledgers.
We counted the cash in the hands of the
STational Office cashier and Lyceum Depart-
nent cashier on April 11, 1912, and found
.he same correct.
We made bank reconciliations under date
)f March 31, 1912, and found that the sum
otal of the checks outstanding, added to
he balance shown by the cash books,
greed with the balances shown by the
tank statements on that date, with the ex-
eption of the National Office account,
vhich exceeded the bank balance by $0.80.
We suggest that the bank exchange be
>aid at the end of each month instead of
aily, as is your custom. The bank will
harge your account with the exchange for
he month, which can be verified with the
ass book.
i We recommend that a "petty cash" ac-
i ount be opened in the general ledger,
u harging same with a sufficient amount to
i onstitute a working or petty cash fund;
ame to be reimbursed from time to time
y a voucher covering O. K.'d memoranda.
check is drawn (covering the total of
isbursements), cashed and the fund re-
ored to the original amount.
We recommend that a regular form of
ay roll book be used, the same to be ap-
roved at the time salaries are paid.
We further recommend that separate
:>oks be used for cash received and cash
lid, which will facilitate the work and be
ss expensive than your present method.
We also suggest that a date be fixed each
jar for the closing of the books.
We recommend that a book be used for
ie purpose of listing the furniture and
ctures and the cost. This book should be
agreement with the furniture and fixture
count in the general ledger. A perpetual
ventory of this kind will be very valuable
ase of fire.
We also recommend that a more up-to-
Xe system of billing be adopted in order
save time and expense.
Respectfully submitted,
PAINE & BOCK AUDIT CO.,
By H. S. Paine.
)CIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD-
QUARTERS.
3NERAL LEDGER TRIAL BALANCE,
APRIL 1, 1912.
Dr. Cr.
ceum Department. .$ 3,047.22
leage Reserve Fund 9,235.89
itstanding Accounts 1,319.09
ganizers 1,070.21
as. H. Kerr Co $ 161.25
uis Kopelin Press
Bureau 340.00
•propriations 1,770.00
sh in Bank and on
Sand 7,596.55
bscription Cards... 780.00
mmission on Sub-
scription Cards 120.00
tional Dues 34,129.10
itionery and Sup-
plies 2,830.99
nting and Litera-
ture, 1911 3,379.96
Printing, 1912 5,704.18
Literature, 1912
Buttons 174.21
Campaign Fund
Furniture and Fix-
tures 1,809.63
Refund 17.71
National Executive
Committee 847.45
Express and Freight.. 1,563.42
Postage 2,336.14
Rent 703.33
Exchange 65.7-0
General Expense 366.19
Telegrams and Tele-
phone 235.31
Wages 7,263.36
Organizing 2,891.13
Donations and Collec-
tions
Discount
H. G. Adair
Empire Paper Com-
pany
A. B. Dick Company
B. W. Heubsch
MacMillan Company
James H. O'Neil Com-
pany
F. J. Kain & Son
P. F. Pettibone & Co. .
Partridge & Anderson
Saul Bros
John F. Jordan
Sullivan-Blakely Com-
pany
Tarentum Paper Mills
H o r d e r's Stationery
Store
Milwaukee Social Dem.
Pub. Company
Equity Series
The Elliott Company
Sub. Card Appropri-
tion 50.00
Appropriation, Organ-
izing 3,106.28
Appropriation, Press
Bureau 100.00
U. S. Express Com-
pany
Eagle Stamp Works
Pilcher-Hamilton Com-
pany
George H. Doran Com-
pany
J. W. Butler Paper
Company
Joshua Wanhope
Globe Engraving &
Electro. Company
Charged Off Accounts. 97.40
National Office, Net
Balance
2,702.62
59.85
921.59
101.72
681.50
4.00
24.30
.75
>pt
180.0 nd -
322.50 a
10.34 s l
41.25 ,f
38.50 e
2.25
9.74
23.45
47.75
/ 12.50
1.10
353.19
1.75
117.48
1.29
15.09
30.00
25.00
15,259.78
$57,051.35 $57,051.35
SOCIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD-
QUARTERS.
STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILI-
TIES, APRIL 1, 1912.
ASSETS.
Cash in Bank and on Hand $ 7,596.55
Mileage Reserve Fund 9,235.89
Outstanding Accounts 1,319.09
Subscription Cards 780.00
Stationery and Supplies 2,830.99
Literature 3,379.96
Buttons 174.21
Furniture and Fixtures 1,809.63
Lyceum Department 3,047.22
Organizers 1,070.21
$31,243.75
i
1IOXAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
LIABILITIES.
G. Adair $ 681.50
ipire Paper Co 4.00
B. Dick Co 24.30
Heubsch .75
MacMillan Co 1.26
H. O'Neil Co 180.00
F. J. Kain & Son 322.50
P. F. Pettibone Co 10.34
Partridge & Anderson .45
Saul Bros 41.25
John F. Jordan 38.50
Sullivan-Blakely Co. . 2.25
Tarentum Paper Mills 9.74
Horder's Stationery Store 23.45
Social Democratic Pub. Co 47.75
Equity Series 12.50
The Elliott Co 1.10
U. S. Express Co 353.19
Eagle Stamp Works 1.75
Pilcher-Hamilton Co 117.48
Geo. H. Doran Co 1.29
J. W. Butler Paper Co 15.09
Joshua Wanhope 30.00
Globe Eng. & Electro. Co 25.00
Chas. H. Kerr Co 161.25
Appropriations 1,770.00
let Difference Between Receipts
- and Disbursements 12,107.28
• ational Office, Net Balance 15,259.78
$31,243.75
SOCIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD-
QUARTERS.
GENERAL LEDGER TRIAL BALANCE,
LYCEUM DEPARTMENT,
APRIL 1, 1912.
Dr.
Cr.
National Office
!
> 3,047.22
Field Subscription..
383.00
Miscellaneous Sub-
scription
243.37
Lecturers' Expense . $
i3.602.96
Organizers' Expense
5,738.59
Donations and Col-
lections
478.31
Special Lectures....
1,024.09
Slides
39.93
Discount
42.98
Refund
.25
Printing
12,063.41
Rent
209.90
Stationery and Sup-
plies
735.87
Telephone and Tele-
graph
349.92
Office Fixtures.
850.19
Postage
1,736.97
17.85
Wages
6,261.52
1,969.36
Freight and Express
General Expense....
99.89
Cash in Bank and
On Hand
4,572.35
Local Refund
5.80
J. W. Slayton
267.76
Lena M. Lewis
358.75
Anna A. Maley
287.94
Ralph Korngold . . .
334.93
Walter J. Millard...
229.12
A. Cantrell . . .
760.00
George H. Goebel . . .
615.83
A. W. Ricker
254.86
Mi la T. Maynard. ..."
215.31
Phil. Callery
376.27
A. P>. Baker
22.45
James Maurer
100.00
N. A. Richardson. . .
182.65
E. Untermann
262.94
R. A. Maynard
187.17
George D. Brewer. .
516.65
H. W. Spears
147.05
Frank Bohn
202.78
P. S. Brown 275.55
Ernest Moore
J. W. Butler
Horder's Stationery
Store
F. J. Kain & Sons
Partridge & Anderson
G. B. Williams
Battershall & Oleson
Trade Circular Ad-
vertising Company
Pennsylvania 22.00
Accounts Receiv-
able 110,856.73
Subscription Cards
Commission 2,424.95
Cost of Subscription 25,700.34
134.23
1.12
38.80
48.00
.60
.60
2.00
6.00
187,405.91
$192,856.48 $192,856.48
SOCIALIST PARTY, NATIONAL HEAD-
QUARTERS.
STATEMENT OF ASSETS AND LIABILI-
TIES, LYCEUM DEPARTMENT,
APRIL 1, 1912.
ASSETS.
Cash in Bank and On Hand $ 4,572.35
Outstanding Accounts 110,856.73
Furniture and Fixtures
Slides
Stationery and Supplies
Pennsylvania
850.19
39.93
735.87
22.00
$117,077.07
LIABILITIES.
National Office $
Ernest Moore
J. W. Butler
Horder's Stationery Store
F. J. Kain & Sons
Partridge & Anderson
G. B. Williams
Battershall & Oleson
Trade Circular Adv. Co
Net Difference Between Receipts
and Disbursements 113
,047.22
134.23
1.12
38.80
48.00
.60
.60
2.00
6.00
,798.50
$117,077.07
The outstanding accounts in above state-
ment represent subscription cards sent out;
and not yet paid for or returned.
(Note by National Secretary — Part of the
above recommendations have already been
adopted. The others .n my power to adopt
will be adopted in due course. As for the
one about having a fixed date each yeaf
for auditing the books, I recommended it
in the annual report in January, and have
again recommended it in my report to the
National Convention.)
The Audit Committee desires to state
that it is not practicable to attempt to
audit books of the National Office at Na-
tional Conventions. The work can only be
done by expert accountants, and even such
cannot take the books at the beginning ot
a convention, and report before its close.
We, therefore, recommend that the books
of the National Office be audited in Janu-
ary and July by a regularly incorporated
accounting company, selected by the JM^J
tional Executive Committee.
Respectfully submitted,
M. E. FRITZ,
S. E. GARRISON,
FRED BENNETTS,
WM. A. WARD,
OSCAR H. BLASE.
DEL. MERRILL (N. Y.): I move thj
the report be accepted and the recommendf
tions of the committee be concurred in.
The motion was seconded and carried.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
1
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FARMERS'
PROGRAM.
THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of
business is the report of the Committee on
Farmers' Program. Comrade A. M. Simons,
reoorter for that committee, has the floor.
COM. SIMONS: I may say in preface'
that a great deal of work has been placed
upon this and we have tried to present a
program short enough and general enough
in its provisions to be adopted by the con-
vention. I will read the report.*
DEL. DUFFY (N. Y.): I move that this
report be adopted as a whole and that the
recommendations be concurred in.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to
amend that the report be accepted and that
the recommendations be taken up seriatim.
COM. SIMONS (Kans.): I desire to speak
to the motion. I have come with this same
proposition before every convention of the
Socialist party held in the United States
since the Socialist party was established.
I came before the first one that was ever
held in the United States, the first conven-
tion held at Indianapolis, and since that
time, year after year, we have fought over
this question. I have changed my own po-
sition on the question every time that I
found a new fact which showed me that I
was wrong in my former position, and this
report is very much at variance with some
that I have given before, because of the
fact that in the last ten years there has
been a complete change in the evolution of
farm industries.
Ten years ago I said — and I said correct-
ly — that there was not anywhere in the
United States any sign that the concentra-
tion in farming would follow the lines that
it had followed in factory industry, at least
in any appreciable time. It was more like
a geological process. But the last ten years
has brought not only the disappearance of
the frontier — and when that disappeared in
America it had disappeared in the entire
world, so that today we are no longer an
agricultural exporting country; today we
are no longer the granary of the world, and
all through Europe the question of where
the food of the world is coming from is be-
coming a tremendous pressing problem.
And behind that we find one of the causes
of the tremendous rise in the cost of living.
That fact has been reflected in this tre-
mendous rise in the price of land that has
transformed every little farmer, owner of
his farm, into a land speculator. His in-
come from the ownership of his farm as a
speculator has been greater than his in-
come from his ownership as an operator.
Because of that fact he has now largely
left the farm and is turning it over to a
race of tenants. Coming along with that
is the movement, now practically but three
years old, for the introduction of other
than animal power in the operation of the
farm.
More than forty years ago the first steam
plow was shown, but only within the last
three years has it been effective. A few
months ago I went into one of the great
manufacturies of these plows. The head of
the company took me through twenty-three
acres of factory, where three years before
were open fields and houses, and every acre
of that factory was devoted to the building
of great farm tractors. With the disap-
pearance of the horse and with the com-
ing of these great mechanical powers, with
the tremendous increase in the cost of liv-
ing, we are now confronted with a new
*The report is printed in full, appendix
dix D.— Editor.
problem of the farm, and it is time that
we awoke to it.
Now, the recommendations that we make
here we have made to relieve two classes,
practically, the class of farm tenants and
the class of farm laborers. We bring in
little concerning the farm laborers because
they are covered by our regular recom-
mendations in our regular platform and in
our regular action. We take up the ques-
tion of this land ownership and this ques-
tion of the enormous increase in the value
of land. Some of you are. going to be
frightened because you catch a phrase there
which you may think we borrowed from
the single tax program. But I hope that no
one will bring that up until he has read
again the Communist Manifesto, because
long before Henry George ever heard of
"Progress and Poverty" that principle had
been incorporated in the Communist Mani-
festo. So I hope that unless you are will-
ing to repudiate that Communist Manifesto
you will not pick on that proposition.
We say that if you take out the specula-
tive value you will do away with this enor-
mous increase in farm tenantry.
In the second place, we ask you to adopt
our third demand. That is a new demand.
It was expressed two years ago, but it is a
new one to be presented to any Socialist
party in the world. But I was surprised
to have called to my attention by one of
the comrades on the floor that Comrade
Kautsky a little while ago surrendered his
entire former position on this question and
had declared that the time had now come
for the Socialist movement to stand for the
socially owned farm.
I believe the Socialist party can come
out and stand for the establishment by the
county organization and by the state organ-
ization of socially operated farms. Do you
realize that it has been repeatedly dis-
cussed in the United States Department of
Agriculture that they should establish ex-
perimental farms? We want something en-
tirely different. We want a farm that shall
be not primarily experimental, but one pri-
marily productive, operated by society and
which shall constitute a means of con-
trolling rents and controlling farm labor by
making it impossible to force wages down
as they may be by private competition.
We propose to make this the foundation of
social production by giving us a grip upon
the source of food supply.
The other items are, on the whole, self-
explanatorv. Two years ago I finished my
talk on this subiect by asking you not to
adopt in the platform the report that I
brought in, because I thought that we did
not know vet what we stood for. Since
that time the States of Oklahoma, North
Dakota, South Dakota, Texas, and, I pre-
sume, others have put farm progress in
their state platforms. They are going
ahead. The farmers are going to get into
the Socialist party and fight for Socialism
whether we want them or not.
A DELEGATE: They are doing it now!
COM. SIMONS: Yes, that reminds me
that the farmers from Texas are beginning
to organize unions among the tenants; are
beginning to fight on the economic and po-
litical field exactly the same sort of strug-
gle that we are battling in the factory,
in the mill, in the mine and in the store.
Now, then, I say that those comrades are
taking up that subject. It is time that we
struck out some lines nationally. It is time
that we laid down principles that would
apply to this class as well as to all di-
visions of the working class. We have
spent thousands and thousands of dollars
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
to reach the trade unionists, and I want
more sp^nt in that, way; but there are only-
two millions of them; we have spent all
our resources on that small fraction, in the
effort to reach the few mechanical and
other industries, and no one of them has
anywhere near the number of workingmen
and women that are to be found upon the
farms of this country.
Take hold of this program; criticize it;
tear it to pieces if you can. But I do hope
that before you leave this hall you will
say that, as for the Socialist party of the
United States, we are going to take a stand
at least ahead of the insurgents and prog-
ressives and radicals, who are trying today
by every possible means to capture the
vote of the small farmer and build up a
peasant proprietorship in the United States;
I do hope that we are going to take a step
ahead of them; that we are going to make
the Socialist party of America the actual
expression on the political field of the en-
tire working class, of the entire human
race.
Comrades, we stand today at the parting
of the ways. We are making tremendous
inroads into the factory workers. The only
.hope that capitalism has to sweep back the
on-rolling tide of revolution is to bank up
against us the workers of the farm. To
them they are appealing; to them they are
offering everything that capitalism can of-
fer to stay on the backs of the workers.
We must go to the farmer and show him
that he can not be relieved while he is
being ridden by the capitalist class and
that we alone come to him with the gospel
of freedom, of liberty, of emancipation, of
social ownership, of everything necessary
to the production of wealth and the sat-
isfaction of life.
THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: The hour of 1
o'clock having arrived, the convention
stands adjourned.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Chairman Lee called the convention to
order at 2:30 p. m.
COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION.
The tellers reported the following vote
on the standing Committee on Education,
the candidates being the seven highest:
May Wood Simons, 174.
George R. Kirkpatrick, 166.
Emil Seidel, 160.
Frank Sanford, 124.
Caroline Pratt, 122.
John C. Kennedy, 115.
Warren Atkinson, 109.
The foregoing delegates were declared
elected as the standing Committee on Edu-
cation.
FARMERS' PROGRAM.
THE CHAIRMAN: The report of the
Committee on Farmers' Program has been
made. There is a motion to adopt the re-
port as a whole. There is a substitute mo-
tion to receive the report and consider the
recommendations seriatim. Comrade Ohsol,
of Massachusetts, has the floor.
DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I wish to speak
against the adoption of the report as a
whole for this reason: There is a confusion
in points 1, 2 and 7.
Point No. 1 does not state whether the
Socialist party aims to introduce land own-
ership as a Socialist institution. The land
is left out from the other means which
should be socially owned. It infers that
land ownership will be something different,
that land will be owned by private owners,
whether that be the intention or not, in
there.
And in the second clause you see that
land cannot be used by those who do not
till it. Consequently it is natural that the
only title to land — that means also the
ownership of land — will be in the hands of
those who occupy and till it. That means
the support of small farmers and nothing
else; the same thing which has been dis-
cussed all over and has been rejected by
the Social Democratic party of Germany
and also in Russia and also in a whole lot
of countries where agrarian reforms have
been considered as a whole.
This recommendation promises the wage
earners in the last clause, the seventh, that
they will be better off. Just why they
will be better off if live stock is insured
. and they will not be insured according to
the program, I do not know. There is noth-
ing which states that we should organize
the farm hands and try to better their
condition. It only deals with farmers and
small occupants. We must distinguish be-
tween those two points. The Socialist
party is a party of the working class. It
does not undertake to relieve the burdens
of all classes of society. However, we take
it that there are some classes that will still
suffer. What the farmers may want in one
State they may not want in another State.
What they may want in one county they
may reject in another. In Mexico they
demand confiscation of the land. In this
country they would reject that proposition.
In one country they would stand for small
ownership and in another country they
would stand against it. In one there might
be one thing proper and in another some-
thing different. Therefore, a policy should
be adopted that is consistent. We are deal-,
ing with principles, and not with a pro-
gram. A program must contain only those
demands which the Socialist party as a
working class party means to carry out,
and not the wishes of this or that class,
whether they are small farmers, grocery
keepers or any stratum of society. We
must distinguish between form of owner-
ship and forms of tillage. Those things
are entirely different. The form of own-
ership may be state or national ownership,
but the form of tillage must adapt itself
to the means of production and the machin-
ery we use and the form of distribution
we are dealing with. These are confused
in the report. It leaves the tenancy and-
occupancy to those who are tilling, and it?
tries to unite those who cannot be united. ;
In Canada the ownership is concentrated J
and tillage of some kinds has entirely dis-
integrated. The land may be tilled by small,
farmers having 50 acres or 160 acres.
At this point Del. Ohsol was interrupted"
and called to the platform. In reply to a>l
question the Chairman stated that the mat-
ter before the house was, first the motion*
by Del. Duffy (N. Y.) to adopt the report;
as a whole, and next the substitute, motion ,
by Del. Slobodin (N. Y.) to receive the re-^
port and act upon the recommendations
seriatim.
DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to make a.
point of order. I do not want to interrupt <
the comrade who is speaking, but since he]
has been interrupted, I will make it. WH
must dispose first of the amendment, and*
if the amendment is adopted, then we Willi
discuss it seriatim and the comrade willi
speak on such plank as is under discussion. 1
If the amendment is defeated, then his gen-;
eral argument will be in order.
THE CHAIRMAN: Is Comrade Merrill-
willing to accept the substitute?
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
6t
DEL. MERRILL (N. Y.): Comrade Mer-
111 is willing- to accept it.
THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec-
ion to the acceptance of the substitute?
?he motion before the house then is that
he report be received and the propositions
.cted upon seriatim. In the discussion of
hese propositions necessarily it will not be
»ossible to restrict a speaker to one par-
icular recommendation at a time. We will,
towever, as rapidly as the house sees fit,
ome to a vote upon the recommendation
f the committee. Then after recommenda-
ion one has been adopted or rejected it will
lot be in order to discuss any more than is
.bsolutely necessary that recommendation,
.■"he speakers will strive as far as possible
o adhere to the seriatim method of dis-
ussion, but the Chair will not attempt to
nforce it absolutely.
DEL. OHSOL: I will confine my remarks
3 the first clause.
DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I want to find
ut if he is discussing - the subject or the
ody of the report.
THE CHAIRMAN: The technical matter
5 still felt to be Comrade Slobodin's mo-
on. The motion is to receive the report
id act upon the recommendations seriatim,
there is no objection, I will put that mo-
on.
The motion was put and carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before
ie house now is the adoption of the first
commendation. Comrade Ohsol has the
)or, but in the discussion of the first rec-
nmendation he will, of course, have to dis-
ss it in relation to those which are to
How, but he will adhere as closely as pos-
61e to the first.
DEL. OHSOL: I am now going- to pass
the first clause, because it leaves out
ads. It is impossible to own socially
ose big storage plants, those means of
insportation, if you do not own the land
lelf upon which those storage plants and
lier means are erected. That is one thing.
e other thing is that if the farmers own
id they are supposed to produce for sub-
itence only, not for the market. That is
3 only possibility to keep the occupant
t of competition, out of the large world
.rket. As long as you produce for the
.rket, for those storage plants and for
>se means of transportation you have to
ire some control over this method of pro-
2tion. That is the only possible way to
,roduce co-operative action, which will be
j/erned by the next clause if you own
|i land. As a matter of fact, all Socialist
•ties have come to that view. The Ger-
n Socialist party started to debate on
agrarian question in 1S70 and from time
time till 1908, when it was postponed.
3 only recommendation which has been
ught out thus far was that of Comrade
utsky at one of the various German So-
ist assemblies, that the land should be
iied by the state. If you take the pres-
state you cannot possibly leave any pri-
e ownership of land, and for that reason
small farmers in Germany and else-
?re have become bankrupt. For that rea-
they have not been able to pay with the
minery owned by } large land owners.
the second place, chey have become
rived of those bankers who advanced
n money under mortgages, and_ those
tgages can now be taken by application
the State at a lower percentage, and
3 the farmer can be relieved of large
ments he has heretofore had to pay to
ate owners of capital or bankers.
he next recommendation which has heen
3 far advanced is the abolishment of all
those restrictions which try to tie the farm-
er with a certain form of taxation. You
cannot possibly distinguish between land
which they own themselves and land which
is privately owned by mere land owners,
and if that is the case you leave private
ownership of land.
DEL. MORGAN (Minn.): A point of or-
der. I understand that now we are dis-
cussing the first clause.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair has clear-
ly stated that in the discussion of the first
section it will be impossible to prevent the
.speakers from considering the later sec-
tions.
DEL. MORGAN: But he is discussing
the second now.
THE CHAIRMAN: He is undoubtedly
discussing that in connection with the
other. The only result of supporting the
point of order would be that Comrade
Ohsol would have a right to get up eight
times and have altogether forty minutes to
speak instead of five. We will get along
much more expeditiously by not insisting
on the point of order.
DEL. OHSOL: Cut out "land" from the
first section, which means transportation
and storage, and it means that you have to
confine yourselves either to land owners or
land tenants. Now, if you introduce such
a form of ownership you will have to have
tenants of the State and you will have to
care for them. You can supervise and lay
down the conditions of tenantry, either 30
years or more. You can lay down condi-
tions of tillage of the soil, but as soon as
you do you introduce an actual form of own-
ership. So you leave this to them, or you do
not recognize any form of property. What
is the use of singling out land from all
other means of production? Small stores
and small shops are also tools of produc-
tion which are used now, and which are also
now in the stage of tenantry. The ma-
chinery trust, for instance, the United
States Shoe Machinery firm, adapts its ma-
chinery to small shoe makers, and this is
actually the same thing which happens
with the land. Therefore I say, let us
adopt such a policy as will better the con-
dition of those who till the soil — not the
farm owners, but the farm laborers. (Ap-
DEL.'CASSIDY (N. Y.): Yesterday when
we discussed a question it appeared that
some who spoke had no special knowledge
of the subject. I trust that today only
those who are real farmers and who have
made some special study of this subject
will talk on the question. I am a printer
by trade and a city worker. I believe the
subject is one of the most intense interest
and greatest significance to the Socialist
movement. Now, as a printer and a city
worker, I want to get the inside facts. I
realize its importance, and I trust that the
bookkeepers and stenographers and all
others who have no real knowledge on the
subject will keep silent. (Applause.)
DEL. WILLS (Okla.): I want to speak
against the adoption of that report of the
committee in its present form. I am an
actual farmer. I must say that I compli-
ment the committee for bringing in such an
elaborate report, and I will say this, that
with few exceptions I have very little to
sav against it. But in its present form I
agree with the Comrade who has just
spoken, that it is necessary to mention that
we distinctly demand the collective owner-
ship of land. (Applause.) The Oklahoma
delegation feels that this question would
have been discussed in a much better man-
ner if this subject had been referred to a
/ 70
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
committee of farmers to consult with the
present committee. I must say, personally,
: said before, that this committee, in
view of the fact that they have not an
actual farmer among- them, have done a re-
markably good job. (Applause.) I want to
compliment them. We are discussing now
the first section, I understand, Comrade
Chairman. Am I permitted to make my ob-
jections to the other sections?
DELEGATES: Yes, go ahead.
DEL.. WILLS: I think it would have a
tendency to facilitate business if we had a
committee elected composed of say four or
five farmers — I believe I am the only one
of our delegation — to confer 'with this com-
mittee. It would save a great amount of
discussion, I believe, and we could get our
position before this body in a better way
Therefore, I move you as an amendment
that we appoint a committee of five farm-
ers, delegates to this convention, to con-
fer with this committee and bring in a re-
port as soon as possible. (Seconded )
THE CHAIRMAN: At this convention?
DEL. WILLS: Yes.
A DELEGATE: A committee of farm-
ers?
THE CHAIRMAN: A committee of five
composed of farmers.
The previous question was ordered, and
the motion of Del. Wills to elect a commit-
tee of five was carried.
The following nominations for this com-
mittee were made, all of the delegates
named accepting:
Wills, of Oklahoma.
Sherman, of Oregon.
Theinert, of Rhode Island.
Nash, of Minnesota.
Beloit, of Idaho.
L. L. Rhodes, of Texas.
Grant, of North Dakota.
Caldwell, of Pennsylvania.
Coonrod, of Idaho.
THE CHAIRMAN: You will remember
that you are to nominate only actual farm-
ers. The Chair takes it that every delegate
who has accepted is an actual farmer at the
present time because that was the meaning
of the motion. There are nine candidates.
Del. Hillquit moved that the nine nom-
inees stand as the ' committee. Seconded
and carried.
THE SAN DIEGO SITUATION.
THE CHAIRMAN: The convention this
morning referred a certain matter to the
National Executive Committee with in-
structions to report this afternoon. The
report of the National Executive Commit-
tee on that subject takes precedence of the
regular order of business, and Comrade
Harriman for the National Executive Com-
mittee has the floor.
Del. Harriman, on behalf of the National
Executive Committee, presented the follow-
ing^ report and accompanying telegrams:
REPORT OP THE NATIONAL EXECU-
TIVE COMMITTEE.
The Executive Committee met in extend-
ed session. The San Diegx) situation was
thoroughly discussed and the following ac-
tion finally taken:
1st. A contribution of $250 has been sent
to the State Committee of the Socialist
party of California for San Diego.
2nd. The report on the situation by Com-
rade N. A. Richardson has been circulated
and an appeal for funds accompanies it.
3rd. We propose that the following tele-
grams be ed at once to the Gov-
ernor of California, to the Secretary of the
Building Trades Council of California, to
the Executive Committee of the American
Federation of Labor of California and to t
State Executive Committee of the Sociali
party of California.
The following is the telegram to Gover
or Johnson:
"To His Excellency, Hiram Johnson, Go
ernor of California, Sacramento, Cal.:
"Sir — The Socialist party of the Unit
States in convention assembled demand th
you render immediate assistance to the c
izens of San Diego, to the end that the
rights may be preserved and order restore
We have wired all labor organizations
the State to co-operate with you to this er
We urge you to release immediately the i
port on the situation by Commission
Weinstoek, so that the entire citizenship
the State may know the facts."
"To Paul Sherinberg, Secretary State Fe
eration of Labor, and to O. A. Tweitmc
Secretary-Treasurer State Building Trad
Council of California, San Francisco, Ca
"Dear Comrade — The Socialist party
the United States in convention assembl
extends to the working class of Californ
in their fight in San Diego their united syr
, pathy and support.
"We have wired the Governor, urging hi
to render instant relief to the citizens
San Diego and to release the Weinstoek r
port relating thereto.
"We ask that the State Federation
Labor, Building Trades Council and the S
cialist party co-operate in urging the Go
ernor to act. We have issued an apoeal
the Socialists of the United States f
funds."
TO THE STATE EXECUTIVE COMMI'
TEE OF THE SOCIALIST PARTY
OF CALIFORNIA.
"The Socialist party of the United Stat
in convention assembled has endorsed tl
action of the N. E. C. in sending you $2!
, in cash to be used in the fight in San Dieg
Telegram has been forwarded to the Go
ernor of the State asking him to release t]
Weinstoek report. You are requested
foflow our telegram by an urgent appe
from your committee on the same subjec
The report of Comrade N. A. Richards<;
has been published and an appeal for fun<
issued to the party membership. The coj
vention urges you to act at once and to c
all in your power to assist in the situi
tion."
DEL. HARRIMAN: I suggest the add
tion to the telegram of the following wordj
"And that you co-operate with the Sta'
Federation of Labor and the State Buildil
Trades Council to this end." This is tl
report, and I move its adoption. (Seconded
DEL. IRVIN (Okla.): I want to ask
question of Comrade Harriman. Why "cit
zens of San Diego"?
DEL. HARRIMAN: We do not refer oifl
to the working class of San Diego.
DEL. IRVIN: They are not citizens |
San Diego.
DEL. HARRIMAN: Well, they are ctt
zens so far as a great many of us ever W
come citizens, because they are men wt
are migratory, and we meant it to inclwj
the entire party involved. The reason M
put "citizens" in there was that it was*
my mind that the persecutions there extel
to a great many people. Some of them a
merchants, but most of them belong to til
working class, and we meant their interem
and their rights to be preserved by this a|
tion, and we are all standing together the*
That was the only purpose.
DEL ZITT (Ohio) : I move to am6T|
that in the telegram the word "urge" J
substituted for the word "demand." (3f\
onded.)
^
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
EL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I wish
to ask if there was not another labor or-
ganization in danger or in the fight?
THE CHAIRMAN: The chair can answer
ov |no such question.
DEL. SADLER: May I ask Comrade
Harriman that question then?
THE CHAIRMAN: If Comrade Harri-
Ll f man chooses to answer the inquiry he may
do so.
DEL. SADLER: Wasn't there another or-
ganization specified? You have only men-
tioned one.
DEL. HARRIMAN: They were all in the
"^scraps, and the money that is sent and the
assistance that is solicited by the State
Federation of Labor, Building Trades Coun-
cil and Socialist Party goes to San Diego
,°jto defend them all, no matter who.
DEL. KATE SADLER: Then I would
amend that we include a telegram to the
Industrial Workers of the World, who are
also in the fight. (Applause.)
DEL. HARRIMAN: There is also a tele-
gram to be sent to the comrades in San
Diego stating what we have done. I sug-
gest that that be incorporated in the report,
that a telegram be sent to the San Diego
comrades stating to them what is our ac-
tion.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no ob-
jection that will be considered included in
the report.
DEL. SADLER: I want that clearly
understood. My amendment —
THE CHAIRMAN: You have made what
motion?
DEL. SADLER: I made an amendment
that in the telegram be also included the
Industrial Workers of the World..
THE CHAIRMAN: The Industrial Work-
ers of the world; what department?
DEL. SADLER: At San Diego.
THE CHAIRMAN: What office? Do you
mean to the national organization or to the
local organization at San Diego?
DEL. SADLER: The local organization
where the fight is.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion already
provides for a telegram, as I understand
it, to a joint meeting of all the comrades
in San Diego involved. It does not distin-
guish the various branches.
DEL. HARRIMAN: To San Diego, the
To the San Diego
That a telegram be
Free Speech League.
THE CHAIRMAN:
Free Speech League.
DEL. HARRIMAN:
sent to the Free Speech League at San
Diego, which is a merged committee from
all the organizations in the free speech
fight.
THE CHAIRMAN: The I. W. W. is also
in it. Are you ready for the question.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) : I want to say
that the last clause that was put in there
was that they be urged to co-operate with
the organizations of the A. F. of L. Is
that not correct? And in that case you
have recognized the A. F. of L. and have
ignored the organization that is working
on the ground. (Applause.)
DEL. HARRIMAN: So that we may
know the facts, I will t te that the Free
Speech League in San ±^iego is a league
composed of delegates from the Central
Labor Council of the A. F. of L., the I.
W. W. and the Socialist Party in San
Diego. This league wras prmed after the
ordinance was passered and apjlerstand it,
and they entered iname will be und-
A delegate att e also. \ point
"V^HAIRJ^"™ °< » e tasked
DEL. HARRIMAN: Just aa soon as I
get the opportunity I will answer.
■DEi^. BiiiSSEMER: Not for a speech.
THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Bessemer will
maintain order.
DEL. HARRIMAN: During that time
there went to San Diego Mr. Weinstock, ap-
pointed by the governor, O'. A. Pridmore,
appointed by the State Building Trades,
Paul Chandler, from the State Federation
of Labor, and N. A. Richardson, from the
Socialist Party. They were all there at the
same time. They were all present during
the investigation made by the commissioner
of the state, and they joined in the re-
port. Now, the I. W. W. men, and prin-
cipally the Socialists from San Diego, made
the statement in the convention in the city
of San Francisco one week ago or more
that it was the men from the Building
Trades Council that had sent the committee
back. It was the unanimous opinion of
those men from the State Building Trades
Council, which, as you know, is a part of
the American Federation of Labor. Yes,
we are asking the co-operation of the entire
working class on the coast to fight the
battle that my comrade wants fought. (Ap-
plause.)
DEL. BESSEMER: I want to say that
still we have not got a direct answer, and
I want to have the reading.
THE CHAIRMAN: Delegates and vis-
itors, and more especially .visitors, will
please refrain from occupying the time of
the convention with demonstrations of ap-
proval or disapproval on one side or the
other.
DEL. BESSEMER: I would like to have
a reading of the telegram in which he ap-
peals to the Socialist Party to co-operate
with the A. F. of L. May I have a reading
of it verbatim?
DEL. HARRIMAN: The secretary has it.
The secretary read: "To the State Execu-
tive Committee of the Socialist Party of
California. The Socialist Party of the
United States, in convention assembled, has
voted $250 to be sent to you in cash — "
A DELEGATEi This is not A. F. of L.
DEL. BESSEMER: I want the part that
was omitted, whereby they appealed to
them to co-operate with the A. F. of L.
SEC. REILLY: This is as Comrade
Harriman gave it at that time, and it is
down here in shorthand. "And that you
co-operate with the State Federation of
Labor and the State Building Trades Coun-
cil to this end." That is what you gave.
DEL. HARRIMAN: Yes, that is it.
DEL. BESSEMER: That is what I want
to get at. I want to say that instead of the
State Federation of Labor it is nothing
more or less than the A. F. of L., and thev
are working hand in hand with the I. W.
W., and if this convention is going on rec-
ord with the A. F. of L. in that fight, when
the I. W. W. is just as much in the fight
as they are, you are ignoring them, and it
is unjust. I want to see the I. W. W. in-
cluded in this. They are worthy of recog-
nition. I think the amendment to the
motion is in order and should be voted
unanimously in favor. I don't care
whether you agree with me or not. My
middle name is Fight anyway. I don't
care how much you agree. I insist that
you comrades do recognize any movement
of the working class. I want to say more,
while I have the floor, that by us ignoring
the I. W. W. or that organization in con-
vention here, we do more to compel mem-
bers of our party to leave the movement,
because there are many members of the
party that say that we are cowards, that
we are not direct-actidnists enough in the
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
political party, and they have got discour-
aged and got outside, and they tell me that
they are getting out and becoming direct-
actionists. We are driving them out by
not standing by them in our political party.
I appeal to you, comrades, in the name of
the working class; the working class, as
Ben Hanford said, right or wrong, always
the working class.
DEL. SPARGO: It seems to me that
theVe is an entire misapprehension in the
mind of, Comrade Bessemer, and I have no
doubt in the minds of some other com-
rades. There was absolutely no intention
on the part of the National Executive Com-
mittee to refuse recognition to the I. W. W.
An its action. On the contrary there was on
the part of the committee the assumption
that the action proposed and support, ex-
tended was support extended in the main,
and action recognizing in the main, the
I. W. W. as the center of the fight. What
are we doing? We are saying here that
in the city of San Diego there is a great
fight. In that fight the Socialist Party, the
Federation of Labor and the I. W. W. are
all involved. They are united in that fight.
Very well. Now, we send word to them,
we send word to that joint committee rep-
resenting equally the three elements and
say, "We have voted you money. We have
called on all of our comrades to give you
all the support they can." We say to them,
in addition to that, "We have called upon
the entire working class to extend you
support." Why does the I. W. W. appeal
to us for funds in its emergency? Because
it cannot get any. And we of the Socialist
Party say we will get what we can. More
than that, we are saying to the American
Federation of Labor unions, "Forget your
differences in this fight, and let there be
a united fight of the working class until
victory is achieved." I repeat, there is no
discrimination against or refusal to recog-
nise the I. W. W. There is a recognition
of the fact that the L W. W. cannot help
itself, and that we ourselves will do what
we can, and turn around to other organiza-
tions of the working class and say, "Let us
put our shoulders to the wheel; let us fight
and fight until we win;" and if that is not
a logical fighting proletarian attitude, then,
comrades, I have been for twenty odd years
in this movement in vain. (Applause.)
The previous question was then ordered.
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): The rea-
son for my insistence upon mentioning that
particular labor organization is this: that
in that communication which is to be sent
other labor organizations were mentioned.
Now, I desire that every organization that
is carrying on the fight in that part of the
country shall have equal courtesy, tn fact,
I hope that the comrades here will insist
that every portion of that fighting force
shall have equal recognition. You know
and I know that this class fight is not go-
ing to be won by any single portion of the
Working class, and it does not befit us as
the political expression of the working class
to go on record by mentioning any particular
part of the economic organization. Now,
then, I hope that the comrades here as-
sembled will vote that if these telegrams
are to be sent, ' that a telegram will be
sent mentioning at least, if nothing else,
the name of the fighting organization
known as the Industrial Workers of the
World. (Applause.) I do not ask any
applause. I ask that you do justice as
far as you can see it right now. And
the $250 that has been sent from the na-
tional office, remember, if you please, that
it all came out of your own pockets, out
of the pockets of the working class. The
National Executive Committee has worked
— yes, because there is a force that will
make it work, whether it wants to or not t
(Applause.)
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): The motion,
as I understand it, is that a telegram bei
sent to the State Executive Committee of
California, to the State Building Trades I
Council and to the State Federation of
Labor. Now, the amendment provides that
a telegram be also sent to the Industrial
Workers of the World. Now, as far as I
know, these telegrams go only to organi-
zations outside of the city of San Diego.
Now where is that telegram to be sent'
SLJ e E?/ U( $. a thing in existence as a
State Federation of the I. W. W. in the
state of California? As far as I know
there is no such organization, and if this
telegram is to be sent to the I. W W
of the city of San Diego, I ask why not
n? n ?^° n <! ^ s ,? . t0 x, the pr °P er organization
dUo? S ?? ia »!i st ? ar . ty in the city of San
Diego? it has just as much right to it
as the Industrial Workers of the World.
Li? e i ev ?i, t . he - re I s - no reason whatever to
r^! U n 3e r that , ln th s ^legram, and for that
reas °" J vote against the motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is mov£l to send
f f\f®l egrrams Y h , ich you hav e heard read
I think every delegate knows what these
te egrams are. It is moved to amend the
telegram to the governor of California by
substituting the word "demand" for the
Jh°/ mn?- rse - k U is -^ so moved to ame nd
the motion by providing that a telegram
lar to that which is to be sent to the Free
bpeech League in San Diego. The vote will
recur upon the second amendment, then
upon the first amendment, and then upon
the original motion.
The amendment offered by Del. Sadler
was carried.
The motion to substitute "demand" for
urge was carried, and the original mo-
tl0 ^, as ame nded was then adopted.
COMRADE IRVINE (Cal.): I want the
floor upon a proposition in connection with
the raising of money to support the San
Diego free speech fight,
S^Eg^f^s IS thGre ° bJeCti0n?
COMRADE IRVINE: Then I will rise
to it later.
DEL. SLOBODIN: I move that the floor
be granted to Comrade Irvine for five
minutes.
THE CHAIRMAN: Not more than five
minutes.
The motion was carried. *
COMRADE IRVINE: Comrade Cnair-
man, I would like to tell the friends of
the I. W. W. that the Executive Committee
were absolutely, seven of us, unanimous
in what we did, and now if you want to
get money for San Diego, it is up to you
now to dig down in your pockets and give
us a big collection for San Diego. (Ap-
plause.) That is the thing as I see it. I
think the I. W. W. are not ashamed of
their representation on the Executive
Committee, are they? We thought it was
the best thing to do to get money and men
and power to send to San Diego. Now,
Mr. Chairman, I suggest that we take up^
a collection now, and that the gallery give
us something, even body in the gallery,
everybody, in *&*"* ;?lconies. (Applause.)
When a'm-^-e are a^u naked and
tarred rwas the on^P- nfl beaten and
branded^,. . z J TT fA /"JS t t«me to act and
• not to t in the telegram it (Applause.)
If yor.stituted for the woi ^ y^ g ^
gettinded.) own and give
it to
MORNING SESSION, MAY 15, 1M2
73
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): Comrades, at
e risk of becoming very unpopular, I will
pose* the suggestion as strenuously as I
n. Not because it is for the San Diego
tot. Personally I will gladly contribute
it. But I object to a motion to take
any collection for any purpose at the
tional convention of the Socialist Party. I
ow it has been defeated here time and
oe again. Many comrades have traveled
days, and having to stay here a week or
ger, are absolutely in no position to
itribute to anything.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I am compelled to
se a point of order. There is nothing
fore the convention.
DEL. HILLQUIT: If the chair will SO
le, I will sit down.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point or order
well taken. There is no motion before
i house.
t was moved that a collection be taken
once for the San Diego fighters, but
j motion was not seconded.
Dn motion the convention then proceeded
the regular order.
MMITTEE ON FARMERS' PROGRAM.
CHE CHAIRMAN: I am informed that
supplementary committee ^ that you
cted to confer with the Farmers' Com-
ttee has done its work, and Comrade
aons will now report for the Committee
Farmers' Program.
COMMITTEEMAN A. M. SIMONS: I
ill take less than two minutes to make
explanation. Today when we met we
nd that there was much less diver-
ice than we had expected, and our
nges consisted in the insertion of one
rd and the addition of a plank provid-
for diversity in state platforms. I
1 read the amended section, calling at-
tion to the inserted word, the word
entually." It is in the second para-
ph of the program: "To prevent the
cling of land out of use and to eliminate
antry, we demand that all farm land not
tivated by owners shall be taxed at its
1 rental value, and that eventually" —
t is the word inserted, "eventually" —
tual use and occupancy shall be the
y title to land." We now add this be-
se there were several changes sug-
ted, which, when they were examined,
■e found to apply only to special sec-
ts of the country, and were not general,
ask that this be added: "While the
ve is offered as a general outline for
national agricultural program of the
lalist Party, we wish to point out that
e are various conditions in the widely
irated districts of the United States,
that to each section and to each state
rt be left the task of working out the
iher details of a program applicable
the peculiar agricultural conditions in
r respective states and districts."
owe also a word of apology to Comrade
e Richards O'Hare. She was a member
the committee. We were not able to
h her. I was not — I will take the
le blame — able to reach her in time to
mre whether she approved that or not.
time was taken up in various sessions,
being in Executive Committee sessions
t of the time, and so her name was
appended. Since that was printed she
t back there and signed and approved
o from now on her name will be under-
d as being on there also,
now move the adoption of the report.
■HE CHAIRMAN: The question arises
ctly upon the adoption of the first
of this report.
DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I wish to make
a verbal change which I believe the com-
mittee will probably accept. After the
second line in the first r«>-jmmendation,
I would like to move that this clause be
inserted: "Where such means are used
for exploitation." I believe it is manifest
that they do not mean the way it reads.
THE CHAIRMAN: Will you read the
clause then as it would stand?
DEL. EDWARDS: "The Socialist party
demands that the means of transportation
and storage and the plants used in the
manufacture of farm products and farm,
machinery, where such means are used
for exploitation, shall be socially owned
and democratically managed."
The amendment was seconded.
DEL. O'REILLY (111.): I would like to
call the attention of the committee to a
mere matter of English. I would like to
call attention to the fact that if they put
in that clause they will express just the
opposite idea from the one that Uiey wish
to express. It reads, "The Socialist Party
demands that the means of transportation
and storage and the plants used in the
manufacture of farm products and farm
machinery shall be socially owned (and
democratically managed." If he inserts the
words "if they are used for exploitation,"
he contradicts himself, because socially
owned machinery means that the prod-
ucts would not be used for exploitation.
As a matter of English, I would like to
have them consider that. I think it's bad
English.
DEL. SHERMAN (Ore.): I wish to say
that I do not agree with the report of
the majority of that committee, and I
wish to state why. I believe that as long
as the means of production are to remain
in the ownership of private hands we will
have wage slavery. I am opposed to wage
slavery. I am not in favor of the means
of production remaining in private hands
at any time, and I do not think there
should be a special program for the farmer.
As Lincoln said, a nation cannot exist half
free and half slave. If we have the means
of production in private hands, we must
have wage slavery, and for that reason I
am opposed to any special program for
the farmers.
DEL. DUFFY (N. Y.) : I rise to speak in
opposition to the acceptance of the amend-
ment. As amended it would read "and the
plants used in the manufacture of farm
products and farm machinery, where used
for exploitation, shall be socially owned
and democratically managed." The plants
used in the manufacture of farm products
and farm machinery are always used for
exploitation, because the workers work
enough to produce this machinery, and
they cannot be used in any other way. But
at the same time I want to speak in favor
of the unamended section. I am repre-
senting a farming community, while I am
not a farmer, in the state of New York,
and I have recently had an opportunity in
a two months' trip to study the problems
of V, ose farming sections of the state.
Ther^ he chief problem is this, that they
do nox raise enough food and so on, and
have to buy it from the west. So this is
a national problem, and the means of trans-
portation and storage being owned socially,
are absolutely necessary for the elimina-
tion of the conditions under which those
farmers are suffering in that section of
the state of New York, and I presume in
other sections throughout the east. There-
fore, I am very much in favor of the fi^t
section unamended. ^
74
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): I am perfectly
willing to have the committee rewrite that
.section, provided this point may be made
char. I believe if anyone will read the
section as it is printed, and then remember
some of the questions that are asked by
audiences, you will see the necessity of
making it clear One of the questions
asked will be, "Do you want to have a
wagon and a corn crib socially owned and
democratically administered?" Now of
co V s -%' l he cor nmittee did not mean 'that,
and if the committee or the chairman will
suggest some phrase that will just make
n^ShSS hat ^f refer t0 SUch means Of
production and transportation as the dele-
ft? IT New Y + °u rk has just mentioned,
that will answer the purpose
THE CHAIRMAN: The committee has
accepted the amendments in substance The
Snn C /° r S lng . 2 f that amendment, I
??? P h-^ ll } not be kibbled over between
i^J lf£e * ent comraaes - because it is under-
"?>, of course, that it is not strictly
capital means that we refer to
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): * It has been
fmendmen? ^ COmmittee ^epted thiS
THE CHAIRMAN: It is accented
DEL. THOMPSON: The committee is
considerably scattered. I am a member of
the committee, and I do not want to a !
?n P ™* U ;i, I t i Unk U would be b ad policy
to put that phrase in there. I simply want
t0 correct that statement. P Y Want
no?^Sr£ H * AIRMA ? : J f the committee does
«?L% s Z ee t0 a c?ept it, all right. I under-
stood the committee accepted it
DEL. WRIGHT (Neb.): Two years atrd
this committee was elected for the purpofe
turist ud J^ "ae problems of the agricuL
or mn«t 5 £? r tW x° years this committee,
?&J ~ Sf them > have been busy studying
this problem. As for myself, I have
labored over this question until my htad
has ached. We find ourselves at this time
"em th( X ghly educated in this great prob?
lem. Ihe very fact that the committee
and every student of this great question
have been waiting anxiouslf for the la°t
census report and have not been able to
£«* lt P r °Y es tha t to arrive at a complete
understanding of the evolution of farm
industry is as yet an impossibility. Everv
day some new force is making its appear-
ance in connection with the evolution of
efntf^nTV 1 5 aVe just been ^formed re-
cently of this fact, which I dare say the
average farmer has not taken into con?
Tw ra ^,?^ and P erha P s does not know:
iiwm Europe I s even alarmed over the pos-
sibility of not being able to get the usual
food supply which Europe gets from Amer-
}n ^^Sr i ^ ,lt + Ura ; 1 ex P° r ts- I cite this fact
to show that along with this hundreds of
other fundamental problems are making
their appearance. You cannot lay down a
specihc line of action in connection with
those things which are yet in the hands of
the experimental station and in the minds
of the inventors, and which are as yet not
seen not analyzed, not studied. American
capital as well as European capital is now
commencing to seize upon land, not be-
cause land is so much more productive
than it used to be, but because the field
of investment has been closed up, with the
result that America has been discovered,
civilized, and its civilization capitalized al-
most to the limit. Now then, money is
hunting for an investment, and it is seek-
ing land as an outlet. Capital has com-
menced to take hold upon farming. The
inventor's mind is being turned in the di- *
rection of improving farm methods; not due
to the efforts of the farmer, but to the
prospect of dividends as seen by the n
facturing class, who use the inv
and scientist to further the ends oi
capitalist class. Just exactly what
end of this course will be, I do not k
nobody knows. Only those things v
can be analyzed up to this time ca
dealt with. This report has not
thrown together in a haphazard ma
This report is just as complete as it
be, just as scholarly as it can be, an
economically sound as it is possibl
produce at this time. It reaches jus
far as we are able to analyze the situa
I can understand very readily why
objection will come from one part of
United States, while an entirely diff<
objection will come from another part.
new clause introduced leaves it open
the states in their state platforms to
form to the conditions of their partic
sections. What we do require now, in
of the fact that we do see that the <
talist landlords, speculators and
grafters seize an opportunity for mar
lation, is that we must have a nati
declaration which aims a blow at this <
of parasites, to get them off the farn
back. We must have a national declars
which will involve the means of expL
tion in manufacturing lines which r
the farmer. This you have got, and
declaration as to a national program co
every phase of this question that can
sibly be dealt with intelligently, and
more we fuss with it, the worse you
going to make it, and we are likelj
end up here with no program at all.
no matter how we end the discussion, t
are a number of students of economics
have been attracted to this question. 1
will study it, not for the next two yi
but for the next twenty years, and wil
the time become clearer on the mattei
new forces make their appearance.
DEi. TAYLOR (111.): I would lik<
ask for information whether this ch
in regard to exploitation was suggested
the idea that this as it reads now w<
take in the individual wagon, the ow
ship of a wagon in which a man tz
goods from his farm to the warehous<
the railroad.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair un
stands that that was the reason for n
ing , that amendment.
DEL. TAYLOR: Then I move as a i!
stitute for the amendment that the v
"social" be put before the word "me?!
in the first line of this clause; "the Soc
ist party demands that social means"
so forth.
DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I have
amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Ohsoll
Massachusetts moved that in the first
the word "land" be inserted so thai
shall read, "The Socialist party denu
that land and the means of transporta!
and storage," etc. This amendment
also be before the house.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Why do
demand the collective ownership, as in
platform, of the means of transportat
First, as a step to our final end the
lective ownership of all the means of
duction and distribution; and second,
the purpose of improving the conditioi
the workmen that work in these Unj
States. Is that the reason why the fa
ers' report contains the demand for the
cial ownership of the means of transpo
tion? Is the farmer interested in our i
aim who is the owner of some of
means of production himself? Is he iv
ested in improving the condition of.
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
1
working-men who work on the railways?
"No. What is it that he is interested in first?
He wants the means of transportation to
be more efficient and cheaper. That is why-
hat is included in the farmers' program, so
l <Jthat the farmer may get more efficient
Uservice and pay less for it. You see very
eadily that there is a conflict between the
nterests of the men who work on the
^railways and the interests of the small
farmer who uses those railways. The one
lemands the highest wages he can get,
arhich means increase in the cost of trans-
portation. The farmer demands a lower
ost of transportation which eventually
neans less wages. They must reconcile
he meaning and intent of our general pro-
ram with the program laid down in this
eport. Why is it this farmers' program
hat has so forcibly stated that there are
cjibout three million small tenant farmers ig-
i lores the three or four million agricultural
vage slaves? Why don't you say one word
tbout the agricultural laborers? There is
l^iot one word about that. Ten years ago
his question was discussed and Delegate
c Simons agreed that he was wrong at that
:1 ime. He wanted the party at that time
i\o take the same position. I remember that
opposed him at that time. I don't say
he farmers' problem or that the agricul-
e ural problem is not of importance, but
ve have so many irons in the fire and the
etting of the movement to the proletariat
is so important that we are not ready to
ake up this agricultural problem. Let
s first approach the wage slave. Let us
et our message of Socialism to the agri-
ultural workers, those that work on the
:li|arms, then when we have succeeded to
ome extent in that the next step will be
get the same message to the tenant
armers of America. If there is to be
n agrarian program on the part of the
ocialist party it should be addressed to
gricultural workers and nobody else.
DEL. L. L. RHODES (Tex.): I wish to
ay that this farmers' program that is be-
ore the convention satisfies the people of
fojhe south. While I am sure that it will
ot help the people of the cities it will
elp us largely in advancing the cause of
ocialism in the southland. We are just
s radical as you are; we stand for what
ou people of the north stand for but you
ave never had to contend with the Bourbon
emocracy of the south.
A DELEGATE: Thank God.
DEL. RHODES: I want to say thank
od, too. The program is certainly clear
nough. It doesn't hurt you. It aids us.
t makes it possible for us to make inroads
nd progress in a country that has been
irgely unoccupied. We join you in your
rogram. We only ask you people who
now nothing about our section of the
untry, since this farmers' program can
allot hurt you to at least let us have it In
aa|ur state down there.
DEL. MORGAN (Minn.): I am opposed
) the last amendment to insert the word
land." In" Minnesota where ^ travel a
ood deal among the farmers, many of
iem are coming to us and ''the point on
hich so many of them have split has been
le argument constantly set up by the op-
■)nents of Socialism who sav: These So-
alists propose to take your little farm, or
our house and lot and they propose to
'ake it all public property. Now the ef-
U,ct of that was so great that an amend-
lent was introduced to the national plat-
rm and carried: and that is the one that
is commended itself to our farmers. They
•e willing to concur in the platform that
e have adopted, against the private own-
ership of land and means of production
used for exploitation. They agree with
that. They agree that no man should be al-
lowed to hold land for the purpose of ex-
ploiting his fellow man. But he ought to
own, until the conditions have radically
changed, he ought to cvn his little house
and lot; he ought to o\v *j his little patch
of land so long as he is using it for the
support of himself and family and not to
exploit others, and that plank, that state-
ment has brought thousands of farmers
to us. Now if you put this word in the
farmers 'program and say that the Socialist
Party demands that land and the means
of transportation shall be socially owned
we shall have this fight all over
again. I find that this question has
been asked me hundreds of times: Do
you fellows propose to take my little
house and lot away from me so that I won't
have a place of my own to lay my hands,
and we have referred them to the plat-
form and said yes, if you use your house
and land to exploit somebody else, renters
or anybody else, anything of that kind, that
will be the ult^BSBte outcome, but so long
as you use it simply for your own good you
will not be deprived of the ownership of
that value of^'which you have so largely
produced yourself. That statement has
brought us hundreds of farmers; that
statement has succeeded in bringing those
people to us. But if you will adopt this
last amendment you have simply knocked
the old platform to pieces. We are back
in the old fight again, and we can not own
even a piece of land to be buried in, and I
will have to turn over the graves of three
of my dear ones to the Socialist common-
wealth at some future time; I shall have
to beg a place to bury them in under those
circumstances.
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I am not now a
farmer but I was raised as one. That is
the reason I grew so tall. I am not in
favor of that part of the amendment that
says "the land." I am in favor of the
word "social." I shall not repeat any of
the reasons given by my comrades but I
wish to say in reply to Comrade Slobodin
when he asks if there will not be a con-
flict between those working on the railroad
who want higher wages and the farmers
who want cheaper transportation. Yes. But
if we shall not make a demand for social
ownership for that reason will not the
same conflict rage between the farmer who
raises his produce for sale and the men in
town, the workers in the city to whom that
produce is sold Does not the wage earner
in the town ask more wages in order that
he may get more of the product of the
farmer, and does not the farmer raise the
price of his product if he can, to get more
of the wages of the worker? Therefore
you are not changing the program any. If
it is inconsistent to ask for the social
ownership of the things named in para-
graph 1 or recommendation 1, it is in-
consistent anywhere else. I insist that
this is not a special program for the farm-
ers as indicated by my comrade down here,
any more than it is a special program for
the wage earner when you ask for the so-
cial ownershi] of the shop in which he
works. I agr with you that no nation
can exist half Bl ave and half free. I ad-
mit that when you ask for immediate de-
mand for the^wage worker in town, when
yoxi ask for shorter hours, when you ask
for more wages, if it is a special program
to ask the same things for the farmer
then it is a special program to ask it for
the wage worker.
/
76
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
Sometimes we are told that a farmer
owns his job. I tell you the fellow that
farms knows that the job owns him. He
works sixteen hours a day. If the day is
not long - enough he patches it out morning
and night. I say the job owns him. If
this be a special program then so is the
other. We ask for eight hours a day and
do our best to get it.
In a couple of years from now you may
take another step and make the program
clearer, but as things are today I think
that recommendation 1 with the word "so-
cial" added should be accepted not as final
but as the best step that we can take at
this point.
DEL. DEVOLD (Minn.): I want to hear
that plank read once more.
THE CHAIRMAN (reading): "The So-
cialist party demands that the -means of
transportation and storage and the plants
used in the manufacture of farm products
and farm machinery shall be socially owned
and democratically managed."
The amendment of Edwards of Texas is
that after the word "machinery" there be
inserted the words "where such means are
now used for exploitation" or other words
that would have that meaning. The amend-
ment by Ohsol is to insert the word "land"
in the first line so that it shall read "the
Socialist party demands that land, the
means of transportation and storage, and
the plants used in the manufacture of farm
products and farm machinery shall be so-
cially owned" and so forth.
DEL. MALEY (Wash.): Touching the
insertion of the word "land" there it seems
to me the question is: Are we ready for
the socialization of the land. Capitalism
has done its work with the means of trans-
portation and storage so that as an im-
mediate program we would be ready for
the socialization of those kinds of prop-
erty if we had control; but it does not seem
that we are ready to proceed immediately
to the socialization of the land until cap-
italism has done further organization in
the farming community.
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I think there
is a little confusion here. I think the in-
sertion of the word "land" is unnecessary,
and you will see that it is if you read the
third recommendation in which we have
endeavored to cover very carefully that
question of the socialization of land. Now
the points that have been made against
the insertion of the word "land" in the
first clause are very strong points but the
fact that we cover it carefully and thor-
oughly in the third recommendation makes
it unnecessary that it be put in the first
recommendation. I hope that you will see
that it is unnecessary. I would like to
call yo.ur attention in a general way to the
feature of this proposition, these few
paragraphs here that we have been trying
to find some way to state in all our efforts
to write a farmers' program both in this
country and el: and that is to sat-
isfy our extremists, who are always insist-
ing that we must have the collective own-
ership of the land, or our comrades in
Germany who, after they had appointed
committees, one to study the subject in
South Germany, another strong committee
in_ another section, and another strong com-
mittee in another section, they came in with
a program much more elementary than this
is going into the matter a great deal, which
was rejected because of thi*? consideration.
which is the objection which they always
against a program in which there is
some strength, namely, the Socialist Party
of Germany rejected the program proposed
there on this ground: They said they would
not stand for it because It strengthen
the sense of ownership among the ag
cultural population and therefore tended
break down the spirit of the proletari.
On account they rejected the program, a
that has been the thing that our extra (
thodox Socialists in the movement ha
been afraid of. They have always block 1
us on that account. But we think we ha :
met that situation here in a way that wi
appeal to them and satisfy them for t
reason that we have provided in that thi
proposition for the gradual socializatij
of the ownership of the land in this wa;
We propose that the state, which now ow
agricultural and experimental farms, sht
acquire more and more land by the vario
ways that are familiar to us all, such
are mentioned in that paragraph, and th.
we add this point which is the feature
which I refer that as the state extends i
ownership of this land, holding more aii
more of it, such land instead of being givt
over to private ownership shall be orga
ized into socially owned and socially o;
erated agricultural industries. There v
-, touch the only serious objection that ti
comrades in Germany or anywhere else .
the world could bring against such a pr«
gram based on the older absolutely sciei
tific, revolutionary view of Socialism. Ha 1
ing secured ourselves on this propositic
against this danger you ought to remen
ber this, comrades, I think nine-tenths <
us now agree that we ought to have
farmers' program. Now I beg of you don
let us lose the benefit of the work the
has been done. Let us assist the differei
farmer organizations who have adapte
themselves to their local situations, th
Socialist comrades in North Dakota wh
have prepared a program, those in Okie
homa who have prepared a program, thos
in South Dakota, in Texas, in many state
adapted to their local situation. We ca
never have a Socialist Party, a successfi
Socialist Party unless we get the farmer;
Let us not lose the chance to get thei
by stumbling over a phrase. Let us hav
this program go through. We will fix i
up grammatically if there are any gram
matical errors in it, but let us get this t
the farmers and give the farmer comrade
in the Socialist Party a chance to buil
up a strong movement.
DEL. NAGLE (Okla.): I wish' to stat
our position on this program. As reporte
in the first instance it was not satisfac
tory to the farmers, or those who repre
sent the farmer element in Oklahoma. Th
same was true of Texas, and I believe t
a large extent of Kansas, but as it i
amended, with the words in the secon
paragraph we have no objection.
As was stated right here unless you giv
us a farmers' program and allow us som
room locally you can not expect results i:
an agricultural state. In the state of Okla
homa we have 93,816 tenant farmers
Sixty per cent of those who farm the lanj
of that state are tenants; 40 per cent ow;
the land. Of those who own their lam
85 per cent have their farms mortgaged
That is the condition we are meeting there
And let me say the city worker is no
the only man who works eight hours a da}
the man on a section of land also worlO
eight hours; eight hours in the mornini
and eight hours in the afternoon; he ii
the man who works from can't to can'4
from the time he can't see until the timt
he can't see. He not only works himself
but in the corn belt and the cotton bel
his wife works and his children work. Thi
farmer is the only man who exploits hii
own wife and his own children under tin
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
v
177
1
slating system. All we ask of you — and
imons of Kansas now agrees with Texas,
ad when Kansas and Texas agree I think
/erybody on earth can agree — all we ask
f you is — I think it is satisfactory to the
irmers of the Southwest — that this pro-
ram as now written with the two amend-
ments be adopted. I think that will be en-
rely satisfactory to all of us. With this
nd of a program we can proceed with
ie fight in the southwest.
i The previous question was here moved
id seconded, and duly carried.
DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I desire to
»eak for the report as originally written,
tie? j is nothing of more importance to
Agricultural class than a farmers' pro-
n. Many of the comrades who dis-
iCs this question hail from cities, with-
t it any knowledge of agricultural questions.
t do not claim personally to be a farmer
I tt I was raised in a farming section, in
ii agricultural country and am intimately
i quainted with the interests of the ag-
p rian population of this country. We must
i ,ve a program for the farmers because
e small farmer today is the worst ex-
Dited worker in J, ie whole United States.
ley work harder and longer and get less
an any other class of the population,
irthermore, the farmers of this country
d the tenants of the farms are at least
per cent of the population of the coun-
t, and the city wage workers alone can
ver win this battle without the aid of
e workers on the farms. Neither the
ige working section of the working class,
r the farming section of the producing
ss can win this fight alone. To win this
ttle for justice the workers and pro-
cers in the farms and in the mills and in
2 mines must all work in concert and in
rmony. Never get it into your mind
it the small farmer is a capitalist. That
ttement is especially true In the south
iere he is often an absolute pauper. All
it he owns goes to the express robbers,
i railroad robbers, the elevators, the stor-
3 houses, they absorb all that he makes,
i often when a farmer rises to the dig- -
y of employing a farm hand the farm
id gets more out of it than the long suf-
ing farmer, so that in no sense is he a
)italist.
This amendment that is offered as it
nds puts the Socialist Party in the posi-
a of declaring for the collective owner-
p of all the land and we would be facing
■■ proposition everywhere that you So-
_lists want to take away the ownership
even our garden plot. As a matter of
t the thoroughly accepted position of
Socialist Party the world over is that
do not propose to force every inch
land into public ownership, but that we
opposed to the private ownership of
d only to the extent that it is used for
loitation. And to whatever extent sim-
ownership exists without exploitation,
the extent that it is used without taking
iy the result of other people's labor we
1 not attempt to interfere with that form
orivate ownership. There are no, big mi-
s' plantations in the south. They are
ill, poor farms. The farmers live a hard-
poorer life than any city wage workers
the world. This amendment ought to be
ed down unanimously because it would
us on record, if passed, as favoring the
lie ownership of all land, which would
enable us to hold even a garden spot
land, you would meet with the objec-
that the Socialist Party was trying
cake the farmer's land away from him
evervwhere deprive our speakers of
answer to that question. So the amend-
ment to the amendment ought by all means
to be voted down. With that exception the
program is absolutely satisfactory.
DEL. DEVOLD: I wish to speak in
favor of the amendment including the land.
I am in favor of the amendment including
the ownership of land. I will give you my
reason. Yesterday afternoon Wv listened
to a talk by Cpmrade DeLara ot Mexico,
in which he advocated the public owner-
ship of land in Mexico. He was cheered to
the echo by this assembly when he made
that point. You seemed by cheering Com-
rade DeLara to favor the public owner-
ship of the land of Mexico.
A DELEGATE: This is the United
States.
DEL. DEVOLD: My friend doesn't seem
to think that we in Minnesota live in the
United States. It seems to me that if you
favor the public ownership of land in one
country, and cheer that proposition when ii
is made, you should favor the public owner-
ship of land in another country just as well.
And here is another point. Comrade
Simons, in making his farmers' report,
stated the Marxian philosophy, the concen-
tration of land into the hands of a few
people, and he showed by his farmers' re-
port that the land is coming into the
hands of a few people. Now, do we stand
for the private ownership of land in the
hands of a few people, or do we stand for
the public ownership of the land? That is
the question here. You admit that you are
going to accept this farmers' report, that
the land will go into the hands of a few
people. Why don't you stand for the land
being taken out of the hands of a few peo-
ple, and handing it back to all the people
from whom it has been taken. My friend
Thompson, to hear him speak you would
think that he was hired to do a vaudeville
stunt. I want to quote you something from
the German Social Democratic party. I am
not a German, but I know mere about Ger-
many than Comrade Thompson does. I have
been in Germany. The vote Of the German
Social Democratic party among the small
farmers in Prussia since 1903 and up to
1907 decreased, and so while the conditions
for Socialistic campaigning and agitation
in those years were of the best and the
party had tried not to scare the farmers by
demanding the socialization of land, the
vote of the small farmers decreased. It
shows, my friends, that if you throw a sot
at the farmers they will think that you are
trying to pull the wool over their eyes like
the Republicans and the Democrats have
been doing, and they will repudiate you at
the polls. This Socialist Party stands either
for private ownership of land or for public
ownership of land. If it stands for public
ownership, why don't you adopt the plat-
form that states right out that you stand
for public ownership of land. Now, I just
had a tour through the state of North Da-
kota, speaking to the farmers of North Da-
kota. Furthermore, I am well acquainted
with the farmers in Minnesota. I am a
Scandinavian and the majority in those two
states are Scandinavians. The Scandinavian
Social Democratic party at the last. Con-
gress adopted a plank calling for public
ownership of all the land in Norway by the
people; and you can't scare the farmers in
North Dakota and M -nesota by telling
them that you stand e ! . ;tly for the same
thing that the Socialist i-arty in their own
country stands for.
DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): May I ask a
question. Do you mean all land, use land
for production only or land used for exploi-
tation? Do you mean the land where we
/;.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
/live, the home, the land used for productive
purposes also?
DEL; DEVOLD: The ownership of land
nowadays is vested in a piece of paper. We
propose to do away with that kind of own-
ership. We propose to make land public,
like all other means of production and dis-
tribution. There is the point right there.
Do you wish public ownership of land or
private ownership of land? If we stand for
the public ownership of land, why do we
throw a sop to the farmers and tell them
that we don't stand for it?
COM. SIMONS: Do I have the floor in
reply?
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair can only
say that under his understanding of the
rules the committee does not have the floor
at the close of the debate.
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): We did that
yesterday.
THE CHAIRMAN: If that is desired you
will have to overturn the ruling of the
Chair.
DEL. FENNER (Mass.): Was not the
rule that the chairman of the committee
should have twenty minutes to reply?
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair finds no
such statement in the rules.
DEL. WILLS (Okla.): Does not Section
2 explain that proposition?
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair cannot an-
swer the question because it is not a ques-
tion of parliamentary law. The motion be-
fore the house is to insert the words,
"When such means are used for exploita-
tion," as modifying "means of transporta-
tion and storage, and the plants used in the
manufacture of farm products and farm
machinery." There are two amendments,
and I am putting to you the amendment of
Edwards of Texas to insert the words,
"when such means are used for exploita-
tion."
The motion of Edwards of Texas was de-
THE CHAIRMAN: The vote recurs on
the amendment by Ohsol of Massachusetts
to insert the word "land" after the word
"that" in the first line so that the para-
graph will read: "The Socialist Party de-
mands that land, the means of transporta-
tion and storage and the plants used in the
manufacture of farm products and farm
machinery, when such are now used for
exploitation, shall be socially owned and
democratically managed." All those in fa-
vor of the motion of Comrade Ohsol to
insert those words will say aye.
The amendment of Ohsol of Massachu-
setts was lost.
THE CHAIRMAN: We will now take up
the second paragraph.
DEL. OHSOL (Mass.) : The adoption of the
first paragraph means the overthrow of our
national platform, which says that all means
of production and distribution shall be so-
cially owned. Now, we state that only those
things used for exploitation shall be socially
owned. If we proceed in this way we might
as well wipe out our whole Socialist Party
platform. I wish to state that by adopting
this farmers' program we are overthrowing
our national platform and our Socialist
principles altogether.
COM. SIMONS: I have to speak by con-
sent. I wish to explain to Com. Ohsol that
these propositions must always be consid-
ered as subject to and controlled by the
national platform, and that therefore noth-
ing that is done here can replace or over-
throw the national platform. It is supple-
mentary to that. We do not mention all of
the things in the national platform every
time because we do not consider it neces-
sary.
DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): In other won
we understand that it is in the nature
an immediate demand, part of the imn
diate program of the Socialist Party, a
not a pronouncement on fundamental pr;
ciples.
(Cries of "Yes" and "That is the idea.
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I should like
inquire if that idea is incorporated in tr
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate can s
swer that question for himself just as w
as the Chair can answer it for him, becai;
I suppose the delegate has read the artic
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Assumi
that all this is carried and you have adopt
it, and assuming that the result is as y
anticipate, and the farmers rush into t
Socialist Party and they begin to ha
great weight in the Socialist Party, a
then suppose the unions go out and wc
against the party, what will be the positi
of Simons?
COM. SIMONS: I can answer for Co:
rade Simons: I will be with the agrici
tural laborers.
Section 2 of the recommendation Vf
then adopted.
Section 3 was then read as follows:
"We demand the retention by the r
tional, state or local governing bodies
all land owned by them, and the continuo
acquirement of other land by reclamath
purchase, condemnation, taxation or oth<
wise; such land to be organized as rapid
as possible into socially operated farms i
the conduct of collective, agricultural ent(
prises."
DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I move to su
stitute the words "gradual acquiremer
for the words "continuous acquirement"
the second line.
DEL. MORGAN (Minn.): This gent,
man had the floor and I wanted to call yo
attention to the fact that he was discussii
the whole question. You ruled that he h;
better get up once than forty times. He
now getting up the fortieth time.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is necessary
exercise some discretion in this discussic
I hope the delegate will not arise to spe
on every plank, but I think the house w
recognize that it is fair to have this amen
ment settled one way or the other.
DEL. OHSOL: Comrade Thompson sa
that the third section covered exactly t
point that we wanted to cover in the fii
section, the question of the socialization
the land. Now, if the third section is
mean this, it should be clear. There is t
ambiguity. It states "the continuous a
quirement of other land." As it stands nc
we have already the land which is recover
by reclamation. That can be publicly own
under the capitalistic government. If yj
mean all land you should say all land, B
sides that now owned by the state or n
tion. It is only fair to be clear on th
point. If you say gradual acquirement
the land you will then have the peojj
gradually becoming owners of all the laK
whether used for transportation or the rai
ing of stock or any other agricultural pti
pose. Therefore, I suggest that all tho.
comrades who really stand for the sociaj
zation of the land support this amendmel
Let it be clear. It may eventually col
about that the agricultural laborers vfl
rise against that program and we shj
have to have two parties, one for n
farmers and one for the farm laborers,!
at least employers and agricultural latjQ
ers All those in favor of public ovvnj
ship of lands should support the ametl
m< DEL. BYRD (Tex.): I happen to haj
been born and raised on a farm. My fatt,
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 15, 1912
to call me at 4 o'clock in the morning
j d keep me at it until 9 o'clock at night.
M I didn't have the best education, that
ucation we all ought to have. I agree
th the amendment. I am also asked the
."jlestion, in Texas, what are you going to
' about the land question? And I say,
'hus saith the Lord: The land shall not
sold forever, for the land is mine, for
are strangers and sojourners with
5." Leviticus 25-23. Now, I want to
y to my friend that I don't have
go back to Scripture to find that
™at is a divine law. I say to the
n and women that asked me that ques-
>n: "Haven't you intelligence enough, my
ar friends, to know that none of your an-
3lf stors, nor any of your ancestors' ances-
y'rs away back to the beginning of time,
^ide any part of this old earth. You know
well as I that no living man made any
rt of it. Therefore, he has no more right
own any part of it. My friend over
lI( ere said he wanted a place to bury him-
If and his family. I have a special friend
the land of Texas who has 1,300 acres of
e river bottom land on the Colorado
ver. / He is as strong a class-conscious
'fcialist as ever came down the pike, and
is willing at any time when the people
mt to socialize the land to do so. I agree
ni th the amendment. Take a 1 the land
d the fullness thereof. Thus saith the
°.'trd: "Thje land shall not be sold for-
er."
., I want to know whether the Socialists of
2fe United States are in favor of the col-
tive ownership of the earth or just a
rt of it. I want to say to you that until
e people own the whole earth, until we
*n the whole, entire earth and reduce gov-
"fiment to a science of producing and dis-
buting wealth, based on labor, you can
ver have a sensible Socialist organization,
ppose I was John D. Rockefeller and I
mted to build a railroad. I would have
have the land to build it on. Suppose I
'^jint to have a factory where we manufac-
re cotton. I have a picture of a cotton
jker that picks cotton by machinery. That
ichine will do the work of twenty men
d it only requires one man and a boy to
erate it. What are you going to do with
3 18 men thrown out of work? That raa-
ine does not eat anything. What are you
ing to do with the grocery men? That
ichine does not require any shoes. What
to become of the shoemaker? That ma-
ine does not require any clothes. What
to become of the tailor? That machine,
t dear friends, never goes into litigation,
hat is to become of the lawyers? And
t, but not least, that machine has no
ill. And what will become of the preach-
I am here to tell you that you will do
vise act if you adopt this comrade's prop-
tion and declare for taking the earth and
S fullness thereof for all the people.
DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio): Now that
many of us are going to lose our jobs,
think that we want this section pretty
ar, and since this is to explain our posi-
n with reference to the land, I move to
lend the amendment by putting the word
reductive" in there, making it read "all
ler productive land." If I get a second to
2 amendment I should like to speak to it.
The amendment was duly seconded.
DEL. STRICKLAND: I think the word
roductive" will cover the case. The com-
ics want to repeat the words "used for
ploitation." I think that is not necessary,
hink the word "productive" is sufficient,
e reason I think we ought to use this
alifying word is that we have not reached
agreement on how we are going to own
r little garden patch or in what way we
shall have title to our homes. I think ttoe
amendment as stated by the ministeriaV
comrade who referred to Leviticus 25-23
will not cover the case, because we don't
want to vest the title in God, for we are
not in unit on this question of God, and we
don't want to take a position with reference
to the ownership of the home or the home
land, but we do want the ultimate collective
ownership of all productive land. There-
fore, I offer this amendment.
DEL. STALLARD (Kan.): In this dis-
cussion the main feature has been whether
we shall stand for the collective ownership
of all lands, or whether we shall stand for
the private ownership of land so long as
that land is not used for purposes of ex-
ploitation. That, briefly stated, has been
the main bone of contention. I have taken
the floor to call your attention to one fact."
The supreme power of the Socialist Party
is the referendum ballot of the rank and
file. At the last convention in 1908 the
convention adopted a declaration for the
public ownership of all land, and in about
three months' time, by an overwhelming
majority vote of the membership, that sec-
tion was repealed. If you wish to adopt a
farmers' program you should adopt a pro-
gram that the rank and file of the party
want; and I do not believe that the rank
and file of the Socialist Party has seriously
changed their mind on that proposition.
Now, I believe personally that some time
in the far distant future that no man will
privately own a place to bury himself or a
garden spot, but I do not believe that social
development has reached the point that we
should demand that now; and I may be
wrong in the prediction that it will ever
come. This is a matter of an immediate
program and not a matter of making pre-
dictions. We want a program that fits with
the present conditions. At the present time
we are not ready for the nationalization or
public ownership of all land, and for that
reason I think that any amendment to any
part of this program that would call for im-
mediate public ownership of all land should
be voted down.
THE CHAIRMAN: The hour of 5 o'clock
having arrived, the Secretary will proceed
to read the resolutions that are before us.
RESOLUTIONS.
Resolution from Tacoma protesting
against Judge Hanford. Referred to Com-
mittee on Resolutions.
Resolution by Delegate Garrison (Ind.) ,
against speakers of the party exciting race
prejudice. Referred to Committee on Con-
stitution.
Resolution from Local New York in re-
gard to establishing publishing concerns for
the party. Referred to Committee on Con-
stitution.
Resolution from Local New York urging
campaign for universal adult suffrage. Re-
ferred to Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution by Mary E. Geffs and others
as to women candidates for President and
Vice-President. Referred to Committee on
Resolutions.
Resolution from Local Glenville, Scotia,
N. Y., offering a plan of Socialist control of
the means of production and distribution.
Referred to Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution by W. P. Collins as to paying
expenses of contesting delegates. Referred
to Committee on Constitution.
Resolution by W. P. Collins as + o refer-
endum nominations for President 1 Vice-
President. Referred to Committee on Ways
and Means.
Resolution by eighteen members Ohio
delegation charging the party with beconi'
/ ■
conservative.
O/n Resolutions.
Resolution by
thers opposing
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
/
Referred to Committee Resolution by Delegate Oyler (Neb.)
Delegate Alexander and
commission government.
Referred to Committee on Constitution.
Resolution proposing amendment to Ar-
ticle 2, Section 5 of Constitution. Referred
to Committee on Constitution.
Resolution from Young Socialists' League,
Philadelphia, for a National Committee of
Young Socialists' .Leagues. Referred to
Committee on Constitution.
Resolution from Young Socialists' League,
Philadelphia, for a National Socialist Sun-
day School Committee. Referred to Com-
mittee on Constitution.
Resolution by E. R. Meitzen to discon-
tinue publication of weekly syndicate arti-
cles. Referred to Committee on Constitu-
tion.
Resolution by North Dakota delegation as
to a Socialist banking program. Referred
to Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution by Delegate Christian (Mont.)
favoring telegram to Joseph J. Ettor and
Arturo Giovannetti. Referred to Commit-
tee on Resolutions.
reference to owning party press. Refei
to Committee on Constitution.
Resolution by five delegates from Ore
demanding that the organization be
strictly of a working class character,
ferred to Committee on Resolutions.
Resolution by Mary L. Geffs and otl
as to qualifications for state political
didates. Referred to Committee on St
and Municipal Program.
Resolution by W. P. Collins and oth
against military character of Boy Sc
movement. Referred to Committee on R
olutions.
Resolution by Delegate Zitt as to hold
of political offices resigning from posith
in the party. Referred to Committee
Constitution.
Resolution by Duncan opposing the I
lingham Bill. Referred to Committee
Resolutions.
Resolution by Delegate Dempsey on
Immigration question. Referred to Co
mittee on Resolutions.
The convention then adjourned until M
16, 1912. at 10 o' clock A. M.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1913
FIFTH DAY'S SESSION.
The convention was called to order by
lairman Lee.
The following- delegates accepted norai-
itions for Chairman of the day:
t James F. Carey of Massachusetts.
jijJohn W. Slay ton of Pennsylvania.
George H. Goebel y of New Jersey.
1$ James A. Smith of Utah.
Winfleld R. Gaylord of Wisconsin.
W. P. Collins of Colorado.
The vote resulted as follows:
Carey, 74; Goebel, 60; Slayton, 29; Col-
is, 18; Gaylord, 18; Smith, 6.
Comrade James F. Carey was declared
ected Chairman of the day.
The following accepted nominations for
ice-Chairman:
Lewis J. Duncan of Montana, W. P. Col-
lins of Colorado, Ma/ Wood Simons of
ansas, Charles A. Byrd of Texas.
The vote resulted as follows: Simons,
0; Duncan, 47; Collins, 21; and Byrd, 10.
Comrade Simons was declared elected
ice-Chairman of the day.
On motion, the reading of the roll call
delegates and of the minutes of the pre-
ding day were dispensed with.
Communications of greeting were re-
ived from the following:
Cigarette Makers' Union of New York.
Seventh and Eighth Ward Branches,
brkmen's Circle, Rochester, N. Y.
Polish Section Socialist Party, Cleveland,
lio.
Working-men's Sick and Death Benefit
ind, United States of America.
Uptown Jewish S. P. Branch, Philadel-
ila, Pa.
Polish Section, Philadelphia.
Secretary, S. P. Local, San Diego, Cal.
Central Committee, S. P., Boston, Mass.
George R. Lunn, Mayor, Schenectady,
English Speaking Socialist Club, Law-
nee, Mass.
Branch 367 Workmen's Circle, New York.
Third Ward Branch, S. P., Elizabeth*,
J.
Branch 14, Workmen's Circle, Provi-
nce, R. I.
United Garment Workers, No. 54, Brook-
n, N. Y.
The following communications were
ad by synopsis and referred to the com-
ttee as stated:
Petition from Jewish Branches of Cin-
mati, Ohio; referred to the Committee
Constitution.
Resolutions from Jewish Branch, Bos-
n, Mass.; referred to Committee on
solutions.
Resolutions from Branch West Hunts-
tie, Ala.; referred to the Committee on
^solutions.
Resolutions from Local Kansas City,
>., addressed to the Missouri delegation
i read at their request; referred to the
mmittee on Platform.
•THE CHAIRMAN: The next order is
finished business. I think nearly every-
tag Is unfinished. But we will now take
up report of Committee on Farmers* Pro-
gram, clause 3.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FARMERS'
PROGRAM.
THE SECRETARY: The amendment of
Ohsol of Massachusetts which is before the
convention is to strike out the words
"continuous acquirement" from the third
section, and to insert Instead thereof
"gradual acquirement of all land."
The amendment offered by Strickland of
Ohio is to insert the words "socially pro-
ductive" before the word "land." On a
vote the amendment to the amendment by
Strickland of Ohio was lost.
The amendment by Ohsol of Massachu-
setts was also lost; and the original rec-
ommendation of the committee was
adopted.
DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): Rule 23 limits
debate to four hours. I should like to in-
quire how much of the time remains on
this report.
THE SECRETARY; We have used about
three hours.
DEL. STREBEL: I move that the Chair
now fix the time when the debate will
close.
THE CHAIRMAN: The debate will close
according to the Chairman's watch at ten
minutes to eleven.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move that the
debate close in thirty minutes.
The motion was seconded and adopted.
The Secretary then read clause 4 of the
farmers' program, which was adopted.
Clause 5 and clause 6 were also adopted.
Clause 7 was then read by the Secretary.
DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I move to insert
the word "not" after the word "with" in
the second line and to insert the word
"not" after the word "and" in the third
line.
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I would like to
have that read as amended to see what
sense it makes.
THE SECRETARY (reading): "We call
attention to the fact that the elimination
of farm tenantry and the development of
socially owned and operated agriculture
will not open new opportunities to the ag-
ricultural wage worker and will not free
him from the tyranny of the private em-
ployer."
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I move that
that motion be laid on the table.
The motion to table was seconded and
declared carried by the Chair. A division
was then called for.
A DELEGATE: A point of order. The
motion to lay on the table is out of order,
as the original motion was a ne tive of
the whole proposition.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order
is not well taken. The question before
us is the verification of the vote.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): Does the mo-
tion to lay on the table carry, the whole
proposition?
7*
o/j
/
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
/ THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair does not
understand that it will apply to the re-
port as already adopted, but merely to
the amendment.
The motion to lay on the table was car-
ried by a vote of 147 aye to- 27 no.
DEL. WILLS (Wash.): I move to strike
out that entire section.
The motion was lost by a vote of 77
aye and 117 no.
DEL. ROSETT (Md.): I move to amend
by inserting the words "to that extent"
before the words "free him," and as
amended it would then read: "We call
attention to the fact that the elimination
of farm tenantry and the development of
socially owned and operated agriculture
will open new opportunities to the agri-
cultural wage worker and to that extent
free him from the tyranny of the private
employer.
The motion was seconded and the para-
graph as thus amended was then adopted.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will
read the additional matter to be included
in the report but which is not in the
printed copies.
THE SECRETARY (reading): "The So-
cialist party pledges its support to the
renters and the agricultural wage work-
ers in their attempt to organize to pro-
tect themselves from the aggressions of
capitalism and the employers in agricul-
ture."
It was moved and seconded that this
clause be adopted.
THE CHAIRMAN: All those in favor of
the adoption of this clause 8 will say aye.
Contrary no. The motion is carried.
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I want to
know if the policy is to be pursued by the
Chairman to cut off debate on every sec-
tion of this report that is offered.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair has no
desire to cut off debate.
DEL. CLIFFORD: Let me inform
you ■
THE CHAIRMAN: The gentleman is
out of order. If he does not like the ac-
tion of the Chair he can appeal.
DEL. CLIFFORD: By hek, I don't get
a chance to appeal.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will
read the additional clause 9.
THE SECRETARY (reading): "While
the above is offered as a general outline
for the National agricultural program of
the Socialist party, we wish to point out
that there are such variations of condi-
tions in the widely separated districts of
the United States that to each section and
to each state must be left the task of
working out the further details of a pro-
gram applicable to the peculiar agricul-
tural conditions in their respective states
and districts.
DEL. FRITZ (Miss.): I offer the fol-
lowing as a substitute for the whole.
"8. As a measure of immediate relief
for the thousands upon thousands of land-
less farmers of the South and Southwest,
and for the purpose of equalizing the bur-
dens of taxation by removing the motive
now prevailing for tax dodging, we de-
mand that all owners of landed property
assess their own lands, the State reserving
the risrht to purchase such land at their
assessed value, plus 10 per cent.
"9. Land now in the possession of the
State or hereafter acquired to purchase,
reclamation or tax sales to be renfed to
landless farmers at the prevailing rate of
share rent, or its equivalent payment of
such rent to cease as soon as the total
amount of rent paid is equal to the value
of the land, and the tenant thereby a<
quires for himself and his children th
right of occupancy, the title to all sue
lands remaining with the commonwealth
On motion of Delegate Berlyn of 111
nois, duly seconded, the resolution offere
by Delegate Fritz was laid upon the tabl*
DEL. RUTHENBERG (Ohio): I mo\
the adoption of a new section, number li
to read as follows:
"We also point out that the above shoul
be considered only as an immediate pre
gram, and that we demand the ultimat
collective ownership of all the land use
for productive purposes."
DEL. NOBLE (Tex.): I move to lay o
the table.
DEL. RUTHENBERG: As maker of th
motion I have the right to the floor eve
if the motion to lay on the table is mad*
THE CHAIRMAN: Will you point ou
where that appears in the rules? The Chai
will have to have the particular passag
in the rule pointed out.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): I should like t
inquire in regard to the expiration of th
time for debate what time it is now b;
the Chairman's watch.
THE CHAIRMAN: In two minutes th
time for debate will have expired. Com
rade Ruthenberg's point is not well taker
Del. Ruthenberg appealed from the de
cision of the Chair, and upon a vote of th.
convention the Chairman was sustained.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I claim that Dele
gate Ruthenberg had the right to speal
even though the motion to lay on th<
table has been made. Comrade Ruthen
berg had the right to state his positioi
and that right has been denied him.
THE CHAIRMAN: The body of th.
house has sustained the position of tht
Chair. That makes it the ruling of thi
body of the convention and not the Chair
man's ruling.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): For the further in
formation of my fellow delegates on thi!
floor I request the reading of this rul<
concerning this question of debate after !
motion to table.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question befon
the house is the vote upon the report o:
the committee, a motion to adopt whicl
was made. The Chair will receive no fur
ther inquiries except that pertaining U
the matter before the house.
DEL. RUTHENBERG: Under Robert*!
Rules of Order the right of the delegate t<
state his position has been denied him.
THE CHAIRMAN: That point has beei
decided by the convention. The questioi
is upon the adoption of the report of th«
committee.
The motion to adopt the report of th<
Committee on Farmers' Program was thei
carried.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): In order tc
be fair to everybody I move that Comrade
Ruthenberg be allowed to read the clause
in Robert's Rules of Order, that the dele-
gates in this convention may kno-w
whether we are right or wrong.
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): A point ol
order. That there is nothing before th«
house except the next order of business
We are not here to discuss academic
questions arising on Robert's Rules of Or-
der.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order
is well taken.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I wish to spealj
on the point just raised.
THE CHAIRMAN: Do you appeal from
the decision of the Chair?
MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
DEL. DUNCAN: Yes, I demand to speak
n this question and state my position.
t seems that we have had about enough
this steam roller business this morn-
ng. This convention ought to know the
ules under which they are working. If
tq have the right to speak five minutes
n a motion to table we ought to know
We are working under Robert's
iules of Order and for that reason I
link for the information of this con-
ention we should hear that rule read,
nd the attempt of the chair to keep us
rom having the rule read does not look
ood to me.
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: Chairman
arey will now state his position.
THE CHAIRMAN: This is the section:
Motion to lay upon table. This motion
iall take precedence of all other subsidi-
ry motions and yields only to privilege
nd incidental questions. It is not de-
atable." I am quoting the rule. Upon
lis question appeal was taken. The house
istained the Chair. Another delegate
)se to make a point of order on the very
aestion that had previously been ap-
saled from. Where are we going to stop?
ou can keep it up all day, all week,
1 next month. The Chair is here for
e purpose of arriving, so far as he can,
the decision of the majority of the
legates. You can call this a steam
•Her. I would rather be a steam roller
an a gas house.
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: The question
:>w is upon sustaining the Chair in the
»*sition he has taken.
A division being called for the Chair
as sustained on a show of hands by a
te of 146 to sustain the Chair and 86
ainst.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): In the name of those
noes I demand a roll call.
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: A roll call is
quested.
A DELEGATE: As one of the 86 I don't
int a roll call.
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: Are there fifty
legates who wish a roll call?
63 delegates demanded a roll call.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I think I
n make this thing clear.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): If Robert's
lies of Order say a certain thing I want
2 rule read before I vote on this.
DEL. BESSEMER: I rise to give the
'ormation that if that rule is read this
iole thing will stop.
CHE VICE CHAIRMAN: The necessary
'ormation on this matter will be fur-
shed by the Secretary reading such
.es as apply to this question. There
11 be no information from the delegates.
will be done by the Secretary and there
II be no motion received until it is done.
)EL. HILLQUIT: No discussion is in
ler, nothing except the roll call. My
nt of order is that ^the roll call is mere-
a verification of the vote already had.
are in the course of voting.
HE CHAIRMAN: The point is not
11 taken. The Secretary will read the
es, after which the vote will be taken
roll call.
HE SECRETARY: (Reading) "Para-
ph 19. Subsidiary motions. To lay on
le. This motion takes precedence of
other subsidiary questions and yields
10 privileged or incidental question. It
mot debatable and can not be amended
have any other subsidiary motion ap-
d to it nor can an affirmative vote on
e reconsidered. It eliminates the sub-
from consideration until the assembly
8 to take it from the table." Now Sec-
tion 54, which is a note reads as follows;
"The minority has no remedy for the un-
fair use of this motion, but the evil could
be slightly drrrrrnished as follows: The
person who introduces a resolution is
sometimes cut off from speaking by a
motion to lay the question on the table
being made as soon as he states the ques-
tion or evfn before. In such cases the in-
troducer of the resolution should always
claim the floor to which he is entitled.
Persons are commonly in such, a hurry to
make this motion that they neglect to ad-
dress the Chair. In such cases one of the
minority should address the Chair quickly
and if he gain the floor make the point of
order that he is the first to address the
Chair, and that the other member, not
having the floor, was not entitled to make
the motion."
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: There is noth-
ing before this convention but the roll
call.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ (111.): I want to
know how I am to vote. Do I vote yes or
no on this to sustain the Chair?
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: We are now
voting on the question of sustaining the
Chair in his decision. All those in favor
of sustaining the Chair will vote yes.
The roll call resulted in the Chair being
sustained by a vote of 167 against 93.
The result of the roll call as announced
was 167 for sustaining the Chair, 93
against.
ROLL CALL ON BESSEMER MOTION.
The roll-call was as follows:
State.
Yes.
No.
Ala.
G. L. Cox
Ariz.
E
H. Allen
E. Johnson
Ark.
Ida Callery
J. A. C. Meng
D
Hogan
A. R. Finke
Cal.
A. E. Briggs
E. A. Cantrell
G. W. Downing
Mary E. Garbutt
Job Harriman
E. H. Mizner
R. A. Maynard
A. W. Harris
E. L. Reguin
N. A. Richardson
H. C. Tuck
J. W. Wells
F. C. Wheeler
*
Ethel Whitehead
T. W. Williams
J. Stitt Wilson
F. E. Wolfe
H. E. Wright
Colo.
W. P. Collins
A. H. Floaten
Mary L. Geffs
T. M. Todd
John Troxell
Conn.
S. F. Beardsley
Ernest Berger
B. P. Clarke
C. T. Peach
Jasper McLevy
Dela.
F. A. Houck
D. of C.
W. J. Ghent
Fla.
F.
Stanley
J. S. Alexander
C. C. Allen
Ga.
A.
F. Castleberry
Ida.
G.
W. Beloit
T. J. Coonrod
S. W. Motley
I. F. Stewart
111.
J.
O. Bentall
B. Berlyn
Joseph R. Burge
L. F. Haemer
J.
C. Sjoden
J. C. Kennedy
M. E. Kirkpatrick
George Koop
J. P. Larsen
Caroline A. Lowe
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
fjta.ie.
Tea.
No.
State.
Yes.
No.
F. T. Maxwell
Mary O'Reilly
W. E. Rodriguez
S. Stedman
G. N. Taylor
G. Underwood
C. H. Pierce
G. Rothmund
C. E. Russell
H. A. Simmoni
U. Solomon
lad.
S. S. Condo
W. W. Farmer
G. A. Strebel
J. Wanhope
Janet Fenimore
N. c.
B. T. Tiller
S. C. Garrison
N. D.
A. E. Bowen, J
W. H. Henry
Robert Grant
James Oneal
C. D. Kelso
S. M. Reynolds
A. LeSueur
W. Sheffler
Ohio.
J. L. Bachman
M. S. Hayes
Florence Wattles
Wm. Bessemer
F. G. Stricklan
Iowa
Jas. Baxter
J. J. Jacobsen
Max Boehm
Margaret D. Brown I. S. McCrHlis
T. Clifford
Lee W. Lang
D. L. Davis
Kama.
Geo. D. Brewer
M. Wood-Simons
D. J. Farrel
O. H. Blase
B. F. Wilson
W. Hinkel
A. W. Ricker
E. J. Jones
S. M. Stallard
Dan McCartaa
Ken.
C. Dobbs
W. Lanfersiek
Wm. Patterson
E. E. Powell
La.
J. R. Jones
Margusrite Prevey
Me.
G. A. England
C. M. Priestap
Md.
C W. Staub
A. E. Hartig
Dr. J. Rosett
C. E. Ruthenberg
Anna K. Storck
Masa.
J. F. Carey
A. Coleman
L. A. Zitt
F. N. Prevey
C. E. Fenner
Okla.
J. G. Wills
E. Schilling
J. M. Caldwell
O. F. Branstette
R. Lawrence
Allen Fields
P. Mahoney
J. T. Cumbie
Rose Tenner
R. E. Dooley
G. E. Roewer, Jr.
L. B. Irvin
D. A. White
P. S. Nagle
J. G. Ohsol
Geo. E. Owen <
Mich.
Jas. Hoogerhyde
F. Aaltonen
O. Ameringer
H. S. McMaster
G. H. Lockwood
M. F. Barker j
Etta Menton
J. A. C. Menton
Ore.
M. E. Dorfman
J. H. McFarland
J Hayden
Minn.
Marietta E. FournierJ. H. Grant
Tom J. Lewis
M. Kaplan
N. S. Hillman
F. C. Ramp
J. G. Maattala
J. S. In galls
C. W. Sherman
A. O. Devoid
O. Jacobson !*
Penn.
L. R. Bruce
G. W. Bacon
T. E. Latimer '
Gertrude B. Hunt
J. M. Barnes J
D. Morgan
C. W. Ervin
Cora Mae Bixl|
J. E. Nash
C. F. Foley
D. M. Caldwell
O. S. Watklns
F. H. Merrick
Anna Cohen
MiES.
M. E. Fritz
Edw. Moore
J. E. Cohen
Ma
E. T. Behrens
Wm. Parker
F. A. Davis 1
W. L. Garver
A. G. Ward
Lewis Goaziou j
C. Lipscomb
Robt. J. Wheeler
R. L. Grainger!
G. W. O'Dam
J. C. Young
J. C. Hogan
O. Vierling
C. A. Maurer I
W. A Ward
J. H. Maurer I
MOBt
L. J. Duncan
C. A. Smith
J. M. Kruse
J. B. Scott
P. H. Christian
i
R. B. Ringler
J. W. Slayton 1
D. Williams
L. B. Wilson 1
W. A. Prossefl
Neb.
P. J. Warren
C. R. Oyler
C. J. Wright
R.I.
James Reid
Not voting.
E. W. Theinert
Nev.
G. Miller
Not voting.
N. H.
J. P. Burke
S. C.
Wm. EberhardJ:
W. A. McCall'
S. D
Benj. Dempsey
N. J.
C. J. Cosgrove
J. R. Jones
Tenn.
C. G. Harold
G. H. Goebel
Texas.
E. A. Green
R. Alexander 1
W. B. Killingbeck
H. F. Kopp
T. A. Hickey
G. C. EdwardlB
G. Theimer
F. Krafft
E. R. Meitzen
C. A. Byrd
James M. Reilly
W. S. Noble
L. L. Rhodes-B
N. M.
J. B. Lang
J. C. Rhodes
M. A. Smith W\
N. Y.
H. Slobodin
C. J. 'Rill, Jr.
J. C. Thompfl
E. Lindgren
Fred rennets
B. William .fl
A. Pauly
Theresa Malkiel
W. Burckle
Jas. A. Man sett
Utah.
H. P. Burt J
J. A. Smi
W. M. WeslejB
E. F. Cassidy
Vt.
John Spa'
Wm. E. Duffy
Va.
G. M. Norris jll
O. L. Endres
Wash.
L. B. Alter
E. J. Brnwnfl
C. L. Furman
A. H. Barth
W. H. WayntM
M. Hillquit
F. Bostrom
Emma D. Cofll
A. Lee
Kate Sadler
H. C. CuppleM
M. London
S. Sadler
Anna A. MaleJBJ
H. E. Merrill
H. M. Wells
H. Hensefer JRI
MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
^
State.
W. Va.
Wis.
Wyo.
Yes.
H. W. Houston
E. H. Kintzer
No.
C. H. Boswell
V. Ij. Berger
D. W. Hoan
W. R. Gaylord
W. A. Jacobs
T. Hinklein
Emil Seidel
Eliz. H. Thomas
C. D. Thompson
A. Carlson
P. J. Paulsen
J. Suaja
s f The report was then adopted as a whole.
RESOLUTIONS.
The Committee on Resolutions, through
the Chairman, Del. Spargo, reported as
follows:
DEL. SPARGO: Comrade Chairman and
comrades, conforming to the usual practice
at our conventions, the Resolutions Com-
mittee will report its resolutions in
batches. The first resolution that I shall
read is a resolution dealing with the in-
dictment, imprisonment and trial, or pend-
ing trial, of Joseph Ettor and Arthur
Giovannetti, at Lawrence, Mass. I will
! read and move its adoption:
Whereas, Joseph J. Ettor and Arthur
Giovanetti, representatives of the textile
workers of Lawrence, Mass., are charged
with being accessories before the fact, to
the murder of Anna LaPezzi, an Italian
woman striker, which occurred during an
assault made on a peaceful body of strik-
ers on January 29th, by armed police and
thugs of the Woolen Trust; and
Whereas, The testimony of a score of
eye witnesses before the examining mag-
istrate showed conclusively that Anna La-
Pezzi was shot by a policeman, who was
identified by eye witnesses at the prelimi-
nary hearing; and
Whereas, The prosecution admits that
neither Ettor nor Giovanetti were present
at the scene of the provoked riot, but
claim that they by their speeches, incited,
counseled and commanded violence and
rioting, and as a result, a homicide took
place, thus seeking to establish a prece-
dent which is vicious and infamous; and
Whereas, Ettor and Giovanetti loyally
fought the Woolen Trust, bringing a sub-
stantial increase in wages to over a quar-
ter of a million of textile workers, thereby
causing a loss of revenue of $15,000,000 per
year to the mill owners of New England;
therefore be it
Resolved, By the Socialist party in
National Convention assembled, that the
indictment and trial of Ettor and Giovan- '
etti is an outrageous and inhuman attempt
on the part of the Woolen Trust plutocracy
and their hirelings in retaliation for the
successful revolt of the mill slaves of New
England, to destroy the right to strike and
the right of free speech and assembly of
wage earners and to establish a precedent,
base in its conception, vicious in its en-
forcement, and detrimental to the entire
working class of America, and destructive
to fundamental civil rights, and further
Resolved, That the National Executive
Committee be instructed to appropriate im-
mediately $500 for the defense of Ettor
and Giovanetti and that we call upon the
locals of the Socialist party to form de-
fense funds for this purpose to be for-
warded through the National Headquar-
ters.
The resolution was adopted.
DEL. SPARGO: The next deals with
CONDITIONS ON PACIFIC COAS'lN -
Whereas, The railways and the var
commercial associations of the Pac.
coast, by false advertisements, have h*
duced workingmen to come west, thereby .
creating a large army of the unemployed; *
be it
Resolved, That we request that the
greatest publicity be given to this matter
through the Socialist press and party or-
ganizations, as a warning to the workers
of the Eastern and Central States to stay
away from the Pacific coast, since labor
conditions there are intolerable.
I move its adoption. (Carried.)
On motion, the resolution was adopted.
DELi SPARGO: The next resolution
deals with the policy of Socialist municipal
administration to their employees.
MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION AND
MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES.
Whereas, The party has during the past
year secured control of a number of cities,
thus becoming" the employer of many
workers;
Whereas, The party realizes that intel-
ligent administration of government in-
volves the organization of the workers in
all departments;
Whereas, The object of the Socialist
party is to secure for all workers not only
the full product of their labor but a voice
in determining their conditions of work,
therefore ]be it
Resolved, That the party adopt as a
policy to be observed by its representa-
tives in office the organization of workers
in all departments under Socialist control
so that each department may obtain an
organized expression of the workers'
point of view on administrative methods
and conditions of work.
I move its adoption. (Carried.)
The resolution was adopted.
DEL. SPARGO: We come now to an old
friend, a perennial, dealings with pro-
paganda among the armed forces of the
nation.
PROPAGANDA IN THE ARMY AND
NAVY.
Whereas, In the class struggle the mili-
tary is often the first and always the last
resort of the ruling class; and
Whereas, The army, the navy, the militia
and the police offer a fertile field for the
dissemination of Socialist teachings; and
Whereas, the growth of Socialist
thought among the armed defenders of
capitalism tends to reduce the power of
the ruling class to rule and outrage the
working class, and thus to end the op-
pression and violence that labor suffers,
Be it Resolved, That the N. E. Commit-
tee be instructed to secure the services of
such a comrade or comrades as have made
a special study of war and militarism, and
that such comrade or comrades prepare
special appropriate leaflets to distribute
among soldiers, sailors, militia and police.
Resolved, That the N. E. Committee pub-
lish such leaflets and pamphlets and offer
for sale through the usual channels, and
that in addition an organized effort be
made for the distribution of such leaflets
among all the armed defenders of capital-
ist-class rule and among all military or-
ganizations and all government homes for
disabled soldiers and sailors.
I move its adoption.
t« D «h CASS ™7 < N - *■>: Iai oppose
to this resolution recommended by the
♦i^ mi rfl ee being adopted by the conven-
S?£\M T * he point Jk make is this > tha * w ©
should for some time support the workers
7 f iiy
o/
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
/ che industrial field. We should not
/ port the forces in the army or any
/■•^ler direction of that kind. If we have
ft .ny special literature, let us keep putting
it in the shop, factory, mine and store; let
us reach the men who are engaged in.
real constructive industry, and not waste
it in this special and unpromising terri-
tory.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): The Chicago
Daily Socialist this morning says that
the Massachusetts Legislature has passed
a law making it illegal to talk anti-mili-
tarism in the state of Massachusetts, with
a punishment of six months in jail and
$500 fine. If that is not answer enough
to this argument here, I do not care to
say anything more. (Applause.)
DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): Recently in
speaking with a sailor on one of the bat-
tleships, he told me that there were
seventy-four socialists upon that one bat-
tleship and that they had a circulating
library there, and that literature was be-
ing circulated there and on other ships.
The point is this, that when their term of
enlistment expires, as it does almost
every day, those who are in the army or
in the navy retire again into private life,
and they come into the industrial field,
and it is well that we should have those
men educated so that when they do re-
turn to the industrial field they will enlist
under the Socialist banner. (Applause.)
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I am in
favor of our propaganda reaching not only
the sailor but the soldier. I have lived in
a navy yard town on the Pacific coast by
the name of Brennerton. You may know
about Brennerton because our comrades
there captured two of the positions on the
council board, and they were going to be
deprived of their citizenship because of
their political activity in the navy yard.
We have had applications for membership
in that local from the sailors, and we try
as far as we can to organize the boys
and have them organize a local upon their
battleships. At one navy yard there is
an organization of 100 members of the
Socialist party. There is no ground so
ripe for Socialism as upon the battleships
I have been upon them almost every Sun-
day afternoon, talking in my small way,
and I have found the field ripe. Down in
Vancouver, Washington, I have sold more
literature to the army boys than I have
to the citizens of Vancouver. Therefore,
I am willing that we should throw thi3
back in the teeth of the Legislature of
Massachusetts. Yes, we will organize the
boys, and we will get the guns of the en-
emy, and I would rather stand back of the
gun than in front of it. (Applause.)
DEL. REID (R. I.): I rise to speak
upon this resolution. The Socialist move-
ment needs this propaganda. In our state
I recall, not very many weeks ago, some-
thing of the arguments made on a bill
in the Rhode Island Legislature, appro-
priating $95,000 for an armory and for
an armed guard for Rhode Island. In an-
swer to the objections to the bill a mem-
ber read a tirade against Socialism last-
ing one hour and a half. The point I
want to make is this, that he brought,
those points conclusively out. He said,
"Gentlemen, I appeal to you to support
unanimously this proposition, which is for
the defense of this glorious country.
There is an important factor that we
wiust consider. We need a national guard;
we need a national militia. We need it
to suppress that organized band of trai-
tors, Dr. Reid, Bill Haywood. John M.
Work" — and he enumerated a lot more
•of conspirators — "and to save the coun-
try." The capitalists are on their jot
They know what they need. It is simpl
force that they need, and they will us
it. I appeal to you to pass unanimousl
this resolution, and show the capitalis
class that the Socialist party are also on t<
their job. (Applause.)
The previous question was then orderei
and the resolution was adopted:
DEL. SPARGO: That is all for thi.
time, comrades.
FOREIGN SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS'
Del. Goaziou, Chairman, presented th-
following report of the Committee or
Foreign Speaking Organizations.*
Del. Goaziou, on behalf of the Com
mittee, moved the adoption of the report!
Seconded.
DEL. RUTHENBERG (Ohio): I wan','
to speak in opposition to that part of the
report which permits foreign language
organizations to purchase their due
stamps through their national translator's
office. In the past we have had in the
city of Cleveland about twenty different
foreign language organizations. We find!
that those organizations which purchase
their due stamps through their National
Translator's office never come near our
central organization, are not in touch
with the central organization, and take no
part whatsoever in the business of the
local. Now, if these branches as provided
in that report are to be part of the local
organization and are to vote for refer-
endums in that organization, they must
be kept in touch with the local organiza-
tion, and the only way to keep them in
touch with that organization is to make
them buy their due stamps through the
local secretary. We find, and it has been
told to me by men who are in touch with
the foreign organizations, that they are
now circulating in this country literature
for the separation of the church and state.
They are circulating literature against
feudalistic organizations in society, and
all this is due to the fact that we permit
them to separate themselves from our
own organization and do not require them,
through contact with the organized party
in this country, to keep in touch with the
organizations and institutions of our own
country. I believe that we must force
them in some way to come in touch with
the locals in our counties or cities and the
way to do that is to oblige them to buy
their due stamps from the county organi-
zation. We can make the same provision
as we do in Cleveland, that they purchase
the due stamps at a less rate than the
English branches, in order to give them
more funds for their own propaganda, but,
I believe they should buy through the
local secretary. In the state of Ohio the
state organization takes this position;
That no foreign organization can be a
part of the socialist party of Ohio unless
they purchase their due stamps through
the locals of the Socialist party of Ohio.
Otherwise they cannot vote on state or
national referendums or on local refer-
endums, or for state officers, and I believe
that that position should be taken by the
party in the nation at large. (Applause.)
And if the Chairman will permit, I move
as an amendment to Section 4, that such
organizations shall purchase their due
stamps at 12 %c from the Secretary of the
local organization in the county or city.
DEL. SOLOMON of New York: I want
to substantiate the remarks made by the
comrade from Ohio. It makes no differ-
*See Appendix O for Foreign Speaking
Organization Reports.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
ce what resolutions may be adopted by
is Convention, if you make no provision
lereby these foreign branches should
me into closer connection with the local
d state organizations, you will have ex-
tly the same situation that you are con-
onted with today. At the last congress
rtain" resolutions were adopted, and the
mrades thought they had solved the
oblem of the foreign-speaking organi-
tions. They increased the number of
tional translators at the headquarters.
ganizations have been formed in the
ferent states, entirely independent of
i local a y d state organizations; no con-
ction wf atever with them. In fact,
ire is cne in the city of Portland,
liated v 'th the national organization,
ying dues to the national organization,
ich was all the time under the impres-
n that they were part of the Socialist
bor Party! They were affiliated with
national organization and did not even
ow the name of that organization.
\.nd this is exactly the condition you
going to bring about by maintaining
be independent organizations, having
^connection whatever with the state
f local organizations. It is all very
11 to put in a provision that these
eign-speaking branches shall be an in-
>endent part of the national organiza-
n, but the only way to make them a
t of the organization is to bring them
o connection with the local and state
-anizations. Of course, the difficulty
es that the state and local organiza-
is have rules of their own, and it will
necessary to provide rules under which
h can work without interfering with
h other, according to our interpreta-
of state autonomy. If you want to
ke it possible for the foreign-speaking
nches to maintain their activity as or-
izations, if you want them to get into
work of the Party in the United
tes, and to cease from lines of propa-
da which have no bearing upon the
ation in this country, you must bring
•n into closer connection with the local
;he state organizations. Let them pur-
their stamps from the local and
organizations — we are willing to give
at cost — and take an active part in
**k of that state.
°ANKIN of the Jewish Agitation
want to say, in the first place,
Tuage groups do not come in
s as those mentioned by the
the committee. "We repre-
chat is not affiliated with the
.ce but is nevertheless a lan-
■ ,up. My proposition that I sub-
'o that Committee embodied all of
.lient features of the report, except
the due stamps shall be purchased
ct from the local or state committees
reduced price. The recommendation
I made provided that due stamps
lid be purchased at 10 cents instead of
The amendment made by Delegate
er that these branches be enabled to
hase their due stamps at -12 V2 cents,
Id not give them sufficient funds to
y on their propaganda among the
ign workingmen. W e hav e to make
>er provision for thisToecause in this
itry today, it seems to me, that more
half of the proletariat is foreign
king-. A great majority of the people]
<ing in the steel mills and in the I
is are foreign speaking, and we must
3 these branches sufficient funds to
f on their agitation amongst them.
he same time I entirely agree with
gate Solomon that it should hot be a
•atist movement. It is high time to
*»
'•^out
s th.
give up the separatist movemetv t
come together in our work. o J
DEL. BARNES: I would like to the
from Comrade Solomon how he prop«.to
to overcome the difficulty of communicae
ing with the foreign-speaking organiza-
tions?
DEL. LE SUEUR: It takes a little time
to explain this question. I want you to
understand that it is impossible to get a
proposition that will be entirely satisfac-
tory to every one, but I want this delega-
tion to understand that this problem that
is confronting you now is just as import-
ant as any other proposition that will
come before we close this Convention.
There are two sides to the question.
There is one side that you will all agree
with, and I think you will agree with
both sides — and that is that it is of the
utmost importance for the Socialists that
the foreign-speaking people shall be or-
ganized. That is an important part.
Again, it is also just as important that
the organizations of foreign-speaking
people may be brought into contact with
the American movement. The foreign-
speaking socialist, coming to this country
from Europe, comes here with European
notions. He has made his propaganda
under entirely different conditions from
what he finds here. One of- our most im-
portant duties is to bring the foreign
socialist, or non-socialist, into touch with
the English-speaking branches, and I
agree with Delegate Solomon when he
says so; but you cannot get a man who
does not either read or speak English to
write a communication to the secretary of
the local who speaks only English. I
have been in correspondence with the
Socialist Party since it has been formed,
and I have organized French locals in
most of the States, and the secretaries of
those states who are here will agree with
me, and they all failed to maintain their
existence for the single and sole reason
that it was hard to get a secretary that
could translate a communication from
the state or national office, or get a secre-
tary that could write to the state or
national office. This is a difficulty that we
must overcome. Now, if you have 20 or
25, or 50 branches in you»r State, and
these have to communicate with the
county or local to get their due stamps,
you must get 25 men that are able to un-
derstand and able to write the English
language, while, if they communicate with
their translator, they can do business even
if they don't speak English. In some of
the local organizations you might find a
man who can speak but who cannot write
it, who can come to your local meeting
and take part in its business and as a
delegate to the branch, but he could not
take his pen and write a letter to order
due stamps. We know all these difficul-
ties because we have come in contact with
them. It is not a theory, it is a fact. The
French have no foreign-speaking organi-
zation and I am not speaking for myself.
It is not necessary for me; but I v would
like to see the French of this country, as
well as the other nationalities, have a
chance to organize with the American
Socialist movement, and when they are
organized, have the facilities for co-oper-
ating with you to build up a strong
Socialist movement of all nationalities in
this country.
Now, then, in regard to making a cer-
tain amount for dues, you cannot do it,
because the amounts vary in the different
states. You cannot say 10 or 12 or 14
cents; but if you simply say that we pay
one-half that will apply in all states.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
port ♦ a s Comrade Solomon has said, this
>taer d f - ntion must work according to the
-ny s^s of State autonomy. We cannot
it in fee anything down the throats of the
us socialists, but I believe that all socialists
re will abide by any proposition that will be
clearly for the advantage of the Socialist
Party. And that is Why we are saying — -
if you don't do something to facilitate the
work of organizing and maintaining our
organizations among the foreign-speaking
people, somebody else will, and will get
them away from you. We m ust have as
strong organization of "all nationalities,
yof all languages, so that we may be pre-
f pared to take the immigrant in hand when
/ he comes to this country. A large number
/ of French people who were active in the
/ Socialist movement in France — and it is
/ the same with people of other national-
C ities — after ' they have come to America
\ have simply not been able to get in touch
l with any branch, and have dropped out
J entirely from Socialist activities or have
f become active in some other channels that
1 are opposed to the principles of the
/ Socialist Party. We want to get all of
\ these people into our movement; and we
V,ask you Comrades of this Convention, not
to stick at technicalities, not to stick at a
question of a few dollars — this will bring
you a great many more dollars. Accept
the proposition of the Committee, the
best we have been able to get for you. It
is not perfect but none of you could get
one that would be satisfactory to all of
this Committee, one that would be per-
fect.
DEL. CAROLINE LOWE of Illinois: I
feel that I am competent to speak on this
question. Last year I served on the con-
stitution committee, and when the foreign-
speaking comrades came before us with
their proposition we were not clear upon
the point. Since then I have tried to make
it my business to investigate the matter.
I had opportunity to do so, because at
one time our meeting pjace was in the
same building with those of the foreign
comrades. It was an utter impossibility
for us to induce the foreign comrades to
join our organization for the simple rea-
son that we could not understand one
word we were saying. It was just as im-
portant that I should understand what
they were saying and I could not do it.
It would be impossible. It would be im-
possible for me to attend their meetings
and take an interest in the proceedings.
And if they are to join the Socialist Party
and to work intelligently with us, they
must do it along the lines upon which
they can reach their people. They cannot
reach their people through English-speak-
ing organizations. The foreign-speaking
men will not come into our organizations.
We had exactly the same experience
-when I was living in Kansas City. Out
from Girard, Kansas, ■ there are several
mining villages, in which the miners are
nearly all of foreign birth. They cannot
come into the English-speaking branches,
because they do not understand our lan-
guage. But we can organize them into
foreign-speaking locals and do great
good.
The same thing is true in connection
with the Women's Department. The very
fact that we have translator secretaries
is a great help to us in reaching the
women of foreign nationalities. In their
own country, as well as here, the Finnish
comrades are splendidly organized, and it
is a very simple matter for us to reach
the Finnish women with our message, be-
cause we have a Finnish translator tv
translates our message.
I speak for the adoption of the reso
tion. I am confident that the best rest
can come from it. We need them in <
organization; and as fast as they are e<
cated to the point where they can come
they will come in. Just as they do in <
meeting-place in Chicago, they will co
in as soon as they can work intelligen
with us. As scon as they can underst*
the English language they will come
very eagerly.
DEL. LATIMER of Minnesota: Th
are two sides to this question. Most
the comrades that have been talking
favor of this question, represent
foreign-speaking organizations as agr
ing with them absolutely as to their
ganization. I do not think it would
wise to establish a Jewish translator s
retary, because the Jewish comrades <
understand English. We have a trans
tor secretary that we do not need, i
that is the Scandinavian translator sec
tary. Up in Minnesota where about ev
other man is a Scandinavian, they ca
up there with their organizer, — came i
the English-speaking locals, and aim
destroyed several locals. I don't beli
we need a separate translator secret
for the German branches. But, on
other hand, we have in Minnesota, aim
3,000 Finnish comrades. Those comra
cannot write down to the State office
English, and if you take and compel th
comrades to communicate with the St
office, pay their dues to it, do all ti
business with the State office and fc
them into the organization, what are 1
going to do? You are going to dest
that splendid Finnish organization in
State of Minnesota. They are not org
ized in Finnish-speaking organizati
because they desire to remain sepai
and apart from us. They are compelled
because they do not understand the 1
guage. These comrades want to le
English; but you can't get anywhere,
saying "If you don't do it you cannot bj
the Socialist Party." I say, thereO
that you should go a little slow in s
ing — "If you want to become Social
you have got to become English-speak
socialists, allied with the English-spqi
ing socialists and paying dues directly
the State organizations." Why, we wq
have to hire a translator secretary
every state where there are many of tfe
foreign-speaking comrades, because,
know that hardly a day passes by th*
do not get a letter in some South SlavJ
tongue or Finnish, which I have*
get some comrade to translate. TJ
write in and ask if they can writ^
their own language. I think we will
much better if we just hold out the J
hand to them, and tell them, to work ah
in their own organizations and come?"
gether in such things as would inteJ
us all.
DEL. MERRICK of Pennsylvania!}
move to change the amendment tffl
cents, where it says 12%.
DEL. NOVAK from the Bohemian |
ganization: Most of us, like myself
have been in America only ten
know that the State and the Churcl
arated long ago, in America; so W(
have to do it. What the foreign-spt
organizations are doing, on this que
is that they are fighting back
churches that are fighting socialism,
we have a right to do it and it is
duty to do it and we will do it. We n»
stick our noses in the English-speM
organizations where they have preacl
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
r ministers. We never ask them. We
lever want to tell them "You have to
hrow them out." That is none of our
>usiness, because it don't hurt us in our
• ranches. It is business of theirs. If the
oi >reacher is all right it is none of our
4 msiness.
DEL. MERRICK: A point of order;
here is an amendment before the house.
Che delegate is not so speaking to the
tmendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point is not
veil taken. The delegate must have some
atitude.
DEL. NOVAK (Resuming): So much
'or the Church question. I don't know
vhere Pankin got the idea that the dele-
t ?ates of the foreign-speaking organiza-
t< .ions do not agree. It is only the State of
'lew York chat does not agree. As long,
ts the foreign-speaking organizations
sijigree, by their delegates, it don't matter
c f hr doesn't agree. He don't know any-
thi- ,- about selling stamps. I don't think
:ht we have to take into consideration
thf opinion of comrades who are not ex-
pe ienced along this line. So I think the
best we can do is to compel the others to
ijgo to conventions and congresses of the
Socialist Party, and not to allow one sec-
retary to go against the whole convention
or the whole congress of the Socialist
Party.
DEL. AALTONEN of Michigan: I hap-
pen to be a member of a foreign-speaking
organization, viz., the Finnish. In 1910 at
the congress at Chicago, provision was
made for the organization of these
foreign-speaking federations within the
American Socialist Party. At that time
there was only one or two comparatively
small organizations affiliated with the
American Socialist Party. Now we have
six or seven, and five or six more that are
ready to come in. Our Finnish organiza-
tion has probably made more progress
than all the rest of the organizations to-
gether, since its organization. In 1910
our membership numbered about 6,000.
Now we number 12,000; and last year the
217 Finnish locals in the American Social-
ist Party have transacted about
worth of business. This shows th.
plan laid down last Congress is n r A
tical. This shows that it does no'
the foreign workingmen in Americ the
touch with the Socialist movement, to
cannot compel him to do anything. If e
could compel the Finlanders to do an
thing, then the Russians would have bee.
able to compel us to do something which
they have been trying to do for hundreds
of years. There is nothing that can com-
pel people who know their rights, to do
anything.
All these foreign-speaking comrades
have joined in this plan read by our secre-
tary on the platform. All of us have
agreed with him. The view we have
taken in this matter is not to give these
foreign-speaking branches any distinct
national organization. That is the only
proposition.
The proposition is to organize them, be-
cause I am one of those who believe in or-
ganization and nothing else. Organization
is the only thing that will emancipate the
laboring class. According to the last
census there are about 18,000,000 foreign-
born people in America. What are you
going to do with them?
There have been comrades on the floor
of this Convention who have said that in
some localities, viz., in New York and in
Cleveland, Ohio, as I understood, the
foreign comrades in those localities have
absolutely nothing to do with the local
organizations. This is no fault of theirs.
It is the fault of the American socialists,
because they don't do anything in order
to get in touch with them. There is not a
single Finnish organization in the en-
tire country that is not affiliated with the
local and county organizations, that have
been requested to do so; but in many ca-ses
the American comrades seem to have the
idea that these comrades are a different
sort of people, having nothing to do with
the American people.
The convention then took a recess until
2:30 p. m.
^
AFTERNOON SESSION.
The convention was called to order at
2:30 p. m. by Chairman Carey.
DEL. AALTONEN (Mich.): Comrade
George Sirola, Vice President of the Fin-
nish Parliament, from Helkinski, Finland,
Is with us this afternoon. He is a mem-
ber of the Socialist party of Finland and
I wish to move that the floor be granted to
him for five minutes to address this body.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there are no ob-
jections we will suspend the regular or-
der. I appoint Comrades Aaltonen of
Michigan and Fenner of Massachusetts to
escort Comrade Sirola to the platform.
Comrade Sirola on ascending the plat-
form was greeted with rousing cheers by
the convention.
COMRADE SIROLA: Comrade Chairman
and Comrades:
I bring to you fraternal greetings from
the struggling proletariat of a. small na-
tion and wish to bring to your attention a
question which is very important for that
nation and which has been recommended
to the attention of the revolutionary pro-
letariat in all lands by the last Interna-
tional Congress in Copenhagen. I wish to
state that the gist of that question — the
Finnish question — is for us by no means
the maintenance of the old constitutional
rights, and the State Autonomy of Fin-
land, which rights tyrannical Czarizm has
endeavored to steal from us, but it is a
fight for the maintenance of those new
Democratic rights which the Finnish pro-
letariat succeeded in winning through the
general strike during the days of the
Russian revolution.
These rights which are so essential for
the proletariat in its class struggle are
now in danger. It is clear that the Czar,
the Qrand Duke of Finland, has the aid
of the exploiting class of Finland in his
efforts to suppress the workers. The ex-
ploiting class there, as everywhere, have
forgotten all the beautiful phrases about
liberty, patriotism, constitutionality and
legality, which were so often on their lips
before the proletariat began to gather un-
der the red banner.
Though the Socialists of Finland are
proud of having been able, first, to secure
universal suffrage for all men and women,
and second, to gather over 330,000 votes
for socialism during the last four years,
giving us 87 representatives in the Fin-
nish Parliament out of a total of two
hundred, twelve of these socialist repre-
sentatives being women; yet Uje prole-
tariat of Finland well understand that
their fight is only a part of the inter-
national struggle of the working class,
and that the final emancipation of the
Finnish workers can be achieved only
through the efforts of the united prole-
tariat in all lands.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
.sent when the liberties of our na-
e being threatened more than ever
, the eyes of the comrades in Finland
the first place set upon a new rising
3 Russian proletariat; and in the
jtaer r i( j pi ace> we look upon the working
' nv ps in the great industries of Capital-
* r lr n, apprehending that their awakening
us 7nto a conscious class struggle is a prime
r ' condition for securing democracy and lib-
erty of the Nation.
Since coming to your country, to this
mighty land of industrialism, and having
opportunity to travel considerably and in-
vestigate the life and doings of the people,
I am convinced that here, if anywhere, the
class struggle must be fought without re-
gard to race or nationality. I am glad to
say that I have found the workers from
our little land, whom Capitalism has driv-
en here in search of a labor market and
for a time to sell their labor power for a
small consideration, have now in great
numbers learned to speak the interna-
tional language of the working class in
strikes, demonstrations, and at the ballot
box, together with the American working
men. I am glad also to see that they are
endeavoring to bring themselves closer
and closer to the American working class
and with that end in view have started a
college for Finnish Socialists, which, they
are busy moulding into a real Socialist
College for the use of American workers.
My dear Comrades! Returning to the
Finnish question I would like tc say fur-
ther that I would like to direct your at-
tention to the proletariat in that corner of
the world, and I am convinced that you
will grant your moral support and sym-
pathy with the struggle of our Comrades
there, especially at this time when the
struggle is approaching its climax. (Ap-
plause.)
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN-
SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question before
the house is the report of the Committee
on International Relations to which two
amendments have been offered. I under-
stand that there is some desire that copies
of these reports of committees be general-
ly distributed or at least that they should
reach every delegate.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I thin* it is due
to the delegates of this convention that
every report shall be printed in order that
we may know exactly what we are voting
on. I move therefore that we discontinue
the discussion of the report at this time
and ask to have it immediately printed.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to
table that motion.
The motion to table was lost.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question now is
upon the postpopement of consideration
until such time as the report is printed.
DEL. STREBEL (N. Y.): I wish to in-
quire if this action is deferred whether
any other committee is ready to report.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair is unable
to reply to that question. Are you ready
for the question of postponing action on
the report?
The motion of Delegate Goebel was then
declared lost.
DEL. MAHONEY (Mass.): I move the
previous question.
The motion for the previous question
was seconded and carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question now
comes upon the report of the committee
and the pending amendment. One on one
side and one on the other are entitled to
five minutes each. The Chair in view of
the number desiring to speak, will g
the floor to members of delegations tl
have not spoken upon the question. De
gate Spargo of Vermont.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): Has i
Delegate Spargo spoken on this questio
That is a point of information.
THE CHAIRMAN: Under parliamenta
rules there is no such thing as a point
information. While every one of the del
gates may need information the Chs
will not recognize it. Delegate Spargo h
the floor.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): I ask the del
gates to vote in favor of the adoption
the report of the committee. I ask that
view of the experience that we have h;
on the National Executive Committee dul
ing all the years that I have been on th;
committee. It has been one of the grea
est possible difficulties to know how
organize efficiently our foreign-speakir
proletariat in a country where the prol<
tariat is becoming overwhelmingly foreig
speaking. I say to you that the idea thi
it can be handled by distinct committee
is not borne out by the experience of 01
committee. It is not borne out by the e>
perience of the party in any State in th;
union. We want to enable our Finnis
comrades, our Swedish comrades, ov
Jewish comrades to maintain and carr
on the splendid organizations that the
have formed under this method.
A DELEGATE: You have no foreigner
in Vermont. What do you know about it
DEL. SPARGO: It is not true that w
have no foreigners in the State of Ver
mont. We depend very largely in th
State of Vermont for our movement upoi
the foreigner in the industrial centers
and so far as we are concerned the indus
trial life of Vermont is very largely main>
tained by a foreign-speaking proletariat
I believe that the arrangement propose!
by the committee is the very best arrange^
ment that we can possibly have. On th<
other hand I believe that the amendment!
proposed are fatal to any effective organi?
zation of our foreign-speaking comrade*
in this country. It is said by way of ob-
jection to the report, and in support of th<
amendment that is offered, that foreigi
speaking comrades who have learned tc
speak English draw out of the English-
speaking locals and go into the foreign*
speaking locals. That is not an objection
It is a big advantage. That is what w«
want to do. What can we ask better thai
when a comrade coming from Italy 01
some other country has been in the coun-
try Ipng enough to learn the languages
and in the movement long enough to un-
derstand our party, where can we use hinj
better, in our English speaking branches
or in the branches among the people from
his own country, who must go through th<-
same evolution and who need his help;
his guidance and his experience, if we arc-
ever to have an effective organization ol
those people? Vote down the amendment?
and adopt the report of the committee as
it stands.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): It is unfor-
tunate for delegates to speak on a subject
that they know nothing about. This is
not a question of abolishing the foreign
organizations. That is point number one.
Nobody wants to abolish them, and there-
fore, that need not be discussed. The
foreign organizations will remain, wheth-
er you vote for the original motion or for
the amendment. There is no question here
of abolishing the translator secretaries.
They will remain as they are, whether
you vote for the original motion or adopt
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
amendment, so that all that eloquence
wasted. What is desired here is that
language branches should remain as
are, having the translator secretaries
hey have them, but that instead of
ng their due stamps from the na-
il office through the translators, they
thrm from the locals and branches
sta-^e officers, and that is all that is to
iscissed. Now, it is said here that the
is' organization is the most success-
or, and that therefore, they must
itain the status quo. The Finnish
nization is the most successful of all
i foreign organizations. The bulk of
nembers pay dues to the state organi-
>n and not co the national executive
nittee. There is only one Finnish or-
zation in the state of New York be-
ing to the Socialist party that pays
to th national organization. The
pay d' ;S to the different locals or to
tate rganization. Here is an illus-
on an . an answer to all the argu-
s agamst the amendment. The most
ssful organization is paying dues
as the amendment contemplates, and
the comrades representing the Fin-
organizations are against the amend-
1 do not understand. There is evi-
y some misunderstanding. The Fin-
organizations would benefit by the
jtion of the amendment, because now
are paying double dues. This araend-
contemplates giving them a remit-
of dues which they have been pay-
and therefore, the Finnish organiza-
should certainly support the amend-
As it is now they have to pay 15c
and then pay again to the local or-
:ation. Under the present arrange-
what do we find? Agitators go into
Deals and pull them out of the party,
lave that in the state of New York.
• a branch, many an organization has
pulled out of the Socialist party in
way. Now, this amendment will re-
iin their maintaining their separate
organizations, but they will be an
ral part of the Socialist party,
e the members speaking the foreign
tages belong to the English speaking
lizations, it is true they cannot cor-
|nd or talk to each other, but we see
this difficulty is overcome in the
of the Finnish organizations, which
ble to carry on their correspondence.
fore, we should vote for the amend-
question was put on the amendment
e amendment, that stamps shall be
ased from the locals, and the prop-
n was defeated,
amendment was also lost,
original motion to adopt the report
le committee was then put and
d.
motion of Del. Russell of New York,
iport of the platform committee was
a special order for an evening ses-
tonight (Thursday), beginning at
o'clock.
DIVISION OF TIME.
u. WHEELER (Pa.): I move that in
ses where committees make majority
linority repprts the same amount of
)e given to each report. This is not
led in the rule. I move its adoption.
2 CHAIRMAN: The Chair will re-
a motion that does not violate the
The rules say that the Chairman is
d to twenty minutes; that is the
lan of the committee.
SPARGO: A point of order. At
me of the adoption of that rule, I
nd requested from the chairman of
janvention a ruling upon that point,
and the convention was assured that the
same amount of time would be given to
the chairman of the minority and the
chairman of the majority, and that was
the understanding when we adopted that
rule.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a point
of order, but if the Secretary has that
upon the records, it will stand.
THE SECRETARY: That is so.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary con-
firms that, and it stands that the spokes-
men directly for the majority and minority
will both be given the time stated in the
rules. That stands as the rule of this
body.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON CO-OPER-
ATIVES.
THE CHAIRMAN: The next committee
is the Committee on Co-operatives. Are
they ready to report?
DEL. GAYLORD: Yes.
DEL. LINDGREN (N. Y.) : I have a
minority report.
THE CHAIRMAN: On what?
DEL. LINDGREN: On this co-operative
movement.
THE CHAIRMAN: Very well. Under
the rule the minority may be heard.
DEL. LINDGREN: But the report is not
in print. Is it necessary to have it in
print?
THE CHAIRMAN: Not at all, if they
take your word for it; if they do not or-
der it printed, they will take it for
granted. It is a question of ordering the
printing. Delegate Gaylord, for the Com-
mittee on Co-operative Commonwealth.
DEL. GAYLORD, Chairman, reporting for
the Committee:
The Chairman suggests that this is the
Committee on Co-operative Common-
wealth. Lest there be a misunderstanding
on this subject, as there has been, I beg
to call the attention of the delegates to
the fact that the Committee is not ap-
pointed for that purpose, but to consider
the facts relating <to the co-operative
movement and to make recommendations.
Do I understand, Mr. Chairman, that the
chairman reporting for the committee has
five minutes before the vote is taken, to
close the debate?
THE CHAIRMAN: I so understand it.
DEL. GAYLORD: If that is the under-
standing, very well. The report is very
brief, and since it is nothing but a plain
statement of facts, I will with your per-
mission read it before any argument is
made.
The report of the Committee on Co-oper-
atives was then read.*
(Vice-Chairman M. W. Simons in the
Chair.)
DEL. GAYLORD: This report is signed
by all the members of the Committee ex-
cept one. This member told me frankly
at the beginning of the Committee's work
that he was opposed to the co-operative
movement in any sense and to having it
recognized, but would not object to its
being investigated, and would report fur-
ther in his own behalf.
Now, the statements, which are here in
this report formulated, coincide with other
recorded statements of the International
Socialist movement. Delegates wishing to
verify this statement of mine can secure,
at the literature stand in the lobby here,
copies of the report of the Socialist party
delegation and proceedings of the Interna-
tional Socialist -Congress at Copenhagen
in 1910. I think they will charge you a
nickel for it; they charged me that much.
*The report is printed in full, Appendix
E, — Editor.
/ 7<-m
AT TC
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
On page 15 of this document is given in
full the resolution on co-operation, with
something of the discussion, and there is
the statement that the resolution was
adopted, the American delegates voting
in its favor.
There has been a development in the at-
titude of the Socialist movement with ref-
erence to the co-operatives in other coun-
tries. It is well known that in the earlier
days Lassalle proposed co-operative so-
cieties which should be founded by the aid
of capital to be furnished by the state.
This was ridiculed, on the other hand, by
others. If I do not give this history ac-
curately, there are those here who are
able to do it. I give it as best I may from
such study as I have been able io make.
Others in the Socialist movement in
Germany ridiculed this idea, saying,
"What state will give aid to a working
class movement of co-operatives unless it
be a Socialist state? And then you won't
need co-operatives." And so for the time
being that whole question was brushed
aside and the political agitation concen-
trated very largely the attention of the
workers of that nation and that move-
ment.
Gradually, however, there came in the
insistence upon the possibility of gaining
for the workers some benefit through the
co-operative movement, in the industrial
co-operatives, and in the consuming so-
cieties, as they call what we know as dis-
tributive co-operatives.
Opposed to this was the argument based
upon what has been called the iron law
of wages, namely, that it was impossible
by the workers to benefit by any reduc-
tion in the cost of their living, through
the supposed success of the co-operatives,
the argument being — and Engels made
this argument at one time — 'that if, in
any given community the cost of living is
reduced by twenty per cent., the only
result will be that the capitalist class will
then reduce wages by a similar amount,
and then the workers will not be any
better off.
In the face of this argument, in the face
of the strong prejudice, in the face of the
well known handicap to any such co-
operative effort in any kind of a working
class community, the co-operative move-
ment nevertheless began, prospered, grew
and thrived in Germany, until today it
takes hold of unfavorable industries, or-
ganizes them with capital owned by the
workers, avowedly for the purpose of im-
proving industrial conditions, and makes
good. They do it; that is all; they do it.
Maybe they cannot; maybe it is not ortho-
dox; perhaps it is contrary to Mai*x or
Engels and does not jibe with the classical
literature. But they do it; it is a fact.
Your Committee does not ask nor rec-
ommend that the Socialist party of Amer-
ica here today shall endorse the co-opera-
tive movement. The co-operative move-
ment does not care whether you endorse it
or not, any more than the labor union
cares. That is the fact. If you oppose it
you will concentrate the energy of those
who favor it. If you recommend it you
will here and there temporarily increase
activities which may for the time being,
because ill advised and hasty, lead to tem-
porary failures. "We ask you neither to
endorse nor to condemn. We ask you
simply to look it over. There it is. Go
and find out what it is, before anything
further is said. But, it is there.
We do not claim adventages in our re-
port. Frankly, I am convinced personally.
But the report simply says that those who
are most closely connected with this
movement claim benefits of three sj
kinds, and these are mentioned in th
port. I trust that the comrades
notice carefully the language of th
port. Don't think we are saying i
thing which we are not saying, and
think we are trying to get you 1
something which we do not ask you
The benefits claimed relate, first, t
furnishing of an improved quality of
and other supplies. Second, the £
increase of economic resources, ir
control of the purchasing power of
who co-operate and "in building U]
serve funds; these things are cla
And then, third, the training of the "\
ers in the capacity of administering
own economic affairs.
These are ithe claims. Persona
think their claims are justified. I d
ask you, representing the Socialist
of America, to say so, and I do not u
stand that the adoption of this r
justifies or fortifies or endorses this <
All it does is to appoint a committ
go out and investigate the facts an
port from time to time the facts con
ing the co-operative movement.
We ask you to do this, your Comr
do, in view of the failures, this, no
warning which is sounded in this r<
Co-operatives fail. Well, all kinc
business fail anyhow. Even the 1
are busted sometimes and swalowe
by each other, and if some co-opei
stores and other enterprises should
it is of course to be expected. Let ui
out why they fail in a majority of <
and find out the conditions which
favorable to their failure, and find 01
conditions under which they succeed
if the investigation shall prove wh
claimed by some, that the America!
is unfavorable for this sort of effo:
the part of the working class, let I
find and report in due season. So f
I am concerned, my mind is open t
facts on that matter, and I am not
pared today personally to make any
tive statement as to a final convicti<
am open to facts.
Meanwhile, the statement that thi
no successful co-operative moveme:
the United States is not borne ox
facts presented to your Committee. I
rade Vlag and Comrade Kaplan, oni
ing in New York City and the
Duluth, both of them having had 01
erable experience in the handling
promoting of these stores, and bo
them conducting a wide corresnon
with other persons now engaged in}
lines of business, reported to ui
facts as they have found. In Wi»
alone, says Mr. Kaplan, there are urn
of 100 branches of the American m
of Equity. Mr. Vlag, who has hadB
sive correspondence with those ci
on co-operative enterprises, sayfl
are upwards of 100 societies orgp
and carried on in connection witlT
organizations under the name
Workmen's Union in Wisconsin.
Ian says there are upwards of
operatives in the four states of Wi
Michigan, Illinois and Minnesota.
Putting together these two, it 1<
though there were about 200 enf
within the knowledge of these c<
A minimum statement as to the ar
business that these stores do is
neighborhood of $2,500 a month,
together this total, it looks as
we were justified in saying that tl
somewhere in the neighborhood of)
000 worth of business done by tl
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
3i*ises in a year. That is conservative,
p< link you will admit.
ll omrade Vlag reports that in the east-
part of the country there are in the
U^hborhood of 500 Italian local organi-
8 ions carrying on co-operative enter-
, ses of various sizes, and all of them
t cessful, some of them exceedingly so.
t reports others carried on by other
ionalities, Bohemian, Finnish and other
ionalitL:s. There are also other farm-
' co-operative organizations scattered
oughor t the country. Your "Committee
not * ave at hand any definite infor-
tion excepting common knowledge, as
say in the report, concerning co-oper-
/es in other parts of the country, and
epting that one member of our com-
tee reported that there exists in Seat-
for instance, a wholesale co-operative
plying goods to about fifty co-opera-
i stores on the western coast, mainly
Washington
hus we ar • in fairly close touch with
se differe c wings of this movement.
lerstand ; . once that there is no cen-
l organiz tion, but that there is a
lespread organization throughout the
ion, in practically every state. I, my-
!, can bear witness, having traveled in
9t of the states and run across it. In
southwest they are numerous. An-
er member of our Committee, Comrade
nbie, is in personal contact with them
Oklahoma, and so we know they are
Ire. We know they are prosperous.
know they have been in existence
■lewhere upwards of twenty years, hav-
lasted over from the old Grange days.
o we cannot deny the existence of the
operative movement in the United
!tes, though it is not unified.
ow, if in^other countries the workers
e found it possible to secure owner-
3 by groups of workers of industrial
commercial capital, and to administer
use this capital for their own benefits,
if the workers have thus increased
ir economic resources, have thus been
s to fight their industrial battles, and
e thus been able to finance their poli-
battles, that is a matter of great in-
st to us.
i addition to that, Kautsky and other
ters in the Socialist party movement,
Gonzale of Belgium, have pointed out
fact of the educational effect upon the
•kers concerned in the management of
se co-operative enterprises. Gonzale
ecially points out the necessity for
training, the discipline, the develop-
lt of the capacity of self control on the
t of the workers to enable them to ad-
ister the business of society. And the
y way to learn to do is to do. I know
no other way in which I learned to do
lgs but by doing them. Some comrades
test that I talk too much. That is be-
se I have talked a good deal and
rned how to talk. I did not learn to
c by keeping quiet.
ow, your Committee is not prejudiced
;his matter one way or another; and in
ing I wish simply to say this: The
nomic conditions in the United States
such as are made possible, and some
ees seem to bring forth this economic
cement. # It does not wait for us to
it. It is not our business as a party
undertake the organizing of the co-
ratives any more than it is our busi-
s to undertake the organizing of labor
ons of any kind. But as individual
'Kers, if we find that under given eon-
3ns in different communities we can
ent ourselves as workers and can ben-
efit the working class by proceeding in
this direction, we shall do it, whether the
Socialist party approves or not. But it is
a proper function of the Socialist party to
discover the facts concerning this move-
ment, its possibilities, its history, and to
make such recommendations and state-
ments of fact as may prevent the com-
rades from making costly experiments,
which are unnecessary when experience is
available.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chairman rules
that in order to bring this matter before
the house the minority report will be
heard before we proceed to discuss. Is
the report for the minority ready?
DEL. GOAZIOU: I was going to make
a motion to accept the report. I move to
accept the report.
MINORITY REPORT.
DEL. LINDGREN (N. Y.): In bringing
this minority report before you, I want to
say at the start that I have no intention
at all of belittling the co-operative move-
ment or anything that can be found of
benefit to the working class as such. My
reason for making the minority report is
that in the majority report it practically
contains an endorsement of the co-oper-
ative movement, and I do not th^nk that
we, as a convention here, should endorse
anything that we do not know something
about.
Now, I want to point out something to
Comrade Gaylord. He says this is not an
endorsement. I will read the first section
of his report: "Just as the labor unions
fight for industrial self control for the
working class, the socialist party for polit-
ical self control, and the labor and So-
cialist class for intellectual self control
for the workers, so the co-operative move-
ment fights for an increasing degree of
economic self-control for the workers
through the ownership and use of indus-
trial and commercial capital by organ-
ized groups of the workers."
Now, we all know that labor unions do
benefit the working class in their fight for
immediate demands. We also know that
the press and the Socialist party means
to assist the workers. But, as yet, there
have been no facts laid before us that the
co-operative movement as such will bene-
fit the workers in America. 1 contend
that the conditions in this country, as far
as the co-operative movement is con-
cerned, are not the same as they are in
Europe; and even though it may have
been recognized by the International Con-
gress at Copenhagen, we want to take in-
to consideration that the International
Congress also endorsed the immigration
question and endorsed the race question
which when they endorsed them, they did
not know the conditions that existed in
America.
The Socialist party today at this con-
vention, if a vote was taken here, would
stand divided on those two questions, and
the co-operative movement as such is in
the same position. We do not Know any-
thing about it. Now I want to read this
report to you.
(Del. Lindgren then read the minority
report, as follows:)
MINORITY REPORT COMMITTEE ON
CO-OPERATIVES.
At the present stage and strength of the
Socialist Party, I am opposed to it en-
gaging in or endorsing any form of co-
operative business for the following rea-
sons:
7 r iry
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
f
r lst.
J^hose
made
away
That it has been the experience in
sections where efforts have been
along co-operative lines, to draw
from the party active members for-
merly rendering invaluable services to its
propaganda work, and thus disrupting the
party organization in such localities.
2nd. That in such localities the funds
used in establishing co-operatives, invari-
ably diminished the financial assistance
rendered to the party organization, for
propaganda and agitation and that in
this country, at this time, there are but
a few, io. any, sections where the Social-
ists are sufficiently strong in numbers
to make such proposition feasible without
jeopardizing the party's activity and
growth.
-3rd. That in such sections which have
come under my personal knowledge and
observation, this movement has been dis-
ruptive, and party members who had ad-
vanced money lost in most cases all they
put in. Other reasons could be advanced,
but I think the two first are sufficient to
cause this convention, to recognize the
proposed step of going into or endors-
ing, especially, business co-operative prop-
ositions as dangerous to the growth and
progress of the party.
The impatience of some comrades and
their enthusiasm to push the Socialist
Party ahead, should not be allowed to
stampede this convention, or for it to ig-
nore the knowledge gained by experience
of the past.
I therefore recommend that a commit-
tee of five (5) be elected by this conven-
tion to investigate the relation between
the co-onerativc movement and that of
the Socialist Party, not alone in its rela-
tion to the working class as consumers,
but also as producers, this committee to
report at the next National Congress of
the Socialist Party.
Fraternally submitted,
E. LINDGREN.
DEL. LINDGREN: I want to say that
in making these statements I speak from
personal experience. In Brooklyn we had
three co-operative stores which failed
within one year. There was probably lost
during that time anywhere from three to
five thousand dollars on those three
stores. In those sections of Brooklyn
where these stores existed the party or-
ganization was, you might say, disor-
ganized. The active members in the party
organization who took up the co-oper-
ative work, when these stores failed they
staid away from the party organization.
It reouired us practically a year and a
half to build up the organization again in
those sections of Brooklyn where the
stores had existed. That has not alone
been the experience of Brooklyn, but it
has been the experience of several sec-
tions on Long Island and in some parts of
New Jersey, in which, I believe, the dele-
gates will bear me out. where co-oper-
ative stores have existed.
Another reason, which I believe is prob-
ably the strongest reason for not endors-
ing it. or for not taking it up until we
investigate the proposition. is that
brnusrht out when Comrade Kaplan was
before the Committee. He stated at the
Committee meeting that the prices of
commodities had gone down. I asked him
if it was not a fact that in Duluth, at the
time when the prices went down, wasres
also went down for the workers, which he
admitted; showing tha.t the co-operative
movement, is no benefit for the workers,
and that we as such should not take it up.
If it is simply for a reduction in waeres
why should we bother with it? Why
should we waste our time with it?
sonally I do not see anything in it.
merely a policy of Capitalism of s*
sort which we as Socialists should not
into. I move the adoption of the Mino
Report.
(Motion seconded.)
DEL. KAPLAN (Minn.): I would 3
to move an amendment to the Majo:
Report, unless Comrade Gaylord will
willing to incorporate it. In the fou
paragraph the Committee say: "Foil
ing the path of other national organ
tions of the Socialist party, the Socia
party of America must recognize the
of the existence on the American coi'
nent of a successful co-operative mo
ment." If he would strike out the w
"Successful," leaving the rest stand as
is, in that section, I would not insist
the motion. (Amendment seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: There is a mot
to amend.
DEL. KAPLAN: Will Comrade Gaylc
or rather majority, accept that ame:
ment?
DEL. GAYLORD: I can see what n
be possibly construed there. If t;
means finally successful, absolutely s
cessful, I could not stand for it, of coui
But, Comrade Kaplan furnished the b
evidence for the use of that wor^ 1 hims
DEL. KAPLAN: Not unless it is u
fied.
DEL. GAYLORD: There are individi
co-operative stores which are success
and have been so for years, and th(
are many of these.
DEL. KAPLAN: There are ma
private corporations that are also si
cessful.
DEL. GAYLORD: That is not in 1
co-operative movement.
DEL. KAPLAN: Well, I ask whett
you will accept that?
DEL. GAYLORD: Perhaps you bet
let the convention pass on that.
DEL. KAPLAN: I would say, speaki
to the amendment, that I hold to this po
tion: Fundamentally, it is a movem«
under the Capitalistic state. If you c
organize the producing powers of t
working class, the producing powers
the farmers of the country, and un
them as producer and consumer in t
distributive field, and get the trade uni
movement into it, and if then you uni
the working class — and by working cla
I mean the farmers and the city work*
— you have the means and the possibi
ty, even within the capitalistic state,
developing an institution that will be
far greater factor than the organiz
trade union movement of this counti
But, as I say, it all depends upon t
possibility of unifying. Without the c
operative movement you cannot have c
operation.
I never made the statement as the coi
rade of the minority report has tried
infer, that wages in Duluth had go:
down, but I did say, in reply to his que
tion, that it did not tend to an immedia
reduction of wages \in Duluth and els
where. To the question whether
tended to a reduction of wages, I a
swered, yes, and I still answer yes. Bi
remember, you can reduce the cost of li
iner for a year or two years right awa
and it is going to take some time befo
wasres are going to go down in That cor
munity or in the state or in the natio
and until that time comes, in the meai
time you have an opportunity of develo;
DEL. TUCK (Cal.): A point of ordc
The motion before the house is to ado;
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
95
3 Minority Report. The amendment of-
•ed is an amendment to the Majority-
port, and therefore his motion is out of
ier.
CHE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules that
tarade Kaplan is in order. He has one
nute more.
>EL. KAPLAN: As I say, I am in favor
the Majority Report with this amend-
nt. To /ne it does not imply that the
onal Sc jialist party shall go on record
favor of endorsing the co-operative
vemen' The sole point is this: Do we
sider it important enough to elect a
amittee for the purpose of studying
this question, getting all the informa-
i and securing all the facts possible
m every source available, and present-
them to the next national convention
he Socialist party? That is what I un-
stand to be the whole proposition.
EL. FURMA^J (N. Y.): I am opposed
appointing committee to spend two
rs on the ubject, and then come in
all comn ttees, generally speaking,
t have bee., spending two years, and
e no report. Let every one of you
ce yourself a special delegate to come
e two or three years from now know-
something about the questions that
4 come before the convention, so that
can vote intelligently, without being
' things by people who have been on
committee and who do not know any-
g about what they have been ap-
lu .ted to investigate. We have had this
Vg in Brooklyn, and it has been a pretty
toe, and it has been stepped on by
y nook and crook that wants to come
md utilize this proposition to impose
self upon the Socialists with co-oper-
e stores and such things as that. We
e worked and did not get any pay for
We put our money in and did not get
ut again. We have had all kinds of
ups, and the result has been that in
e sections the party has been disor-
zed.
^legate Cumbie here raised a point of
>rder which the Chair ruled not well
EL. FURMAN: I think I am speaking
ty well to the point, when I am talK-
about a committee of five to be ap-
ted, which was suggested by botn
mittees in both reports. It does not
e any difference whether you appoint
mmittee or whether you do not; you
't get any report; it won't be up till
come here, and they won't know any-
g about the subject, those delegates
ing here two years from now or four
s from now. As I say, we have had
rience in Brooklyn, on Long Island
in many sections, and in all those dis-
s where the co-operative movement
tried the Socialist agitation was en-
e y dropped in some instances and the
nization utterly disbanded, and it was
ar and a half in one place before it
restored. They had to go to work
reorganize all over again, just
ugh the attempt to start something
ig the Socialists in this country so as
:eep step with Europe. You cannot
e any comparison between the condi-
■. in this country and those in Ger-
y. Here we have a great big country
a few Socialists together. You can-
l(j start a co-operative store unless it be
iguage store, where the patrons that
\i , the co-operative will remain with
other and go to the store on account
e language spoken. But to generally
te the starting of business for the
of uplifting, as Comrade Gaylord
and helping the Socialist Party, it is
a rope of sand, a mill stone around the
neck of that section where you undertake
it.
DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): We have had
some experience in our local in the way of
forming a co-operative store, and we have
thrown away nearly half of our member-
ship in the course of five months. I be-
lieve we may possibly in a year get a
dividend of ten cents. The co-operative
movement has no business in the Socialist
movement. If individuals wish to start
co-operative stores, let them do it as in-
dividuals, but not as organizations. To
my mind it is like trying to perfect a lit-
tle heaven inside of an eternal hell. (Ap-
plause.)
DEL. ROSETTE (Md.): I move to amend
the Majority Report by inserting, immed-
iately after the first line on the last page,
the following: "The Committee shall make
a special effort to ascertain what bearing
the degree of industrial development and
organization in any particular locality
has upon the operation of co-operatives
in that locality."
A point of order was made that the
Majority Report was not before the house
for consideration.
THE CHAIRMAN: I believe the point
of order is well taken, and that the
Chair probably ruled wrong in the case
of Comrade Kaplan. Let us dispose of the
Minority Report. I will hear the comrade
from New York.
DEL. BURCKLE (N. Y.): I would like
to go on record as opposed to the Majority
Report, for the simple reason that I am
absolutely convinced that if we are going
to endorse the Majority Report it only
means that we are going to absorb a
great amount of energy. I am, on the
other hand, also absolutely convinced that
if we are going to concentrate our entire
energy on the political field with all these
questions, which are nothing else but
mere branches of the immediate demands
for the solution of the evils in society,
we will be absolutely wasting our energy
over these demands, whatever they may
be. Therefore> I say, comrades, I am con-
vinced that we have no right to destroy,
indirectly or directly, our activity by
separating and organizing various organi-
zations. I would be in favor of endorsing
the Minority Report. At the same time I
would like to call your attention to the
fact that the minority as well as the ma-
jority demands the election of a commit-
tee of five to report to you at the be-
ginning of the next convention.
The previous question was then or-
dered.
DEL. LONDON (N. Y.): A point of in-
quiry. We have a majority report before
us and the original motion. The minority
report is in the nature of an amendment
to the majority report. The amendment
offered to the minority report is an
amendment to the amendment. Thus we
have six or seven diffent propositions be-
fore us, and we will not know how to vote
as delegates. I ask for a ruling. I ask
the Chair to rule that the majority report
is the original motion and the minority
report is an amendment to the majority
report, and that the amendment to the
minority report is an amendment to the
amendment. In this way you will have
the entire question before the convention.
THE CHAIRMAN: I shall rule as I
started to rule in the beginning, that the
majority report is before the house, that
the minority report is an amendment, and
that we now have an amendment to an
amendment.
7 7
7 96
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
DEL. GAYLORD: A matter of personal
privilege —
DEL. SLOBODIN: Let me ask Comrade
Gaylord a question, so that he may, if he
will, answer at the same time.
DEL. GAYLORD: Very well.
DEL. SLOBODIN: Will he accept the
substitution for the word "capital" in the
first paragraph, of the words "the means
of production and distribution?"
DEL. GAYLORD: In place of "indus-
trial and commercial capital?"
DEL. SLOBODIN: Yes.
DEL. GAYLORD: If the comrades will
wait a moment, I think Comrade Slobodin
and I can have our little scrape out and
tell you what it is about. His question
is this: Whether or not the majority will
consent to strike out the words "indus-
trial and commercial capital."
DEL. SLOBODIN: Only the word "cap-
ital."
DEL. GAYLORD: Only the word "cap-
ital?"
• DEL. SLOBODIN: Yes.
DEL. GAYLORD: That would confuse it.
Insert in place of "capital," his suggestion
is, the words "means of production and
distribution," and see what you would
have then. You would have then "use
of industrial and commercial means of
production and distribution." But that is
tautology. I do not accept it in that
form. Now, with reference to that, I am
perfectly willing to have as much more
discussion as may be brought about, but
following out the ruling of the Chair. If
the Minority Report is disposed of I shall
endeavor to correct the omission by
moving at once the adoption of the ma-
jority report. That would leave room
then directly for amendments to the ma-
jority report if that is to be adopted. I
saw. when I sat down, that I had omitted
to move the adoption of this report. When
the Chairman entertained the motion on
the Minority Report I was willing to let
the matter move in that way, seeing that
the process would bring in the course of
time" the majority report before us if the
minority report was disposed of by rejec-
tion.
(Del. Carey resumed the Chair.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair is informed
that the previous question has been or-
dered and that one on each side has spok-
en. The next business before the house is
action on the matter before the house.
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.): I want
five minutes against the proposition. I
am in touch with a co-operative move-
ment, and a successful movement as far
as business goes. But, the workers who
started that co-operative movement are
not a bit better off today. It does a busi-
ness of $5,000,000 a year, with its agents
in New York @ity and its agents in dif-
ferent countries of the world. The work-
ers today are not a bit better off, and had
they not dispersed their energies in such
fool things as a co-operative movement .
they might be a little bit better off than
they are today. (Applause.) I speak of
the co-operative movement of Scotland,
non-Socialists, but Socialists are connect-
and I am familiar with it, my father hav-
ing been one of those who started that
thing-. Now, then, I am absolutely op-
posed to the Socialist party going on rec-
ord as being interested in this thing —
absolutely opposed to it. (Applause.) I
did not come into this movement to start
any benefit society of any description. I
come 'lato this movement in the hope that
some uay I or my child might be free
from wage slavery. (Applause.) Now,
that is the only thing I am interested in.
If you are interested in this thing, thi
let us get to work and abolish the sy
tem and we will attend to all the oth
things afterwards. The vital thing is
wipe out this thing, and we will co
sider all the, other things afterwarc
Vote down all of the propositions. I a
familiar with the co-operative movemei
I do not speak in ignorance. I knc
what I am talking about. We have p
in too much time now on this thing.
DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.): I take it f
granted that I am at this stage speakii
in favor of the committee being appoin
ed. If this proposition of the majori
was to have the Socialist party go in
the co-operative movement I would
opposed to it. The proposition, as I u
derstand it, is to have a committee to i
vestigate the co-operative movement ai
see if there is anything in it that w
be favorable to the working class. No
some of the comrades here have sho\
you that the co-operative movements
their localities have been a source
danger, that they have been failures, a:
so on. We have started in many locai
ties local branches of the Socialist par
which have failed, and still we try
start again and try to do better. I ha
been connected with a co-operative sto
for about ten years, but that has n
detracted, as some comrade has sa:
from my activity in the Socialist mov
ment. We have one of the most su
cessful co-operative stores in the cou
try, doing a business of over $1,000
week simply in groceries. The manag
of that co-operative is -one of our ma
active Socialists in Charleroi. It has n
detracted from his activity as a memb<
We do not come to the Socialist mov
meht; the majority of our members a
ed with it. And here is what we ha
done: Our co-operative movement h
paid higher wages to the employes, ai
by doing so has forced higher wages
some of the other stores in town. "V
have always been the first in town
sign the agreement with the Clerl
Union. We have tried to raise the stan
ard of wages in the town, showing a d
operative store well managed to be
help to the people who have a litl
money to devote to Socialism. Now M
?o not draw any large amount of mon
rom the co-operative, but I do not pi
any more for my groceries in the c
operative store than I would elsewhej
and every two or three months I recel
a dividend, if you like, of two or thr
dollars, which I can devote to the 9
cialist movement where otherwise tl
two or three dollars would have gone*
some petty bourgeois or some capital]
concern in Charleroi, which would j
used against Socialism because they a
all opposed to it. I would not deal wl
the enemy. At present we are simj
helping to enrich our enemies, andj
the working class can learn to co-op!
ate and do away with the middle mi
and keep for themselves whatever 111
there is to be gained, while fightfl
against the capitalist system, by causi
the downfall of the middle man, let $
stand by the movement. (Applause.)
That some co-operatives have failedf
no argument. When our co-oper£
movement started, the first year we
$1,000 behind. But we learned. Coi
Gaylord has well said that it is in
things that you learn. But let me I
to you that this is not a proposition I
the Socialist party to go into the J
operative movement. It is a propositi
to have the co-operative movement J
ilrrt
■rati
>mra
doll
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
vestigated and to give us some more
knowledge on that movement. I hope
this convention will adopt this proposi-
tion of the majority and elect a commit-
tee that will learn as much as they pos-
sibly can about the co-operative move-
ment, and from time to time give us more
light, more knowledge on the subject, so
that if some comrades some place start
a co-operative movement we shall not
have as many failures as some of the
comrades have talked about. If these
comrades in Brooklyn or elsewhere had
had the help of suggestions from a com-
mittee of this kin£ and had started their
co-operative stor'-.o with more knowledge,
maybe they would not have failed.
The trouble with a good many failures
Is a lack of knowledge. I am in favor
of getting more light on the subject. It
will be of benefit to the workers. It is
«iot going to hurt you. And this propo-
sition does not endorse the co-operative
movement. The co-operative movement is
here, and we want to know all about it.
Vote for the report of this majority, and
have a committee elec 3d to give us more
light on this subject (Applause.)
. THE CHAIRMAN: The previous ques-
tion having been or ^ered, the Chair, ow-
ing to the fact that you adopted rules of
order that are not clear to anybody but
the Chair (laughter), will rule that when
the previous question is ordered on an
original motion plus an amendment and
an amendment to the amendment, it only
applies to one part or to the whole ac-
cording as is stated. The Chair rules
that the previous question applies to the
amendment, which was the Minority Re-
port and the amendment to the Minority
Report. The Chair rules that* the ques-
tion is therefore immediately upon the
amendment to the Minority Report.
The Chairman put the question on the
amendment to the Minority Report, but
did not announce the result.
DEL. SLOBODIN: There is no amend-
\ ment to the Minority Report.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will
state the entire matter be'fore the house.
THE SECRETARY: The ruling of the
acting Chairman was that the submission
of the majority report made that the
original motion. Isn't that right?
THE CHAIRMAN: Correct.
THE SECRETARY: That the submis-
sion of the Minority Report made that an
amendment to the original motion, and
that the amendment offered by Kaplan
of Minnesota, to strike out one word,
the word "successful," from the fourth
paragraph of the Majority Report was
an amendment to the amendment. So
that under that ruling the amendment to
the amendment is the motion of Comrade
Kaplan of Minnesota. '
DEL. FURMAN: How can a comrade
make a motion to correct something in
the Majority Report before a motion to
receive that report?
THE CHAIRMAN: If you ask me why
comrades do anything, I never can ex-
plain.
DEL. FURMAN: That is all I ask.
THE CHAIRMAN: Very well. The rule
is plain to the Chair. The question comes
upon the amendment to the amendment
as stated by the Secretary. This is upon
the amendment to the amendment, which
was the Minority Report.
The question was put upon the amend-
ment to the amendment, and was lost.
The question was then put upon the
adoption of the Minority Heport, and the
motion was defeated.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question recui"
upon the original motion to adopt the m
Majority Report.
DEL. AMERINGER (Okla.): I want tolLI
talk in favor of the Majority Report. I £
want to say that the co-operative move- N
ment is as much, a part of the great move- \
ment for the emancipation of the working V
class as the trade union movement or as |
the Socialist political movement. The
sooner the working people of this coun-
try understand that, the better it will be.
The co-operative movement should be in-
vestigated by every -Socialist, not only
by a committee. In the old country the
co-operative movement is the strong arm
of the working class. It is not a matter
of starting a few little stores here and
there, not a matter of getting a few
things a few cents cheaper. No, but the
co-operative movement is a Step in the
transformation of society itself, a trans-
formation enabling the working class to
own and manage their own business. That
is the effect of the co-operative move-
ment. The' party in every country in
Europe has taken a stand on that move-
ment. Over in Germany, Ferdinand Las-
salle was temporarily opposed to it.
Frederick Engels was opposed to it. You
say nothing will help except the aboli-
tion of the capitalist system. Well, the
German movement met in Congress and
sanctioned the co-operative movement.
Here are the facts staring you in the face.
In 1899 the co-operative movement started
a society in Hamburg. Nearly every party
in that city was opposed to the move-
ment, and yet they started in spite of
the opposition of a great many members
of the party. The result was that' after
starting one little store with a capital
of $4,500, ihe Socialists of Hamburg have
started 76 stores in that city and 36
butcher shops. The largest slaughter
house in Hamburg is run by the co-opera-
tives. The largest bakery is run by the
co-operatives. The English co-operatives
have gone into business, not to sell gro-
ceries alone, but the English co-opera-
tives today are owning their own fac-
tories, and there is one factory belong-
ing to the working class of England
which sells 6,000 pairs of shoes every
day. That is a serious question. It is
not a little thing. Now, when our com-
rades say that it will take the activity
of comrades away from the political move-
ment. Why, bless 3'our little hearts, that
is like saying you can only drink wine
because you cannot eat while you drink.
Whether you work in the co-operative
movement or whether you work in the
trade union movement, or whether you
work in the Socialist movement, you are
working for Socialism. (Applause.) Now,
here are some facts. In every fight that
we have had in England, Germany, Bel-
gium, Sweden and Norway, where we have
a strong co-operative movement — in every
fight it was the co-operative movement
with its commissary department, with its
bread and butter and salt and cheese,
that supported the strikers. (Applause.)
While the political Socialists, in case of
a strike of the working class, passed
resolutions and offered their moral sup-
port, the other fellow furnished the strik-
ers with food. There was a question up
of the abolition of child labor in fac-
tories. The co-operative societies of Ger-
many, Belgium and England, because they
were the largest buyers in the field, came
together and won. Back of the family of
the worker are the infantry of this labor
union movement. Back of the labor move-
ment stands the commissary department
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
701
'artillery of this co-operative move-
ent. I am in favor of this report, be-
„use the co-operative movement is as
itial a part of the great movement
or the emancipation of the working class
jls the trade union or labor union, as the
political movement itself. It is proper
that you study that thing and not pass
over it with a few idle phrases, with a
few mild words. I want you" to adopt
this report. I want you Socialists to read
Socialism. I want you to understand what
this movement really amounts to. There-
fore I am in favor of this report.
Del. Hillquit moved the previous ques-
tion.
Del. Alexander (Tex.) raised a point of
order against the recognition of Del.
Hillquit's motion after the Chair had
stated 'What the motion was going to be.
THE CHAIRMAN; That is not a point
of order. The Chair desires to state that
in the particular rule in Robert" on the
previous question his statement that there
may be a possibility of a cuting off of
debate on the amendment and yet open-
ing it up on the main question, his state-
ment lacked correctness in this particu-
lar: That without specifically stating
when the motion for the previous ques-
tion is made and carried, it applied to the
entire subject. In this case the Chair
said that it applied, in the absence of
stating the entire subject, only to the
pending amendments. The Chair was in
error. Delegate Hillquit of New York
borrowed my book and read it over again,
and he is quite right and I was wrong.
I am the only Chairman that ever admit-
ted himself to be wrong. Now, in order
to in a way console myself for my error,
I insisted that another exposition of So-
cialism should be made, after which one
on either side will have an opportunity
to Speak.
The previous question was then or-
dered.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): You have
heard Comrade Ameringer of Oklahoma
tell us in beautiful language of the won-
derful success of the co-operatives in the
different countries of the world. In Scot-
land, in Edinburgh, co-operative stores do
millions and millions of dollars' worth of
business every year. They raise their
own wheat, their own potatoes, their own
commodities and yet I want to tell you
that the* working class of Edinburgh suf-
fer just as much from capitalistic despot-
ism as do the workers in the United
States where co-operation is not a suc-
cess. Wherever under the capitalists' re-
gime the working class are able to pur-
chase commodities cheaper, it inevitably
follows that their wages drop. That is
a fact. Let us devote our efforts to work-
ing on the political field. See where we
stand in the State of Pennsylvania. We
had that lesson there. Around Wilkes-
Barre we have a good Socialist movement
years ago, but due to the co-operatives
organizing there the Socialist party went
to smash. They all went into that and
were going to get Socialism right away.
Oh, it is a beautiful dream. It is a beau-
tiful Utopia. We are going to organize
stores and factories and mills and do this
thing. It is almost as Utopian as the
I. W. W„ and I think the comrades who
advocate it ought to go into that organi-
zation.
DEL. SMITH (Utah): What I have to
say won't take long. This report does
not bind the Socialist party to the co-op-
erative principles. The report simply
asks that a committee appointed by the
convention to study this subject, which
will give us the data, tell us why the
Scottish co-operatives are effective, what
are their good points and what are their
bad points, to study the co-operatives in
this country and where they are a fail-
ure give us the cause of their failure.
It is simply for the appointment of a
committee to thoroughly study the ques-
tion and report, and therefore I am in
favor of the adoption of the -conamittee's
recommendation.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): It has been
suggested that a definition of the work
of the committee be added in these words,
"The committee to make a special effort
to ascertain what effect industrial devel-
opment and organization in any particu-
lar locality has upon the operation of the
co-operative in that locality." If there be
no objection I will add this as part of
the majority report.
THE CHAIRMAN: No objection is
heard and it will be so ordered.* The
question now comes upon the adoption of
the majority report.
The motion to adopt the majority re-
port of the committee on co-operatives
was then carried, and the report adopted.
COMMITTEE ON LABOR ORGANIZA-
TIONS AND THEIR RELATION
TO THE PARTY.
THE CHAIRMAN: The next business
i3 the report of the Committee on Labor
Organizations and their relation to the
Socialist party, which was made a special
order. Delegate Harriman will report for
the committee.
DEL. HARRIMAN: Before making any
statement for the committee on this sub-
ject I will ask that the Secretary read
the report.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade White of
Massachusetts, secretary of the commit-
tee, will read the report.**
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): I move the
adoption of the report.
The motion was seconded from all parts
of the hall.
DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.): I have twen-
ty, minutes to speak on this proposition.
(Cries of "Question.")
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): You have
insisted that one on each side has the
right to talk. I hope you will carry it
out in this case.
DEL. HARRIMAN: This is unanimous.
A DELEGATE: It won't be unanimous
If you speak. There will be opposition.
(Cries of "Question.")
THE CHAIRMAN: There will be no
business done until the convention is in
order. I was about to put a motion and
a member of this convention rose beside
me. I could not fail to see him. If I
had you would have yelled "steara roller."
Now if anybody else wants to talk they
will get the floor. He has five minutes.
DEL. HARRIMAN: I speak as Chair-
man of the committee. •
DEL. AMERINGER (Okla.): No, you
dont'. I am Chairman of The committee.
DEL. HARRIMAN: Let me explain my
position. Comrade Ameringer asked me
to make a statement before this conven-
tion. When he a&ked me to make that
statement I presumed I was speaking as
Chairman, but I misunderstood him.
•For convenience, the passage referred
to has been inserted in the report, Ap-
pendix E. — [Editor.]
**The report is printed in full as Appen-
dix F.— [Editor.]
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
A DELEGATE: A point of order. A
Ihairman cannot delegate his time to an-
ther member of the committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: I have ruled that
nybody else can talk. Don't bother the
onvention by telling the Chairman what
3 so palpable, even to a delegate from.
)hio.
(Cries of "Question.")
THE CHAIRMAN: No business will be
ransacted until every delegate has taken
is seat and the Chair has stated the
arliamentary status of the matter before
he house. The situation is this; A com-
nittee reports unanimously. A motion is
nade to adopt. The Chair presented the
notion. In the absence of a motion for
he previous question or to lay upon the
able the Chair recognizes a member of
he convention to speak upon the motion.
Chat member is Comrade Harriman. What
nore do you want?
DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.): I will take
>nly five minutes of your time, and it is
he first five minutes that I have asked
he courtesy of this convention for.
There is a difference between us in this
jonvention. This very demonstration is
:he evidence of it. We had many a long
md weary hour working over this reso-
ution. Six of us reported and the other
;hree finally said they believed that they
would sign it because it came as near to
;heir views as any resolution that could
3e got through this convention. Now the
ivhole situation is this, in a nutshell, so
chat we m a y see the reason for our dif-
ferences, there are in America two great
Movements, the economic movement on
the one hand and the Socialist party of
the United States on the other hand. They
have fought separately for a quarter of
a, century or more. The political party
has succeeded in drawing into its ranks
125,000 or more only. The labor movement
has a much greater number in its organ-
ized men. After a quarter of a century
of fighting separately, after having failed
through all this time to come together,
for whatever reason — I won't discuss that
now — there are some within the ranks o\
the political party that are losin ? hope
in the efficacy of political action. I hear
a cheer — I knew that was true. _^*i the
other hand, the labor movement having
conducted its fight on the line of strikes
and boycotts alone, for that quarter of a
century, there are men there who, having
come up against the trusts, have lost hope
in the efficacy of the strike and the boy-
cott. Thus standing separately, and hav-
ing lost hope, they tend toward direct ac-
tion or syndicalism. Whenever a nation
loses hope of a peaceful solution of a prob-
lem, that moment all the elements of war
are present. Whenever a class or a por-
tion of a class loses hope in its policies,
loses confidence in its policy, all the ele-
ments of war are there and the idea of di-
rect action grows and a change takes
place.
Now between these two great move-
ments comes a movement, a tendency to-
ward direct action, individual, direct ac-
tion, a tendency towards syndicalism;
and this thing that we have in America
today is the germ of a syndicalist move-
ment. And the longer you remain apart,
the stronger will grow your syndicalist
We have here shown that there Is a
tendency within the labor movement to
combine the trades into federations and
industrial unions, that the growth is go-
ing on there, and if the Socialist party
of America comes up close to these men,
makes their war our war, makes their
struggle — not for a theory, but for breaY.
— makes that our struggle, makes one
common fight with both these powers,
that moment you will i power in
the American movement that will make
unnecessary the independent syndicalist
movement, and develop one solid, working
class party, involving both the political
and the economic organizations in one
solid phalanx. That is the proposition.
(Loud cheering.)
Now look at our resolutions, and read
them carefully. For, comrades, what we
want here is to understand each other.
We want to know each other. Remem-
ber, you who have a tendency towards
syndicalism are just as honest and square
in your fight as are those who have a,
tendency toward exclusive political action;
who have a tendency to go too far in that
direction or think that all depends on
that.
Listen! You might wipe out political ac-
tion; but you can never wipe out the
struggle for bread. Yet the moment you
wipe out political action you come square-
ly up against the army and navy, as did
our syndicalist movement in England, and
they turned- back to Parliament and asked
for a law for a minimum wage and mini-
mum hours. That fact will germinate in
the syndicalist movement in England the
idea of the necessity of political action in
that movement.
Now the question is, men and women,
comrades, shall we separate these two
great powers? (Shouts of "No!") Shall
we do anything to keep them apart?
(Shouts of "No.") Shall we organize dual
unions, to fight the political organization,
or to fight the economic organization? I
say, no! We are comrades together. Let
us do everything within our power, let
every member, as do the Germans, quot-
ing from our friend and fraternal dele-
gate, if not in words yet in spirit, let us
every one of us belong to the labor or-
ganization, not only belong to it, but fight
in it.
The economic fight, this is the thing
"that catches the conscience of the king."
It is power that your class must develop.
You cannot develop power by division;
you cannot develop power by separation.
We may have our theories, but your
economic organization grows out of the
facts, and out of the struggle and the
moment the Socialist party says to the
economic organizations we don't care
where you are working, what your pro-
gram for the struggle for life, or what
you are going to do in your struggle
against, capitalism, this we will do with
you in one united fight.
You don't scatter literature when a man
is starving; you throw a beefsteak in
his mouth. After you have done that he
will read all the literature you .will put
before him.
Now the Socialist party, as I conceive
it, has but one purpose, and that is to ap-
ply its philosophy; not to theorize about
it, but to apply it. If our theory, if our
philosophy has not arisen out of the
struggles of the working class, and does
not enable us to conduct the economic
fight for that class, then our theories and
our philosophy will not avail us much.
If the material concept is true, if the
conception that men live by bread, and
that their ideals are dependent on the
bread is true, then let us apply our phi-
losophy to every struggle, for every strug-
gle of the working class against the capi-
talist class is right, from the standpoint
of the working class.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
i:L. HICKEY (Tex.): Comrades, the
.impossible has happened. I have been in
"the labor movement for twenty years with
r 1 Job Harriman. For nineteen years, eleven
F months, three weeks and six days we have
\ fought; and for the first time in these
twenty years we shook hands within the
last two hours. I believe, comrades, that
this is a remarkable illustration of the
growing solidarity of the Socialist move-
ment. I have been writing, I have been
reading labor resolutions to Socialist Na-
tional Conventions since Wing and Mat-
chett ran in 1892, and I wish to say, as
one of the committee that has struggled
away into the small hours of the morn-
ing for two nights, and then for three
days— I want to say, that this is the
broadest and widest, most statesmanlike
and farthest reaching resolution on labor
unions that has ever been taken up in a
Socialist National Convention. It is a
magnificent demonstration of our intellec-
tual growth and understanding of one an-
other. The chasm has been bridged and
we are now, I believe, for the first time,
going to see all this convention shake
hands upon this broad, wide sweeping
motion, just as the nine men represent
discordant element came together and
shook hands within the past two years.
I believe that it is a happy omen; it is
a sign of the times. It is a sign that the
day is not far distant when from Port-
land, Maine, to San Diego, from Michigan
to Florida, the entire labor movement,
economic and political, will stand together
unified as a one, and then we will bury
capitalism.
DEL. CLIFFORD: I came to this con-
vention as a delegate at large from Ohio,
instructed to stand for the incorporation
in our Declaration of Principles here, of
industrial unionism, and we have incor-
porated that in this report of this com-
mittee. I am satisfied with it and I can
return to my comrades in Ohio and tell
them, "I have done your bidding, ana
we will all rest satisfied. This problem
has been a complex problem, complex for
all of us. Let us now simply vote on this
report, and get right down to brass tacks
on the business of the convention.
Cries of "Haywood."
COMRADE HAYWOOD: I feel that this
motion should pass, that this report
v. should be unanimously adopted, and when
tl it is adopted I feel that then I can go
fe to the working class, to the eight million
is women and children, to the four million
St black men, to the disfranchised white
cemen, to the white man who is disfran-
giichised by industrial depression, the men
chwho have no votes, and I can carry to
fothem the message of Socialism. I can
a urge them, and do it from the Socialist
in platform, to organize the only power that
st'is left to them, their industrial power.
h£That is what you have placed at my dis-
B position, or will, when you adopt this
y motion. To my mind this is the greatest
' step that has ever been taken by the
Socialist party of America. It unites
Lawrence, Massachusetts, with San Diego,
California. It unites the striking lumber
workers of Washington with the timber,
wolves of Florida. It unites every worker
who works with either brain or muscle
on the American continent today. I have
pleaded with my comrades as best I could
for the recognition of the fact that So-
cialism was an economic movement -that
we wanted to recognize that the work-
ers should be organized at the machine
so that thev could carry on production
after capitalism has been overthrown I
have likewise urged that every worker
that has a ballot should use that ballc
to advance his economic interest. In Law
rence, Massachusetts, while only nftee
per cent of the workers had a vote befor
the strike, since the strike we have take
into the Socialist party as many as on
hundred members at a meeting. So
Tom Hickey has shaken hands with Jo
Harriman for the first time in twent:
years, I feel that I can shake hands witl
every delegate in this convention and sa:
that we are a united working class.
DEL. AMERINGER: I am really th
only logical man qualified to talk on tha
resolution. I have been the Chairman o
one committee and have inspired the ideas
of the minority on the other; and I founc
that when the Ameringer of today met th(
Ameringer of seven years ago, he didn
look so bad after all.
Now, friends, the only reason why 1
wanted the platform — .and I did before we
agreed, really ask Comrade Harriman tc
speak for what we then thought was the
majority report. The reason why I did
not avail myself of the opportunity to
address you for twenty minutes was be-
cause I thought Harriman could talk a
little plainer English than I can. Not
that Comrade Harriman has got any better
ideas than I have — only I am hampered
by the mechanical difficulty of getting
these ideas out of this German noodle.
When I asked for the floor here I had a
speech prepared, and I am sorry that the
opportunity has gone. What I wanted tO|
say to you is, that if Tom Hickey and Tom!
Clifford and Tom Lewis are satisfied, the
rest of us ought not to kick, and having
said this I am perfectly willing to go
way down and sit back. (Laughter.)
Now, friends, we have come together
on this proposition. That is out of the
way. I hope that from now on we shall
have a united working class, on both
fields. I hope that the working class of
this country will not forget in the daily
struggle, its great goal, its great ideal.
One of the missions of the Socialist move-
ment is to hold out to the working class,
struggling daily in shop and mine, the
ultimate goal, the Co-operative of Com-
monwealth.
You see, friends, these two branches of
the movement, the political and the eco-
nomic branches of the labor movement,
are just like body and soul. Where you
have a body without a soul, you got a
corpse, and where you have a soul with-
out a body, you got a spook. (Laughter.)
Well, comrades, the Socialist political or-
ganization, that is the soul. The laboi
movement, that is the body. We have
had a labor movement that didn't have
very much life in it and we have had a
Socialist political movement that was ven
much of a spook. (Laughter.) Now
friends, as we have both together, I ex-
pect something that is very much aliv<
in the future.
The previous question was called for
Del. Reynolds of Terre Haute moved tha
Del. Garrison of Indiana, the only col
ored delegate to the convention, be givei
the floor. The Chair ruled that inasmucl
as it is one of the cardinal principles o
the party that no distinction of race o
color are recognized, no exception shoul
be made in favor of Del. Garrison.
THE CHAIRMAN: I will state the rul<
and then recognize the delegate on
question of personal privilege, or what
ever he may have to present
The rule
ndonted bv this convention are, TTTat afte
theprevl?us question has been order*
one speaker for each side of tje questm
shall have five minutes. That time hs
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
10^
sen exhausted, although they all spoke
r the same side. Under the rules, sub-
ct to the possibility of an appeal, the
lair will not recognize any delegate to
ake any speech except by unanimous
•nsent.
Del. Reynolds asked that the unani-
ous consent of the convention be given
the suggestion of hearing from Del.
irrison. Two delegates objected.
THE CHAIR: There are two delegates
at specifically object. The Chair is com-
lled to put the motion in accordance
tth the rules adopted.
The vote comes upon the adoption of
e report of the Committee on Labor Or-
nizations.
The motion was put and carried unani-
jusly.
THE CHAIRMAN: The next committee
order is the Committee on Internaional
lations. The Chairman is ready to re-
rt. But under the rules, resolutions are
be read at five o'clock. No other busi-
ss is in order.
DEL. SPARGO: The rules also provide
it resolutions shall not be received after
ednesday at five o'clock.
THE CHAIRMAN: The convention will
haps be able to vote unanimously to
tain my decision if they hear the rules
id.
DEL. SPARGO: We adopted a rule that
resolutions should be received, after
sdnesday at five o'clock.
7HE CHAIRMAN: This is another of
>se conflicts in the rules. There is a
e that at five o'clock on each day the
airman shall suspend the business be-
e the convention and accept and dis-
;e of resolutions offered. Del. Spargo
orms me that under another rule no
olutions are to be received after five
ock Wednesday.
t DELEGATE: I interpret that rule as
aning that at five o'clock you call for
h resolutions as the Resolutions Com-
tee may be ready to report.
HE CHAIRMAN: In the absence of
printed rule to which the delegate
Is the attention of the Chair, if the
retary has it in his records we can
30se of the point of order. The Secre-
y declares that it was not adopted. I
h that the delegate who raised the
it would assist in informing the Chair
to these contradictory rules. In the
ence of such evidence the Chair rules
t at five o'clock on each day business
suspended and resolutions are read.
EL. SPARGO: I move you that it Is
; sense of this convention tha*t the rule
adopted, closing the receipt of resolu-
s on Wednesday at five o'clock,
he motion was put and declared car-
?ORT OF COMMITTEE ON INTER-
NATIONAL RELATIONS.
el. Barnes, Chairman, presented the
owing report of the committee:
OMMENDATIONS OF COMMITTEE
)N INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS,
tie Committee on International Rela-
s recommends that the following
lutions be adopted:
hereas, The working class of Mexico
aaking now a brave and determined
t against the barbarous tyranny of
ruling class of that country; and
hereas, The Mexican rulers are now
:ing the aid of the government of the
ed States to maintain their position
■he backs of the workers; and
hereas, The interference of foreign
ers has always be^n for the purpose
epriving the workers of the economic
r.
li
fruits of their successful revolution.
Resolved, That the government of the
United States shall not interfere in any
way — either military or politically — with
the efforts of the- working class of Mex-
ico and other Latin-speaking countries in
their efforts to free itself from the op-
pression of the despotism now ruling
these nations. And, further, that the So-
cialist party maintain the right of the
working class of any country to carry
on its struggle for complete emancipa-
tion from wage-slavery under any form
of civil government.
We recommend that fraternal delegates
from other countries be invited to attend
our National Congresses, and that as far
as possible we send fraternal delegates to
foreign congresses, especially to those
countries that are represented by sections
affiliated with the party in this country.
Further, it is recommended that when
such fraternal delegates respond to invi-
tation and a speaking tour be arranged
for them, that as far as possible they be
under the directions of the Socialist party;
and
Also that a request be made through
such fraternal delegates that when speak-
ers from their country contemplate com-
ing to this country they will get into
communication with the Socialist party.
And that Socialist speakers going abroad
should have their speaking tour managed
by the Socialist party of the country they
visit.
This committee recommends that the
following subjects be submitted to the
International Bureau to be made a part
of the Agenda of the next International
Congress.
1 — High Cost of Living.
2 — International Labor Legislation.
3 — Trusts.
Whereas, The International expansion
of capitalism threatens the nations with
war, and adds to the crushing burden of
militarism, now resting upon the work-
ers, therefore, in accord with the position
of the International Socialist Congress at
Stuttgart, we urge the continuous press-
ing of the following measures:
(a) The constant reiteration of the de-
mand that International arbitration be
made compulsory in all international dis-
putes.
(b) Persistent and repeated proposals in
the direction of ultimate complete disarm-
ament; and, above all, as a first step, the
conclusion of a general treaty limiting
naval armaments and abrogating the right
of privateering.
(c) The demand for the abolition of
secret diplomacy and the publication of
all existing and future agreements be-
tween the governments.
(d) The- guaranty of the independence
of all nations and their protection from
military attaches and violent suppression.
In case of war being imminent, the
working classes and their parliamentary
representatives in the countries concerned
shall be bound, with the assistance of
the International Socialist Bureau, to do
all they can to prevent the breaking out
of the war, using for that purpose the
means which appear to them the most
efficacious and which must naturally vary
according to the acuteness of the strug-
gle of classes, and to the general political
conditions.
J. MAHLON BARNES,
MAY WOOD SIMONS.
A. SOLOMON,
JOHN OHSOL,
L. F. HAEMER,
Committee on Foreign Nations.
102
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Del. Burkle of New York moved to
amend the paragraph reacting-: "And fur-
ther that the Socialist party maintain the
right of the working class of any coun-
try to carry on its struggle for complete
emancipation from wage, slavery under
any form of civil government," by strik-
ing out the word "civil" in the last line,
making it read "under any form of gov-
ernment."
Del. Wells of Washington moved to
amend by striking out the reference to the
high cost of living, inasmuch as the So-
cialist party is concerned primarily with
the overthrow of capitalism.
Neither amendment being seconded, the
original motion was put to adopt the re-
port of the committee as read, and de-
clared carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: Tonight at eight
o'clock we hold a session of this conven-
tion in this hall, when the platform will
be considered. Please so inform the dele-
gates who went out to congratulate them-
selves on our unanimity.
- Larsen, a regular delegate from Illi-
nois, having arrived, the Illinois delega-
tion has had him seated in -place of C
roll, alternate. It has also elected Ado
Germer to replace Winnie Branstef
who has asked to be relieved.
The Oklahoma delegation has deci<
to seat M. F. Barker, a regularly elec
alternate, in place of Pfeifer, Barker h,
ing been previously absent.
If there is no objection, the delega
will be seated. Everybody seated.
THE SECRETARY: A correction of
minutes has been handed in. The mot
yesterday morning, regarding the se
ing of a telegram immediately to the g
ernor of California, was made, I am
formed, by Bessemer of Ohio, and
by Sadler of Washington, as I have it
the minutes. I believe Sadler voted
it, however.
Another correction. The motion
adopt the third clause of the report of
Committee on Farmers' Program i
made by Merrill of New York and not
Duffy of New York, as I have it in
minutes.
The convention then adjourned to
p. m. of the same day.
EVENING SESSION.
The Chairman called the convention to
order at 8 p. m.
THE CHAIRMAN: Under special as-
signment the report of the Platform Com-
mittee will now be read.
REPORT OF PLATFORM COMMITTEE.
Chairman C. E. Russell read the report
for the committee, and prefaced with the
following remarks:
- CHAIRMAN JUJSSELL: It gives the
Platform Committee of this convention
very great satisfaction to say to you that
your committee reports unanimously. We
take it as another indication of that spirit
of Socialist unity that has been such a
beautiful and attractive feature of this
convention, and without any more pre-
liminaries, I will read to you, with your
permission, this report.*
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair awaits a
motion.
DEL. HENRY (Ind.): I move its adop-
tion as read.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I call your at-
tention to the fact that the editors have
omitted one strong paragraph at the top
of page 2. Comrade Ghent must have the
paragraph somewhere. It is the first sen-
tence in Comrade Duncan's impeachment
of the courts, and it ought to be added.
It was in the original draft.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont): There is just
one sentence omitted. The whole para-
graph should reach
"In addition to this legislative juggling
and this executive connivance, the courts
of America have sanctioned and strength-
ened the hold of this plutocracy as the
Dred Scott and other decisions strength-
ened the slave-power before the civil
"war. They have been used as instruments
for the suppression of the working class
and for the suppression of free speech
and free assembly."
DEL. BERGER: There is another mis-
take there. In the sixth line from the
beginning it should read "hundreds of
millions of dollars" instead of "millions
of dollars."
THE CHAIRMAN: The 'motion before
the house is the adoption of the report
of the committee as read.
DEL. BARTH (Wash.): I want to move
an amendment that we adopt down to
the Working Program, and that the rest
of the matter be taken up seriatim.
Seconded.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish to offer
amendment to the political demands, p1
4, 10th clause. The amendment is to j
clause. Under Political Demands, dems
10, which reads:
"The abolition of the present rest!
tions upon the amendment of the cori
tution, so that that instrument mays
made amendable by a majority of.
voters in a majority of the States.''
move to amend the last part of it so 1
it shall read "by a majority of the vol
in the country." A majority of the j
ers in a majority of the States may h
pen to be about 10 or 15 per cent ofj
voters of the country, as against 80.
85 per cent. We want majority ama
ments and not minority amendments!
Del. Russell, for the- committee, 3
cepted the amendment offered by ]
Hillquit.
DEL. LE SUEUR (N. D.): I wish>
offer as a substitute for Section 5 oti
Industrial Demands, the following: j
the co-operative organization of thej
dustries in the federal penitentiaries,!
the benefit of the convicts and theirs
pendents."
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): We have a nj
ber of amendments here, each sepal
and distinct: do you hold, Mr. ChairM
that we must pass upon them one a4
time?
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair holds si
ply that at no time will he permit nH
than two amendments at one time bee
the body. The motion before the hi
is the adoption of the report of the cq
mittee. The amendment by the deleg
from Washington was that it applv ■
ply to the preamble, and that the Wdj
ing Program be considered seriatim!
suggest that the motion be made-1
unanimous consent to take the am«
ments up seriatim.
On motion of Del. Barnes it was vol
to take up the amendments seriatimS
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate ffi
Washington moves that that part ofjj
platform, up to where the words "W«
ing Program" occur, be adopted. Are'j
ready for the question on that?
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): This wilEJ
to the referendum of the party meml
♦The platform as adopted is printed
full as Appendix G, pages — . — Editors
L m
EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
j ship, and when approved by them stands
3 rather as a declaration of the party. We
i are acting, so to speak, as their clerk. I
suggest it might possibly be more accu-
rate to prepare it in a form so that it
will read:- "The Socialist party declare,
etc." Also, to separate it from every pre-
ceding and following declaration, some
date should be placed at some point on it.
THE CHAIRMAN: Does the delegate
offer it as a motion?
DEL. GAYLORD: I offer it as a mo-
tion.
• DEL. BARNES: I will state that it has
always been the practice of the National
office when platforms were printed to
state, either at the top or bottom, that
it was adopted in convention, on such and
such a date, and endorsed by referendum
vote of the party on such and such a
date. I take it this will be repeated.
DEL. PERRIN (Ark.): In the last
paragraph on the first page, it should
not be limited to Republican and Demo-
cratic executives.
DEL. RUSSELL: There has been in
this country for a great many years no
other executive than Republican or Dem-
ocratic. Consequently we could not use
any other phrase. There are no legis-
lative representatives of other parties ex-
cept the Republican and Democratic, ex-
cept those that come from the Socialist
party, and we would not like to restrict
those. This restriction is carefully based
and accurate. ,You cannot include any
other representatives, because these are
the only executives we have had.
DEL. PERRIN: We have had Popu-
lists, we have had non-partisans
DEL. RUSSELL: Well, a non-partisan
party is not a party.
DEL. MAXWELL (111.): I move to
amend the fifth paragraph on the first
page by inserting the word "rent" after
the word "extortionate," so that it reads
"The farmers in every State are plun-
dered by the increasing prices exacted for
tools and machinery and by extortionate
rent, freight rates and storage charges."
DEL. RUSSELL: The committee accepts
the amendment.
DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.) : All that is
needed now is to place, at the beginning
of it: "The Socialist Party of the United
States declares," and at the end "Adopted
at Indianapolis," such and such a date.
. A DELEGATE: I would like to inquire
if they made the change that was re-
quested by a delegate from Oklahoma;
I think Delegate Russell said that it was
accepted. If it was, I want to move that
it be changed back like it was at first:
'The people are forced to work. It looks
like they chose to work for a living. No
one works for a living unless they are
forced to do it."
DEL. RUSSELL: All right. Any way
they want it.
DEL. MARGARET PREVEY (Ohio):
You had an able committee and they
have given the matter careful attention.
If we attempt now to change the report,
word here and a word there, the plat-
form would be a ridiculous document
when we get through. If we change ^
word in one particular paragraph it will
probably be necessary to change other
paragraphs in order to harmonize with
that particular one. I am sure you will
agree with me that it has been given
careful attention by the very able com-
nittee whom you have elected for the
purpose, and I believe it will be well
to leave it in the form in which they
ave reported it to the convention. I
believe it is a document that we can
be proud of and that we will be prouc
to hand to the people of the United States,:
and ask them to vote for it. Do not
spoil it, comrades.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I simply want
to continue in the same vein in which
Comrade Prevey has just spoken. This
platform that has been brought to you
reminds me of the Pentateuch. There
are four or five different versions of the
five books of Moses, and it takes a skilled
scholar to go through and separate and
find out who wrote what. That is what
has happened to this platform. All
through there has been the work of a
skillful redactor, combining all these four
or five different ideas and statements of
the same principles. It is a very fine
piece of carpentry on the part of the re-
dactor. Only those on the committee will
be able to go on and say, "I put that
in," or, "I put that in." It is put to-
gether well. If you attempt this process
of putting in a word here and another
word there, the next thing you know you
will have spoiled the continuity of the
whole thing. So I hope if it is possible
you will let the thing stand as it is,
because if we will have to put this thing
together again there is no knowing where
we will get off at.
The previous question was called, and
the report of the Platform Committee
adopted unanimously as read.
DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I think that
after the labors of the last few days,
with all the diversity of opinion which
we have had here, and considering that
we have adopted just previous to this
another great document, and are now
considering what is in my estimation the
greatest contribution to the Socialist lit-
erature since the Communist Manifesto.
It has been said heretofore that the
American Socialist movement has not con-
tributed anything to the Socialist liter-
ature of the world. It can no longer
be said. This convention has done a
marvelous thing; it has leaped twenty
years; it has harmonized interests and
opinions which any man here would have
said four hours ago could not have* been
harmonized. I say, I had no hope that
it could b*e done. I believed those opin-
ions were irreconcilable, but within a
few hours things have developed so that
there would seem to be no place to dif-
fer. The convention rose to the occa-
sion and we delegates here can be proud
that we were members of this convention
and were able to bury all differences
and rise to this mighty occasion, and
carry the American Socialist movement
•over the most dangerous period in its
existence. We are now passing through
an occasion that was most critical, and
its outcome must terrify the capitalist
class of the nation. I hope we may adopt
this platform unanimously; - I am sure
there is no serious defect in it.
The question then came upon the adop-
tion of the preamble, which was carried
unanimously.
THE CHAIRMAN: We are now to con-
sider the following paragraphs of the
working programme, seriatim. The Chair-
man of the Committee will read the first
paragraph.
DEL. KOOP (111.): To facilitate mat-
ters I move you that in reading these
paragraphs, if there are no objections,
the Chairman will declare them adopted.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair "intended
so to do.
Chairman Russell read Paragraphs 1, 2,
3 and 4, to which no objection was raised,
7 f irv
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
■ And they were respectively declared
f adopted.
I Paragraph 5 was then read, to which
/ an objection was raised.
DEL. ALLEN (Fla.): I would like to
call attention to the fact that this last
word "exploitation" carries with it the
meaning of land that is used for farm-
ing purposes today, simply because you
cannot run a farm at the present time
without exploitation. We have a Plat-
form here for the present time, not for
the future commonwealth; a working
platform that we stand on, for present
use. We believe in taking over all land
that is held out of use; but if you put
in this word "for exploitation," you also
stand for taking over now, all farms
before we are ready to take the man-
agement of them co-operatively.
DEL. HILQUIT: I move that the Sec-
tion be amended by striking out the word
"exploitation" mentioned by Comrade
Allen, and substituting therefor the word
"profit." . There is apparently an am-
biguous expression here, which may be
understood in two different senses.
DEL. RUSSELL: The amendment is ac-
cepted by the Committee.
DEL. ALLEN: A person cannot work
a farm without extorting profit from
laborers. We don't believe in exploita-
tion in farming any more than we do
in manufacturing. Under the present sys-
tem we have to develop industries to their
highest stage, which means higher ex-
ploitation, until it has reached the stage
where we are ready to take over the
whole thing.
DEL. HILLQUIT: Then the amendment
is withdrawn, with the consent of the
Committee, which accepted it.
DEL. MERRICK: I object to the unani-
mous withdrawal of the amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question comes
upon the amendment as offered. The
original motion is the adoption of Para-
graph 5. The amendment to the motion
is to strike out the word "exploitation,"
and insert the word 'profit." Those in
favor —
DEL. RUSSELL: The Committee ac-
cepts the amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee has
accepted the amendment, and therefore
the Chair declares it is stricken out.
A DELEGATE: I object. Put the ques-
tion.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will put
the motion again. Motion to strike out
the word "exploitation" wias put, and
declared defeated.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question recurs
upon the original motion to adopt Para-
graph 5 as read.
Motion put and declared carried, and
Paragraph 5 adopted.
THE CHAIRMAN: Next is Paragraph
6.
DEL. BARTH: I wish to have some
information from the Committee as to
why this was placed in the Platform.
DEL. BERGER: This is going to be
one of the great questions before the
country, probably next year, and we
must take a stand on this question. That
is why we put it in.
DEL. SLOBODIN (New York): I move
to strike out the word "democratic" be-
fore the word "management."
DEL. BARTH: I move to strike out
Section 6.
DEL. BEARDSLEY (Conn.): The peo-
ple should own the banking system. Let's
have this plajik in here.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question is
upon striking out the entire section.
Motion put, and declared defeated.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question is upon
striking out the word "democratic."
Motion put, and declared lost, and Sec-
tion 6 adopted.
Motion made by Del. Patterson of Ohio
to reconsider the motion to take up the
Working Program seriatim, was put and?
declared lost.
THE CHAIRMAN: We will resume the
consideration of the Program. The next
paragraph is headed Unemployment.
DEL. ROSETTE (Md.): I move to amend
by inserting after the words "The ex-
tension of all useful public works," the
words "especially those for the produc-
tion of the immediate necessaries of life.'
My reason for this is that the extension
of useful public works, such as for in-
stance, although it will give employ-
ment to the unemployed will not relieve
'the cost of living. It will make the cost
of living higher; but if people are em-
ployed on producing the necessaries of
life it will immediately cheapen the cost
of living.
THIj] CHAIRMAN: The amendment is
to insert in tfiTs Unemployment clause, the
words "especially those for the produc-
tion of the immediate necessaries of life,"
so that it will read: "The immediate gov-
ernment relief of the unemployed by the
extension of all useful public works, espe-
cially those neccessary for the produc-
tion of the immediate necessaries of life."
DEL. BENTALL (111.): This amend-,
ment is without .the shadow of a doubt
a very necessary amendment. You can
employ thousands of workers in making
roads, in reclaiming bad lands, in a num-
ber of what we term today public works,,
but as has been said already by the com-i
rade who offered the amendment, this'
will not produce anything in the way
of necessaries of life. All these people
live on less food when they do not work,
than when they work, and the working'
men who do produce the necessaries of'
life will have to produce that extra
amount of food for the fellows who are
going to use it while they work. It "is
good sense. As a Convention we must
see to it that we do not simply put peo-
ple to work as we do down in Chicago,
starting them to shovel snow — that does
not give us any great relief; but if we-
put this into the platform, that we must,
produce the necessaries of life, it will,
give us an incentive to formulate such:
plans as will make it possible to produce
these necessaries of life, and I therefore
strongly favor this amendment.
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I want to re-'
call to your attention the remarks of Com-:
rade Prevey as to taking snap shot amend- 1
ments at the report of the committee. You^
have already adopted certain clauses stat-;
ing the condition of the working class"
and declaring that their condition re-
mains the same. Now the comrade pro--;
poses to amend this demand to say that \
if you put these fellows to producing ;
something in the way of food stuff his-
conditions will be changed. That is a
complete contradiction of what you have'-
already adopted. You will be better off
if you work in a butcher shop than if
you work in a factory according to that
argument. Your wages in the butcher;
shop will give you more, even though;
you get the same amount of money for
your services in the factory. If you don'tj
want to get your platform and your de-
mands in a contradictory - position you
would better adopt them as they stand,
for the reason that they have been given
careful consideration after considering:
EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
106
the different elements represented in
convention. They have been weighed
considered from every angle and cer-
ly have been given more considera-
than we could give them at a glance,
n opposed to the amendment. I will
er to refer it back to the committee
further consideration.
EL. BERLYN (111.): I am opposed
he amendment. Some people are not
;rving. As long as the wage sys-
obtains we may mitigate some of its
8. It is true that because we pro-
3 more food, more of the necessities
ife, that does not necessarily make it
sible for the wage worker to live more
fortably. Look what we have before
We have the cold storage system,
preservative system, we are able to
jerve more of the food stuffs that are
iuced, but in spite of that the condi-
of the workers is worse. The things
; ought to cheapen necessaries really
:es them dearer. -The contradictions
the capitalist system become clearer
?y day. So long as the wage system
lins it is our duty so far as we may
ible, to mitigate the situation by giv-
work to the unemployed. But if you
ik that by raising more potatoes and
:ing them cheaper you are going to
nge things, don't forget the other fel-
stili controls the rent, still controls
clothes, the capitalist class still con-
s. The plank as originally reported
ht to be adopted without amendment.
el. SLAYTON (Pa.): I can see the
culty that my friend from Ohio labors
er. He thinks there is a contradic-
in the matter already passed upon
the matter now sought to be
mded. That part that regardless of
amount we produce there is no re-
for the worker, that has to do with
Jitions as they are. And right above
re we demand the collective owner-
that would change it and make
irade Rosett's amendment all right,
:his demand here was for collective
ership. There is nothing involved of
ective ownership in this part. That
to do with non-employment right
. The contention of Comrade Berlyn
ight. If you take and run a plant,
flucing something to eat, while the
Italist owns the plant, it would eer-
ily mean that the capitalist would* own
product after you get through pro-
ing it. This is a demand under pres-
conditions to do all we can to find
•k for the unemployed; and they would
be unemployed if they were engaged
aufacturing things to eat. vVe want
give them employment so that they
' eat and consume what is produced.
more you examine this the stronger
;ets. The purpose is to do the best
can while capitalism lasts, and if you
this other thing in we are mixing
lie ownership with capitalistic own-
nip, which is a positive contradiction,
ope the amendment will be defeated.
>EL. ROSETT (Md.): Let us not be
aid of making this plank economically
nd. This is for the immediate relief
unemployment. It is for immediate
ef. Unemployment will not be re-
ed immediately by public works on
arge scale, such as canals. You will
ploy a number of workers there, but
order to feed those workers capital
1 have to be taken out from some
er industry and put into that canal.
• workers must be fed somehow. If
i produce things that are the immedi-
necessities of life then they not only
>rk but they produce the things with
which to feed themselves, they produce
their own wages. That makes it eco-
nomically sound. Why are you afraid
to insert that in this place. It remains
just as strong and at the same time it
becomes economically sound.
The vote was then taken and the
amendment declared lost.
DEL. WILLS (Wash.): I am in favor
of immediate demands only when we can
make them so radical that we keep a long
ways in advance of the old parties. The
members from the State of Washington
have gone on record as being opposed
to immediate demands altogether. Down
to these industrial demands we have been
dealing with such things as deal with the
federal government. Now we deal with
something that comes within the juris-
diction of the State government. They are
matters of comparatively small moment.
In many of the progressive States the old
parties have already put these demands
in their platform. The platform is too
long any way. I therefore move that we
strike out entirely the program of in-
dustrial demands.
The motion was lost.
Sections 1, 2 and 3 were adopted as
follows:
"The conservation of human resources,
particularly of the lives and well being
of the workers and their families:
1. By shortening the work days in
keeping with the increased productive-
ness of machinery.
2. By securing to every worker a rest
period of not less than a day and a half
. in each week.
3. By securing a more effective in-
spection of work shops, factories and
mines."
Section 4 was then read as follows:
"By forbidding the employment of chil-
dren under sixteen years of age."
DEL. KAPLAN, (Minn.): I move to
change it to 18 years of age.
The motion was seconded, and on A
vote was lost.
Section 4 was then adopted as read.
Section 5 was read as follows:
"By abolishing the brutal exploitation
of convicts under the contract system, and
prohibiting the sale of goods so produced
in competition with other labor."
DEL. LE SEUER (N. D.): By the co-
operative organization of the industries
in the Federal penitentiaries for the ben- ,
efit of the convicts and their dependents.
DEL. GAYLORD: I suggest that it be
added. They are both good.
DEL. LE SEUER: We want to make
this brief. The substitute covers every
possible feature of the original. If the
industries in the penitentiaries are ope-
rated for the benefit of the convicts and
their dependents there is no exploitation
of the convict labor, and" there is no com-
petition between the convict labor and
free labor.
DEL. RUSSELL (N. Y.): The commit-
tee authorize me to say that we will
accept your substitute.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ (111.): I call for
the reading of the section as amended.
THE SECRETARY (Reading): "By the
co-operative organization of the indus-
tries in the Federal penitentiaries for
the benefit of the convicts and their de-
pendents."
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I desire to ask
Comrade Le Seuer why the State peni-
tentiaries are omitted.
DEL. LE SEUER: With reference to
the State penitentiaries it would be ut-
terly futile to insert that in the platform
106
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
and we already have it in the platforms
of the different States.
DEL. HOGAN: Won't you accept this
amendment that the clause may be en-
larged according to your suggestion to
cover every phase of the Federal work
shops as well as the Federal penitenti-
aries.
DEL. LE SEUER: As to Federal work
shops in the Federal penitentiaries, let
the committee work that in.
The substitute paragraph was 'then
adopted.
The Secretary then read clause 6 as fol-
lows:
"6. By forbidding the interstate trans-
portation of the products of child labor,
of convict labor and of all uninspected
factories and mines."
The section as read was then adopted.
Paragraph 7 was then read as follows:
"7. By abolishing the profit system in
Government work, and substituting either
the direct hire of labor or the awarding
of contracts to co-operative ' groups of
workers."
The paragraph as read was adopted.
Paragraph 8 was then read as follows:
"8. By establishing minimum wage
scales."
The paragraph as read was adopted.
The next paragraph was then read
as follows:
"9. By abolishing official charity and
substituting a non-contributory system of
old age pensions, a general system of in-
surance by the State of all its members
against unemployment and invalidism and
a system of compulsory insurance by em-
ployers of their workers, without cost
to the latter, against industrial diseases,
accidents and death."
The paragraph as read was then
adopted.
Paragraphs 1 and 2 of the "Political
Demands" were then adopted, reading as
follows:
"1. The absolute freedom of press,
speech and assemblage.
"2. The adoption of a graduated in-
come tax, the increase of the rates of
the present corporation tax and the ex-
tension of inheritance taxes, graduated
in proportion to the value of the estate,
and to nearness of kin, the proceeds of
these taxes to be employed in the so-
cialization of industry."
Section 3 of the Political Demands was
read as follows:
"3. The gradual reduction of all tariff
duties, particularly those on the neces-
sities of life. The government to guar-
antee the re-employment of wage earn-
ers who may be disemployed by reason
of changes in tariff schedules."
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): As it appears to
me this paragraph concedes the argument
of the tariff advocates that tariffs do give
employment to working men, and so far
as my knowledge goes that is not now
true. The infant industries are fat and
healthy. For that reason until we have
further explanation of the reasons for
-the retention of this clause from the
committee I move that we strike out
par-^v^ph £.
±we motion was seconded.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): We have
avoided just the very thing that Comrade
Barnes is afraid of. We state there that
the government shall guarantee re-em-
ployment of wage earners who may be
disemployed by reason of changes in tar-
iff schedules. Now I would like to see
any tariff reformer. from ■ Underwood
down, stand for anvtbing of this kind.
There is no tariff reformer in the cap-
italist world who can touch this cl
We have taken care of an argumer
that kind, Comrade Barnes.
DEL. BARNES: You don't answei
point at all.
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): It seem
me the height of absurdity for the
cialist party to be monkeying with
tariff. We are not interested in
tariff, low tariff or no tariff. The wo
gets skinnned to a finisH; tariff oi
tariff. The Democrats and Republi
have blathered about the tariff until
whole country is sick of it. But if I
my way you would not have any in:
diate demands at all.
DEL. IRVIN (Pa.): Clause 3 me
provides ^as we have provided be
where in the development of mac;
ery workers are put on the scrap bJ
In the change of tariff whether you-
lieve in high tariff or low tariff wori
are put on the scrap heap. That
not be successfully denied. And t
merely covers that proposition and m
ing else.
DEL. KATE SADLER: I am absolu
opposed to this notion. High tariff oi
tariff, it does not concern us. I 1)
where we had no tariff at all and I
just as poor then as I am now uij
a high protective tariff. I have b
just as poor under a low tariff. I d3|
see why we shoud bother with suoj
thing. The; 'tariff question has foj
the working class of America J
enough, just as we were fooled in E
land and Scotland about free trade, j
open door, protection, reciprocity, i
tall the other fool things that the I
parties have been offering us. Our dJ
gation is absolutely opposed to all iml
diate demands but we will have to sij
low them if you force them down J
throats. But for goodness sake df
split on the tariff question.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): We have J
this very thing in our congressional J
'trict. John Dalzell, the high priestf
protection, was defeated in our distjj
by a tariff revisionist. We have to sj
the fallacy of revising the tariff. P
haps if Comrade Berger will get j
statement of Senator Cox he will see t
he stated on the floor of the United Sta
Senate in his debate with Senator AldJ
that so far as the working class is c;
cerned it doesn't make any differd
whether it is high, low or in the mica
We have had this question in cerl
congressional districts and the man 4
defeated John DalzelJ defeated him j
cause the Republicans in that disfl
had begun to say that it would bj
good thing to put the tariff down. T|
would say to us, you stand for the sa
thing that Mr. Kelly stands for. Th«
fore, why should we vote for the SociaJ
when Mr. Kelly stands for exactly j
same proposition. I am in favor of j
motion of Comrade Barnes.
DEL. RINGLER (Pa.): I move j
previous question.
The previous question was then 1
dered.
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I very ml
wish that the committee had vouchsaj
the information in advance of my arl
merit why they favored this propositi
"The gradual reduction of all tariff 1
ties, particularly those on the necel
ties of life; the government to guaH
tee the re-employment of wage earn!
who may be disemployed by changes]
the tariff schedules." There was an ari
ment presented by Comrade Irvin of Pel
sylvania which does not apply, in }
EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, .1912
It
judgment, because I do not concede that
the adoption of free trade would throw
3ne man out of work in America. You
ire providing for that which will not
happen. You provide that the govern-
ment shall re-employ those who are dis-
employed by reason of the reduction of
the tariff, and I hold and believe that
it can not be demonstrated that anyone
will be thrown out of work, and on the
contrary if we had free trade tomorrow
it would not throw anybody out of work
Cor more than a week. We are virtually
conceding the argument of the tariff sup-
porters in this very paragraph, and that
is the reason I am in favor of striking
it out. But while I hold to the opinion
that we would not bring about disem-
ployment by a reduction of the tariff, I
know, you know and the tariff tinkers
know that a great number of the prod-
ucts of America are sold in foreign coun-
tries far cheaper than they are sold to
us in America. You can get a Douglas
shoe in London, England, cheaper than
you can here. You can get an American
sewing machine in England cheaper than
you can here. You can get a McCormick
reaper cheaper in the City of St. Peters-
burg than it is sold in the city
of Chicago; and it is made in the out-
skirts of Chicago. In the testimony of
Mr. Schwab before the Congressional
Committee he "mitted that he sold steel
cheaper to V _ Russian government than
(he did to Uncle Sam. The removal of the
tariff would not bring about non-em-
ployment but it would reduce their prof-
its. The reduction of the tariff will not
Misemploy our people but will make the
capitalists retrench and cut off some* on
their unearned increment.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): I have always
held that the tariff issue is not a work-
ing man's issue.
DEL. BARNES: That is what I think.
DEL. BERGER: I have always told
them that there is always free trade in
labor. That while our manufacturers are
protected by 300 per cent in some in-
stances, that there is always free trade
in labor. However, we are facing a con-
dition and not a theory. We have to take
a stand. In all the countries that I know
of where we have a Socialist party, the
Socialist party as such takes the stand
for free trade more or less. That is the
international view. However, if we do
it in this country we face the following
situation: Entire cities, entire communi-
ties have been built up by the high tar-
iff. If there should be a sudden reduc-
tion many thousands would be thrown
out of employment, and we meet this sit-
uation by this paragraph. I am not say-
ing that the Socialist party should make
free trade or high tariff an issue. We
have a thousand better issues. We are
simply explaining our stand on this ques-
tion, and it seems to me that this clause
is all risrht.
DEL. HILLQUIT: How are they to
be re-employed?
DEL. i BERGER:- The government . to
give them employment. The government
can do it. This does not mean that we
should go out and preach free tra.de or
that we should take a stand for high
tariff. It simply explains our position
on the tariff. But for my part I shall
never make an issue of the tariff. I do
hope that you will accept this as read.
The motion to strike out clause 3 was
adopted by a vote of 117 aye and 94 no.
Paragraph 4 was then read as follows:
"4. The abolition of the monopoly own-
ership of patents and the substitution of
collective ownership, with direct rewards" 1 '
to inventors by premiums or royalties." V
The paragraph was adopted as read.
The Secretary then read Section 5 as
follows:
"5. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for
men and women."
The paragraph as read was adopted.
Section 6 was then read by the Sec-
retary as follows:
"6. The adoption of the initiative, ref-
erendum and recall and of proportional
representation nationally as well as lo-
cally."
DEL. LEWIS (Ore.): I object to the
proportional representation. It will only
open the way for parties of reform, pro-
hibition parties, labor parties and so
forth. Our State legislatures will be full
of all kinds of representatives. It is a
dangerous proposition. Are we Socialists
going to open up the field to give all
kinds of freaks to have their representa-
tives in the various bodies? Proportional
representation means that we are going
to give life to all the parties, including
clerical parties. I move to strike out
proportional representation.
DEL. SMITH (Mont.): It seems to me
that instead of advocating proportional
representation the Socialist party ought
to be standing for representation by ab-
solute majority. The point of the com-
rade from Oregon is Certainly well taken.
If the Socialist party makes as its funda-
mental declaration that this is a strug-
gle between classes, then we ought to
have absolute majority representation.
We ought to have either capitalist gov-
ernment or working class government ab-
solutely. I approve of the amendment.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): It is evident
that the comrades who spoke in opposi-
tion to the recommendation of the com-
mittee do not know what • they are talk-
ing about. They seem to be carried away
by a few stock phrases. This proposition
will be favorable to some reformers. That
is enough. That settles it. As a matter
of fact the accepted position of the in-
ternational Socialist movement of the
world has always been in favor of pro-
portional representation. I do not un-
derstand how any man who understands
the meaning of proportional representa-
tion can stand up and oppose it. To begin
with there is but one party who can
really benefit by it and that is the So-
cialist party. The comrade from Mon-
tana says we should either have a cap-
italist government or a Socialist govern-
ment. If that is the case we may as
well stop putting up candidates and send-
ing them into the legislative assemblies.
DEL. SMITH (Mont.): I said a capital-
ist government or a working class gov-
ernment.
DEL. SOLOMON: As I understand the
comrades it must be either a capitalist
government or a working class govern-
ment. That is identical with saying a
capitalist government or a Socialist gov-
ernment. I cannot conceive of a Socialist
government which is not at the same
time a working class government. But
coming down to this proposition I say
there is but one partv that can really
benefit by this proposition and that is the
Socialist party. You find in State after
State that already the Socialist party has
from five to ten per cent of the total
vote cast, but has no representative what-
ever in the assembly. If we had pro-
portional representation it would be pos-
sible for the party to have representa-
tion in the assembly in proportion to the
vote cast for the party candidates- _
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
DEL. HARRIMAN (Cal.)* I think this
proportional representation should be
kept in the platform, not only as an ac-
cepted proposition of our party generally,
but it opens the way by which the in-
terests of every community, the varied in-
terests of every community may make
themselves felt within that community.
Now the dominant power in a community
certainly asserts itself, with the modifica-
tion of all the other interests that are
able to make themselves felt upon that
power. Every law passed by the capital-
ist class would be modified more or less
if our representatives to some extenit
were within their body. First; because
we could uncover the graft. Second, be-
cause we are on the ground to modify
vicious laws, which always yield in pro-
portion to the power confronting them.
Now this is a political party. This pro-
portional representation enables us to
take a grip, to the exact extent of our
power upon the legislative bodies to
which we send our members. When we
are in the ascendency then we, too, may
modify our position because of the com-
plicated interests that resist us. But
until such time as we can bring about
institutions that conform entirely to our
views, this is one of the strongest means
within our grasp to split the opposition
in the legislative halls.
DEL. PEACH (Conn.): I am in favor
of keeping proportional representation in
the platform. In Connecticut we are in
a peculiar position. Perhaps no other
State in the Union has this situation to
face. In our State we have an industrial
city with a population of 102,000. 90 per
cent of those are industrial workers. In
that city there are 15,000 workers who
voted in the last election. That is the
city of Bridgeport. Under the State laws
we are given two representatives for that
15,000 voters. ■ Up in one corner of the
State there is a little town by the name
of Union with 87 voters. That has two
representatives. It is a complete agri-
cultural town. On . any question in the
legislature, although we may have cap-
tured the city of Bridgeport overwhelm-
ingly, our vote is negatived by men who
represent 87 voters. We are confronted
by the consolidated railroads, who can
buy 87 voters much more easily than they
can buy 15,000. In one county we polled 16
per cent of the votes on the Socialist
ticket, in that county. If we capture
every industrial center in that county
we have only captured 7,000 voters, and
the remaining difference between the
7,000 and the 50,000 can overwhelmingly
out-vote us. So I say, keep it In there
so we can use it in our State platform,
because we are going to use it whether
you put it in or not. but we don't want
to be in contradiction with the National
platform. We want to break up the form
of representation that we have in our
State where 87 agricultural voters have as
much representation as 15,000 industrial
workers. How are we going to get a
majority on that? Will you tell me that
from Montana?
The previous question was then or-
dered.
DEL. LATTMER (Minn.): I am in favor
of the amendment to strike out. There
seems to be some misapprehension as to
what proportional representation means.
The comrade who just spoke presents a
condition which proportional representa-
tion would help. What he needs is re-
apportionment. We are not discussing
that. Proportional representation is per-
haps all right from a theoretical point
or view so long as the Socialist party
a minority party and wants a few c,
fices; but when we get to be a majori
party we shall not be interested in loo 1
ing after the interests of the capitalist
who happen to be in the minority. "V
are interested in getting control of tl
government. We are interested in ru
ning the government in the interest
the working class. And it seems to n
that while we are a minority party v
are interested in the same propositio
It is true that in some communities
might land a man or two in the Sta
Legislature. That is what happened
Illinois a few years ago. They had pr<
portional representation where a ma
could go to the polls and vote for thr<
men or one man. That gave a sort
proportional representation and they ser
a few men to the State Legislature, bi
they are not there today. We find thz
if we do gain here and there it amoum
to practically nothing. The thing we ar
interested in as a minority party is build
lng up a strong, constructive organiza
tion, not to elect men occasionally to th;
State Legislature. It is our business a
a minority party to lay foundation fo'
getting control of the government, an
we are not interested in proportional rep
resentation. That is all right for th
instructor in the class room, studying po
litical economy, but we are organize^
to dominate the government, we are no
interested in minorities, we are interests
in that great majority, the working class
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): There is noth
ing whatever in this clause inconsisten
with the constantly maintained interna
tional position on this question. It i
simply reaffirming the demand of the in
ternational Socialist movement of th
world. If the Germans at this time ha<
proportional representation they wouli
have a very much larger number of mei
in the Reichstag. We all know thai
There are thousands of them that ar
disfranchised because of this very fac
that they have not proportional repre
sentation. The same is true in Belgium
and the same is true in some of the com
munes of Prance. One of the method
by which our comrades in England hav
been able to secure seats in the Britisl
House of Commons has been throug]
what they call three-cornered fights
What is a three cornered fight? A thre
cornered fight is a fight in which thi
proportional representation extends a
least to three elements, and I am sur
that there have been at least a dozei
or fifteen seats attained in the Britisl
House of Commons by this process o
proportional representation in part. Ani
in the municipal bodies of Great Britai]
there have been scores of such instances
I want to ask you how was it that Com
rade Seidel was elected Mayor of th
city of Milwaukee if it had not been b;
proportional representation so far as i
went. I mean that he didn't have a ma
jority of the„votes of the city.
A DELEGATE: And how did he lose it
DEL. WILSON: I am giving you th
points in favor of the other view. Al
right. How did he lose it? He, lost i
because two of the parties joined and lef
him without a total majority of the city
If the Socialist party in tTTe city counci
of the ctiy of Milwaukee were represents
according to the number of Socialist vote
in the city of Milwaukee they wouli
have a larger representation in the ne\
aldermanic body than they have at th
present time.
EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
i DEL. KATE SADLER: Well, what does
he party in Sweden say?
DEL. WILSON: I don't recall the exact
tatement of the party in Sweden.
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Wil-
on has the floor.
DEL. KATE SADLER: He doesn't need
answer it. It was turned down in
I, weden.
DEL. WILSON: Now comrades, we are
3 this position that all over the country
ji cities where they have the commission
ivorm of government, which has in a sense
),n element of this proportional repre-
entation, where there is an element of
his proportional representation involved
i the candidacy for the Legislature, and
lso in congressional districts it is going
» be of great importance - to us if we
an carry it as a political reform. I hope
le comrades will sustain the paragraph
1st as it is in this statement of Political
•emands.
The motion to strike out the words
proportional representation" was lost,
nd paragraph 6, as reported, was
dopted.
The Secretary read paragraph 7 as fol-
>ws:
"7. The abolition of the Senate and of
16 veto power of the President."
The paragraph as read was adopted.
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I want to make
motion that we have somewhere here
n opportunity, and it might as Well be
s"|fter the veto power is disposed of, I
ant to make a motion for an anti-mili-
?"|iry plank.
a THE CHAIRMAN: The opportunity
ill be given later.
Paragraph 8 was then read as follows:
"8. The election of the President and
e Vice President by direct vote of the
ople."
The paragraph as read was adopted.
The Secretary then read paragraph 9:
*9. The abolition of the power usurped
7 the Supreme Court of the United
ates to pass upon the constitutionality
the legislation enacted by Congress.
iie national laws to be repealed only
1 act of Congress or by referendum
>te of the whole people."
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I wish to offer
i amendment and I want an opportunity
explain the amendment afterwards. I
ove to amend by striking out the words
isurped by the Supreme- Court," and
bstituting the "absolute prevention of
e Supreme Court of the United States
ssing upon the constitutionality of
ws."
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. SLAYTON: For years I have con-
nded that the Supreme Court of the
lited States has never usurped any pow-
. This has been disputed by some com-
des. They have cited one or two in-
ances where Congress has passed re-
rictive laws, and they have tried to
ike that appear as proof that the Su-
eme Court had usurped power. The
act opposite is the fact. Why should I
ss a law to prevent anybody doing
mething if that body had not the right
do it any way. The other day I got
Id of a work upon this same subject
lich shows that the leaders df the Con-
tutional Convention deliberately
acted that the Supreme Court should
ve this power, and Alexander Hamilton
ited that they should have the power
declare all laws null and void that
3 contrary to the manifest tenor of the
institution. The other day I got hold
a work by Professor Baer who quotes
of the delegates to the Constitutional
Convention, 16 of whom definitely sta\. for
that that was their construction and hoy
that the Supreme Court should have the i
power to declare all laws null and void - e
which were contrary to the manifest ten-
or of the Constitution, and they said what
they wanted the manifest tenor to be.
They said we have to be careful
how we use our words lest we frighten
the people. The whole object was to
make the Constitution a class document;
and it was the fertile brain of Alexander
Hamilton that devised the Supreme Court.
He wanted to make sure that any law
that had a measure of democracy in it, if
it could pass the lower House, pass the
Senate and pass the President, would
at least run up against the elite of Amer-
ica and not pass the Supreme Court. I
insist the Supreme Court has never
usurped any power. Henry Clay, I be-
lieve, said: "I am glad the Constitution
does not say that the Supreme Court
shall not do certain things because they
then can act upon the implied power
entrusted to them to maintain the in-
tentions of the framers of that docu-
ment." I hope that you will agree to
wipe out these words. If you are right
you won't be hurt and if I am right you
will be safe. Make it read that the Su-
preme Court shall not pass upon the
constitutionality of laws.
DEL. HOAN (Wis.): I disagree with the
comrade who has just spoken. The prop-
osition to permit the Supreme Court of
the United States to declare laws uncon-
stitutional was presented three times in
the Constitutional Convention aid voted
down. The first time it was exercised in
this country mass meetings were held
protesting against the court using that
power, and in practically every State in
the early history of this country where
that proposition was made to give the
Supreme Court that power it was voted
down. In the early days of American
history the people held mass meetings
all over this country protesting against
this usurpation of power by capitalist
judges serving the interests that were
backing them up. I hope that the clause
as drafted by the committee will be
adopted.
The motion of Delegate Slayton was
lost and Section 9 was then adopted as
reported.
Paragraphs 10, 11, 12 and 13 were then
adopted as follows:
"10. The abolition of the present re-
strictions upon the amendment of the
constitution so that instrument may be
made amendable by a majority of the
voters in a majority of the States.
"11. The granting of the right of suf-
frage in the District of Columbia, with
representation in Congress and a demo-
cratic form of municipal government for
purely local affairs.
"12. The extension of democratic gov-
ernment to all United States territory.
"13. The enactment of further meas*
ures for general education and particular-
ly for vocational education in useful pur-
suits. The Bureau of Education to be
made a department."
DEL. RUSSELL: The committee has
made a slight change in the wording of
paragraph 14 since I read it before. As
amended by the committee it now reads:
"14. The enactment of further meas-
ures for the conservation of health. The
creation of an independent bureau of
health, with such restrictions as will se-
cure full liberty to all schools of prac-
tice."
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
r
jU will strike out in your printed
^ies the words "The creation of a De-
irtment of Health."
T DEL. HILLQUIT: I movb ;o strike out
the addition and restore the *rigix>-»J. form
of the paragraph.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I do not see wtxy the
committee should have gone out of its
way to insert a debated and debatable
question on- matters pertaining exclusive-
ly to the practice of medicine, on which
none of us is an authority, and as to
which the Socialist party should certainly
not take any definite stand. The only
purpose of this amendment, so far as I
can see, is to place certain medical
schools, homeopathic, osteopathic, eclec-
tics, upon the same basis as the recog-
nized school of allopathy, Now, quite likely
it is a sound proposition. I know ab-
solutely nothing about it. I do not know
whether the conservation of the health
of the nation does not require a certain
recognized school of medicine. I don't
know whether certain reasonable restric-
tions upon the practice of medicine should
not be maintained. But I do say that
the Socialist party has absolutely no con-
cern of any kind with it. To demand in
the political demands of the Socialist
party the recognition of certain schools
of medicine, or the removal of restric-
tions upon the practice of medicine seems
to me entirely unnecessary and to open
up a large field of debate.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): In supporting the
amendment I call your attention to the
fact that the international Socialist move-
ment has everywhere stood for the crea-
tion of a national department of public
health. If there is anything we need in
this country it is the creation of such
a department. Since the matter has come
up and has been forced into the arena
of national politics a certain amount of
activity has been exerted by some per-
sons who do not believe in any. school
of medicine, preventative or otherwise.
The delegates to this convention have
been flooded with reports of speeches de«
livered in the United States Senate solely
from the point of view of one particular
religious sect in this country, and this
amendment is intended to meet the point
of view of that opposition. I am not
sashing here that we should stand for any
particular school of medicine. ' I have no
objection as a Socialist in my capacity
as a delegate here to the osteopaths or
the homeopaths. I do have certain per-
sonal opinions on certain questions inso-
far as they relate to public sanitation
and public health. But when you say we
demand the creation of an independent
bureau, what do you mean? "Why not say
frankly that we want a federal depart-
ment of public health because we want
to wipe out the disgrace that is so out-
rageous iin this country,, that if there was
any hog or cattle disease in this country
money would come from the federal gov-
ernment, expert advice .at every cost
could be had from the federal government
on that proposition, but when spinal men-
ingitis broke out in this country if we
wanted any assistance, if we want to use
our national power to meet that scourge,
up until quite recently ' we could not
get a dollar from the federal govern-
ment, we could not get a man from the
federal service unless some Congressman
was tricky enough to get in an appro-
priation for funds for the Bureau of Ani-
mal Industry. When we say that we
want the creation of a Department of
Public Health, we are not saying that
we want a department under the contrc
of a particular school of medicine. W
are not saying that we want a depart
ment which will exclude a particula
school of medical practice; but we do sa
that we want a Department of Publi
Health; and if in the creation of tha
Department of Public Health it is foun.
necessary to prohibit the practice o
some people who profess to cure tubercu
losis by quack remedies, then we ough
to be able to get that very thing.
DEL. RICKER (Kan.): I shall not quib
ble as to words. On the question of ij
Department of Health or an independen
bureau I shall not quibble. But on th<
matter of putting something in this dec
laration that will put the Socialist part],
on record for a full guarantee of libertj
to all schools of practice I am decidedlj
in favor.
DEL. HILLQUIT: Christian Science?
DEL. RICKER: There are several
schools of practice. There is a majoi
school. The minor schools don't warn
this major school of practice to dominate
everything in the matter of the care oi
public health. If there is anything thai
Socialists stand for it is liberty. In Con-
gress the objections raised against such
a bureau have been precisely on the point
that it would go into the hands of the
major school of practice, who would be
in control of this department. There
happen to be homeopaths, osteopaths and
a great many other paths. The object
of the committee in submitting this warn
simply that we might assure all of them
that we stand for full and complete lib-
erty.
DEL. ROSETT: I want to speak in favor
of the section as it stands in the printed
report. This question of medical liberty
is a much agitated question now in Amer-
ica. It is only after great struggles that
many reforms have been brought about.
The Pure Food and Drug law, the expos-
ing of various medical fakes, of dan-
gerous patent medicines. There is a move-
ment now for what is called medical free-
dom, not for real medical freedom but
to bring forth again the medical fakes
that have infested America for a greal
number of years, the Sarsaparilla fake,
the Peruna fake, and a thousand other
fakes, that now have a vogue under thj
name of medical liberty. The idea is
simply that these terrible fakes with
which we have been infested shall ha«
full swing again. The word freedom ■
something that can be stretched to an
awful extent. Freedom to poison peopa
is not, freedom at all. At last it is thl
kind of freedom that we Socialists must
oppose. Socialists all over the world
stand for science, for progress, and sci-
ence and progress are opposed to any
medical faker who comes in the name o|
medical freedom. I hope you will vote
in favor of the section as it is pri !
DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I am againl
the amendment. We know that laws have
been made for the protection of pigs and
cattle. This proposition is for the pro-
tection of human beings. There is no
monopoly in this land, no trust, strongei
than the medical trust. We know that
the powers of government in Washing-
ton today are controlled to that exteil
by the medical trust that they refuse
to allow any other school of medicine oi
healing to invade the holy of holies; all
who enter must bear the marks of one
of the great established schools of medi-
cine. We know how the allopaths foi
60 or 70 years fought the homeopathie
school of medicine. We know that whe8
EVENING SESSION, MAY 16, 1912
isteopaths established themselves how
the allopaths and the homeopaths
ht them, the same as the Democrats
Republicans are combining against
Socialists. There are other schools
edicine and other schools of healing
les those recognized by the powers
be in Washington, and the commit-
in the recommendations say that it
not be confined to a medical trust.
[E CHAIRMAN: The question is
upon the adoption of the motion by
-ade Hillquit to strike out the clause
jad by Comrade Russell and let the
:>n stand as it is in the printed re-
amendment to N leave the wording
iginalTy printed" was lost, the vote
ting 69 aye and 112 no.
use 14 as reported by Comrade Rus-
vas then adopted.
use 15 was then read as follows:
The separation of the present Bu-
of Labor from the Department of
aerce and Labor, and its elevation to
ank of a department."
paragraph as read was adopted,
•agraph 16 was then read as fol-
Abolition of all federal district
and the United States Circuit
of Appeals. State courts to have
liction in all cases arising between
ns of tfce several States and for-
corporations. The election of all
is for short terms."
L. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): Why do they
to abolish the federal courts and
more power to "the State courts?
RUSSELL: We take the federal
of this country to be a source of
:e evil in the community. Being a
of evil we think we should cut
L. SLOBODIN: -I want to speak to
want to state the reason why this
not appeal to me. If gives a cer-
e of good character to the state
I am familiar with the State
and I am familiar with the Federal
and I can't see any distinction be-
the two. I can see how the little
will have great trouble in carrying
to the State courts in serving peo-
ho don't reside in the State. There
iolutely no sense to the proposition
3 by the committee. They are sim-
oling away time, filling up the plat-
with all sorts of items. I could sit
and draft a hundred similar de-
which would have just as little
tance and have absolutely as little
ition. I don't believe this section
be adopted.
HILLQUIT: I make the motion
lly that this section be stricken
It is not a question of saving the
il courts. I don't think any dele-
tere, even if he is a lawyer, has any
ular love for the federal court, but
should be some consistency in our
ds. We seem to desire to retain
tpreme Court of the United States.
•e merely going to curtail its pow-
Ut we are to do . away with the
linate United States courts. If
was a system of jurisprudence to
iposed limiting jurisdiction entirely
■ State courts and if we could see
>ecial advantage in it for the work-
ass, we might stand for it. But
is no advantage in this. It makes
'erence with the workers. \We are
into an error of which we havp
tad an instance. We are passing
matters of medical practice and
il practice and the next thing we
the regular-IP of for
shall take up will be
civil engineering.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): Fer^-^SXy I
haven't the slightest interest in a single
one of these points in this working pro-
gram. But inasmuch as the committee
has got together I am here to speak for
tnis section. I don't believe the Social-
ist party of America cares very much if
the Supreme Court of the United States
is left hung up high and dry with no
work to do. But there is one thing very
certain and that is that \». £ federal courts
of this country form one of the most
cruel instruments against the working class
that we have today, whenever the working
class is unfortunate enough to come within
the jurisdiction of those Federal courts. I
do not suppose that there is one thing that
personal injury lawyers try more to avoid
than they do getting into the grasp of the
Federal courts. I do not believe there is a
thing brought up in the Federal courts that
could not just as well be tried in the state
jurisdiction, if we will only extend the
power of the states to try those cases. The
Federal courts are /for the benefit of foreign
corporations. If you wish to sue a foreign
corporation you must go into the Federal
courts. They will wear you out with their
pract?ce. They kill you with enormous
charges. It is a matter of great hardship
to the working class that happen to get into
those courts. For these reasons the com-
mittee takes this position. It is the opinion
of your committee that we should get rid of
the whole thing.
DEL. BERLYN (111.): I am in favor of
striking this out — I don't know anything
about medicine, and I don't know much
about law — but the reason I want to strike
this out is this: I had a tapeworm once
and I got rid of a whole lot of the links,
but I never got rid of the tapeworm until
I got rid of the head. Here they come with
the proposition to remove the links, but
leave the head there. The Supreme Court,
the source of all evil, they don't touch. This
thing is meaningless. I like immediate de-
mands. I like to have something with
which to appeal to the workingman, but
whoever does the job the Supreme Court
stands ready to chew you up just the same.
The committee only deals with the subordi-
nate links. There is no scjnse in it. It is
simply a space filler. I don't think that
printer's ink should be used simply for fill-
ing space. Everything in our platform
should be in response to a real need. I
hope you will support the motion to strike
it out.
DEL. RICKER (Kan.): Never in my
speeches for the party or in the lecture
bureau have I ever introduced the name of
the Appeal to Reason, but I am goring to do
so now. The Appeal to Reason is in the
Federal Court. You have been pouring your
money into the office to help us in this fight.
This resolution came from Fred D. Warren.
It was brought here by our attorney. Now,
most of you, to your credit be it said, are
not lawyers. Lawyers may differ. Sheffier
says, and he is as good a „ lawyer as there
is in this house, that all these cases may
be tried in the state courts. I know, for I
have been working on this matter for
months, that through the agency of the
Federal courts, wherever possible personal
injur?/ cases are immediately taken out of
the jurisdiction of the state courts, by a
twisted interpretation of the constitution,
whereby a foreign corporation becomes a
citizen, and by virtue of that twist gets out
of the state courts and into the Federal
Court. We want to do away with this Fed-
eral court system. I ask you that you keep
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
7 r irv08 iitact the resolution as it comes from the
committee.
, The motion of Comrade Hillquit to strike
, out Section 16 was lost by a vote of 55 aye
to 132 no.
' f Section 16 was then adopted as reported.
Section 17 of the report was adopted,
reading as follows:
J "17. The immediate curbing of the power
of the courts to issue injunctions."
Section 18 as reported was read as fol-
lows:
"18. The free administration of justice."
It was moved and seconded to strike out
the word "justice" from clause 18 and in-
sert the words "the law."
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I am opposed to
the amendment that, it seems, has been ac-
cepted by a majority of the committee, for
the reason that the administration of law
is not always the administration of justice.
I favor the original declaration of the com-
mittee that will stand for the free admin-
istration of justice. I have been practicing
law 20 years, and I am familiar somewhat
with the procedure in our courts, and espe-
cially in the Federal courts, where I have
appeared time after time, and I assure you
that you would do yourselves an injustice
if you accept this amendment, which, I am
sorry to say, the committee of which I have
the honor to be a member saw fit to accept.
I hope you will vote it down.
The motion to substitute the words "the
law" for the word "justice" was carried.
Section 19 was then adopted as follows:
"19. The calling of a convention for the
revision of the Constitution of the United
States."
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I want to in-
corporate into this platform an anti-mili-
tary plank. I think it is a question of great
importance. Everyone of us knows that the
militia, and everything that trains with it,
is turned against the working class every
time there is a conflict between the working
class and the master class, and I want a
distinct understanding, I want a declaration
that everyone will understand that we are
opposed to the militia in this country be-
cause it is always used in behalf of the
capitalist class, and I want the committee
to make it as strong as it can be made.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I make the point of
order that the delegate has the right to
offer a plank in specific terms, but not to
call for a plank generally.
DEL. FURMAN: I want the comn
to put the plank in there.
A DP]LEGATE: This should be ref
to the Platform Committee to draft
particular clause.
DEL. FURMAN: That is my motion
THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready
the motion to refer this to the Comm
on -Platform?
DEL. FURMAN: I made no motion.
DEL. REILLY (N. J.): He said he v>
like to have incorporated in the platfon
anti-military plank, but the Secretary if
bound to consider that a motion.
DEL. STRICKLAND: I am oppose
having this go back now. The mil
proposition has been taken care of in
lutions introduced by Ohio and air
adopted.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion of I
gate Furman is to recommit it to the <
mittee for a plank on anti-militarism.
The motion of Del. Furman was lost.
On motion of Delegate Strickland,
onded by Delegate Berlyn, the platforr
a whole was then adopted.
DEL ZITT (Ohio): I have tried for
minutes to offer a plank.
THE CHAIRMAN: The only ques
before the house was the adoption of
platform as a whole.
DEL. DUFFY (N. Y.): We have stri<
out the plank on the tariff. Now the fc
is an issue.
A DELEGATE: A point of order,
settled that a while ago.
THE CHAIRMAN: We have had a a
full discussion of the question of tariff.
DEL. GOEBEL: Tomorrow morning
of the most important matters coming
for consideration will be reported here.
ask on behalf of the Constitution Com|
tee that we be permitted to have our re]
taken up as the first order of business
morrow morning. We are proposing
many changes that are vital, and {
should be carefully considered and
cussed. I therefore ask that the Comi
tee on Constitution be allowed to report
first thing tomorrow morning.
DEL. KOOP (111.): I move that the CJ
mittee on Constitution be the first comi
tee to report in the morning.
The motion was carried.
The meeting then adjourned until Fri^
May 17, 1912, at 10 A. M.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
k for
'y i
SIXTH DAY'S SESSION.
Del. Carey, Chairman of the previous day,
jailed the convention to order at 10 o'clock.
The following- delegates were nominated
ind accepted for Chairman of the day: Rod-
iguez, Duncan, Thompson (Wis.).
The following delegates declined nomi-
lation: Hogan (Ark.), Berger (Wis.), Har-
•iman, Strebel.
The vote resulted: Rodriguez 41, Thomp-
son 75, Duncan 84.
Del. Duncan (Mont.) was declared elected
chairman for the day.
The following delegates accepted nomi-
lation for Vice-Chairman of the day: Ed-
vards (Tex.), Killingbeck, Latimer, Strick-
and.
The following delegates declined nomina-
ion: Clifford, Thompson (Wis.), Wanhope
N. Y.).
The vote resulted: Edwards 32, Strick-
and 87, Latimer 19, Killingbeck 66.
Del. Strickland (Ohio) was declared elect-
id Vice-Chairman for the day. The roll call
>f delegates and the reading of the minutes
vere, on motion, dispensed with.
WASHINGTON DELEGATION.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): The rule
.dopted is that where a state has instructed
ts delegation %o vote on a particular ques-
ion, their vote shall be recorded as a unit.
?here are seven delegates in Washington
hat consider themselves bound by instruc-
ions from the state to vote against imme-
diate demands, and they would like to be
ecorded.
THE SECRETARY: The Washington
delegates would like to be recorded as vot-
ing against immediate demands in the plat-
orm. .
DEL. MALEY (Wash.): I wish to have
ny name recorded there.
DEL. BOEHM (Ohio): I would like to
>e recorded as individually voting against
Immediate demands.
COMMITTEE ON LABOR ORGANIZA-
TIONS.
DEL. WHITE (Mass.): I regret the ne-
essity of calling the attention of the dele-
;ates to an uncompleted sentence in the
eport of the Committee on Labor Organi-
ations and Their Relations to the Party,
f you will recall, when I was reading this
eport yesterday, in the second paragraph, I
topped because I came to a wording that
id not seem complete. I consulted with
he members of the committee, and they
ecognized that without the addition of the
Tords that were in the original matter that
/ent to the printer this paragraph would be
leaningless. I regret the necessity of do-
ng this, but the members of the committee
nd the delegates will understand that there
3 no ulterior motive behind it. If you will
ust follow me I will read that paragraph,
'he second paragraph reads: "Political or-
anization and economic organization are
Mke necessary in the struggle for working
lass emancipation . . . working class
lovement." It says nothing, so you see it
j uncompleted. It should read: "Political
organization and economic organization are
alike necessary in the struggle for working
class emancipation. The most harmonious
relations ought to exist between the two
great forces of the working class move-
ment, the Socialist Party and the labor
unions." I move you that the words "The
most harmonious relations ought to exist
between the two great forces of the" follow
after the word "emancipation" and prior to
the words "working class movement," in
order to complete the sentence and make it
intelligible. (Seconded.)
The motion was unanimously carried.
REPORT OP COMMITTEE ON CONSTI-
TUTION.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Committee on
Constitution, through the Chairman, Del.
Hillquit, will now make its report The
report* is most important, so delegates will
please be in order. Comrade Hillquit has
the. floor.
DEL. HILLQUIT: Comrade Chairman
and comrades: I believe the Chairman did
not overstate the situation when he ex-
pressed the opinion that we are now coming
to the most important part of our business.
Our resolutions and our platform are very
important, but nevertheless they remain
only abstract expressions of opinion. Our
Constitution will determine our work for
many years to come, and every part of it
will play a very important role in our prac-
tical work as soon as adopted.
Your committee, like f the two preceding
committees, has the pleasure of submitting
to you a unanimous report, or at least one
practically unanimous, for out of a hundred
and odd sections of the Constitution only
two members of the committee moved an
addition to one of the sections, not con-
curred in by the other members of the com-
mittee. It all other respects and in all sub-
stantial points and features, the committee
is unanimous.
We proceeded upon the assumption that
our Constitution required radical revision.
As it stood or as it stands today it was the
Constitution adopted in 1901 upon the for-
mation of this party, with very slight
changes adopted from time to time. We
found that the machinery of administration
which we had provided for a party of 10,000
members or less would not fit a party of
150,000, and perhaps 200,000 or 300.000 by
the time we again have an opportunity to
re-examine our Constitution. We have
reached a point, comrades, where the or-
ganization of the Socialist Party has tre-
mendous tasks to perform. From an office
♦Editor's Note: To make the report of
the convention upon this subject intelligible
to the reader the entire constitution as
adopted by the convention is printed as
Appendix P. As this differs only in minor
details from the committee's report, and
these changes are noted in the Proceed-
ings, the original report is not given.
7 f 'r.08.it;
oor
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
i
.nded to by one National Secretary and
, j or two assistants, we have now a na-i
.onal office composed of various depart-
ments employing scores of people and doing
a work which requires the greatest possible
efficiency in every way.
We have sought to attain -two main ob-
jects in drafting this new Constitution
which we are now about to submit to you.
One was to maintain all features of true
democracy in the Socialist organization.
The other was to increase the efficiency of
the organization. While under the old Con^
stitution we had plenty of democracy, we
had, on the whole, very little efficiency.
Now there is no conflict between the two.
Democracy should not exclude efficiency. On
the contrary, democracy properly under-
stood spells efficiency, and we believe we
have prepared a large scheme of organiza-
tion in which both principles unite very
well.
The features of our old Constitution
which we thought stood most sorely in need
of amendment were those relating to the
administration of the national organization.
What we now have is a National Commit-
tee, a National Executive Committee, a Na-
tional Secretary, convention and referen-
dum. Each one of these five factors in our
administration is practically independent of
the others, to such an extent, at least, as to
interfere very often with each other.
For instance, the National Committee has
practically the same powers and the same
functions as the National Executive Com-
mittee. The difference between the two is
that one holds no meetings, and transacts
business by correspondence. The other does
hold meetings. And very often we have a
spectacle of this kind: Of two entirely op-
posite motions originating in each of the
two bodies, sometimes taking effect to-
gether, and one nullifying the other; or a
case of this kind, where, for instance, a
large sum of money is appropriated by the
National Committee without consulting or
taking into account the appropriations
made by the National Executive Commit-
tee. The result has been a certain uncer-
tainty. With this we have no sense of re-
sponsibility in our national office. The Na-
tional Executive Committee in its action is
subject to, the National Committee, but not
fully so, not completely so. It is a body
elected by the membership of the party, in-
dependent of the National Committee, and
hence there is a certain rivalry between the
two which is not healthy for our work and
for the welfare of the party.
The National Secretary, again, is likewise
elected by a general vote. He does not owe
his existence to either the National Execu-
tive Committee or the National Committee.
He is an independent organ of administra-
tion, with duties prescribed by the Consti-
tution, and elected directly by the mem-
bership.
And there is another conflict, a certain
conflict between the National Secretary and
the National Committee or the National
Executive Committee. There is also a cer-
tain laxity in the relations between the Sec-
retary, the National Committee and the
National Executive Committee. He is sub-
ordinate to the other two bodies; and the
question arises very often, to which one
primarily? and nothing is determined about
that
Wo have complicated the situation by the
election of an independent National Wom-
an's Committee, likewise elected by general
vote, with a Secretary or General Corre-
spondent of this committee. Also that is in
a somewhat indefinite status.
Now, this feature, the lack of a cente
of responsibility for the administration c
the party affairs, has not worked well c
late, and will certainly work still less s
in the future as our party grows bigger an
as its task becomes more important.
Furthermore, in the election of these off
cials and committees, we have not adopte
the best method of getting the most eff
cient comrades to serve. As to the Nation*
Committee, we are not concerned with i
The states take care of that. As to th
National Executive Committee, the parado
has been this: That while the committe
is strictly a business committee to atten
to routine work, technical matter of organ
zation- and propaganda of the party, holdin
a position which requires certain wel
defined special qualifications, our electio
by general vote has necessarily degenerate
into a sort of a general popularity contes
It could not be otherwise; because when w
submit a string of names to 150,000 pei
sons, 100,000 of whom have come into th
organization, say within the last two year
or thereabout, and when we submit me
taken from any part of the country to a
the voters of the entire country, we cannc
expect anything else than that the bes
known names should be elected. -Now, con
rades, as a member of the National Execi
tive Committee, elected under the preser
mode, I will not be charged with specn
bias or personal bias against the mode c
election. But let us take the last electio
as a concrete illustration, and what do \¥
find? We have a National Committee con
posed of comrades who reside, two of then
on the Pacific Coast, two on the Atlantic
and the rest somewhere in the middle wesi
ern states. We have elected them in alph£
betical order. They were submitted to.us i
alphabetical order, and they were elected i
the order of the vote alphabetically. It ma
be a coincidence; it may be an accident, bi
it is still significant that with a single es
ception, commencing with B — we had no .
— the vote was alphabetical; Berger bein
first; Harriman next; Haywood third; Hil
quit fourth; Irvine fifth; O'Hare sixtr
Spargo seventh. You can analyze each an
every one of them, and you will find tha
each and every one of them was elected fc
a reason entirely unrelated to his or h€
lualifications to be a member of the Exe<
utive Committee; one because he did a ver
clever stunt in getting himself elected t
Congress, and a very clever stunt or serie
of stunts in Congress. (Laughter.) He dl
well. But, let me tell you right now tha
Victor L. Berger may happen to be an ea
cellent man for the National Executil
Committee; I will testify here as his cd
league on the board that he is. But Victl
L. Berger, holding the position that he doei
and having done the work he had in Cor
gress, might not be possessed of a singj
qualification for member of the Nations
Executive Committee, and yet he woul
have been elected, anyway.
But I am not going to take up all the til
dividuals; but some have been punished a
their friends or enemies for having writtfl
books, and we send them to the Nation!
Executive Committee; others for editin
newspapers; others for other purposes, bl
not one because the party membership
ally know or thought that he or she p<j
sessed special, qualifications for this parti
ular office. The result is, let me tell y«
right now, that, facing a national campaia
we will be compelled to elect — that is ni
personal opinion — a National Camnail
Committee who can be on the job all tl
time. Tlie National Executive romn t<
as elected cannot supervise and handl u
MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
nage a national campaign, one of its
st important duties.
Jow, similarly, the National Secretary
nrade Work, may be an excellent man
the position, but I make bold to state
t he was elected because he temporarily
d that position at the time of the elec-
n. And every National Secretary,
ether good, bad or indifferent, fit or un-
is sure of re-election under the present
thod of procedure so long as he is willing
stand. Now, in some cases it may be an
;ellent thing; he may be the best man. In
t6r cases he may be the very worst fitted
n for the position, and still will be re-
oted. It is natural. How can you expect
»,000 or 300,000 people from all over the
mtry to know the qualifications of any
s individual in the party for that partic-
r office? Make no mistake; the question
the National Secretary, his . ability and
fitness for the office, is more important
m that of the National Executive Com-
ttee or National Committee, for he is on
job every day and determines the prac-
al work and politics of the party every
i in the year.
■Tow, then, comrades, we say that this is
democracy, it is a caricature of democ-
y. Democracy does not consist in want-
to have everybody do everything simul-
leously. (Applause.) It consists in a
per, intelligent arrangement by which
best fitted persons are elected to do cer-
n tasks, subject to the approval of the
istituency, and with the power of the
stituency to recall them at anjt time if
y do not suit or make good.
-Tow, your Constitution Committee sug-
ts a general scheme which, in its opin-
, will do away with all the objects men-
hed. We start out by saying, let us first
all create a body primarily responsible
the administration of the party affairs.
. every other administrative organ derive
; powers from that body, be responsible
that body, be controlled by that body,
that there shall be no conflict between
m. Let us devise a method by which in
selection of our Executive Committee
1 officers we will have some intelligent
cussion, a meeting face to face of the
n chargeable with the duty of making
proper selection, an opportunity to go
ir the qualifications of the candidates, an
jortunity to intelligently consider the en-
3 situation, and then make the selection
er such consideration.
iVe suggest that the responsible body, the
iy of primary power and responsibility,
the National Committee of the Socialist
rty, elected by the states as heretofore.
fVe suggest that the Executive Commit-
as its name indicates, be an executive
nmittee of that National Committee, and
: an independent one selected by the
mbers. (Applause.)
iVe suggest that the National Secretary
the Executive Secretary of the National
Timittee, and not an independent official,
^.nd we suggest, further, that the Na-
nal Committee become a real, working,
ictioning body. It is not such a body now.
has practically a mere nominal existence
til it comes to some mischief or other, as
voting of $1,000 for the victims of mine
asters, which could be used for much
re legitimate purposes and functions,
w, we propose to have the National Com-
ttee meet regularly in actual session at
st once a year, and in such meeting take
and discuss the organization problems
% working problems before the party and
I pose of them in an intelligent way. In
er words, have a convention in miniature
the basis of representation which we
k for
propose. That would mean about 75 mei**, T
bers at present, probably 100 in a year' o>7 \
two, coming together once a year, receiving' ge
all reports, investigating into the condition m
of the national office, making elections of an e
Executive Committee, and an Executive
Secretary, a Woman's National Committee
and a General Correspondent for that Wom-
an's Committee, all after due and proper
deliberation.
We have in view also tha. this will dis-
pense with the biennial congresses, and will
at the same time give us a chance to have
annual conventions in miniature. (Ap-
plause.) Now, comrades, that is one of the
most important points. There is not a So-
cialist Party in the world which does not
meet annually in convention for the trans-
action of business, and if there is any party
that needs such meetings most urgently, it
' is the Socialist Party of the United States,
at present in the period of its most rapid
growth, for every year presents new prob-
lems, new situations, which should be dealt
with intelligently and in session and by
debate, discussions and deliberations.
Now, we also propose that this National
Committee be composed primarily of the
state secretaries of the various states, who
will act as members-at-large for the state,
if you want, and additional members, ac-
cording to the membership of the respective
states. What we expect to achieve by it is
the following. When we have our National
Committee elected, or even our Congresses, .
we send the most popular men today to
them, but the actual workers of the party, j
those who will have in their hands the exe- -
cution of our decision, they very often stay e
away; they are not elected. Now, the Na~ ; ?
tional Committee, or the national organiza- i
tion for that matter, is nothing but a sort
of bureau or general agency for the trans-
. action of the business of the Socialist Party
in the different state organizations. We
have no existence outside of the state or-
ganizations. The state organizations com-
pose the physical party. The state organi-
zations do the work of the party. And as
we grow that will become more and more
the case, and for this reason it is important
that the men elected by the state to trans-
act the business of the Socialist Party
within the state, first, shall have a voice in
the formulation of the general policies of the
Socialist Party; and second, shall be in as
close a touch with the general work as we
can make it possible; for a state secretary,
taking part in the national convention and
returning to his state, will be best qualified
to carry out the general spirit and policy of
the party as determined in that meeting of
which he constitutes a part.
Now, further, we provide also for a
change in the method of conducting the
referendum vote. We do not curtail it. We
leave it to the extent of requiring the same
low percentage, five per cent, of the mem-
bership, to initiate a referendum at any
time. But we make this change, comrades:
Instead of allowing any local to initiate a
referendum, we require the state, through
the membership of the State Committee or
„ the State Executive Committee, if author-
ized to do so, to initiate a referendum; and
if seconded by similar state organizations
representing a total of five per cent of the
membership or by any five state organiza-
tions, then the referendum will be called.
The reason for doing that is as follows:
First, the present method of dealing w!.th
locals, where our entire scheme of organiza-
tion is based upon state division very
largely. Second, when we have reached a
point of having five thousand locals, as we
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
j, some of them composed of several thou-
sand members, and others of half a dozen
1 members, it is unwise, it is improper to
allow each one of these locals to initiate
referendum. Whether they will be subse-
quently supported or not is another ques-
tion. But in the meanwhile, Local Hono-
lulu may submit for a referendum a motion
that we forthwith proceed to socialize all
the instruments of wealth and distribution,
and other locals may submit similar refer-
endums. The result is that our National
Bulletin is clogged every week with dozens
of such referendums, carried on from week
to week without sense, right or reason.
Now, we say that the local which cannot
get the support of its own state for any
proposition which it originates has no right
to come before the national organization
and demand its adoption. (Applause.)
Comrades, this is a general outline. We
have made other changes, many more which
will come up as the Constitution or the
draft of it is read to you point by point.
What we had in view by the entire scheme
was to create a democratic, but neverthe-
less strong, political organization, which
will be in a position and which will be
able to take advantage of the great oppor-
tunities which unfold themselves before us
in our work and propaganda day after day,
and which we have been compelled to sorely
neglect in the past. (Applause.) If there
is no objection, our committee would like to
have our very able reading clerk, Comrade
Strickland, read the Constitution to the con-
vention.
DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to
take up the Constitution seriatim. (Sec-
onded.)
DEL. CALDWELL (Pa.): I move that
the Constitution be read as a whole, and
then be taken up seriatim. (Seconded.)
DEL. WILLIAMS (Pa.): I make an
amendment tha.t we take it up seriatim and
read it. (Seconded.)
The amendment was carried.
Article I of the Constitution was read,
and there being no objection was declared
adopted.
Article II was read.
THE CHAIRMAN: Any objection?
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I move to
insert after the words "all other political
parties" the two words "or organizations."
(Seconded.) Under the commission form of
government we will not have political par-
ties in the cities where such methods are
introduced. It will be political organiza-
tions, and therefore we must provide
whether a member has a right to vote with
non-partisan so-called political organiza-
tions. Besides that, there are many politi-
cal organizations.
THE CHAIRMAN: The committee ac-
cepts. Is there any objection now as it
stands? The words are now in the report.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): A point of in-
formation. Will that read "all other polit-
ical parties and organizations" or "all other
political parties and political organiza-
tions''"
THE CHAIRMAN: You will have to ask
the committee. ,
DEL. HILLQUIT: What is meant, surely,
is political organizations. .
DEL. MERRICK: Some comrades raised
the question of ambiguity on that, and I be-
lieve the committee should accept it.
DEL. HILLQUIT: They will accept po-
litical organizations" to make it perfect.
THE CHAIRMAN: The committees re-
port is "political organizations."
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): In the next
to the last line, after the various qualifica-
tions numerated, are the words "shall be
eligible to membership In the Soc:
Party." I hold that whether he shall
shall not be should be left to the 1
that there should not be a constru
placed upon that to the effect that i
comes up to Che several political req
ments in this section that he is eligible
shall be eligible. There are quite a
people that, in my opinion, are not eli>
even after they have fulfilled this req'i
ment. I want that changed to "may bc !
gible." Whether he shall be eligible, oij
question of his eligibility, should be le:
the local.
THE CHAIRMAN: Do you make a
tion? That is not before us unless the
a motion.
DEL. VIERLING (Mo.): I move tha<
last clause be changed to read as foil
"May be admitted to membership in
party." (Seconded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: Are you ready
vote on the amendment as made by
Vierling of Missouri?
DEL. MOORE (Pa.): I oppose chan*
a word. I think all that the dele;!
wants in the amendment is to cover it si
now reads. I don't want to put anythin.j
there that would give anyone a chancy
point out in the Constitution and
"This is what I am actually for." I tlj
we already haye enough without specif3|
a lot of other requirements. When it coi
to dealing with people that are object
able in any branch or in any local, we h
the power to defeat them by our vote,
I do not think we would strengthen that
putting this in. I believe if we give pe<
a chance to start a trial for heresy
would probably keep eligible people out
the party.
DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): It is very
portant that we safeguard our organizat
at this stage of its career. We have I
sons in the city of Cleveland that under
circumstances would we admit to our pa
organization. We know positively, bey<
a doubt, that if they sought admission i
the party organization, they would have?
terior motives. There are some people
this world who are beyond redempt!
(Laughter.) I stand for that amendni
so that the admission of these people si
be at the discretion of the local, the m<
bers of the party who are on the firing 1
right there ir\ that locality and who kr
all about the raw material.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y): I am in fa
of this provision, too. That is exactly
way they are working at present. Th
is no reason to fear that somebody may j
into the Socialist Party that is not wan.1
It is a fact that we have the power to n
on the admission of members in the 1<3
organization. Up to this time we h!
always been able to keep out undesira
elements from the party, and if you acq
this you thereby make it so that they n,
be eligible. The point raised by Comn
Moore of Pennsylvania is correct. It lea
it possible for the local organization
keep undesirable elements out of the pal
I therefore vote in favor of the report!
the committee.
DEL. TAYLOR (111.): A point of inj
mation. Is it not true that the part of t
article that is printed in plain type is
old Constitution as it stands, and that
black-faced type is new material?
DEL. HILLQUIT: The statement shcj
have been made by the chairman of J
committee before, but you will bear in rnj
that all which is in light type represJ
sections taken over bodily from our
MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
stitution, while the heavy type contains
sections amended or new sections.
EL. VIERLING (Mo.): I would like to
e that the word "shall" makes it obliga-
' upon the local to admit the member
i may come within the scope of the pre-
ng words. The Constitution of the Mis-
ri Socialist Party says that they may be
litted if they conform to those words,
rou say they shall be eligible, it is an
tation to the applicant, and I believe
I the local on the ground, that is, the
J to which the application is made,
aid be the authority to say who shall be
dtted to membership. You here in na-
al convention assembled may state in
eral terms what the qualifications shall
but after all it is the people to whom
application is made who should say
ther or not he shall be admitted. I
jt that you will vote for the amend-
lt, because it leaves this power with the
local where the application is made, and
are only then exercising the right
ch the comrade has spoken about.
EL. REILLY (N. J.): It seems to me
: the delegates who are afraid that un-
rable people will come in are unduly
med. What this Constitution really
ns is that no local shall make any other
ise as a requisite for membership. We
on applications for membership indi-
lally. We can appoint, if we want, com-
bes to investigate the candidate. We
^if we want, vote against admitting peo-
to membership, and we do not have to
I a reason. What this means is that no
e or no local can draw the color line or
draw the religious line, or draw any
;r line except as provided here, and for
; reason I favor the report of the corn-
tee.
he previous question was moved.
EL. PRIESTAP (Ohio): I am for the
ndment. I am from Lima, Ohio, and I
t to explain to you the difference be-
en "may" and "shall." We had quite a
ible in our local, which you all know,
the difference came right here. We had
wyer who was nominated for the Board
>af ety, and you all know that we dumped
1 whole bunch because they were not
>ing the mandates of the Socialist Party,
trial turned on just exactly such words,
y pay close attention to them, and when
|;ays "shall," he sticks right to it. I
lit that not all the members of the So-
Ist Party in our locals have just exactly
same kind of milk in their cocoanuts,
when one of these fellows who are able
ake trouble gets started he will make a
6 deal out of the difference between
"' and "may." This word "may"
1 remain in that article.
$E httaIRMAN: I will have to give
to the committee, following the
I *ent. The committee has a right to
s five minutes in favor of the matter
$ stands without amendment.
EL. GOEBEL (N. J.): It seems to me
Cutely unnecessary to debate this ques-
In the first place, I am not a master
Authority on English, but I think many
the comrades are mistaking the word
lible" for the word "elective." I want
call your attention to this fact: We
e had this clause precisely as it stands
many years. (Applause.) We have
ost 6,000 locals, and in all those years
even one of those 6,000 locals has asked
a change in this word. That is the best
3f that it has worked all right through-
the United States. Let it stand,
he amendment to substitute "may" for
all" was put and lost *.
THE CHAIRMAN: We are now goin* for
to vote on Section 1 as reported. - v T
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I am very* J'
much at sea if we are going to vote on the ^
whole section. I was under the impression "
that we are voting on this amendment. I
have a very important amendment to add
in there. I was simply waiting patiently
till this other amendment was disposed of.
I have a very important matter to offer.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair stands cor-
rected. We will listen to tn^ amendment.
DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to add in the
third line, after the word "creed" the words
"or affiliation with any other labor organi-
zation or movement." (Seconded.)
The previous question was moved.
DEL. BESSEMER: I have a right to
speak on my motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair has ruled
that the amendment was permitted, but not
to be discussed.
Del. Bessemer appealed from the decision
of the Chair, and the appeal was sustained.
DEL. BESSEMER: My reason for mak-
ing that amendment is that I know of one
specific case at least where a member had
been a member of the Socialist Party for
three years, with his card with the due
stamps on it, and he had been away from
the city or out of the local for a year or
two, and in that time had been very active
or had advocated industrial organization.
He came back to that town and appealed to
the party to re-admit him. In the mean-
time there had been considerable discussion
in the local over the tactics of labor organi- <j
zations, and it seemed that those who were ».
opposed to industrial organization, for no f e
other reason than they admittedly said they s ?
would not allow a man in their organiza- .>g
tion or in that local that would work or
speak for industrial organization, and they
voted against admitting that man to the
party. We know that is not fair. This
clause in here is no harm, will do no injury
whatsoever, but it safeguards a man who
wants to join any labor organization from
being expelled or put out of the Socialist
Party for that reason. We have gone on
record here as being in favor of insisting
upon members of the Socialist Party be-
longing to labor organizations, and why are
we afraid of putting a clause in there so
that no man can be denied the right given
him to belong, when we ask him to belong.
I think it is a very sensible thing to put it
in. It can injure nobody and may be a
benefit. In case a man was denied the right
to go into a local, if this clause is in there
he has a good cause to appeal to the mem-
bership at large of the state for protection,
and if they would not give it he could ap-
peal to the membership of the United
States.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I want to
speak against the amendment, and in speak-
ing I will use the argument of Comrade
Bessemer himself. He shows you the mem-
bership card of a comrade that has been a
member of the party, and he tried to join
the party again. As a matter of fact, he
has been a member of the party all the
time, and only has to go and pay his dues
and he will be a member in good standing
and will not require a new application. It
is not a good argument to say you are go-
ing to insert something new In the Consti-
tution. If we are going to make an amend-
ment to cover every particular case, then
we might as well provide what kind of
clothes he shall wear in order to belong to
the party. As to the objection raised by
Comrade Bessemer In regard to appealing
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
)8 <it-
oo
j. the state organization, there is plenty of
Opportunity to cover all that,
r The question was then put on the Besse-
mer amendment, and it was lost.
DEL. MALKIEL (N. Y.): I move to in-
sert after "political action" the words "for
both men and women." (Seconded.)
DEL. LONDON (N. Y.): I rise to a point
of order. The amendment is meaningless.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is not a point
of order. You will decide on that by voting
on it.
DEL. MALKIEL: I have made this
amendment for this reason: Last year
when the Woman's National Committee had
the petition that Comrade Berger presented
in Congress, we found that there were peo-
ple who refused to sign it. We had circu-
lated the petition among our party mem-
bership, and more than once we were con-
fronted with our party members who re-
fused to sign the petition, on the ground
that they did not believe in woman suf-
frage. In our platforms we have declared
for equal suffrage for both men and women
for the last thirty or forty years or more,
and it has remained until now. The time
has come when woman suffrage, woman's
enfranchisement, is a live issue. If we
stand for it let the men and women joining
the party pledge themselves to support it.
I ask you to accept that, but I think the
delegates will vote in favor of it.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ ( 111. ) : I want to speak
against the amendment. A person may be
a member of the Socialist Party and may op-
pose woman suffrage. I have spoken in favor
of it at women's meetings time and time
again. I have always advocated it, at all
times and in all places. I think there should
be such a plank in the Socialist platform,
and when an applicant for membership in
the Socialist Party signs his name he agrees
with the platform of the party, but the
question of woman suffrage, in my opinion,
is not a fundamental question of the class
struggle. Tn other words, I do not believe
that in order for a man to believe that the
class struggle is in existence and that it is
necessary for him to organize politically in
order to capture the powers of government
— I do not believe that he must agree neces-
sarily that that is impossible unless he also
favors woman suffrage. I believe our con-
stitutional requirements should be broad
enough to permit men and women to be
members of the party even if they do not
see fit to agree with me on woman suffrage.
There are men in the Socialist Party that I
know who do not favor woman suffrage,
and I honestly believe that they are good
Socialists; but for various reasons they do
not favor it. We have some comrades in
this convention that do not agree with the
immediate demands in our platform. We
agree with the platform, but I do not be-
lieve it should be made a requirement in our
Constitution that a man should absolutely
say, "I believe in woman suffrage" before he
can be admitted to membership in the So-
cialist Party.
DEL. SPARGO: I want to offer an „
amendment. The amendment I offer is this:
To amend the latter part of the article
which reads "and subscribes to the prin-
ciples of the Socialist party, including po-
litical action" by deleting the last three
words, and to insert the words "platform
and" before "principles," so that it will
road, "and subscribes to the platform and
principles of the Socialist party, shall be
eligible to membership in the party." If
I pret a second I will explain why.
(Amendment Seconded.)
DEL. SPARGO: I think that it is en-
tirely superfluous to say "any person who
subscribes to the principles of the p;
including political action." Where we
had a controversy in our tmrty bet*
those who say that the ■Socialist p
ought to turn to Sabotage, o direct ac
— where we have had a controversy —
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): A point of or
Comrade Spargo is not talking to the
tion. He is introducing irrelevant mt\
here.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Sparg
talking to his motion.
DEL. SPARGO: Where we have
that discussion, when I have said to
rades, "You are violating the decalog
they have turned back to it and said, "I
is the article which provides the te
of admission to the party and member'
in the party, and it says 'including politj
action.' " What does that mean if it c
not mean that there are other kinds
action sactioned by the party? I h
heard men stand up to defend Saboi
and say, "So long as I believe in polit
action of some kind, I am within my ri
in the Socialist party in advocating Sail
age." I want this party today to go
record, not that political action is 5
ordinate in our party, in its platform, in
rules. I want it to take this posit:
We are a political party, and any per
who comes into the political party must
necessity accept the principle of polit
action as a condition of membership,
know why it was inserted in 1908. I kr
the abnormal condition under which t
sentence was introduced into that rule.
I tell you that what we ought to demand
every applicant for membership in the
cialist party is an unqualified declarat
that he accepts the principles of the
cialist party as set forth in its platfc
and its program. (Applause.)
DEL; HILLQUIT: The reason wh3
speak against this proposition is not tha
disagree with the spirit of Comrade Sr,
go's remarks, but because I think his 1
tion does not properly carry out the sp
in which it is made. We have now in
platform a demand for political action
be recognized by applicants before they
be qualified for membership. The strik
out of that phrase will be and should
interpreted as dispensing with that
quirement. (Applause.) Now, we are
dispensing with this requirement. F
thermore, the substitution of "platfor:
so as to make the section read that
candidate subscribes to the platform s
principles, is - near repetition. The pi
ciples are expressed in the platform.
A DELEGATE: Not at all. They are a
expressed in the resolutions.
DEL. HILLQUIT: Well, I think
platform does represent our principles,
it does not, I do not know what does,
think our principles are expressed in i
platform. I therefore think we would b
leave it in as it is.
The amendment of Del. Spargo was los
Del Goebel moved the adoption of
section as read. Seconded.
DEL. MALEY (Wash.): I rise to p
pose an amendment covering the int
tion of Comrade Malkiel but inserting af
the words "political action" the phri
"and unrestricted political rights for W
sexp^."
The motion was seconded.
DEL. MALEY: I don't expeot that . C
amendment will be carried. But I br
the matter before the convention with 1
hope that the necessity for any member
the Socialist party of America bring!
such an amendment to our party conv<
MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
Lion shall be made forever unnecessary. The
fact of the matter is this, that Del. Malkiel
jf New York knows exactly where she
lails from and what she is talking about.
3he asks for an amendment including wo-
men's rights in our party pledge because
here are Socialist locals that have refused
to sign women's suffrage petitions that
were presented to Congress by Comrade
Berger this year. I speak not as a woman,
aot as a feminist. I speak as a party man
(loud cheers) and an organization man
(cheers) when I tell you that if you don't
put your women into this fight the cap-
talists will do it for you; and they will
ijjut not only the women into this fight, but
here will be unrestricted suffrage for the
siegroes of the south, and for every ele-
nent in this nation that your masters think
an be used as a plug to destroy you as a
Dolitical factor. I certainly trust that we
shall have at least a strong expression
"rom this convention to the effect that no
tinan is a Socialist — get it? — no man is a
i Socialist, and I give it back to Rodriguez;
le is not a Socialist, he is only, a half baked
jolitician if he stands against the right
)f women to vote, or pats on the back any
)ther half baked working man who stands
igainst the right of his working class
dster to come into the political" field and
nake her fight for justice.
DEL. RODRIGUEZ (111.): I rise to a
natter of personal privilege.
4 (Cries of "take the platform.")
t DEL. RODRIGUEZ: I don't desire to
ake the platform at all. I think you can
ill hear me, and I think if Comrade Maley
lad listened before she would have heard
ne and understood me. It seems that she
lid not. I have always stood for univer-
sal suffrage, but in view of the remarks
»f Comrade Maley perhaps it is necessary
o repeat what I said before. I have al-
ajvays stood, ever since I became a member
p >f this party for equal and unrestricted
ights for men and women. My wife hap-
>ens to be a member of this party; every
me of ray wife's family are for women's
uffrage, and all of my family are for wo-
nen's suffrage. What I said was this, tlat
did not believe that it was absolutely
tecessary as a requirement before any man
iecame a member of the party that he
hould first unrestrictedly and absolutely
ielieve that woman should have an equal
tallot with man. That is what I said,
'urthermore I said that we should have a
lank in our platform declaring for equal
ights for men and women. I am sorry
hat Comrade, Maley did not hear that. I
tand just as strongly for woman's suf-
rage as does Comrade Maley.
DEL. MENG (Ark.) : He did say a man
ould be a good Socialist and opposed to
soman's suffrage.
DEL. MALKIEL '(N. Y.): I want to say
hat Delegate Rodriguez did say that a
nan could be a good Socialist and not
elieve in equal suffrage.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): The statement
as been made on this floor that a branch
n Local NeW York is opposed to woman's
uffrage because they refused to sign a pe-
ition that was to be presented by Comrade
Serger. If there was such a branch the
eason they did not sign such a petition
vas because thev were utterly opposed to
he idea of petitioning a capitalist con-
ress to grant the vote to women; they
lid not believe that anything could be
chieved by petitioning. That does not
how that there is any local in New York
pposed to giving woman political equality
dth man.
k for
The amendment by Comrade Male
insert the words "and unrestricted polfo y i
rights for both sexes" was carried. act
A division being called for *the cha^ri
man said: t .,
THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment yo.!
have just carried is to insert the wordfc-
"and unrestricted political rights for both
sexes," after the words "political action."
A division has been called for.
DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): I believe there
are a good many of uc who do not under-
stand this situation. Wnat does the intro-
duction of this clause mean?
THE CHAIRMAN: There should not be
any doubt about what this means but the
secretary will read it again. Read the whole
section as amended.
THE SECRETARY (reading): "Article 2,
Section 1. Every person, resident of the
United States of the age of 18 years and
upwards without dicrimination as to sex,
race, color or creed who has severed his
connection with all other political parties
and subscribe to the principles of the So-
cialist party, including political action, and
unrestricted political rights for both sexes,
shall be eligible to membership in the
party."
Upon a division the amendment by Com-
rade Maley was carried; 135 aye, 86 no.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): Are not the
committee willing to change the word "his"
to "their."
THE CHAIRMAN: The masculine pro-
noun carries both sexes according to the
Chair's interpretation.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): Do I understand
that on every amendment that comes be-
fore the convention now on this article
there can be no more than two speeches?
THE CHAIRMAN: That is the Chair's
understanding.
DEL. WILSON: I object. Every amend-
ment that comes as a distinct motion on
every one of these sections , ought to be
open to debate until the previous ques-
tion is called.
DEL. BRUCE (Pa.): I appeal from the
ruling of the Chair.
THE VICE CHAIRMAN: An appeal has
been taken. The question is, shall the
Chair be sustained.
DEL. WHEELER (Cal.^: At the early
part of the session the presiding officer
ruled that when an amendment offered by
one of the delegates was before the house
and another delegate offered an amend-
ment the Chair ruled that in order not to
confuse the question they would deal with
one amendment at a time; and when that
amendment was disposed of the other
amendment could be put. That was the
ruling of the Chair. That was the abso-
lute understanding of every delegate in the
house. And whether the Chair ruled other-
wise or not I hold it is simply fair that
every amendment should be open to dis-
cussion.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair simply un-
derstands that the previous question being
ordered, amendments are still in order, but
the discussion is limited. I simply act
under my understanding of the rule.
On a division the decision of the Chair
was overruled.
THE CHAIRMAN: I am every glad to
hear it.
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio.): I ask that
the committee include the following words,
and I offer as an amendment if they won't
accept it that at the end of the first clause
where it says "membership in the party,"
add the words "of the state in which he
is a resident."
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
. te motion was seconded.
piEL. HOGAN (Ark.): A point of in-
mation. Does the four hour rule ap-
. n/ to the report of this committee?
THE CHAIRMAN: I think it does.
DEL. HOGAN: I want to say then that
<ve have consumed two hours already in
the discussion of the first section and at
this rate we will never get anywhere.
DEL. PATTERSON: The reason I
bring this to your attention is that on
many occasions men who have been ex-
pelled from the membership in one state
have gone over the border line into the
next state and joined the organization in
that state. A member being denied mem-
bership at Toledo, Ohio, went down into
Florida, and there he has exploited the
Socialists by selling swamp lands, after
joining the Local, as I was told by a mem-
ber of this convention — a Local which has
since perished, and which only worked
harm to the bona fide Socialist organization
while it existed. That member was taken
into membership in Florida, and there is
no provision at the present time to pre-
vent his being taken in, by making it com-
pulsory that a state shall only accept
those who are residents of the state. Resi-
dence qualifications are determined politi-
cally, so there is no trouble about that, and
by making it binding that a man is only
eligible in the state in which he votes you
save the organization all kinds of trouble.
On the other hand, there is nothing pre-
venting that fellow from posing as a So-
cialist, holding a Socialist card in the
party Local, opposing the regularly organ-
ized Socialist party, or becoming a candi-
date for office.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): If we are going
to do this thing let's do it right, let us take
each individual word in this constitution
and submit an amendment to it. I am
not here to fight for this committee, but I
am a member of the committee and I know
that we have done our duty. I know there
has not been a point presented so far that
was not carefully considered and debated
in the committee. The last comrade for
instance, seems to forget that we have a
provision in the constitution reiterated year
after year that the membership of each
state shall have absolute control over its
own membership. If a state can not take
care of this thing the state ought to have
all the trouble coming to it so far as I am
concerned. We have had this - provision
year after year and the party has not gone
to smash. The party Ms stronger today, im-
mensely stronger than ever before, and if
you take up every article in the constitu-
tion that we have been living under for
years and try to amend them word for
word, what are you going to do with the
new provisions that are vital to the life of
this organization. Let us get down to busi-
ness. Vote down this amendment and con-
sider something that is essential.
DEL. BOS WELL (W. Va.): I move that
the motion be laid on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was car-
ried.
DEL. EDWARDS: I move that Section 1,
Article 2, be adopted as amended by Com-
rade Maley. And upon that I move the
previous question.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I think this mo-
tion is unnecessary. I think the Chair
ought to adopt the rule that where there
are no objections to a section the Chair-
man ought to declare the report of the
committee accepted as was done with the
report of the Platform Committee.
Section 1, Article 2 was then adopted as
amended.
Section 2. Article 2 was then read.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) : I move ti
strike out in the first sentence the wordi
"without the consent of the state orgar
ization," and that the next sentence shal,
read, ""No party member shall be a candi
date for public office of any party othe
than the Socialist party."
THE SECRETARY: Del. Bostrom o
Washington offers this amendment: Tha
the section shall read, "No person occu
pying a position honorary or remunerativ
by gift of .any party other than the So
cialist party (civil service positions ex
cepted) and no person whose principa
source of income is derived from rent
interest and profit, shall be eligible t(
membership in the Socialist party. N<
party member shall be a candidate fo:
public office without the consent of th(
city, county or state organization according
to the nature of the office."
DEL. BOSTROM: The Socialist partj
proclaims itself to be the political expres-
sion of the interests of the working class
In the platform debate last night we hac
an expression like this, "All political par-
ties are the expression of economic clasf
interests," and in another place, "The So-
cialist party is the political expression of
the economic interests of the workers.'
You say this in one breath and in the
next breath you are willing to accept intc
the party capitalists, people whose inter-
ests are practically antagonistic to the in-
terests of the working class. I know that
the plea is made that members coming
in here are sincere although they may be
connected with the Rockefeller interests,
but he comes in here because he is carried
away by the speech of Comrade Spargo
or some other great orator of the party
But you know that every trouble that ex-
ists anywhere comes from the clash of eco-
nomic interests. You know that was the
trouble right here last night on the imme-
diate demands. You see it there. Imme-
diate demands are for the benefit of the
tax paying class, for the farmers, for the
business man. In the twelve years that 1
have been in the Socialist party I have no-
ticed that economic determinism operates
in the decision of questions in the Socialist
party as everywhere else. The only cause
of disturbance in this party has been eco-
nomic interests. You can not make a party
out of a lion and a lamb. I tell you thai
earnest as a man may be, sincere as a
man may be when his economic interests
are concerned he is going to look out foi
them. I realize that the opinion of this
convention is not in favor of this amend-
ment I don't expect it to carry, but ]
do want every man here recorded as stand-
ing for or against the working class on
this question and I shall demand a roll call
on my amendment.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): I move to table
the motion of Delegate Bostrom.
The motion to table was carried.
DEL. NAGLE (Okla.): I wisn to call
the attention of the delegate from New
York that when he asks to strike out the
words "without the consent of the state
organization" if that amendment is car-
ried then no Socialist can accept office un-
der under any circumstances. Now in
Oklahoma and other southwestern states
we have what is called the Goble election
law; and they have what is called a state
election board, a county election board and
a precinct election board. If that amend-
ment is carried we are entirely at the
mercy of the state election board. We may
possibly get representation on those elec-
MORNING SESSION, MA Y 17, 1912
s >
Ml boards if that article stands as it is
/itten by the committee*. The same thing
' true of the second amendment. In many
I the states they have the commission
rm of government. If that section as
ad is allowed to stand then we will be
>le to get action politically under the
tymmission form of government, but if
>u amend it as the second amendment
°figgests we are cut off from that. Now
" k is evident that the committee — I am not
iquainted with any of them except by
putation — but it is evident that they were
oad enough to understand the entire situ-
ion; and I ask in behalf of our state
pecially that that section be allowed to
and just as written and it will amply pro-
ct us under the election laws of the
ate.
DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): I move that the
st words of section 2 read as follows —
at the following words be added: "And
i member holding political office shall
>ld an executive office in the party at the
me time."
The motion was seconded.
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): This amend-
ent does not belong here. We are not
scussing eligibility to office. That comes
ider a separate section. If we want to
eserve order in debate let us take up
re different subjects logically.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order is
ell taken.
DEL. HILLQUIT: As to Comrade Slo-
jdin's amendment, if you adopt that it
ould prohibit the acceptance of any ap-
)intive office, whether the state organiza-
on of the Socialist party was in favor of
icepting it or not. What the committee
id in mind was certain instances that
ere cited to it. One is mentioned by
omrade Nagle, where a mayor of the
ty or other officer may appoint a Socir<J-
t election official, not because the law
impels him to do so, in which case it
ould not be a gift, but because in fair-
ass, in recognition of the growth and im-
ortance of the Socialist movement he
jels that that would be the proper thing
> do. Under this amendment he would
ave to decline it no matter whether the
:ate committee or the local committee of
le party deemed it of the utmost impor-
mce. Another instance was a case in
ilinois where the governor had the ap-
ointing of a commission on workmen's
ompensation, to investigate that subject.
.' position on that commission was of-
jred to a member of the party, a labor
nion man who accepted it. Under the
Id constitution he accepted it in violation
f the constitution, and the state commit-
3e of Illinois closed one eye to it. It was
erfectly proper that he should accept, but
should not be left to him alone to de-
ermine. It was up to the state committee
determine and this section would give
he state committee power to determine in
hat cases he might sit on industrial com-
lissions, for instance, that are being ap-
pointed in all the states, where it is highly
mportant that if the Socialist party can
e represented they should be represented,
ot to compromise, but on the contrary to
.ring out the most radical proposition that
an be obtained. We don't want to cut
•ff this possibility. If it should be a purely
(Olitical office we have guarded against
hat in other sections, and it can not be
lone without the consent of the state or-
ranization, and none of you expect a state
rganization of the Socialist party to con-
ent to the accepting of a purely political
jfflce.
On this second point I think Slob „ k for
misapprehended the object of it. He &
it was self evident. It is just the cr , T
trary. We provide that no party memb * ;
shall be a candidate- for a political offi<~ „° ;
without the consent of the Socialist or":;
ganization. He wants it to read "The „
.candidate of any other party than the j
Socialist party." Our object was to re-
strict the rights of a member to become
a candidate claiming to represent the So-
cialist party, without the consent of the
organization. Under the la\>^ of several
states the selection of candidates does not
rest with the party organization but rests
with bodies of voters who call themselves
Socialist voters at the prima: >s, and thus
a party member who does ht ,^swer the
qualification and is not des ao "° u ■***«
party may get himself nomina .
ticket by persons not constit^, tne house,
party organization of the state. sJjf; comrade
provide that no one can accept tf. ne *joor.
tion on even a Socialist party ticket?, - ne m0 ~
out the consent of the local or star 9 ™? a , n "
ganization. st ^ d by
-e are
DEL. SLOBODIN: I will speak now. party
have been national secretary, state seci Not
tary, in every position in the party frort.ace
national committeeman down; I know the al
politics of the party thoroughly. I say it *.
is not in the interest of the party that any
member of the party should take an ap-
pointive office, even when given by capi-
talist politicians. It is not in the interest
of the working class. It is against the
interests of the working class. I do not
say that every man who accepts such an
office will work against the interest of the
working class deliberately; but it is against
the interest of the working class in that
it confuses class lines. I know that Mayor
Gaynor would readily offer prominent So-
cialists that I have in mind a position on
some committee, for the purpose of repre-
senting, we will say, the interests of the
working class; but if he accepts it will
finally be against the interests of the work-
ing class insofar as it tends to confuse
the class lines and insofar as the working
class will be taught that they can accept
benefits from the capitalist politicians.
That is why it should be prohibited abso-
lutely. As to the second point, that was
not intended for this purpose at all. If
it was intended to prohibit Socialists from
accepting offices in the Socialist party with-
out the consent of the state or local or-
ganization that would be a good provision.
The provision which I referred to is an-
other one. It is a better one, and this is
the reason for it, that they shall not ac-
cept any public office, or stand as candi-
dates for any public office, other than in
the Socialist party. The first provision is
not necessary in the national constitution.
That may be left to the state organization
to deal with. If a party member not nom-
inated by your state or local organization
designedly stands as a candidate at the
primary election, or stands as a candi-
date against the decision of your local
or state organization you yourselves will
know how to deal with it. The provision
which I contend is this that he shall not
be a candidate of any party or organization
other than the Socialist party.
The amendment of Delegate Slobodin was
then defeated, and Section 2 of Article 2
was passed as reported by the committee.
DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): Will the com-
mittee consent to put in the sixth line
without the consent of the state or local
organization?
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
oc EL. HILLQUIT: The committee de-
I gjTHB CHAIRMAN: The committee has
;fused your request. The section as re-
fi} t orted is adopted. Proceed with the next
c ^section.
r Article 2, Section 3 was then adopted as
read.
V- Article 2, Section 4 was also adopted
without objection.
Article 2, Section 5 was adopted without
objection.
Article 2, Section 6 was then read.
DEL. GARVER (MoT) : I move to amend
by striking out the words "against the
person" in the second line and inserting
the word "sabotage." As amended it will
then refu*' le( ^.iy member of the party who
,nru?a "and tr^ 11 ^ 1 action or advocates
qS£iftt«T bv cage ' or other methods of vio-
ioinfni the Z" weapon of the working class to
i° J? ".? tvXL - s emancipation, shall be expelled
sfnre nerf aembershi P in the Party." I de-
w™ tnt' s ay that the qualifying words
whilP it nst the Person" imply that if the
7L+\ T^r-e is against property it might be per-
into iii*!
no prr xi|
under that construction we might be
ted. Under such a construction we
vpnt J V&ht be considered as advocates of ar
puis
Kri" considered advocates of dynamite; under
df
that construction we might be considered
advocates of railroad wrecking. I contend
that it is high time for this convention to
take a distinct stand and declare that it
is opposed to every form of crime and vio-
lence (great cheering). Why this commit-
tee composed as it is of representative men
of the convention should put in a qualifying
clause implying that crime must be against
the person to be denounced I can not un-
derstand. You all know that Jim Mc-
Namara said that he didn't intend to kill
any one in Los Angeles; that he simply
intended to injure the building that was
blown up. I want to say that that line
can not be drawn. It is high time . that
this convention should go on record on this
subject. In inserting this word "sabotage"
I will say that I have been asked the
meaning of the word. The meaning that I
have in mind was given to me by one that
was qualified to define it, a member of this
convention having the right to a voice and
vote. I think it is pretty thoroughly under-
stood and that there will be no confusion
in the mind of any. delegate and that this
amendment will be adopted.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to strike
out this whole section 6. The last delegate
in his remarks has proven that he is not
clear in his own mind as to what he wants
done. He has admitted that there is a
question as to what the word sabotage
means. Yesterday afternoon the delegates
in this convention did the greatest thing
that was ever done in the history of the
Socialist party. Now after you have
adopted a section to which we all agreed,
that the members of the Socialist party
must stand for political action in every
sense, is somebody going to drag in some-
thing here, raise a bugaboo and overthrow
everything that we did yesterday? That
section of Article 2 should be stricken out.
A DELEGATE: The syndicalists will
have to go.
DEL. MERRICK: The proposition of
what is meant by violence, and what is
meant by these different terms would be
dragged in here; there will be recrimina-
tions back and forth. I want to say to you
that it is absolutely superfluous, and even
if you thought it ought to go in it should
not be in that section but should be in
Article 2, Section 1. It has no relevancy
here whatever. It is entirely superfluous
and is a proposition that will make ser
dissension in the convention, and then w
you are through you won't be agreed o
then. Every delegate in the conven
will have a different idea what it me;
You will go back to your state wrangi
and jangling over that section. I pre
there won't be a member in any local -\
will agree with any other member asi
what this meant when it went in. Let!
all get together and strike out this sect
Let us proceed in the spirit that was ms
fested yesterday afternoon and last nij
DEL. STALLARD (Kan.): I wish
move and to speak in support of the amel
ment, that we strike out the follow;
words, "or advocates crime against
person or other methods of violence."
THE CHAIRMAN: That amendment
out of order. We have two amendme
now.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I expected t
exact motion. The situation developed y
terday was too smooth. It was so genei
so all inclusive —
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegate mi|
speak to the subject. I do not propose
permit the speakers to wander so far aft-
from the subject.
DEL. GAYLORD: Now,\Mr. Chairmt
I am a judge of words, and I know thai
am talking to the subject.
THE CHAIRMAN: Well, do so, and
DEL. GAYLORD: I am doing so, if y
will keep quiet and let me.
Comrades, I say it, and I say again, t
cause it is pertinent that the situation ye
terday called for more definition. It W;
understood very well by those who kne
the forces at work in this convention th
the moment must come, before we left tTi
hall to go home, when there should be
definition of what was meant in this resol
tion. We will have it; and so will you.
shall not consent, nor will the Wiscons
delegation, to leave in the platform ai
constitution of this party any uncerta
phrases which will be interpreted one w«
by one group and another way by anoth
group; and in this way lay the foundath
for interminable turmoil and disagreemer
confusion and the destruction at tl
wrong time, of this organization.
A DELEGATE: I would like to kno
what the delegate from Wisconsin is tal
ing about.
THE CHAIRMAN: He is talking to tl
motion to substitute —
DEL. GAYLORD: I am talking to tl
motion to strike out the whole paragrap
That is what I said I was talking abor
and I am not going to be confused aboi
that.
I am sorry the committee put in thoi
words "against the person." The distin
tion has well been made on the floor
the convention already, that the crln
against property is a thing that this pari
cannot stand for. No crime. We caniv
stand for any crime. We definitely repud
ate crime of any kind; and since the que
tion has been raised we dare not evade t
absolutely definite expression on that poir
However, to go further and to come 1e
mediately within the range of that whit
the chairman will doubtless understan
neither dare we permit our party organizi
tion to present its principles, the basis <
this organization, the platform and prograi
to the people of this country, to the workir
class, who are looking for something that
clear cut, except in language that is d
cisive and easily understood. Neither da
we present ourselves to them in languaj
^
MORNING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
ri concerning it which is of doubtful inter-
pretation. I for one shall not and cannot
stand for any quibbling' and evasion. I
know whereof I speak when I speak of
^quibbling and evasion. In the mountains
»' of Pennsylvania have I met it. Out on the
et coast* in halls hired by the Socialist party
'for me to speak in, have I met it. All
' the way in between, from the prairies of
Texas far up into the factory districts of
the cities have I met it. I know what I
am talking about when I talk about quib-
bling and evasion, and uses of words that
are given double meanings. No. We know
what we want. A political party having
for its principles and foundation the ac-
quirement and intelligent use of political
power. And those whom I have met, and
they are on this floor, those whom I have
met who have quibbled about this, evaded,
u and split hairs when they were in my pres-
ence and afterwards were plain enough to
y( suit the devil himself, these cannot fool
er me. You fool others but you cannot fool
me. I know what the workers of this na-
tion are talking about They do not stand
for crimes against property, not even in
the name of the labor unions. Crimes
against property are all closely identified
physically with danger to life of the work-
ing men. We want no chances taken. Prop-
erty is a thing that we use. The use of it
is our livelihood. The use of it properly is
our labor, our living. Property is the
product of human labor.
THE CHAIRMAN. Your time is up.
On motion Del. Gaylord's time was ex-
tended five minutes, and he proceeded:
Now, to come just to the point, I stand
for striking out the words "against the
person," and inserting the word "sabo-
tage." Some will object that they do not
know what that word means. I did not
originate its use. Let us take the use of
it as they do, subtle and insinuating and
suggestive rather than definitive. Let us
take the meaning and meanings and all the
meanings given the word. We do not want
any of it. None of it. We don't want the
touch of it on us. We do not want the
hint of it connected with us. We repudiate
it in every fibre of us. I know it is capa-
ble of double meanings, just because those
who have adopted its use ask us "what do
you mean by sabotage?" What do we
mean? We mean what you mean, and we
do not want it. Political action undertaken
as a method of the working class battle,
accepts for the time being the present
definition of crime. It includes and implies
the right of the majority to change its
definitions of crime in so far as we may
be able when we have the power, accord-
ing to such light and knowledge as may
come to us on the basis of our experience,
but for the present, for the maintaining
of the social order which we have, and un-
der which we live, and under which we
must live, for the maintaining of such per-
sonal safeguards for liberty and life, and
the pursuit of happiness as we have, and
I am frank to say that I prefer to take
those that we have rather than ask for
those which may not be granted by the
advocates of direct action and sabotage.
These safeguards we know and understand.
They do not suit us and we propose to in-
crease them, to increase the personal use
of personal liberty, the personal use of per-
sonal powers, but we do not propose to
destroy them. Though they do not suit
us they are protections in some degree. We
propose to increase expression in them by
increasing the imperfec* faculties of social
action for the common welfare. This is
my understanding of the matter, and In
this I feel safe in saying that I speak for
the comrades from Wisconsin.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): Probably I
won't have the beautiful flow of language
or use as many words as the delegate from
Wisconsin has used. I am in absolute
harmony with the clause in the constitu-
tion brought forward toy the committee. I
am also in harmony with the amendment
proposed by the comrade here, putting in
the word "sabotage."
A DELEGATE: What are yo_ talking
about, then?
DEL. SADLER: I object to any indi-
vidual attacking any member of this or-
ganization by misrepresentation and words
that do not mean anything.
A DELEGATE: What do you mean?
Who is talking?
THE CHAIRMAN: Order in the house.
Let the Chair regulate this. The comrade
will talk to the motion or yield the floor.
DEL. SADLER: I will speak to the mo-
tion. Comrades, there is no subtle mean-
ing to the phrase as has been suggested by
the delegate from Wisconsin. There are
no two members of the Socialist party
who agree on the word sabotage. Not
only that, but I think it is out of place
in the Socialist constitution and political
organization, striving to get political power.
For this reason: The Socialist party, a po-
litical organization, has no use for sabotage,
crime, or anything else of that kind. As
a political organization it is not within
our jurisdiction to use sabotage, and there-
fore it has no place in our programme. It
is only an economic organization that can
use it, and not a political organization.
Therefore, it seems to me, out of place,
and I am sure that the committee was in-
telligent enough, broad enough, and had
experience enough to know that if it had
a place in there they would have put it in.
So, therefore, I am opposed to the inser-
tion of the word "sabotage" in our consti-
tution.
DEL. GOEBEL: I am speaking now as
an individual and not as a member of the
committee. On the committee we were di-
vided on the use of that word "sabotage."
Those are the members of the committee
who were better trained in English, usefl a
term that they said meant the same thing,
so that after all there was no real division.
I think that all nine members of the com-
mittee stood directly against that thing
that is meant by those who use the word
"sabotage." For myself, I know that I
stand against it. This is a political or-
ganization. If we are a political organiza-
tion and stand for certain things, and do
not stand for certain other things, let us
say so. Why not? What is lost by being
honest? Now, I am perfectly frank in
telling you what I am after, what I am
driving at. I want to say that when a man
speaks for the Socialist party, in a hall
which is paid for by Socialists, that he
ought to talk what we mean hy Socialism.
(Applause.) I speak again, as Comrade
Gaylord spoke, from bitter experience. I
have traveled in the service of this Social-
ist party in practically every part of the
United States, and what do I find? I find
the movement in locality after locality dis-
organized, I find them fighting amongst
themselves. Why? Because men have
come into the Socialist party and instead
of advocating the principles and tactics
of the Socialist political organization, they
have advocated the tactics of an economic
organization — sabotage. This is the point,
get it. If they are amongst those that want
to talk sabotage, let them go out on an-
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
other plaform *and talk it. I for one much
as 1 disagree with them, am perfectly frank
to say it. Sabotage means jack-ass meth-
ods of fighting capitalism. In the end it
spells but the philosophy of anarchism, the
philosophy of the individualist that takes
upon himself to know better than the or-
ganization, the collectivity, can know. To
me, it is a jack-ass method of fighting
capitalism.
But after that, and this is the only ques-
tion before the house, shall we say what
we mean by political organization, and
thereby make it possible for the good loyal
comrades all over the country to have an
interpretation that will enable them to
say whether a member of the party is
talking political organization, or whether
they are advocating what they are pleased
to call the economic weapon in the fight
against capitalism.
Now, what did happen in regard to those
resolutions, precisely the same resolutions
that were adopted four years ago, on labor
organizations? We have seen that some
of our comrades got up on this platform,
and approving these same resolutions that
were adopted two years ago — four years
ago — they have put on them an interpreta-
tion that would allow them to go out to-
morrow and say, "They endorsed sabotage;
they have endorsed all that we havs been
doing and saying in the name of Socialism^"
It was as smooth a political trick as I
have ever seen in a political convention in
all my experience. What I shall do in my
economic organization, what I am liable to
do, that is my business. It is not a sub-
ject for discussion here; but, what I shall
do in the political organization as an ex-
pression of my economic interest, is a sub-
ject for discussion here. This is what
we are trying to say: Do we believe in
sabotage as a weapon along political lines?
If not, let us say so.
DEL. MAX HAYES of Cleveland: What
I have to say I will try to make very brief.
I understand that it costs something like
$500 an hour to conduct this convention.
I haven't taken much time and I don't
intend to take any more than I can help.
When I came to this convention as a dele-
gate elected by Socialists in the city of
Cleveland, I believed that I was coming
to a gathering that was purely political in
its nature, that this is a political party, a
political organization, with which we are
affiliated that has no right to dictate to
or take part in the affairs, the politics, or
principles of organizations on the economic
field. But apparently there 1« a spli]
growing in the Socialist Party that soon
or later, in the not very distant future, u
less we proceed along the same lines tb
the Socialists throughout the civilizl
world who are in the vanguard in t<
political movement to overthrow capitalis.
and that adhere to the same principles ail
policies that we do, that have been a su]
cess in these other nations than we ai
as I say, confronted by a new spirit th
has arisen which attempts to draw tl
political organization in behind the ec
nomic organization. In some parts >
the country this spirit is rapidly d|
veloping to the anarchistic point whe?J
if men life Johann Most were sti
on earth, they would undoubtedly make a;
plication to join. I want you comrade j
and particularly those of you who ha\:
not practical experience in the every da
struggles in the industrial field, to go slo-v
and I refer particularly to some of ou
so-called parlor variety of Socialists. Som
of the intellectuals who have never bee
in the labor movement, but sit in thei
parlors and theorize and write books tha
tell the industrial workers what to do. Th
point that I wish to make is simply this
You yesterday adopted a declaration re
garding the matter of organization on th
industrial field, which certainly ought to b !
satisfactory to every right thinking, honest)
minded man and woman in the Socialisj
movement. Let us stand by that. Keeii
your hands off the A. P. of L. Keep youi
hands off the I. W. W. Keep your hands
off any labor organization. As far as th«
A. P. of L. is concerned, no resolution thai
you would adopt here would be sufficient tc
drive me to join the I. W. W. if I didn't set
fit to do so. We can take care of our owr
affairs on the industrial field. We do no1
want you to butt in. Leave the industrial
field to the unions.
THE CHAIRMAN: The original motior
is the adoption of the report of the com-
mittee, Article 2, Section 6. An amend-
ment is offered by Garver of Missouri, tc
strike out in this particular section the
words "against the person," and to insert
the word "sabotage" in the same place. Th«
amendment to the amendment is offered bj
Merrick of Pennsylvania to strike out th(
entire section. That is the status quo jusl
now.
The convention will be adjourned until
2.30 this afternoon.
Whereupon the convention adjourned un-
til 2:30 o'clock p. m., same day.
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
AFTERNOON SESSION.
N
Chairman Duncan called the convention
to order at 2:30 p. m. Consideration of
the Constitution was resumed.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question before
the house is on the amendment offered v by
Del. Garver of Missouri, to strike from
Section 6 the words "against the person,"
and insert the word "Sabotage," and on
the substitute offered by Dei. Merrick of
Pennsylvania to strike out the entire Sec-
tion 6. The Chair recognizes Del. Berlyn
\i of Illinois.
an DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I wish to make
les a motion relating to the special order.
You know that this afternoon at three
o'clock, according to the previous action,
JnJ we are going to nominate candidates for
oai President and Vice-President. I wish to
make this motion: That when we take
ftp the nominations, a roll call of states
sell be made, giving each state an opportunity
to nominate. (Seconded.)
DEL. SPARGO: I offer an amendment
to the motion. The amendment is that
instead of going into the nominations at
three o'clock, we go into the nominations
as soon as the business before us is dis-
posed of, that is, as soon as the report
of the Constitution Committee is disposed
of.
DEL. BARNES: I accept that.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): I offer a sub-
stitute that we have a special session to-
night, beginning at eight o'clock, the
special order of which shall be the nomi-
nation of presidential and vice-presidential
candidates.
On motion of Del. Prevey of Ohio the
motion of Del. Barnes was laid on the
table.
CONSTITUTION.
Consideration of the Constitution was
then resumed.
DEL. BERLYN (111.): I desire to state
to the comrades that this is the time for
clearness. The motion to strike out that
entire paragraph is liable to becloud.
There have been aspersions cast that we
are yellow. We want to go on record
where we stand. I am in favor of put-
ting the word "sabotage" in. I will vote
with the committee if they will consent
to it and I will tell you why, I know
what sabotage means. I know why I
became a Socialist. I was a trade union-
ist before I was a Socialist, and the meth-
ods used by the trade unionists did not
appeal to me, and I wanted a better way.
"Sabotage" comes from the French word
"sabot," wooden shoes — putting the boots
to them. Now, you will say that is one
definition. That is true.
What does "boycott" mean, and where
did it come from? It is Irish, and it
meant Englishman who was oppressing
the Irish, and they set an example of iso-
lation. Everybody understands now what
Captain Boycott stands for — boycott. And
today "sabotage" has its positive signifi-
cance just the same.
Now I am not trying to dictate to the
economic movement. When they will
come in actual contact with the capital-
ist class they will adopt such methods
and manners of fighting as they deem
proper. That is their business, and I do
not want to interfere with them, but as
a Socialist who has found a better way,
in our party, when t'.iis thing has been
thrust on us we should have the courage
to say where we stand. There is no duck-
ing in this. I won't duck. The Socialist
party is organized. It has a better way,
because it tries to do things for the whole
working class — and the best that the eco-
nomic movement does is to carry on a
guerilla warfare. But that is the evi-
dence of the class struggle. We should
not suppress them, and in all their strug-
gles, whatever they do, they do what
seems right to them, and we will give
them support. But that does not permit
a man to preach sabotage or violence
from our platform.
We make the propaganda for the cap-
ture, of the public powers, to realize the
declaration of principles and the various
planks in our platform. What we So-
cialists appeal to the workingmen to do
is to unite and get all you can until you
get all. And to do this, and to speak
plain English, is not yellow.
To some of these boys who talk about
being yellow, I would like to say if they
were in some of the scrapes that I was
they would know something about who
is yellow and who is not. Ask the boys
in Colorado, when I went out there six
^years ago, if I was yellow, if I didn't go
anywhere, wherever they told me. I
would go to hell if they told me. Isn't
that so, Floaten? I went to Trinidad and
I went to Cripple Creek, and I was the
first fellow that spoke there after the
deportations. I didn't hesitate. I had the
gun put to my nose in Chicago, and I
made fun of the fellow that did it. But
that is neither here nor there. The ques-
tion is a question of party policy. We
are striving to realize ideals and propo-
sitions responsive to the needs and as-
pirations of the working class. There are
elements that have intruded and have
used our party as a stalking place to
preach anarchy. I won't weaken and we
won't have anarchy preached in our plat-
form. We are not going to do it.
DEL. CASSIDY (N. Y.): In my opinion
there have been, during my eleven years
in the Socialist party, different times
when our movement has been threatened
from two different directions. At one time
it seemed as if it was threatened from
the opportunist end. But I want to say
tonight — and I am not usually a positiv-
ist on most things — that the great dan-
ger, the tremendous danger that faces the
movement today is from the end that
smacks of, that smells of violence and
anarchy. (Applause.) I want, comrades,
to give you some facts to show you how
imminent this danger is to the movement
at this time. Most of you have read about
the May day demonstration and parade in
Union Square, New York, on the first dav
of this month, and what happened at that
meeting. I was the Chairman of that
meeting, and I think I can speak with au-
thority. What happened? In the first
place, I want to precede this by telling
you that for years the New York Social-
ists and labor organizations have com-
bined in a conference and have carried
out a parade on the first of May, which
was followed by a mass meeting, usually
in Union Square. Heretofore we have had
no trouble Heretofore the anarchists have
kept their hands off. The most they have
done has been to stand on the sidewalk
as we passed by on parade, to stand on
the edge of the crowd, sneering at us;
because we have no more bitter and vi-
cious enemies today than the anarchists.
(Applause.) When the parade arrived in
7 r in<*
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Union Square, I was on the platform,
about as big as this platform here, with
a little projecting space about as big as
this for the speaker.
DEL. BESSMER (Ohio): A point of or-
der. Are we discussing what happened in
New York, or this amendment to strike
this out?
THE CHAIRMAN: I rule that the com-
rade is talking to the question, and cit-
ing this as an illustration of the point
he wishes to make.
DEL. CASSIDY: No unusual prepara-
tion had been made for this meeting. We
did not anticipate, we did not suspect
what happened that day. There were two
entrances to the platform. When the
meeting was about to open, the anar-
chists, about fifty or sixty of them, all
Italian immigrants, began to act. Fif-
teen or twenty, like a big wedge, came
up the stairway on this side. Another
fifteen or twenty rushed up on this side
of the platform. As our platform was a
little higher than this from the ground,
they climbed up to the top and took pos-
session of the speakers' stand. I realized
that we were up against something. I
realized that that was a moment that
might have been turned into another Hay-
market affair and used to discredit the
Socialist movement throughout this coun-
try. (Applause.) I went to these men
standing on the platform and taking the
full space up. I went to the first man
and said, "I am Chairman of this meet-
ing, and I ask you to stand back for the
speakers." He says, "No, no, no, this is
workingman's meeting." "Well." I says,
"yes, that is true; this is a workingman's
meeting, but we have got to have order
at a workingman's meeting." "No, 'no,
no, this workingman's meeting." I went
and got three or four committeemen, and
we came back again and pleaded with
them and asked them to get back. They
said no. The only answer was, "Work-
ingman's meeting," and there was noth-
ing too bitter, there was nothing too vile
for them to hurl at the Socialist move-
ment. Now, comrades, I am going to state
that. Let me tell you another peculiar
incident about this meeting;; a significant
incident. Heretofore at meetings the po-
lice department of New York has given
us so many police that we were defended.
There were police on the right, front and
rear. But on this occasion, for some rea-
son that you can guess at and attach
whatever significance you like to it, there
was no police on the platform. On this
occasion, for the first time in the history
of any kind of parade in New York, not
even one policeman was sent along to
escort the parade, and even the police
along the road said, "What is the mat-
ter? Why haven't you got a police es-
cort?" Under that situation we stayed
there, and these ugly, vicious men stayed
there. And you must remember that these
men do not fight with their fists. They
have • a knife, or worst of all, there is
a bomb, for they are the class that want
to use force. One of our committee said,
"We can send out in the Square and get
fifty husky trade union Socialists and
throw them off the platform." I said,
"No, let not one comrade hit anybody or
do any act of violence." I was afraid,
not for myself, but afraid for the move-
ment. ("Applause.) These men stayed
there. The organizer of Local New York,
Comrade Gerber, telephoned to police
headquarters for men, but they sent us no
men. The policeman in charge of the
police employed in the Square refused to
come on the platform. Under these con-
ditions I permitted these men to stay
there as the best way out of the diffi-
culty. Now, let me show you — (confu-
sion, interrupting the speaker.) No, I am
not going to waste your time; I am keep-
ing straight to the point. I want to show
you where we are drifting, unless we take
a hitch-up. Why did these Italian anar-
chists have the courage, to do something
that they did not attempt before? Of
course, a comrade here asks "What did
they do?" You have read the descrip-
tion. One of the things they did was to
hiss at the speakers and so on. Another
thing that they did was that a bunch of
them in front said, "Take down that flag."
I says, "What flag?" He says, "The
American flag." I says, "You will not
take it down, damn you; you will not take;
it down." (Applause.) And they wedged'
toward the flag, and we got our comrades
and we stood back and held them back.
I said, "Comrades, don't strike, don't
strike." Because I did not think they j
would strike back with their fists. It '
might have been with a weapon, and
then I did not know what might hap-
pen. We talked and argued with them,
and finally appealed. Socialists tried to
protect the flag, and anarchists tried to
tear it down. It managed to go down,
although it was not trampled by anybody.
Now, to my point. Why did they get
the courage to do that? Why? Let me
show you, comrades. I am only giving ,
you these facts the way I see the thing.
When the Lawrence hunger strike start-
ed out it brought the Socialist party in
connection with the local I. W. W. in^
New York, and it brought the I. W. W.
in connection with the Italian Socialist
Federation. The Italian Socialist Federa- J
tion took these men as members. As to
what we call the Italian Socialist Federa-
tion I will explain.
(Del. Carey of Massachusetts moved to
extend the speaker's time five minutes.)'
DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): A point of or-!
der. Under the rules the time for nomi-
nations is here now. It is three o'clock.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is not yet three
o'clock, the motion is that the time of
the speaker be extended five minutes. Injj
two minutes it will be three o'clock.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to
amend that the time be extended two!
minutes.
The amendment was carried and thel
speaker's time was extended two minutes.
DEL. CASSIDY- When the Lawrence*
strike broke out, what did we Socialists
do? In every struggle of the working;
people for better conditions, we go to.
their rescue. In this particular case we.
came in contact with the local I. W. W. *
and through that with this Italian Social-!
ist Federation. Now, let me explain what J
this Italian Socialist Federation is. The-j
Italian Socialist Federation, so-called, is]
an organization that is not affiliated, nor]
can it be, nor does it desire to be, withj
the Socialist party in any respect. They]
frankly tell you that they are anarchists.!
The Italian anarchists, the Socialist Fed-'
eration, took an active part in the Law-]
rence strike. They sent finances. They
were the chief agency in bringing the;
Lawrence children to New York City. Inj
that way many members of our party,,
through the I. W. W. got mixed up in
this once case. Now, comrades, in this
way is the danger. Now, about the local.}
I. W. W. I am telling you facts now,
and you can draw your own conclusion.
When this attack on the Socialist party.
May day meeting was made, the local I. ■
W. W. called a meeting, and a motion was
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
12.
v
i| 3e at that meeting, that they repudiate
actions of these men who took the
tform and threw down the national
r, and the vote repudiating the action
these men was taken, and it was only
ried by a vote of 28 to 31.
>EL. ALEXANDER (Tex.): I move to
pend the rules and continue the dis-
sion. (Seconded.)
)EL. GAYLORD (Wis.): I move to
end that we change the order of the
so that this pending discussion on
3 section of the Constitution shall be
shed and disposed of before we pro-
d with the regular order. (Seconded.)
'HE CHAIRMAN: That motion has al-
dy been laid upon the table.
>EL. ALEXANDER: A point of order,
ere has been business transacted since
motion tov lay on the table was car-
d.
CHE CHAIRMAN: The motion at this
le is that the rules be suspended and
it we proceed with the dicussion of
s motion before the house, this par-
ular section.
DEL. MERRICK: I wish to speak
ainst suspending the rules.
DEL. ALEXANDER: I wish to speak
suspending the rules.
DEL. MERRICK: At the beginning of
s convention, you recognized the im-
rtance of providing for the nominations
some definite time, in the interest of
complishing the best interests of this
nvention. You knew that such situ-
10ns as this were going to come, and
at is the reason you put that rule in
ere. Now, are you going to change the
lole order of business and bring about
nfusion here and produce a situation
at your better judgment showed you at
e beginning of this convention might
How? There were several motions and
lendments made here for the purpose
placing the nominations earlier in the
nvention, and as a compromise you
ally fixed Friday afternoon at three 1
3lock. Now that time is here. If you
gin to suspend the rules I can tell you
at you do not know what you are go-
g fo do or where you are going to land.
ick to the program and vote this down.
On motion of Del. Richardson (Cal.)
e previous question was ordered.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): The way to do
to finish what you have in hand before
)U proceed to the next business. This
institution is the result of five days'
ork in the committee, and the issues in-
>lved in this discussion are very likely
■ affect the decision of the convention,
• to bear upon the decision, certainly,
ith reference to the nominations.
THE CHAIRMAN: As many as are in
ivor of suspending the rules and con-
nuing the discussion will signify it by
lying aye. Contrary, no. The Chair is
i doubt.
DEL. KOOP (111.): A point of order.
: the Chair would state that it only
;eans this clause, I think we would all
gree.
THE CHAIRMAN: That is what the
hci It* sts-tfici
DEL. KOOP: He did not state it the
,st time.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair did not
ate it the last time, because he sup-
ped it was perfectly well understood
lat it means this section. As many as
re in favor of suspending the rules and
mtinuing this discussion until this see-
on of the Constitution is disposed of
ill raise their hands. Those opposed
ill raise their hands. The motion is
irried; for, 168; against, SI.
DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): I wish we
might be able to discuss this particular
clause without showing such prejudice in
our discussion. This clause is very im-
portant to the working class. Many of
those who have already spoken on this
particular clause seem to think that we
are now meeting the same issues in our
movement a." we did four, five or ten years
ago. Let me call your attention to the
fact that as the working class draw up
closer and encroach more and more upon
the material interests of the capitalist
class, the class struggle is growing more
intense. The capitalist class is going to
devise new ways and means of beating
down the power of the working class.
The working class, on the other hand, as
they realize that they must meet the
greater power of the capitalist class, are
also adopting new tactics. Now, then, we
did not hear anything about Sabotage
tour years ago in our national convention.
We did not know anything about the
word. I do not know anything about it
now. because I have not had occasion to
fight in the ranks of the workers in" a
strike or anything of that kind. If I
had, maybe I would know something
about Sabotage. Let me call your atten-
tion to another thing. We did not know
anything about the working class being
accessories before the fact in every case
where there is a strike, as we do now.
(Applause.) The capitalist class are so
interpreting the laws of this country now
that they are convicting workingmen of
crimes everywhere in the United States
for being accessories before the fact.
Don't forget that. Now, then, in the in-
terpretation of this word "Sabotage" as
given by Delegate Gaylord, from Wiscon-
consin, this morning, he said that it meant
a destruction of property. Comrades, I am
surprised that the Boston delegation did
not rise en masse, because they comee
from a city where the earlier patriots',
destroyed property in the American Revo-
lution. (Applause.) In Boston, when the
rebels threw the tea over in the harbor,
that was Sabotage. We have a monu-
ment in Akron, Ohio, built to the mem-
ory of John Brown, who was also a rebel.
Now, the capitalist class are interpreting
the laws so" that in every strike where
there is any property destroyed, the
working men who are out on strike may
be indicted for being accessories before
ithe fact and be jailed, when they had no
part in destroying this property that was
destroyed while they were on strike. If
we adopt this clause, which as Delegate
Gaylord interprets it means the destruc-
tion of property, are we, the Socialist
party, going to expel from the party a
workmgman convicted by the capitalist
courts of destroying property? (Voices,
"No.") Now, don't let us render any as-
sistance to the capitalist class. They are
convicting the workers everywhere of
destruction of property. How can we de-
termine whether the workingmen de-
stroyed the property or not? How can
we? I am in favor of striking out this
entire clause for this reason. I am heart-
ily in favor of this part of Section 1 of Ar-
ticle II that we adopted with reference to
political action.* It says that all who
subscribe to the principles of the Social-
ist party, including political action, shall
be eligible to membership in the party.
I have no sympathy with anybody that
joins the party for the purpose of using
tfic Socialist party to further the inter-
ests of some other organization. (Ap-
plause. ) I do not care whether that other
organization is the A. P. of L., the L W.
7/
ffW
128
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
r W. or an independent organization of any
kind. When we come into the Socialist
party we fight the political battle. But
the destruction of property will not take
place by political socialists. As one com-
rade said, that will be done in the eco-
nomic organizations. Now if the, politi-
cal organization is going to back up the
Vorking class on the economic field, we
must back them up and we must not dis-
criminate when the capitalist class says
they have destroyed property somewhere,
somehow. Let us stick to the working
class. (Applause.)
DEL. DOBBS (Ky.): The comrade who
has just preceded me has inadvertently
given the strongest possible reason why
you should le.ave this clause as reported
by the committee, when she instances the
case of the Boston Tea Party. Now, any-
one who knows the significance of that
event knows that it was an outburst on
the part of John Hancock and a band of
smugglers who used their own selfish in-
terests to accomplish their purposes. (Ap-
plause.) Here is just the point: if you
fail to include in the Constitution this
clause as reported, you are going to fur-
nish the basis for "provoking agents." It
means that if you strike out the clause,
or if you do not leave this clause in there,
It mean? that the capitalist agents in
the organizations will start expeditions
of sabotage and make the working class
responsible. (Applause.) There is the
point. There may be exhibitions of vio-
lence as the comrade from Ohio has in-
stanced, but they are the exceptions, and
we cannot., in fairness to ourselves, base
our actions on these exceptional outbursts
which in the dim future may prove to be
approvable. We, in this convention, rep-
resent, it seems to me, the high tide of
Socialism. Heretofore we have been in
>• «- something of a chaos. Now we have come
tn ? to a position where we are a force in
sai- civilization, and if the socialist movement
l T is to realize all that is best in it, it must
now and here irrevocably put the stamp
of its disapproval upon any anti-social,
arti-constructive proceeding. (Applause.)
We have got not only to allow the old
members of this party, who have been
fighting in it from the beginning, to go
back to our respective constituencies with
a declaration such as this in the Consti-
tution, but we have a larger and wider
duty. The working class is entitle! ta
the best that there is in our civilization,
and I protest against, this attitude upon
the part of some members of this party
that, because there are not more gool
things in capitalism and civilization as it
exists, therefore, we should repudiate
capitalism and civilization and all its
work. The working class is entitled to
the best, and if the capitalist class de-
sires to stain its hands with fraud and
to practice violence, let us, who repre-
sent a new and constructive force, take
our stand in favor of order as against
chaos. (Applause.)
DEL. BENTALL: I am speaking against
this section because of the discussion that
has arisen. Not because I am in favor
of violence, cr in favor of any crime
against any person; but I am against
putting the Socialist pafty in a position
where we have to put out something like
this to the world, throwing a suspicion
over us: the same as we did two years
ago, or four years ago, when we told
thi* world we were neutral on religion.
We had no business telling the world
that; they ought to have known that any-
way. This year I understand that is not
in the platform, and nowhere in our lit-
erature. We have learned a lesson. "*
should we now go on record, doing
same fool thing over again.
The reason for all this is not bee*
there are some Socialists who stand
violence, or because there is a tende
towards Sabotage in the Socialist p;!
— not for a moment. There are
speakers who have not been on the sqi,
in this business. They are trying
throw dust in the fact of the people,
in the face of the rank and file of
Socialist party. This is the kernel of
whole business. There is an element
the Socialist party today that is progn
ive and wants to go forward, wants
move and go ahead and use the 1
possible methods, so that we may |l
something and there is another elen|
that stands conservative, reactions
monkeying with the old, outworn rnacl
ery. There is the division and you
talk for ten months, and that is the ci
thing, and not Sabotage or violence '
anything of the kind. Now, come out i
be square, every last one of you fello
When I was on the board of the Chic.
Daily Socialist, I fought against the h
rible thing of violence, and mentionet
specific instance; when a little girl eg
down from her day's work and scab
and in the corridor were two great
men. They knocked in three of her ri
they crushed her jaw, and put her in
hospital for several months, and she
a cripple for life. I said, "I stand agai
that sort of thing," and every other me
ber of the board of the Chicago Dj
Socialist said: "Oh, you are foolish;
on and let them do it." Barney Berlyr
member of the board himseli, and G
Koop, one of them, and Mary O'Reilly,
DEL. KOOP: I deny it
DEL. O'REILLY: I deny it.
DEL. BENTALL: I am not going
hind the bush.
THE CHAIRMAN: Stick to the subj(
DEL. BENTALL: This is the subj.
In spite of the fact that I have stood
all the peaceful means without advoc
ing the slightest violence, because I ad
cate this form of organization that s
that violence may be absolutely unnec
sary; because of that, they say that I
a direct actionist, and want violence. T
is the reason that we have to come
squarely, and not come with things
throw dust in one another's eyes. So,
we have said before, we stand for pol
cal action, and that we stand for th
things that make it possible for us
gain our purpose through our inte
gence, through our ballot, through i
organization, and not through bloodst!
and you don't need any of these thir
A DELEGATE: Move to extend
time.
DEL. BENTALL: I don't need m
time. I have done enough now to k
the other fellows quiet for a while.
DEL. O'REILLY (111.): I rise to a qu
tion of personal privilege. When I i
to a question of personal privilege
the attack that was made upon me, tl
was made upon the Daily Socialist Bo;
of Directors and upon some of us nan
specifically and upon me especially,
won't be able to talk upon the quest
now before the house — so don't call
down for not talking to the quest!
However, I shall come as close to ta
ing to the question as the last comn
from Illinois.
I say, as I always have said, not o
must we stand against sabotage and v
lence in our platform and in our priri
pies, but we must stand against it in <
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
129
ctics when we face the practical issues
a the time of the strikes.
? Now we had a personal controversy on
j e Board of Directors of the Dally So-
* alist in Chicago, with which contro-
versy you have no business to be both-
J'ed at this time, and with which I would
)t bother you were it not for the per-
mal attack which has been made upon
e and which I must answer.
This is the first time Bentall has ever
,ced me with such a statement, such a
large, because he dare not face me with
rf ich an accusation in Chicago where
rerybody knows better, and knows that I
as right in that controversy.
8We had a strike in Chicago. Comrade
n entail blundered as editor of the Daily
Jjj >ci alist, not because he took one side or
ct ie other — he never takes sides — he blun-
ered because he tried to be on both sides
the question, and because he knew
othing whatever of the issue.
THE CHAIRMAN: Speak to your ques-
on of personal privilege.
DEL. O'REILLY: Comrades, I have
leen attacked, and I would not care at all
J ' it was merely an attack on me, but you
re not going to attack the position of
ie Daily Socialist on the subject of labor
nions; you are not going to attack the
oard of Directors of the Daily Socialist;
ou are not going to misrepresent Mary
'Reilly without my talking back.
At the time of our strike, the Garment
Workers' strike in Chicago I wpnt to Ben-
all as a friend — I thought he was a friend
f mine — and begged him not to stand for
jj he labor leaders at the head of that
Gjtrike. I knew they were crooked; I
now it today. Robert Norine, President
f the Garment Workers there in Chi-
cago, and their National President were
he type of leaders for which we could
ot stand. Bentall refused to take any
nformation from the trade unionists who
mew the situation. He went from meet-
rig to meeting during that strike beg-
;ing for votes for the Socialist party,
fou never saw such catering to trade
mions in all your life as Comrade Ben-
all went through during that strike.
THE CHAIRMAN. Defend your own
>osition.
DEL. O'REILLY: This is my position.
Ie took an automobile and took in Robert
•Jorine and the crooked officers of the Gar-
nent Workers' Union, arfd with them he
vent out vote begging, vote getting in
he cheapest clap-trap kind of a way. He
lent that bill for the automobile to the
Executive Committee of the Socialist
)arty and after a protest they paid that
till. Then he came out in an attack upon
:he people who had tried their very best
;o save those poor hungry garment worker
yirls from being defeated by that grafting
irowd of trade unionists, and Comrade
3entall did this because he did not under-
stand the situation. I answered him in
he Daily Socialist and the Daily Socialist
epudiated the position he had taken and
withdrew him from his position on the
editorial committee of the paper. That is
:he history of the Daily Socialist trouble
that he bases his attack on. I have a
lopy of the article in my hand in which
T review the whole thing and that was
printed in the Daily Socialist. This is the
flrst time Bentall ever had the nerve to
face me and attempt to answer, and I
think it will be his last.
DEL. KOOP (111.): I rise to a question
It personal privilege. Bentall attacked
ae.
1 THE CHAIRMAN: We have passed that
question now.
DEL. WHITE (Mass.): Koop was named
directly by Bentall.
THE CHAIRMAN: If we are going to
allow every person whose name is men-
tioned to rise to a question of personal
privilege we may take up all of the time
of the convention, which costs $5 a min-
ute, and we shall get no business done.
We shall have a big bill to pay for these
personalities. If the convention wants the
Chair to allow all of this dirty linen to
be washed in public, the Chair will let
them wash it.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): It is not dirty
linen. But it is my opinion that it is
going out of the road of this convention.
DEL. KOOP: If the Chair had called
Bentall down at the start this would not
have happened.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair did call
him down as soon as he got into person-
fllltlPS
DEL. WHITE (Mass.): The other day a
man who is not a delegate here permit-
ted the same rights that Delegate Koop
now asks for. I don't believe this is a
washing of dirty linen. This had better
be thrashed now than to be held in abey-
ance. It will have to be thrashed out
some time. I think it is only fair and
just that a comrade who has served in the
ranks as many years as Koop should be
given a hearing in this case. I move that
Comrade Koop be granted a hearing on
the question of personal privilege.
THE CHAIRMAN: I will allow Com-
rade Koop the floor on the question of
personal privilege.
DEL. KOOP (111.): I want to stand be-
fore you here and deny the statement
made by Comrade Bentall that we stood
for slugging a girl or anyone else. We
have never advocated that. We have al-
ways opposed it. Just now we have the
example in Chicago where men of wealth,
the Lawsons, the Hearsts, who have the
police department back of .them, who have
the thugs that they can buy with their
money back of the police courts, hired
to slug union printers, that are scabbing
on the pressmen and stereotypers at the
present time. I have seen this myself;
and you can't do a thing. This rule as it
is put forth by' the committee should be
adopted. The capitalist class have the
power; they have the army, the militia,
the police back of them who will put
sabotage into use, not when the I. W. W.
wants it, but when the capitalist class
wants it. Adopt the report of the com-
mittee.
DEL. BREWER (Kan.): On the square,
wouldn't it be a beautiful thing if we
should split over a word that only 5 per
cent of us know anything about. That
is exactly what this word sabotage
amounts to in this convention. If it is
inserted, or if it is not inserted in this
Constitution, the capitalist press will
probably be compelled to notice it and
give a definition of it in explanation. To
my mind it is a word that is unnecessary
in this document. It is quite evident that
it is this word that is creating the fric-
tion, and I want to submit to Comrade
Gaylord, the man who injected it here,
that yesterday in the constitutional com-
mittee meeting he practically endorsed
the ideas that we presented when we
agreed to eliminate it from our report.
My position as a Socialist is quite clear.
I am sorry that there was not placed in
our platform a declaration for industrial
unionism, or the industrial form of or-
ganization; and yet I am not a direct ac-
tionist; I am not an anarchist; I am not
in sympathy with many of the tactics of
0. r-, 13O
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
the present I. W. W. But I have found
myself confronted with this same trouble
that so many other Socialists who have
traveled over the country have found
themselves confronted with. I realize
that there is a disrupting element in the
I. W. W. in the direct actionists; as there
is a disrupting element even in the So-
cialist party. But I am convinced that if
this document had been adopted, before
this discussion which has terminated in
personalities, the use of personal epi-
thets, and going into personal histories
with which this convention has no con-
cern, I believe that every man and woman
in this convention would have gone from
here with a new-born hope in their hearts
regarding the onrushing National Social-
ist movement. I believe that we would
have had a keener feeling of fellowship,
of comradeship for each other, than we
can possibly have after this difficulty that
has been engendered by this particular
specific word, around which so much
seems to hinge. Frankly, I want to say
that those who have injected it into this
report have simply raised hell. I feel
that if this is voted down, and if it is
adopted as it stands, it will answer all
the purposes that it is intended to an-
swer. If it is knocked out entirely I am
satisfied that there will be a substitute
that will cover the ground even better
than the present one.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): Our Milwaukee
movement is short on phrases, but long
on action. Let us be perfectly sincere
about this matter — perfectly sincere. The
time has come when the two opposite
trends of thought that we have had in
our party must clash again. And the part-
ing of the ways has come again.
There is no bridge between Socialism
and Anarchism. There was no bridge
when Karl Marx and Bakunim were fight-
ing to a finish. There never can be any
such bridge.
Those of you who stand for political,
action and for an effective and sane eco-
nomic movement — who stand against the
bomb, the dagger and every other form
of violence — will know how to vote on
this amendment without any further par-
ley.
Comrades, the trouble with our party
is that we have men in our councils who
claim to be in favor of political action
when they are not. We have a number
of men who use our political organiza-
tion — our Socialist party — as a cloak for
what they call direct action, for I. W. W.-
ism, sabotage and syndicalism. It is an-
archism by a new name.
Now, Comrades, anarchy as such may
be a beautiful philosophy. I don't blame
anybody for proclaiming himself an an-
archist; that is his privilege. But he
ought not to foist himself upon the So-
cialist party.
I have known John Most personally.
When nobody dared to preside in one of
his meetings in Milwaukee in 1888 after
the hanging of the anarchists in Chicago,
and he asked me to take the chair, I did
so. I told the audience that I did not
agree with Most in anything, but that I
believed in free speech. And I give John
Most credit that he did not try to fasten
himself upon the Socialist party. He start-
ed a group of his own. Those who be-
lieve in the same principle's as John Most
did, should do as he did — leave the So-
cialist party and join the Anarchists.
(Loud cheers.)
I desire to say that articles in the In-
dustrial Worker, of Spokane, the official
organ of the I. W. W. breathe the same
spirit, are as anarchistic as anything tha
John Most has ever written.
I want to say to you, comrades, that
for one do not believe in murder as j
means of propaganda; I do not believe i;
theft as a means of expropriation; no
in a continuous riot as a free speech agi
tation.
Every true Socialist will agree with m-
when I say that those who believe tha
we should substitute "Hallelujah, I'm i
bum," for the Marseillaise, and for th<
"International," should start a "Bum Or
ganization" of their own. (Loud laugh'
ter and great cheering.))
Comrades, I have gone through a nunr
ber of splits in this party. It was no.
always a fight against anarchism in th*
past. In the past we often had to fighij
Utopianism and fanaticism. Now it is an-
archism again that is eating away at tin
vitals of our party.
If there is to be a parting of the ways
if there is to be a split — and it seems thai
you will have it, and must "have it — then
I am ready to split right here. I ani
ready to go back to Milwaukee and ap.
peal to the Socialists all over the coun-
try to cut this cancer out of our organi-
zation.
The objection that the word "sabotage*
is not known is a subterfuge. We all un-
derstand it. It is a French word, mean*
ing — willful destruction of products, oi
machinery or means of production. You
know the French have also given us tha
word Socialism, but they were also the.
first to use the word Anarchism.
You Know where Anarchism leads to.
You know where it led in 1886 in our
country. It led to the Hay Market riots
and to the gallows. In France in 1894
the anarchist Ravachol headed a band oi
highwaymen and robbers in the name ol
the proletariat and expropriation for thd
benefit of his gang. You know what an-
archism has accomplished this year in
London and in Paris. It made individual
brigandage possible under the cloak of afl|
idea. I am not willing that our party
should stand godfather for any business
of that kind.
Some of the comrades over there said,
that sabotage is a matter for the indus*
trial organization to take up or not tl
take up. They contend that some mem-
bers may have to commit it because their
economic organization — their union wants
them to. My answer is that any Socialist
who is willing to commit such insane acts
for his industrial organization, should ouit
our party. I would rather have such a man
belong to the Malitia of Christ, like the
McNamaras. I would prefer that a mail
committing murder or theft should have a
membership card of the Knights of Co-
lumbus than show the "red card." My
time is up I see.
A NUMBER OF DELEGATES: Move
that the time be extended.
DEL. BERGER: I don't need any more:
time. I hope this convention will over-*
whelmingly vote for the insertion of the]
word "sabotage" in this section. I want
to put it up to every delegate to take a
stand for either one side or the other.
DEL. HOGAN (Ark.): Leaving out thlft
word was a most egregious mistake. Ever
since this discussion arose I have been
studying in my own mind what would be.
the best thins? for the Socialist partv to'
do. But about fortv minutes ago I came
to the conclusion, and I will give you the
reasons why I have made up my mind that*
the best thing to do is to strike out the",
wnole clause.
N
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
131
[n the flrst place the Socialist Party has
ver declared for violence. It has never
en a party of violence. It has never
en accused of any such thing- by those
10 were acquainted with its history,
tere is no reason why we should blazon
rth to the world that we stand against a
ing when there was never a suspicion
long ourselves or among those who
ew us that we stood for it. It would be
ually ridiculous as it would be for Joty
irriman's wife from the glorious State
California to place upon his back a
acard reading "My husband has solemnly
jdged me that he will not get drunk
ring the National convention." If we
ould read such a sign on Harriman's
at the suspicion would immediately arise
at he was in the habit of getting drunk,
ery time he went away from home. Now
we are going to put the whole moral
de in the constitution then I ask you to
equally consistent and put in a specific
claration against larceny, put in a speci-
declaration against polygamy, put in a
ecific declaration against free love. We
.ve never stood for larceny; we have
iver stood for polygamy; we have never
ood for free love. We have never stood
r what some of our friends are pleased
call direct action. This is a political
rty, and this assertion has no place in
r constitution. Who ever heard of polit-
al sabotage? It is absolutely ridiculous,
friend Hayes of Ohio made a splendid
>eech in favor of striking out this whole
ction, although he didn't seem to realize
He stood here speaking for the auton-
ny of the trades unions and the labor
lions, beginning this convention that we
ould not interfere with their business.
3t this constitutional committee comes
re and proposes* to tell the trade unions
hat they should do and what they should
)t do. I am of the opinion it is none of
ir business.
A DELEGATE: Read it again.
DEL. HOGAN: I have read it and I
in understand English. Now don't be
armed about this threat of my big-
parted friend Berger, that he is going to
^lit. That is a periodical threat of Berg-
's at every convention. Every time
mething doesn't go to suit Comrade
erger he goes up in the air and threatens
plit. There is no danger of Berger
jlitting. He is loyal to the American
cialist movement and so are we. There
no need here for acrimonious discussion,
here was no need for Berger or any other
leaker who got on this floor to state that
lis was an effort to curb an anarchistic
ement. I believe this is a united party,
believe it stands for political action. I
ilieve it stands for all that is best in
ie working class. We don't have to be
tbeled by a clause in the constitution. We
on't need to tell people that we stand for
iw and order.
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): Those who in-
ist that we do not understand the mean-
lg of this word and therefore we ought
3 take out the planks; those who insist
hat by leaving it in we will negatively
ccuse ourselves of having stood for those
tiings previously and that we are now en-
eavoring to get out of it by an apology,
ntirely overlook the facts involved. If
hey don't understand the meaning of this
rord I am able to quote for their benefits
rom a man whom I believe they will ac-
ept as second, if not first, in the organi-
sation that is alleged to practice these
lings. At least he advocates them an<f
■at ought to make it plain to you that
lose who use the word have an idea what
lie word means. Let us see if I can de-
fine it. Direct action means exactly what
it says. A mechanic knows that in order
to get the best results the more directly
you apply your power the more successful
you will be. Direct action means that the
workers shall be so organized that they
can act directly for themselves in the place
where they are employed without having
to depend upon any one else. Sabotage as
it prevails today means interfering with
the machinery of production, without go-
ing on strike. It means to strike but stay
on the pay roll. It means that instead of
leaving the machine the workers will stay
at the machine and turn out poor work,
slow down their work, and in every other
way that may be practicable interfere with
the profits of the boss, and interfere to
such an extent that the boss will have to
come around and ask, what is wrong; what
can I do to satisfy you people. That is a
line of action that is not new, although
the term may be new in this country.
Vincent St. John in a speech in a Pitts-
burgh theater on the 27th of last month —
DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): Does he belong
to the Socialist party?
DEL. SLAYTON: I don't know whether
he does or not, but I agree with the defini-
tion of the word as he gave it. I am not
dealing in personalities. Comrade Hogan
says that we have not been accused of
these things. Comrade Hogan ought to
have the capitalist papers on his exchange
list, for nearly all of them try to insist on
that very thing and the hired man of a
certain religious organization did insist
that it was the philosophy of Socialism,
the doctrines preached by the Socialist
party that were responsible for the acts
of the McNamaras. I know that the So-
cialist party has been accused of these
things for years. We are told that the
Socialist party ought not to dictate to the
labor unions what they should do. We
had a love feast yesterday in the debate on
the party policy toward the unions, be-
cause it gave to those who have been ask-
ing us to endorse the substance of their
form of organization a general statement
with which they could agree. But now to-
day when we say if we stand for you on
the industrial field, if we back you up in
your struggles regardless of the particular
organizations to which you belong, we
want you to say that you stand for cer-
tain things that we stand for. Then we
are told that we are dictating. Suppose
you want me to be a foster father to a
child but you tell me that I must not tell
the child what to do. You want us to go
to their assistance in time of trouble but
when we say here are certain things which
we want you to endorse we are told that
we are dictating. When it goes your way
you want us to endorse your actions, but
when we want you to go our way you say
we are dictating. The fact is that these
things have been done in the industrial
field, and the fact is that some men who
advocate doing them come on our platform
after we have billed the meeting and have
hired the hall, and tell the people that they
do not believe in political Socialism. We
political Socialists have the right to tell
the world some of the things that we
don't stand for, some of the things that I
don't stand for, the things that you don't
stand for, and among the things that we
don't stand for is that a worker sha.ll be
foolish enough to destroy things. The
.other day a comrade said "Oh, what pro-
found love you have for capitalist prop-
erty." Well, I have profound love for the
property that the working class has pro-
duced and that the capitalist system have
stolen from them; I have profound love for
rnr i 32
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
that property because we want to get it
back for the working class. But you can't
get it back if you destroy it. You will
have nothing to get back. I have profound
love for the property produced by the
working class. It is a splendid thing. It
represents the crystalization of the world's
great labor power, the crystalization of our
civilization. I have respect for it. I have
respect for the men whose lives have been
crystalized in those machines. I don't
want men who have put their very life
into those machines to destroy them. If I
was in Russia I would be for sabotage. I
would be for it there because there is no
other way to carry on the fight. My sym-
pathies are engaged by the struggle in
Russia, but when those people come to this
country I for one shall do all in my power
to keep the working class as far away
from the things involved in this sort of
strife as possible.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I am very
sorry that it has become necessary for this
convention that yesterday held such a
beautiful love feast to get into such a
state as we are in now. Yesterday some
men in this convention were telling you
how they agreed with every other man in
the convention; that the impossible had
happened; that men who had fought each
other for twenty years had shaken hands
and we were to have harmony forever.
Today they are going on the platform and
charging that a lot of us are anarchists.
Now I want to divide my remarks into
two parts. First I want to speak on the.
advisability of putting a clause of this
kind in the constitution at all. But if we
are going to put a clause in the constitu-
tion saying that we don't stand for some-
thing that no one has ever said the So-
cialist party did stand for, why for
Heaven's sake let us put everything in the
constitution that the capitalist class has
ever charged us with, let us say that we
don't intend to break up the home; that we
don't intend to destroy incentive; that we
don't believe in free love; that we would
not destroy the institution of marriage,
and a whole lot of other fool things that
they say we advocate. If we are going to
defend one point let us defend them all.
Nobody has ever said that the Socialist
party believed in sabotage.
A NUMBER OP DELEGATES: Oh, yes,
they ha,ve.
DEL. BESSEMER: We are a political
party trying to lay down a working pro-
gram for the labor movement, and a great
many of the speakers who have been on
the platform this afternoon have taken a
slam at the I. W. W. I want to say That I
belong to the Retail Clerks Protective As-
sociation one ^f the A. F. of L. organiza-
tions. T don't helonsr to the I. W. "W.
When T stand here and take exception to
the remarks made by some of you people I
am not doiner it as a member of that or-
ganization. You would think that every
bit of violence ever committed in the
United States in working class struggles
have been done by the I. W. W.; you would
imagine that the McNamaras were I. W. W.
men. Thev were not I. W. W. men. It is
unfair and it is not a pertinent question
here today. It is simply a question before
the convention as to whether we shall in-
terfere with a matter that belongs to the
labor organizations. T maintain that we
have not. We should throw out the entire
thing.
I want to say in regard to this word, if
what Comrade Haywood said is right and
his idea is correct, that sabotage means
destroying property, if that is so. Comrade
Gaylord when he went out and appealed
for votes to be elected to the Legislat'
of Wisconsin meant to go down there i.
interfere with the established views
property that the capitalist class had e
bodied in the legislation of Wiscons.
then he was guilty of sabotage. It won
seem that some of you in this convent:
think it is the duty of the working class
permit the capitalist class to interft
with your property, that is your stoma
to reduce the part of the product of yc
labor that you get so much that you si
fer, and that in place of going back
them and protecting yourselves you shot!
just calmly and suavely submit to it a
let them grind you down without usi
any opportunity that you have at yd
hands to defend your property which
your stomach. I believe in political actii
first, last and all the time. I believe t|
political action is direct action.
DEL. KRAFFT (N. J.): I wish to 1
quire whether the International Congre
declared against sabotage or not.
THE CHAIRMAN: I don't know an
thing about it.
DEL. O'NEAL (Ind.): We are not he
to defend ourselves against anything th
has been charged by capitalist politicia:
or the capitalist press. The question
whether anything has arisen in the lab
movement involving an endorsement
acts that come under the designation
sabotage or syndicalism; and whether t
shall take a stand upon those tactics ■•
the extent of repudiating them. It hi
been said that no one knows what saboi
age and syndicalism means. It seems 3
me that those of us who have read anj
thing of the development of the Social!
movement in France, where those methoj
have had their classic development, whe;
the theoretical considerations that suppq
them have been analyzed and develop]
will get this one fact which is fundamen
al for Socialists that every last one of tl
writers who have formulated the theoret
cal basis and defense of .sabotage and S3«
dicalism, to the very last man, is J
avowed anarchist; is an anarchist, and o
posed to all political action.
Another significant fact is that Jul
Guesde, the foremost representative of w
Marxian wing in the French Social!
movement has been the one man who fir!
last and all the time has been identify
with the onoosition to sabotage and sq
dicalism in general. Furthermore, the ta
tics supported by the Frenchmen who a
the foremost representatives of these prf
cioles are directly connected with the a]
archist ideal of society, a future that W
absolutely no relation to the economic q
velopment of our time. It is a historic
fact that a number of the men who q
velope'd criminal careers — Comrade Bera
has mentioned one, Ravachol. who hi
been guilty of two brutal murders in t]
Southern part of France, coming up j
Paris in the early 90's, when anarchr
terrorism was at its height, when bOn
throwing: was of frequent occurrence]
Ravachol, in the name of the revolution,
the name of sabotage, in the name of dird
action, became a party to the developing
of those tactics, became associated wl
men who were in favor of them, and V
whole thing was exnosed when they final
indicted Ravachol for those murders, al
he was finallv executed for them.
Now to take up another phase of ]
those of you who have read the best woj
ever produced in the international rno^j
ment regarding the antagonism betwaj
anarchism and socialism, that written J
our Russian comrade, Plechanoff. knfl
that he draws a contrast between the ta
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
u \
XX
s of the Socialist party and the anar-
Ists, and he points out the fact that in
s development of tactics which lead to
itt>lence it is difficult to determine where
3 direct actionist ends and the bandit
gins. That is what we have got to set-
j here this afternoon. We are a political
ganization. The adoption of this clause
es not say to the labor organizations of
is country, you shall do this, that or the
her thing. It simply says that if a man
fe|ikes application to the Socialist party
America for membership that in making
yJat application he shall declare that he is
siit in favor of these tactics in any
k rt of an organization. If he advocates
0! ese tactics then we simply will not admit
a na to membership in the Socialist party,
si DEL. CLIFFORD (Ohio): First I want
so insist that the Socialist party is a
b. 'litical party organized expressly to
ti rry out a certain program with an ul-
tt nate object in view, viz., the establish-
ed of a new order of society. I con-
nd that in no instance has the Socialist
irty been or ever will be an organization
r the suppression of crime. That is the
ity of the present order of society and
3 constituted officials.
Now, I want to throw a little light in
i this. I want to go back to yesterday,
want to remind the members of the
>mmittee, of which I was a member, the
>mmittee on the Relationship of the So-
alist party to the Trades Union move-
ent, that when we met as a unit to re-
)rt back to this body, we agreed to elim-
ate other matters that we expected to
port; in other words, when we agreed
?on our report there was only one thing
i the hands of the majority, a resolution
ractically of the same import as incor-
Drated in that resolution there, and we
the minority objected to it, and we
repared a counter-resolution, defending
ir class against the aspersions cast upon
Now, we dropped these things 'wester-
ly for the sake of peace and harmony,
nd today some one has injected that see-
on into this Constitution for a purpose,
ow, I have got something here that per-
aps is going to astonish a few members
C this Convention. I have a matter of
jcord here. Comrade Berger has a rec-
rd in this Magazine, "The Common
ause." I am going to show you, and I
ill give Comrade Berger an opportunity
o deny that he wrote this paragraph. I
m reading this for the express purpose
f showing you that even intellectual so-
ialists cannot at times refrain from giv-
ig their allegiance, their sympathy, to
he working class even when they are go-
ig to commit actual violence: "In view
t the plutocratic law-making of the pres-
ent day, it is easy to predict that the
afety and hope of this country will
nally lie in one direction only — that of
violent and bloody revolution, therefore
say that each of the 500,000 socialist
oters and of the 2,000,000 workingmen
vho instinctively incline our way, should,
•esides doing much reading and still more
hinking, also have a good rifle and the
lecessary rounds of ammunition in his
tome." Now, let me repeat this: "There-
ore, I say, each of the 500,000 Socialist
'•oters, and of the 2,000,000 workingmen
vho instinctively incline our way, should,
>esides doing much reading and still
nore thinking, also have a good rifle and
he necessary rouncts of ammunition in
lis home, and be prepared to back up his
jallot with his bullets, if necessary.'"
Now, I am not accusing Comrade Berger
f inciting "sabotage.*' I know he is in
jympathy with the sfruggles of his class.
I know I have said rash things myself
under provocation. I am one of those
who, while I deplore violence, knowing
its disastrous consequences in the out-
come, yet if my class does commit vio-
lence, I am with them.
THE CHAIRMAN: Your time is up.
The previous question was called for.
Del. Berger rose to a question of per-
sonal privilege.
Cries of "Berger," from all over the
house.
Motion for the previous question was
put, and declared lost.
Division was called for and the previous
question carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: Del. Berger rises on
a question of personal privilege. The pre-
vious question has been called for. On
division, there is an absolute majority in
favor of the previous question being put,
— 159 in favor. Before the previous ques-
tion is put I will allow Comrade Berger
the floor, on a question of personal priv-
ilege.
DEL. BERGER: Comrades, what I want
to explain is, that the Socialist movement
is undoubtedly revolutionary; that the
Milwaukee movement is also revolution-
ary, of course, and that if it ever comes
down to do real fighting, we will be there
without question. But we do not mistake
a riot for a revolution, nor murder for
propaganda. We do not suggest theft as
a means of expropriation. We do not
preach the revolution in that way.
I also want to state that my article has
not been quoted as a whole. The com-
rade over there, I believe it was Comrade
Clifford just tore out a piece. I believe
that is unfair to ourselves.
DEL. CLIFFORD: I will show you the
Whole editorial clipped out of your own
paper.
DEL. BERGER: Well, Tom, you didn't
read it. That editorial is good reading.
(Laughter.) But this is not a time to
read my editorials. This is the time to
draw the line between a real Socialist
revolution on one side and anarchy, mur-
der and sabotage, on the other.
THE CHAIRMAN: I recognize Del.
Harriman to speak for the insertion of
the word sabotage.
DEL. HARRIMAN: In reply to Clifford,
it is true there were other resolutions be-
fore the committee when we made our re-
port yesterday, and we postponed those
resolutions until the committee should
meet. That committee has not yet had a
session, and the resolutions are, there-
fore, in the air. In the meantime, thf
question arose. When I opened the argvto
ment yesterday, I said we had had maion
weary hours over the discussion 'Of ov«-
differences, arid that the excitement pre*s
vailing just before I took the platform 1 "-
was the evidence of a fundamental dif-
ference here. There is a difference here.
Don't you think it is sugar-coated over
in the words of that resolution. What
we did yesterday in that resolution was
to gobble up industrial unionism with
the variations as they are provided in
the labor movement of today. There is
industrial unionism and industrial union-
ism. There is a difference between them.
What we did, I want to call vour atten-
tion to ft, men, and to call it plainly,
there is a reason for this difference. I
told you yesterday. I repeat it; it is
caused by the separation of the two igreat
movements of America. They are weak;
and tbe weakness begets a hopelessness,
and the hopelessness begets the fight.
There you are. Every blessed man who
doesn't want this "sabotage" in our plat-
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
ygm form or in our constitution, comes in —
not every one of them but many of them
— comes into our party and teaches it on
the platform.
Now, listen, boys. You cannot find a
trades union Constitution in America that
puts it in there. Why? They don't dare
to put their sabotage in, but you pro-
pogate it upon our platform, you commit
the great Socialist party to it, and we
must defend ourselves against it, because,
between the two movements, is being
born today the Syndicalist movement. I
tell you the heart and the soul and the
blood of the Syndicalist movement is
sabotage. There isn't a man that believes
in it that dares to stand up and say I did
it. Of course not. I know what the con-
ditions are; I know that the men oft-
times have to fight for their lives, and
when the struggle is on there is no telling
what will be done, but we must say, we
cannot teach it, nor countenance it. If
you do, and you permit it to absorb you,
it will dissolve you and destroy you. Just
look at it for a moment, look at what you
are up against. On top of it comes the
detective, back of it the police, back of
it the judge to construe the law; all the
evidence would be against us. You are
expecting us to stand for a thing that
not only will dissolve us, but that will put
all the weapons in the hands of the other
man. Why is it, men, that the great
German movement has practically no syn-
dicalism? Why is it? One of my friends
here last night laughed and said it was
because they were of the Teutonic race,
and the other fellow was of the Italian
race? Partly yes, but not all. Whenever
you are separated, whenever you are
weak, any weapon is a weapon of the
man in despair, and this is the weapon of *
the boys that have lost hope in political
action and are losing hope. The evidence
is, that they stand here between us strik-
ing at political action, as they cheered
yesterday when I made the statement
against striking it out. They have lost
their hope and the birth of Syndicalism is
right here in our convention if we do not
understand the facts.
THE CHAIRMAN: I recognize Dele-
gate Hickey who will speak on the motion
to strike out the whole paragraph.
DEL. HICKEY (Tex.): There is a feel-
ing through the convention at this mom-
ent that I, Clifford, a^d Tom Lewis are
bad bridge builders, and the logic and
philosophy that kept Harriman and my-
self apart for twenty years seems to be
still working through its usual channels.
. Yesterday after leaving this platform I
Jrid that Indianapolis will be historic in
fiis, that it had two unity conventions,
j,nd T. still hope that this is going to be a
second unity convention. The impossible
happened yesterday; we had come to-
gether, and Gaylord of Wisconsin, said
that there was very smooth work. Well,
I didn't find any smoothness. I didn't
write a line; I didn't dictate a paragraph,
not even a semi-colon. All came from
the other side that has injected this thing
now. Why? Well, if we had nominated
our candidate for the presidency at 3
o'clock this thing would not have hap-
pened at all. Peanut politics, that is
what it is of course. Now, then, I don't
know, I cannot understand the spirit that
underlies that resolution, that section. I
cannot understand it. I have had, with
the other two Toms, to fight it from the
start, and I will show ypu why. . Tt was
practically proposed the other night at a
quarter to 12, that we should repudiate
violence and advise the working class to
u
»t ev r
vaukr:
-sevff
s frcf
that end. I picked up the resolution an<
said: "Why don't you advise the capital
class not to use violence?" Sabotage
who can define it; why, they are not ev
able to pronounce it, with the Milwaul
accent. Sabotage; there are fifty-s<
different varieties of pronunciations
the intellectual variety that says "sab
tage" right down to the Irish pronunci
tion that says "sabbatage." The fact
that sabotage is in the air and sometim
it is down on the ground very strong, an
we have nothing to do with it. We are'
political party, and in the course of o<\
development we come to have men of t)
times upon labor committees, upon co;,
stitutional committees that have earnt;
the right to sit upon them by belongir
to organized labor, and then they will n<
produce the anaemic things that the ii
tellectuals have produced this afternoon.
However, and this is not from "Tr.|
Common Cause," "in view of the plutocrc
tic law making of the present day it
easy to predict that the safety and hop
of this country will finally lie in one d
rection only, that of a violent and blood
revolution."
(Signed) "Victor L. Berger."
This is from the Social Democrat
Herald.
I object to the introduction of this en,
tire section. I object to anything tha
says, we warn the working class agains
anything. It is the working class, th
class that has patiently carried the cros
through the centuries. I say, you hat
better cut it all out and destroy tha
paragraph. I make the suggestion tha
Bill Haywood say a word or two.
DEL. HILLQUIT: In behalf of the com
mittee, I wish to state that with the ex
ception of Comrade Brewer who spoke 01
the subject and expressed his own beliefs
the committee unanimously accepts th<
amendment to insert the word "sabotage 1
instead of the words "against the person.'
The committee is opposed to the amend
ment to strike out the entire clause,
will tell you why in a minute. Before w<
proceed to that, however, I want to stafc
that the committee is not wantonly in
jecting this subject. The section unde
consideration is an enlargement of th'
section we have had in the constitutiol
now in force. We have had the provisiol
that a member who opposes political ac
tion shall be expelled from the party. W>
have added the definition of political ac
tion. We have added the provision agains
advocating crime, or, as it will now b€
"sabotage," or other methods of violence
Del. Brewer raised a point of order tha
Del. Hillquit was now speaking for th
report of the Committee, and Del. Harri
man had already done so.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I had a distinct under
standing with the Chairman that I woul<
have the closing word in support of thi
paragraph, and have therefore refr'aine*
from trying to get the floor in the mean
time.
THE CHAIRMAN: The chairman of th
Committee is correct in his statemenl
with this exception: he did not Inform th
chairman of the meeting that the Com
mittee had accepted the word "sabotage.
Had that been the case, Comrade Hillqui
should have had the floor in the first in
stance in place o'f Comrade Harriman.
rule that the point of order made by Com
rade Brewer is well taken.
DEL. HILLQUIT: From which I dul;
appe.-;].
THE CHAIRMAN: An appeal is take:
frcra the decision of the Chair. The Chai
rules that inasmuch as the committee ha
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
ijliccepted the amendment using the word
^'sabotage" as a part of its original mo-
tion, and inasmuch as Harriman has al-
ready spoken on that side of the ques-
tion, the chairman of the committee has
v,io right to discuss that side of the ques-
tion at this time.
ab DEL. HILLQUIT: Which side of the
4 luestion?
I THE CHAIRMAN: What you are flo-
Dl ng. The committee's position has already
Jaeen stated.
o, DEL. HILLQUIT: In support of my ap-
d jeal I will say that I do not know of any
:oi procedure by which the Chairman can
i)lace a delegate, not a member of the
ommittee, to state the position of the
I do not know of anything
the Chairman which would
„, jommittee.
j. stated by
, show that by any act or assent I had
n ivaived the right of the committee to be
, leard last on the subject. On the con-
trary, it is admitted that we had a spe-
;ific agreement that I should have the
ast word on the subject; and I claim,
Comrades, since there have been so many
nsinuations against the action of the
jommittee in submitting that report to
/on, it is no more than fair that you
should hear from the committee on the
nodification and on tlie meaning of this
slause.
Tbe appeal was sustained and the de-
jision of the Chair reversed.
A "DELEGATE: Now that Comrade
'rlillquit is speaking on this section as
imended, , will one delegate who is in
favor of the report as it originally stood,
De allowed to speak on it.
THE CHAIRMAN: No; the action of
:he committee in accepting Garver's
imendment takes the original paragraph
put of the discussion of the convention.
DEL. HDLLQUIT: It is important that
we get to understand each other before
pve take a vote.
I wish to call your attention to the
act that an attempt has been made here
\o interpret the language before you as
ipplying only to the Socialist party plat-
orm, in other words, several delegates
lave stated that all those who favor or
idvocate crime, sabotage, or other meth-
)ds of violence as a weapon in the work-
ns? ' class struggle, may advocate this
nethod in union meetings, but not on a
Socialist party platform. I want it to
xo on record that there is no such un-
lerstandins: of the committee which
Irafted this clause, as far as I know. It
rohibits the advocacy of crime or sabo-
:asre or violence as a method of working
lass struggle, under any and all cir-
umstances, and everywhere. We cannot
De Socialists within the Socialist party
tnd anarchists on other occasions. I wish
irou to understand that, while you vote
pn it. There has been an assertion here
hat in adopting or approving this clause,
we attempt to dictate to the working
lass or to the labor movement, the use
:>f its methods or weapons. We do not.
We are dealing here with members of
pur own party and with no one else. We
■nerely attempt to lay down a rule as to
tvho shall be qualified to hold member-
hip in this political^ organization of ours.
We do not attempt to prescribe anything
o labor unions.
Some comrades also claim that the
mere mention of sabotage, violence and
rime would lead to the imputation that
he Socialist members may be advocating
that. That is why they want it stricken
out. How about the paragraph we ha,
just adopted, prohibiting distinction o.
race, color, creed, etc. Why didn't they
raise an objection then? Why didn't they
move to strike that out for fear it might
otherwise be supposed that the Socialists
^have race or class or religious prejudices;
I will state furthermore, comrades, of
the labor unions; let us be frank with
each other on the subject. If there had
not been any Socialists advocating these
measures we would not be discussing it
here now. Is it a pure accident that all
these comrades who think the word "sa-
botage" irrelevant, happen to.be the same
who may perhaps be suspected of a fond-
ness for these matters? I know person-
ally of instances where prominent mem-
bers of the party on public platforms did
advocate just these things. Everyone of
you knows. Why hide from it? I fear
that our self-styled revolutionary com-
rades haven't always grot the courage of
their convictions. Why, comrades, if
this is so absolutely improper for a
Socialist constitution, why don't you
simply vote against it? Why do you
want to strike out the section entirely?
Why don't you put it to the test? Why
don't you stand up for it?
Now, comrades I will say this: This
is an exceedingly serious matter and
should not be straddled. Vote it up
or vote it down, but express yourselves
on it. It has taken this movement about
thirty-five years to come to the point
where we are beginning at last to see
the fruit of a generation's work, and I
say, i£ there is one thing in this coun-
try that "cair--»^w , -^ch*eckr"*'or2: disrupt the
SocTalIsF~Tn~b'vemenT, it is not the capi-
talist class, it is not the Catholic Church;
it^OanrT "own injudicious friends from
within.
DeL Cumbie of Oklahoma moved that
the vote be taken by roll call. Carried.
On motion of Del. Bruce of Pennsyl-
vania, the delegates in the corridor were
notified that there was to be a vote by
roll call.
DEL. CAREY (Mass.): Three of the
Massachusetts delegates are compelled to
leave in fifteen minutes, and we would
like to be recorded.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will rule
that in the calling of the roll, the call
will be made by states and the spokes-
man of each state will record the vote.
The decision of the Chair was appealed
from, and reversed.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is to
strike out the whole paragraph, Section
6 of Article II; that is the question be-
fore the house. The vote yes, strikes
it out. To vote no, does not strike it
out; it retains it.
DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): If we vote no,
not to strike out, does that mean that
the word "sabotage" is stricken out?
THE CHAIRMAN: I will make this
ruling: The vote is on the committee's
recommendation which fncludes the word
"sabotage." The substitute motion is to
strike out tfie whole section. You either
strike it out or you do not strike it out.
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): Is it the under-
standing of the Chair that this vote will
be succeeded by another vote on the
adoption of the committee's report? We
want to know whether there will be an
onportunity to vote for the adoption of
the report as originally presented.
THE CHAIRMAN: Except later by
agreement? No.
$2
/
r mr
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
t . The
roll call was then taken and re-
ulted as follows:
Ala.
Ariz.
Ark.
Cal.
Yes.
Erma H. Allen
Ida Callery
Dan Hogan
Colo.
Conn.
Dela.
D. of C.
Fla.
Ga.
Ida.
111.
Fred Stanley
A. F. Castlebury
G. W. Beloit
J. O. Bentall
J. R. Burge
J. C. Sjoden
F. T. Maxwell
Ind.
Iowa
Kan.
Ky.
La.
Me.
Md.
Mass.
Jas. Baxter
Margaret D. Brown
Lee W. Lang
Oscar H. Blase
A. W. Ricker
Geo. D. Brewer
S. M. Stallard
J. R. Jones
C. W. Staub
No.
G. L. Cox
E. Johnson
A. R. Finks
J. A. C. Meng
A. E. Briggs
E. A. Cantrell
G. W. Downing
Mary E. Garbutt
Job Harriman
E. H. Mizner
R. A. Maynard
A. W. Harris
E. L. Reguin
N. A. Richardson
H. C. Tuck
J. W. Wells
F. C. Wheeler
Ethel Whitehead
T. W. Williams
J. Stitt Wilson
Frank E. Wolfe
H. C. Wright
W. P. Collins
A. H. Floaten
Mary L. Geffs
Thos. M. Todd
John Troxell
S. E. Beardsley
E. Berger
E. P. Clarke
Chas. T. Peach
Jasper McLevy
F. A. Houck
W. J. Ghent
J. S. Alexander
C. C. Allen
Thos. Coonrod
S. W. Motley
I. F. Stewart
B. Berlyn
L. F. Haemer
J. C. Kennedy
M. E. Kirkpatrlck
Geo. Koop
J. P. Larsen
Caroline A. Lowe
Mary O'Reilly
W. E. Rodriguez
Seymour Stedman
G. N. Taylor
Guy Underwood
S. S. Condo
W. W. Farmer
Janet Fenimore
S. C. Garrison
W. H. Henry
James Oneal
S. M. Reynolds
Wm. Sheffler
Florence Wattles
J. J. Jacobspn
I. S. McCrillis
May Wood-Simons
Benj. F. Wilson
Chas. Dobbs
W. Lanfersiek
Geo. A. England
A. E. Hartlg
Dr. J. Rosett
James F. Carey
Alex. Coleman
Chas. E. Fenner
J. M. Caldwell
Robert Lawrence
Patrick Mahoney
Rose Fenner
G. E. Roewer, Jr.
Dan A. White
John Ohsol
Mich.
Miss.
Mo.
Mont.
Neb.
Nev.
N. H.
N. J.
N. M.
N. Y.
N. C.
N. D.
Ohio
Okla
Yes.
Jas. Hoogerhyde
H. S. McMaster
Etta Menton
J. H. McFarland
Marietta F. Fournier
Morris Kaplan
J. G. Maatala
A. O. Devoid
Lewis J. Duncan
C. A. Smith
Jacob M. Kruse
James B. Scott
P. H. Christian
C. J. Cosgrove
W. B. Killingbeck
Gustave Theimer
Henry Slobodin
E. Lindgren
Albert Pauly
Benj. T. Tiller
J. L. Bachman
M. J. Beery
Wm. Bessemer
Max Boehm
T. Clifford
D. Lewis Davis
D. J. Farrell
E. J. Jones
W. Hinkle
F. N. Prevey
Dan McCarten
Wm. Patterson
Edgar E. Powell
Marguerite Prevey
Chas. M. Priestap
C. E. Ruthenberg
Anna Storck
Lawrence A. Zitt
John G. Wills
No.
Frank Aaltonen
Guy H. Lockwoo
J. A. C. Menton
J. H. Grant
Nels S. Hillman
J. S. Ingalls
Olaus Jacobson
T. E. Latimer
David Morgan
Jay E. Nash
O. S. Watkins
M. E. Fritz
E. T. Behrens
Wm. L. Garver
Caleb Lipscomb
Geo. W. O'Dam
Otto Vierling
W. N A. War*
Fred J. Warren
C. R. Oyler
Clyde J. Wright
Grant Miller
John P. Burke
Wm. A. McCall j
M. C. Jones
George H. Gpebel
Harry F. Kopp
Frederick Krafft
James M. Reilly
J. B. Lang
C. J. Ball, Jr.
Fred Bennetts
Theresa Malkiel
William Burckle
Jas. A. Mansett
Edward F. Cassid
Wm. E. Duffy
Otto L. Endres
C. L. Furman
Morris Hillquit
Algernon Lee
Meyer London
Herbert M. Merri!
Clinton H. Pierce
G. Rothmund
Chas. E. Russell
H. A. Simmons
U. Solomon
Gustave A. Strebt
Joshua Wanhope
A. E. Bowen, Jr.
Robert Grant
Chas. D. Kelso
Arthur LeSueur
Max S. Hayes
F. G. Strickland
Ernest Schilling
O. F. Branstetter
Allen Fields
J. T. Cumbie
R. E. Dooley
L. B. Irvin
Patrick S. Nagle
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
Yes.
M. E. Dorfman
John Hayden
Tom J. Lewis
Floyd C. Ramp
C. W. Sherman
L. R. Bruce
Gertrude B. Hunt
C. W. Ervin
F. H. Merrick
Edward Moore
William Parker
C. F. Foley
A. G. Ward
No.
Geo. E. Owen
Oscar Ameringer
M. F. Parker
George W. Bacon
J. Mahlon Barnes
Cora M. Bixler
Dan M. Caldwell
Anna Cohen
Jos. E. Cohen
Frank A. Davis
Lewis Goaziou
Robert J. Wheeler
R. L. Grainger
James C. Hogan
W. A. Prosser
C. A. Maurer
J. H. Maurer
R. B. Ringler
John W. Slayton
David Williams
L. B. Wilson, Jr.
John C. Young
I Not Voting
C. Wm. Eberhard
D. Benjamin Dempsey
nn. C. G. Harold
xas Ed. A. Green Richey Alexander
Thos. A. Hickey Geo. C. Edwards
Ernest R. Meitzen Chas. A. Byrd
Will S. Noble L. L. Rhodes
J. C. Rhodes M. A. Smith
J. C. Thompson
B. Williams
Homer P. Burt
James A. Smith
Wm. M. Wesley
John Spargo
G. M. Norris
ash. Leslie E. Aller Edwin J. BroWn
Adam H. Barth Wm. H. Way nick
Frans Bostrom Emma D. Cory
Kate Sadler H. C. Cupples
Samuel Sadler Anna A. Maley
Hulet M. Wells Henry Hensefer
. Va. H. W. Houston . C. H. Boswell
E. H. Kintzer
Victor L. Berger
is. Dan W. Hoan
W. R. Gay lord
W. A. Jacobs
Thomas Minklein
Emil Seidel
Eliz. H. Thomas
Carl D. Thompson
jro. Paul J. Paulsen Antony Carlson
J. Suaja
The motion to strike out was declared
5t, the vote standing 90 for to 191
ainst. „ _
On motion of Del. Brewer of Kansas,
e original motion to adopt the report
made by the committee, was put and
rried. _
THE CHAIRMAN: The hour set by the
les of the convention, for adjournment,
s arrived, and unless there is a motion
sxispend the rules
DEL. CALDWELL (Mass.): I move that
e rules be suspended and that we pro-
ed to the regular order of business for
lich this convention was called, the
mination for candidates of President
d Vice-President of the United States.
DEL. BERGER: I rise to a point of
der and I want a ruling upon it. Under
e rules we adjourn at 5:30, and the
3tion just made is not in a nature to
spend the rules. It requires a two-
irds vote to suspend.
DEL. WARD (Miss.): I move that we
journ to 8 o'clock.
The motion was put and lost.
NOMINATIONS.
DEL. BARTH: I move that the con-
vention suspend the rules and proceed to
the nomination of candidates for Presi-
dent and Vice-President of the United
States.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before
the house is that we proceed to nominate.
It was moved to amend that the con-
vention continue in session until the
nominations have been completed.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion now be-
fore the house is that we proceed to
nominate candidates for President and
Vice-President.
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): And that the
roll of states be called and each state be
given a chance to nominate.
THE CHAIRMAN: It is moved that the
roll be called and each state be given an
opportunity to make its nominations.
The motion was carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion as
amended is before you, that we suspend
the rules and proceed to the nominations
of candidates for President and Vice-
President of the United States, that the
roll of States be called and each state
given an opportunity to name its candi-
date, and that the convention remain. In
session until the nominees shall have been
selected.
DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): There are dele-
gations that are divided.
(Cries of "Nominate them all.")
THE CHAIRMAN: When a state Is
called any delegate will have an oppor-
tunity to nominate a candidate. Any state
not wishing to nominate or electing to
give their time to some other state may
do so.
The roll call for nominations for can-
didates for President of the United States
was then had and resulted in the nomina-
tion of Eugene V. Debs, Emil Seidel and
Charles Edward Russell.
A DELEGATE: It has been circulated
in the hall that Gene Debs is in physi-
cal ill health. I want to know whether
■ there is any truth in that report?
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): A point of
order. The rule prohibits nominating
speeches but does not prohibit, and on
the contrary encourages the discussion of
nominees and their respective merits and
availability when the nominations are
completed.
THE CHAIRMAN: Nominating speeches
will not be allowed.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): A point of T5r-
der. If we can not make nominating
speeches we can discuss the respective
merits of the candidates.
DEL. MILLER (Nev.): I have been as-
sured by a dozen men that Debs is all
right.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules that
no nominating speeches or discussions of
the merits of candidates is in order under
the rules of the convention.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I appeal from the
ruling of the Chair.
THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: State the
ground of the appeal.
(Cries of "roll call.")
THE CHAIRMAN: The delegates will
be in order. We will hear the appeal.
DEL. HILLQUIT: You will not howl
me down. I have taken an appeal from
the Chair for this reason: A motion was
made to cut out nominating speeches, and
for a very good reason, because nominat-
ing speeches are in most instances of such
a character as to turn the convention
from a deliberative body into a howling
/
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
mob. But I claim there is no word in
the rule against the discussion of the
merits of the candidates, and on the con-
trary if we want to carry out the spirit
of the rule in not making nominating
speeches which is that we want to be a
deliberative, sensible body, then I claim
that I have the right to discuss on the
floor of the convention whether one or
the other of the members whose names
have been placed before us would be the
best standard bearer for the Socialist
party. I claim that I owe this to my con-
stituents who have instructed me on this
matter.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair stands
simply on the rules of the convention and
their interpretation in what he believes
to have been the spirit of those rules.
The motion to sustain the Chair w
carried.
It was then moved and seconded th
the roll call be made of the individu
delegates. The motion was carried.
A DELEGATE: How are we to kno
that Comrade Debs will accept?
DEL. BERGER: Before we vote
ought to know whether Comrade De
will accept.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question h
been asked whether there is any certain
whether Comrade Debs will accept til
nomination. It is stated positively tha
he will by people who claim to knou
what they are talking about.
DEL. BERGER: Do they?
THE CHAIRMAN: They do.
The roll call on the vote upon the noral-
nations was then had as follows:
Alabama —
Arizona —
Arkansas —
California —
Colorado —
Connecticut-
Georgia—
Delaware—
d. of a—
Florida —
Idaho — >
Illinois-
Indiana/—
ROLL CALL FOR NOMINATIONS FOR PRESIDENT.
DEBS.
G. L. Cox
E. H. Allen
E. Johnston
Ida Callery
Dan Hogan
J. A. C. Meng
A. R. Finks
Edw. A. Cantrell
H. C. Tuck
H. E. Wright
W. P. Collins
Mary L. Geffs
Thomas M. Todd
John Troxell
Iowa —
Fred Stanley
G. W. Beloit
Thos. J. Coonrod
Sidney W. Motley
Isaac F. Stewart
J. 0. Bentall
Joseph R. Burge
Louis F. Haemer
John C. Sjoden
Caroline A. Lowe
J. C. Kennedy
M. E. Kirkpatrick
Geo. Koop
George North Taylor
■>3J\ T. Maxwell
Guy Underwood
S. S. Condo
W. W. Farmer
Janet Fenimore
Stephen C. Garrison
Wm. H. Henry
-James Oneal
S. M. Reynolds
William Sheffler
Florence Wattles
Jas. Baxter
Lee W. Lang
SEIDEL.
A. E. Briggs
Geo. W. Downing
■ Job Harriman
E. H. Mizner
R. A. Maynard
A. W. Harris
Ernest L. Reguin
N. A. Richardson
J. W. Wells
Fred C. Wheeler
Ethel Whitehead
Thos. W. Williams
-J. Stitt Wilson
Frank E. Wolfe
A. F. Castleberry
Frank A. Hcuck
•W. J. Ghent
C. C. Allen
Jas. P. Larsen
Mary O'Reilly
W. E. Rodriguez
John J. Jacobsen
Margaret D. Brown
Irving S. McCrillls
RUSSELL.
Mary E. Garbutt
A. H. Floaten
S. E. Beardsley
Ernest Berger
E. P. Clark
Chas. T. Peach
Jasper McLevy
Bernard Berlyn
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, ills
Kansas —
Kentucky —
Louisiana —
Maine —
Maryland —
Massachusetts —
Michigan —
Minnesota-
Mississippi-
Missouri—
Montana-
Nebraska —
Nevada-
DEBS.
Oscar H. Bias*
Geo. D. Brewer
A. W. Ricker
May Wood-Simons
S. M. Stallard
Benj. F. Wilson
Chas. Dobbs
Walter Lanferslsk
J. R. Jones
Alex Coleman
Chas. E. Fenner
J. M. Caldwell
Dan A. White
Rose Fenner
J. G. Ohsol
Frank Aaltonen
Jas. Hoogerhyde
Guy H. Lockwood
H. S. McMaster
Etta Menton
J. A. C. Menton
Jas. H. McFarland
Marietta E. Fournier
John H. Grant
J. S,Ingalls
Olaus Jacobson
Morris Kaplan
Thos. E. Latimer
J. G. Maattala
A. O. Devoid
O. S. Watkins
M. E. Fritz
Lewis J. Duncan
Clarence A. Smith
Jacob M. Kruse
James B. Scott
Fred J. Warren
C. R. Oyler
Clyde J. Wright
Grant Miller
■XIDSL.
JtUSSXLL.
Nels S. Hillman
David Morgan
Jay F. Nash
E. T. Behrens
Wm. L. Garver
Caleb Lipscomb
George W. O'Dam
Otto Vierling
W. A. Ward
New Hampshire — John P. Burke
Wm. A. McCall
New Jersey
New Mexico-
New York—
J. R. Jones
Christopher J. Cosgrove
George H. Goebel
W. B. Killingbeck
Harry F. Kopp
James M. Reilly
Gustave Theimer
J. B. Lang
E. Lindgren
Albert Pauly
Frederick Kraflt
North Carolina —
North Dakota — A. E. Bowen, Jr
Robert Grant
Chas. D. Kelso
Arthur LeSueur
Geo. A. England
Chas. B. Backman
Dr. J. Rosett
C. W. Staub
Robt. Lawrence
G. E. Roewer, Jr.
Philip H. Christian
Hsnry Slobodln
C. J. Ball, Jr.
Fred Bennetts
Theresa Malkiel
Wm. Burckle
Jas. A. Mansett
*~Ed. F. Cassidy
Wm. E. Duffy
Otto L. Endrea
C. L. Furman
-Morris Hillquit
.-Algernon Lee
-Meyer London
H. M. Merrill
C. K. Pierce
G. Rothmund
H. A. Simmons
U. Solomon
Gustave A. Strebel
Joshua Wanhope
Benjamin T. Tiller
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Oklahoma-
Oregon —
Pennsylvania —
Rhode Island —
South Carolina-
South Dakota —
Tennessee —
Texas—
DEBS.
Jacob L. Bachman
M. J. Beery
Wm. Bessemer
Max Boehm
T. Clifford
D. J. Farrell
Edw. J. Jones
F. N. Prevey
Dan McCarten -
Wm. Patterson
E. E. Powell
Marguerite Prevey
C. M. Priestap
**U. E. Ruthenberg
Anna K. Storck
Lawrence A. Zitt
John G. Wills
M. F. Barker
Maurice E. Dorfman
John Hayden
Tom J. Lewis
Floyd C. Ramp
C. W. Sherman
G. W. Bacon
J. M. Barnes
Cora Mae Bixler
Leroy R. Bruce
Anna Cohen
Jos. E. Cohen
Lewis Goaziou
Richard L. Grainger
James C. Hogan
Gertrude B. Hunt
■ J. H. Maurer
C. W. Irvin
F. H. Merrick
Edward Moore
Wm. Parker
C. F. Foley
J. W. SI ay ton
A. G. Ward
R. J. Wheeler
David Williams
John C. Young
James P. Reid
E. W. Theinert
Utah-
Vermont —
Virginia-
Washington —
West Virginia-
Wisconsin —
Wyoming —
C. G. Harold
Ed. A. Green
T. A. Hickey
E. R. Meitzen
W. S. Noble
J. C. Rhodes
L. L. Rhodes
M. A. Smith
J. C. Thornpsom
B. Williams
G. M. Norris
L. E. Aller
A. H. Barth
Frans Bostrom
Emma D. Cory
Kate Sadler
Samuel Sadler
Hulet M. Wells
C. H. Boswell
H. W. Houston
E. H. Kintzer
Antony Carlson
Paul J. Paulsen
J. Suaja
SEIDEL.
D. L. Davis
M. S. Hayes
F. G. Strickland
RUSSELL.
W. Hinkle
O. Ameringer
Otto F. Branstetter
R. E. Dooley
Patrick S. Nagle
Geo. E. Owen
Allen Fields
J. T. Cumbie
L. B. Irvin
E. Schilling
Dan M. Caldwell
Frank A. Davij
*Chas. H. Maurer
L. B. Wilson, Jr.
W. A. Prosser
Wm. Eberhard
R. Alexander
G. C. Edwards
C. A. Byrd
B. Dempsey
H. P. Burt
J. A. Smith
W. M. Wesley
John Spargo
E. J. Brown
W. H. Waynick
H. C. Cupples
Henry Hensefer
^Victor L. Berger
Dan W. Hoan
W. R. Gaylord
W. A. Jacobs
T. Minklein
Elizabeth H. Thomas
Carl D. Thompson
Emll Seldel
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
141
The roll call showed the following re-
sults:
Eugene V. Debs, 165; Emil Seidel, 56;
Charles Edward Russell, 54.
DEL. SEIDEL (Wis.): I wish to thank
those that cast their votes for Seidel, as
suggested by Wisconsin, for the confi-
dence that they have placed in the Wis-
consin spirit. On the other hand, in be-
half of Mrs. Seidel, I wish to thank those
who have voted against me, because Mrs.
Seidel wished that I should not be nomi-
nated. I desire to make a motion at this
time, which I believe will be seconded
by Comrade Russell, that we make the
nomination of Comrade Debs unanimous.
DEL. RUSSELL (N. Y.): I never had
greater joy in my life than I have when
I second that motion.
On the motion being put the nomina-
tion of Comrade Debs was made unani-
mous. >.
DEL. BERLYN (111.): I move that a
despatch be sent to Comrade E. V. Debs
notifying him on his nomination.
It was so ordered.
DEL. SPARGO: I move that we now
proceed with the nomination for Vice-
President in the same manner that we
nominated for President.
The motion was carried.
The roll call on nominations for Vice-
President and resulted in the nomination
of Dan Hogan, J. W. Slayton and Emil
Seidel.
DEL. RUSSELL (N. Y.): In order to
save the time of this convention which
has now grown somewhat valuable, let
me say that for reasons which I can
state but which I would prefer not to
state, it will be impossible for me to
accept this nomination, although I ap-
preciate very much the kindness of those
who have urged it upon you.
All of the nominees declined except
Delegates Seidel, Slayton and Hogan.
The roll was then called for the selec-
tion of the vice-presidential candidate.
\
Alabama-
Arizona—
Arkansas-
California —
HOGAN.
Ida Callery
J. A. C. Meng
A. R. Finks
Ernest L. Reguin
NOMINATIONS FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.
SLAYTON.
Coloradc
Connecticut-
Delaware—
D. of. C.—
Florida-
Georgia —
Idaho — ■
Illinois-
Illinois—*
Fred Stanley
G. W. Belolt
I. F. Stewart
J. O. Bentall
Indian
SEIDEL.
G. L. Cox
Erma Hyatt
E. Johnson
A. E. Brigga
E. A. Cantrell
G. W. Downing
Mary E. Garbutt
Job Harriman
E. H. Mizner
R. A. Maynard
A. W. Harris
N. A. Richardson
H. C. Tuck
J. W. Wells
Fred C. Wheeler
Ethel Whitehead
T. W. Williams
J. S. Wilson
Frank E. Wolfe
H. E. Wright
W. P. Collins
A. H. Floaten
Mary L,. Geffs
Thos. M. Todd
John Troxell
Sam E. Beardsley
Ernest Berger
E. P. Clarke
Chas. T. Peach
Jasper McLevy
Frank A. Houck
W. J. Ghent
A. F. Castleberry
T. J. Coon rod
S. W. Motley
Bernard Berlyn
J. R. Burge
J. C. Sjoden
J. C. Kennedy
M. E. Klrkpatrlck
George Koop
James P. Larsen
Caroline A. Lowe
F. T. Maxwell
Mary O'Reilly
W. E. Rodriguez
Seymour Stedman
G. N. Taylor
Guy Underwood
Samuel Condo
W. W. Farmer
Janet Fenimore
S. C. Garrison
143
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
HOGAN.
■LATTON.
Iowa—
Kamai —
Kentucky —
Louisiana —
Maine — ■
Maryland —
Massachusetts —
Michigan —
Minnesota-
Oscar H. Blase
Geo. D. Brewer
S. M. Stallard
Charles E. Fenner
Rose Fenner
Frank Aaltonen
Jas. Hoogerhyde
Guy H. Lockwood
H. S. McMaster
Etta Menton
Jas. H. McFarland
Mississippi—*
Missouri—
Montana-
Nebraska-
Lewla J. Duncan
Clarence A. Smith
Jacob M. Kruse
James B. Scott
Philip H. Christian
Nevada-
New Hampshire — J. P. Burke
New Jersey — C. J. Cosgrove
W. B. Killingbeck
New Mexico —
New York —
Not Voting
Henry Slobodln
Theresa Malkiel
E. Lindgren
Albert Pauly
North Carolina-
North Dakota —
Ohio-
Jacob L. Bachman
M. J. Beery
Wm. Bessemer
Max Borhm
T. Clifford
Demlniak J. rarrell
A. W. Ricker
A. R. Hartig
C. W. Staub
J. M. Caldwell
J. A. C. Menton
W. A. McCall
Fred Bennetta
C. L. Furman
Clinton H. Pierca
G. Rothmund
Arthur LieSueur
F. G. Strickland
SEIDEL.
Wm. H. Henry
S. M. Reynolda
Wm. Sheffler
Florence Wattles
Margaret D. Brown
J. J. Jacobsen
Lee W. Lang
Irving S. McCrillis
Benj. F. Wilson
May Wood-Simons
Chas. Dobbs
J. R. Jones
G. A. England
Dr. J. Rosett
Alex. Coleman
Robt. Lawrence
G. E. Roewer, Jr.
Dan A. White
J. G. Ohsol
M. F. Fournier
J. H. Grant
N. S. Hillman
J. S. Ingalls
Olaus Jacobson
Morris Kaplan
Thos. E. Latimer
J. G. Maattala
David Morgan
Jay E. Nash
A. O. Devoid
O. S. Watkins
M. E. Fritz
E. T. Behrena
W. L. Garver
C. Lipscomb
G. W. O'Dam
Otto Vierling
W. A. Ward
F. J. Warre»
C. R. Oyler
Grant Miller
J. R. Jonea
H. F. Kopp
F. Krafft
J. M. Rellly
Gustave Thelmer
Wm. Burckle
Jas. A. Mansett
E. F. Cassldy
Wm. L. Duffy
O. L. Endres
Morris Hillquit
Algernon Lee
Meyer London
H. M. Merrill
C. E. Russell
H. A. Simmoni
U. Solomon
G. A. Strebel
J. Wanhope
B. T. Tiller
A. E. Bowen, Jr.
Robert Grant
Chas. D. Kelso
D. L. Davia
M. S. Hayes
W. Hinkle
Marguerite Prevay
AFTERNOON SESSION. MAY 17. 1912
HOGAN.
E. J. Jones
P. N. Prevey
Wm. Patterson
Chas. M. Priestap
C. E. Ruthenberg
Anna K. Storck
Lawrence A. Zitt
Dan McCartan
:Iahoma —
•egon—
Tom J. Lewis
mnsylvania —
Leroy R. Bruce
James C. Hogan
C. W. Ervin
F. H. Merrick
Wm. Parker
A. G. Ward
R. J. Wheeler
node Island —
>. Carolina —
». Dakota — ■
Benjamin Dempsey
jnnessee —
C. G. Harold
ixas —
E. A. Green
T. A. Hickey
E. R. Meitzen
W. S. Noble
J. C. Rhodes
L. L. Rhodes
M. A. Smith
J. C. Thompson
B. William
tah —
Wm. M. Wesley
ermont—
irginia — •
Washington —
Leslie E. Aller
A. H. Barth
Frans Bostrom
Kate Sadler
Samuel Sadler
rest Va.—
H. W. Houston
Wisconsin-—
Emil Seidel
SLAYTON.
G. W. Bacon
Dan M. Caldwell
Frank A. Davis
Lewis Goaziou
Chas. A. Maurer
R. B. Ringler
John C. Young
James P. Reld
E. W. Theinert
Hulet M. Wells
E. H. Kintzer
SEIDEL.
Tyoming-
Paul J. Paulsen
J. Suaja
E. Schilling
O. F. Branstetter
S. T. Cumbie
R. E. Dooley
L. B. Irvin
P. S. Nagle
G. E. Owen
Oscar Ameringer
M. F. Barker
J. G. Wills
M. E. Dorfman
J. Hayden
F. C. Ramp
C. W. Sherman
Cora M. Bixler
J. E. Cohen
R. L. Grainger
Jas. H. Maurer
J. W. Slayton
David Williams
L. B. Wilson, Jr.
W. A. Prosser
Wm. Eberhard
Richey Alexander
G. C. Edwards
C. A. Byrd
John Spargo
G. M. Norris
E. J. Brown
W. H. Wing
Emma D. Cory
H. C. Cupples
Anna A. Maley
Henry Henseler
C. H. Boswell
Dan W. Hoan
W. R. Gay lord
W. A. Jacobs
Thos. Minklein
Elizabeth H. Thomas
C. D. Thompson
Antony Carlson
143
The result of the roll call was an-
Gunced as follows: Emil Seidel, 159;
>an Hogan, 73; John W. Slayton, 24.
DEL. HOGAN: Appreciating the unex-
ected honcxr given me by the 73 com-
ities who voted for me for the second
lace on the ticket I move that the nomi-
ation of Emil Seidel be made unani-
10US.
DEL. SLAYTON: I need not repeat
fhat Comrade Hogan has said. The honor
o me is not quite so large in numbers,
ut then he is a larger man. I second
he motion to make the nominution of
,'omrade Seidel unanimous.
•The motion was unanimously carried.
A DELEGATE: I move that we ad-
ourn and join the parade.
DEL. SPARGO: With all deference to
ae local comrades that have arranged this
•arade, I submit that parading the streets
a less important to the party than doing
the business for which we have been
called together. Most of us have arranged
so that we must get through tomorrow
night. Some of our most important com-
mittees' have not yet reported. We have
still the immigration matter and three-
quarters of the Constitution to adopt. I
move as an amendment that we adjourn
until 9:30 o'clock tonight.
At this point there were cries for a
speech from Comrade Seidel, who at the
request of the Chairman took the plat-
form.
DEL. SEIDEL: I do not intend to de-
lay you for any length of time. But I
want to make it clear to you that I shall
do everything in my power to give the
opposition, the capitalist parties, as warm
a fight as they have ever had. From what
I know of Comrade Deb- I believe that
he will be heart and so»il with me in this.
The little differences that we have had
144
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
on tne floor of the convention only con-
cern themselves with questions of tac-
tics. Let me say that I believe that the
Washington comrades as well as the Cali-
fornia comrades and the comrades of Ohio,
as well as those of Pennsylvania, New
York and Wisconsin, all stand together
for that one big thing, the final abolition
of this wage slave system. We differ a
little bit in the way of getting there. We
of Wisconsin believe that we should try
to do everything that we can to strength-
en our class. Some of the other com-
rades, quite as sincere, believe that we
dissipate our forces if we pay any atten-
tion to the immediate questions before us.
But whatever our differences on that line
let us see that the enemy get no comfort
out of those differences. While I believe in
fighting for the immediate things, as well
as the ultimate goal let me say that I
stand squarely on the platform. Every
one of the Wisconsin comrades hopes and
works, and those that pray, pray for the
final and absolute dissolution of this wage
system, for the day when we may see
the manhood and womanhood made free to
develop into a higher and better man-
hood and womanhood. We hope for that
and we all work for that. When thia
convention is over let us go out and be-
gin the fight. Let us show the enemy
that there is the same spirit of liberty
In our ranks; let them understand that
they cannot yet have everything their
own way; le't them understand that the
American working class is developing its
Intelligence, is growing in strength nu-
merically and that the day is rapidly
coming when that Working class will get
control of all that it shduld control i
get for itself all that it produces.
Now I am not going to make a c<
palgn speech here. We must reserve
strength for the enemy. We must
fight each other too hard in the few
maining hours, but reserve our stren
for the enemy. Let us have our li
squabbles, and when we are through v
them get together and pitch right 1
the middle of the battle.
I want to thank you one and all
this vote of confidence that you have <
for a Wisconsin nominee, for I don't c
sider it a personal victory; but I do pr<
ise you that everything that I can do si
be done to make this next campaign
liveliest fight the enemy has ever kno
I thank you one and all.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question \
before the house is on the motion of C<
rade Spargo that we adjourn to meet
nine o'clock tonight.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): Is it unc
stood that we may also take part in
parade?
THE CHAIRMAN: You may <!o ti
you please about the parade.
DEL. BESSEMER: If a parade has h
arranged it is discourteous to the 1<
committee to ignore them. I move
amend that we meet at 8:30 for the
rade and to hear speeches from our pi
idential and vice-presidential Candida
at the end of which time we shall resi
the business of the convention.
The amendment as offered by Deleg
Bessemer was carried and the convem
adjourned to meet at 8:30 o'clock.
EVENING SESSION.
Chairman Duncan called the convention
to order at 8:30 p. m.
Consideration of the report of the Com-
mittee on Constitution.
CONSTITUTION.
Article III of the Constitution was read
by the Secretary, and there being no ob-
jection it was adopted.
Article IV was read.
DEL. RUTHENBERG (Ohio): I move
that the words "shall consist of the State
Secretaries of all organized states and
territories" be stricken out and the
words "or major fraction thereof" be in-
serted after "3,000 members." (Seconded.)
In order to get the amendment clear, I
simply want to return to the former sec-
tion, Article IV, Section 1. If the Secre-
tary will take the old Constitution. I will
read it so as to make it clear: "Sec. 1.
Each organized state or territory shall be
represented on the National Committe by
one member and by an addition member
for every 2,000 members or major frac-
tion thereof in good standing in the par-
ty." The object of this amendment is to
take the State Secretaries off the Na-
tional Committee. I do not believe it is
good policy to make the State Secretaries
members of our National Committee.
When we select a man in a state to serve
us as State Secretary, we select him be-
cause of his executive ability and not par-
ticularly because of his knowledge in re-
gard to the organization at large in the
entire country. And I submit that the
average State Secretary, at least in a
state where there is a large organization
such as we have in Ohio, is too busy to
keep in touch with and study the affairs
national organization, because his
hands are full with the affairs of the 1<
organization. I do not believe we she
elect a man to one office and impose
him the duties of another office,
should select our National Committeei
because we think they are fitted for 1
office, and not for State Secretary, as
provision which the committee has s
mitted to us implies. I believe, theref
that we should return to the old provit
and strike out the reference to State £
retaries.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I wish to s
port the amendment of the comrade cfj
gate from Ohio. Further on in this C
stitution large and extended and imj
tant powers are given to the Natk
Committee, if the proposals of the Of
mittee carry, and I believe that it is
the greatest importance that the n*
able and qualified men in each state, J
that are intimate with the whole m<j
ment, not only of the state, but of
nation, should find their way eventui
to the National Committee. Hitherto, }
National Committee of our party has 1}
comparatively a perfunctory body. 7
duties may be specified, but* they h
been formal duties. They have not
responsibility placed upon them. By 1
new Constitution, the intention is to m
the National Committee the real adnr
istrative body of the Socialist party. N
in some states — in all our states — we
looking more and more for the best qu
fled executives; men that can handle
tails: men that are intimate with all.
little things that arise in the state ad$
istration; men of capacity for local w<
In the State of California we have
cently revised our State Constitution
making our State Secretary appointive
I
EVENING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
145
ate Board of Control, and not elect-
>r the purpose of finding - a capable,
jtic, administrative official. I be-
hat it would be a misfortune to have
.e State Secretaries of the United
of America on the National Com-
s. I hope that the amendment of
elegate from Ohio will pass, and
ye will return to the old Constitu-
n this respect, with the change of
to 3,000 in order that it shall be
id to the growing conditions of the
j. SOLOMON (N. Y.): As one of the
Secretaries who, by virtue, of the
ions of this new Constitution, will
part of the National Committee, I
to support the amendment offered
mrade Ruthenberg. While I do not
with the comrade in so far as the
r of the State Secretaries and their
edge of the organization outside of
own state is concerned, at the same
[, nevertheless, fail to see any rea-
hatever why they ought necessarily
made members of the National Com-
j. I contend that in many places
tate Secretary, if he wishes to be a
er of the National Committee, can
> the election in his own state with-
iaking it necessary by a mere Con-
conal provision to make him a de
member of the committee, whether
ink and file of the state desire him
a member of the committee or not.
eve, in view of the extraordinary
to be conferred on the National
ittee, and the fact that this corn-
» is to become a real, active body
d of a mere figurehead under our
ization, it is very important to make
member of that committee elected
e referendum vote in their respect-
ates; and also in view of the fact
n some states, in fact the most im-
lt states, the State Secretary is not
d by referendum vote, but his mem-
p in the State Committee is subject
;all by the state, it is not a very
move to have him become a mem-
t the National Committee; because,
inderstand it, it is making the Na-
Committee elected by the rank and
ubject to recall by the rank and
nd from the fact that a number of
tate Secretaries are appointed in-
of being elected by th# rank and
is not very advisable to make them
|ers of the National Committee,
previous question was then or-
_ PANKIN (of the Jewish Agitation
u): I believe it a very unwise thing
l to make it mandatory by the Con-
>on that the state officers of the
in the different states shall consti-
he National Committee. It seems to
at the State Secretaries have suffi-
jwork to do in- their respective states
lit burdening them with the work of
ational Committee, and therefore I
favor of the amendment made by
ilegate from the state of Ohio that
ve a body entirely different from the
Secretaries to constitute the Na-
Committee. Let us not turn over
arty to the petty officers of the
Let us have it managed by the
jdes at large.
j. GOEBEL (N. J.): I want to beg
ja to go very slow in voting for the
Iment. As far as I am concerned
think I speak for every member of
>mmittee. If you adopt the amend-
we say to you, "Tear up the Con-
on. You have taken the heart out
Don't say no. For twelve years
Hillquit and certain other members, and
myself and certain other members have
been on opposite sides. Hillquit and oth-
ers have claimed in tlfe name of effi-
ciency that we wanted to do away with
a certain amount of the referendum. On
the other hand, I have always stood, and
others with me, for giving all power into
the hands of the rank and file. Now, we
compromised and we got together because
we thought we found a way of putting
the national organization into direct touch
and control of the rank and file, and at
the same time getting efficiency. Now,
you comrades and you State Secretaries,
you go slow before you vote in favor of
this amendment. Time and time again
we have had complaint of lack of har-
mony between the state offices and the
national offices. We have had open con-
flict, or we have had indifference on the
part of the State Secretaries. Under our
plan we make the state organization and
the national organization one as far as
being able to get in touch with each other
and understand each other. What do we
propose? Once a year a gathering of
those men, in the first place, that are
able to talk for their states because no
man in the state like the State Secretary
knows that movement in that state. He
knows the workers. The comrade who
proposed this amendment said they elect-
ed for their State Secretaries men of ex-
ecutive ability. That is exactly what we
are trying to put on this National Com-
mittee; not the men who happen, because
they are speakers or writers, to be the
best known in the state and be able to
get elected on the National Committee;
but the men that are on the job, the
Jimmy Higginses, the Billy Baxters, that
know the crowd because they are in touch
with the crowd, we want them on that
National Committee so that when they
meet once a year when it comes to the
question of routing speakers or the best
distribution of literature and a better way
of carrying on the work and getting
every possible dollar's worth of value for
every penny we spend, we will have a
man that can within a week go out of
that town and arrange a national meet-
ing, that will arrange for practically an
entire years' work and who will under-
stand the plan because he helped to make
the plan. . I beg you not to stand for this
amendment, because if you do stand for
this amendment you are only going back
to the time when every Tom, Dick and
Harry could be elected to the National
Committee and you did not know any-
thing about the condition of things. The
National Committeemen have the duties
of planning the general work. Yes, and
who can do it better than the State Sec-
retaries. What are their duties? To talk
to the men and women as National Secre-
taries, to run the party between meet-
ings, who is better acquainted, better able
to judge as to who will make a good Na-
tional Secretary than those men and those
women who as State Secretaries have
learned what a National Secretary ought
to be; people who know how to do it?
There is another thing we have in mind.
Gradually as this party develops we are
going to develop — not the speakers, for
we have speakers; not necessarily the
writers, but the fellows that know how
to organize and take the forces and put
them together. We are hoping that out
of this we will get a method of promot-
ing and bringing up the work and gradu-
ally developing it until we have experts
along every line. Now, as far as I am
concerned, I am only one and I have only
/ i46
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
v
the voice and influence of one; but hav-
ing sat on this committee and worked
over it as we have done in the commit-
tee, I want to say that when you adopt
the amendment I take no further heart in
the thing, because, now, we have taken
the old machine with the old inefficiency,
and in addition to that we have taken
the control of the national organization,
out of the rank and file; because the only
thing that connects that directly with the
rank and file, after all, are these State
Secretaries. They are in daily touch with
the rank and file. That was the rea»on
I was willing to accept it; that was the
reason Comrade Brewer was willing to
accept it; because we said these men are
right in touch with the rank and file. We
have through them a daily referendum, a
weekly referendum, a monthly referen-
dum. I beg of you to vote down the
amendment. You have appointed men to
do this work of revising the Constitution.
There is not a line there but what is re-
lated to every other line. We do not take
one paragraph by itself, we build this
thing like you build a house from the
basement to the roof. Try out the plan,
and if it don't work out in a year, then
it will be time to make the changes that
my comrade over there presents for you
to make. (Applause.)
The question was then put on the
amendment of Del. Ruthenberg, and the
amendment was lost by a vote of 65 to
153.
DEL. J. E. COHEN (Pa.): I move that
in place of the first sentence of Section 1
the following be substituted: "The Na-
tional Committee shall consist of 100
members, to be apportioned among the
states and territories in the following
manner: State Secretaries from all organ-
ized states and territories, and additional
members in proportion to the average
national dues paid by the organization in
such states and territories during the
preceding year. (Seconded.) On Page 9,
Section 4 of Article IX, reads: "Delegates
to be apportioned among the states," etc.
That is a very good proposition because
it comes from Pennsylvania, was adopted
by the Pennsylvania convention, and the
delegates were instructed to vote to that
effect. I think it is a very good propo-
sition that the National Committee shall
consist of a definite number who shall be
competent to do the executive work, and
not of a number that varies from year
to year according to how the member-
ship changes. And therefore I hope that
you will vote for this new proposition
making a definite number who shall be
competent to do the executive work of
the party from year to year, to be re-
viewed by the National Convention, which
is a much larger number and which meets
only once in four years; and thereby your
work will be done in an efficient man-
ner as the Constitution desires.
Del. Smith (Mont.) took the floor.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.): Permit me to
make a statement that may have some-
thing to do with Comrade Smith's talk. I
want to say that we figured out the prob-
able number of members we would have
on the committee. At the beginning we
will have from 68 to 74, and we figured
that with the present rate of progress,
when the next National Convention meets
it will be about 95 to 100, which is prac-
tically what you want, without changing
this as we have it in the Constitution
there.
DEL. SMITH (Mont): I seconded the
amendment chiefly because discussion was
stopped on the previous amendment. I
wish to discuss the principle Involved
the plan outlined by this new Consti
tion, and not particularly in favor of •<
particular or specific change in the p
as outlined; except that I shall supp
the amendment proposed by the comri
here because no other change is provi
at this time. I should be in favor of
amendment. The plan as outlined by
Committee on Constitution is this; *
we cannot discuss any part of that p
without understanding and consider:
the entire plan. The plan is that the I
tional Committee
DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): A point
order, that we are discussing the amei
ment, with a motion to adopt the sect
as a whole, and not discussing this amei
ment which he manifestly states he 1
not much interest in.
THE CHAIRMAN: The comrade s{
he will link up the support of this amei
ment to the matters he is presenting n(
DEL. SMITH: The proposition is tl
the State Secretaries shall constitute
National Committee; that the Natioi
Executive Committee of five membi
shall be selected by the National Comm
tee, which is composed of the State Sec
taries. The Executive Secretary shall a
be selected in like manner. Now, I want
say that not only are the National Sec:
taries not all elected by referendum vo
the State Secretaries are not all eled
by referendum vote, as has been sho
by the comrade from New York, bul
want to show another evil in this systt
The Executive Committee, while it
elected by the National Committee, is 1
subject to recall by the membership
large.
DEL. HOAN (Wis.): It is.
DEL. SMITH: Show me where. Here
the proposition that Comrade Goebel ca
attention to: The members of the Exe<
tive Committee, Woman's National Co
mittee and Executive Secretary and g<
eral correspondent may at any time 1
On proper motion be temporarily suspei
ed from office by the National Committ
and by nobody else.
DEL. HOAN: There is another pi
vision.
DEL. SMITH: Members of the Exec
tive Committee, Woman's National Ca
mittee, the Executive Secretary, Gene]
Correspondent, etc., may be recalled]
any time by the membership in the par
and may be temporarily suspended d|
ing the initiation and taking of a natioi
referendum. I confess I am wrong on tl
point, which is due to not having read i
entire thing through. (Applause.) No
I trust you will have patience. This 1
the first time during this convention tlj
I have asked for the privilege of the floi
and it is not because I want to show nj
self, but because I am interested in tl
proposition. Now, I want to call your i
tention to the chief points involved 1
this proposition. The State Secretaries'
the Socialist party are the executives '
the party within their respective statj
They are, as has been stated here, ■
daily communication with the majority]
the state, and without regard to the gd
faith of the different state organizatio]
they are the persons who have a t|
mendous personal influence with tht
states. They are the ones whose decislj
on any referendum, should they becol
interested on either side of a referenda
would have great influence in carryfl
that referendum out or defeating it,
the case might be. These people are j
the people who should constitute the 1
tional Committee of the Socialist pan
EVENING SESSION, MAY 17, 1912
e National Committee of the Socialist
rty should consist of such men or
imen, as the case may be, as have no
eater influence with the membership in
j state, by virtue of any official posi-
.n, than any other members of the bo-
ilist party within their respective
Ues Now, we will suppose that the
tional Executive Committee, selected
the National Committee of State bec-
aries, should pursue a course that
eht be contrary to the judgment of a
ee proportion of members within cer-
n states and they would be required to
tiate a referendum against it. Then
would be confronted with this situ-
on- The State Secretaries, who consti-
te the National Committee and who are
strumental in electing the National Ex-
ative Committee, would be charged with
=» work of taking a referendum against
eir own policies, and I maintain that
solute impartiality could not be main-
ied under those circumstances. We
ht not to have referendums conducted
people who are interested particularly
.those referendums (applause), espe-
uly by people who are in daily com-
inication with the entire membership
the party throughout the entire nation.
. of the State Secretaries are in com-
inication with all of the members of
e entire Socialist party, and I maintain
at a machine can be built up by a Na-
>nal Executive Committee and a major-
of the National Committee, composed
State Secretaries, which no power on
rth can break down. (Applause.) Com-
des, I say this from having had expe-
mce as Secretary of an organization, i
l not going to say what organization it
or anything about it, but I have had
fficient experience to know that the
cretary of an organization can wield a
?mendous influence. The chairman of
is committee has already called your at-
ntion to the fact that the National Sec-
tary, simply because he is National Sec-
tary, can be re-elected National Secre-
ry unless there are some very extraor-
lary circumstances connected with the
iction or the nominations. It is almost
possible to defeat a National Secretary,
a State Secretary, I might add, even
ough he did not use undue influence,
d I want to say that when all of the
fluence that a State Secretary may have
=ty be used, there is no power in tne
cialist party that can defeat the State
cretary or the measures in which the
ate Secretary may be interested.
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I wish to
'er an amendment f$ the amendment.
here it says that the National Commit-
s shall consist of State Secretaries, I
sh to add in there "or such other per-
ns as the state may designate.
THE CHAIRMAN: This is hardly an
lendment to the amendment. That is
the nature of an original amendment
the proposition of the Committee.
DEL. PATTERSON: What I want to do
to leave this part optional with the
site
THE CHAIRMAN: You will have an
portunity to present that later, but it
not in the nature of an amendment to
e amendment.
The previous question was ordered on
e amendment offered by Del. Cohen,
DEL. SPARGO: I am opposed to the
Idea of making it a condition of the mem-
bership of the National Committee tnat
the representatives shall be the State Sec-
retaries. I am, in other words, opposed
to making the State Secretary, by virtue
of his position as State Secretary, a mem-
ber of the National Committee. I believe
that is a very dangerous power and a very
dangerous precedent to set in our party.
DEL. HILLQUIT: Just two points about
the amendment and the motion before you
leaving the State Secretaries as members
of the National Committee. The only thing
the Cohen amendment seeks to do is to
fix the membership of the National Com-
mittee. Now, the Constitution Committee
did not deem that expedient, for this rea-
son: That on the basis proposed, one com-
mitteeman for every three thousand mem-
bers, will have today about seventy-five
members of the National Committee. There
is no reason why we should today in-
crease it to 100. That will simply mean
more expense and a little more cumber-
some machinery when the party has
grown till it automatically reaches the
100 mark, and when it threatens to be-
come unwieldy, as our conventions be-
gui to threaten already, then we can al-
ways limit it. At present there is no such
danger. I may also say, although the
question is not directly involved but was
nearly brought up, that we considered
very carefully the danger or alleged dan-
ger that may come from the influence of
the State Secretaries, and we came to this
conclusion, that the State Secretaries rep-
resent the interests of their states, md
whe^n a majority of the State Secretaries
come together on any one plan or propo-
sition it is no more a clique, it is an ex-
pression of the will of a majority of a
majority of the party, and they are wel-
come to it. (Applause.)
The Cohen amendment was then put to
a vote and was lost.
At this point, on motion, consideration
of the Constitution was suspended and
Comrade Emil Seidel, of Milwaukee, nom-
inee for "Vice-President, and Comrade
Charles Edward Russell, Delegate from
New York, were called on and addressed
the convention and visitors.
At the conclusion of the campaign
speeches, the convention resumed consider-
ation of the Constitution.
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio.): In the first
section it says the national committee shall
consist of state secretaries, and so on. I
wish to offer the following amendment:
"The ' national committee shall consist of
one representative from each state, and
an additional delegate for every 2,500 mem-
bers, or major fraction thereof." (Sec-
onded.)
Del. Branstetter made a point of order
that substantially the same proposition had
been voted down. The point of order was
sustained by the Chair.
DEL. STITT WILSON (Cal.): I move an
amendment, as follows: "The national com-
mittee shall consist of the state secretaries
of all organized states and territories, or
such other persons as the members of the
party in the states shall elect by referen-
dum vote," and so on. (Seconded.)
At this point, on motion of Del. Hogan
(Ark.) the convention adjourned until 9:00
o'clock Saturday morning.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
7"'
SEVENTH DAY'S SESSION.
The convention was called to order at
9 a. m. by Chairman Duncan.
The following- were nominated as chair-
man for the day:
Goebel, N. J.; Killingbeck, N. J.; Hogan,
Ark.; Thompson, Wis.; Gaylord, Wis.; Slay-
ton, Pa.
All declined excepting Comrades Gaylord,
Goebel and Slayton.
The vote resulted as follows: Gaylord,
61; Goebel, 62; Slayton, 19.
Comrade Goebel of New Jersey was de-
clared elected chairman of the day.
CHAIRMAN GOEBEL: On the last day
of the convention there is always a rush
and pressure of business. We have the
Constitution Committee report to finish,
the report of the Woman's Committee, the
Committee on Party Owned Press, and
many other important matters. We also
have the rule adjourning this convention
at midnight tonight. This all means that
we must be as quick as possible, and very
likely the chairman in trying to get
through with business at times will seem
to be arbitrary. If you think injustice is
done I want you to appeal at once from
the Chair. I am going to do the best I can
to complete the business of the convention
and I want you all to help me out.
Nominations for vice chairman were then
made as follows: Thompson, Wis.; Slay-
ton, Pa.; Strebel, N. Y.; Hogan, Ark.; Ru-
thenberg, Ohio; Collins, Colo.
Delegates Ruthenberg and Collins were
the only delegates who accepted.
The vote resulted as follows: ;
Ruthenberg, 59; Collins, 57. Delegate
Ruthenberg was elected vice chairman of
the day.
On motion the roll call and the reading
of minutes were dispensed with.
The secretary reported that John Ed-
ward Russell had been seated by the New
York delegation as alternate for Charles
Edward Russell.
C. L. Brunier was seated in place of E: L.
Reguin of California.
S. A. Benbrook was seated in place of
M. A. Smith, Texas.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Communications were read from Caspar
Bauer, San Diego.
J. D. Osborn, Oakland, Cal.
Young People's Socialist Educational and
Dramatic Club, Brooklyn.
Workmen's Circle, New York.
Board of Directors, Labor League, Bos-
ton, Mass.
Jacob S. Rosenberg, Worcester. Mass. (
Branch 4 Socialist Party, Worcester,
Mass.
Local Rochester, New York.
Bohemian Daily, New York.
Bohemian Workingmen's Gymnastic
Union of America.
G. E. Daniels, Augusta, Ga.
William Voss, Chairman, Winnipeg:, Man.
A. C. Wyman, Boston, Mass.
Organizer E. Kaplan, Hartford, Conn.
N. Mahlon, Pittsburg, Pa.
Syracuse Local, N. Y.
Educational League, Cleveland, Ohio.
C. R. Metcalfe, Sioux City, la.
THE CHAIRMAN: The next order oi
business is the report of the Committee
on Constitution, Article 4, Section 1.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I propose th<
following amendment: "The National Com-
mittee shall consist of the state secretaries
of all organized states and territories, oi
in place of said secretaries such other
parties as the members of that state shall
elect by referendum vote."
The rest to follow as it is in the re
port.
DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): A poll
of order. Yesterday they voted down
amendment that made it optional to sele<
a member in place of the state secretary.
THE CHAIRMAN: The point of order
made that this amendment is in effect
duplication of the amendment defeated las
evening. I rule that Comrade Branstet
ter's point is well taken and the amendmei
is out of order.
DEL. WILSON: Will you permit me
word my amendment in another way.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let the Chair sj .
that he will not accept any amendment bj
which the state secretaries are excluded.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I appeal fror
the decision of the Chair, and the grounc
for my appeal is that the chairman has nc
right to gag an amendment to this articl
in any respect. The amendment now oi
fered is not the same as the amendmei
offered yesterday. I think the conventk
should demand that every possible point
view should be given an opportunity to
heard and the proposal voted upon.
THE CHAIRMAN. The Chair's positioi
is that this very matter involved in thi
amendment was debated and voted upoi
Chairman Duncan yesterday ruled precisel
as the chairman has ruled this morning
(Cries of "Oh, no.")
THE CHAIRMAN: Oh, yes, he did. Tl
proper method of procedure would be
move to re-consider.
On a vote the Chair's ruling was not sus
tained and the amendment offered by Dele
gate Wilson was declared in order.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I am very loat
to offer an amendment here after the cor
sideration that has been given to this mat
ter by the seven wise men. They hai
labored over this and have doubtless pr
pared a better instrument than the or
with which we have been working. Bi
I fear that this is lodging altogether t<
much power in the hands of state secrets
ries. This national committee will consis
of probably 65 or 70 members to begil
with and between 40 and 50 of them wil
be state secretaries. The various state
differ in their method of electing state set
retaries. Some are elected by a referei
dum of the entire stat« membership. Soi
S3
MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
149
re elected by nine or ten committeemen of
he state. Some of them are appointed by
he state boards of control. In the state
f California we follow the method of hir-
ag for our state secretary a man specially
apable of handling the details of the office.
Ve hire him and fire him by a vote of a
Lmited number of people whom we elect
o carry on the policy of the party in the
tate.
There is another point in this. The Na-
ional Committee always meets in national
onvention years. That will mean that in
he national convention every state secre-
ary will be a delegate to the national con-
ention. That will not do. People will not
end some one else to this convention, they
vill f ave the fare of one man and the
ian vho will have to come will be the
tate secretary, with the result that we
hall have fifty state secretaries in our
text national convention. That is a dan-
erous concentration of power in those
nen and it ought to be voted down.
There is still another point. Under this
tew constitution the state secretaries, if
hey form a majority of the national com-
nittee would elect the national executive
ommittee. It is easy to see that the na-
ional executive committee could be selected
rom the state secretaries and very likely
t would be. If the state secretaries are the
nost capable men for the national commit-
ee by the same reasoning five or six or
even state secretaries are likely to be the
nost capable men for the national executive
lommittee. Now, I submit to you that the
tate secretaries are not necessarily the
nen most capable of determining the policy
f the national movement of the national
ocialist party. They are not elected in
ur states to determine policies. They are
•lected to carry out the policies determined
)y the state; they are elected we may say
s our clerks, not as determining factors in
ur policies. In California when they seek
o determine our policy we determine them
ut of office. Have we not had to disci-
)line state secretaries all over this nation
or assuming power and trying to deter-
nine the policy of the Socialist party. So
! say to you that fifty of these secretaries
n the national committee would not be men
[ualified to determine the policy of the
lational party when they are not the men
;lected to determine our policy in the sev-
eral states. I hope that you will not per-
nit this section of the constitution as rec-
ommended by the committee to stand.
A DELEGATE: Tell us what your motion
s.
DEL. WILSON: "The National Committee
shall consist of the State Secretaries of all
organized states and territories or such
other person as the members of the party
n the state shall elect by referendum
^ote." I will add one provision with the
consent of my second. "Provided that the
State Secretary shall always by virtue of
lis office be a nominee for election to the
STational Committee." That will make it
possible for the state membership to elect
he State Secretary if they see fit. I be-
ieve if my second will consent this will
lave us from a difficulty that is involved.
: would like to see men as familiar with
■>ur affairs as are the State Secretaries on
:*his National Committee but to pack the
STational Committee with State Secretaries
s a dangerous concentration of power.
THE CHAIRMAN: Does the second ac-
:ept the addition?
DEL. PATTERSON (O.): I refuse to
iccept the amendment.
DEL. BRANSTETTER (Okla.): Don't be
deceived by this cry of bosses or boss ruie
because the constitution expressly states
that no member of the National Committee
is eligible on the National Executive Com-
mittee.
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): No.
THE CHAIRMAN: Will Comrade Bran-
stetter read the clause that he thinks is
there.
DEL. BRANSTETTER: That was my
understanding. It is stated that we have
perhaps a better constitution than the one
we have been working under. If we have
a better constitution it is because the state
organizations and the National Committee
and the National Executive Committee are
to be brought into closer touch and har-
mony with each other than ever before.
The trouble with our present organization
is that there is constant friction between
the state organizations, between the state
secretaries and the executive committee,
between the state secretaries and the na-
tional secretary. The purpose of this pro-
posed constitution is to get harmonious
work between the state and national organi-
zation. Some one has said that about the
only purpose of the national organization
is to administer affairs between the states.
There is nobody so well fitted to represent
the interests of the separate states as the
State Secretaries. They are in actual touch
with the state affairs. In the smaller
states with only one or two thousand mem-
bers the State Secretary is not a clerk
merely hired to keep the books, but in all
the smaller state organizations he is the
man who more than any other does know
the needs of that organization. He is not
a clerk, he is their spokesman, he is their
organizer. In the smaller states the State
Secretary is generally the only man in the
state who knows the needs of the or-
ganization. Where the state has ten or
twelve thousand members, where the State
Secretary may be largely a clerk, hired for
his executive ability, there will be three
or four others as representatives on the
National Committee, and therefore no in-
justice will be worked, while in the smaller
states the most efficient man will be elected.
It has been said here that the State Secre-
taries will arrogate power to themselves.
That can be attended to by the state organ-
ization. If you have a man in your state
that you can't unseat the rest of us can't
help you. But I am sure that when the
rest of the members are ready to unseat
him he will be unseated. But so long as he
is the State Secretary and so long as the
transactions between the state and national
bodies are carried on by the State Secre-
taries it will help towards a harmonious
relationship if this is adopted. I believe
a majority of the state will remove a sec-
retary who is not satisfactory when the
time opmes.
Again they argue that many of the State
Secretaries are only executive officers.
What is this National Committee? We
haven't formed a committee to control the
policies of the organization. The national
convention and the referendum declare the
policy of the party. The purpose of the
National Committee is not to declare the
principles of this organization. The pur-
pose of the National Committee is to carry
out the plans, dictated by referendum and
by our national conventions. And I do not
know anybody so well fitted to help in car-
rying out, to formulate methods of carrying
out the plans of the national organization
as the State Secretaries under whose
150
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
dir-ction in the respective states those
plans are to be carried out.
The previous question was moved and
carried.
DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio.): It seems
to me that one point has been overlooked.
In the acceptance of this amendment we
are still going out from here if it is
adopted, in that form, with the committee
already elected, but we are merely leaving
it optional to the states to make a change
afterwards if they desire. We are not
spoiling the plan; we are not taking the
heart out of the constitution, but we are
making it optional with the states to
change that requirement if -later they find
it necessary or desirable. We go out from
here with the plan in force if this be
adopted by the referendum vote following
the convention, as it will undoubtedly do.
Then the committee is already elected, at
least the State Secretaries are elected and
you already have your National Committee
under the new plan. Now under the plan
of state autonomy if later any state desires
to change the arrangement and choose a
different member of the committee by ref-
erendum they have the right to do it. Not
only that but in the larger states they have
to do it any way. So we are not spoiling
the plan, but we are allowing larger scope
for state autonomy, and we are allowing
the comrades in every state an opportunity
to adapt themselves to this plan in the very
best way. We are not spoiling the plan.
We are making it possible for all the
states, regardless of the method by which
they elect a State Secretary, we are giving
each state the chance to thoroughly co-
operate with the plan that has been offered
by the seven wise men on the platform.
DEL. KELSO (N. D.): Suppose a State
Secretary is elected a member of the Na-
tional Committee, can he be recalled as a
member of the National Committee? If he
is not recalled as State Secretary and is
recalled as National Committeeman what
condition are you in?
DEL. HILLQUIT: As the National
Committeeman he is an officer of his state,
not of the national organization. He could
be recalled by his state but not by general
referendum.
DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): There is
a good deal of undue excitement about this.
Every point that has been mentioned here
was thrashed out from A to Z in the com-
mittee. Some one brought up every one
of these objections. See some of the mis-
takes that have been made. The comrade
that spoke last tells you that these secre-
taries go into office at once. That is be-
cause he hasn't read the constitution. It
provides that between the time when this
constitution takes effect and the first day
of April, 1913, all the state organizations
shall elect members of the National Com-
mittee in accordance with the provisions of
this constitution. They do not come in un-
til the regular term of office is up. Com-
rade Wilson tells you that nobody would
go to the conventions, or to meetings of the
National Committee except the State Sec-
retaries because the states would want to
save the fare and would not send anybody
but the secretary.
DEL WILSON (Cal.): I didn't state that.
DEL. RICHARDSON: Very well, you
said they would be the only ones that would
go. Now the fares are paid for the na-
tional committeemen.
Now it is said that the State Secretaries
would constitute a majority. I have looked
over a great many votes that have been
taken on important questions and if you
are as familiar with that as I am you know
on the average of 50 per cent do not vot
They don't know anything about the que
tion. Now we want these things in tl
hands of men who will pay attention
what is going on, men through who;
hands all this business must go. Tl
State Secretary is in touch with the bus
ness of the national office. He necessari]
has to be in touch with it. He is tt
man who knows most about it.
Another thing, we know what wrangling
have been going on between the state
some of them almost seceding because t
lack of harmonious action. If we can brin
these State Secretaries together once
year and let them compare notes it wi
do more for harmonious work between th
states than anything else that could occui
Your committee thrashed out all thea
points and we know what we are talkin
about.
Again Comrade Wilson speaks of the n<
cessity of firing them out of office some
times. There is nothing to prevent thai
There is nothing to prevent thp stati
firing its National Committeeman. An
about one-third of the states should fir
their National Committemen now for no
attending to business that is submitted t
them. We want a live, active committee, ii
touch with the work and the needs of th
Socialist party which will bring abou
harmonious work throughout the natioi
and you will get that through the Stat
Secretaries. They will not be a majorit;
of the committee, but they will be a liv
energetic part of the committee, they wi]
know what has to be done.
We hope you will support this. We bfl
lieve it is right; that it is best for th
party. There is no danger of concentrat
ing power. The Executive Committee cal
be recalled either by the National Commit
tee or the membership. All the membetf
of the National Committee can be recallei
by their States. If you were going to b
afraid of the power that is vested in thos
bodies where in the name of heaven wil
you vest power? The committee are no
afraid of it. Consider it wisely and vot
for this section.
A division was called for upon tn
amendment offered by Delegate Wilson
The amendment was carried by a vote 0!
Ill aye to 73 no.
DEL. MENG (Ark.): I move that \*i
reconsider the vote by which the Stati
Secretaries are members of the Nationa
Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: That motion is ou
of order until such time as other businesi
has intervened.
DEL. CUPPLES (Wash.): I move to re»
commit this section and have the commit
tee bring in a report in favor of a yearlj
conference of the State Secretaries instead
of making the State Secretaries member!
of the National Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: I shall have to ru«
your motion out of order as not relevant
to this paragraph. J
DEL. CUPPLES: I appeal from the do
cision of the Chair.
THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: State tIM
ground for your appeal. J
DEL. CUPPLES: I appeal from the de-
cision on the ground that I want thU
auestion re-committed with instructions—
THE VICE-CHAIRMAN: State your par-
liamentary grounds.
DEL. CUPPLES: That is a parliamentary
gr DEL." GOEBEL: My understanding oJ
the rules is that the order under which w<
are proceeding is this particular section
MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
151
that that motion would pertain to an-
er subject.
n a vote the Chair was sustained,
he previous question was then ordered
n the paragraph as amended.
EL.. MENG: I want to speak against
paragraph. It should not meet with
approval of the majority of this con-
tion. Del. Goebel said that we should
tinker with this constitution because
nine wise men of the committee had
?n it such deep consideration, had
ghed and considered everything and we
t have respect for their superior abil-
and be very careful how we approach
holy of holies, that we must take off
shoes and approach softly, for the wise
have, spoken. Why did he say that?
re is a reason, as Comrade Charley Post
Dor. t attack this beautiful structure,
s built from the ground up. He is a
center. He knows how to build a con-
ution, so don't touch it. There is a good
on why we should not touch it. It is
t on a foundation of sand. If you touch
is gone; and they know it. I have all
>ect and reverence for these most potent,
/e and reverent seniors who have under-
n to draft this constitution. I tajke off
hat to the famous gentlemen that we
here. I believe every delegation is
Dsed to making the State Secretaries the
h Bas of the Socialist movement, the
lord everything else. In our State we
3 had one man who is the whole thing.
State Secretary is a clerk. He has
lgh to do if he does that well. I want
hange this to say if he is State Secre-
he shall not be eligible to the office
vTational Committeeman.
EL. HILLQUIT: The committee at this
t desires to call the attention of the
gates to this fact, that we are on the
nd page of a sixteen-page document,
this is Saturday, the last day of the
ention.
EL. HICKEY '(Tex.): What will you
vith that proposition in a State where
e is no State Secretary? In our State
had to kill the State Committee, the
e Executive Committee and are pre-
d to fire the State Secretary. Therefore
int to know what you are going to do
State where there is no State Secre-
§L. HILLQUIT: I must say that the
mittee has had Texas in view. The only
ble with us was we didn't know
ther Texas would fire its National Com-
eeman.
IE CHAIRMAN: The motion is on the
tion of this paragraph.
|D. SLAYTON: I move as a substitute
the whole matter be adopted as it now
ds, the whole sixteen pages,
le motion was seconded.
IE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will not
rtain that motion, but the Chair will
rtain the motion to adopt the whole of
2le 4, and in order to do that, you would
to call for the reading of the article.
3L. SLAYTON: Then I ask for the
ing and adoption of this article,
ctions 3, 4 and 5 of Article 4 were then
by the Secretary.
gL. SLAYTON: My motion is that that
le as read be adopted.
• e motion was duly seconded.
SI,, HILLQUIT: I do not think the
nittee will be at all favorable to this
on. I think it is not a very wise pro-
fe after wasting four hours on one sec-
then to swallow the whole of the rest
: without consideration or discussion,
ink we shall do very much better to
have every section read in order and if
there is no objection adopt it and pass to
the next. There are important questions
in the rest of this constitution that should
be considered and discussed seriously.
THE CHAIRMAN: The matter before
the house is this: The original motion is
that we adopt Section 2 of Article 4. Del.
Slayton offers as a substitute that we adopt
the entire Article 4 as read.
DEL. SLAYTON: The reason for my mo-
tion is that in debating other matters here
on the floor at times in amending part of
an article we run up against a contradic-
tion in another part. I do not believe that
we should do as much injury if we would
adopt the whole, try to work it out, and
then come back another time, or by refer-
endum, change and amend where it has
been found by experience to be necessary
to change and amend.
DEL. BESSEMER (O.) : I wish to offer
an amendment to Section 2.
THE CHAIRMAN: I should have to de-
cide that amendment out of order. Comrade
Slayton's motion is a substitute.
DED. MERRICK (Pa.): I wish to en-
dorse Hillquit's proposition. I think this
discussion now is the best proof that in-
stead of expediting matters you are going
to delay them. I don't think there is any-
body going to make an objection to many
of these paragraphs, and I think if we
vote this down and get through with it,
adopting each section or defeating each
section as it comes up without unnecessary
discussion, we shall get through much more
quickly.
The motion of Delegate Slayton was de-
DEL. STRICKLAND: Why can't we
adopt the rule that was followed yesterday
that in considering this seriatim when a
section is read it be considered adopted if
there is no objection without a motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will so
rule hereafter.
DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to move an
amendment to Section 2. I wish to add
after the last word "Persons who have been
elected to political offices shall not be eligi-
ble."
The motion was seconded.
DEL. BESSEMER: I am opposed to any
of our elective officials having any power
in the organization. I believe that when
we^lect officials from the Socialist party
we are simply electing servants of the So-
cialist party, and I believe that the rank
and file should be in a position to instruct
those men that we elect in any way what-
soever that we wish and they should be de-
prived of any power to instruct themselves
at all. Therefore I believe this amendment
should be carried. I believe that a Con-
gressman or a Senator or the Mayor of a
city elected by the Socialist party is there
as a servant of the people and the whole
power of instructing him should be in the
hands of the rank and file, and I think this
should be passed unanimously without dis-
cussion.
DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.) : The delibera-
tions in this convention during the past
week have impressed me very favorably.
But I have found that almost every one
who gets on the floor has some kind of sus-
picion against some other member. This
is not acting in a comradely spirit. Here
we are wrangling about things and do not
come to any conclusions. We have been
monkeying around with this thing for
about seven hours. Now in regard to the
motion made by our comrade from Ohio, I
want to tell you this, that if nominations
152
NATIONAL, SOCIALIST CONVENTION
are made by any local body for public office
they are going to select those in whom they
have confidence to carry out the work of
the comrades in that locality. The larger
the territory from which that comrade is
to be elected the more capable he is ex-
pected to be. We should take the force
that has developed in the party to do the
work of the party. This proposition is that
we should take them out of the active work
of the party when it comes to our own or-
ganization. Now just take a look at Ger-
many. Wherever there is any important
party work to be done you will always find
that it is the men who have been prominent
in the Reichstag or who have filled other
important elective public offices who are
called upon to do that work. Vote this
thing down here. Let us place confidence
in the men to whom we give the power, and
in the remainder of this discussion let us
be harmonious and not acrimonious, let us
not be so suspicious of each other.
The previous question was then ordered.
DEL. HICKEY: One of the most prom-
inent members in this convention discussed
this matter with me, or rather sought to
discuss this matter with me last evening,
and I absolutely refused to discuss it, be-
cause there are certain things that can not
be discussed. This proposition that a man
holding a political office shall not also hold
executive office is such an elementary prop-
osition in democracy that sane men should
not waste two minutes over it. Now in a
little story of sixteen columns that I
pulled off about this national convention
last week I pointed out that any one elected
by this convention, or rather elected to
office and also held an office in the Socialist
party would be liable tQ punishment under
the Texas law because in Texas the primary
law provides a penalty for holding execu-
tive and political office at the same time.
A DELEGATE: Is that a good election
law?
DEL. HICKEY: Don't ask such foolish
questions. I am not concerned with what
they do in Germany. I am concerned with
an elementary principle of democracy that
is recognized in every portion of the United
States. I believe with the delegate from
Ohio that the rank and file should attend to
this thing of political offices being in a
place to criticise themselves and instruct
themselves.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I think if this motion
were put in a sensible form it should read:
"Every member of the party elected to pub-
lic office shall, ex-officio, be a member of
the National Committee." The party in
Germany has that provision. And when
Comrade Hickey says that he is not con-
cerned with Germany but he is concerned
with Texas, I simply wish to call Comrade
Hickey's attention to the fact that the So-
cialist comrades in Germany have made
somewhat better progress than the com-
rades in Texas. We can well afford to imi-
tate the comrades in Germany rather than
those in Texas.
The trouble with our ultra-democratic
friends is that they haye set forms of
words and phrases. If, for instance, Com-
rade Hickey would consider that we are
not speaking about two offices within the
same organization, an executive office and
a legislative office in the Socialist party.
But we are speaking of offices in the Social-
ist party organization and a political office
in a municipality, in a State Legislature or
the Congress of the United States. Where
is the contradiction? What he has in mind
is the separation of powers and functions,
the system of checks and balances, all of
which have been accepted Ion* ago by
sensible democracy, and he mixes up
Socialist party, the National governn
the capitalistic State government in
common pot. Now that is the contri
tion. We have been in the habit of d
this highly democratic thing, We firsi
lect our officers, our servants, and whei
have elected them the presumption th<
that they are thieves and scoundrels I
they prove the contrary. Every one of
officials — when we want to be really d'
cratic — we frown upon them. We
"You have the power now to steal;
you prove that you haven't stolen or
you don't steal." That is not democi
We are not in this party for power,
are not in this party for self-enrichn
The men elected to our National Execi
Committee, the men elected to our
gress, the men elected to our State L
lature, the men that we elect to be ma
or councilmen, the men that we elec
dog catchers or the men that we elec
local Secretaries, all serve the part;
their various capacities and they do
solutely nothing more, and the more
have of active, competent men in all p
ble fields of usefulness, the better for
Socialist party. You speak about the pi
of these men. What about the powe
the party press? How about our newsp
editors, Comrade Hickey? As oppose
this proposition, why not adopt the
that no editor of a Socialist party pi
the man who has power to mold the <
ion of delegates, should ever be a dele
to a National Convention.
DEL. HICKEY: I wish to say th
accept that.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio): I accept
proposition.
(Cries of "Vote, vote.")
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Besse
you are out of order.
DEL. BESSEMER: I simply rise foi
purpose of accepting the proposition i
wants to make it.
THE CHAIRMAN: The matter b<
the house is this amendment.
THE SECRETARY: The amendmei!
offered by Bessemer of Ohio. "Perj
who have been elected to or who hold j
lie offices shall not be eligible."
The motion of Comrade Bessemer j
lost.
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): I mov
incorporate into that section a provj
suggested by Comrade Hillquit bai
from membership in the convention i
tors of Socialist newspapers.
THE CHAIRMAN: I shall rule yod
of order. Del. Hillquit's opinions onj
question are not pertinent to this sect
This section does not refer to the qj
fications of delegates to the National 1
venfion. That question is covered bjl
other section.
Section 2 was then adopted as read
The Secretary then read Section i
Article IV.
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I move to si
out from the fourth line all that foil
the word "held." I want to strike outi
words 'in which years it shall holcu
session in conjunction with the con)
tion." I do not believe in having two]
ganizations assembled at the same J
when it appears that they will prott
conflict. I am not in favor of holdla
National Committee meeting in the ]
in which the National Convention is 1
We can slip that year.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I second)
amendment.
\
MOx^NING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
THE SECRETARY: Delegate Barnes
moves to make Article IV, Section 3, read:
"The National Committee shall meet in
regular session on the first Sunday after
the first Monday in May in each year, ex-
cept in years when National Conventions of
the party are to be held."
DEL. BARNES: That would mean that
in that year they would not hold any an-
nual meeting. I contend that it would
not result well for the National Commit-
tee to meet in conjunction with the Na-
tional Convention. They would conflict.
When the convention is in session we do
not need a meeting of the National Com-
mittee. The National Convention can take
care of all questions.
DEL. HILLQUIT (N. Y.): Comrade
Barnes' proposition would be a very wise
one if the National Committee were not
charge . with certain specific duties, which
duties it must perform annually, such as
the el€ tion of an Executive Committee, of
a Secrt ary, of a Woman's Committee and
the Secretary of that committee. The Na-
tional Committee also has to render a re-
port to the National Convention. The mem-
bers of the National Committee will in all
likelihood also be delegates to the conven-
tion. The only result then will be that a
small portion of the National Committee-
men who are not delegates to the conven-
tion will come to that meeting. There can
be no conflict since the National Conven-
tion is always supreme. On the other
hand we can not do away with the com-
mittee for the reason that it has impor-
tant specific functions to perform.
DEL. BARNES: May I ask a question?
Does the phrase "in conjunction" mean to-
gether?
DEL. HILLQUIT: It means at the same
time. We state that it shall be held at
definite times except in convention years
when it shall hold its session in ^conjunc-
tion with, or at the same time with the^
convention.
DEL. BARNES: Not meet together.
With this construction the point in my
amendment is gone, and therefore with the
consent of my second I withdraw my mo-
tion.
Section 3 was then adopted as read.
Section 4, Article IV, was then read and
adopted.
Section 5, Article IV, was then .read.
DEL. KOOP: I move to insert $4 in
place of $2.50 in Section 5.
DEL. BROWN (Wash): I move to
amend by making it read "The members of
the National Committee attending the
meetings, and the delegates to the regu-
lar National Convention shall be paid from
the Treasury their railroad fares and $2.50
per day to cover expenses, but such pay
and railroad fares shall not be paid until
the committee meeting or the convention
has adjourned."
The motion was seconded.
THE CHAIRMAN: We have a separate
clause on conventions. Suppose you just
make your motion to refer to the members
of the National Committee because under
the head of the convention there is a
clause that the delegate shall be paid on
the same basis as members attending the
National Committee meeting.
DEL. BROWN: Does that appear later
on?
DEL. KOOP: I had a motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: Was Comrade Koop's
amendment seconded?
DEL. EDWARDS (Tex.): The point will
be raised that we have consumed more than
four hours on this report. We shall then
have to amend the rules in order to con-
tinue, and I should like to present this
mCvion first: That the Secretary read the
report now entirely through; second, that
we debate for one hour thereafter; that at
the end of that hour we vote on the propo-
sition.
THE CHAIRMAN: Your amendment is
not in order at this time. It relates to the
rules of the National Convention. We are
discussing this section.
DEL. EDWARDS: My motion refers to
the whole matter before the house.
THE CHAIRMAN: You are right. The
Secretary will read the motion.
The motion of Comrade Edwards >was
read by the Secretary.
DEL. EDWARDS: Many points that have
been raised have been decided in favor of
the committee by their pointing out that
those very points have been covered in
other paragraphs of the proposed consti-
tution. It is apparent that at least a ma-
jority of us have not read this report
through. I happen to have read it through,
so I am not pleading laziness on my own
part. An alternate section to any one of
these sections may be presented to go
along with the referendum by one-fourth
of the delegates. In the hour that I sug-
gest it would be possible to present many
amendments on all important points as we
read through the propositions. And finally
it has all got to be submitted to a refer-
endum vote at the end. Therefore I be-
lieve we will get all the important objec-
tions and features brought out in our de-
bate and we will be able to go on and do
the rest of our business. I submit this as
a last point, that already the delegates
have begun to go home and many of us
are extremely desirous of getting away to-
night and therefore if we are going to
do much important business that is before
us this will be as good a method of at-
tending to this matter as we can devise in
the short time at our disposal.
The motion of Delegate Edwards was
carried.
DEL. HILLQUIT: Questions are being
asked on the floor as to whether amend-
ments can be offered while the reading
proceeds. My understanding was the con-
stitution was to be read through, (hen
amendments were to be offered and at the
end of an hour's discussion the whole mat-
ter was to be disposed of.
DEL. STRICKLAND: The Secretary
wishes to state that his understanding of
the motion is that the clerk sJhall read
the remaining portion, that at the end of
the reading there will be discussion for an
hour on any amendments offered and then
the vote will be taken.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish the Chairman
would make a ruling so that afterwards
the convention will know what powers it
has.
THE CHAIRMAN: As the only way to
avoid a tangle I will rule as Comrade Hill-
quit has suggested.
The Secretary then proceeded to read the
remaining sections of the constitution.
Before the reading of Section 2, of Arti-
cle V, Delegate Hillquit said:
DEL. HILLQUIT: The next section is
It should read: "The
shall elect an Execu-
tive members and a
Committee of sevon
members; no two members of either of
these committees shall be from the same
state."
At the conclusion of the reading the com-
mittee made the following explanation:
not properly printed.
National Committee
tive Committee of
Woman's National
1
j4
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
DEL. HILLQUIT: We have made no
recommendation as to party press, or for-
eign-speaking organizations because there
are special committees on those matters.
As to the foreign speaking matters, this
committee has adopted the report of that
committee, and the recommendations will
be included in the constitution. I don't
suppose another reading of that is desired.
There has also been submitted a resolu-
tion providing for nominations for Presi-
dent and Vice President by a general ref-
erendum of the party. Your committee
has not passed upon the subject and has
no recommendation to offer. It has drafted
an amendment which embodies the idea so
that if it is desired by the convention to
adopt the principle suggested the commit-
tee recommends that it be adopted in the
form to be read before you. The commit-
tee itself is not opposed to it or favoring
it; it is not passing upon it one way or
the other. It has decided to submit it to
you as a subject worthy of consideration
by this body. Comrade Strickland will
please read this proposed amendment.
The Secretary then read the proposed
Section 9, of Article IX, action on which
was taken at the afternoon session, which
will be found in the report of that session.
At the conclusion of the reading, Dele-
gate Strickland moved that only such sec-
tions of the constitution be read a second
time as were requested by the delegates.
Adopted.
DEL. GOAZIOU (Pa.): I want to ask
whether this was the intention of the com-
mittee, as to Section 4, Article 6: It says
that the National Committee shall meet
at headquarters. Does that mean that the
committee shall meet at headquarters in
Chicago although the National Convention
may meet in some other city? Is it the
intention that the National Committee shall
go to one city and the National Convention
may go to another city. That will be the
case unless the National Convention meets
where the National headquarters are.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I think the Section
may be misinterpreted, and I suggest that
we cure it by saying "Except in conven-
tion years when it shall meet at the same
time and place as the National Conven-
tion."
DEL. GOAZIOU: Then you will have
to change this.
DEL. HILLQUIT: The wording can be
changed to meet that situation.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. T.): I move to
amend Article 5, Section 1, clause d, by
striking out the word "require" and insert-
ing the word "request," so that it will read
"such States and Territories as may re-
quest interference on the part of the Na-
tional organization." My motion is to leave
that question to the State to say whether
they wish such interference on the part
of the National organization.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont): I move that
we first receive notices of desire to amend;
that a record of these requests to amend
be made by the clerk in the order of the
Articles to be amended, and that all these
proposed amendments be received before
discussion begins, and then be taken up
in the order in which they are proposed.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no ob-
jection, the Chair will so rule.
DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.): I would like
to propose in addition to that, that they
be handed in in writing.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec-
tion, the Chair will rule that we proceed
along the line suggested by Comrade Dun-
can.
A DELEGATE: Do I understand the
ruling to be that the Chair will now calif
for any and all amendments to Article 5,
and when we are through with that, for
amendments to Article 6, and so on?
THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will
read off simply the numbers, the number
of the Article first, and the numbers of
the Sections as they follow, and any one
having an amendment to present will pre-
sent it.
AMENDMENTS PROPOSED.
ARTICLE V.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I have two
amendments to Article V. In Sec. 1, clause
(d), strike out the word "require" and
insert in place thereof the word "request."
In Sec. 12, after the words, "no more than
one hundred dollars," insert the words "at
one time."
DEL. BURKLE (N. Y.): In Article V, '
Sec. 12, I move to substitute $300 for $100. 3
DEL. ROSETTE (Md.): I move to add a
new section at the end of the article, as
follows:
Sec. 13. The National Committee shall
publish a monthly bulletin of Socialist
information, which shall contain such in-
formation as may be of interest to Social-
ists. The bulletin shall be sold by sub-
scription, and its scope increased in pro-
portion to the income from subscriptions.
The National Committee shall maintain,
in connection with the National Bulletin,
a Bureau of Information which shall, on
request furnish party members such in-
formation as they may need in the furth-
erance of Socialist propaganda.
THE CHAIRMAN: All of this belongs
to ARTICLE VII.
DEL. GARVEY: I want information on
ART. IX, Sec. 4.
DEL. MERRICK: I move that we take
them up in regular order.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair, if you re-
call, tried to rule that we take them up
in regular Torder.
The Chair will now rule that the read-
ing clerk will call off the numbers on the
Constitution, and those who have amend-
ments will make them before we go on.
ARTICLE V is under consideration.
DEL. MERRICK: I move to amend Sec.
2 of ART. V by striking out the word
"five" and inserting the word "seven," so
that the National Executive Committee
shall be composed of seven members in-
stead of five.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I move an addition
to Sec. 6, to read as follows: Persons
holding elective political positions shall not
be eligible to membership on the' National
Committee, National Executive Committee,
employee of the National Office, Organizer,
or delegate to the National Convention.
This will be Clause 2.
THE CHAIRMAN: That amendment is
out of order. It has been acted upon.
DEL. OHSOL (Mass.): I offer as an
addition to Sec. 2: All members of the
Executive Committee shall make their res-
idences in the city where the National
Headquarters are located.
DEL. OYLER (Neb.): I wish to intro-
duce Sec. 13: That the National Committee
shall have power to publish a Party news-
paper or newspapers.
DEL. GRANT (Minn.): I wish to have
inserted in Sec. (e), following the end of
the fourth line: A press service that will
furnish patent and plate matter for So-
cialist papers.
DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): The National
Committee shall not publish nor delegate
any official organ.
V
MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
155
3EL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to amend
j. 12 by striking out the words: "No
re than one hundred dollars shall be ap-
priated to any organization other than a
^division of the party."
ARTICLE VI.
Sec. 1. No amendments.
Sec. 2. Del. Merrick moved to add at
end of Sec. 2: "And a stenographic
ort of all discussions taking place in
Committee shall be kept for reference
the National Committee."
Sec. 3. No. amendment.
Sec. 4. No amendment.
ARTICLE VII.
Sec. 1. Del. Floyd moved to amend Sec.
by strikin r out $1,500 and substituting
200.
Sec. 2. N» amendment.
3ec. 3. Nc amendment.
ARTICLE VIII.
3ec. 1. Stands.
3ec. 2. Stands.
Sec. 3. Del. Merrick of Pennsylvania
)ved to strike out the last sentence and
sert instead the following: They shall
;ct a chairman of the group who shall
t under instructions of the National Com-
ttee on all matters.
DEL. BESSEMER: I wish to amend
c. 2 by adding: "Or by general refer-
dum of the Party."
ARTICLE IX.
Bee. 1. Del. Zitt moved to amend Art.
by striking out Sections 1 and 3.
Sec. 2. Del. Barker of Oklahoma moved
amend by inserting the word "majority"
fore "general vote" in the second line.
Sec. 3. Motion to strike out.
Sec. 4. Del. Krafft, of New Jersey, asked
r information from the Committee on
e computation of the delegates.
THE CHAIRMAN (HILLQUIT): It shall
composed of 300 delegates, one from
ch State and Territory, and the remain-
r in proportion to the average national
es paid. Assume that we have a mem-
rship of 200,000. Let us assume that
ere are 50 organized states. That will take
/ay 50 delegates, at one for each state,
d leave 250 to be elected on a basis of
e delegate for every 800 members. Let
say the state of New York has 8,000
embers, that will mean ten delegates in
Idition to the one which it gets at large.
ien, of course, the question of fractions
ay come in. There is but one way to
Cset that, and that is to recognize the
rgest fractions in number.
Sec. 4. Del. Solomon of New York
oved to amend Section 4 by changing the
ords "two years" in the last line, to
hree years."
Del. Zitt moved to add to Section 4, or
(rhaps make it a new section, the fol-
wing: Persons holding elective political
(sitions, and all employees of the party
ith salary attached, shall be ineligible
serve as delegates to National Conven-
ons.
Sec. 5. DEL. BOSTROM of Washing-
n moved to amend Sec. 5 so as to read:
ailroad fare, including tourist sleeper. I
ant that specified, so that delegates may
low what to expect.
Sec. 7. DEL. SLOBODIN: I moved to
sert in the second sentence of the sec-
id paragraph the words "at the time of
s nomination." I want to do away with
trpenters and shoemakers in the party
ho haven't done a day's work for twenty
Bars.
Sec. 8 Stands.
"ARTICLE X.
Sec. 1. Stands.
Sec. 2. Stands.
Sec. 3. Del. K. Sadler of Washington
moved to amend Sec. 3 by adding at the
very end the words: To do otherwise will
constitute party treason, and result in ex-
pulsion from the party.
DEL. DUNCAN moved to amend Sec. 3
by striking out, in the next to the last
line on the second paragraph, the words
"endorsed or recommended."
DEL. M'FALL of New Hampshire moved
to amend Sec. 2 by striking out the last
sentence, beginning "When the member-
ship."
Sec. 4. DEL. WELLS of California
moved to amend Sec. 4 by adding, after
the end of the 6th line, reading "affairs
within such state or territory," the words
"Provided such propaganda is in harmony
with the national platform and declared
policy of the Party."
Sec. 5. DEL. SMITH (Mont.): I wish
to offer an amendment to Sec. 5, in writ-
ing, which I will ask the reading clerk to
read.
DEL. WELLS (Wash.): I move to
strike out the word "five" and insert the
word "three or two," and add "This pro-
vision to take effect on January 1, 1913."
DEL. SMITH'S amendment to Sec. 5
was read, as follows:
During the months of January and July
in each i year, or at any other time re-
quired by the National Executive Com-
mittee or by this Constitution, State Sec-
retaries shall furnish to the National Sec-
retary a list of all locals affiliated with
their respective state organizations, to-
gether with the number of members in
good standing in each local. Refusal, fail-
ure or neglect to comply with this section
shall subject the state organization to sus-
pension from the Socialist party and de-
prive such state organization from partici-
pating in the affairs of the Socialist party,
and shall be a forfeiture of the right of
representation in the National Committee,
the National Executive or the conventions
or congresses of the party.
Sec. 6. DEL. NOBLE of Texas moved
to amend Sec. 6 to read two cents instead
of five for each member in good standing.
DEL. HOOGERHYDE of Michigan moved
to add Sec. 6: And only due stamps is-
sued by the National Committee and af-
fixed to members' due cards shall be re-
ceived for payment of said dues.
DEL. BOSTROM moved to strike out the
whole section.
Sec. 7. DEL. MERRICK of Pennsylva-
nia moved to strike out the last sentence
of the first paragraph, beginning "In cases
where husband and wife are both party
members "
DEL. BROWN (Ohio): I move to
amend Sec. 7 by adding the words: Also
women who are in receipt of income may
be allowed to receive exempt due stamps.
DEL. GRANT (Minn.): In the line im-
mediately following "exempt stamps," add
"Excepting those issued to wives of com-
rades."
DEL. WAYNICK (Wash.): In the fifth
line after the words '^within his control,"
I wish to insert "Such exempt stamps to
bear no designation or mark, distinguish-
ing them from the regular due stamps of
the Party."
Sec. 8. DEL. DORFMAN (Ore.): I move
to substitute the word "recall" for "im-
perative mandate."
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): A number
of the Ohio comrades wish to go on rec-
ord as moving to strike out the entire
Section 7. We want to be so recorded.
156
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Sec. 9. DEL. BENTALL of Illinois de-
sires to amend the close of the first para-
graph, making it read as follows: No per-
son shall be nominated or endorsed by any
subdivision of the Party, or candidate for
public office, unless he is a member of the
Party and has been such for at least two
consecutive years immediately preceding
such nomination.
DEL. KILLINGBECK of New Jersey
moved to strike out the last sentence of
Sec. 9, beginning "But this provision shall
not apply to organizations which have
been in existence for less than a year."
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I make an
amendment to the amendment, by making
it three years instead of one, in the last
line.
Sec. 8. DEL. GARVER of Missouri
moved to add to Sec. 8: "Failure to do so
shall give the National Party jurisdic-
tion."
DEL. ZITT moved to have the word
"one" in the fourth line, where it says
"at least one year," substituted by three.
DEL. ALEXANDER of Texas moved to
substitute for "one year," in the last line,
"five consecutive years."
Sec. 8.
DEL. GARVER moved to strike it out.
DEL. TUCK (Cal.): I would like to in-
coporate as Article X, Section 11, the fol-
lowing: "Branches may be organized to
accommodate night workers, to be known
as daylight branches."
DEL. BESSEMER: I wish { 'to add a
Section 11 to Article X: "State Secretaries
shall report to the National Office every
three months, the name and addresses of
all local Secretaries in the state, together
with the number of members in good
standing in each."
Sec. 1.
ARTICLE XI.
No amendment.
ARTICLE XII.
DEL. PREVEY of Ohio moves to amend
by striking out "15,000 members" and in-
serting "20,000."
DEL. BOSTROM moves to amend the
amendment by making it read "30,000"
instead of 15,000.
Amendment to strike out the words "And
a per diem equal to the per diem fixed
for national organizers and lecturers," at
the top of page 14.
ARTICLE XIII.
DEL. BOSTROM of Washington moved
to strike out the whole of Article XIII.
Sec. 1. Stands.
Sec. 2. Stands.
Sec. 3. Stands.
Sec. 4. Stands.
ARTICLE XIV.
Sec. 1. Stands.
ARTICLE XV.
Sec. 1. DEL. ZITT moved to amend by
striking out the words "National Commit-
tee in session" in the two places where it
occurs, in Sec. 1.
Sec. 2. Stands.
DEL. SLOBODIN: I want to offer a
now section, Section 3, at the end of Arti-
cle XV: "Referendums to evoke or amend
a provision of this Constitution may be
instituted only one year after the adoption
of said provision."
ARTICLE XVI.
Sec. 1. Stands.
Sec. 2. Stands.
MINORITY REPORT.
Substitute for Article V, Section 8.
Sec. 8. No amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: Under the mc
which was adopted we have less
twenty minutes to discuss and adopt t
amendments.
A DELEGATE: I move that these am
ments be taken up and adopted or
jected without discussion.
The Indiana delegation handed in a
section for Article XVI, that the Natt
organization copyright the emblem.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): If this is
time to do it, I want to move that
National emblem shall be the arm and
torch.
THE CHAIRMAN: Unless the ami
ment is properly and offered as a pax*
the Constitution, I shall have to rul
out of order.
DEL. BESSEMER moved to adjourn
til 1:30.
THE CHAIRMAN: To do that, we W}
have to suspend the rules.
Motion was made to suspend the n
and another motion to table the motioi
suspend he rules, which was put and
clared carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: We will now proj
to take up the amendments seriatim*
vote upon them.
THE SECRETARY: Under Article?
Section 12, the first amendment I haw
by Burkle of New York, to substitute !
in place of one hundred.
The motion was put and declared lost
Clifford of Ohio offers an amendment
Article V, Section 12, by cutting out]
sentence beginning: "No more than
hundred dollars" to the end of the sect
Motion duly put, and defeated.
Amendment to Article V, Section 2,
Del. Merrick, by striking out five ana
serting seven, was put and declared loi
Amendment of Ohsol, to Section 2,
nut, and declared lost.
Amendment of Grant, to Section 6,
feated.
Amendment of Grant in regard to it
taining a press service that will fuij
plate and patent matter to Socialist
pers, was put and declared carried.
THE SECRETARY: There are two
sections proposed, to be known as Sec
13. Both being in regard to Party Pi
upon motion, duly seconded, action i
them was deferred until we have thd
port of the Committee on Press.
The Minority Report on the amends
to Section 8 of Article V was put and
clared lost. Division was called for, i
the Minority Report was defeated b]
vote of 98 to 118.
The Secretary read the amendment
fered by Del. Slobodin of New York
Section 12, of Article V, that to inser|
words "at one session" after the W]
"one hundred dollars." The amend!
was lost.
The Secretary next read an amends
offered by Del. Slobodin to amend Ja
graph (d), of Section 1, of Article Vj
striking out the word "require" and in*
ing the word "request."
Amendment lost.
The convention then proceeded to j
sider Article VI.
The Secretary read an amendment
Section 2, offered by Del. Merrick of Pj
sylvania, to add to the Section the foD
ing: "A stenographic report of all difl
sions taking place in the Committee I
be kept for the information of the Natl
Committee."
MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
15*
amendment was adopted by a vot«
to 93.
cle VII was next taken up and con-
d.
Secretary read an amendment to
n 1, offered by Del. Downing of Cali-
to strike out "$1,500" and insert
0."
amendment was lost.
Rosette of Maryland moved to add
i section to be known as Section 4,
lows: "The Executive Secretary shall
h a monthly bulletin of Socialist in-
tion, which shall contain such infor-
n on industrial, civic, historical and
matters as may be of interest to
ists. The Bulletin shall be sold by
ription, and its scope increased in
rtion to the income from subscrip-
The Executive Secretary shall main-
in connection with the Bulletin, a
u of infoi nation which shall, on re-
furnish arty members such infor-
jn as they may need in the further-
of Socialise propaganda."
motion of Del. O'Reilly of Illinois
amendment was deferred until the
Committee should report,
endments to Article VIII were then
up. The Secretary read an amend-
offered by Del. Merrick of Pennsyl-
to strike out the last sentence of
»n 3, beginning "They shall elect a
nan of the group," etc., and to in-
'they shall elect a chairman of the
and shall act under instructions
by the National Committee on all
rs."
endment lost.
Secretary next read an amendment
ction 2, offered by Del. Bessemer of
that the section be made to read as
7s: "They shall carry out instruc-
which may be given to them by Na-
Conventions, by the National Com-
e in session, or by a general refer-
n vote of the party."
i amendment was adopted,
icle IX was next taken up.
Zitt (Ohio) offered an amendment
;rike out Section 1 and Section 3,
of which provide for the holding of
nal Conventions,
endment lost.
amendment was offered by Del. Par-
Okla.), as follows: In Section 2 in-
'majority" before "general," so that
11 read, "at any time if decided upon
majority general vote."
» amendment was lost.
L. SOLOMON (N. Y.) "offered an
dment to Section 4, to strike out
and insert "three," so that the last
e of the section should read, "and
have been a member of the party or-
ation at least three years."
? amendment was adopted.
Zitt of Ohio offered the following
ion to Section 4: "Persons holding
ve political positions, and all salaried
Dyes of the party, shall be ineligible
rve as delegates to National Conven-
»»
lendment lost.
tion 5, of Article IX, as originally
ted by the committee, was read.
L. HILLQUIT: That was corrected
!ie committee to read, "Railroad fare
legates going to and j coming from the
mtions of the party, (and the per diem
ance of $2.50 to cover expenses," etc.
iL. BOSTROM (Wash.) moved to
d by adding after "railroad fare" the
s "including ^ourist sleeper car fare."
L. KILLINGBECK (N. J.) moved to
lie amendment on the table.
At the request of Del. Kate Sadler of
Washington, the Chairman explained the
difference between tourist sleepers and
regular Pullman sleepers.
The amendment was then adopted.
A motion was carried to continue in ses-
sion until the report of the Committee on
Constitution was finished, and then to ad-
journ for one hour.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) offered the fol-
lowing amendment to Section 7 of Article
IX: That the second sentence be changed
so as to read "Such list shall contain the
occupation of each delegate at the time of
his nomination."
Amendment adopted.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved to strike
out the first eight lines of the second para-
graph, being that portion beginning "The
Executive Secretary" and ending "and fur-
nished to the party press for publication."
Amendment lost.
The Secretary read the following section,
formulated by the Committee on Constitu-
tion as Section 9 of Article IX, a new sec-
tion not in the printed report of the com-
mittee:
Sec. 9. On the first day of November in
each year preceding a presidential election,
the national office shall issue a call for
nominations for candidates for President
and Vice-President of the United States,
and each local shall be entitled to nominate
one candidate for each office. Thirty days
shall be allow.ed for nominations, and fif-
teen days for '^acceptances and declinations
by candidates who have received at least
five nominations. The names of candidates
having received five or more nominations
and having accepted the same shall im-
mediately be published for seconds, each
local being entitled to second the nomina-
tion of one candidate for President and one
for Vice-President. All candidates receiv-
ing at least 50 seconds to the nomination,
including the nominations each may have
received in the first instance, shall be
placed on the referendum ballot. The ref-
erendum shall be submitted on February
1st. Fifty days shall be allowed for the
referendum. The candidate receiving a
majority of all the votes cast shall be the
nominee. In case no candidate receives
the majority, a second referendum shall
be held, upon the ballot for which shall
appear the names of all candidates receiv-
ing as high as ten per cent of the vote
cast in the preceding referendum. The
second referendum shall be submitted fif-
teen days after the close of the first ref-
erendum, and shall be closed in fifty days
from the date of submission. In case no
candidate receives a majority pf all the
votes cast in the second referendum the
names of the two highest shall be placed
on the ballot for a third referendum, which
shall be submitted fifteen days after the
close of the second, and such third refer-
endum shall close fifty days from the date
of submission. The candidates thus nomi-
nated shall be the nominees of the Social-
ist party, and their names shall be placed
upon the ballots in presidential primary
elections in all states where such primary
elections are mandatory. No member of
the party shall allow his name to be placed
on such primary ballots if he is not the
regular nominee of the party. All candi-
dates for Presidentail or Vice-Presidential
nomination by the Socialist party shall
possess the qualifications required by the
Constitution of the United States for
President and Vice-President, and in addi-
tion thereto shall have been members of
the party at least eight years."
DEL. TAYLOR (111.): A point of infor-
mation. I wish to ask the chairman of this
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
committee, If In figuring the time for this
referendum, he has considered that the
Presidential primary in certain states oc-
curs the first Tuesday after the first Mon-
day in April, and if this method will give
time enough.
DEL. DUNCAN: It will not give time
enough, because it takes six months.
DEL. ENDRES (N. Y.):. I have an
amendment to offer.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will have
to rule that you cannot make an amend-
ment and cannot discuss it.
BjEL. ENDRES: I objecT to that ruling.
THE CHAIRMAN: No amendments are
in order.
DEL. DUNCAN: What is the reason?
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move to recom-
mit this to the committee. (Seconded.)
DEL. HILLQUIT: This is not a com-
mittee report. The committee has merely
phrased it and formulated certain propo-
sitions made by delegates. The committee
does not stand for it, and there is no rea-
son and no sense in referring it back ta
the committee.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move that we
place this amendment in the hands of the
committee for revision and report. [(Sec-
onded.)
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is in or-
der if the mover insists.
DEL. BARNES (Pa.): I move that we
refer it to the new National Committee
for favorable consideration so far as the
principle is concerned. (Seconded.)
DEL. HILLQUIT: I move to amencf by
striking out the word "favorable." Let it
be referred for consideration to the in-
coming National Executive Committee.
(Seconded.)
The amendment was lost, and the origi-
nal motion was then carried.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is car-
ried, to reier it to the new National Com-
mittee, which will meet some time next
year, on or about the first of June.
The convention then proceeded to the
consideration of Article X.
DEL. KATE SADLER (Wash.) offered
the following amendment: To add at the
end of Section 3 the following words: "To
do otherwise will constitute party treason
and will result in expulsion from the
party."
The question was put on the amendment,
and it was declared lost. A second vote
was taken, and the amendment was adopt-
ed.
Section 4 was read.
DEL. WELLS (Cal.) offered an amend-
ment to add the following words to the
section: "Provided such propaganda is in
harmony with the national platform and
declared policy."
Amendment adopted.
Section 5 was next read.
DEL. SMITH (Mont.) moved to amend
by adding the following to the section:
"During the months of January and July
of each year, or at any other time required
by the National Executive Committee or
by this constitution, the State Secretaries
shall furnish the National Secretary a list
of all locals affiliated with their respective
state organizations, together with the num-
ber of members in good standing, and the
name and address of the corresponding
secretary of each local. Refusal, failure or
neglect to comply with this section shall
subject the state organization to suspen-
sion from the Socialist party and deprive
such state organization of participation in
the affairs of the Socialist party, and shall
be a forfeiture of the right to representa-
tion in the National Committee, the Na-
tional Executive Committee, the conv*|
tions and congresses of the party."
Amendment adopted.
Section 6 read by the Secretary.
DEL. HOOGERHYDE (Mich.) moved
amend by addition the following: "A|
only dues stamps issued by the Nation
Committee shall be affixed to member
dues cards as valid receipts for the pa)
ment of dues."
Amendment adopted.
DEL. WELLS (Wash.) moved to amei
Section 5 by striking out "five cents" al
inserting "three cents," and to add the fo
lowing to the section: "To take effe
January 1, 1913."
Amendment lost.
DEL. GOEBEL (N. J.) moved to am<
the same section by substituting "t#j
cents" for "five cents."
Amendment lost.
Section 7 was read.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved t
Strike out the entire section.
Amendment lost.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.) moved to strif
jut the last sentence in the second pari
graph, referring to exemption stamps I
be used by husband or wife.
Amendment lost.
DEL. BROWN (Iowa) moved to add tl
ollowing to the section: "Also women w|
ire not in receipt of incomes may be a!
owed to receive the special exemj
tamps."
Amendment lost.
DEL. GRANT (Minn.) moved an amen
nent that immediately following the word
'exempt stamps" in the eighth line of th
first paragraph the following words 1
added: "Excepting those issued to th
*vives of comrades."
Amendment lost.
DEL. WAYNICK (Wash.) moved tha
>fter the word "control" in the fifth lir
■>f the first paragraph of Section 7, th
ollowing be inserted: "Such exempt stamp
o bear no designation or marks distir
jguishing them from the regular due
tamps of the party."
Amendment lost.
Section 8 was read.
DEL. DORFMAN (Ore.) moved to sul
titute "recall' for "imperative . mandate.
Amendment lost.
DEL. GARVER (Mo.) moved the fo!
"Vwing addition: "Failure to do so sha!
?ive the national party jurisdiction."
Amendment lost.
Section 9 was read.
DEL. BENT ALL (111.) moved to amen
»y striking out "one" and inserting "two.
Amendment adopted.
DEL. KILLINGBECK (N. J.) moved t
strike out the last sentence, reading "Bu
this provision shall not apply to organ:
zations which have been in existence fc
ess than one year/ r
Amendment lost.
DEL. FURMAN (N. Y.) moved to amen
by making the time three years.
Amendment lost.
DEL. ALEXANDER (Tex.) moved t
nake the time five years.
Amendment lost.
Section 10 was* read.
DEL. GARVER (Mo.) moved to strlh
out the section altogether.
Amendment lost.
DEL TUCK (Cal.) moved to add the fol
lowing new section: "Branches may b
organized to accommodate night worh
ers, such branches to be known as das
light branches."
Amendment lost.
MORNING SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
\
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved the ad-
tion of a new section to be known as
action 11, as follows: "State Secretaries
lall report to the national office every
iree months the names and addrsses of
11 members in good standing in ^ach."
Amendment lost.
Article XII was read.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.) moved to strike,
fter the word "delegates," the words "and
per diem equal to the per diem fixed for
ational organizers and lecturers."
Amendment lost.
DEL. PREVEY (Ohio) moved to strike
at "fifteen thousand" and insert "twenty
lousand members."
Amendment adopted.
DEL. BESSEMER (Ohio) moved to make
le number "thirty thousand" instead of
fifteen thousa/ d."
Amendment )st.
Article XIII was read.
An amendmei. ; was offered to strike out
he entire article.
DEL. MALEY (Wash.) moved to defer
tion till after the report of the Wom-
n's National Committee is received.
Motion to defer lost.
A vote was taken on the amendment,
nd it was defeated.
Article XIV was read.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio) moved to strike out
11 reference to the National Committee in
ession, where it occurs.
Amendment lost.
DEL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.) offered the
llowing as an addition to the article, to
e known as Section 3: "Referendums to
evoke or amend the provisions of this
onstitution may be instituted only one
ear after the adoption of such provi-
ions."
Amendment adopted.
Article ,XVI. The Indiana delegation
submitted a new section, to be known as
Section 3, as follows: "In order to pre-
vent the misuse of the party name by par-
ties calling themselves Socialists, but who
are not members of the party, the name
'Socialist Party of the United States'
shall be copyrighted."
Amendment lost.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.) moved the ad-
dition of the following- hew section: "The
national emblem of the party shall be the
arm and torch."
Amendment lost.
DEL. McFALL (N. Y.) moved to strike
out the last sentence in Section 2 of Article
X, which provides for revoking the charter
of a state when the membership falls be-
low 150 per month for any six consecutive
months.
Amendment lost.
DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio) then moved
the adoption of the Constitution as a whole,
with the exception of the points deferred.
(Seconded.)
The motion was carried, and the Consti-
tution was adopted as a whole, with the
exception of the points deferred.
DEL. SPARGO moved to change the or-
der of the day and take up the report of
the Committee on Immigration this after-
noon.
The Chairman held that the motion could
not be entertained, under the rules.
TELEGRAM FROM COMRADE DEBS.
The Secretary read a telegram from Com-
rade Eugene V. Debs, accepting the nomi-
nation for President.
The convention then, at 1:45 p. m., ad-
journed for one hour.
AFTERNOON SESSION.
Chairman Goebel called the convention
o order at 2:45 p. m.
CONSTITUTION.
DEL. KATE SADLER: At the preced-
ng session I offered a new section to be
dded to the Constitution, but it was not
cted on. It was just an omission, that
[s all.'
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec-
ion we will put it to a vote. The Consti-
ution has been adopted as a whole. Is
here any objection to reading this sec-
ion? There is none, and we will read it
ind put it to a vote now.
The Secretary read the following: A
lew section to be added to the Constitu-
ion, offered by Del. Kate Sadler of Wash-
ngton: "That the National Executive Com-
nittee shall print a specific statement in
he Bulletin of all moneys expended for
>rinting leaflets and books, and the names
f the same and their authors."
The amendment was adopted.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio) : I rise to a point of
nformation. I would like to know if the
)ld Constitution will be submitted to ref-
jrendum along with the new.
THE CHAIRMAN: No, it will not.
The Secretary read an amendment of-
'ered by Del. Meitzen of Texas, provid-
ng that members of the National Com-
mittee shall not hold office for more than
two consecutive terms.
The amendment was lost.
COMPENSATION.
DEL. WHITE (Mass.) moved that the
Secretary and Assistant Secretaries be re-
munerated at the rate of $4.00 per diem
for the days of the convention.
The motion was seconded and carried.
On motion of Del. Patterson (Ohio),
the sergeants-at-arms were included in
the same motion.
REPORT OP WOMAN'S COMMITTEE.
DEL. LOWE (111.), of the Woman's Na-
tional Committee, made the following re-
port on behalf of the committee:
DEL. LOWE: Our report this after-
noon will be made just as brief as pos-
sible, and I think it will arouse no dis-
cussion and in that way we can dispose
of this in just a few minutes, I believe.
I want to say first that I shall report
to you the work that we have accom-
plished during the past two years, the
result of the work of the Woman's Com-
mittee. Comrade May Wood Simons will
present to you the recommendations for
the coming year. We believe that it is
necessary that the delegates to this con-
vention carry home with them some re-
port of the work that we have done, and
it has been proved to us that that is
necessary because of the motions made
by our comrade from Washington this
morning. When I asked him whether or
not he had read the report which has
been in your hands since last Sunday,
he admitted he had not, and I will ven-
ture to say that many of you have not.
He said to me, "I don't believe in this
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
aggregation of women." I said, "Neither
do we. That is the thing we are fighting.
The thing that we want is getting the
women right into the Socialist party lo-
cals side by side with the men." (Ap-
plause.) We do not want separate organi-
zations of women. The Socialist party
would have no more control over sepa-
rate organizations of women than it
would have over separate organizations
of men, none whatever. We simply want
to have the women members of your lo-
cals elected by you to a woman's com-
mittee, whose special duty it is to carry
on the propaganda work, the educational
work among the wives and the daughters
of the members of the locals, and the
women who are sympathizers and inter-
ested in the movement. That is the pur-
pose of our organization; and, working
along those lines, on broad general plans,
during the latter part of 1910 and 1911,
we have accomplished this, and I shall
read this to you.*
RECOMMENDATIONS.
THE CHAIRMAN: Vice-Chairman Com-
rade Simons will now read the recom-
mendations of the National Woman s
Committee.
DEL. MAY WOOD SIMONS: The Na-
tional Woman's Committee wishes to put
these recommendations before you for
your consideration. Two years ago, when
the national conference was held, vari-
ous women in various parts of the coun
try were appointed by the National Wo-
man's Committee to make a special study
of various phases of propaganda as it
affects women, and these women have,
with only one exception, reported to the
National Woman's Committee, and it is
their recommendations as finally worked
over by the National Woman's Committee
that are being presented to you today.
Our first recommendation is upon the
propaganda among housewives:
RECOMMENDATION ON PROPAGANDA
AMONG HOUSEWIVES.
The committee recognizes: 1. The ne-
cessity of bringing the message of So-
cialism to the housewives of the nation.
2. That the first duty of the housewife,
while her children are young, is toward
these children, her husand and her home.
3. That owing to this fact, agitation is
particularly difficult because' housewives
who are tied to their homes cannot go
to meetings and do not even care to do so.
Therefore, the committee recognizes
that these housewives can be reached
chiefly by means of literature, which
must be simple and short, and prove to
the housewife that the salvation of her
family lies in the direction of Socialism;
and
The committee recommends that liter-
ature appealing to the housewife should
take the home as the starting point and
prove that capitalism destroys the home,
and that Socialism will rebuild the same
on a more substantial basis by making
both men and women economically inde-
pendent.
The committee finally suggests that the
literary propaganda be supplemented by
individual work by Socialist men and
women in the homes and in social gath-
erings of non-Socialist women, especially
of the women of the working class.
RECOMMENDATION ON PROPAGANDA
AMONG FARMERS' WIVES.
In view of the fact, that the woman on
the farm is the most isolated of any so-
cial group, she is less conscious of hei
social interdependence.
We recommend that all literature cir-
culated in this group be of such nature
as to point out clearly the exploitation *
of her individual industry and the rapid
centralization of the farm and its prod-
ucts into the hands of a few.
We further recommend that a sys-
tematic canvass be made for the names
of farmers' wives and that this list be
used in the systematic distribution of
such literature as will appeal to her.
RECOMMENDATION ON WORK AMONG
FOREIGN SPEAKING WOMEN.
Women of the working class who come
to our shores from other countries may
be classified into two general divisions:
Socialists and Non-Socialists.
This naturally divides the work of this
department into two general heads:
1. Work among foreign speaking wo- "
men who are already Socialists. This
work consists in educating and informing
them as to our political methods and the ^
importance of Suffrage for Woman. The
propaganda for woman's ballot will not
only be helpful to women, but it will also
inspire the women to urge their men rela- .
fives to become citizens as soon as pos-
sible.
Plan of Work:
We recommend a leaflet explaining the !
ballot as a factor in securing political ij
power for the working class, and the im- ]
portance of the right of suffrage and the
necessity of taking an active part in the
campaigns for the extension of franchised
rights.
2. That we request all translators to I
give out all our plans of work and sug-
gestions to the locals and branches, and '
as far as possible translate our leaflets.
3. That they in turn give us an English
translation of all plans and methods em-
ployed in their work among women.
WORK AMONG NON-SOCIALIST FOR-
EIGN SPEAKING WOMEN.
The foreign speaking woman must be
reached with our propaganda. This is
important, not only for her own sake, but
because of the influence she exerts in her
•own home.
Plan of Work:—
1. We recommend a series of articles
explaining why the foreigner does notf
find the opportunity and liberty in this
country he had anticipated, and show how
the workers have the same struggle in
the United States as in other countries.
2. We recommend the publication of
the list of foreign leaflets and periodicals
and where they may be obtained, so our
English speaking women may know where
and what they can get to distribute among
the foreign speaking women.
3. We recommend the distribution of
leaflets dealing with the conditions the
foreigner will find in this country and
giving information concerning the Social-
ist party and its work in foreign ports
among the people embarking for Amer-
ica. This will necessitate the co-opera-
tion with our comrades in other lands,
and give us some definite work in estab-
lishing a closer international bond of ac-
tivity.
4. We recommend that special effort
be made to organize the foreign speaking
women on the economic field where they
are employed in the industrial world, and
♦The Report is printed, in full in Appen-
dix I.
" v ;
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
161
i
t all leaflets printed in English on this
>ject relative to the importance of
men organizing in unions, be translated
1 distriouted among the people where
y are needod.
)EL. SIMONS: The next recommenda-
i is on the Teachers' Section. The rea-
we have brought this in is because
far the work of the Teachers' Bureau
been handled by the National office.
a recommendation is as follows:
RECOMMENDATION.
Establishment of Municipal Bureau.
(Teachers.)
'here is a rapidly /rowing demand upon
part of the new} r elected officials for
ormation upon thj municipal problems
,t confront them. At the present time
ire is no provision in the National Of-
for supplying this demand. The pres-
Teachers' Bureau, which has been in
stence eight months, is attempting to
swer but one of the municipal prob-
is which our officials must £ace.
TVe believe that this department in the
tional Office should be enlarged into a
h nicipal Bureau, having for its purpose
i securing of information upon all mu-
rtpal problems.
CVe therefore recommend that this be
DEL. SIMONS: Our next recommenda-
n is on the question of the suffrage,
d I consider that to some extent this
one of the most important recommen-
tions we have to make before you to-
. I am at present living in the state
Kansas. This fall we shall have the
stion of the suffrage before the peo-
i of the state of Kansas, and there is
tie doubt that it will be granted, and
it full suffrage will belong to women
that state. The same question is corn-
s' before other states, and I consider it
great importance, because my own per-
lal experience has been, in these towns
Kansas where women already have the
micipal ballot, that the women need
great deal of education. There is no
ubt that women will have the ballot in
very short time. It is also important
cause we have not up to this time suffi-
ntly extended our propaganda among
)men. We find that the ballot will be
pen to women, and then we will have a
ry large task to educate them in the use
the ballot. This is our recommenda-
n:
'Whereas, Woman suffrage amendments
11 be submitted to the voters in Wis-
hsin, Michigan, Kansas, Oregon and
do, we earnestly urge upon the mem-
rship in these states the importance of
iking this a leading issue in this cam-
ign. All speakers, literature agents,
ganizers, canvassers, watchers and
>rkers of all kinds should be instructed
give this measure their especial atten-
n.'" (Applause.)
T want to say that I cannot tell you
w serious I think this is, because we
ve just closed a campaign in the town
which I live, in which campaign the
cialists were defeated because of the
ct that we had not sufficiently educated
e women how to use their ballots. I
lieve that at this time this convention
ould wake up to the fact that we are
ing to have the vote very soon, and
ur propaganda work among women
ust be carried on with the greatest en-
gy. (Applause.)
The last recommendation of the Com-
ittee is on the subject of White Slavery:
Whereas, The houses of infamy which
are protected by the capitalist govern-
ments of the cities of the United States
are not only destructive of the physical
health and moral conscience of the peo-
ple, but are the means of a most shame-
ful slavery for young girls as well; and
Whereas, It has been shown by official
investigation that large numbers of
young girls are taken into those places
by lures, tricks, frauds and even by force.
That the hunting, deluding, entrapping
and capturing of working girls, solely for
inmates of segregated districts of vice,,
has become a regular established busi-
ness followed by large numbers of men
in the country. That while such business
is forbidden by law, it is protected by
the officials who, for the protection, share
the profits. That while capitalist officials
boast of standing for "law and order" and
for making all things constitutional, they,
at the same time, establish those districts
where not only statutory law and the con-
science of the land is broken, but every
noble impulse of the human conscience is
violated; and
Whereas, The attempted hygienic value
of such segregation and regulation has
been shown a failure, the highest medi-
cal authorities here and in Europe are
condemning it in unstinted terms (As
Dr. Prince A. Morrow of New York; Drs.
Lesser, Neisser and Blascho of Germany;
Drs. Mauriac aftd Fournier of France, and
the highest medical authorities cf Eng-
land and the Scandinavian countries); and
Whereas, It is distinctively class ques-
tion, as working girls form 99 per cent
of the victims, and as the "segregating"
consists in appointing an area in the very
poorest districts of the city where the evil
may go t>n with official help for keepers
and procurers, thus becoming a constant
menace to the poor who must live in such
districts: their children, girls and boys
alike early falling victims to this worst
of capitalist protected vices; and
Whereas, The men engaged in this traf-
fic combine with big business for protec-
tion, and big business protects them in
turn for the votes fraudulent and other-
wise that they give to the machine. There-
fore be it
Resolved, That we, the delegates of the
National Socialist Party of America, in
convention assembled, do hereby proclaim
our unremitting hostility to such institu-
tions; that we urge our members in all
the cities of the land to make insistent
and urgent protest against such segre-
gation and despoliation of helpless wom-
anhood; that we demand the enforce-
ment of law; and further be it
Resolved, That where Socialist admin-
istrations be elected in cities they imme-
diately abolish such districts, extend care
and protection to the unhappy women in-
mates, and prosecute vigorously all keep-
ers, procurers and others engaged in this
most infamous business; and further be it
Resolved, That we use our power to se-
cure legislation requiring physicians to
report all cases of venereal diseases, and
that a public record be kept of the same;
and also make it a felony for any person
not a regularly licensed physician, to treat
such diseases.
Resolved, That while we recognize that
prostitution is a by-product of capitalism,
we recommend this measure as one which
will hamper the cadet in his right to take
profits from the unfortunate woman, and
to show our contempt for the miserable
substitute for a home offered by the mas-
ters to our workingmen; and we further
/
/ 162
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
Recommend, That to the end that our
and girls may be better able to pro-
tect themselves, instruction in sex hygiene
be carefully given in all public schools.
The reading of the recommendations
was received with great applause.
DEL. SIMONS: I move that these rec-
ommendations be accepted by* the conven-
tion. (.Seconded.)
DEL. MALKIEL (N. Y.) : I move that
they be taken up and discussed seriatim,
because there are a number of things that
have to be discussed. (Seconded.)
DEL. LONDON (N. Y.): I move as an
amendment that the recommendations of
the Woman's Commfttee be referred to the
National Executive Committee. If that
motion is seconded I will explain why I
make that motion.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): A point of or-
der. There is a motion made and prop-
erly before the house, and this amend-
ment has no relation whatever to the
proposition before the house.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair would
rule the motion out of order at this time.
The amendment is before us.
DEL. LONDON: Is the motion to refer
out of order?
THE CHAIRMAN: To the National Ex-
ecutive Committee, yes. I believe this re-
port is before the convention and should
be acted on.
DEL. LONDON: It is an amendment to
the amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: An amendment to
the amendment is in order.
DEL. LONDON: That is what I made,
an amendment to the amendment, in the
nature of an amendment.
THE CHAIRMAN: You made a motion
to refer. That is not an amendment.
DEL. LONDON: Then I make it as a
substitute.
THE CHAIRMAN: Substitutes have
been ruled out of order under Robert's
Rules of Order by this convention.
DEL. LONDON: Not at all.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let us understand
the status of things. We' have had the
report of the Woman's Committee. The
Secretary will please state just how the
things stand.
SEC. REILLY: The motion is that the
report and recommendations of the com-
mittee be adopted. Amendment by Mal-
kiel of New York, to take up the recom-
mendations seriatim.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question is on
the amendment.
The previous question was ordered.
DEL. MALKIEL: I am speaking for
the amendment: You are getting ready to
go home, but don't forget that this mat-
ter is more important and of greater sig-
nificance than a good many if not most
of the matters you have voted on up till
now. You don't realize it. The woman's
question is the greatest question that con-
fronts the Socialist party. Within four or
five years the United States will enfran-
chise women in every single state. For
the present it is the greatest question be-
fore the Socialist movement in this coun-
try, and if you do not realize it now you
will later on when it will be entirely too
late. I appeal to you, before you go, to
give this consideration. There are a num-
ber of recommendations made there. They
are not made just for the purpose of corn-
ins: here and presenting them to you.
They are made for the purpose of your
serious discussion and consideration.
There are a good many other points that
will be up today before you, among them
the immigration question, which faces you
after this report is disposed of. We
sending missionaries to China, while
are leaving women in ignorance at homd
You have in your midst six million womel
who have neither fathers nor husband!
nor brothers to shape their ideas and theil
views, and the minute, they get a voti
they will use it against the Socialist
party. Therefore, I say to you, considef
them before you decide not to take up
this report seriatim and to vote it dowm
DEL. SIMONS: These recommendation
represent the work during the past fe^|
years of women from all over the couni
try who are not present at this conven*
tion. We drew the report up in as briel
form as we possibly could. I am no\i
speaking for the Woman's Committee. Wl
are perfectly satisfied, if you so desirS
that you vote for this report as a wholel
and we do not ask you to take it up seril
atim. For my part, I think we havi
touched upon every phase of the question
that we possibly can. We have tried t<j
make it short and concise so that thesl
recommendations can be carried out. Fol
my part, I am speaking for the committel
against taking this up and considering
each item. We are perfectly satisfied il
you take it as it stands. (Applause.)
DEL. LONDON: A point of order. I
want a ruling front the Chairman befdri
we vote.
» THE CHAIRMAN: What is your point!
DEL. LONDON: My point of order ii
that in the report submitted by the Woral
an's Committee there are recommendation^
which involve things contradictory to tha
resolutions adopted by this convention
and I want it understood and want an in!
telligent vote.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair must de-
cide that you are making a speech under ;
the guise of a point of order.
DEL. LONDON: One moment. I want a
ruling.
THE CHAIRMAN: My ruling is thai
you are not in order at this time witfl|
your point of order.
DEL. LONDON: I ask you for a ruling.
Permit me to state my question and asl
you for a ruling.
THE CHAIRMAN: If Comrade Londoii
will give the Chair a chance
DEL. LONDON: Will you please give
me a chance?
THE CHAIRMAN: I will give you a
DEL.' LONDON: I want to ask a ques-
tion, and you do not permit me to ask it:
THE CHAIRMAN: The question ndw ■
DEL. LONDON: I appeal from your de-
cision. I will not be gagged or hum-,
bugged. I appeal from your decision.
THE CHAIRMAN: Is the appeal sec-
onded?
The appeal was seconded, and Vice-
Chairman Edwards took the Chair.
THE VICE - CHAIRMAN: State the
ground of your appeal.
DEL. LONDON: I am anxious to get
away from here. It is a sacrifice to ma
to stay away from a busy man's office;
and I do not want to waste time. I dd
not want this convention to make a mis4
take when we are all worn out and tired
out and hungry and ready to go. There!
are things here which may involve a conj
tradiction of the action that we hava
taken. Therefore, I wanted to get this
straight. I wanted to ask the Chairmari
this question: Will the adoption of the
report of the Woman's Committee mean
that we have repealed the resolutions
which we have heretofore adopted, or will'
it mean the adoption of only such partS;
[
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
163
e recommendation as will not con-
st the resolutions previously adopted?
it a sensible question to ask? That
sensible question to ask. Even a
man coming from New Jersey should
sense enough to permit such a ques-
33 CHAIRMAN (Del. Goebel): The
•man is perfectly satisfied, no matter
you vote on the appeal. I am here on
ast day, knowing that we have got
;ess enough to take ten hours. Now,
delegates must leave' by six. I am
g to express the will of the house. I
ve it is the sentiment of the house
y business quickly. Comrade London
others have a line of action along
lines contrary to this sentiment, and
jfore I knew I was not unfair in mak-
the ruling I did. I am satisfied, no
er how you vote on the appeal.
\ote was taken and the Chair was
lined. Del. Goebel then resumed tha
r.
IE CHAIRMAN: The matter before
house, in order that you may under-
d what you are voting on, will now
ead by the Secretary.
]C. REILLY: Motion that the recom-
dations be adopted. Amendment of-
d by Malkiel of New York to take up
recommendations seriatim.
EL. LONDON: A question of inforraa-
before we vote. I want to vote in-
gently. I want information before 1
HE CHAIRMAN: It may be that the
gate from New York needs informa-
EL. LONDON: I do need it, and you
3 a great deal of it too. I ask this
stlon, Comrade Chairman: I am ready
kote for the adoption of the Woman's
9rt. Will the adoption of_the report
the Woman's Committee mean the re-
1 of such resolutions previously adopt-
as contradict the recommendations of
Woman's Committee? Will you please
wer that question?
HE CHAIRMAN: The Chair will rule
t nothing which has already been act-
upon and adopted could be changed in
r way without a motion to reconsider.
Isrefore nothing could be adopted at this
ie that conflicts with anything already
)€, without such a motion to reconsider.
?he amendment to take up the recom-
ndations seriatim was then lost.
?he motion to refer to the National Ex-
itive Committee was lost.
:>EL. SLOBODIN: I move to insert after
j words "a large number of men," the
rds "and women;' (Seconded.)
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I rise to a
int of order. The orevious question had
sn ordered, and this amendment and de-
te are out of order.
rHE CHAIRMAN: The Chair is a little
doubt as to whether the previous ques-
>n did cover this. The matter before the
use is the motion to adopt as a whole,
I understand it. Comrade Slobodin of-
rs an amendment. Is that true? I think
mrade Slobodin is in order, but I hope
one will take advantage of .this rul-
er any more than can be helped.
DEL. MALKIEL: I want to move as an
lendment that the resolution on White
ivery be read over once more.
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec-
>n. the Secretary will read it.
DEL. THOMPSON: I move the previous
estion.
Seconded and carried.
SEC. REILLY: The amendment by
obodin of New York is to add to the
words "a large number of men," the words
"and women." I don't know just where it
comes in, but that is the way it was given.
The amendment was carried, and the
amended motion to adopt the report as a
whole was then cariied.
DEL. LOWE (111.): May I say a word
on behalf of the Committee? Comrade
Meyer London explained to us that he
feared there was something in our recom-
mendations that might contradict some
action on something that was already
passed.. He says he has read it carefully
since and that there is not.
rules' of order.
DEL. LEE (N. Y.): Has the report of
the Committee been disposed of?
THE CHAIRMAN: It has.
DEL. LEE: Then there is no motion be-
fore the house?
THE CHAIRMAN: No.
DEL. LEE: I then move a special rule,
and I understand that it will take a two-
thirds vote to carry this rule. I desire to
move a rule and to say a few words in
support of it. I move that no action taken
by the convention up to this time be here-
after reconsidered by the convention, un-
less by the vote of a majority of the whole
number of delegates entitled to seats in
the convention. (Seconded.) I do not know
with what truth, but it has been said this
afternoon, and I have heard it from vari-
ous quarters, that there would be an at-
tempt to reconsider Section 6 of Article II
of the Constitution, which was adopted
yesterday by a roll call vote of 191 to 90,
if I remember right. We know very well
that under gag law it might be done. We
know very well that some delegates will
have to go home. We know very well that
the longer the convention goes on and
the longer we stay the greater the danger
of its action being unrepresentative. I
want to say that if there is no intention
to take such advantage at such an hour,
then the comrades will not oppose this.
The rules will work no injustice. The
rules will do nothing but to maintain the
well-considered and recorded sentiments
of this convention and to prevent any in-
judicious or ill-advised comrade from pre-
cipitating a scandal in the last davs of the
convention which would give the laugh to
the telegram from our presidential candi-
date that we so heartily applauded this
morning.
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I second the
motion.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let the Secretary
read the motion.
SEC. REILLY: "Motion by Lee of New
York, that no action taken by the conven-
tion up to this time be hereafter reconsid-
ered by the convention unless by a vote of
a. majority of the whole number of dele-
gates entitled to seats in the convention."
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair wants to
say this. The Chair is going to make a
statement, —
DEL. WHEELER (Pa.): I would just
like to make a statement.
THE CHAIRMAN: Let me make my
statement. I want to make a suggestion.
This is what I started to sav: Comrade
Lee has been, like myself, on orte side of
this question. He has spoken for that side.
I think they want fair play as much as I
want it.
DEL. WHEELER: I just want to make
this statement on this matter. Now all has
been said and done, and there is absolutely
no person on this side objecting in any
particular to what has been done. There is
no person on this side endeavoring to go
;
164
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
about and try to reconsider. We do not
want to do such a thing. (Applause.)
Speaking' of tricks, we do not have to use
tricks. We are perfectly satisfied with the
action you took yesterday. I am sure you
will agree, when you have had time to
consider it, that, considering the stand we
have consistently taken in this convention
and before we came to this convention,
that we could not have acted in any other
manner than we acted when we voted
against that section. We having been in
the minority and being thus placed on
record, we have no purpose in seeking a
reconsideration. What some other com-
rades are fearing has something to do with
another proposition, and not with this con-
vention. I want to say for the younger
element of those representing us here, that
although you may not believe it now, we
acted in perfect good faith, and we have
the interests of this party at stake as well
as any men with white hair. (Applause.)
I want to say furthermore, and I am not
saying it with bitterness, nor am I say-
ing it with a feeling of desire to get back
at anybody — I hope I am beyond any such
thing as that — I want to say this, that as
the comrade back there said, there is no
use denying things; it has been mentioned
around here; it has been spoken in the
corridor; it has been spoken on the plat-
form that there might be aT trick. Now, we
never had such a thing in our minds. (Ap-
plause.) And when we go from here we
will put every ounce of energy we have
into the campaign as well as you. (Ap-
plause.) I am sure my Comrade Lee — and
I would say that I am not putting any soft
soap on him — I have known him a long
time and I admire the work he has done — I
am sure my good Comrade Lee will now
consider that some of his remarks were not
to the point. We represent this side of
the proposition. You will all agree that
we have a perfect right to our opinion, and
I am sure you would have no respect for us
if we had not done what we did yesterday;
and now, if we tried some petty scheme for
the purpose of getting a momentary ad-
vantage, you might have some cause for
discontent, but we are not going to do it.
THE CHAIRMAN: No; we are going out
of here united. That is what it means.
DEL. WHEELER: If you feel the same
way, we are going from here united.
The previous question was ordered, and
the motion of Del. Lee was carried.
CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE.
THE CHAIRMAN: Comrade Hillquit has
a supplementary report from the Commit-
tee on Constitution. There is nothing in
order but Comrade Hillquit at this time.
DEL. HILLQUIT: This report, Com-
rades, does not deal directly with the Con-
stitution. The Constitution deals with our
permanent form of organization. The sup-
plementary report which we submit now
deals with a temporary condition. That is
the reason we make it separate. It bears
upon the campaign before us. The Com-
mittee on Constitution finds that the plan
of organization submitted by the Commit-
tee and adopted by you will not enter into
force until after the campaign. Meanwhile
we will have the largest and I hope, most
effective campaign before us that we have
ever had, with practically no National Ex-
ecutive Committee to conduct it unless our
committee might make it possible to meet
once or at most twice before the election.
That certainly will be entirely insufficient
for the purpose of planning and carrying
out the details of a campaign of the mag-
nitude anticipated by us. We therefore
recommend that this convention elect a
special Campaign Committee of five, selei
ing persons from such localities as vs
make it convenient for them to meet ofti
say about once a month to start with,
once every two weeks, and if need be on
a week, during the close of the campai|
We also and particularly recommend
you the election of a Campaign Manag
for the reason that the regular business
the National office is such today that
takes every moment of the present offi
force and the present Secretary, and if |
desire to carry on a vigorous campaign,
must have a special working departme
for that purpose. This, therefore, is o
recommendation submitted to you, that 1
now proceed to elect a Campaign Comm
tee and a Campaign Manager to conduct
campaign in conjunction with the Natioij
Executive Committee, after probably o
conference agreeing upon the general lin
The motion was seconded and carried,
THE CHAIRMAN: Shall we now pi
ceed to the election? Nominations are
order.
DEL. SLAYTON (Pa.): I move that t
election of the Campaign Chairman be Is
in the hands of the National Executi
Committee.
DEL. HILLQUIT: The National Exec
tive Committee had the matter under co
sideration, and prefers that for this i]
portant position, this convention make t
choice. We might be in a better position
elect the Committee, but we wish the co
vention as a whole to elect a Campai
Manager, who will have the largest i
sponsibility in this campaign, and whc
position will be much more fortified if
comes with the sanction of this large a
representative body rather than as t
choice of the Executive Committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: We have a moti
that has been carried, as I understands
for the nomination and election of a Cai
paign Committee of five and a Campai
Manager. In what order shall we ta
them? Campaign Manager first, if there
no objection:
DEL. HILLQUIT: I desire to place
nomination for this position Comrade
Mahlon Barnes. (Seconded.) In doing
I wish to state to the comrades that I ha
been on the National Executive Committ
a number of years, and I have had oppc
tunity and occasion to observe the work
Comrade Barnes, and while I have no mc
personal attachment to Barnes or inter*
in the matter than any other delegate,
wish to say that my colleagues on t
National Executive Committee, and on t
several committees are unanimous in t
opinion that the party has very few men,
any men as efficient, as painstaking, as 6
voted, and, on the whole, as fit for the po;
tion as Comrade Barnes. I wish to sta
also — speaking now personally for myse
and I am very frank in this matter-
think this convention and this party ow
a reparation to Comrade Barnes becau
of the campaign of slander institut
against him and the hunting up of m£
ters dead and buried years ago and th<
publication in Socialist papers. I thi:
this was one of the most disgrace!
things ever suffered in the Socialist par
(Applause.) I think, as far as I mys<
am concerned — I do not care whether it
wise, whether it is politic — I think eve
man among us is entitled to justice, a
I speak for Comrade Barnes because
know a great injustice has been done hi
(Applause.)
DEL. MERRICK: A point of inform
tion. Do I understand this recommend
tion, that this is the action of the Natior
Executive Committee?
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
165
EL. HILLQUIT: No; it is the nomina-
of Delegate Hillquit from New York.
EL. MERRICK: Not the nomination
lames; that isn't what I refer to. It is
recommendation of tne committee.
EL. HILLQUIT: Which action?
EL. MERRICK: The recommendation,
Barnes.
EL. HILLQUIT: This comes from the
mittee on Constitution and also from
National Executive Committee.
EL. MERRICK: With the endorse-
t of the National Executive Com-
ee?
EL. HILLQUIT: A general recom-
xlation, yes.
HE CHAIRMAN: I believe Comrade
quit was trying to make the point that
nomination was as an individual.
EL. PREVEY: I am very sorry that
laking a nomination, Comrade Hillquit
also to make a speech. Now, I desire
lace in nomination for the position of
paign Manager of the Socialist party
1912 a man who probably has not been
s close touch with the members of the
lonal Executive Committee as Barnes,
he is a' man that has had some ex-
ence, not only in campaign managing,
also in executive work in cities and in
aging local campaigns, and knows
ething about arranging meetings. I
efore place in nomination as Campaign
ager for the Socialist party Carl D.
mpson of AVisconsin. (Applause.) I
'ry that Comrade Hillquit took this
ision to open up the Barnes case. If
rade Barnes is again placed in con-
ion with the National office, we are not
lg ahead as a unified Socialist party in
ying on this campaign. Comrade
quit says we owe something to Com-
1 Barnes. I say we do not owe some-
g to Comrade Barnes. He has been
for his services. He was compelled
esign under fire, and we do not want to
pen the cape.
HE CHAIRMAN: We have had both
s as far as one nomination is con-
ed. I sugsrest that in further nom-
ing you cut out all reference to the
linees' private affairs.
EL. MOTLEY (Ida.): I just want to
r my protest against a delegate on
floor bringing up things that have
n dead.
EL. MORRISON: I want to gro on rec-
l the same way. The comrade had no
it to bring that in.
delegate placed in nomination Del.
meld R. Gaylord of Wisconsin.
EL. FURMAN (N. Y.): I nominate a
l to take care of .the eastern states,
us Gerber.
EL. STRICLAND (Ohio): I would like
>ut in nomination a comrade whose ex-
tive work has not been so great in re-
I years, but which is just as good as it
r was, a comrade whom we can trust
who will he in very close sympathy
h the candidates. .1 wish to nominate
irade Seymour Stedman of Illinois.
'PlauseJ
EL. GARVFTR (Mo.V T desire to nom-
te William M. Brandt of St. Louis.
!'EL. SLOBODIN (N. Y.): I nominate
irade Branstetter of Oklahoma.
•EL. CORY (Wash.): T wish to place m
lination ^r comrade Oeorere H. cJoebel.
■EL. GOEBEL: Goebel is for Barnes,
.not ashamed of it.
delegate nominated Oscar Amermger
)klahoma. _ _ , «
he nominations were then closed, ana
list of nominees was read for accept-
DEL. BARNES: I can only say that I
don't want a job. I do not need a job, bu,t
if I can be of any service to the party in
this temporary position I am willing to
SLCCGP t
DEL. THOMPSON: I decline.
' DEL. GAYLORD: I have got both hands
full, and if I did not have I would not in-
terfere with Barnes. He needs that job.
The name of Comrade Brandt was called,
but there was no response.
THE CHAIRMAN: Unless they are
vouched for, they won't stand.
DEL. LARSEN (111.): Stedman will be
unable to accept. Therefore, I decline Tor
him.
DEL. GARVER: I nominated Comrade
Brandt under a misapprehension when
you were calling for nominations. I with-
draw the name of Brandt.
DEL. BRANSTETTER: Being heartily
in accord with the comrade that nom-
inated Barnes, I decline.
DEL. GOEBEL: I echo the sentiments
of Branstetter.
DEL. AMERINGER: Being a member of
the supreme court that tried Barnes t I de-
cline.
SEC. REILLY: That leaves one nom-
ination, J. Mahlon Barnes of Pennsylvania.
On motion of Del. Solomon of New York,
Del. Barnes was elected Campaign Man-
ager by acclamation.
Nominations were then called for for
members of the Campaign Committee.
NATIONAL CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE.
The following nominations were made
for the National Campaign Committee:
Dan Hoeran, Ark.
Carl D. Thompson, Wis.
James Oneal, Ind.
Margaret Prevey, Ohio.
Tom Lewis, Ore.
Wm. M. Brandt, St. Loula.
James F. Carey, Mass.
Dan White, Mass.
J. W. Slayton, Pa.
W. J. Ghent, Washington, D. C
Anna A. Ma ley, Wash.
Fred Krafft. N. J.
Stephen M. Reynolds, Ind.
S. C. Garrison, Ind.
J. Stitt Wilson, Cal.
W. E. Rodriguez, 111.
A. H. Floaten, Colo.
L. J. Duncan, Mont.
J. E. Snyder, Cal.
O. F. Branstetter, Okla.
A. M. Simons, Kans.
A. Germer, 111.
Gustav Strebel, N. Y.
Mary O'Reilly, 111.
Alexander Irvine, Cal.
Clyde J. Wright, Neb.
The following nominees accepted:
Hoaran. Lewis, Brandt, White, Slayton,
Krafft, Revnolds, Garrison. Wilson, Rod-
riguez, Duncan, Snyder, Branstetter Si-
mons, Wrlerht.
DEL. HILLQUIT: I wish to call atten-
tion to the fact that the reason for the
recommendation for the election of this
committee was that the members of the
National Executive Committee are scat-
tered all over the United States. If now
we are to elect a committee from Califor-
nia and New York. Oresron and New Jer-
sey we are duplicating the same inefficient
work. m . _.
DEL. WILSON: In view of the state-
ment I decline. _ ._
DEL. WHITE: As a delegate from the
Atlantic Coast I decline.
DEL. RICHARDSON (Cal.): It is effici-
ent work that we want out of this com-
mittee. The committee will have to be In
/
166
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
session for weeks at a time during the
campaign. We have got to get men near
headquarters, as well as men competent to
do the work. I move that no man be
elected who lives more than 5Q0 miles
from Chicago.
A DELEGATE: I suggest to save time
that Comrade Hillquit give us a list of
five names for this committee.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair would not
entertain that motion.
DEL. COLLINS (Colo.): I move that
Seidel and Debs be allowed to choose their
own campaign committee.
The motion by Delegate Collins was
tabled.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move that
the National Executive Committee together
with the nominees for President and Vice-
President select the campaign committee.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): I rise to a point of
order. We have gone into the nomination
of committeemen, and now we are over-
turning it.
DEL. PREVEY (Ohio): I move to
amend that the committee be elected from
those nominated here.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): It is absurd
to waste an hour and a half selecting a
committee of five. My motion is that the
National Executive Committee in conjunc-
tion with the presidential and vice presi-
dential nominees select from the nominees
named at this convention five to be the
Campaign Committee.
The motion was carried.
DEL. ZITT (Ohio): The Ohio delegation
wants to be recorded as opposing the in-
troduction of the Barnes matter, not the
nomination of Barnes but the speech by
Comrade Hillquit.
THE CHAIRMAN: Does the Comrade
represent Ohio?
DEL. STRICKLAND (Ohio): As to the
introduction of the Barnes matter I re-
gard it as unfortunate and agree with the
delegates from Ohio.
THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Goebel
from New Jersey wants to be recorded as
saying that when a sneak who is not capa-
ble of a fair fight, in an underhanded
manner circulates lies against a man,
Goebel wishes to go on record as endorsing
all that Hillquit said.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I wish to be
recorded as protesting against the intro-
duction of the Barnes matter while voting
for Comrade Barnes as Campaign Man-
ager.
DEL. PROSSER (Pa.): I also want to
be recorded.
THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair rules that
all of you who wish to be recorded, can
come up here and read your names to the
Secretary.
EDITING.
On motion a committee of two was ap-
pointed to edit the report of the commit-
tee, making only such changes as might
be necessary for that purpose.
PLATFORM.
The Committee on Platform further rec-
ommended that plank 14 of the Political
Demand be changed to read: "The enact-
ment of further measures for the conserva-
tion of health."
THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any objec-
tion to the adoption of this clause?
DEL. PATTERSON (Ohio): A point of
Order. This can not be changed without a
vote by a majority of the whole conven-
tion.
By consent the section as recommended
by the committee was adopted.
DEL. STRICKLAND: I want to rise to
a question of personal privilege. While I
regretted the introduction of the Bi
matter I want it understood that I aj
with him on the main proposition wb
was brought up. I think that
character assassination of which
"Christian Socialist" was guilty wai
famous.
THE CHAIRMAN: The question b
the house is on this fourteenth plan
the platform.
DEL. WHEELER (Cal.): I wan
know if that doesn't change the v
subject matter.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): It does.
DEL. WHEELER: I certainly obje
that change.. It strikes at the very \
of the whole thing. We had it a*et
the othe* night and it was carried by
to one to put that amendment in thef€
our delegation are going to see thi
stays there if we have any influence.
THE CHAIRMAN: In order to <
this it will require a majority of the -vi
convention.
On motion the whole matter was lai
the table.
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I have
port to present.
IMMIGRATION.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt.): We have ai
der of business adopted here and I ]
that the reporters on Immigration be
heard and that when they are so hear
close the debate and proceed to a vote
The motion was duly seconded.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): I move
the Committee on Immigration be
tinued to present its renort at the
convention.
The motion was seconded.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I move to ai
that we receive the report without d<
and vote upon it.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I desire to s
for the majority report. Comrade U:
man, who is the chief author of the
jority report is absent from the cob
tion and is unable to speak for it. i
rade Hunter of the majority is also
sent. Comrade Wanhope and myself
other two members of the majority
the least to do with drawing this rq
I support the amendment of the Con;
from New York that we continue'
question in the hands of the committei
til the next congress.
DEL. MERRICK: I think the comj
came here to vote upon this questid
think we all understand this que!
that the reports have been read andj
we are intelligent enough to vote up
without any discussion whatever. B.
you vote to re-commit when we go]
to our people they will want to 1
what kind of a convention this is I
how when we spend two years prepi
reports which you are afraid to voti
I may be in the minority but I ani
afraid to record myself on one side of
question, say where I stand and go 4
to my constituency and justify my
duct. There is no reason why you ca)
vote on this question now without
oratory. Let us settle this question]
each of us voting according to his;
victions.
DEL. SOLOMON (N. Y.): This is i
question of being afraid to vote. The
is that a great many of us are not]
position to vote intelliarentlv and
on this question. I think if we
over to the next convention by thati
we shall be able to pass upon the fl
that will then be presented. We ]
nothing to lose and everything to gai
postponing action on this proposition
;
/A.
3
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
167
now that Spargo has 75 pounds of steam
er square inch to unload on this question,
ut I think we had better postpone action
n it.
DEL. SPARGO: Just because it is late
nd we are tired we ought not to make
urselves ridiculous by refusing to act
pon the report of the committee that has
een working on it for two years. There-
am opposed to continuing the com-
In the second place, I am satis-
that the comrades can without any
„jry at all, vote on the question, but if
*ou have read these reports I call your
ttention to this fact, that the .majority
eport makes certain recommendations for
xclusiqn and in the printed report it
ives its reasons for so recommending. In
he minority report we simply say that we
ecommend the re-affirmation of the Stutt-
art resolution and there is not one word
f reason why we make that recommenda-
ion. The question is whether you want
he majority report with its reasons. Com-
ade Wanhope was authorized by the ma-
ority to present their views and has a
ght to do it. If you want the majority
eport you will have to accept the reasons
f the majority. They are Unterman's rea-
ons, they are Wilson's reasons, they are
JVanhope's reasons, they are Hunter's rea-
sons, they have all signed it. If you vote
or the majority report well and good. All
hat the minority asks is to place before
r ou_ the Stuttgart resolution and then to
itate the reasons why our party should re-
affirm that. So far as I am concerned I
relieve I can state those reasons in ten
ninutes.
DEL. MERRICK: A point of informa-
ion. Is there not a third report?
DEL. SPARGO: That is simply Comrade
Laukki's statement. He is with London
ind myself in our report.
DEL. LAUKKI: I stand for the report
pf the minority. Meyer, London and Spar-
aro state the international position. My
statement simply takes into consideration
the American conditions at the present
time, and I have made some recommenda-
tions based on these conditions.
THE CHAIRMAN: The motion before
the house is the substitute by Merrick to
receive the reports as printed* and pro-
ceed to a vote without debate.
The motion of Comrade Merrick was
lost.
The motion of Comrade Solomon that the
committee be continued with instructions
to further investigate and report at the
next convention was carried.
COMMITTEE ON PARTY PRESS.
DEL. O'REILLY: In presenting this re-
P.t. 1 am £° in % to ask that it be referred
to the National Executive Committee.
There is no loss in any way by having
this report referred to the National Ex-
ecutive Committee. I hope you will do
this because during the present campaign
t may be found that a party owned print-
ing plant will be entirely practicable and
very much needed. In that case leave
th ? m , i n a Position to purchase one, and
establish one if they wish. That is what
the committee asks.
On motion duly seconded it was so or-
dered.
The report of the committee on Party
Press is as follows:
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON PARTY
PRESS.
The rapid growth of the Socialist move-
ment and the increased demand for So-
cialist literature has created a consider-
able demand for the establishment of a
printing plant to be owned and controlled
by the Socialist party for printing and
publishing Socialist books, pamphlets,
leaflets, tracts and other Socialist litera-
ture.
The present Socialist news bureau,
which can scarcely yet be said to have
passed the experimental stage, has al-
ready demonstrated its usefulness despite
the fact that it has been hampered by
lack of funds. Through a proper organi-
zation of this bureau and the general co-
operation of the Socialist newspapers to
be served thereby the Socialist press
throughout the country will be greatly
strengthened and the movement benefited.
Inasmuch as the sentiment regarding a
party-owned newspaper is not crystallized,
but considerably divided, we make no rec-
ommendation thereon save as hereinafter
provided.
We therefore recommend the following:
- 1. That this convention instruct the
National Executive Committee to investi-
gate fully as quickly as possible the fea-
sibility of establishing a party-owned and
controlled publishing plant and to pur-
chase and install such plant if upon in-
vestigation the same shall be found prac-
ticable.
2. That the National Executive Commit-
tee call together immediately a conference
of all editors and managers of Socialist
newspapers for the purpose of enlarging
and perfecting the usefulness of the Na-
tional Socialist News Bureau and of pro-
moting co-operation between the Socialist
publications.
3. That a committee of three shall be
elected by the National Executive Commit-
tee to consist of comrades familiar with
Socialist newspaper work and manage-
ment which shall gather and compile all
data obtained from Socialist parties of
this and other countries relating to the
subject of a party-owned and controlled
newspaper. Such committee shall report.
at the earliest possible moment, and not
later than one year to the National Execu-
tive Committee and the report of this sub-
committee shall be published by the Na-
tional Office and sent out to the party or-
ganizations. AH expenses of said commit-
tee shall be borne by the National Office.
MARY O'REILLY,
R. A. MAYNARD,
WM. M. WESLEY,
W. A. JACOBS,
J. L. BACHMANN,
MEYER LONDON,
GEO. E. OWEN,
FRED KRAFFT,
S. E. BEARDSLEY,
Committee on Party Press.
DEL. S. SADLER (Wash.): I move that
all reports of committees not submitted to
the convention at its close be referred to
the National Executive Committee with
power to act.
Delegate Merrick moved to amend that
they be referred to the National Commit-
tee. >
DEL. MERRICK: I want to speak on
this motion.
DEL. SLAYTON: I have been trying to
get the eye of the Chairman. Is there only
one man in this convention and should he
be given the floor all afternoon?
The motion of Delegate Merrick that
they be referred to the National Commit-
tee was lost.
-* *Both the majority and minority reports
are printed as Appendix J, together with
Delegate Laukki's statement. — Editor.
168
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Delegate Sadler's motion to refer it to
the National Executive Committee was
carried.
DEL. COLLINS: A special matter. I
move that we instruct the National Secre-
tary to pay to the ushers,, Sergeant-at-
arms and clerks not less than $3 a day for
their services during the convention.
The motion was carried.
STATE AND MUNICIPAL PROGRAM.
THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Thompson
will now report for the Committee on
State and Municipal Program.
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): This report*
has been put on your table and if there is
no objection I suggest that we can dis-
pose of this in about five minutes in the
following manner. In the first place if
you have not read the report you can get
copies of it and read it. I want to em-
phasize this point about it, that every-
thing in the report up to the fifth page,
and not including the fifth page, is merely
suggestive. It is in no sense binding upon
any local or State organization but is pre-
sented merely as assembling the data from
which those who care to may draw such
parts as they may find useful in preparing
their municipal and State program. There-
fore it is unnecessary at this time to read
all of it. It is unnecessary to take it un-
der consideration seriatim, and I am go-
ing to make a motion that that part be
adopted as a whole, and afterwards pre-
sent the recommendation. I move, there-
fore, Comrade Chairman, that the first
part of this report up to and including the
first paragraph on page 5 be adopted as a
whole.
The motion was carried.
On motion of Comrade Thompson the
first clause of the recommendation was
adopted.
The recommendation as to the study of
unemployment was adopted.
The third recommendation as to the es-
tablishment of a legislative bureau on
motion of Delegate Solomon was referred
to the National Executive Committee.
The section of the report as to resolu-
tions by Comrade Simons was adopted.
Thereupon the report of the committee
as a whole was adopted.
REPORT OF THE PUBLICITY COM-
MITTEE.
The Socialist Convention of 1912 is the
first one in the history of the party that
has elected a Publicity Committee. Here-
tofore the Press Committee has considered
matters relating to party press and co-
operated with the newspaper and general
oress representatives to the end of secur-
ing for the convention and the party as
much useful publicity as possible.
It is the latter function that has been
assumed by the Publicity Committee of
this Convention. "We have done all in our
power to see that the important ^actions
of the Convention should receive as much
and as favorable publicity as possible. In
this respect members of the Socialist press
have rendered the greatest assistance. We
believe that the result has been a consid-
erable improvement in the treatment of
our Convention by the general and news-
paper press of the United States.
The only recommendation this commit-
tee would make is that future conventions
should consolidate the Publicity Commit-
tee and the Committee On Party Press and
that the latter committee should assign
three of its members, preferably expe-
*The report is printed in full, as appen-
dix K.— Editor.
rienced newspaper men, to the duty
looking after the welfare of the press re'
resentatives at the convention.
FRANK E. WOLFE, Chairman,
EDWARD PERKINS CLARKE,
• Secreta)]
JOHN HAYDEN,
MAX HAYES,
GUS THEIMER.
DEL. WOLFE (Cal.): Our report
unanimous. I think we have had the mo
harmonious committee in the conventic
Our duties have been to pussyfoot aroun
and so far as we cculd look after the cor
fort of the newspaper men and assist the
in every way possible.
We have endeavored to see that tij
work of the convention should have i
wide publicity as possible and the on
recommendation that we make is that :
the future the Publicity Committee ar
the Committee on Party Press should I
combined^and that three members prefei 1
ably experienced newspaper men shoul
look after the welfare of the press at th
convention.
COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS.
DEL. SPARGO: We have very few resc
lutions left. The first one is on nomin
ating women candidates.
"Whereas, an increasing number c
women are taking part in industrial actlv
ity so that they are today an importar
factor in economic and social life and ar
thereby qualifying themselves for partic]
pation in political administration;
Therefore, Be it "esolved, that the So
cialist party deems women equally en
titled with men to be nominated for and t
be elected to, public office so that the
may help to manage our common affair:
THE CHAIRMAN: If there is no objec
tion the resolution will be adopted a
read.
DEL. SPARGO: The next resolution i
on temperance. In substance the resolu
tion is the same as that adopted in 1901
but there are some changes in phrasin
with the idea of strengthening and im
proving it.
TEMPERANCE.
The manufacture and sale for profit o
intoxicating and adulterated liquors lead
directly to many serious social evils. In
temperance in the use of alcoholic liquor
weakens the physical, mental and mora
powers.
We hold, therefore, that any excessiv
indulgence in intoxicating liquors by mem
bers of the working class is a serious ob
stacle to the triumph of our class since i
impairs the vigor of the fighters in th
political and economic struggle, and w
urpre the members of the working class t
avoid any indulgence which might impai
their ability to wage a successful politi
cal and economic struggle, and so hinde
the progress of the movement for thei
emancipation.
We do not believe that the evils o
alcoholism can be eradicated by repressiv
measures or any extension of the polic
powers of the capitalist state — alcoholisr
is a disease of which capitalism is th
chief cause. Poverty, overwork and over
worry necessarily result in intemperanc
on the part of the Victims. To abolis
the wage system with all its evils is th
surest way to eliminate the evils of al
coholism and the traffic in intoxicatin
liquor.
The resolution was adopted as read.
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18, 1912
169
, The next resolution on the subject of
reiilitary education of children was read
a follows:
ilLITARY EDUCATION OF CHILDREN.
Whereas, The capitalist class Is making
etermined and persistent efforts to use
le public schools for the military training
C children and for the inculcation of the
ilitary spirit; therefore be it
Resolved, That we are opposed to all
Sorts to introduce military training into
le public schools, and that we recommend
le introduction into our public school
"/stem of a thorough and progressive
surse in physical culture, and
Resolved, That we request the National
xecutive Committee to suggest plans and
rograms along this line and furnish these
i the party membership, together with
uch advice in the matter as may be help-
jl to the party membership in introducing
'uch a system into our public schools.
*j On motion the resolution was adopted as
ead.
The next resolution, protesting against
be Dillingham Bill, was then read as fol-
)ws;
THE DILLINGHAM BILL.
Whereas, the Dillingham bill passed by
hie United States Senate would bar from
his country many political refugees under
hollow distinction that some political
rimes involve "moral turpitude"; and,
Whereas, such distinctions would destroy
he political asylum, heretofore maintained
a this country, for revolutionists of all
ofands, as the officials of one country can-
ot sit in judgment over the methods of
olitical strife and civil war in another
Country; and
Whereas, Senator Root's amendment pro-
iding for deportation without trial of
any alien who shall take advantage of
is residence in the United States to con-
pire with others for the violent over-
hrow of a foreign government, recognized
>y the United States," passed by the
Tnited States Senate, without a dissenting
'ote, seeks to establish in this country a
tassport system for aliens, thus destroy-
ng at once the principle that it is the
ight of every people to overthrow by
orce, if necessary, a despotic govern-
nent, declared in the Declaration of Inde-
lendence, and the principle of individual
reedom from police supervision, hereto-
ore held sacred in this country; therefore,
>e it
Resolved, by the Socialist party at In-
Ilanapolis. Ind., on the 16th day of May,
912, in National Convention assembled,
hat we protest against this attempt of the
Jnited States Senate to turn the govern-
nent_ of this country into a detective
tgency for foreign governments in their
Persecution of men and women fighting
or the freedom of their native lands; be
t further
Resolved, That we demand that the
Jnited States shall remain, as heretofore,
in asylum for political refugees from all
>ountries, without any distinction as to
Dolitical crimes or supervision of political
-efugees; and be it further
Resolved, That a copy of these resolu-
tions be forwarded to the President of the
[Jnited States, Speaker of the House of
ttepresentatives and to every member of
the House Committee on Immigration and
Naturalization.
On motion the resolutionwas carried.
The next resolution, in reference to
Soung People's Socialist organizations was
then read as follows:
YOUNG PEOPLES SOCIALIST ORGANI-
ZATIONS.
Whereas, a fertile and promising field
for Socialist education is found among the
young people, both because it reaches per-
sons with unprejudiced and unbiased
minds, and because it yields the most val-
uable recruits for the Socialist movement;
and,
Whereas, If we can gain the ear of a
majority of the youth of our country, the
future will be ours, with the passing of
the present generation. Therefore, be it
Resolved, That we recommend and urge
our Locals to form, encourage and assist
Young Socialist Leagues and Young
People's Clubs for the purpose of educa-
ting our youth in the principles of Social-
ism, and that this education be combined
with social pleasures and athletic exer-
cises; and further
Resolved, That we recommend to the
National Executive Committee to give such
aid and encouragement to this work as
may seem to it best calculated to further
the spread of Socialism among the youth
of the United States.
The resolution was adopted as read.
DEL. SPARGO: The following resolu-
tion on the restriction of citizenship sub-
mitted by the State delegation of Wash-
ington ijs favorably reported by your
committee. I move its adoption:
RESTRICTIONS ON CITIZENSHIP.
Whereas, The courts in charge of nat-
uralization have shewn a disposition to
enlarge the interpretation of the rule
which prohibits the naturalization of
avowed anarchists, so that anyone who
disbelieves in the present system of so-
ciety has been held to be ineligible to
become an American citizen;
And, whereas this tendency found a
most aggravated expression in the revo-
cation of the citizenship of Leonard Ols-
son, a Socialist, at Tacoma, Washington,
by Judge Cornelius Hanford;
Therefore be it Resolved, that the So-
cialist party in convention assembled en-
ters its most emphatic protest against
such procedure and points out that the
denial of the right of citizenship to for-
eign born applicants not anarchists be-
cause they hold progressive ideas inevit-
ably forces those now voters .into the
ranks of those who believe in force and
violence;
And be it further resolved that a copy
of these resolutions be sent to the Secre-
tary of Commerce and Labor, and that we
demand of him that an order be issued to
the effect that this rule in naturalization
cases shall be strictly interpreted and
not enlarged to include persons who sim-
ply hold Socialistic or progressive social
ideas.
The motion was carried as read.
DEL. SPARGO: This is the last resolu-
tion:
"The convention hereby expresses its
thanks to the officers of the convention
for their services and to the Comrades of
Local Marion County for their hospitality
and friendly assistance."
The resolution was carried by a unan-
imous vote.
DEL. SPARGO: That concludes Our re-
Fort and we ask our discharge. Perhaps
ought to say here that many resolu-
tions which referred to us when first read
here were by us, after consideration, re-
ferred to other committees, such as the
committees on Platform and Constitution,
and the National Executive Committee.
because they seemed to us to properly
belong to such other committees. That
170
NATIONAL, SOCIALIST CONVENTION
explains why some important resolutions
have not been reported by us. I thank
you.
COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS.
DEL. LE SEUER (N. D.): We have
here what I, believe a good report. It is
so unimportant however, that I am not
going to take time to read it. It relates
to nothing but the ways and means in
which we can raise funds to elect our
candidates. Of course that doesn't mat-
ter so I am going to ask you to refer it
to the National Committee with author-
ity to act.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE ON WAYS
AND MEANS.
To the 1912 National Socialist Convention:
> Comrades — The problem of financing a
proletarian movement presents one of the
most serious questions with which the
movement has to deal, but it is hoped that
the following recommendation will be of
assistance in solving that question for
the coming campaign:
First — We recommend that an assess-
ment of $1.00 be made against each mem-
ber of the Party, except, that in no case
shall the assessment be more than $1.00
for husband and wife jointly.
Second — We recommend that a 1912
"Booster's Campaign Badge" be furnished
by the National Executive Committee to
the secretaries of the several States in an
amount equal at least to the number of
the dues-paying members in each State,
t-> be sold at $1.00 per badge, and fur-
nished free to all those paying their $1.00
assessment.
Third — That a call be issued by the
National Secretary for special collections
at local meetings and propaganda meet-
ings for the Campaign Fund.
Fourth — That an appeal be made
through the Party Press and through all
Party communications calculated to fall
naturally into the hands of labor, that
labor make common cause with the So-
cialist Party by contributing to its Cam-
paign Fund, and by voting at the polls
labor's ticket — the ticket of the Socialist
Party.
Fifth — We believe that a suggestion
through the National Bulletin to the
Locals that the women comrades put on
special programs, making a full charge
for admission,_ is a plan that would result
in splendid propaganda as well as some
revenue.
Sixth — In reference to the resolution of
W. Lanfersiek asking assistance for sev-
eral Southern States, we believe the fol-
lowing to be the proper disposal of the
same. Much evidence was submitted be-
fore this committee, showing the needs
for assistance of the Southern States
mentioned. We recommend that the Na-
tional Executive Committee pass upon the
needs of each State when presented
through the regular official channels and
give all possible assistance to all States
so applying, and recommend to said
States that the applications for assistance
by the said States, specify their particular
needs, as for instance, that when speak-
ers are routed through the Southern
States they be selected by the respective
State organizations, owing to the fact
that no Northern organizers can secure
as good results as men familiar with
local conditions. We, therefore, recom-
mend that this resolution be referred to
the National Executive Committee.
Seventh — In reporting upon the moving
picture resolution, this committee realizes
that moving pictures and charts are
high value in presenting the . philoso
of Socialism to the uninitiated and
lieve that a moving picture bureau mi
succeed at this time, and we reconam
that the National Executive Commit
take such steps as are necessary to
termine whether the same is feasible
not.
We recommend that this resolution e
be referred to the National Execut
Committee, and if sufficient money to p
vide good sets of slides and films
portable moving picture machines •<
moving picture shows can be spared fr
the party funds, the money would be v
spent. The slides to b,e furnished to
ganizers, lecturers and moving pict
houses at cost, and sets to be exchan;
at will by purchasers when kept in g
condition. We believe this plan would
suit eventually in one of the best me
of propaganda.
Fraternally submitted,
ARTHUR LE SUEUR.
MILO C. JONES,
MARGARET D. BROWN,
GEORGE W. BACON,
L. B. IRWIN,
E. L. REGUIN,
I. F. STEWART,
MAX BOEHM,
O. S. WATKINS.
It was moved and seconded that the
port be referred to the Campaign C<
mittee, which motion was carried.
TELEGRAM TO COMRADE TOM MA
DEL. SE1DEL (Wis.): I should like
present a message and ask this conv
tion to send it to Tom Mann of Engl
who has been jailed For advising
soldiers not to fire upon their work
brothers. I have adopted similar m<
ods in the city of Milwaukee, direct
the Chief of Police not to permit the
of the police department to use the p
ers of the police against the strikers
do not believe that it is right that
should pay taxes — and no matter w
you say we have to pay taxes; you ci
maintain government five minutes w
out taxation — I don't believe it is ri
that the taxes we pay should go tows
maintaining a police department or
kind of military force that when I
out to improve my living condition 1
mailed fist of police or military should
used against me, to keep me down,
don't think there is any class in
country or any other country that h
the right to expect that from its soldi
its police department or its state <
stabulary.
I therefore ask that this message
sent in the name of the Socialist Part:
America to Tom Mann, Manchester .
England:
"GREETINGS: We cheer your st
against fratricide."
That is all I ask to be said. I thin
is plain and simply says that we must
murder our brothers.
The motion was seconded and car
unanimously.
NAT. SEC. WORK: Reports have I
made by the seven foreign-speaking
ganizations affiliated with the Natii
office. I move that, they be received w
out reading and made a part of the |
ceedings. Seconded and carried.
COMMITTEE ON CO-OPERATIVE
MOVEMENT.
DEL. GAYLORD (Wis.): A commi
on investigation of the Co-opera
Movement was provided for and w
AFTERNOON SESSION, MAY 18. 1912
V
171
come up under unfinished business at this
time. The committee have talked .the
matter over and unanimously recommend
that these names be placed upon that
committee subject to the approval of the
National Executive Committee, and with
Rower to fill vacancies. Comrades Vlag,
ew York, Edwards, Texas, Hayes of Illi-
nois, Gaylord, Wisconsin, Corey, Wash-
ington.
There is a special reason for putting
Comrade Hayes on this committee. He is
connected with the mine workers where
there is a movement or this kind under
way. For myself I will promise the co-
operation of one great University and I
am positive that I can secure the co-oper-
ation of another for such impartial in-
vestigation of this subject as we have
never had in this country.
The motion of Delegate Gaylord was
carried.
COMMITTEE ON STATE AND MUNIC-
IPAL. PROGRAM.
DEL. WILSON (Gal.): In connection
with the recommendation by Comrade
Thompson that a committee of ;seven.
members be elected for State and Munic-
ipal Program, I move that the existing
committee be continued as that co"«mit-
The motion was seconded and carried.
REPORT OF CONGRESSMAN BERGER.
DEL. JACOBS (Wis.): Comrade Berb-
er's report is here in print. I move that
it be received and made a part of the pro-
ceedings of this convention.
The motion was seconded and adopted.
IMMIGRATION COMMITTEE.
THE CHAIRMAN: I have something
that may require action by the conven-
tion.
"Indianapolis, Ind., May 18, 1912.
"To the Delegates of the National Con-
vention:
"I hereby tender my resignation from
your Committee on Immigration.
"JOSHUA WANHOPE."
A DELEGATE: I don't blame him
either.
THE CHAIRMAN: This Committee on
Immigration was continued. Shall we fill
the vacancy now?
DEL. THOMPSON (Wis.): I move that
the Committee be given power to fill the
vacancy.
The motion was seconded and adopted.
DEL. KATE SADLER: I just want to
have the last word from Washington to
let the convention know that Washing-
ton is still ahead of the procession. In
the first resolution today we recommended
the nomination of woman candidates. We
expect our leader and standard bearer in
the next campaign to be a woman, Com-
rade Anna Maley of Washington.
(Loud cheers.)
DEL. WHEELER (Cal.) : I move that
this convention extend to the Press of
Indianapolis a vote of thanks for the
courteous treatment that has been ac-
corded to this convention.
The motion was carried unanimously.
DEL. WILSON (Cal.): I move that for
the next National Convention the National
Executive Committee be instructed to co-
operate with the local comrades in order
to conduct during the convention or at its
close, a significant public meeting or pub-
lic meetings, instead of having things
conducted as they were this time.
DEL. MERRICK (Pa.): I mo^e to lay
the motion on the table.
DEL. SPARGO (Vt.) : I protest against
the adoption of the resolution because of
the intimation contained in it that the
National Executive Committee at this
convention would not co-operate with the
local comrades. I remind you further that
there are certain well established usages
about the reception of conventions. When
we go to a town or city to hold our con-
vention the comrades in that city become
our hosts. It is their practice to arrange
meetings and we co-operate with them.
In this instance the local comrades ar-
ranged an impossible schedule, and then
the National Executive Committee, in the
interests of the convention had to consult
with those comrades and try to get
things arranged on a satisfactory basis.
I object to this eleventh hour slap in the
face given to the National Executive
Committee, and we might be better em-
ployed singing the Marseillaise before we
go home.
THE CHAIRMAN: I don't think that
Comrade Wilson intended any slur on the
National Executive, Committee.
DEL. WILSON: I had no such thing in
my mind. My hope was that at the
next National Convention we should have
meetings, and have them of such a char-
acter and such significance as would
stamp our influence upon that community
as we had the opportunity to do last
night.
THE CHAIRMAN: All in favor of this
motion will say aye.
The motion was carried.
DEL. DUNCAN (Mont.): I think there
is some misapprehension here as to a
petition that has been circulated in the
convention. It has been stated here this
afternoon that there is no disposition on
the part of us who are signing this peti-
tion to re-open a matter which was de-
cided in this convention. This petition
is in accordance with the new constitu-
tion which allows a certain number of
delegates to send for submission to the
party referendum an alternative section or
paragraph or article when the matter
goes out to the party. This petition is
simply to bring up an alternative para-
graph to be submitted to the full referen-
dum of the party, so that the whole party
may have a chance to choose between the
statement adopted here yesterday regard-
ing our attitude toward labor organiza-
tions, or the one that some of the rest of
us wanted to have adopted. We do not
wish you to go away with the idea that
we have misled you into thinking that
the matter is not to be opened elsewhere.
It is not to be opened on the floor of this
convention, and we simply want the party
to express its opinion on this subject.
DEL. BERGER (Wis.): They will.
A telegram was read from the secre-
tary of the Socialist Party in San Diego:
"Attorney Fred Moore and stenographer
arrested this morning. Charges not
known. Writ of habeas corpus in prepara-
tion. Vigilantes active."
DEL .SPARGO: Mr. Chairman, I now
move you that we adjourn sine die. • Sec-
onded.
The motion was carried.
The convention then adjourned sine die.
172
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
"APPENDIX A
Rules of the Socialist Party, National Convention* 1912.
1. A chairman and vice-chairman shall
be elected at the beginning of each day's
session.
2. A permanent secretary and two as-
sistants, who may be chosen from outside
the body of delegates, shall be elected for
the entire Convention.
3. A reading clerk shall be appointed
by the secretary, and he may appoint one
or more assistants.
4. A permanent sergeant-at-arms and
assistants, who may be chosen from out-
side the body of delegates, shall be ap-
pointed by the chairman.
5. The sergeant-at-arms shall appoint
24 messengers to assist him, who shall
serve in relays of 8.
6. lour permanent tellers and 2 per-
manent judges to count all ballots shall
be elected, and in addition there shall be
appointed by the chair, for the purpose
of tabulating the vote on the various Con-
vention Committees, 20 special tellers.
7. The 6 committees named in the Na-
tional Constitution, viz.:
A Committee on Platform of 9 mem-
bers.
A Committee on Constitution of 9
members.
A Committee on Resolutions of 9
members.
A Committee on Ways and Means of
9 members.
A Committee on Reports of National
Officers of 7 members.
A Committee on International Rela-
tions of 5 members,
and the following additional committees
shall be elected, each committee to be
composed of the number of delegate stat-
ed and of not more than one delegate froir*
the same state:
A Publicity Committee of 5 mem-
bers;
\ An Auditing Committee of 5 mem-
bers;
A Committee on Foreign Speaking
Organisations of 9 members.
A Committee on Labor Organiza-
tions and Their Relation to the So-
cialist Party of 9 members;
A Committee on Co-Operatives of 7
members:
A Committee on State and Munici-
pal Program of 9 members.
8. Discussion shall be limited to 5 min-
utes for each speaker. Chairmen of com-
mittees shall have 20 minutes to report.
No delegate shall speak a second time,
until all desiring to use their time -shall
have bad an opportunity to speak.
9. The sessions of the Convention shall
be from 10:00 a. m. to 1:00 p. m. and from
2:30 to 5:30 p. m. Night sessions as or-
dered.
10. Robert's Rules of Order shall be
used, with the exceptions that when the
previous question has been called, one
delegate on each side may speak for
minutes; also, that the previous questio
may be called for by a majority vote.
11. During the sessions, no smoking c
Chewing of tobacco shall be allowed.
12. Each delegation shall select one c
its members to announce its vote. Th
vote of no state shall be cast as a uni
where the delegates of such state are no
in agreement on the matter up for vote
provided, that where an instruction ha
been given by referendum on a particula
question the instruction on that particula
question shall be obeyed.
13. Each delegation shall designate i
the absence of any delegate, the alter
nate who shall fill such vacancy.
1\ Such members of the National Ex
ecutive Committee who are not delegate;
and the National Secre'tary shall have
voice and no vote in the Convention. Thi
provision also applies to members of Tn
Women's National Committee.
15. Neither contesting or conteste
delegates shall vote upon any questio
In relation to their rights to be seated.
16. The nomination for candidates fo
President and Vice-President shall be b
at least a majority of all the votes cas
17. A roll call shall be had when de
manded by at least 50 delegates.
18. On Friday, May 17th, at 3:00o'cloc
in the afternoon, all business of the Cbn
vention shall be suspended, and the Con
vention shall proceed to the nominatio
of President and Vice-President of th
United States.
19. The Convention shall adjourn no
later than Saturday, May 18th, at mid
night.
20. -All speeches of welcome shall b
made after the Convention is permanent
ly organized, and shall be limited to
minutes each.
21. All resolutions offered from th
floor of the Convention shall be referre
by the Chairman to the proper Committe
without discussion.
22. At 5:00 o'clock on each day, th
Chairman shall suspend the business the
pending before the Convention and accep
and dispose of Resolutions offered by del
egates.
23. The discussion on any report, reso
lution or other subject before the Con
vention shall not exceed four hours. Th
time for such discussion shall be divide
enually, as nearly as possible, between th
delegates representing the various view
on the subjects.
24. Acceptances and declinations sha
be called for after the nominations fo
all Committees shall have been complete
and no delegate shall accept the nomina
tion for more than one Committee.
25. The rules may be suspended at an
time by a two-thirds majority of the del
egates voting.
«s
APPENDIX 173
ORDER 07' BUSINESS. 3. Reading of Minutes of preceding
The Order of Bui ness for each day -of day » unless dispensed with on motion.
he Convention sha/ , be as follows: £ g^^ C o^!henU,ls.
. ** The Convention shall be called to or- 6# Unfinished business of the previous
ler by the Chairman of th© preceding ^y
lay, or in his absence by the Vice-Chair- 7 / Reports of Committees in the order
nan, or the National Secretary, and the above enumerated, except that the report
Jhairman and Vice-Chairman shall be of the Representative in Congress shall
jlected for the day, as otherwise directed. follow the report of the Committee on In-
A-nn ii jjji *-. ..~r au ternational Relations.
2. Roll call of delegates, unless di"s- 8# New business.
>ensed with upon motion. 9. Adjournment.'
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
APPENDIX B
Report of Committee on Education.
1. IMPORTANCE OP THE QUESTION
OF INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION.
The industrial revolution has made the
development of individual skill essential
to the maintenance of the various produc-
tive processes. Although the specializa-
tion of processes has made it possible to
employ profitably larger and larger num-
bers of unskilled workers, economically
and commercially efficient production re-
ally calls for a larger proportion of skilled
workers than were employed even when
production was largely carried on by
means of hand labor. The reason for
this may be seen in the fact that on the
one hand the proportion of agricultural
laborers has steadily decreased, while the
proportion of those engaged in manfac-
ture and transportation has increased;
and on the other hand, the increased use
of machinery in agriculture and transpor-
tation, together with the specialization in
agricultural methods, create the need for
skilled workers even in these branches
of production.
The inten.se competition between the
capitalists of different countries has led
to the organization and administration of
industries upon the principle of qu,ick re-
turns. As a result, low-grade labor ap-
plied to specialized processes has been
exploited to the utmos*t. In consequence
of this practice, the cultivation of agen-
cies to supply skilled labor has been neg-
lected. On the other hand, boys and girls
sent to the factories early in life and at-
tached to the specialized machines, have
been given no opportunity to acquire trade
knowledge and trade skill commensurate
with a high earning power.
Cheap child labor was able for years
to yield satisfactory returns to the capi-
talists. It is not, however, capable either
of sustaining industries in competition
with skilled workers, or of developing
a population having high standards or
living. In other words, the retention of
large portions of the population at low
levels of industrial skill is not only ex-
tremely wasteful economically, however
profitable it may have been to certain
classes of capitalists in the past, but it is
positively disastrous socially. A mass of
unskilled workers, being poorly paid, nec-
essarily maintain a low standard of liv-
ing; but what is still worse, such a body
is a fertile breeding spot for all social
vices and a source of crime and misery
that make the task of the social worker
and educator almost hopeless. Unskilled
and untrained workers are condemned not
to frugal lives, but to miserable lives.
The misery of the poverty resulting from
such conditions lies in the moral debase-
ment which it involves. Or, we may say
that a population of skillful workers is
more productive and more prosperous even
under modern capitalistic conditions. Giv-
en the machinery aria the technology To-
day available, a highly skilled body of
workers has the possibilities of high-
grade living; with the same machinery
and technology, an • unskilled population
is condemned to inhuman conditions of
living.
Hand in hand with the development of
our industry there has been a decay of
the ancient methods for developing skill
in workers. On the one hand, industries
have been driven from the home, where
formerly the children became acquainted
with many processes and principles which
the children of today for the most part
^do not learn. On the other hand, the in-
dustries have become specialized so that
the young boy or girl going into the mills
or shops has no opportunity to acquire
a trade. It has been more profitable for
the employers to keep the children at the
special machines than to teach them the
trades; it has also been more remunera-
tive to the children, for the time being, to
stay at a single machine than to learn the
trade. The demand for quick profits on
the one hand, and the necessity for max-
imum family earnings on the otlyer, have
between them done much to destroy the
apprenticeship possibilities of modern in-
dustry.
Even when large manufacturers realize
the importance of training up skilled
workers, they are frequently deterred by
the consideration that after a workman
is trained there is no assurance that his
superior services will be available to the
employer that went to the trouble and ex-
pense of training him. For well-known
reasons, the working population is un-
stable. Changes of industrial methods,
fluctuations in market conditions, the
state of "finances," political expediency or
pressure, industrial disputes and other so-
cial forces constantly drive the workers
hither and thither. On the other hand,
the sons and daughters of the workers
could not for the most part afford to ap-
prentice themselves to a trade because for
a few years a young person can make
more money at odd jobs and at special-
ized factory work than at an apprentice-
ship; and the few dollars additional is an
important consideration to the parents.
The result has been that more than half
of the young people who leave the schools
at about the age of fourteen drift into oc-
cupations which have absolutely no future
for them except to continue to work as
men and women at wages that can be
earned by boys and girls.
The fact that the industries have been
driven from the home and apprenticeship
from the shops necessitates a new instru-
ment for developing the potential skill and
industrial efficiency of the boys and girls
who are to be the workers of the rising
generation. The gradual extension of the
APPENDIX
175
ctions of the schools is in part due to
growing complexity of closely inte-
ted societies; but it is also in large
t due to the growing need for a means
develop industrial skill, etc. It is for
3 reason that attention is directed to
schools in connection with problems
ndustrial efficiency, commercial suprem-
I agricultural adequacy, etc.
WHY THE SCHOOLS ARE INADE-
QUATE.
Che schools on their side have never
n organized to adjust themselves auto-
.tically to the changing needs of society
of the various communities. The work
the schools not only deals with tradi-
ns, the ^accumulated wisdom and experi-
ce of the race; its very process is tradi-
nal in manner. The organization of our
lools follows an ancient model, whereby
lat is established and accepted is readily
parted to the youth; but whereby what-
er is new or different is sharply scru-
lized and frequently discredited. Now
e traditional in education is of a nature
at is admirably adapted to the needs of
ose classes that in former times alone
;d access to "education" — namely, the
ofessional and the leisure classes; but
osc materials, while they are desirable
ill, in large measure, for the profession-
workers, and even for the leisure of
dustrial and other workers, are of no
rect value in developing the kinds of
lowledge and skill that most men and
omen need. In former times the mass
people obtained their training in civili-
ttion or "culture" through imitation of
le customs and manners of their elders,
id their education in efficiency in the
Dmes and fields and shops. The admis-
on of the masses to the schools has coin-
ded with the elimination of the various
implex productive processes from the
omes and from the daily experience of
le children. The social life, too, lias
hanged, so that the boys and girls can-
ot "pick up" their civilization any more
nan they can pick up their trades. And
o again we see the need for having the
chool undertake an education that is
uite different from that formerly offered,
nd one intimately related to the condi-
ions and manners of modern life.
. ATTITUDE OP DIFFERENT CLASSES
TOWARD THE NEW EDUCATION.
Leaders of trade and labor organizations
iave for many years realized the necessity
or supplementing the work of the schools
md the opportunities of the shops with
idditional training specifically related to
he new processes and the new instru-
nents of industry. Leading educators and
:ar-sighted publicists have also worked
;oward a closer correlation between
schools and life and industry. Many spe-
Jial institutions have been founded for
;he purpose of giving young men and
vomen direct preparation for the techni-
sal work of modern industry. But most
nstitutions had before them chiefly the
>roblems of those who were to become
mperintendents and managers of works
•ather than those who were to become
:he rank and file of the workers. And
nost of those who donated to establish-
nent of such schools had in mind chiefly
:he provision of opportunities for the ex-
Jeptionally able and ambitious, rather
:han education for the mass of workers.
More recently there has been a growing
•ealization for the necessity of introducing
ndustrial education systematically to the
>nd that every prospective worker shall
have an opportunity to acquire a reason-
able degree of skill and knowledge be-
fore entering upon the working years.
That this feeling was first organized and
exploited by employers is due to the fact
that citizens of this class were in a posi-
tion both to feel the effects of lack of
skill on the part of the workers, and to
command the intelligence to organize a
remedy. Where the members of the labor
unions felt the need for industrial training
they either establishd their own schools
or modestly asked for the introduction of
manual training into the public schools;
they never organized an extensive agita-
tion on the subject. But because the man-
ufacturers did organize such an agitation,
and because they used rather crude argu-
ments in the course of this agitation,
many members of the labor organizations
at once became suspicious of the motives
and purposes of the manufacturers.
The baldest argument for industrial ed-
ucation is that skilled workers earn more
wages than unskilled, and that a popula-
tion made up of skilled workers is there-
fore more prosperous, and the state or
community that educates its children to
ndustrial efficiency is better off than one
that neglects such education. 'The crude
reply of the suspicious workers was that
an industrially educated working popula-
tion can produce more profits to the em-
ployer, and that where "general education"
is replaced by industrial education the
working population is deprived of access
to avenues of personal culture and satis-
faction of which no one today should be
deprived. These two views are both true
enough, but they are not necessarily in
conflict. Whatever the employer may
think of the desirability of liberalizing
education for all the people, he knows that
the raw material supplied him by the
schools cannot yield as high a rate of
profit as a body of well trained work-
men. And whatever the worker may think
of our prevailing economic system, he
must recognize that higher skill commands
higher wages.
The educators and teachers have taken
up a thorough and systematic considera-
tion of the problem only within a, very few
years. Representing the impersonal "pub-
lic" and trying to view the situation with-
out bias, they have found a third point of
attack that must eventually reconcile the
various conflicting interests and establish
the needed education upon a firmer foun-
dation than that demanded by the workers
in the trades or by the employers of labor.
This point of view lays emphasis upon^the
fact that society, as represented by its
governmental and administrative agencies,
is interested primarily in men and women
and not in profits and wages. Our common
schools fail to adjust the children to the
kind's of lives that the vast majority of
them must come to lead — that is, the lives
of working men and women. Without
prejudice to the education of those who
are to become professional or agricultural
or commercial workers, the schools should
fit those whose occupations will be found
in the industries. Without loss of those
elements in our culture that is the right-
ful heritage of every boy and girl, each
child should have the same opportunity to
become an efficient worker as is now giv-
en to the four per cent who become pro-
fessional workers.
Another point that must be emphasized
by the educator as representing the in-
terests of society as a whole is the impor-
tance of training for citizenship. The ele-
mentary instruction in reading, writing
176
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
ti
and arithmetic, which so many of the old-
er people consider an adequate return
from the school is certainly not sufficient
to assure that the potential savage in ev-
ery child will be displaced by the poten-
tial citizen. The educator demands, then,
that training for efficiency shall be admit-
ted into the schools; but he stipulates
that this shall not be allowed to encroach
upon the demands of individual develop-
ment and the claims of good citizenship.
The atiitude of the Socialist party as rep-
resenting the interests of a society made
up of workers must coincide with that of
the far-sighted educators, who represent
the Interests of the common humanity
In society, as a whole.
4. THE KINDS OF SCHOOLS NECES-
SARY.
Experiments in vocational trainfng are
by no means new. Indeed, the traditional
education of the schools and colleges is
but a relic of what was at one time voca-
tional education for the "clerics" or minis-
ters. Private schools for training in spe-
cial branches of mechanical trades or of
commerce, as well as public schools for
various professions, are old and well es-
tablished. The United States Military and
Naval Academies are examples of special-
ized vocational schools maintained by the
national government. Many of the states
support schools for training in agricul-
ture, law, medicine, dentistry, engineering
and other professional vocations. *She
•quipment necessary for adequate training
in medicine and certain other branches is
so expensive that no school for training
physicians could be operated for profit and
at the same time give education satisfy-
ing modern standards. Training for other
vocations, however, is not so expensive,
and is carried on largely in private schools
conducted for profit. There are a number
of such schools that devote themselves to
the training of men and women for the
various trades.
A third type of vocational school is that
established by endowment from philan-
thropic motives. Many of these have done
excellent work, although most of them
have concerned themselves chiefly with
training foremen and superintendents.
A fourth type of school is the corpora-
tion school, established in connection with
some industry for the purpose of training
workers for that industry. A number or
railroad companies, several large manu-
facturing companies and some commercial
corporations have established such schools.
These schools attempt to organize a sys-
tem of apprenticeship under conditions
of modern industry.
Private schools for teaching trades have
frequently had the defect that they were
more concerned with getting the student's
fee than they were with turning out capa-
ble workers. The philanthropic or en-
dowed schools are as a rule efficient as
far as they go; but the form of manage-
ment makes them very pliant to meet the
needs of employers in case of industrial
disputes. This is inevitable, since they de-
pend altogether upon the support and
good will of men belonging to the employ-
ing class. The corporation or apprentice-
ship schools have, on the whole, produced
the most effective types of instruction
with relation to industrial efficiency. If
our sole concern were in producing highly
skilled mechanics, the shop schools of the
large corporations should be taken as
models for industrial education.
But while the production of highly
skilled mechanics is essential to the pros-
perity of any industrial nation, that is
the sole consideration. The nation ne
c
not only skilled workers, but men
women of independent spirit, men t
women with an appreciation of the me;!
ing of civilization, men and women v 1
can insist upon having more out of
than mere opportunity to earn a livi
Now we cannot depend upon schools c<
ducted for profit to give us such men
women; we cannot depend upon schol
endowed by philanthropists to give us si
men and women; we cannot depend ui
schools operated by corporations to g
us the desired type of education. If
public cares for education that aims
such results, the public must itself ests
lish and control the schools. It therefc
devolves upon the public school to mod
and to extend its program to include trai !
zing for vocational efficiency. It is or
the public school that can protect the 1
terests of the children of the public
well as advance those interests.
In this connection attention should
called to a system of part-time schoc
which is being tried experimentally
many points. Under this plan there is
arrangement between employers ai
school officials by which the young
workers are allowed to spend a part
the time in school and a part in the sho
The division of time is various. — as alte
nate weeks, or half-day in school and ha
in the shop, etc. In this way the boj
have an opportunity to learn the trac
under shop conditions, while the schoi
work is closely correlated with the she
work. These experiments should I
watched with interest as they must t
very instructive as to methods of cor
ducting industrial education; but they ai
not likely to be entirely satisfactory sin<
under some of the arrangements the en
ployer determines what boys are or ai
not to have an opportunity to learn tr
trade, while under all the plans the en
ployer is in a position to direct the wor
of the school too much. The employe)
must not be allowed to control the schoo]
for their advantage any more than a trad
union may be allowed to restrict opporti
nities of workers to its advantage.
The public schools that have introduce
industrial courses with a view to givin
industrial education independent of con
mercial shops are likely to be handicappe
at first, and for some - time to come, by tfi
lack of suitable equipment and by the in
possibility of obtaining suitable teachei
in sufficient numbers. But eventually th;
type of school will probably be the mos
satisfactory, A temporary device that wi
have to serve for many years is the cor
tinuation school, whether day or eveninj
These schools, conducted by the publl
school officials, furnish education supple
mentary to the various occupations fo
boys and girls who have to go to wor
before receiving complete preparatj.01
These schools are specialized to megt fh
needs of different groups of worker!
Evening schools should be avoided fo
young people, as far as possible. Th
amount of work required of them in shop
and factories should be restricted by lavi
that they may have the opportunity to at
tend school without detriment to thei
health and physical development.
According to the prevailing methods c
school administration a pupil general!
remains in school as long as his parent
can afford to keep him, without regar
to whether he is getting any good out o
it or not; or a pupil leaves school when hi
family can no longer afford to keep hir
f
V
APPENDIX
177
ajhere, whether he is benefiting from the
education or not. In either case both the
ea mount and the kind of schooling are
Bfla.de to depend too frequently upon the
] inancial condition of the family instead
if upon the capacity and the interests of
he pupil.
In recognition of the unhappy results
>f the haphazard selection of occupations
nd of schooling, there has grown the
novement for vocational guidance. Vo-
jational guidance is a logical consequence
>f present-day conditions, and especially
>f the establishment of industrial educa-
tion. The principles developed by the stu-
dents of vocational, guidance, although
jjthe study is still in its beginning, can be
aj applied to the problem of how pupils are
) D to be distributed with respect to the dif-
■ I] Cerent vocational courses. This is espe-
cially important for avoiding the diver-
sion of boys and girls into "blind-alley"
I occupations. > '
oo a " H, however, it is acknowledged that pu-
ipils should be prepared for the vocations to
a which they are best fitted by native capac-
aijities and interests, insofar as the needs
of the various callings will permit, there
are at once raised two other problems that
are fundamental. The first is, how can we
assure the pupil that he will not be
obliged to quit school and go to work be-
fore his training is completed? And the
second is, how can we assure the pupil
that there will be an oppdrtunity for him
i'oJ to serve in the chosen calling after his
u schooling is completed?
bj In regard to the first of these problems,
J we have to go beyond the usual compul-,
r,{ sory-education_ laws. As at present ad-
c | ministered these laws simply keep an un-
ij, willing boy or girl in school, or deprive
« the family of the earnings of the child.
,1 Of course, the child should have all the
,, schooling that he can possibly turn to
\ good use; however, when the compulsion
j is resented by both pupil and parent, noth-
\ ing but bitterness results. In some states
the plan of subsidizing older pupils as
long as they remain in school has resulted
in an increased attendance. The propsal
to pay pupils for attending school will
have to be seriously considered, for it is
more important to society that each indi-
vidual be adequately trained than that the
child should earn the few paltry dollars.
Not only is it true that in general the
days of youth are for learning, not earn-
ing; but we must recognize that beyond
a certain point the cost of the child's edu-
cation should fall properly upon society
as a whole rather than upon the parent;
and where the cost becomes a hardship,
in the sense that the parents cannot sup-
port the child at school, the burden must
be borne by society.
In regard to the second question, that
of assuring employment to those who have
been educated for special kinds of work,
the immediate outlook is not very clear.
Public schooling cannot long be continued
on the theory that it is to prepare individ-
ual pupils for a keener competition with
one another. Public schooling can be sup-
ported only on the theory that it contrib-
utes to some common or social advantage.
Now the common interests require that
every employable adult be given an op-
portunity to work, and that the worker
and work be as comfortably and as effi-
ciently adjusted to each other as possible.
It is possible, by means of suitable statis-
tical studies, to approximate with a fair
degree of accuracy the proportions of an
existing body of children that could be
profitably prepared for given vocations
to be entered upon by them say ten years
hence. But if all our children are thus
directed into the various trades and pro-
fessions, there is no assurance that all of
them will find remunerative employment
when they are prepared for it. As long
as the private ownership and control oi
the large instruments of production and
distribution keeps a certain proportion of
the population always unemployed, it is
impossible to foretell what proportions
will be employed when all are employable.
The ultimate solution of this problem lies,
of course, in society's ownership of its in-
dustries as well as of its educational ma-
chinery.
Other problems suggested, such as the
disposition of the" product of the school
shops, the training of teachers, etc., do
not affect the general principles discussed.
SUMMARY.
1. IMPORTANCE OP THE QUESTION.
High skill among workers necessary to
maintain industrial advance.
High skill necessary to give workers
a decent basis for living.
Industrial training no longer possible
n the home.
Industrial training no longer sufficiently
available in the industries themselves.
Lack of training drives the majority of
hildren into "blind-alley" occupations that
ead to nothing.
Extension of the functions of the
school suggested as a means for furnish-
ing industrial training.
2. WHY THE SCHOOLS ARE INADE-
QUATE (AS NOW CONDUCTED).
The schools have to do with matters that
are important to those who enter the
professions.
Most of the school work is of no signifi-
cance to those who are to do other kinds
of work.
We must still depend upon the school to
preserve and to transmit accumulated race
experience, "culture" and the basis of civ-
ilization.
3. ATTITUDE OF DIFFERENT CLASSES
TOWARDS INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION.
Need for industrial education apprecia-
ted by the workers.
Systematic agitation for it started by
employers.
Employers look to getting better work-
ers and hence larger profits.
Workers look to getting higher wages.
Educators and publicists are concerned
primarily with producing better men and
women, and with making better citizens.
Industrial training must be introduced,
but it must not interfere with training for
citizenship and for culture.
4. THE KINDS OF SCHOOLS FOR IN-
DUSTRIAL TRAINING.
Private schools; conducTecT for profit.
These are more concerned with fees than
with efficiency of work.
Endowed or philanthropic schools; these
frequently do good work on the technical
side, contribute little or nothing to citizen-
ship or culture, and are under the domina-
tion, as a rule, of the employers.
Corporation or apprenticeship schools;
these do very effective work, so far as they
go; they are completely dominated by the
interests of the employers, and ignore, as
a rule, all that has to do with civilized
living and with citizenship.
Public schools; these being under the
control of the public, cannot be so readily
diverted to the service of a portion of the
178
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
public; they carry the traditions of educa-
tion for citizenship and culture.
Tart-time schools; advantage of co-
operation between shop and school; danger
of class domination and restriction.
5. FURTHER IMPLICATION.
Control must be truly representative of
the public.
Public education should not be uniform
education.
Differentiated courses should be admin-
istered with reference to the needs and
capacities of pupils, not with reference to
the economic status of the parents.
There should be systematic study of vo-
cational guidance.
There is implied a school-attendance
subsidy.
And the ultimate control of industry by
the public.
RECOMMENDATIONS.
1. Approval of national, state and local
action leading to the establishment of vo
cational instruction in the elementary
schools. (Vocational includes agricultural,
commercial, domestic and professional as
well as industrial. Much of the school
work is already vocational for those en-
tering the professions — about four per cent
of the pupils; no changes are needed in
this direction.)
2. Approval of the establishment of vo-
cational guidance work in cities and towns.
3. Approval of extension of census
work, or the establishment of permanent
census work in the direction of yield!
information as to the industrial ehang
and as to the character of the populate
4. Approval of extension of ag
compulsory education, with provisions i,
monetary compensation wherever nect
sary.
5. Support of legislation that will pr
hibit all work for children which does n
lead to increasing economic and soc;
worth.
6. Opposition to arrangements betwe
school (public) officials and shop owne
that leave the control of the education
the hands of the employers.
7. Insistence upon the control of indu
trial education being in the hands of tru
representative bodies.
8. Insistence upon the subordination,
public schools, of skill and speed to unde
standing and appreciation.
9. Insistence upon emphasis being la
upon citizenship and manhood and womai
hood.
10. Insistence upon administration th;
will permit of flexible readjustment
pupils to their own developing powers c
the one hand, and to changing econom
conditions on the other.
Fraternally submitted,
BENJAMIN GRUENBERG,
G. A. STREBEL,
BERTHA H. MAILLY, Committe
TNote: This report was not adopted b
the convention, but referred to a ne
standing committee on the subject-
Editor.]
V
APPENDIX
179
J?
APPENDIX C
Report of Committee on Commission Form of Government.
:ei)RT OF COMMITTEE APPOINTED
THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF
3E SOCIALIST PARTY FOR THE
TUDY OF THE COMMISSION
FORM OF GOVERNMENT FOR
CITIES.
THE COMMITTEE.
I". Jacobsen (Iowa), Chairman.
1 D. Thompson (Wis.), Secretary,
nnie E. Branstetter (Oklahoma),
jper M'Levy (Connecticut).
e( W. Rose (Mississippi).
SW OF THE BEST BOOKS ON THE
COMMISSION FORM OF GOVERN-
MENT FOR CTT1ES.
ty Government by Commission," by
H. MacGregor, Bulletin of the Univer-
of Wisconsin No. 423, paper, 40 cents,
j>ages with very complete bibliography,
ommission Government in American
s." Annals of the American Academy
olitical and Social Science, November,
|300 pages, $1.00.
ommission Plan of Municipal Govern-
t." Debaters' Handbook Series, H. W.
on Co., cloth, 178 pages, $1.00, very
v presentation of arguments on both
5, complete bibliography,
ommission Government in American
ss," by Bradford, McMillan Company,
■ cloth, $1.25, 359 pages,
ity Government by Commission 1 ," by
druff, D Appleton & Co., cloth, $1.50,
pages.
Comparison of the Forms of Commis-
Government in Cities," pamphlet by
Iford, reprinted from proceedings of
National Municipal League at Buffalo,
, 3025 15th street, N. W., Washington,
I 30 cents.
ST GENERAL MUNICIPAL GOVERN-
MENT.
Phe City, the Hope of Democracy," by
flerick C. Howe.
Phe British City," by Frederick C. Howe,
ese two books by Howe are probably
most advanced view of the problems
Qunicipal government, and will be most
reciated by Socialist readers.)
Municipal Government in Continental
'ope," by Shaw.
Municipal Government in Great Brit-
7. by Shaw.
^MISSION FORM OF GOVERNMENT
FOR CITIES.
REPORT OF COMMITTEE.
t the National Convention of the So-
1st party in 1910, a committee was ap-
lted to submit to the convention a re-
t on the subject of the commission form
government for cities, which by that
e had begun to attract considerable at-
tion throughout the country.
The committee gave such attention to
the subject as was possible during the
convention and submitted a tentative re-
port. This first report can be found on
pages 290-295 of the proceedings of the
National Convention of the Socialist party
for 1910.
After a discussion of the report, the con-
tention unanimously decided to make the
committee permanent with instructions to
give further study to the subject and make
report at the next convention of the party.
The tentative report of this committee
to the National Convention of the party for
1912, follows:
1. THE EXTENT AND GROWTH OF THE
COMMISSION FORM OF GOVERN-
MENT.
Up to the present time about 151 cities
have adopted and are operating under the
commission form of government in 29 dif-
ferent States. The list of the cities is
rather too long to print in the report, but
may be found in almost any publication on
the subject. (See "Commission Govern-
ment in American Cities," by Bradford,
pages 131-138.) The States now having
one or more cities under the commission
form of government, are as follows:
Alabama. Montana.
California. New Mexico.
Colorado. North Carolina.
North Dakota.
Oklahoma.
Oregon.
South Dakota-
Tennessee.
Texas.
Utah.
Washington.
West Virginia.
Wisconsin.
Wyoming.
Iowa.
Illinois.
Idaho.
Kansas.
Kentucky.
Louisiana.
Maryland.
Massachusetts.
Michigan.
Minnesota.
Mississippi.
New Jersey.
Twenty-one States have passed general
laws providing for the commission form
of government in cities which chose to
adopt the general provisions. These
States are as follows:
North Dakota.
New Jersey.
South Carolina.
South Dakota.
New Mexico.
Texas.
Utah.
Washington.
Wisconsin.
Wyoming.
Alabama.
California,
Idaho.
Illinois.
Iowa.
Louisiana.
Kansas.
Kentucky.
Montana.
Mississippi.
Minnesota.
Some of these States and certain others
have a general home rule law which
makes it possible for the inauguration of
the commission form, which should be
added to the above list, for in most of
these home rule states the commission
180
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
form has been adopted by one or more
cities. These States which may be called
"home rule States," are California, Ore-
gon, Michigan, Missouri, Oklahoma, Wash-
ington and Minnesota.
There are 59 cities operating under
special charter in states where there is
no general law as yet.
THjE RATE OP GROWTH OP THE
COMMISSION FORM. It is interesting to
note that the commission form of govern-
ment was first introduced in Galveston,
Texas, in 1901. This was not only the
first example, but it was also the first
form. No other city adopted the plan and
there was no further development till
1907. During that year six cities adopted
the plan and a few States passed general
laws. In 1908 seven more cities adopted
the plan. In 1909 there were 26. In 1910
the high-water mark was reached. Dur-
ing that year 61 cities adopted the com-
mission form of government. In 1911
only 49 cities adopted the form.
CITIES REJECTING THE COMMISSION
FORM OF GOVERNMENT.
Meanwhile the number of cities reject-
ing the commission form of government
seems to be increasing. In 1909, four
cities voted upon and rejected the plan.
In 1910 19 cities rejected the plan. In
1911, 33 cities rejected it.
It will be noted, therefore, that the rate
of increase in the number of cities adopt-
ing the commission form of government
reached its highest point in 1910, and
dropped off in 1911, while the number of
cities rejecting the plan beginning with
1909, has rapidly increased. One of the
cities rejecting the plan, Biloxi, Miss., has
Voted it down twice. Oklahoma City
twice rejected the plan, but at a third ref-
erendum the plan carried.
SIZE OF CITIES ADOPTING THE COM-
MISSION FORM. It should also be noted
that no large city has as yet adopted the
commission form of government, although
many of its advocates insist that it is as
applicable to the large cities as well as to
the small ones.
The largest city so far adopting the
form is St. Paul, Minn., with 214,000, and
Oakland, Cal., comes next with 150,174
population. Only three other cities of
more than 100,000 population have adopted
it, viz.: Spokane, Wash., Memphis, Tenn.,
and Birmingham, Ala. All the other cities
that have adopted the form have a pop-
ulation of less than 100,000.
Furthermore there are only eleven cities
of the 151 adopting the form, that have a
fiopulation of between 50,000 and 100,000.
n other words, 136 of the 151 cities adopt-
ing the commission form have a popula-
tion of less than 50,000. One hundred and
seven of the total number adopting the
form have a population of less than 25,000
and 73 have a population of less than 10,-
000 and 40 a population of less than 5,000.
2. THE ESSENTIAL, AND NON-ESSEN-
TIAL FEATURES OF THE COM-
MISSION FORM.
While the form of the commission plan
of government varies greatly and seems
to be constantly changing, there are cer-
tain features which are presented by the
writers on the subject, as being essential.
Your committee, however, takes a some-
what different view of this point from
most of the writers. Certain features are
by some urged as essential to the com-
mission form which it seems to us are not
so at all. We therefore make a somewhat
different division in the discussion of thif*
3
part than most of the writt^s on
ject. We think this necessary tc|
rect estimate of the commission f
THE ESSENTIAL FEATURES
following are what to us appear t<
essential features of the com
form.
(1) First and foremost is the
tration of the legislative, admini
and in most cases some of the
functions of the city government
hands of one governing body. Tl
centration involves also the ap
power, as in most cases the head'
subordinate departments are appoi
the commission. The extent of 1
pointive power, however, varies in
ferent cities and under the differen
This feature of the concentration
various functions of the municip;
ernment, constitutes the most c
and characteristic element in the c
sion form of government.
(2) The second most constant
of the commission form is the sma
erning body generally of five men.
few cases it is a smaller number i
casionally a somewhat larger numb
these are exceptional. There are
cities that have seven commissione
one or two that have nine. But th
common form is a board of commis,
of five members.
Thus the concentration of powtl
functions mentioned in the first!
above, becomes by reason of this fee
concentration of power and functior
the hands of a very small number o
generally five. This feature of a
body appears in every case.
In this connection it is interest:
note that the process of concentratii
in one or two cases been carried 1
!he idea of a board of five commiss
and has gone to the limit of propo
single man to have complete charge
city. This official is known as th
business manager. This was first ii
rated by the city of Staunton, Va.,
population of 12,000. The purpose i
case appears to have been to ado
commission form of government wi
addition of a single official to be knc
"city manager." To him was given '
charge and control of all the ex<
work of the city in its various c
ments and entire charge and control
heads of departments and employes
city." Under his direction are superi
ents of (a) streets; (b) electric lig
,(c) water works; (d) city parks; (e)
seer of the poor. His duties are to
all contracts for labor and supplie
"in general perform all the adminis
and executive work now Derformed 1
general standing committees of the
cil, except the finance, ordinance
and auditing committees."
A form of government under wl
commission of five was to be electee
in turn should appoint a municipal
ager, has been proposed by Lockport,
In Roswell, N. M., the city supe
who is appointed by the council, is
a "city manager."
Thus we have a concentration brou
this case to its logical conclusion of a
one man authority.
(3) The third most characterise
ture of the commission form is th€
tions at large. Tne principle of th<
tion of representatives to the gov
body of the city from wards and dis
is abandoned entirely and the comm:
ers are elected from the city at large.
f
v V
APPENDIX
181
;*e also appears in «very case under
mission form.
fol Another universal feature of the
Mission form is that each commissioner
to|d assumes charge of a certain depart-
■m The department which the commis-
ikes charge of is generally deter-
M by the commissioners themselves
•aii they are elected. In a few cases,
'. \rer, the commissioners are elected in
J st place by the people as heads of
l departments. Having each com-
ber at the head of a department, is,
;r, a universal feature of the com-
a form.
J The fifth but less universal feature
^■■rpartisan elections. A little more
i of the cities operating under the
.'Mission form require non-partisan elec-
pa> In most cases the use of party
cos and party designations is entirely
c<nated and occasionally this assumes
:her drastic form. In nearly one-half
j he cases, however, this non-partisan
Uire is not insisted upon.
a, is constitutes what seem to be the
a characteristic, and the essential fea-
bji of the commission form.
THE NON-ESSENTIAL FEATURES.
addition to the features mentioned
^e, most writers include certain others
h they claim as part and parcel of
commission form. Among these are
Initiative, the referendum, recall, civil
Ice commissions, publicity and home
t
t
l>ne of these, however, can be claimed
ssential parts of the commission form
government. There are cities, stales
t j even nations that have put certain of
e features into operation, that have had
jommission form of government what-
>r example, Switzerland and New 2'ea-
have haa the initiative and referendum
their national laws for many years.
y of the western cities had the recall
■ before the establishing of the corn-
lion form of government. The civil
ice provision is least of all an essential
of the commission form of govern-
t, as it had been advocated years before
commission form of government was
•d of and put into operation very widely
various degrees throughout the world,
so far as publicity is concerned, there
i question whether there is more pub-
:y under the commission form of gov-
nent, with its small body of elected
>ers, than there is under the council
n with its larger body and ooen mtset-
3.
nd as to home rule, it may be said that
he commission form of government to
considerable degree increased the right
self-government and home rule in cities,
\ in itself would constitute a very strong
nment in its favor. The home rule
irement, however, started long before
idea of the commission form of govern-
St arose, and has been widely agitated
fk*ely apart from it. Moreover, before
commission form of government be-
ae at all widespread and quite inde-
dent of the commission movement,
fe were a number of states that came
be known as "home rule states." These
I notably California, Oregon, Michigan,
Hsouri. Oklahoma, Washington and Min-
(pta, so that it is quite clear that we
not need to resort to a commission
$h of government as a means of secur-
home rule for cities. And while it may
admitted that in many cases the degree
feome rule is somewhat increased under
i commission form of government, the
home, rule features cannot be claimed as an
essential part of that form.
Whether as some of the opponents of
the commission form of government argue,
these non-essential features as we have
called them, were hitched on to the com-
mission form in order to deceive the peo-
ple into voting for it or not, we need not at
this time discuss. We should be able to
distinguish, however, between those fea-
tures of the commission form of govern-
ment which come as a characteristic part
and those which do not really belong to it
and which can and are being secured by
the cities quite widely entirely apart from
the commission form of government.
That the initiative, referendum and re-
call are desired and urged by every so-
cialist organization in the world, is well
known. That home rule for cities is one of
the foremost and most vital needs of all
cities, not only in America but every-
where, is also well understood by every
student of municipal problems. But all of
these matters can be advanced and are
being advanced apart from the commission
form. They cannot therefore be held sfi
characteristic of this form of government.
4. RESULTS OP THE COMMISSION
FORMS.
TOO EARLY TO JUDGE. Considering
the fact that the commission form of gov-
ernment has been in operation so short a
time, it is too early to judge finally as to its
efficiency or success. The only city that
has really had enough years of experience
to have given the form a real test, is
Galveston, Texas, which adopted the form
in 1901. But the Galveston form is so
much different from what has come to be
known as the commission form of govern-
ment, and was inaugurated under such dif-
ferent circumstances and conditions from
practically all of the other cities, that it
can hardly be considered a test.
No other city adopted the form until
four years later, when Houston, Texas, fol-
lowed the example and copied much the
same form as that of Galveston. Not until
two years later, viz., in ' 1907, were there
any considerable number of cities adopting
the form of government.
So it will appear that the experience of
any city under the commission form has
been brief. Galveston has had the longest
which is about eleven years. Houston
comes next with nine years. Five other
Texas cities, of which Dallas is the largest,
and Lewiston, Idaho, have had about six
years. Most of these cities in the early
period of the commission form, have not
yet developed the real form of commission
government, which is at present most com-
monly advocated.
Des Moines, la,, which finally adopted
the form most commonly advocated at the
present time, has had hardly five years of
experience. All of the other cities have
had even less than that. Twenty-six of
the cities have not yet completed two years
of experience and forty-nine are still in
their first year. In other words, none of
the cities having the present form of com-
mission government, most generally ad-
vocated, have had more than four or five
years of experience, while the great ma-
jority of them have only had one or two
years.
So it will appear that the commission
form of government has not been in oper-
ation in any case more than four or five
years and during that time the form has
been constantly modified and changed so
that it is really too early to be able to
judge as to its results. The further fact
that in no case has it been applied in any
183
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
city of considerable size, still further limits
our opportunity for judgment as to its ef-
ficiency, so far as political results are con-
cerned.
FAVORABLE AND UNFAVORABLE
REPORTS. Turning now to the reports
given out from the various cities as to the
results of the operation^ of this for.' . of
government, we hnd a mass of literature,
pamphlets and magazine articles, which
attempt to present the results. Many of
them report in most glowing terms the
splendid results obtained. Almost every
writer on municipal problems has had some-
thing to say upon tnis subject. Some so-
cialist writers have strongly advocated the
commission form. Most notable of these
is Charles Edward Russell, whose article
in "Everybody's Magazine" April, 1910, on
"Sanity and Democracy for American
Cities" is a most positive and unqualified
endorsement of the idea. And the article
which is written with special reference to
Des Moines attempts to point out most re-
markable and favorable results. Coming
as it does from one of our prominent so-
cialists, this article immediately chal-
lenged the attention of your committee.
Correspondence with Comrade Russell drew
out the fact that he was very decidedly of
the opinion that the commission form of
government was in every way worthy of
the support of those who desire a better
municipal government.
A contrary opinion, however, is held by
other socialists and even by other writers
With regard to Des Moines and t^e success
of .the form there.
In the case of the recent street car
strike there the commissioner of public
safety was undoubtedly in sympathy with
the workers. As is usual in such strug-
gles the company depended upon the sup-
port of the police to help them. When the
strike breakers were brought in to operate
the cars the company expected the police
to give them special protection, and asked
permission for their men to carry weapons.
This the commissioner of public safety re-
fused to permit.
The result was that inside of two days
the strike was won and the union men were
operating the cars.
Suosequently. and in absolute violation
Of the Iowa law, this particular commis-
sioner was deprived of the control of the
police force. He had control, by virtue of
his office of both the fire and the police
forces. When the crisis came the police
force was taken away from him. This nat-
urally brought forth vigorous protests from
many quarters. In order to offset this, the
whole department was taken away from
this commissioner and given over to one
of the others.
The feeling of the people was very de-
cidedly manifested in the ensuing election
when all three of the commissioners who
had been parties to this high handed pro-
ceeding were defeated. And yet, in spite of
all this, when the new commission took
office they did not restore the commissioner
who had shown his sympathy for the work-
ers to the control of the police and fire
department forces.
In Minot. North Dakota, we have another
illustration of the peculiar workings of
the commission form of government. One
of our Socialists, Arthur LeSueur, was
elected chairman of the commission. An-
other Socialist had also been elected and
these two found that one of the other mem-
bers worked and voted with them. This
gave them the control of the commission.
They proceeded then to enforce the laws
and clean up the city. A little later on,
however, one of the Socialist candidates
failed of re-election, another was |
pelled to leave town and the Socialist
control of the commission. There
three non-Socialists against the tw
cialists.
The commission law in this case
it incumbent upon the chairman p
ularly to enforce the laws relative to
gambling and the -selling of liquor.
County Sheriff was particularly host
the chairman of the commission. Coi
LeSueur was therefore in this dile
the law required him to enforce the
gambling and anti-vice ordinances,
county officials who were hostile stood
to prosecute him if he did not en
them. But meanwhile the three mer
of the commission who stood against
had elected an entirely new police con
sion and they in turn had taken the i
force out of his control. The law
pelled him to enforce the ordinances
the commission had taken away from
the power by which alone he could c
In this predicament he appealed to
local of the Socialist party for a dec
as what was best to do and they de>
that the only thing in that case was
him to resign, which he did.
This would seem to us a clear indie;
of the bad working of this form of
ernment, or at least an evidence that
no better than the old form. In spit
this, however, Comrade LeSueur beli
strongly in the commission form of
ernment.
In 1907, the Polk County Republ
Club, of Des Moines, appointed a com
tee that visited Galveston and India
olis, in order to make comparison of
forms of government there with the
posed Des Moines plan. This comm
was evidently very much opposed to
Galveston plan. Their report was stro
against the commission idea. Speakin
the Galveston plan, they say:
"It is a potentially perfect political
chine. There has been no change in
membership of the Galveston commis
since it was organized in 1900 (excep
the death of a member). The exter
powers of the commissioners have ena
them to control all political factions
completely to crush the opposition,
commissioners' faction is in complete
trol, and its leaders dictate nomination
commissioners, members of the legisla
and congressmen.
"The Galveston commissioners and
officials are not easily accessible to
citizens of the city, and give but a s
portion of their time to the city's busir
None of the commissioners, except
mayor, has an office in the city hall,
of them have other extensive interests
citizens seeking redress or assistance r
run the gauntlet of the outside office
closed door of the private business offic
"In Houston, which also has a com
sion form of government where the c
missioners are required to stay in the
hall every day, business men do not
these positions although the salaries
higher than the proposed salaries of
Des Moines commissioners. One com:
sioner was formerly a. scavenger, ano
a blacksmith, justice of the peace and
derman, a third a railroad auditor, a fo 1
a dry goods merchant, and the mayor a
tired capitalist.
"The Galveston commissioners favor
corporation. The only franchise givei
a corporation by the commission is
franchise obtained by the Galveston St
Railway Co. in Mav, 1906. It was not
ferred to a vote of the people. (This f
chise was given for a period of fifty yea
\
APPENDIX
183
te city received no compensation for this
anchise and collected no franchise taxes
it. The city receives no percentage of
e gross or net receipts. The company
arges a straight five-cent fare and trans-
rs are issued ,only from May to October."
Speaking of this failure of the commis-
Dn government in Galveston to provide
the franchises granted to the street car
mpany for adequate protection to the
ople of the city, Mr. Starzinger (quoted
the hand book above referred to, page
e 3) says:
"In Galveston today, for instance, not
te cent is derived from the existence of
iluable franchises," and he asks indig-
mtly, "Is this the superior legislation of
D hich friends of the commission idea
>eak?"
Furthermore, according to these investi-
f itors, the Galveston municipal govern-
ent is not free from graft. This is the
ost unkind cut of all. as the friends of
le commission form have boasted most
udly of this most particular achievement.
he committee refers to the Galveston po-
ce board records in proof of their conten-
on that graft still prevails; and they cite
milar instances in the city attorney's de-
artment.
Professor Rowe, in discussing the com-
mission plan in the Debaters' Handbook
Jbove referred to, points out very clearly
ilie fundamental issue involved. He says
; ,! rankly that the choice presented to our
.merican communities takes the form of
n apparent opposition between democracy
nd efficiency. Very clearly therefore we
51 re called upon here to sacrifice the prin-
* iple of democracy in the interests of al-
2ged efficiency. Prof. Rowe says:
"This means that the people are prepared
o accept the same administrative stan-
ards in municipal affairs as those which
irevail in the business world. The re-
ent proposal to give the police commis-
ioner of N ;w York a term of ten years or
ossibly a life tenure, would have been
eceived in scorn and indignation fifty
'•ears ago. Today it is regarded by many
ls the best possible means of securing an
ifficient administration of this service."
Here then we have the most direct objec-
ion to the commission form, the fact that
t proposes not only extreme concentration,
)ut that there is appearing already as a
ogieal sequence the proposal for long term
)f office and finally even of life terms. And
he fact that this is suggested with ref-
rence to the control of the police is par-
icularly significant to a working class
movement that is struggling for fairness
in its struggle with an unprincipled plu-
tocracy.
Finally it is argued against the commis-
sion "plan that it has been tried in at least
one case for fifteen years and found a fail-
ure. Hon. Clinton L. White, of Sacra-
mento, Cal., writing of the form of gov-
ernment there, says that that city has tried
the commission form for fifteen years and
abandoned it in 1893. Speaking of the re-
sults of this experience in. the commission
form of government, he says:
"The management of the street depart-
ment, the small amount of. work accom-
plished with funds provided for the pur-
pose and the number of employes doing only
a nominal amount of work, but drawing
full pav from the city were at times some-
thing simply scandalous. The manage-
ment of the water works system was fre-
quently almost as bad, and these things
were not checked by a disinterested tri-
bunal. " (See Debaters' Handbook on
"Commission Plan of Municipal Govern-
ment," page 134.)
In view of these facts, Mr. White says
the people of Sacramento abandoned the
commission form, and have gone back to
the usual form of municipal government,
which he says has been very much su-
perior to the commission system.
The experience of Boston with the non-
partisan feature of the commission plan
seems to have been unfavorable. At least
an article in Pearson's Magazine by George
P. Anderson, takes a decidedly critical view
of the idea, and reports serious evils re-
sulting from the new method of handling
the city's civic life.
The Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science for November,
1911, has a number of articles written by
different men on "Objections, Limitations
and Modifications of the Commission Plan."
One of the writers, Dunbar F. Carpenter, of
Colorado Springs, Colorado, reporting upon
the operation of the commission form in
that city, admits that it has been a disap-
pointment to its friends and advocates. He
says:
"We have not found it any more econom-
ic — there has been no saving in the cost of
operation — there is cairtse for disappoint-
ment in the fact that the administration has
not been more effective in the general man-
agement of the city's business, and the least
efficient branch of the public service is
what it always is in American cities, the
police department."
He, says further: "My observations lead
me to believe that the commission plan is
not the final solution of the great plan of
municipal government. The commission
plan is a long step over the old plan, but
it is only a step and not the goal."
We refer to this testimony because it is
given by one who proposes to be a friend
to the commission form of government, and
yet finds it disappointing.
The article in the same chapter by Walter
G. Cooper of Atlanta, Ga., is also a very
strong and rational presentation of the ar-
guments against the commission form.
Ford H. McGregor, instructor in polit-
ical science, University of Wisconsin, in
his City Government by Commission, gives
a rather strong argument on the "disad-
vantages" of the commission form of gov-
ernment, pages 115-129. In this there is
perhaps the clearest recognition of the
most fundamental objection. He says:
"But by far the greatest influence and
the most dangerous influence exerted on
the council or commission will come, not
from political organizations, but from the
great industrial interests. As has already
been pointed out, one of the greatest evils
connected with municipal government in
the United States has been the corrupt
dealings between the city governments and
private corporations which desire valuable
franchises for semi-public purposes. The
interests of these corporations will be the
same under the commission plan as under
any other form of city organization, and
we may reasonably expect that they exert
the same pressure upon the members of
the commission as they have in the past
upon the members of the common councils
to secure these valuable franchises. As a
certain newspaper has put it, 'Will public
service corporations that manage our city
railways, our telephones and telegraphs,
our water svstem, our heating and lighting
plants, cease to covet gain, cease to look
with designing eves on the city council,
cease to scrutinize the ordinances, and care
not about the character of the men who will
enforce the regulations* affecting the con-
duct and individuals? Will the men inter-
ested in the sale of wine and beer and' the
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
patrons of their saloons, will the keepers
of dives and gambling dens, become con-
verted and join the church and cease to
trouble our souls and harass not the po-
lice who surround them? The inducements
for such interests to control the commis-
sion will be even greater than ever, be-
cause of the increased power which is given
to the commission. This is probably the
greatest danger which ^confronts the com-
mission plan. A corrupt or inefficient com-
mission, with the great powers conferred
upon it, would be much more dangerous to
the best interests of the city than an
equally corrupt or inefficient common
council.
"Not only does the commission plan af-
ford increased opportunity to the politician
to manipulate city government, it also pre-
sents the possibility of the commission
itself becoming a powerful political ma-
chine. The more absolutely power and
patronage are concentrated, the greater the
political force that can be wielded by the
holders of them. A small commission ex-
ercising the entire power of the city might
build up such a machine and so intrench
itself that it could not be defeated."
From this it will appear that the testi-
mony as to the results of the operation of
the commission form of government are not
all in one way. There is a feeling that on
the whole there has been increased effi-
ciency and some improvements. But the
more enthusiastic supporters of the idea
become so extreme in their efforts to show
good results that their reports can hardly
be trusted.
. On the other hand there are those who
hold that the improvements have been in
no way commensurate with the risk in-
volved in the experiment of greatly in-
creased power in the hands of a few. They
urge that the principle of democracy has
been sacrificed to the promise of efficiency.
And they go so far as to claim that the
promise of efficiency has not materialized
to any appreciable extent.
REPORT FROM THE SOCIALIST LO-
CALS. In order to learn directly from the
localities where the commission form is
in operation, and to get the .views of the
Socialists themselves, your committee ad-
dressed a circular letter to about 125 secre-
taries of locals in cities where the commis-
sion form of government is in operation.
As there were only about 150 cities in all,
as stated above, this circular letter was
sent to a very large proportion of all the
cities that have the commission form.
In response to this letter your commit-
tee received replies from 76 cities in 18
different States. The questions bore upon
details relative to the form in operation in
the various cities, the fact of which we
have brought out in other parts of this
report.
Among other things we inquired what at-
titude the Socialists in the community had
taken regarding the commission form,
whether they were in favor or opposed to
it. In answer to this question, 13 locals
reported that they favored the commission
form of government. Twenty-seven locals
reported that they were opposed to it. Nine
others reported that they were in a gen-
eral way opposed to the commission form.
Four locals reported that they- wore di-
vided among themselves, some favoring and
some opposing it. Fifteen locals reported
that the comrades of their community had
taken no attitude whatever, one way or the,,
other. «
From this it will appear that there is
no consensus of opinion among the Social-
ists of the country that refers to the com-
mission form. Some favor it, others op
pose it and a good many seem not to hav«
given it any study and therefore take m
stand upon the matter.
Of those who favored the commissioi
form of .government, it was interesting t<
note that nearly all of the California lo
cals reporting upon the subject were fa-
vorable. The State secretary of the So-
cialist party of California, Comrade F. B
Meriam, takes the pains to write at con-
siderable length in favor of the commis-
sion form. He says:
"A pure commission government or a
government where the citizens select a
committee or council, leaving everything
to them as everything is left to the board
of directors of a corporation, is a govern-
ment in favor of which from a Socialist
standpoint, little can be said. But as to
those cities where their officers are elect-
ed by the electors, where they have the
initiative, referendum and recall-*and also
where all partisan ballots are eliminated,
very different conditions are presented for
consideration. In a general way the latter
represents the general type of the Califor-
nia municipal government of the new class.
"Most of the Socialists oppose the com-
mission form because it eliminates partisan
ballots, and are prolific in the predictions
of dire calamity. Several of the California
cities have been under this non-partisan
form of charter for a number of years. San
i Diego adopted it at the close of the year
' 1908, holding its first election in the spring
of 1909. The Socialists there gave the
matter careful consideration and finally de-
cided to support the proposition for certain
well defined reasons. There is practically
no intelligent Socialist in the city today
who would change this if he could. The
experience there and the experience
throughout the State during the past year
has all pointed J.n one direction and that
is, to the benefit of the Socialist movement.
It has in its practical operation resulted
in a demoralization of the old party ma-
chine organizations; has largely eliminated
the terror of the party whip; has a ten-
dency to remove the influence of party
prejudice and in almost every instance has
resulted in forcing a clean cut, unbefogged
fight between the Socialists on the one side
and all branches of capitalism on the other.
It has brought out a clean cut issue of hu-
manity against mammon. It has had no
effect in the way of demoralizing Socialist
organizations or in minimizing our party
action and activities. In fact the Socialist
party is the only party which has been able
to preserve its party activities, with a re-
sult similar to the conflict between a thor-
oughly drilled and organized body of men
and a disorganized body.
"The educational and propaganda value
of these clear cut battles are tremendous.
They enable us to show things up in their
true light and make the usual flim-flamming
of the public on immaterial issues next to
impossible. What future experience may
develop, of course, remains to be seen but
under the usual form adopted in California
so far as our experience goes up to the
present time, we have certainly reaped a
positive and decided advantage by the adop-
tion of this form of municipal government.
Just so soon as we are enabled to eliminate
from our political contests the old sus-
picions, prejudices and bogie men which
have been built up in each of the old par-
ties against the other for the sole purpose
of blinding their constituency as to the
real issue, just so soon we will have en-
tered upon the last short, sharp battle,
which will result in victory for the Social-
■«a
APPENDIX
185
party. When the issue is clean cut,
against money, we will soon land them.
elimination of partisan ballots in mu-
Dal affairs produces just this result."
>mrade Frank E. Wolfe, writing in ad-
t3>n to the answers to the questions, and
Diking for the Socialist local of Sac-
ento, Cal., takes a similar attitude. He
3tudy of conditions here and study of
charter has convinced me the commis-
i form will be vastly better for the
pie and better for the Socialists.
We have an excellent opportunity of
levement if we elect. The prospects
first-class. Even if we get but one
i through, we will be able to put a dent
the old system. One man will give us
fifth of the entire city government.
In Los Angeles we are about to write a
7 charter. It will, doubtless, be based
the commission form. Socialists there
in much confusion on the question. I
s not certain about it but I am now in
or of it there, and hope to get the com-
es to approve it officially.
'This form shortens the ballot and gives
an opportunity to concentrate our
tits."
The locals at Vallejo, San Obispo and
desto, also report that their comrades
/or the commission form of government.
3n the other hand, as mentioned above,
locals reporting, state that their com-
3es are opposed to the commission form.
ie comrades in Flint. Mich., take an ac-
e stand against the commission form
government, and in their paper, "The
int Flashes," published a number of ar-
les agains.t it. The local of Peoria, 111.,
blished a leaflet against the commission
rm of government, which was reprinted
the Chicago Daily Socialist on February
,1911.
Comrade James O'Neil prepared a leaflet
rainst the conmission form of govern-
ent for the Indiana comrades, which was
printed in the Chicago Daily Socialist on
arch 4, 1911.
Comrade Moulton, Secretary of the Hav-
hill, Mass., local, reports that the com-
tdes tli ere have taken a stand against the
>mmission form of government and gives
some length the arguments which they
old against it. This will be referred to
iter.
In some cases the locals report contro-
ersies having arisen in their locals over
ie question of the commission form. This
i notably true in Spokane, where factional
ivision seems to have arisen over the elec-
ton of Comrade David Coates as commis-
ioner of public works, under the commis-
ion form. The comrades report that their
Deal decidedly opposed the commission
orm of government, while Comrade Coates
imself is an enthusiastic supporter. The
Deal at Spokane complained that the elim-
nation of the party lines enabled Com-
ade Coates to secure the election, which
e could not have secured as a Socialist,
'he merits of the controversy, of course,
our committee does not care to enter, sim-
ly calling attention to the fact that the
seal there is reported as strongly opposed
o the commission form. Comrade Coates
rho has been elected under it strongly
avored it, and a factional fight developed
ver the situation.
lRGUMENTS PRO AND CON. AS RE-
PORTED BY THE SOCIALIST
OFFICIALS.
The arguments in favor of the commis-
ion form of government, which the locals
eport as being most commonly used by
he Socialists who favor it, are as follows:
Most common of all are the usual argu-
ments that the commission form results
in greater efficiency and promises more
ready action. Another argument, less com-
mon, in its favor is that it results in great-
er economy.
We have already referred to the argu-
ments submitted by Comrades Meriam and
Wolfe, of California, referred to above. On
the other hand the one and most constant
objection urged against the commission
form of government by practically all of
the locals opposing it, is the concentration
of power into the hands of a few, wjhich
they believe to be undemocratic and danger-
ous. In different forms and with many
variations this seems always to be the most
common objection.
Next to this the most constant objection
raised is against the election at large which
eliminates representation from the wards.
This feature, it is argued, prevents the mi-
nority parties from securing any representa-
tion whatever in the governing bodies. It
is pointed out that under the ward repre-
sentation the working classes are sure to
predominate in certain wards, and therefore
are able to secure at least a minority rep-
resentation if permitted to elect representa-
tives from these wards. This gives them
not only the advantage of having a work-
ing class representative in the governing
body, but it also gives them the opportunity
for experience in public service.
These two objections, the concentration
of power and the elimination of ward rep-
resentation, constitute the most universal
arguments against the commission form as
given by the secretaries of the branches
replying.
5. OBJECTIONABLE FEATURES.
There are three principal objections to
the commission form of government. There
are many minor points that are objection-
able but they are matters of detail.
(1) EXTREME CONCENTRATION. Ex-
treme concentration of power is regarded
by all critics of the commission form of
government as its most dangerous and ob-
jectionable feature. Reducing the number
of officials to five, the commission form
combines the legislative, executive and ju-
dicial functions. It combines the tax levy-
ing, appropriating and expending powers.
In addition it gives this small governing
commission all of the appointive power
including not only the right to appoint all
municipal appointees but to remove them,
to create new positions or discontinue them,
to fix salaries and prescribe all official
duties, alter or transfer them. Thus it
not only gives this small group of five
men almost complete control of the entire
municipal affairs, but it also makes all of
the city employes practically the agents and
dependents of the commission.
This is concentration with a vengeance.
Nothing of the sort has been attempted in
modern times anywhere in the. world. We
have had in the past single rulers of cities
and nations — kings, monarchs and emperors,
and painfully and slowly through centuries
of struggle the world has gotten away from
monarchy and autocracy. We have had in
ancient times dictators, triumvirates and
decemvirates, but in modern times no na-
tion on earth has proposed such a centrali-
zation of power. With the tendency of
modern years everywhere in the direction
of greater democracy, the commission form
of government comes with a tendency back
again towards the old idea of the rule by
the few and power in the hands of the few.
In reply to this objection the friends of
the commission form of government always
urge that it has incorporated the initiative,
186
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
referendum and the recall, which are the
instruments of modern democracy. It is
doubtful, however, whether these features
constitute a sufficient safeguard against the
dangers of concentration. And besides .there
is reason to doubt the wisdom of so radical
a departure from the democratic form of
government as will compel the people to
depend upon these devices- as their only
possible escape from the tyranny of
autocracy.
Speaking of this point, J. R. Palda in a
report to the Bohemian Independent Po-
litical Club of Cedar Rapids (quoted in
Debaters' Handbook on "Commission Plan
of Municipal Government," page 135) says:
"The initiative referendum and recall are
good provisions; in fact, the best the plan
contains, but they will in no sense counter-
balance the powers granted to the commis-
sion. It is a difficult defense against the
possible misconduct and inefficiency of the
commission, as it requires in the greater
number of cases a petition signed by 25
per cent of the voters. Who will undertake
the work, and who will pay the expenses
of securing such a petition? That is
worthy of consideration. Will it not oc-
cur to all that the people will tolerate
many, many abuses from the honorable
commission before they will reach out for
these means of defense? That they will
remain supyiely silent for a long, long time
before making use of the initiative, before
they would avail themselves of the desig-
nated means of protest.
"Besides the initiative, the referen lum,
and the recall, which are the most salient
features of the new plan, can very easily
be incorporated into the present system,
and it is not necessary in order to secure
the benefits of those provisions to force
upon the people the attendant dangers and
burdens of the commission plan."
With the government of a great city in
the hands of a few men with such un-
limited power as the commission form gives
them, it is doubtful whether the people
would have at hand the necessary time,
resource and means of publicity to con-
tend with such a centralized, swift-acting
power.
(2) THE NON-PARTISAN FALLACY.
The elimination of narties is also a se-
riously objectionable feature. There can
be no greater fallacy than the so-called
non-partisan idea. Whether it be the mere
stupidity of our so-called reformers or
the clever design of politicians who seek
to manipulate municipal government to
their advantage, or a little of both, we can
see no logical reason whatever for this
non-partisan idea. Some seem to feel that
if they can only eliminate "parties" in mu-
nicipal affairs, everything will be lovely.
In some cases this is carried to the ex-
treme of prohibiting any kind of party
designation whatsoever in a municipal cam-
paign. Generally, however, the idea is to
eliminate national parties from the local
campaigns. And the line of argument ad-
vanced in favor of this is that the national
parties have no issues that pertain to mu-
nicipal affairs — that national affairs have
nothing to do with local issues.
Little need be said with regard to the
proposition that proposes to eliminate all
party designations of every kind. Such a
proposition would take out of civic life the
responsibility of fighting together for prin-
ciples. By eliminating all designations by
which people would work together for some
principle or idea, municipal campaigns
would be thrown back again upon the worst
elements in our political life.
The experience of Boston with their non-
partisan government is an Illustration.
Speaking of the situation there, George
Anderson, writing on "The First Result
Boston's Elaborate Political Reform,'
Pearson's Magazine, says:
"The aim of the promoters of the r
charter was to smash party lines and
break up party fealty. The charter
complished this, but resulted in the in:
tion of race and religious issues as sub;!
tutes. This is a most unfortunate res
but it is not wholly logical. In ordin;
campaigns the candidate of a party stan
for certain principles or traditions of t!
party. Take those away, and the can
date's personality is bound to be the le
ing issue, and his race or religion cam
fail to be discussed. Which arrangemcj
is better Boston knows to her sorrow. Otl
cities on the edge of a reform ferme
if they are wise, will pause before folio
ing her example."
And this is what might naturally be t
pected. The efforts to eliminate what
supposed to be the baneful influence
partisanship and the party, this non-pg
tisan movement eliminates principle
well. And eliminating principle leav
nothing but personalities, race and i
ligious prejudices as issues in municip
campaigns.
Against the elimination of national par
names and national issues even more mi
be said. There is hardly a serious proble
of municipal government that can
solved at all aside from the state and n
tional movement. Take the question
home rule. Here in the very nature of t
case the city is powerless in the hands
the state legislature. The fight for hor
rule itself is a state and national figl
Take the question of the commission for
of government itself — it has been an iss 1
for state legislatures very largely. Or
consider some of our commercial and i
dustrial problems. The real difficulti
that concern a people in a city, invol-
state and national issues. For examp]
the supply of coal for a city — what a
any city in America do on a problem
that sort without state and national actioi
The city may establish a coal yard? Bi
that is only the merest fraction of tl
problem. The coal must be shipped to tl
city over railroads that are owned by pi
vate corporations. It must be mined
mines that are owned by the monopoli*
and trusts. The transportation of the co;
becomes a problem of interstate commerc
Thus the most elemental problem of tl
city becomes a state and national probler
a question requiring a consistent and con
prehensive programme for state and ns
tional action. To undertake to solve prol
lems of this kind by limiting our efforts i
local issues, and separating our cities fro:
state and national issues, is absurd.
It may be quite true that neither the R
publican nor the Democratic national pa:
ties have anything in their platforms <
programmes, looking to the relief of th
people that live in cities. Perhaps the
purposely omit any such ideas. That
doubtless a part of the plan of the figl
of modern plutocracy, to keep the grej
political parties out of the most essenth
part of the fight. But to attempt to teac
the people that they can find' any relic
from the evils that torment them withov
state and national action, is the height <
folly. If the Republican and Democrat:
parties have no programme and no prii
ciples that apply to the great problem c
municipal government, so much the wor?
for them. Let the people know it, th
sooner the better. It is exactly what shoul
be expected.
Jt
APPENDIX
18.
Such is llOfc the case with the Socialist
party. It has a programme — municipal,
state and national. And they are a part
of one consistent whole. The same prin-
ciples for which the socialist party stands
in the state and nation, apply with equal
force, though with different details, to the
city as well. And what its more, there is
no solution of municipal problems apart
from the principles of social democracy.
And the principles of social democracy can-
not be applied except through state and
national action. The effort therefore to
eliminate national and state issues and
to prevent the organization of a state and
national political party that shall have also
a municipal programme, is to block the
way to a final solution of the problems of
municipal government.
Furthermore, let the Socialist party of
America grow to sufficient strength and
numbers; let it capture enough of the cities
of this country, let it secure enough repre-
sentatives in a few of the state legislatures
and the national congress to make its mu-
nicipal, state and national programme a
real menace to the capitalistic parties of
today, and we shall very quickly see the
political powers of capitalism rush into a
party that will be the most bitterly par-
tisan that this country has known since
the anti-slavery times.
There is an issue in municipal govern-
ment that is bound up inseparably with the
state and national programme. It is im-
possible to solve the municipal problems
apart from these larger state and national
problems. So the lines of this struggle
may as well be drawn sharply and as
closely as possible. We believe it to be
the task of the Socialist party to bring
this issue into the open and to make the
people of This country realize that the
struggle between plutocracy and the com-
mon people is not only a municipal struggle
but a state and national one as well. And
the effort to* - conceal this struggle by de-
taching the city and its issues and problems
from the state and national situation,
serves only to deceive the people and to
prolong the period of their enslavement.
(3) ELIMINATION OF MINORITY REP-
RESENTATION. The elimination of mi-
nority representation is another serious ob-
jection to the commission form of govern-
ment which is urged by all its critics. By
abolishing ward representation and electing
the commissioners at large, the possibility
of a minority party securing a representa-
tion is destroyed. This is particularly true
with regard to the working class. In the
nature of the case certain wards in our
cities are inhabited by the working class.
Other wards are inhabited mostly by the
capitalistic class. Under the method of
ward organization there are sure to be
some wards where the working class pre-
dominate and where therefore they can
secure representation long before they are
able to capture the city. This minority
representation serves not only to give the
working class a voice in the government to
that extent, but it affords the working
class experience in public affairs.
All of this is sacrificed by the commis-
sion form of government and we believe is
a serious loss.
Furthermore the arguments in favor of
representation aL large is offset by argu-
ments in favor of ward representation. For
while it may be true that representatives
from certain districts of the city will be
inclined to neglect the general welfare of
the city in their concern for their own
constituency, yet on the other hand it is
also true, particularly in larger cities, that
the needs of a certain district are likely
to be overlooked by a form of representa-
tion that concerns itself solely with the
general welfare of a city. The jrinciple of
ward representation has always been that
in this way residents of a certain district
are better able to bring the requirements
of their district to the attention of the gov-
erning body. And this argument cannot be
overlooked.
The cities which have combined a repre-
sentation from wards with a group of al-
dermen elected at large, secure both of
these advantages. We have such a form of
municipal government in Milwaukee at the
present time. The commission form of
government sacrifices one of these advan-
tages entirely.
(4) OTHER OBJECTIONS. In addition
to the above, which are the chief and most
serious objections, there are others which
should not be overlooked. For example,
whether intentional or not, there seems to
have crept into many of the laws and char-
ters providing for the commission form of
government, features which can hardly be
regarded other than as jokers. For ex-
ample, in many cases the percentage re-
quired for the initiative, referendum and
r.ecall are so high as to practically destroy
their value. The most notable case of this
kind was the Illinois law which at first re-
quired a seventy-five per cent of the total
vote in order to start a recall. Of course
such a percentage is absolutely prohibitive.
It should be said, however, that the next
session of the legislature reduced that per-
centage to fifty-five, but even that is pro-
hibitive.
In many of the cities twenty-five per
cent and in some even thirty-five per cent
of the voters are required for referendum.
These are too high. The same may be said
with regard to the initiative. Twenty-five
and thirty per cent are frequently required
and in one case the Kansas law required
forty per cent in cities of the second class.
(For analysis of this point see Commis-
sion Government in America, by Bradford,
pages 220-233.)
It is also important to know that in
many of the charters and many of the
state laws, one or the other of these demo-
cratic devices have been omitted entirely.
For example, thirteen out of fifty-one cities
omitted the referendum entirely in their
charters and seven states out of twenty-
four omitted it from their general state
laws.
Twelve cities have omitted the recall
provision from their charters and eight out
of the cities adopting a general commis-
sion law, have omitted the recall from the
provision of their general acts.
5a. SOME OP THE CLAIMS INVESTI-
GATED.
DOES IT CONCENTRATE? In spite of
the fact that the most characteristic fea-
ture of the commission form is its concen-
tration of power and in spite of the fact
that this is urged as the strongest argu-
ment in favor t>f the commission form it
is interesting to note that in one or two
respects it fails even at this point. For
example, the school boards or boards of
education are almost nowhere brought un-
der the control of the commissions. So
here is one other important part of the
government In a city which is not concen-
But more important still, if concentration
is to be considered an argument in favor
Of the commission form, is the fact that
it does not concentrate the judicial power.
While in many cases the municipal court
Is brought under the control of the com*
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
mission, this does not relieve the munici-
pality of the interference of the courts
where they may be hostile to the local gov-
ernment. And any student of municipal
government, and particularly those who
have been following the struggles of the
cities that are trying to free" themselves
from the grip of the corporations, under-
stand how serious the power of the courts
is. Wherever a city has made a really
serious stand against the domination of
the interests the capitalistic courts have
immediately swung into line against the
local government. In the city of Cleve-
land, Ohio, for example, this went so far
that in Order to defeat Tom D. Johnson in
his fight for the three-cent fare, which he
had practically won, the matter was taken
to the Supreme CSurt of the state and the
charter of the city itself declared uncon-
stitutional. And in this way the city was
beaten by the courts. Similar experiences
could be cited in scores of cases.
It is well understood and perfectly nat-
ural that the capitalistic courts should be
everywhere the last resort of the corporate
interests. If we are to secure an inde-
pendent and free local government for a
city we shall have to find some way of
preventing the courts from overthrowing
the acts of the local government through
injunction proceedings and the like. And
after all this is one of the most serious
problems for the student of municipal gov-
ernment. And the commission form does
not meet it in any sense of the word, x In
fact it does not contemplate it.
the freedom of action on the part of the
municipal government by means of con-
centration of power, the commission form
of government breaks down at this point.
DOES IT FIX RESPONSIBILITY? It is
also argued that by concentrating the
power of a municipal government in the
hands of a few we are able to fix the re-
sponsibility, to know exactly who is to
blame if things do not go right.
How far is this true? . A commission iy
elected of, let us say, five men. The ques-
tion of a certain line of action is decided
by a majority vote. One of the commis-
sioners who is at the head of a depart-
ment, decides upon a certain line of action.
Three of the five, however, vote against it.
The work cannot be done.
Who now is to blame for the failure of
the commission to act?
The commissioner who proposed the ac-
tion did his part. He lays the blame upon
the others. But th.e neglected work is in his
department, so the others shift the blame on
to him.
Another illustration of the shifting of re-
sponsibility occurred in Oklahoma City.
A circuit judge was elected as one of the
commissioners because of his known friend-
ly attitude toward union labor. When he
was elected he was put at the head of the
Department of Public Works.. But when
the question of engaging union labor came
up he dodged the issue and shifted the re-
sponsibility by referring the question to the
commission. The commission then decided
that they could not under the laws "dis-
criminate against" the non-union workers.
Tn this way the labor question was shifted
from one commissioner to the other and
so disposed of.
Again in Dps Moines the citizens circu-
lated a petition asking for the submission
of the Question of the purchase of the street
ear system. The signatures of 16 per cent
of the voters were secured. Now. the com-
missioners did not want to submit the
Question. On the other hand, they did not
wish to offend the 2,300 voters who had
signed the petition. So they shifted th«
responsibility by referring the question to
the legal department. The city attorney
gave them an opinion in which he held
that the form of the ordinance was illegal.
In spite of the opinion of the legal de-
partment the commissioners decided .to sub-
mit the question to a vote of the people,
after which the district court at the insti-
gation of the street railway company in-
tervened, restraining the commission from
submitting the question. But they again
shifted the responsibility from the city at-
torney's shoulder and in spite of his opin-
ion submitted the question. Then the dis-
trict court stepped in upon the petition of
one of the citizens and issued an injunc-
tion restraining the commission from sub-
mitting the question.
Thus, we have in this case the shifting
of responsibility first from the shoulders
of the commission to those of the city at-
torney; back again from the shoulders of
the city attorney to those of the commis-
sioners; and finally again from their shoul-
ders to those of the district court. It
would be pretty hard to conceive of a bet-
ter illustration oT the failure of the com-
mission form of government to "fix .re-
sponsibility." ^
From this it would appear that so long
as you have more than one in your com-
mission, there is more or less shifting of
responsibility inevitable. And hence the
arguments actually made in favor of a one-
man commission.
And even more serious is the interference
of State legislatures and courts. The es-
tablishment of the commission form of
government in a city does not take away
the possibility of interference by the legis-
lature and the courts. So long as the ad-
ministration of the citv is in harmony in
its purposes and policies with the State
legislature and the courts, so long matters
may go smootfilv. But let anv city admin-
istration undertake to withstand the cap-
italistic policies of the courts and the State
legislature and there soon is a manifesta-
tion of these superior powers. It only re-
quires one man in a city to apply to the
courts for an injunction. And the domi-
nant political party in the State legislature
when controlled bv capitalistic influences,
can be very quickly swung into opposi-
tion to the city administration. When this
happens, as it is constantlv happening, will
not then the resDonsibility bp shifted again?
When a commission in such a case at-
tempts or even proposes to do something
for the people of a citv. mav it not very
easily shift the responsibility for not hav-
ing succeeded either on to the courts or the
State legislature?
So it is evident that the commission
form does not wholly solve the problem of
"fixing the responsibility."
With the Socialist party this question is
a very simple one. The party itself as-
sumps and wishes to carry the responsibil-
ity for the handling of any degree of po-
litical power that is given to its representa-
tives. If any of the men elected bv the
party fail to make good, let it count against
the party. Why should not other organiza-
tions and parties assume the same responsi-
bility? And whv should they not stand or
fall as the Socialist party proposes to stand
or fall upon the record that it makes.
In this connection it seems to us that the
commission form of government has a se-
(i rious weakness. Having destroyed entirely
• parties and party organizations, there is no
one that can he held responsible for what
the elected officers do. Tn this sense the
commission form of government makes it
V
APPENDIX
sion form of government. And they have
than less, and this phase of the matter
•hould be considered.
IS IT MORE EFFICIENT? Another
claim of the commission form of govern-
ment that should be investigated is, the
claim put forward by all of its advocates
that it greatly increases efficiency of the
with regard to certain matters. A gre^t
deal has been written and said by the
friends of the commission form along these
V lines. When we come to examine the de-
tails upon which this claim is based, how-
ever, the argument does not seem to carry
so much weight,
government.
It may be frankly admitted, for the sake
of argument, that the cities that have
adopted the commission form of govern-
ment, have shown evidences of improvement
For example, it is claimed for certain
of the commission governed cities that they
have greatly reduced the burden of taxa-
tion by economies effected. But hundreds
of cities have accomplished things of that
sort without being under the commission
form of government. It is always the boast
of a new administration that it has reduced
the taxes. And most capitalistic campaigns
in the cities are waged on the promise to
reduce the taxes.
Furthermore, low taxes may not be an
evidence of efficiency of city government at
all. On the contrary, a partial increase of
the tax burden may be an absolute essential
in the first steps towards an efficient city.
Practically every American city is lacking
in school facilities, in proper street equip-
ment, parks and boulevards, sewerage and
the like, ^o bring these up to the standard
of efficiency shown by European cities will
naturally and inevitably require increased
expenditures. But what is much more vital
than this even, the American city is far
behind the cities of every progressive na-
tion in the world in the matter of the own-
ership of revenue producing enterprises.
If the American city is to be made efficient
in the true sense of the word, it will be
compelled to deliberately assume the policy
which the European city long ago assumed,
viz., in investing in revenue producing en-
terprises — water works, gas plants, lighting
plants, street car system and all other pub-
lic utilities, and especially land and sites.
But every step in this direction involves,
of course, an initial investment. And while
the gradual introduction of this policy will
enable the cities to use revenues produced
by one utility in instituting the public own-
ership and operation of the next, it is never-
theless difficult, if not impossible, to in-
augurate this programme without some in-
crease in the tax burden. And yet there
is no more essential feature, no more vital
element in the efficiency of city government
than this.
So the mere matter of reduced taxes can-
not be taken as any evidence' of efficiency.
Other matters enter for consideration.
Again it is claimed that the commissions
in certain cities have introduced more busi-
ness-like methods in the municipal account-
ing. But scientific budget making is being
developed on a much larger scale and in a
much more thorough-going way in such
cities as Chicago, New York and Milwaukee,
than in any of the commissioned governed
cities. So this can hardly be claimed as
an evidence of increased efficiency. The
achievements of a purchasing department,
of a bureau of efficiency and economy are
also urged as evidences of greater efficiency.
But these details have also been estab-
lished in many cities without the commis-
189
more difficult to fix the responsibility rather
made equally good recorus.
In short, it is difficult for the advocates
of the commission form of government tc
point out specific instances of increased
efficiency unuer their commission, that has
not oeen equalled somewhere in other cities
that are not under the commission form.
In view of these facts, too much weight
cannot be permitted to the claims made
by the advocates of the commission form
While it may be admitted that there have
been some gains, they do not all stand to
the credit of the commission form of gov-
ernment as to mere form.
6. EXPERIENCE IN OTHER COUN-
The commission form of government, as
has already been pointed out, is not the
result of a careful or comprehensive study
of the problems of municipal government
It seems rather to have been stumbled
upon and had its inception in an accident —
the calamity at Galveston. It seems
strange that the students of municipal gov-
ernment in America should not have come
forward long before this, with some care-
fully prepared plan of municipal reform
based upon a thorough investigation of the
subject in this and other countries. It is
not to be expected, of course, that America
should copy the forms of municipal govern-
ment found in other countries; but it would
be the height of folly for the people of
this nation to disregard entirely the ex-
perience of other lands in the matter of
municipal government, especially in view
of the fact that other countries have made
such notable achievements in that line. But
this seems to be exactly what the advo-
cates of the commission form of govern-
ment nave done. They have overlooked en-
tirely and disregarded the experience of
other nations.
(1) THE GERMAN FORM OF MUNICI-
PAL GOVERNMENT. Without doubt the
best governed cities in the world, and par-
ticularly the most efficient, are the cities
of Germany. While of course the Socialists
of this country would by no means advo-
cate the election forms of the German cities,
it is interesting to note that in those partic-
ular respects in which the commission form
of government is said to excel, the German
cities have long ago made their greatest
achievements. The German municipal gov-
ernment is efficient. And as compared to
the American cities, they are decidedly pro-
gressive as well.
These things — efficiency and progressive-
ness. have been achieved in the German
cities, not under the commission form of
government, but quite the opposite. The
general form of city government in Ger-
many is that of a large council. There are
126 members of the city council of Berlin;
Breslau has 100; Dresden 70. The coun-
cilmen are also elected from the wards or
districts, and these in turn elect the heads
of departments. These latter constitute a
second body, handling in general the ad-
ministrative affairs of the city. In addi-
tion to these two bodies are numerous com-
missions, part of them salaried and part of
them rendering services without pay. The
council selects the mayor, who need not be,
arid generally is not, a resident of the city,
but is selected solely for his efficiency,
ability and knowledge of municipal prob-
lems. The heads of the departments are
also selected in a similar way and serve for
long terms, sometimes for life.
Now, whether this form of government be
better than the usual council form in
America or not, one thing is certain — this,
and not the commission form, is the one
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
under which the German municipal govern-
ment has reached its high degree of effi-
ciency.
If the form of government has anything
to do with it, then the experience of Ger-
many is against the commission form of
government.
(2) THE ENGLISH FORM OP MUNICI-
PAL GOVERNMENT. The experience of
England is somewhat similar to that of
Germany. Prior to 1835 the English people
had their problems of political corruption
and municipal misrule, similar to those we
have in America at the present time. Then
came the municipal reform act, which, while
it did not change the form of their govern-
ment materially, nevertheless produced a
profound effect for the better upon munici-
pal government in England until today
probably the next best governed cities in
the world to those of Germany are the
English.
Here again it is not the commission form
of government under which efficiency has
arisen, but quite the opposite. The council
is a large body. Glasgow has 77 members;
Manchester 124; Liverpool 134. They are
also elected as in Germany from the va-
rious ward?. And besides politics are not
excluded from municipal government as is
proposed by advocates of the commission
form. There are generally two or three
councilmen ' from each ward. This elected
council then selects a second body one-third
as large as the elective council. Theae two
houses working together select the mayor,
usually from their own membership. But
the mayor has little power in the English
city. These two bodies also select all
other city officials.
Thus the English experience further dis-
proves the contention of the advocates of
the commission form of government, that
only by the abolition of ward lines and
the election of the small body at large, can
efficient municipal government be attained.
The English cities are well governed and
have been well governed for nearly three
generations. Moreover, the English city
government is comparatively free from
graft in spite of the fact that almost uni-
versally the cities own and operate large
and important public utilities and employ
thousands of men and spend millions of
dollars every year.
And this has been accomplished, not un-
Ger the commission form of government,
but quite the opposite.
(3) THE FRENCH FORM OF MUNICI-
PAL GOVERNMENT. The municipal code
of France permits the cities to choose their
council either at large or by wards. The
majority of the smaller cities elect their
council at large, but most of the larger ones
have chosen the ward plan. The elections
are not non-partisan, nor are majority elec-
tions required. The council here as in Ger-
many and England selects the administra-
tive organizations. Nor is the council a
small body as proposed by the commission
advocates. The average for the ordinary
French city is at least thirty-six.
In the French city the council elects the
mayor who is a much more responsible
official than the burgomaster in Germany
and much more so than the mayor in Eng-
land. He appoints all city officials except
the treasurer and a few other important
officers which are filled by the national gov-
ernment. His appointments bt3 not even
subject to the ratification of a council and
he can remove any official except those of
the police department.
Thus the experience of these countries In
■which the highest degree of efficiency of
municipal government has been attained,
affords no encouragement to the idea of
the commission form. On the contrary,
whatever efficiency has been ( attained in
these countries has been attained by a
movement in the opposite direction.
7. DESIRABLE FORMS AND FEATURES
OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT.
In connection with the commission form
of government are a number of features
which all must agree are desirable. This
fact requires discrimination in stating the
position which the socialist party should
take. If the party either locally or other-
wise takes a stand against the commission
form of government unqualifiedly, it there-
by puts itself in opposition to certain de-
sirable features that have been attached
to the commission form. It is necessary
therefore to study carefully the form and
the various features of each particular city
charter and the general state act as it
comes forward. The attitude that the party
is to take in any city or state can be de-
termined~ by the particular form and the
specific features of the commission' form
proposed.
' (1) HOME RULE. Wherever the general
state acts establishing the commission form
of government proposes a greater degree of
home rule than the cities in that state al-
ready enjoy, the party will have to con-
sider seriously whether such a law even
though objectionable in some other fea-
tures, will not be to the advantage of the
cities in the state. Above almost every-
thing else, home rule and the right of
self-government, the right of the city to
manage its own affairs, is most important.
Especially in the fight for municipal own-
ership, for direct employment, for trades
union conditions of labor, the union label,
the union scale, the eight-hour day and
union conditions, home rule is essential.
Many of the commission charters, so far
as we can discover, do not add one iota of
home rule to the city's power. Many of
the states have secured home rule entirely
apart from the commission form and we
believe the rest of the states would in time
secure the same. Where the cities do not
yet enjoy home rule, and the state law es-
tablishing the commission form does give
the city more home rule, there the party
should consider seriously whether it is not
better to support the commission form on
that account. And this will have to be
determined in each case by a careful and
discriminate estimate of the degree of home
rule secured, and the question of whether
there are other objectionable features that
overbalance the possible advantages of the
home rule involved.
(2) THE INITIATIVE, REFERENDA
AND RECALL. The Socialist party every-
where, of course, is seeking to establish
direct legislation and greater control by
the people over the government. The ini-
tiative, referendum and recall are means to
that end. They are proposed in connec-
tion with the commission form in the great
majority of cases. Here, again, the party
will have to exercise discriminating judg-
ment in determining its attitude.
Some matters are clear, however. Where
any of these forms are missing in the pro-
posed charter or State law. there the party
should make a vigorous fight to have them
included. And where the percentages are
too high, the party should fight for their
reduction. In our opinion the initiative
should not require the signatures of more
than ten per cent of the voters; the rpfer-
endum should rot require more than fifteen
per cent and the recall should not require
more than twenty per cent. These figures,
V
APPENDIX
i9i
rever, are arbitrary but are the figures,
J t are coming to be regarded by the
» mds of direct legislation as being near-
the desired point. The percentages
uld not be so high as to make the de-
3S too difficult of putting into operation,
should they be so low as to interfere
h the efficient operation of the municipal
eminent.
3) SIZE OF THE GOVERNING BODY,
the smaller cities, the five members pro-
i .ed by the commission form are doubt-
3 sufficient. It is desirable to keep the
ms of government as simple as the sit-
;ion will warrant. But in the larger
es, we do not believe the small body
five men is sufficient to insure efficiency,
do not agree with the contention put
th by most advocates of the commis-
n form, that there should be such a
eeping reduction of the number of
cted officials and increase of the num-
of appointive officials as would be in-
ved by the change of form of govern-
Idnt in a large city of say 400,000 popula-
n or more, from the present council and
yor form of government, to that of a
nmission form. For the large cities,
ur committee would recommend a medi-
ation of the present form of municipal
vernment, drawn from the best expen-
ses of European and American cities in
s respect rather than the commission
•m.
(4) SALARIES. One good feature of
3 commission form of government is the
t that it generally provides for a salary
the elected commissioners and large
ough to attract men of capacity into the
blic service and to enable them to de-
te their entire time .to it. This we be-
ve to be essential. Without salaries for
blic officials, the working class can hardly
er hope to take a iy part in civic life,
le necessity of earning a living and the
fficulty attendant thereto makes it im-
ssible for them to devote their time to
e public service. The failure to provide
laries, therefore, results either in office
dding becoming the special privilege of
e wealthy class, or it deteriorates into
mething worse. The provision of ade-
late salaries we believe to be an essential
ature of municipal government.
(5) SELECTING THE HEADS OF DE-
ARTMENTS. One serious and objection-
)le feature of most of the commission
>rm charters and laws is the fact that
le five commissioners are elected without
iy reference to the work that they are
i perform and are allowed afterwards to
?cide among themselves which men are
» be put at the head of the five respective
epartments. A few of the commission
larters. however, have remedied this de-
jct. This is notably the case of the Grand
unction, Colorado, charter, which is per-
aps on the whole one of the best. Under
the usual form, the five most popular can-
didates might be elected as commissioners
and all of them be well qualified to fill one
or two of tne offices of heads of depart-
ments, while no one might be elected who
is qualified to fill the others. The people
are better able to determine the fitness of
a man for a certain office than are the
commissioners by trade and wire pulling
after election.
It seems strange that the Grand Junction
form should not have been insisted upon
in more of the charters. There can be no
justification for the plan by which the
commissioners are allowed to select the of-
fices for themselves after they are elected.
IN CONCLUSION.
In conclusion, the study of the move-
ment for the commission form of govern-
ment for cities in America reveals the fact
that the forms proposed vary greatly in
detail. Indeed, there is a great variation
even in essential features. Furthermore,
the form itself has been passing through
the process of modification since its incep-
tion. This change and modification is still
going on. There has not yet been proposed
a final and definite form of the commission
form of government; the whole matter is in
process of development.
In view of these facts, it is impossible
at the present time, we believe, to lay down
or to fix any definite policy that shall ap-
ply equally to all the states and all of
the cities with reference to this matter.
Certain general principles may be stated.
Certain errors and fallacies of the argu-
ments may be pointed out, certain ev^s
opposed. And where the form is entirely
objectionable, it may be defeated.
In some cases the Socialist party or-
ganizations have already used their in-
fluence against certain objectionable forms
and defeated them. In other cases they
have compelled a modification of the form
by insisting on the introduction of certain
features that had been omitted. And so
far as your committee can see, this dis-
criminating attitude, varying with the con-
ditions that concern the party in different
localities, and varying as the movement
varies, will have to be the position of the
party.
One thing, however, your committee
would recottimend, viz., That a committee
be appointed by the convention to study
further the best forms of municipal gov-
ernment and to submit the results of their
work as a basis for a form that mav be
proposed as an alternative and improve-
ment upon the commission plan.
Respectfully submitted,
J. J. JACOBSEN (la.). Chairman,
CARL D. THOMPSON (Wis.), Secretary,
WINNIE E. BRANSTETTER (Okla.),
JASPER M'LEVY (Conn.).
Committee.
192
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION,
APPENDIX D
Report of Farmers' Committee.
During the decade just passed agriculture
in America has entered upon a new stage
of evolution, which both in direction and
velocity of movement differs sharply from
that of previous years. The causes of this
change are several.
1. Free land has disappeared and the
value of that now under cultivation is in-
creasing more rapidly than ever before.
From 1900 to 1910 this increase amounted
to over 100 per cent for the entire nation.
In the upper Mississippi valley, in so far
as the census statistics are available, it ap-
pears that the value of the average farm
is now about $15,000. (In Illinois, $15,-
505; in Iowa, $17,259.) This is a sum
fully equal to that which now separates
the average wage worker from ownership
in the tools of his industry, and indicates
that from now on the landless farmer must
surrender all hope of ever entering the class
of farm owners.
2. That the conclusion drawn above is
correct is borne out by the fact that in the
three states of Indiana, Iowa and Illinois
(the only ones in this locality from which
the census data is available) the total num-
ber of farms has decreased from 714,670
in 1900 to 684,410 in 1910. The agricultural
counties of these states, almost without ex-
ception show an absolute decrease in popu-
lation, a still further proof of the same
Still another fact leading to the same
conclusion that the class of small farm
owners is disappearing is the census state-
ment that in these three states the num-
ber of farms of between 20 and 100 acres
in area has absolutely decreased, while
those of less than ten acres and of more
than 175, show the" most rapid rate of in-
crease. This fact is indicative of the two
forms in which agricultural concentration
is operating: through the formation of in-
tensively cultivated, artificially heated and
wage-worker operated suburban market
gardens, and large mechanically cultivated
farms.
Perhaps more Important than any of the
above facts as showing the growing separa-
tion of the farmer from the land is seen
in the remarkably accelerating rate at
which farm tenantry is progressing. The
census bulletins show that in the three
states of Indiana, Iowa and Illinois, 30 per
cent, 38 per cent and 41 per cent of all farms
are now operated by tenants. Independent
research shows that in the purely agricul-
tural sections the actual average is over
60 per cent in these states. The situation
in the South is even more striking. Here
the census figures show that from 45 per
cent to 66 per cent of all farms are op-
erated by tenants, while investigation of
the cotton farming districts (the over-
whelmingly dominant agricultural industry)
shows that fully 80 per cent of the cotton
farms are operated by tenants, whose con-
dition is far below that of the average
tory wage-worker.
The land is not the only instrument
sential to agricultural production wl
ownership by the producer is growing n
difficult. The cost of farm machinery
the animals necessary for cultiva
where animal power is used is also
creasing rapidly. With the introduetioi
other than animal power, which is
progressing at a most revolutionary i
this cost will soon render these ins
ments also far beyond the reach of
farm worker. Along with this goes
multiplication of subsidiary industries
forming operations hitherto perfor
upon the farm, or which are immedia
essential to agriculture, but the machii
for which are completely out of the c
ership of the farmer. Such are sugar
factories, canning factories, packing hou
alfalfa mills, cotton gins, rice mills, et
The workers affected by these condit
reached a total of more than ten mil
in 1910, and constitute by far the Ian
number embraced in any single brand
industry. To confess ourselves unabh
include these in the program of Social
is to surrender our position as the p»
ical representative of the working clas
Of these ten million, 3,933,705 are
farm owners, and in spite of all the
dencies mentioned above this group
creased over a quarter of a million in
last ten years, a greater increase tha:
to be found in any other single groul
industrial workers, with the single
tremely significant exception of the gi
of farm tenants, which added a little <
320,000 to its numbers during the s
period, and which now includes 2,349
workers.
Far larger than either of these divis
is that of agricultural laborers, of wl
there were nearly four million in 1910.
is significant, however, that these are
cated geographically, in sections larj
apart from the other classes. So far as
census data is available it appears
nearly twice as much money is spent
agricultural labor in the little county
Cook, in which the city of Chicago is
cated. than in any other county in
United States. In so far as farm labo
are employed either upon the hierhly <
italized and intensively cultivated gavt
and green houses or upon large capita
tically organized ranches, fruit farms,
mechanically operated farms in gen(
their problem is not distinctively diffe:
from that of other wage-workers save \
hitherto the difficulties of propaganda, «
cation and organization among them t
been greater than among other classe*
wage-workers. There are, however, cer
definite steps (some of which are indici
in the program presented) which can
taken by a Socialist administered loca'
VN
APPENDIX
193
te government that Will assist them in
ir struggle.
'he extent, of the problem, the complex-
of the factors involved and the rapid
nges that are now taking place in ag-
ulture all emphasize the necessity of
ser study of this problem and the need
the preparation of literature especially
ed to this field, and the committee would
especial stress upon the urgent need
the preparation of literature and its ex-
sive circulation.
ls measures particularly suited to meet
s problem we would recommend the
ption by the convention of the follow-
program as indicating the lines of work
be pursued by a working class govern-
nt for the especial relief of this largest
ision of that class:
PROPOSED FARMERS* PROGRAM.
m . The Socialist party demands that the
ans of transportation and storage and
: plants used in the manufacture of farm
)ducts and farm machinery, when such
ans are used for exploitation, shall be
jially owned and democratically man-
3d.
i. To prevent the holding of land out
use and to eliminate tenantry, we de-
md that all farm land not cultivated by
ners shall be taxed at its full rental
iue, and that actual use and occupancy
ill be the only title to land.
5. We demand the retention by the na-
inal, state or local governing bodies of
land owned by them, and the continuous
quirement of other land by reclamation,
rchase. condemnation, taxation or other-
se; such land to be organized as rapidly
possible into socially operated farms for
conduct of collective agricultural en-
rprises.
4. Such farms should constitute educa-
tional and experimental centers for crop
culture, the use of fertilizers and farm ma-
chinery and distributing points for im-
proved seeds and better breeds of animals.
5. The formation of co-operative asso-
ciations for agricultural purposes should be
encouraged.
6. Insurance against diseases of animals
and plants, insect pests and natural calam-
ities should be provided by national, state
or local governments.
7. We call attention to the fact that the
elimination of farm tenantry and the de-
velopment of socially owned and operated
agriculture will open new opportunities to
the agricultural wage-worker and to that
extent free him from the tyranny of the
private employer.
8. The Socialist party pledges its sup-
port to the renters and the agricultural
•wage workers in their attempts to organize
to protect themselves from the aggressions
of capitalism and the employers in agri-
culture.
While the above is offered as a general
outline for the National Agricultural i-ro-
gram of the Socialist party, we wish to
point out that there are such variations of
conditions in the widely separated districts.
of the United States that to each section
and to each state must be left the task of
working out the further details of a pro-
gram applicable to the peculiar agricultural
conditions in their respective states and
districts.
A. M. SIMONS, Chairman,
A. LEE.
OSCAR AMERINGER.
CARL D. THOMPSON,
JAMES H. MAURER,
CLYDE J. WRIGHT.
Committee.
It*
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
APPENDIX E
Report oT Committee on Co-operative Movement.
(Adopted by the Convention.)
Just as the labor unions fight for indus-
trial self-control for the working class, the
Socialist party for political self-control, and
the labor and Socialist press for intellec-
tual self-control for the workers, so the co-
operative movement fights for an increasing
degree of economic self-control for the
workers through the ownership and use of
industrial and commercial capital by or-
ganized groups of the workers.
The development and successful opera-
tion of the "co-operative movement in con-
nection with the international labor move-
ment is an historical fact, which cannot
be disputed. While in some countries it
may seem for the time being to. have
checked other lines of working class ac-
tivity, it seems to be true also that "the
economic power of a class at a given stage
of development turns into political power."
The value of the co-operative movement
to the working class has been recognized
by the Socialist party, though reluctantly
at first. It was recently so recognized at
the Copenhagen congress in 1910, the Amer-
can delegates voting for the resolution.
Following the path of other national or-
ganizations of the Socialist party, the So-
cialist party of America must recognize
the fact of the existence on the American
continent of a successful co-operative move-
ment, though it has not as yet been brought
into any unified form.
Your committee has not been able to
gather any adequate data, but is informed,
from the personal knowledge of those who
came before the committee, of distributive
co-operatives doing a total business of not
less than twenty million dollars a year, in
only a few of the states of the Union.
Nearly one thousand local organizations are
within the knowledge of those reporting
these facts to your committee, which are
operating successfully.
That there is still room within the devel-
oping processes of the capitalist system in
this country for the inauguration and build-
ing up of a strong and successful co-oper-
ative movement, is evident from the facts
already adduced, especially in view of other
and as yet unverified statements which are
nevertheless largely of common knowledge.
The benefits claimed by those most close-
ly connected with the international co-oper-
ative movement are three-fold, and relate
1. The furnishing of an improved qua
ity of food and other supplies to the c
operators;
2. The actual increase of the econom
resources of the co-operators, through tl
control of their own purchasing power, ai
the building up of reserve funds whi<
have been of great service to the industri
and political arms of the labor movemen
3. The training of members of the wor
ing class in the processes of industrial ai
commercial administrative work, and d
veloping this new capacity among thei
thus proving that it is possible not only
do without the capitalist's capital but al:
to do without his alleged superior intell
gence.
The most successful co-operatives
America seem to be among the groups i
foreign-speaking workers of v the same n
tionality, who furnish a community high
homogeneous, having similar habits ai
customs of life; and among the farmer
who find it possible to combine at on
their buying and selling powers in the san
organization.
In view of the failures which have o
curred in this and other countries in coi
nection with the efforts to establish c
operatives, we recommend that a commits
of five persons be elected by this conve:
tion, not confined to delegates in the coi
vention, who shall be given the assistan<
of the national office in making an invest
gation into the facts concerning the co-o]
erative movement; the committee to mal
a special effort to ascertain what bearir
the degree of industrial development ar
organization in any particular locality hi
upon the operation of co-operation in thi
locality; to make tentative reports fro:
time to time through the national office ar
the party pre?:s; and to make a final repo;
at the next national convention.
W. R. GATLORD,
Wisconsin.
MRS. E. D. CORY.
Washington.
CALEB LIPSCOMB.
Missouri.
J. T. CUMBIE,
LEE LANG.
E. E. POWELL.
Oklahoma.
Iowa.
Ohio.
Committe
APPENDIX
195
v.
APPENDIX F
port of Committee on Labor Organization and Their Relation to the Party.
m
ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION,
olitical organization and economic or-
ization are alike necessary in the
lggle for working class emancipation.
! most harmonious relations ought to
5t between the two great forces of the
•king class movement — the Socialist
ty and the Labor Unions,
he. labor movement of the United States
of recent years made marvelous prog-
I in all directions. It has steadily in-
ased in numbers and has reached trades
industries which were before unor-
ized. It has in many instances con-
trated its power and increased its effi-
lcy by the amalgamation of related
les into federations and industrial
ons. Many unions have opened their
stings and journals to the discussion
vital social and political problems of
working class, and have repudiated
demoralizing politics represented by
National Civic Federation. The organ-
I workers are rapidly developing an
ightened and militant class-cortscious-
s.
'he reality of this progress is attested
the increasing virulence with which
organized capitalists wage their war
dnst the union. This improved eco-
,nic organization is not a matter of
tract theory, but grows out of the
•erience of the wage workers in the
ly class struggle. Only those actually
,,-aged in the struggle in the various
ides and industries can solve the prob-
ts of form of organization,
'he Socialist party therefore reaffirms
position it has always taken with re-
Id to the movement of organized labor:
That the party has neither the right
the desire to interfere in any con-
versies which may* exist within the
or union movement over questions of
m of organization or technical meth-
of action in the industrial struggle,
trusts to the labor organizations
mselves to solve these questions.
2. That the Socialists call the atten-
tion of their brothers in the labor unions
to the vital importance of the task of or-
ganizing the unorganized, especially the
immigrants and the unskilled laborers,
who stand in greatest need of organized
protection and who will constitute a great
menace to the progress and welfare of or-
ganized labor, if they remain neglected.
The Socialist party will ever be ready to
co-operate with the labor unions in the
task of organizing the unorganized work-
ers, and urges all labor organizations,
who have not already done so, to throw
their doors wide open to the workers of
their respective trades and industries,
abolishing all onerous conditions of mem-
bership and artificial restrictions. In the
face of the tremendous powers of the
American capitalists and their close indus-
trial and political union the workers of
this country can win their battles only by a
strong class-consciousness and closely
united organizations on the economic field,
a powerful and militant party on the polit-
ical field and by joint attack of both on the
common enemy.
3. That it is the duty of the Party to
give moral and material support to the labor
organizations in all their defensive or ag-
gressive struggles against capitalist oppres-
sion and exploitation, for the protection and
extension of the rights of the wage work-
ers and the betterment of their material
and social condition.
4. That it is the duty of the members of
the Socialist party who are eligible to
membership in the unions to join and be
active in their respective labor organiza-
tions.
OSCAR AMERINGER,
TOM CLIFFORD,
JOB HARRIMAN,
TOM HICKEY,
ALGERNON LEE,
TOM J. LEWIS.
JAMES H. MAURER,
WILLIAM E. RODRIGUEZ,
DAN A. WHITE, Committee.
196
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION.
APPENDIX G
Report of P atform Committee as Revised and Adopted by the Conventioj
The Socialist party declares that the
capitalist system has outgrown its his-
torical function, and has become utterly
incapable of meeting the problems now con-
fronting society. We denounce this out-
grown system as incompetent and corrupt
and the source of unspeakable misery and
suffering to the whole working class.
Under this system the industrial equip-
ment of the nation has passed into the
absolute control of a plutocracy which ex-
acts an annual tribute of hundreds of mil-
lions of dollars from the producers. Un-
afraid of any organized resistance, It
stretches out its greedy hands over the
still undeveloped resources of the nation —
the land, the mines, the forests and the
water-powers of every state in the union.
In spite of the multiplication of labor-
saving machines and improved methods in
industry which cheapen the cost of produc-
tion, the share of the producers grows ever
\ess, and the prices of all the necessities of
life steadily increase. The boasted pros-
perity of this nation is for the owning
class alone. To the rest it means only
greater hardship and misery. The hign
cost of living is felt in every home. Mil-
lions of wage-workers have seen the pur-
chasing power of their wages decrease un-
til life has become a desperate battle for
mere existence.
Multitudes of unemployed walk the
streets of our cities or trudge from state
to state awaiting the will of the masters to
move the wheels of industry.
The farmers in every state are plundered
by the increasing prices exacted for tools
and machinery and by extortionate rent,
freight rates and storage charges.
Capitalist concentration is mercilessly
crushing the class of small business men
and driving its members into the ranks of
propertiless wage-workers. The over-
whelming majority of the people of Amer-
ica are being forced under a yoke of bond-
age by this soulless industrial despotism.
It is this capitalist system that is re-
sponsible for the increasing burden of arm-
aments, the poverty, slums, child labor,
most of the insanity, crime and prostitu-
tion, and much of the disease that afflicts
mankind.
Under this system the working class is
exposed to poisonous conditions, to fright-
ful and needless perils to life and limb, is
walled around with court decisions, injunc-
tions and unjust laws, and is preyed upon
incessantly for the benefit of the controll-
ing oligarchy of wealth. Under it also, the
children of the working class are doomed
to ignorance, drudging toil and darkened
lives.
In the face of these evils, so manifest
that all thoughtful observers are appalled
at them, the legislative representatives of
the Republican and Democratic parties re-
main the faithful servants of the oppres-
sors. Measures designed to secure to tl
wage earners of this nation as humane ai|
just treatment' as is already enjoyed by t)
wage earners of all other civilized natio:
have been smothered in committee witho
debate, and laws ostensibly designed
bring relief to the farmers and gener
consumers are juggled and transformed i
to instruments for the exaction of furth
tribute. The growing unrest under oppre
sion has driven these two old parties
the enactment of a variety of regulati 1
measures, none of which has limited in ai
appreciable degree the power of the pluto
racy, and some of which have been pe
verted into means for increasing th
power. Anti-trust laws, railroad restri
tions and regulations, with the prosec
tions, indictments and investigations bas<
uoon such legislation, have prpved to 1
utterly futile and ridiculous.
Nor has this plutocracy been serious
restrained or even threatened by any R
publican or Democratic executive. It h:
continued to grow in power and insolen
alike under the administrations of Clev
land, McKinley, Roosevelt and Taft.
In addition to this legislative jugglh
and this executive connivance, the cour
of America have .^sanctioned and strengt
ened the hold of this plutocracy as t]
Dred Scott and other decisions strengthen^
the slave-power before the civil war. Th<
have been used as instruments for the o
pression of the working class and for tl
suppression of free speech and free a
sembly.
We declare, therefore, that the long
sufferance of these conditions is impossih
and we purpose to end them all. We d
clare them to be the product of the prese
system in which industry is carried on f
private greed, instead of for the welfare
society. We declare, furthermore, that f
these evils there will be and can be i
remedy and no substantial relief exce
through Socialism, under which indust
will be carried on for the common good a:
every worker receive the full social val
of the wealth he creates.
Society is divided into warring grou
and classes, based upon material interesi
Fundamentally, this struggle is a confii
between the two main classes, one of whic
the capitalist class, owns the means
production, and the other, the working claf
must use these means of production <
terms dictated by the owners.
The capitalist class, though few in nui
bers, absolutely controls the government
legislative, executive and judicial. This cla
owns the machinery of gathering and di
seminating news through its organiz
press. It subsidizes seats of learning — t
colleges and schools — and even religious a:
moral agencies. It has also the added pre
tigc which established customs give to a;
order of society, right or wrong.
APPENDIX
197
The working class, which includes all
ose who are forced to work for a living,
aether by hand or brain, in shop, mine or
. the soil, vastly outnumbers the capitalist
iss. Lacking effective organization and
ass solidarity, this class is unable to en-
rce its will. Given such class solidarity
id effective organization, the workers will
L ve the power to make all laws and con-
ol all industry in their own interest.
All political parties are the expression of
onomic class interests. All other parti.es
an the Socialist party represent one or an-
her group of the ruling capitalist class,
leir political conflicts reflect merely super-
nal rivalries between competing capitalist
■oups. However they result, these conflicts
ive no issue of real value to the workers,
'hether the Democrats or Republicans win
ditically, it is the capitalist class that is
ctorious economically.
The Socialist party is the political expres-
ojon of the economic interests of the work-
's. Its defeats have been their defeats
id its victories their victories. It Is a
r irty founded on the science and laws of
icial development. It proposes that, since
1 social necessities today are socially pro-
e iced, the means of their production and
stribution shall be socially owned and
jmocratically controlled.
In the face of the economic and political
agressions of the capitalist class the only
iliance left the workers is that of their
jonomic organizations and their political
)wer. By the intelligent and class-con-
nous use of these, they may resist sue-
issfully the capitalist class, break the
itters of wage-slavery, and fit themselves
>r the future society, which is to displace
le capitalist system. The Socialist party
ppreciates the full significance of class or-
lanization and urges the wage earners,
le working farmers and al? other useful
orkers everywhere to organize for eco-
omic and political action, and we pledge
urselves to support the toilers of the fields
s well as those in the shops, factories and
lines of the nation in their struggles for
^onomic justice.
In the defeat or victory of the working
lass party in this new struggle for free-
om lies the defeat or triumph of the com-
lon people of all economic groups, as well
s the failure or the triumph of popular
overnment. Thus the Socialist party is
he party of the present day revolution,
hich marks the transition from economic
idividualism to socialism, from wage slav-
ry to free co-operation from capitalist
ligarchy to industrial democracy.
WORKING PROGRAM.
As measures calculated to strengthen
She working class in its fight for the real-
zation of its ultimate aim, the co-opera-
ive commonwealth, and to increase its
ower of resistance capitalist oppression,
fe advocate and pledgf ourselves and our
lected officers to the following program:
COLLECTIVE OWNERSHIP.
1. The collective ownership and demo-
•ratic management of railroads, wire and
tireless telegraphs and telephones, express
ervices, steamboat lines and all other
ocial means of transportation and eom-
nunication and of all large-scale indus-
ries.
2 The immediate acquirement by the
municipalities, the states or the federal
rovernment of all grain elevators, stock
ards, storage warehouses, and other dis-
ributing agencies, in order to reduce the
sresent extortionate cost of living.
3. The extension of the public domain to
include mines, quarries, oil wells, forests
and water power.
4. Tue further conservation and develop-
ment of natural resources for the use and
benefit of all the people:
(a) By scientific forestation and timber
protection.
(b) By the reclamation of arid and
swamp tracts.
(c) By the storage of flood waters and
the utilization of water power.
(d) By the stoppage of the present ex-
travagant waste of the soil and of the pro-
ducts of mines and oil wells.
(e) By the development of highway and
waterway systems.
5. The collective ownership of land
wherever practicable, and in cases where
such ownership is impracticable, the appro-
priation by taxation of the annual rental
value of all land held for speculation or
exploitation.
6. The collective ownership and demo-
cratic management of the banking and cur-
rency system.
UNEMPLOYMENT.
The immediate government relief of the
unemployed by the extension of all useful
public works. All persons employed on
such works to be engaged directly by the
government under a workday of not more
than eight hours and at not less than the
prevailing union . wages. The government
also to establish employment bureaus; to
lend money to states and municipalities
without interest for the purpose of carry-
ing on public works, and to take such other
measures within its power as will' lessen
the widesoread misery of the workers
caused by the misrule of the capitalist
INDUSTRIAL DEMANDS.
The conservation of human resources,
particularly of the lives and well-being of
the workers and their families:
1. By shortening the workday in keep-
ing with the increased productiveness of
machinery.
2. By securing to every worker a rest
period of not less than a day and a half in
each week.
3. By securing a more effective inspec-
tion of workshops, factories and mines.
4. By forbidding the employment of chil-
dren under sixteen years of years.
5. By the co-operative organization of
the industries in the federal penitentiaries
for the benefit of the convicts and their
dependents.
6. By forbidding the interstate transpor-
tation of the products of child labor, of
convict labor and of all uninspected fac-
tories and mines.
7. By abolishing the profit system in
government work and substituting either
the direct hire of labor or the awarding of
contracts to co-operative groups of work-
ers. V
8. By establishing minimum. wage
scales.*
9. By abolishing official charity and sub-
stituting a non-contributory system of old-
age pensions, a general system of insur-
ance by the State of all its members
against unemployment and invalidism and a
system of compulsory insurance by em-
ployers of their workers, without cost to
the latter, against industrial diseases, ac-
cidents and death.
POLITICAL DEMANDS.
1. The absolute freedom of press,
speech and assemblage.
2. The adoption of a graduated income
tax, the increase of the rates of the pres-
ent corporation tax and the extension of
198
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
inheritance taxes, graduated in proportion
to the value of the estate and to nearness
of kin — the proceeds of these taxes .to be
employed in the socialization of industry.
3. The abolition of the monopoly owner-
ship of patents and the substitution of col-
lective ownership, with direct rewards to
inventors by premiums or royalties.
4. Unrestricted and equal suffrage for
men and women.
5. The adoption of the initiative, refer-
endum and recall and of proportional repre-
sentation, nationally as well as locally.
6. The abolition of the Senate and of the
veto power of the President.
7. The election of the President and the
Vice-President by direct vote of the people.
8. The abolition of the power usurped
by the Supreme Court of the United States
to pass upon the constitutionality of the
legislation enacted by Congress. National
laws to be repealed only by act of Congress
or by a referendum vote of the whole peo-
ple.
9. The abolition of the present restric-
tions upon the amendment of the constitu-
tion, so that instrument may be made
amendable by a majority of the voters in a
majority of the States.
10. The granting of the right of suffrage
in the District of Columbia with representa-
tion in Congress and a democratic form of
municipal government for purely local
affairs.
11. The extension of democratic govern-
ment to all United States territory.
12. The enactment of further measures
for general education and particularly for
vocational education in useful pursuits.
The Bureau of Education to be made
Department.
13. The enactment of further measui
for the conservation of health. The cr<
tion of an independent bureau of heal
with such restrictions as will secure f
liberty to all schools of practice.
14. The separation of the prese
Bureau of Labor from the Department
Commerce and Labor and its elevation
the rank of a department.
15. Abolition of all federal distr
courts and the United States circuit com
of appeals. State courts to have jurisd
tion in all cases arising between citize
of the several states and foreign corpoi
tions. The election of all judges for she
terms. >
16. The immediate curbing of the po\n
of the courts to issue injunctions.
17. The free administration of the lai
18. The caning of a convention for t
revision of the constitution of the Unit
States.
Such measures of relief as we may
able to force from capitalism are but
^reparation of the workers to fceize t
whole powers of government, in order th
they may thereby lay hold of the wht
system of socialized industry and th
come to their rightful inheritance.
CHARLES EDWARD RUSSELL,
VICTOR L. BERGER,
JAMES F. CAREY,
J. STITT WILSON,
W. J. GHENT,
LEWIS J. DUNCAN,
CHARLES DOBBS,
DAN HOGAN,
A. W. RICKER, Committee.
APPENDIX
100
APPENDIX H
National Constitution as Revised and Adopted by the Convention.
Amended by the National Convention
f the party, May, 1912, and approved by
eferendum Aug. 4, 1912.
Issued by the National Office of the So-
ialist Party, 111 North Market street,
Ihicago.
ARTICLE I.
Name.
Sec. 1. The name of this organization
hall be the Socialist Party, except in
uch states where a different name ha?
r may become a legal requirement.
ARTICLE II.
Membership.
Sec. 1. Every person, resident of the
Tnited States of the age of eighteen years
nd upward, without discrimination as to
ex, race, color or creed, who has severed
is connection with all other political
arties and political organizations, and
ubscribes to the principles of the Social-
3t T^arty, including political action and
nrestricted political rights for both
exes, shall be eligible to membership in
he party.
Sec. 2. No person holding an elective
ublic office by gift of any party or or-
anization other than the Socialist Party
hall be eligible to membership in the So-
ialist Party nor shall any member of
he party accept or iiold any appointive
ublic office, honorary or remunerative
Civil Service positions excepted), with
ut the consent of his state organization.
To party member shall be a candidate
or public office without the consent of
he City, County or State organizations,
ccording to the nature of the office.
Sec. 3. A member who desires to trans-
fer his membership from the party in one
tate to the party in another state may
so upon the presentation of his card
howing him to be in good standing at
he time of asking for such transfer arid
lso a transfer card duly signed by the
ecretary of the local from which he
ransfers.
Sec. 4. No member of the party, in any
tate or territory, shall, under any pre-
sxt. interfere with the regular or or-
anized movement in any other state.
Sec. 5. All persons joining the Socialist
'arty shall sign the following pledge:
I. the undersigned, recognizing the class
truggle between the capitalist class and
he working class and the necessity of
he working class constituting itself into
political party distinct from and op-
osed to all parties formed by the cap-
:alist class, hereby declare that I have
evered my relations with all other par-
ies, and I indorse the platform and con-
titution of the Socialist Partv including
he principle of political action, and here-
1 apply for admission to said party."
Sec. 6. Any member of the party who
pposes political action or advocates
crime, sabotage, or other methods of vio-
lence as a weapon of the working class
to aid in its emancipation shall be ex-
pelled from membership in the party.
Political action shall be construed to
mean participation in elections for public
office and practical legislative and admin-
istrative work along the lines of the So-
cialist Party platform.
ARTICLE III.
Management.
Sec. 1. The affairs of the Socialist
Party shall be adrhinistered by the Na-
tional Committee, its sub-committees and
officials, the National Convention and the
general vote of the party.
ARTICLE IV.
National Committee.
Sec. 1. The National Committee shall
consist of the State Secretaries of all or-
ganized states and territories, or such
other person as the members of the party
in the state shall elect by referendum
vote, and of one additional member from
each state or territory for every 3,000
members in good standing in such state
or territory. For the purpose of deter-
mining the representation to which each
state or territory may be entitled, the
Executive Secretary shall compute at the
beginning of each calendar year the aver-
age dues-paying membership of such
state or territory for the preceding year.
Sec. 2. Three years' consecutive mem-
bership in the party shall be necessary to
qualify for membership in the National
Committee, its standing sub-committees,
and executive officials.
Sec. 3. The National Committee shall
meet in regular session on the first Sun-
day after the first Monday in May of each
year, except in years when National Con-
ventions of the party are to be held, in
which years it shall hold its sessions in
conjunction with the convention.
Sec. 4. Special meetings of the National
Committee shall be held when determined
by vote of two-thirds of its members.
Sec. -5. Th* members of the National
Committee attending the meetings shall
be paid from the national treasurv their
railroad fares and $2.50 per day to cover
expenses.
ARTICLE V.
The Duties* and Powers of the National
Committee.
Sec. 1. The duties of this committee
shall be:
(a) To represent the party in all Na-
tional and International affairs.
(b) To call National Conventions and
special conventions decided upon by the
referendum of the party.
(c) To make reports of the membership
and reports and recommendations to the
National Conventions.
F
800
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
(d) To perfect and strengthen the or-
ganization and the worK of propaganda
in such states and territories as may re-
quire the assistance of the National Or-
ganization.
(e) To maintain in connection with the
National Office a Lecture Bureau for tne
purpose of arranging lectures or lecture
courses for the propaganda of Socialism;
a Literature Bureau for the publication
and dissemination of Socialist literature,
a press service that will furnish patent
and plate matter for Socialist papers, and.
such other bureaus or departments as it
may from time to time decide to establish.
(f) To establish a uniform rate of com-
pensation for all lecturers and organizers
working under the auspices of the Na-
tional organization.
(g) To formulate the rules and order
of business of the National Conventions
of the party and otherwise provided for
by this constitution, subject to adoption
and amendment by the convention.
(h) To receive dues and reports from
state organizations.
(i) To conduct national referendums in
the manner provided by this constitution,
to consider and report upon the program,
propaganda and organization of the party.
(j) To recommend to the membership
of the party amendments to the constitu-
tion.
(k) To supervise the work and to trans-
act all current business of the National
Office.
Sec. 2. The National Committee shall
elect an Executive Committee of five
members and a Woman's National Com-
mittee of seven members; no two mem-
bers of either of these committes shall be
from the same state.
Sec. 3. It shall also elect an Executive
Secretary, and a General Correspondent
for the Woman's National Committee.
Sec. 4. The members of the Executive
Committee and of the Woman's National
Committee need not be members of the
National Committee and the Executive
Secretary and General Correspondent of
the Woman's National Committee shall
not be members of the committee.
Sec. 5. Members of the Executive Com-
mittee, Woman's National Committee, the
Executive Secretary and the General Cor-
respondent of the said committee may at
any time and on proper motion be re-
called or temporarily suspended from
office by the National Committee.
Sec. 6. No member of the National
Committee or of the Executive Commit-
tee shall be eligible to any position of
permanent employment in the National
Office, but such members may be ap-
pointed lecturers of courses arranged by
the National Office and may be given tem-
porary assignments for special party
work.
Sec. 7. The National Committee shall
elect from its own membership* a per-
manent chairman, who shall serve without
salary. The committee shall formulate
its own rules of procedure, not inconsist-
ent with the provisions of this constitu-
tion.
Sec. 8. All standing committees and
permanent officers of the National Com-
mittee shall be elected at the regular
meetings of the committee and shall serve
for the term of one year from the first
day of June following the date of their
election.
Sec. 9. The election of the Executive
Committee, the Woman's National Com-
mittee, the Executive Secretary, General
Correspondent of the Woman's National
Committee and the submission of proposed
amendments to this constitution, and all
other affirmative actions of the comm
tee shall be taken at its regular or so-
cial meetings. Between such meetin
^the National Committee shall initiate
motions or resolutions except as here:
after provided, and except motions
recall members of the sub-committees,
officials elected by it, or to fill vacanc]
in such committees and offices. All bui
ness of the National Committee shall,
the intervals between its sessions,
transacted by correspondence.
Sec. 10. Members of the Executi
Committee, the Woman's National Coi
mittee, the Executive Secretary, Genei
Correspondent of the Woman's Natior
Committee and all other National Officia
may be recalled at an^y time by the mei
bership of the party in the same manr
which has been provided for the initiati
and conduct of national referendums.
Sec. 11. No motion shall be submitt
to a referendum of the National Comm
tee by correspondence unless support
within fifteen days by not less than fi
members of the National Committee fr<
three different states.
Sec. 12. Neither the National Comm
tee nor the Executive Committee shall a
propriate funds of the National organis
tion for any purpose not directly cc
nected with the propaganda of Sociali:
or the struggles of labor; no more th
one hundred dollars shall be appropriat
to any organization other than a st
division of the party; no application 1
financial assistance coming from loc:
or other subdivisions of state organij
/ etions shall be entertained unless th
have the indorsement of the state orgs
ization.
ARTICLE VI.
Executive Committee.
Sec. 1. The Executive Committee sh{
between sessions of the National Co
mittee, be vested with all the powers a
shall perform all the duties of the I<
tional Committee except that i 4 shall hs
no power to call National Conventio
formulate rules for the conventions, r<
ommend amendments to the constitute
or fill vacancies in its own body or 1
Woman's National Committee or in 1
office of the Executive Secretary or 1
General Correspondent of the Woma
National Committee or to recall si
members or officer.
Sec. 2. The Executive Committee sh
adopt its own rules of procedure not :
consistent with this constitution, or w
the rules of the National Committee,
stenographic report of all discussions ts
ing place in the committee shall be k<
for the information of the National Co
mittee.
Sec. 3. The Executive Committee sh
transmit copies of the minutes of .
meetings to all members of the Natioi
Committee; such minutes shall also
published in the Monthly Bulletin,
acts and resolutions of the Executi
Committee shall ' become binding a
effective upon their passage, but a
member of the National Committee m
within fifteen days after notice of su
act or resolution has been mailed by t
National Office to the members of the J<
tional Committee, move to reverse
modify such act or resolution, and st
Motion shall be disposed of in the sai
manner as other National Committee n
tions.
Sec. 4. All meetings of the Natioi
-" Committee and of the Executive Comm
tee shall be held in the city in which t
headquarters of the party shall be !
cated.
APPENDIX
801 V"
Sec. 5. The Executive Committee shall
>rint a specific statement in the Bulletin
>f all moneys expended for printing leaf-
ets and books, and the names of the same
ind their authors.
ARTICLE VII.
Executive Secretary.
Sec. 1. The Executive Secretary shall
•eceive as compensation the sum of
11,500.00 annually and shall give a bond
n a sum fixed by the National Committee.
Sec. 2. The Executive Secretary shall
lave charge of all affairs of the National
Dffice, including the employment of neces-
oi ?ary help, subject to the directions of the
Executive Committee and the National
ZJommittee. He shall receive the reports
3f the state organizations and of the lo-
jal organizations in unorganized states
ind territories. He shall supervise the
iccounts of the National Office and the
Lecture Bureau, the Literature Bureau
ind such other departments as may here-
after be established in connection with
the National Office.
Sec. 3. The Executive Secretary shall
issue to all party organizations Monthly
Bulletins which shall contain all impor-
tant official reports and announcements; a
report of the financial affairs of the
party; a summary of the conditions and
membership of the several state and ter-
ritorial organizations; the principal busi-
ness transacted by the National officials
and such other matters pertaining to the
organization of the party as may be of
general interest to the membership. No
personal correspondence shall be pub-
lished.
The Bulletin shall be largely given to
accounts of the more important organ-
ization and propaganda work of the na-
tional, state, territorial and local organ-
izations, and to the work, discussion and
explanation of new and effective methods
of organization, education and propa-
ganda.
ARTICLE VIII.
Representatives in Congress.
Sec. 1. Members of Congress elected on
the ticket of the Socialist Party shall sub-
mit reports of their actions in Congress
to the National Conventions and to the
annual meetings of the National Commit-
tee.
Sec. 2, They shall carry out instruc-
tions which may be given to them by Na-
tional Conventions, by the National Com-,
mittee in session, or by a general refer-!
endum of the party. I
Sec. 3. The Socialist representatives in
Congress shall organize themselves into
a Socialist Congressional group, separate ,
and apart from all other political parties
i represented in Congress. They shall elect
a chairman of the group, shall confer with
each other on all measures involving
questions of Socialist principles, policy
I and tactics, and shall vote on such ques-
tions as a unit according to the decision
of a majority of the members.
ARTICLE IX.
Conventions.
Sec. 1. The regular National Conventions
j of the party shall be held in all years
. in which elections for President and Vice-
President of the United States are to be
held.
Sec. 2. Special Conventions of the party
may be held at any time if decided upon
by a general vote of the party member-
ship. Such general vote shall also fix
the date and place of such special con-
vention.
Sec. 3. The date and place of the reg-
ular conventions shall be fixed by the Na-
tional Committee at its regular annual
meeting held i.i the year preceding such
convention.
Sec. 4. The National Convention shall
be composed of three hundred delegates
to be apportioned among the states in the
following manner:
One from each State and Territory and
the remainder in proportion to the aver-
age national dues paid by the organiza-
tions of such States and Territories dur-
ing the preceding year. No delegate shall
be eligible unless he is a resident member
of the state from which his credential Is
presented, and shall have been a member
of the party organization at least three
years.
Sec. 5. Railroad fare, including tourist
sleeper carfare, of delegates going to and
,; coming from the conventions of the party
and the per diem allowance of $2.50 to
cover expenses, shall be paid from the Na-
' tional Treasury, by setting aside a por-
tion of the national dues sufficient to
cover the same, to be estimated at the
beginning of each year.
Sec. 6. The, expenses of delegates at-
tending conventions and of members of
the National Committee and the Executive
_ Committee attending the respective ses-
sions of their committees shall be raised
by setting aside such portion of the na-
tional dues as may be required to cover
1 the same, to be computed by the National
i Committee annually in advance.
Sec. 7. The election of delegates to the
National Convention shall, wherever pos-
sible, be completed not later than 60 days
preceding the convention, and the re-
spective state secretaries shall furnish
''» the Executive Secretary with a list of ac-
credited delegates immediately after said
election.
,\ The Executive Secretary shall prepare
a printed roster of the accredited dele-
gates to be sent to each delegate and for-
warded to the party press for publication.
Such list shall contain the occupation of
- : each delegate at the time of his nomina-
tion and his office or employment in the
party. All official reports required to be
presented to the National Convention
shall be printed and sent to each delegate
elected at least fifteen days before the
date of the convention and furnished to
the party press for publication.
h.-. At the time ana place set for the open-
*f ing of the National Convention, the chair-
1 man of the National Committee shall call
; the convention to order, and shall call the
roll to ascertain the number of uncontest-
i. ed delegates, and they shall permanently
organize the convention.
Sec. 8. All national platforms, amend-
ments of platforms, and resolutions adopt-
ed by any National Convention shall be
submitted seriatim to a referendum vote
of the membership. One-fourth of the
- regularly elected delegates shall be en-
titled to have alternative paragraphs to
be submitted at the same time. Such
alternative paragraphs, signed by one-
fourth of such delegates, shall be filed
with the Executive Secretary not later
than one day after the adjournment of
the convention.
ARTICLE X.
State Organizations.
Sec. 1. The formation of Ml state or ter-
ritorial organizations or the reorganiza-
tion of state or territorial organizations
which may have lapsed shall be u^der the
direction of the Executive Committee and
r
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
in conformity with the rules of the Na-
tional Committee.
Sec. 2. No siate or territory may be
organized unless it has at least ten locals
or an aggregate membership of not less
than two hundred, but this provision shall
not affect the rights of states and terri-
tories organized prior to the adoption of
this constitution. When the membership
of any state averages less than 150 per
month for any six consecutive months the
National Committee may revoke the char-
ter of that state.
Sec. 3. The platform of the Socialist
Party shall be the supreme declaration of
the party, and all state and municipal
platforms shall conform thereto. No state
or local organization shall under any cir-
cumstances fuse, combin3 or compromise
with any other political party or organ-
ization, or refrain from making nomina-
tions, in order to faA l r the candidate of
such other organizations, nor shall any
candidate of the Socialist Party accept
any nomination or indorsement from any
other party or political organization.
No member of tha Socialist Party shall,
under any circumstances, vote in primary
or regular elections for any candidate
other than Socialists nominated, indorsed
or recommended as candidates by the So-
cialist Party. To do otherwise will con-
stitute party treason, and result in ex-
pulsion from the party.
Sec. 4. In states and territories in
which there is one central organization
affiliated with the party, the state or ter-
ritorial organizations shall have the sole
jurisdiction of the members residing
within their respective territories, and
the sole control of all matters pertaining
to the propaganda, organization and finan-
cial affairs within such state or territory;
provided, such propaganda is in harmony
with the national platform and declared
policy of the party. Their activity shall
be confined to their respective organiza-
tions, and the National Committee, its
sub-committees or officers shall have no
right to interfere in such matters without
the consent of the respective state or ter-
ritorial organizations.
Sec. 5. The State Committees shall
make monthly reports to the Executive
Secretary concerning their membership,
financial condition and general standing
of the party.
During the months of January and July
of each year, or at any other time re-
quired by the Executive Committee or by,
this constitution, the state secretaries
shall furnish the Executive Secretary a
list of all locals affiliated with their re-
spective state organizations, together
with the number of members in good
standing, and the name and address of
the corresponding secretary of each local.
Refusal, failure or neglect to comply with
this section shall subject the state organ-
ization to suspension from the Socialist
Party and deprive such state organization
of participation in the affairs of the So-
cialist Party, and shall be a forfeiture of
the right to representation in the National
Committee, the Executive Committee, the
conventions and congresses of the party.
Sec. 6. The State Committees shall pay
to the National Committee every month
a sum equal to five cents for each member
in good standing within their respective
states and territories. And only due
stamps issued by the National Committee
shall be affixed to members' dues cards as
valid receipts for the payment of dues.
Sec. 7. The National Office shall also
issue to the state secretaries "exempt
stamps" free of charge, to be used by
party members temporarily unable to pay
dues on account of unemployment causi
by sickness, strikes, lockouts or any oth
condition not within their control,
cases where husband and wife are bo
party members and only one of them is
receipt of an income the other may lik
wise be allowed to use such "exem
stamps."
Any member desiring to use such "e:
empt stamps" shall make applicatu
therefor to the financial secretary of h
local organization, and such applicatic
shall be passed upon by such organizi
tion. "Exempt stamps" shall be issut
only to members in good standing wl
have paid dues for at least three montl
and who are by the same action exemj
from the payment of dues to the sta>
and local organizations. The number <
"exempt stamps" shall not exceed 10 pt
cent of the total number of stamps ol
tained by the respective state organize
tions. The acceptance of "exempt stamps
by any member shall in no way disqualii
such member from any rights and prit
ileges of party membership.
Sec. 8. All state organizations sha
provide in their constitutions for the in
tiative, referendum and imperative mai
date.
Sec. 9. No person shall be nominate
or indorsed by any subdivision of th
f>arty for candidate for public office ur
ess he is a member of the party and hs
been such for at least two years. Bi
this provision shall not apply to orgar
izations which have been in existence fc
less than two years.
Sec. 10. No local or branch organize
tion shall be formed on the basis of tfc
occupation of its members.
ARTICLE XL
Headquarters.
Sec. 1. The location of the headquai
ters of the party shall be determined b
the National Committee.
ARTICLE XIL
International Delegates and Internation*
Secretaries.
Delegates to the International Congres
and International Secretary shall be elecl
ed by referendum in the year in whic
the Congress is held. The call for nomina
tions shall be made on the first day c
January. Forty days shall be allowe
for nominations, fifteen for acceptance
and declinations and sixty for the refei
endum. There shall be one delegate fc
every twenty thousand members, ascei
tained by computing the average for th
preceding year. The requisite number c
candidates receiving the highest numbe
of votes shall be elected. The next high
est in the election shall be the alternate;
The expenses of the delegates and a pe
diem equal to the per diem fixed for na
tional organizers and lecturers shall b
paid out of the national treasury.
ARTICLE XIII.
Woman's National Committee.
Sec. 1. The Woman's National Com
mittee shall have the general charge c
propaganda and organization amon
women. All plans of said committee con
curred in by the- Executive Committe
shall be carried out at the expense of th
National Office.
Sec. 2. The General Correspondent c
the Woman's National Committee sha!
be attached to the National Office.
Sec. 3. The Woman's National Commit
tee shall meet in regular session once i
each year, in conjunction with the sessio
of the National Committee. Special meet
V
APPENDIX
203
tngs of the Woman's Committee may be
ailed at any time by the concurrent con-
ent of the Executive Committee and the
Roman's National Committee.
Sec 4. Railroad fares and expenses of
he members of the Woman's National
:ommittee shall be paid by the National
)ffice on the same basis as the fares and
sxpenses of the members of the National
Committee. .
ARTICLE XIV.
Foreign Speaking Federations.
Sec. 1. Five branches of the Socialist
D arty working in any other language
han English shall have the right to form
, National Federation under the super-
ision of the Executive Secretary and the
Executive Committee.
Sec. 2. Such National Language Fed-
ration shall have the right to elect an
)fficer known as Translator-Secretary,
vho shall be conversant with his own
anguage as well as the English language,
md whose duty it shall be to serve as a
nedium of, communication between his
ederation and the 'National Organization
)f the Socialist Party.
Sec. 3. When such National Language
federation shall have at least 500 mem-
)ers their Translator-Secretary shall be
mtitled to necessary office room in the
National Office, and to a salary from the
lational body not to exceed $28 per week,
lor to be less than $15, the exact sum to
je fixed by the Executive Committee of
he Socialist Party. Such Translator-
secretary must be at least three consecu-
-ive years a member of the party except
ivhen his federation has not been affiliated
tvith the party that length of time.
Sec. 4. Language federations shall pay
.o the National Office the same sum
monthly per capita as paid by the State
Organizations, receiving in exchange
berefor due stamps. They shall also pay
through the Translator-Secretary to the
[f^-ular state and county or city organiza-
tion 50 per cent of the dues paid bv the
Relish speakins- branches. The Trans-
* tor-Secretary shall nay to the respect-
ive State Secretaries the tax on all mem-
J»*rs of his nationality in the states. The
State Secretarv shall forward the county
dues to the respective countv secretaries,
wbprever there is an organized countv.
Sec. 5. Branches of languaa-e federa-
tions shall be an integral part of the
countv and state organizations, and must
in all cases work in harmony with the
constitution and platform of the state
*r,r{ county organizations of the Socialist
Party. , . it
Sec. 6. AIT propaganda work of the
language federations shall be carried out
unnVr the sunervision of their executive
officers according to the by-laws of the
f * orations. Such by-laws must be m
ponformitv with the constitution of the
Socialist Partv.
Spc. 7. Each Translator-Secretary shall
pnbmit a monthly renort of the due
ptorons sold during that period to the Na-
tional and State offices. He shall make
pv Prv thrpe months, also, a report of the
p-or^ral standing of his federation to the
Na+'onal O^pe. . _ ■ ... „_-
Pen R The National Partv shall not
rpcos-nize more than one federation of the
*»«>TY»f» language.
q Pft q "Each national fpdpration shall
^ pntitlpd to PlPct or.P fraternal dele-
gate to the National Conventions of the
party; provided, that such delegate shall
have a voice* but no vote.
ARTICLE XV.
Referendum.
Sec. 1. Motions to amend any part of
this constitution, as well as any other
motions or resolutions to be voted upon
by the entire membership of the party,
shall be submitted by the Executive Sec-
retary to the referendum vote of the party
membership, upon the request of at least
three states representing at least 5 per
cent of the entire membership of the
party, on the basis of dues paid in the
preceding year, or of five states regard-
less of membership. The term "state,"
as herein used, shall be construed to mean
the membership of a state organization,,
the State Committee or a duly authorized
State Executive Committee.
Sec. 2. Such a referendum may be initiated
by one State, and when so initiated shall
remain open for ninety days from the
date of its first publication, and unless it
shall receive the requisite number of sec-
onds within such period it shall be aban-
doned. The vote on every such referen-
dum shall close sixty days from the date
of its submission.
Sec. 3. Referendums to revoke or
amend the provisions of this constitution
may be instituted only one year after the
adoption of such provisions.
ARTICLE XVI.
Amendments.
Sec. 1. This constitution may be amend-
ed by a National Convention, National
Committee in session, or by a referendum
of the party in the manner above provid-
ed. But all amendments made* by a Na-
tional Convention or National Committee,
in session shall be submitted seriatim to
a referendum vote of the party member-
ship.
Sec. 2. All amendments shall take effect
sixty days after being approved by the
membership.
ARTICLE XVII.
Tenure. ,
Sec. 1. The members of the Executive
Committee, the Woman's National Com-
mittee, the National Secretary and the
General Correspondent of the Woman's
National Committee, now in office, shall
remain in office until June 1, 1913, when
the members of the Executive Committee,
the Woman's National Committe, the
Executive Secretary and the General Cor-
respondent of the Woman's National Com-
mittee, elected by the National Commit-
tee as herein provided, shall take their
respective places.,
Sec. 2. As soon as this constitution shall
take effect, the provisions of the same
affecting the Executive Committee, the'
Woman's National Committee, the Execu-
tive Secretary, and the General Corre-
spondent of the Woman's National Com-
mittee shall be binding upon the corre-
sponding officers under the present con-
stitution in so far as they are capable of
application to them, and when not so ap-
plicable, the provisions of the present
constitution shall govern.
Between the time when this constitu-
tion takes effect and the first day of Anril.
1913 all state organizations shall elect
members of the National Committee in
accordance with the provisions of the con-
stitution.
p
204
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
APPENDIX I
Report of the Woman's Department.
To the Socialist Party National Convention,
1912' •
There is nothing more hopeful in the
outlook for the Socialist Party than the
rapid growth in the number of woman
members and the increasing scope of their
work in all matters pertaining to its wel-
fare. , ' .
Ten years ago the woman s movement in
our party was a negligible quantity, ex-
isting chiefly in the minds of a few de-
voted women.
At the birth of the present Socialist
Party, which took place at the Unity Con-
vention of 1901, there were eight women
who attended as regularly elected dele-
gates.
Their influence was that of individual
women and not that of representatives of
any special movement of unrest or protest
among the women of the working class.
Sttch a movement had not yet had time for
formation^ and we find no mention made in
the minutes of the convention of woman's
activity in the party organization, or of any
need for special propaganda among women.
The only mention made of the party's atti-
tude toward women is in the platform,
which demands "equal civil and political
rights for men and women."
Three years later, in the national con-
vention of 1904, the number of women
delegates had not increased. California,
Oregon. Colorado, Iowa, Wisconsin and
Pennsylvania each sent one, while Kansas
sent two women in a delegation of six.
In the proceedings of this convention,
al^o. we search in vain for any acknowl-
edgment of the special wrongs or needs of
the working women, or of the necessity
for any particular line of work to reach
them with the Socialist message and en-
list 'them in the party organization.
The constitution remained silent unon
the organization of women, and the plat-
form simply demanded equal suffrage for
men and women.
The Socinlist women definitely made
their debut in the party organization at the
National Convention of 190R. Twenty of
them appeared upon the floor of the con-
vention as delegates from fourteen states.
Each of the twenty had a decided opinion
as to the best wav to reach her sisters and
briber them into the fold.
P>om the first day to the last no group
in the convention was more active and ag-
gressive than were the women.
During the years from 1904 to 1908 the
Socialist partv had awakened to the fact
thnt the "woman ouestion'* was a vital,
1'ving is°ue a^d must receive consideration.
So. on the afternoon of the first day. the
committee on rules recommended that "a
committee on women and their relationship
to the Socialist Party (*hall he elected, to
consist of nine members," and the commit-
tee was duly elected.
The report of this committee recon
mended that a permanent Woman's Nsl
tional Committee, consisting of five men;
bers, be elected to formulate plans for, an
to have charge of, the special work of pre!
paganda and organization among woraeil
It also provided that a special woman oi:
ganizer be kept permanently in the field.
Not only did the convention adopt tb
above plans for pushing the work amon
women, but it also enlarged upon the meg
ger platform demand of 1904 by insertin
the plank, "Unrestricted and equal suffirag
for men and women, and we pledge our
selves to engage in an active campaign i
that direction."
The quiet, earnest work of the wome
pioneers had at least borne fruit an
woman's share in the affairs of the part
was now officially recognized. It but r«
mained for her to outline her plan of actio
and put it into effect.
The Woman's National Committee pre
ceeded to do this in a most efficient mar
ner. A "Plan of Work for Women in Sc
cialist Locals" was prepared and widel
circulated.
Snecial leaflets dealing with many phase
of the woman question and the industry
conditions particularly affecting wome
and children, were published.
By 1910 the special woman's work wa
so well established that the National Part
Congress of that year embodied in the Ns
tional Constitution provisions for its cor
tinnance. An amendment which was ir
eluded in the report- of the Committee o
Constitution and adopted bv the Congresi
provided that a Woman's National Commit
tee, consisting of seven women, be electe
in a manner similar to the election nf tt 1
National Executive Committee and that
have charsre of the propaganda and orsrar
ization among women. Tt further provide
that all plans of the committee cdnourrc
in bv the National Executive Committee I
carried out at the expense of the Nation;
Offiee.
The closing parap-raoh of the report c
the Woman's National Committee contains
the recommendation that there be instnlle
a Woman"s Denartment in the Nation;
Office and that the manager of this depar
ment be one of the regular emnloyes of tr
office. The report was adopted.
Now. indeed, the women had become
bona fide institution in the party organiz;
tion. The Woman's National Committ*
elected a general correspondent to tal
charge of the Woman's Department and tr
work among women was established upon
permanent basis.
GENERAL, RESULTS OF 1910-'ll.
Much has been accomplished within tr
pa«t two years. Many local woman's con
mittees ha-'e b"^ organized, hundreds <
thousands of leaflets for women have bee
/
APPENDIX
205 ^
stributed. Women are serving as secre-
ries of five states, and of two hundred
d seventy locals.
One member of the National Executive
>mmittee, two members of the National
mmittee and one of the International
cretaries are women. Fifteen states have
>men State Correspondents. Among our
st known national lecturers and organ-
rs, eight are women, and over twenty
)men have come under our notice as do-
exceptionally good work on the Social-
; platform in a national way.
It is difficult to form an estimate of the
suits of the special agitation among
>men that the Socialist Party has been
rrying on during the last two years,.
3i We have been unable to get complete in-
rmation regarding the number of women
embers of the party or the number of
Oman's committees, although several
nes letters have been sent to the local
d state secretaries, asking them for this
formation. A very small per cent of the
cretaries complied with the request. It
roughly estimated, however, that the
omen constitute one-tenth of the entire
embership.
About two hundred and fifty circular let-
rs were sent out to locals having active
omen members, requesting answers to
rtain questions. Thirty-five replies were
ceived. A summary of the work done by
e women in these thirty-five locals shows
markable activity. But no summary in
)llars and cents can measure the actual
ult of their work. It represents an edu-
itional growth that is preparing many
lousands of women and young girls to
,ke part intelligently in . the class strug-
e and work side by side with their broth-
s in winning the emancipation of , the
orking class.
The summary of the reports from these
lirty-five committees shows that these
cals have a combined membership of 1,677
omen.
During the year 1911 these committees
ave held 850 meetings. This does not ac-
3unt for all the woman's meetings, held,
fen in_ these thirtv-five places In the
ew York and Chicago reports, only the
irgest and most important meetings were
corded. Meetings held by the woman
lembers in the individual branches were
ot reported for either of these cities.
During the year 1911 and the latter part
f 1910, these committees through their
!wn efforts, raised nearly $10,000, or, to be
■fcact, $9,740.09. This is exclusive of the
loney they helped to raise in the regular
r ork of the locals; $5,893.96 were raised
Dr strike benefits, $866.50 for campaign
unds, $529.49 for the support of the So-
ialist press, $337.35"* for assisting in the
urnishing of local headquarters, and
214.93 were spent for special literature for
romen.
When we realize that $10,000 were raised
y the women in onlv thirty-five out of the
ve thousand Socialist locals and branches
n the United States, we can begin to ap-
reciate that from a financial standpoint, if
rom no other, it is important to enlist the
romen in the active work as members of
he party.
In ten of these cities — those large enough
o requjre the assistance of the women —
hey were at the polls serving as watchers
nd clerks. They also served as registra-
ion clerks and, in Los Angeles, went from
ouse to house instructing the women how
:> vote.
During the Shirtwaist Strike in New
r ork and the Garment Workers' Strike in
Ihicago, Socialist women addressed their
meetings, did picket service, gave benefits
and assisted in every way possible.
The women not only fold and stamp the
literature, but they go out with the men
comrades and distribute it from door to
door. They form themselves in squads and
sell it at meetings, or distribute it free at
the doors of factories and stores. Over
500,000 leaflets, besides thousands of copies
of the Progressive Woman, have been dis-
tributed in this way.
SOCIALIST SCHOOLS,
When women enter into any movement
they take the children with them. Four of
our large cities report? excellent work being
done among the children.
New York has several Socialist schools.
Lessons are prepared by May Wood-Simons,
Edith C. Breithut and others. The New
York schools are experimenting with these
lessons and if they are a success they will
be published and put into general use
throughout the country for next year's
work. The demand for material tor So-
cialist schools is constantly on the in-
crease. By another year a systematic
course of lessons should be ready for use.
Rochester, N. Y., has a school with an
average attendance of two hundred pupils.
Los Angeles, California, reports a splendid
school which they call a Socialist Lyceum.
New Jersey has elected a special school
committee, which has prepared a leaflet
giving excellent instructions regarding the
organization of Socialist schools. This com-
mittee is entering upon its work in a
thorough manner and good results may be
expected.
The New York State Committee on So-
cialist Schools prepared an outline on "How
to Organize Socialist Schools." This has
been published by the Woman's National
Committee and recommended to be used in
locals desiring to reach the children.
ANTI-BO^ SCOUT ORGANIZATION.
Bridgeport, Connecticut, has an Anti-Boy
Scout organization, with a membership of
thirt'y-nine boys. St. Louis has an organi-
zation of boys which they have named the
Universal Scouts of Freedom. They are or-
ganized bv wards, as a part of the work of
the ward branches. Through their efforts
one corps of Boy Scouts was induced to
disband. They also made their influence
felt by supporting Union Labor in the
►stand it took against permitting the Boy
Scouts to take part in the parade on the
occasion of President Taft's visit to St.
Louis.
WOMAN'S DAY.
Woman's Day, February 25th, was ob-
served to a far greater extent than ever
before.
Every available speaker was secured by
the active locals and the meetings were
well advertised.
The White Slave Traffic was the subject
chosen for discussion and a special pro-
gram upon this subject was prepared by
the Woman's National Committee.
This program, consisting of songs, reci-
tations and readings, fitted for a full even-
ing's entertainment, was advertised in the
weekly and monthly bulletins sent out from
our National Office.
Over 150 orders were filled and many
more were received, but the supply was ex-
hausted.
Glowing reports of the success of the en-
tertainments were sent in by the comrades
from many places with the request that
mL ar P ro S ram s be furnished regularly
The capitalist papers gave a surprising
amount of space to the observance of this
day, designating it as the Socialist Woman's
p
206
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
Day. In a few instances more than two
columns were given to an account of the
celebration.
EQUAL SUFFRAGE PETITION.
In August, 1911, the Woman's National
Committee recommended the circulation of
a petition for woman suffrage, to be pre-
sented by Congressman Victor L. Berger,
Socialist Representative from Wisconsin.
The recommendation was concurred in by
the National Executive Committee and the
following petition was prepared:
"We, the undersigned citizens of the
United States, over twenty-one years of
age, hereby request you to submit to the
legislatures of the several states for rati-
fication an amendment to the National Con-
stitution which shall enable women to vote
in all elections upon the same terms as
men."
One hundred thousand copies of this peti-
tion have been sent to all of the Socialist
locals, thousands of labor organizations,
and to every source from which it was be-
lieved signatures could be obtained.
Requests for them are still being re-
ceived. We have sent out the call for all
signed petitions to be returned to the Na-
tional Office and will complete the counting
and forward them to Congressman Berger
within the next month.
The circulation of this petition has been
of great educational value and has afforded
one of the best means by which the position
of the Socialist Party upon the question of
equal suffrage for men and women has been
verified.
On January 16, 1912, Congressman Berg-
er introduced in the House of Representa-
tives the following Joint Resolution, pro-
posing an amendment to the Constitution of
the United States extending' the right of
suffrage to women:
Resolved, by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assembled (two-thirds
of each House concurring therein), That
the following article is proposed as " an
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States, which, when ratified by the
legislatures of three-fourths of the several
states, shall be valid to all intents and pur-
poses as a part of the Constitution:
ARTICLE . .
"SECTION 1. The right of citizens of
the United- States to vote shall not be de-
nied or abridged by the United States or by
any state on account of sex. "
"SECTION 2. When the right to vote at
any election for Tfie choice of electors for
President and Vice-President of the
United States, Representatives in Congress,
the executive and judicial officers of a
State, or the members of the legislature
thereof, is denied or in any way abridged
on the ground of sex, the basis of repre-
sentation therein shall be reduced in the
proportion which the number of such citi-
zens shall bear to the whole number of
male and female citizens twenty-one years
of age in such state."
WdMAN ORGANIZERS.
At the opening of the Woman's Depart-'
ment in the National Office, Anna A. Maley
was the onlv National woman organizer
sent out by the Woman's National Commit-
tee. Comrade Maley is one of the most
capable organizers in the Socialist Party.
-Her work proved of great service to the
committee. Later she gave up the work to
become the editor of "The Comonwealth."
Florence Wattles and Nellie M. Zeh were
elected as organizers for the committee.
Comrade Wattles was assigned *to In-
diana. As a result of seven weeks' work in
this state, two local committees were or-
ganized and the woman's movement was
given great impetus throughout the state.
Much of her work 'was in unorganized
places. She organized many locals, though
the movement was too new to form com-
mittees of women.
In December, 1911, Comrade Wattles be-
gan work in Pennsylvania. During the four
months in that state she has organized
forty committees and has strengthened not
only the work among women, but the gen-
eral movement as well. The state secre-
tary of Indiana has requested that she be
returned to that state for the remainder of
the campaign and this has been so ar-
ranged.
Comrade Zeh was unable to enter upon
the work at that time, but she is now pre-
paring to take it up along special lines in"
the south.
Mary L. Geffs was authorized to do some
special work in Colorado, with encouraging
results.
Janet Penimore, Prudence Stokes Brown
and Madge Patton Stephens have been
elected by the committee to serve as
woman organizers during the coming cam-
paign.
Among the organizers who have carried
on the general propaganda work, special
credit is due to Mila Tupper Maynard,
Theresa Serber Malkiel, Ella Reeve Bloor
and John M. Work for their earnest efforts
to strengthen the movement among the
women. In addition to their regular duties,
when in the field work, they made a special
plea to women to join the party and urged
the comrades to elect the woman members
of the respective locals into committees to
carry on the propaganda among women.
They sent in to the General Correspond-
ent the names of the active women along
the route, thereby enabling the General
Correspondent to communicate directly
with these women and explain the work to
be done in their locality.
If all our organizers would adopt this
plan the beneficial results upon the organ-
ization would soon be felt.
LITERATURE FOR WOMEN.
+fcS? e i, Wom ^ n ' s National Committee,
M?ofl U f h the N , ational Office, has published
leaflets upon the following subjects: Boys
<JLA he ™ Mines - Boy town Railroad, Boy
w£X Movement, Crimes of Capitalism,
TnSSt^f 10 "^^ 0111 ^ Children in Textile
Industries, Class War. Elizabeth Cadv
btanton on Socialism. Frances E. Willard
£7tJl?SL lls F' Socialism vs. Alcoholism,
WnmS ur « f °r Women Plea to the Club
Womeru Poverty the Cause of IntemDer-
WoricW e J eacher £ nd Socialism fftte
working Woman, To Wives of Toilers
Underfed School Children, Why the Pro-
fessional Woman Should Be a Socialist
W immm Ain't Got No Kick, Woman Com-
PMno a wi, Ec £ a1 ' ^ ne Worker and the Ma-
chine, Why You Should Be a Socialist and
W °man's Work in Socialist Locals '
other than these leaflets, the special So-
Na "on te of re , f ° r WOm J n failed bj the
.National Office is exceedingly limited It
;;j s £ °Vr he fo "owing: S Socialism and
the Home, Woman and the Social Problem
2S m ShJ*? d .5? cIa " sm ' A Woman's "PlaS
and Bebel's "Woman and Socialism."
LITERATURE FOR CHDLDREN.
There is a growing demand for Socialist
literature for children. The supply of this
At'ZSHJ!??™ ^ ea ^ er th _an that for women.
At present we have nothing on hand that 13
APPENDIX
207
lly applicable to the needs of the aver-
3 child.
NEWSPAPER ARTICLES.
At the request of the Woman's National
mmittee, many of our well known com-
ies contributed short articles upon ques-
ns of importance to women. Twenty-
~ee articles were sent out during: the year
LI, each going to about 125 papers. If
;h paper had printed each article, an
ijivalent of 2,875 articles would have been
t in circulation through the work of the
jman's National Committee.*
The newspaper propaganda is developing
fo one of the most important departments
our work. No other woman's organiza-
n in the United States — I may' say of
I worlds — has such an opportunity to
-ry its propaganda into working-class
mes.
We have at our disposal about four hun-
>d Socialist and other Labor papers that
II print upon the average two articles
rtaining to women each month. This
jans an equivalent of 800 articles each
mth, or 9,600 a year. And the list stead-
increases in number.
NATIONAL TEACHERS' BUREAU.
The Socialist Teachers' Bureau is grad-
lly growing in importance as a useful de-
rtment in the work of the National
Rce.
It was started in August, 1911, by Com-
de Terence Vincent, who conducted it in
able manner. Later it was placed in
e hands of the Woman's Department.
The purpose of the Bureau is to enable
cialist teachers to get in touch with So-
tlist members of School Boards. Also by
ving a complete list of Socialist teachers
file in the National Office, something in
e nature of a loose organization exists
lich is easy to circularize and to keep in
uch with all matters pertaining to their
ecial line of work.
It is useless to apply for assistance in re-
rd to securing either a position or a
acher unless the applicant encloses proof
his paid-up membership in the party,
mpliance with this request is a necessary
fe guard.
When this proof has been furnished the
plication is placed on file. All informa-
>n is considered strictly confidential —
ly those applicants who have proved
eir party membership being entitled to it.
A Socialist teacher appfying for a posi-
>n receives a list of the positions open,
gether with the available information re-
rding salary and grade. A Socialist
hool director applying for a teacher re-
ives a list of teachers, stating the posi-
>ns they are prepared to fill. Then cor-
spondence may be opened between the
rector and the teacher, and the work of
e National Office along this line has been
lfilled.
At the present time we have on hana" ap-
ications for positions from forty-nine
achers and inquiries regarding the secur-
g of Socialist teachers to fill twerfty
cancies.
The National Office does not guarantee
sitions, nor does it guarantee good faith
j>on the part of either applicant. It slm-
I helps to bring the teacher and the posi-
i>n together, rendering service free of
arge. It does this because of the ever
owing demand of school directors for So-
\list teachers, and of Socialist teachers
1 positions in which they can teach un-
.mpered by the prejudice of capitalist-
inded school boards.
FOREIGN SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS.
Thus far the Woman's Department has
been obliged to concentrate its energies
upon the work of reaching the women of
the general membership and has found it
impossible to conduct special propaganda
work among our foreign speaking com-
rades. The time is now at hand, however,
when a start along these lines can be made
and preparations are on foot toward this
end. ,
The foreign translator-secretaries have
^elected the women's leaflets bes«t suited to
their purposes and the National Office will
publish them in their respective languages.
In the large cities where the Central
Woman's Committees are elected to conduct
the work of agitation and organization
throughout all branches, special effort will
be made from this time forth to co-operate
with the women in foreign speaking organ-
izations and induce them to send represent-
atives to the Central Woman's Committee.
The Finnish women are doing most ex-
cellent work. They have their own weekly
paper called "Toveritar," meaning "The
Comrades." It consists of eight pages and
is well gotten up in every way. Comrade
Helen Vitikainen is the editor.
In our Finnish locals the women consti-
tue one-third of the membership and are
ictive in all branches of the work. This
no doubt accounts for the fact that the
Finnish have one of the most perfect and
efficient organizations in the United States.
The women are working in the Socialist
Party side by side with the men, both of
them concentrating their energies upon its
work.
The German women comrades of New
York City are doing active work. They
have organized in separate woman's
branches with a total of. about 280 mem-
bers. They also sent a German woman or-
ganizer into the field and she formed or-
ganizations in Chicago, Syracuse, Rochester
and Philadelphia.
The German women raised contributions
for the campaign fund and for the Volke-
Zeitung, the New York Call and other So-
cialist papers. They also prepafed and dis-
tributed Socialist leaflets printed in the
German language.
No reports have been received from other
nationalities.
WOMEN'S PERIODICALS.
The Progressive Woman is the only So-
calist publication for English-speaking
women fn the United States. It has a cir-
culation of about 12,000.
This paper has made a valiant fight for
Its life, and has received all possible sup-
port from the Woman's National Commit-
tee. It has been a great help to the com-
mittee and has been one of the means
through which so much work has been ac-
complished.
During 1911 programs for use in Socialist
locals were prepared by the Committee and
published monthly in the Progressive
Woman. In other ways it enabled the
Woman's National Committee to carry on
Its work, and it is today the only woman's
paper for carrying the Socialist message
into English-speaking homes.
During the Mexican revolution, when
every effort was being made to fan the
military spirit into white heat in the United
States, this paper was turned over to the
Woman's National Committee and a special
anti-military edition was prepared. Over
30.000 copies were placed in circulation.
(Address, The Progressive Woman, 111
North Market Street, Chicago, 111.)
/
208
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
'Toveritar," or "The Woman Comrade,"
is a Finnish weekly paper for women. It
has a circulation of about 5,000 and is doing
nrood educational work among the women
of that nationality. Articles sent out by
the Woman's .Department are published in
this paper, and in every \vay*it co-operates
with the Woman's National Committee.
(Address Toveritar, Tenth and Duane, As-
toria, Ore.)
Life and Labor is a monthly magazine
appealing especially to women engaged in
the industries. It is the official organ ofl
the Woman's Trade Union League and it is*
deserving of our recommendation and sup-
port. We should place it in the hands of
all women, especially those who are work-
ing in industries that can be organized.
(Address Life and Labor, 127 North Dear-
born Street, Chicago, 111.)
The Forerunner is another monthly mag-
azine that is worthy of the attention of
the Socialists. It is filled with vital truths,
presented in a way that appeals to the aver-
age woman, whether in the home or out,
young or old. Before the reader is aware
of it, her ideas have changed from the old
conservative viewpoint to the new radical
revolutionary position. It is worth while
for us to aid in the circulation of The
Forerunner. (Address The Forerunner, 67
Wall Street, New York City.)
The Young Socialist Magazine is the only
Socialist magazine for children in the
United States. It contains educational arti-
cles and stories tending to teach the chil-
dren of the working class a correct appre-
ciation of the class struggle. It should be
in the hands of every cliild in the Socialist
movement. (Address The Young Socialist
Magazine, 15 Spruce Street, New York
City.)
The editors of all of the above magazines
are Socialists.
NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL
ACTIVITY.
At the present convention twenty-five
women were elected regular delegates,
which is a fair representation, being about
one-tenth of the entire number of dele-
gates.
For the first time the Woman's National
Committee of the Socialist Party was rep-
resented by a fraternal delegate at the
National Woman's Suffrage Convention,
heM at Louisville, Ky., on October 17, 1911.
For the first time Socialists took part in
the congressional suffrage hearing held in
Washington, March 13th. The Socialist
Party was represented by three Socialist
women. This was due to the fact that we
now have a Socialist representative in
Congress, and one of the suffrage resolu-
tions before the House was presented by
him.
For the first time Socialist women were
elected as delegates to the International
Socialist Congress, held at Copenhagen in
August, 1911. Three women delegates from
the United States attended this Congress,
and one of them was chosen by the United
States, delegation to serve as its reporter
of the proceedings.
SUMMARY.
It ha-; taken but two years for the
women to demonstrate the great value of
their organized efforts in the work of the
Socialist Party. The Socialist Party real-
izes as never before the absolute necessity
of reaching the women with the message
of Socialism. The National Executive Com-
mittee, the Woman's National Committee
and the National Office are sparing no effort
in educating them to an understanding |
their class interests and in bringing the!
into the party as dues-paying raembei
having the same duties and the same n
sponsibilities as the men.
Not only are they educating the womei
they are losing no opportunity to teach tt
men members of the party the senseles
futility and the criminal ignorance man
fested when one-half of the working clas
strives to free itself from slavery whl
leaving the other half in bondage. Wome
and men, not divided upon a basis of se
but united ujton the basis of working-clas
solidarity, are a necessary part of tl
working class program.
The educational results from carrying c
a national equal suffrage campaign throug
the medium of a petition are incalculabl
Thousands of men and women, with pet
tions and pencil in one hand and Sociali!
leaflets in the other, have gone from hou*
to house, have invaded thousands of mee
ings and have carried on a tremendot
agitation and education, not only for equ;
political rights for women and men, but f(
complete industrial freedom for the entii
working class.
Within the organization of the Sociali!
Party the woman's committees have alreac
proved to be a source of strength and pov
er for good. Through their systematic woi
as regularly elected committees of their vi
rious locals they are bringing new life ar
social energy into the routine of the pari
work.
As a means of reaching the organize
workers, whether it be during the stress i
a great strike, or in the every-day work
their trades, the Socialist women have der
onstrated their especial fitness to hand
with class-conscious loyalty and unfailir
tact the difficult situations that arise.
In the realm of practical politics the
have proved themselves apt students. J
watchers and clerks at the polls they ha - "
proved their ability not only to understai
and carry out the instructions goverhir
the elections, but to deport themselves wii
a quiet dignity that never fails to abolh
coarse language or unmanly conduct.
In assisting in campaigns they falter i
no task of endurance. No duty is t(
small, no task too great for them to a
tempt for the sake of the cause they lov
The Socialist woman is no longer an ui
known quantity. She is an immeasurab
constructive force in the growing workin,
class movement. In large numbers she
joining with the men of her class, ai
through their united efforts freedom fi
all humanity will be won.
The question of women and their woi
in the party is of more importance at
should receive more careful considerate
by the convention than ever before. Tl
time is rioe for earnest discussion of tl
woman question. We should go from th
convention with clearly defined ideas as
the best plans for educating the women :
America to a class-conscious understand
ina: of their needs and of enlisting them f<
active service in the great army of tl
working class — the Socialist Party.
Fraternally submitted,
META BERGER,
WINNIE E. BRANSTETTER,
GRACE D. BREWER,
ELLA CARR,
LENA MORROW LEWIS,
MAY WOOD-STMONS,
LUELLA TWINING,
Woman's National Committe
CAROLINE A. LOWE,
General Correspondet
APPENDIX
20tf
APPENDIX J
Reports of the Majority and Minority Committees on Immigration.
(a) MAJORITY REPORT OF COMMITTEE
ON IMMIGRATION.
At the national congress of the Socialist
Party in 1910, the Committee on Immigra-
tion presented a majority report signed by
Ernest Untermann, Joshua Wanhope and
Victor L. Berger, and a minority report
signed, by John Spargo.
The majority report declared that the in-
terests of the labor unions and of the So-
cialist Party of America demanded the en-
forcement of the existing exclusion laws
which keep out the mass immigration or
importation of Asiatic laborers.
The minority report declared that the
danger from Asiatic labor immigration or
importation was more imaginary than real
and that, therefore, the Socialist Party
should content itself with an emphasis
upon the international solidarity of all
working people regardless of nationality or
race. The minority report did not state
whether the Socialist Party should demand
the repeal of the existing exclusion laws.
When asked during the debate whether he
favored the repeal of these laws, Comrade
Spargo declined to commit himself to a
definite answer.
In the course of the discussion, Comrade
Morris Hillquit introduced a substitute for
both reports. This substitute evaded the
question for or against the existing exclu-
sion laws, merely demanding that the mass
of importation of contract laborers from all
countries should be combated by the Social-
ist Party.
An amendment to this substitute, de-
manding a special emphasis upon the fact
that the bulk of the Asiatic immigration
was stimulated by the capitalists and for
this reason should be excluded, was offered
by Comrade Algernon Lee.
After a debate lasting nearly two days,
the congress adopted Hillquit's substitute
by a vote of 55 against 50.
This close vote induced the congress to
recommit the question for further study to
a new committee on immigration with in-
structions to report to the national con-
I vention of 1912.
In this new committee the same align-
I ment immediately took place. After a fruit-
less effort of the chairman to get unani-
mous action, the majority decided to act by
I itself and let the minority do the same.
Continued study and the developments on
I the Pacific Coast during the last two years
f convinced the majority of this committee
jf more than ever that the existing exclusion
j lnws against Asiatic laborers should be en-
I forced and be amended in such way that
I they can be more effectively enforced. The
details of the necessary amendments should
be worked out by our representatives, or by
our future representatives, in Congress and
submitted for ratification to the Committee
on Immigration, which should be m'ade
permanent for this purpose.
It does not matter whether Asiatic im-
migration is voluntary or stimulated by
capitalists. There is no room for doubt
that the capitalists welcome this immigra-
tion, and that its effect upon the economic
and political class organizations of the
American workers is destructive.
It is true that all foreign labor immigra-
tion lowers the standard of living, increases
I the unemployed problem and supplies the
capitalists with uninformed and willing
tools of reaction. But of all foreign labor
immigration, the Asiatic element, owing to
its social and racial peculiarities, is the
most difficult to assimilate and mold into a
homogeneous and effective revolutionary
body. It is all the more dangerous to the
most advanced labor organizations of this
, nation, because it adds to and intensifies
the race issue which is already a grave
problem in large sections of this country.
In the European countries the labor
unions and the Socialist Party are not con-
fronted by the task of educating, organiz-
ing and uniting vast masses of alien na-
tionalities and races with the main body of
the native class-conscious workers. Where
alien immigration enters intc the European
labor problem, it plays but an insignificant
role compared to the overwhelming mass of
native workers. America is the only coun-
trv in which the labor unions and the So-
cialist Party are compelled to face the
problem of educating, organizing and unit-
ing not only the native workers but a con-
tinually increasing army of foreign na-
tionalities and races who enter this country
without any knowledge of the English lan-
guage, of American traditions, of economic
and political conditions. The disappearance
of the Western frontier has intensified the
difficulties of labor organizations and So-
cialist propaganda to such a degree that it
has become an unavoidable task to decide
whether restrictive measures shall or shall
not be demanded in the interests of the
labor unions and of the Socialist Party.
Since the race issue enters most prominent-
ly into this problem and has for years been
the central point of restrictive legislation,
the Socialist Party has been compelled to
take notice of it.
Race feeling is not so much a result of
social as of biological evolution. It does
not change essentially with changes of eco-
nomic systems. It is deeper than any class
feeling ana will outlast the capitalist sys-
tem. It persists even after race prejudice
has been outgrown. It exists, not because
the capitalists nurse it for economic rea-
sons, but the capitalists rather have an op-
portunity to nurse it for economic reasons
because it exists as a product of biology.
It is bound to play a role in the economics
of the future society. If it should not as-
sert itself in open warfare under a So-
V
210
NATIOxNAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
cialist form of society, it will nevertheless
lead to a rivalry of races for expansion
over the globe as a result of the play of
natural and sexual selection. We may
temper this race feeling by education, but
we can never hope to extinguish it alto-
gether. Class-consciousness must be
learned, but race-consciousnes's is inborn
and cannot be wholly unlearned. A few in-
dividuals may indulge in the luxury of ig-
noring race and posing as utterly raceless
humanitarians, but whole races never.
Where races struggle for the means of
life, racial animosities cannot be avoided.
Where working people struggle for jobs,
self-preservation enforces its decrees. Eco-
nomic and political considerations lead to
racial fights and to legislation restricting
the invasion of the white man's domain by
other races.
The Socialist Party cannot avoid this is-
sue. The exclusion of definite races, not on
account of race, but for economic and polit-
ical reasons, has been forced upon the old
party statesmen in spite of the bitter op-
position of the great capitalists.
Every addition of incompatible race ele-
ments to the present societies of nations or
races strengthens the hands of the great
capitalists against the rising hosts of class-
conscious workers. But the race feeling is
so strong that even the majority of old
party statesmen have not dared to ignore
it.
From the point of view of the class-con-
scious workers it is irrational in the ex-
treme to permit the capitalists to protect
their profits by high tariffs against the
competition of foreign capital, and at the
same time connive at their attempts to ex-
tend free trade in the one commodity
which the laborer should protect more than
any other, his labor power.
It is still more irrational to excuse this
self-destructive policy by the slogan of in-
ternational working class solidarity, for
this sentimental solidarity works wholly
into the hands of the capitalist class and
injures the revolutionary movement of the
most advanced workers of this nation, out
of ill-considered worship of an Asiatic
working class which is as yet steeped in
the ideas of a primitive state of unde-
veloped capitalism.
A proper consideration of working class
interests, to which the Socialist Party is
pledged by all traditions and by all histori-
cal precedent, demands that our representa-
tives in the legislative bodies of this nation
should reduce the tariff protection of the
capitalists and introduce a tariff, or tax,
upon unwholesome competitors of the work-
ing class, regardless of whether these com-
petitors are voluntary or subsidized immi-
grants. Real protection of American labor
requires a tariff on labor power and the re-
duction and gradual abolition of the tariff
on capital. Such labor legislation already
exists in British Columbia and has proved
effective there.
at least give to the American laborer
advantage of fighting the Asiatic compet
tion at long range and wholly through
ternational commerce, instead of having
struggle with the Asiatic laborer for jobs
upon American soil. This will tend to aboil
ish the labor of children and women ifl
American factories, to maintain a rational
standard of living and to reduce the unl
employed problem for adult male workers.
International solidarity between the
working people of Asia, Europe and Amery
ica will be the outcome of international
evolution, not of sentimental formulas. So
long as the minds- of the workers of nationC
and races are separated by long distance*
of industrial evolution, the desired solidary
ity cahnot be completely realized, and whilH
it is in process of realization, the demand!
of immediate self-preservation are more im*
perative than dreams of ideal solidarity. |
The international solidarity of the work-'
ing class can be most effectively demon-;
strated, not by mass immigration into each]
others' countries, but by the international!
co-operation of strong labor unions and ofl
the national sections of fhe International]
Socialist Party.
Socialism proves itself a science to the
extent that it enables us to foretell the'
actual tendencies of future development.
This is the general principle that guidesj
us in the struggle against the capitalists
classes of the world. We work for thej
transformation of capitalist into Socialist
society, not so much because sentiment,}
longing, dogma or argument drive us, but
because we are convinced that the dominant
tendencies of capitalism work in the direc-j
tion of Socialism.
This point of view has been almost
wholly overlooked in the discussion and
practice of these "immediate" policies
which serve as our conscious steps in the
direction of Socialism.
In our general propaganda and party or-
ganization, we work for the prophesied out-
come of capitalist development and shape
our actions in harmony with the foreseen
probable course which the majority of the
citizens will be compelled to adopt during
the revolution "of the human mind towards a
Socialist consciousness.
Not so in discussing and acting upon
questions of immediate policy, such as the
exclusion of Asiatic laborers from the
United States. Instead of clearly foretelling
the inevitable policy which the majority of
the voters of this nation 'will be compelled
to adopt in this particular instance, we are
supposed to- shape our actions in response
to sentimental, Utopian or dogmatic argu-
ments dictated by the personal likes or dis-
likes of a few individuals.
Instead of scientifically foretelling the in-
evitable logic of events, we are supposed tQ'
listen to a logic inspired by the sophistry
of the advocates of unrestricted immigra-
tion.
Those who affirm the sentimental solidar-
The argument that the menace of Asiatic ) ity, of the working classes the world oyer
I and at the same time demand a restriction
J of the stimulated mass importation of con-
I tract laborers admit unwillingly that this
* ideal solidarity is reallv impossible. And
while they thus contradict their own senti-
mental assertion, they evade the real issue
bv an exaggerated reverence for a Utopian
race solidarity.
T he com mon sense Socialist policy under
these" UlrTUiuiAtwmvs is to build up strong
national labor unions and strong national
Socialist parties in the different countries
and work toward more perfect solidarity by
an international co-operation of these labor
unions and parties. To this end the So-
labor immigration is more imaginary than
real overlooks the obvious fact that this
menace has been minimized and kept within
bounds by the existing exclusion laws, and
that it can be eliminated altogether by a
strict enforcement and more up-to-date
amendment of these laws.
The maioritv of this committee realize of
course, that 1he development of capitalism
in Phina, India and Japan will necessarily
tend to brinrr the American laborer into
competition with the Asiatic laborer, even
If the \slnt 1 '" floes not come to the «horp^
of 1'm- country But the exclusion of the
Asiatic from the shores of this country will
APPENDIX
211
ist Party of America should consider
ve all the interests of those native and
eign working class citizens whose eco-
nic and political class organizations are
tined to be the dominant elements in the
ial revolution of this country.
n the United States this means neces-
•ily the enforcement of the existing ex-
sion laws against Asiatic laborers, and
: amendment of these laws in such a way
,t the working class of America shall
tify its strategic position in the struggle
unst the capitalist class.
Che majority of this committee are not
)Osed to the social mingling of races
ough travel, education and friendly as-
Siation upon terms of equality. But we
-, convinced that the mass of the voters,
:h the growth of social consciousness,
1 rather eliminate more and more those
rring elements of social development
ich interfere with an orderly and sys-
latic organization of industrial and polit-
1 democracy. They will not be anxious
i intensify the unemployed problem and
\ race issue, but will strive to transform
s international working class solidarity
m a Utopian shibboleth into a construc-
e policy. They will use their collective
elligence to reduce the evils growing out
unemployment and race feeling, until we
111 be able to eliminate those evils alto-
ther and strip race feeling at least of its
italities.
Phis tendency is so plainly evident to the
jority of this committee that we can
ord to dispense with appeals to passion.
is question will not' be solved by a repeti-
n of phrases, but by a conscious and
istructive policy which will enforce it-
f as an inevitable step in the direction
working class solidarity and Socialism
j world over.
ERNEST UNTERMANN,
Chairman.
JOSHUA WANHOPE,
J. STITT WILSON,
ROBER/T HUNTER.
) MINORITY REPORT OF COMMITTEE
ON IMMIGRATION.
We, the undersigned, propose that this
ivention endorse the position taken on
question of immigration by the Inter-
tional Congress at Stuttgart.
(Signed) MEYER LONDON,
(Signed) JOHN SPARGO,
(Signed) LEO. LAUKKI.
all working people regardless of nationality
or race. But the question, Shall the Social-
ist Party in the principle and hence in prac-
tice, commit itself to the policy of exclu-
sion or shall it not, Comrade Spargo evaded
and so left it undecided by declaring
(from the floor) that —
"If the time comes when we, after seri-
ous, honest, conscientious and prolonged
effort, have to say we have failed and we
cannot do it, and in protection of ourselves
we must close the doors to the Asiatic, I
shall be ready to close the doors. If it
comes to the time when we must close the
door to the Italian, I shall be ready to
close the door. If the time comes when we
have got to close the door against men of
my own race, I shall say: We must close
the door. But that time is not yet."
The majority report declared the time to
be here already and so the minority report
was done, it lost all its -force by that de-
claration of Comrade Spargo.
Adopting the substitute resolution pre-
sented by Comrade Morris Hillquit, which
totally evaded the question to be decided,
only demanding that the party should com-
bat the mass importation of contract labor-
ers from all countries, the congress referred
the question back to the committee with
instructions to report to the national con-
vention in 1912.
Since that time there has been drafted by
Comrade Ernest Untermann and signed by
Comrades Robert Hunter, Joshua Wanhope
and J. Stitt Wilson a majority report,
which in the main follows the same lines as
the majority report to the congress of 1910
and declares in favor of exclusional policy.
There will be also a minority report to
be presented by Comrade Spargo, but up to
date it has not been sent to the undersigned
and therefore it cannot be referred to.
The demand that the Socialist Party
should declare itself in regard to the Asi-
atic or other immigration' labor in favor of
exclusion is based upon the following two
assumptions:
1. That the strategic position of the
American workiif^ - class in its struggle with
capitalism and against the capitalist class
will be better if the Asiatic immigrant
labor will be excluded from the United
States, or vice versa, that the immigration
of Asiatic labor places the American work-
ing class strategically more or less in a
disadvantageous position to successfully
combat the American capitalist class, to
maintain its standard of living, or better
its conditions.
2. That the Asiatic laborers in contra-
distinction to the laborers of all other na-
tionalities immigrating tcf United States
are racially unable to be arrayed in the
ranks of American working class against
the capitalist exploitation and oppression;
that in regard of them it is impossible for
our party to accept the same policy as in
reeard of other immigrant nationalities — ■
the Scandinavians, the Slavs, the Southern
Europeans, the Balkans and others; that
we cannot accept the policy of organizing
the Asiatics economically and politically,
because they are of a "backward race."
According to the first assumption the
American working class with the purpose
to gain the most advantageous strategic
position against the capitalist class should
seclude itself from the competition of Asi-
atic labor by trying to erect barriers, real
"Chinese walls," in the form of exclusion
laws against the Asiatic working men and
women compelled by the iron laws of eco-
nomic evolution to leave their native land.
At the same time it shows the folly of
assuming that "an international question
can be solved through national seclusion."
F
212
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
It is the irony of fate that, the same na-
tion that has been the foremost tool of cap-
italist evolution in breaking down the hun-
dred years' old walls of China by opening
its ports and gates for the European and
American merchandise, capital, money and
labor and so teaching the Asiatics the
omnipotence of economic evolution, teaching
them that their great walls and seclusion
avail to nothing before international cap-
italism, it is really a big irony of fate that
now the same nation in these days of the
triumph of international capitalism over
the thousand years old seclusional culture
of China in the Chinese revolution, takes up
that worn idea from the Chinese and yells:
"We want seclusion!" We want a Chinese
wall around the dear United States to keep
out all those foreigners to save our culture
and our standard of living from their de-
stroying competition."
There are many reasons which prove that
the working class cannot successfully fight
capitalism isolated, secluded in national or
other units, closed between national boun-
daries, and the main reason is, that the eco-
nomic evolution does not tolerate any bar-
riers and boundaries. It leaps over them— ^
they may have been constructed of the best
kind of steel and beaten or written in as
many statute books as there are in the
United States. For the capitalism of the
present day the Pacific Ocean is only a
pond and the keeping of Asiatic laborers on
that side of the Pacific has almost as much
meaning economically for the strategic
position of the American working class as
were the Asiatics living in Canada.
The idea that seclusion will give a na-
tion an advantage in its relation to other
nations is as old as the earth, and evolu-
tion has always shown it to be fallacious.
So in the history of social life this idea
has been many times tried and shown to be
Utopian, conservative and often reactionary
in its/ workings. The many communistic
societies of last century tried here and in
Europe were only unsuccessful experiments
with this idea of solving the social ques-
tion by seclusion from the whole outer
world, isolated from it in all possible ways.
Also the "closed for non-relatives and
for non-acquaintances, pure and simple,
craft unions" are another experiment with
this seclusion idea, and the McNamara case
shows how successfully it works. The
whole American Federation of Labor can be
said to lack force and power only because it
is ridden by the idea that as many workers
as possible should be out of its unions.
"Let us exclude as many as possible from
our trade and our union and we can main-
tain our wage scale," is the slogan of every
craft union. And what is economic evolu-
tion now teaching to the isolated craftsmen
who have secluded themselves behind their
big initiation fees? Every one of you knows.
May it only be said here that the idea of
excluding the Asiatic laborers from Amer-
ica is the same idea and emanates before
this convention from the garbage pile of
outworn ideas of the A. F. of L.
In the class struggle the working class
gets its strength and power relative to the
capitalist class from the industrial evolu-
tion. It gets it from the position it holds
in the industrial production and distribu-
tion, from the dependence of the social life
upon it, and hot from the racial or national
character of the working class. If the eco-
nomic evolution of a nation is backward,
its working people have very little power
and strength; it may then, nationally and
linguistically, be as homogeneous a whole
as can be, e. g., the Japanese working class.
Vice versa, a working class nationally het-
erogeneous can be unconquerable if onll
is in a commanding economic relatioil
the capitalist class and to society aS
whole; for example, Lawrence, Mass.
Therefore, the American working cl
can as well maintain its position aga: ;
the capitalists, better its conditions ,
force the enemy out of business be tr.
Asiatic workers in its ranks or not. '
industrial position it occupies, and t
only, gives it all the force it needs. ]
at the same time this same industrial €
lution can transform the Asiatic immigr
laborer to an American industrial pr<
tarian by forcing him ahead in the fi
against capitalism, by forcing him to 1
the forces working for the organizat
education and emancipation of the pr
tariat, by forcing him to be just as wor
an ally to the American workers of
other nationalities as they are to e
other. The Asiatics when thrown into
industrial mills of America cannot fore
remain Asiatic's; they will get the habits
the American industrial worker; they J
undergo the same sufferings in the same ]
and so into their hearts will grow the se
hatred and the same desires as in
hearts of the Western workers. Econo
life itself arrays them against capitali
THEY CAN AND THEY WILL BE (
GANIZED AGAINST THE CAPITAL!
CLASS, BOTH IN THEIR NATIVE LA
AND IN AMERICA, EVERYWHE:
WHERE THEY BECOME INDUSTR]
PROLETARIATS.
To understand that this policy of sec
sion will not at all strengthen the stn
gical position of the American work
class relative to its exploiter, we m
only think what an absurdity it would
to claim that if the Asiatics were exclu
from the United tStates, the standard
living of the American working class wc
rise, the American workers would then
able to win so and so much concessi
from their exploiter, the international ce
talism. Everyone understands that con:
tition of Asiatic labor in America does
decide the wages and the standard of
ing of the American working class,
that the mode of production and distri
tion, the evolution of the industrial I
decides it. If the industrial life devel
in the direction that it does not need
ntelligent, well-fed and well-educa
labor power as before, the wages
standard of living will go down; capi
ism will force them down either by us
cheap paid foreigners or native labor,
women and children. And vice versa,
the industrial evolution develops in sue)
way as to necessitate general forward e
lution of the proletariat, demands more i
more intelligence, education, physical J
psychical power of the working class,
we socialists believe that it does and u]
which scientific knowledge all our hope
the future supremacy of working class
lies, in that the standard of living can
be forced down by immigrant labor cc
petition or otherwise. On the contra
the industrial life will raise the immign
labor to the same higher standard dema:
ed by the economical production its*
All the talk that the Asiatics force do
the standard of living of the Amerh
working class is only an acho from
disappearing of the craftsman before
industrial worker. While that is a ft
it does not mean that the standard of 1
ing of the whole American working cl;
is going down. On the contrary, it is
craft worker who, with his seclusion ide
is swept aside by the industrial evolut
and who, not understanding this evo
APPENDIX
213
, like a King Canute, tries, by all kinds
silly means, to bid the tide of evolu-
i stay back, and so he also yells out
the wide world, "Look here, what the
atics do; they force down our (he
sn't say "my") standard of living. Ex-
ile them!" And the echo (the merely
e catchers) answers, "Really, they force
/n the standard of living of the Ameri-
working class. Exclude them!" And
3 they call scientific Socialism!
'o prove this, it suffices only to mention
fact that the common laborers in the
stern States, where this Asiatic immi-
.tion is acute, in general do not join in
cry, "Exclude the Asiatics." They do
even give any notice to the whole ques-
n; it does not exist for them. The same
)lies to the foreigners, at least to the
mish laborers working in the Pacific
ist mines, sawmills, lumber camps and
fishers. They haven't any such silly
as that especially the Asiatics lower the
ndard of living of the American working
ss. When they lack work and fair wages
;y seek for the reasons elsewhere, in the
lustrial conditions of the time and in the
t that the native-born workers, for the
ison of their isolated craft's position, are
jping the American working class weak;
is in a state of almost paradoxical dis-
janization and conservatism.
For us Socialists it is not merely senti-
ntalism to believe that the industrial
oletariat, be he of what race or national-
whatever, will be arrayed and organized
ainst capitalism to fight the capitalist
iss "both economically and politically; but
is a scientific fact, upon which our whole
jvement is founded, and it has by history,
st and present, so amply been proven to
true, that there is needed an overwhelm-
gr mass of facts to overthrow it, and not
srely assumptions, which are the main
ntent of the majority report to this and
e preceding convention.
Our party must remember, before the pol-
jr presented by the majority report can be
irranted, that both it and the unions have
tie practically nothing in regard to the
aiatic laborers in the other way. They
ive not even tried to organize the Asiatic
borers, any more than they have tried to
ganize the other foreign workeVs of the
nited States, and still they have courage
claim that the Asiatics canno't be organ-
ized. At least before our party in this ques-
tion can refute its basic principles and de-
clare itself in favor of a policy which is
mainly sought for only by the blind clamors
of disappearing craft workers and small
traders of the Pacific coast, it must try the
other way; it must try to reach the Asiat-
ics as well as all other nationalities in the
United States by its ideas and organization.
Therefore the only recommendation that
can be made to this convention in regard to
the Asiatic laborer is:
"That the Socialist party place an organ-
izer among these Asiatic workers who can
speak their languages and in every other
way try to help the Asiatics to become ac-
quainted with the Socialist ideas and move-
ment and to form a national Asiatic Social-
ist organization along the same lines that
the other nationalities are organized.
"That the Socialist party declare itself in
opposition to the discrimination against
Asiatic workers, politically or otherwise,
and demand for them the same civil and
political rights which it demands for other
races and nationalities in the United
States."
What becomes of the fact that Asiatics
as well as other foreign and native work-
ers, especially women and children, are ex-
ploited by the American capitalists as so-
called cheap labor, to replace the higher
paid craft workers and so throwing them
out into the ranks of the industrial prole-
tariat? It cannot be hindered in the least
by any reactionary policy of the dying semi-
bourgeoisie and craftsmen. But this cheap
paid industrial proletariat can be hindered
from selling its labor power too cheap; it
can and it will be induced to raise its
standard of wages, to better its working
and living conditions by the general policy
of our party, of which the most effective
in this regard will be the demand —
For a general eight-hour working day.
For a minimum wage scale.
It will be self-evident that when the
length of the day and the compensation for
the work are stipulated by general laws,
backed and enforced by the workers them-
selves, there will be no possibility nor rea-
son for any capitalist to employ cheap
labor. The effects of the cheap labor will
disappear only in this way.
LEO LAUKKI.
V
214
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
APPENDIX K
Report of Committee on Municipal and State Program.
PREAMBLE.
Socialism cannot be carried into full ef-
fect while the Socialist Party is a minority
party. Nor can it be inaugurated in any
single city. Furthermore, so long as na-
tional and state legislatures and particu-
larly the courts are in the control of the
capitalist class, a municipal administration
even though absolutely controlled by Social-
ists, will be hampered, crippled and restrict-
ed in every possible way.
We maintain that the evils of the present
system will be removed only when the
working class wholly abolish private own-
ership in the social means of production,
collectively assume the management of the
industries and operate them for use and not
for profit, for the benefit of all and not for
the enrichment of a privileged class. In
this the Socialist Party stands alone in the
political field.
But the Socialist Party also believes that
the evils of the modern system may be
materially relieved and their final disap-
pearance may be hastened by the introduc-
tion of social, political and economic meas-
ures which will have the effect of bettering
the lives, strengthening the position of the
workers and curbing the power and domi-
nation of the capitalists.
The Socialist Party therefore supports
the struggles of the working class against
the exploitation and oppression of the capi-
talist class, and is vitally concerned in the
efficiency of the parliamentary and adminis-
trative means for tKe fighting of the class
struggle.
Furthermore, it should be distinctly un-
derstood that the following suggested mu-
nicipal and state program is not put forth
as mandatory or binding upon the state or
local organizations. It is offered as sug-
gestive data t'o assist those localities that
may desire to use it, and as a basis for the
activities of Socialist members of state leg-
islatures and local administrations.
STATE PROGRAM.
I.
Labor Legislation.
(1) An eight-hour day, trades union
scale and minimum wage for both sexes.
(2) Legalization of the right to strike,
picket and boycott.
(3) Abolition of the injunction as a
means of breaking strikes and the estab-
lishment of trial by jury in all labor dis-
putes.
(4) Prohibition of the use of the military
and the police power to break strikes.
(5) Prohibition of the employment of
private detective agencies and police forces
in labor disputes.
(6) The repeal of all military law which
surrenders the power of the governor over
the militia to the federal authorities.
(7) Requirements that in time of labor
disputes advertisements for help published
by employers shall contain notice of tl
fact that such labor dispute exists. Provl
sion to be made for the prosecution of pel
sons who shall employ workers without in
forming them that such labor troubl
exists.
(8) Prohibition of employment of ohil
dren under the age of sixteen, compulsor}
education, and the pensioning of widow
with minor children where such provisioi
is necessary.
(9) The organization of state employ
ment agencies and rigid control of privafc
agencies.
(10) Suitable safeguards and sanitar:
regulations in all occupations with ampl<
provision for frequent and effective inspeo
tion of places of employment, machinery
and appliances.
(llj Old age pensions, sick benefits an(
accident insurance to be established.
(12) Workingmen's compensation laws
to be carefully drawn to protect labor.
II.
Home rule for cities.
III.
Public Education.
(1) Compulsory education of both sexes
up to the age of sixteen years with ade
quate provision for further courses when
desired.
(2) Establishment of vocational anc
continuation schools and manual trainini
for both sexes.
(3) Free text books for teachers anc
pupils; uniform text books on all subjects
to be furnished free to public schools.
(4) Physical training through system
atic courses of gymnastics and open air ex
ercises. Open air schools and playgrounds
IV.
TAXATION.
(1) A graduated income tax; wages anc
salaries up to $2,000 to be exempt.
(2) Graduated inheritance tax.
(3) All land held for speculation and al
land not occupied or used by the owners
to be taxed up to full rental value.
V.
PUBLIC WORKS AND CONSERVATION
(1) For the purpose of developing anc
preserving the natural resources of the
state and offering additional opportunities-
of labor to the unemployed, the states shall
undertake a comprehensive system of pub-
lic works, such as the building of roads
canals, and the reclamation and irrigatior
of land. All forests, mineral lands, watei
ways and natural resources now owned bj
the states to be conserved and kept for pub-
lic use.
(2) The contract system shall be abol-
ished in all public works, such work to b€
done by the state directly, all labor to be
employed not more than eight hours per
APPENDIX
ay at trade union wages and under the
jest possible working conditions.
VI.
LEGISLATION.
(1) The legislature of the state to con-
ist of one house of representatives.
(2) The initative, referendum and re-
all to be enacted.
VII.
EQUAL SUFFRAGE.
(1) Unrestricted political rights for
men and women.
(2) Resident qualification for all elec-
tions not to exceed 90 days.
(3) The right to vote, not to be contin-
gent upon the payment of any taxes, either
In money or labor.
VIII.
AGRICULTURE.
(1) Extension of the State Agricultural
and experimental farms for crop culture,
for the distribution of improved seeds, for
the development of fertilizers, for the de-
sign and introduction of the best types of
farm machinery, and for the encouragement
of the breeding of superior types of stock.
(2) All land owned by the state to be
retained, and other land brought into pub-
lic ownership and use by reclamation, pur-
chase, condemnation, taxation or otherwise:
Such land to be organized into socially
operated farms far the conduct of collec-
tive agricultural enterprises.
(3) Landlords to assess their own lands,
the state reserving the right to purchase
such lands at the assessed value.
(4) State insurance against pestilence,
diseases of animals and plants and against
natural calamities.
IX.
DEFECTIVES AND DELINQUENTS.
* (1) The present unscientific and brutal
method of treating criminal persons, de-
fectives and delinquents to be replaced by
modern scientific and humane methods.
This to include the abolition of all death
penalties, of the prison contract systeVn, of
isolated confinement. Penal institutions to
be located in rural localities with adequate
healthful open air employment and hu-
mare treatment.
MUNICIPAL PROGRAM.
LABOR MEASURES.
(1) Eight hour day, trade union wages
and conditions in all public employment
and on all contract work done for the city.
(2) Old age pension, accident insurance
and sick benefits to be provided for all pub-
lic employes.
(3) Special laws for the protection of
both women and children, in mercantile,
domestic and industrial pursuits.
(4) The abolition of child labor.
(5) Police not to be used to break
strikes.
(6) Rieid inspection of factories by lo-
cal authorities for the improvement of
sanitary conditions, lighting, ventilating,
heating and the like. Safety appliances re-
quired in all cases to protect the worker
;against dangerous machinery.
(7) Free employment bureaus to be es-
tablished in the cities to work in co-opera-
Jftion with state bureaus. Abolition of con-
f tract system and direct employment by the
Icity on all public works.
(8) Free legal advice.
(9) The provision of work for the un-
4 employed by the erection of model dwell-
ings for workingmen; the paving and im-
provement of streets and alleys, and the
extension and improvement of parks and
playgrounds.
II.
HOME RULE.
(1) Home rule for cities; including the
right of the City to own and operate any
and all public utilities; to engage in com-
mercial enterprises of any and all kinds;
the right of excess condemnation, both
within and outside the City and the right
of two of more cities to co-operate in the
ownership and management of public utili-
ties; the City to have the right of issuing
bonds for these purposes up to 50% of the
assessed valuation, or the right to issue
mortgage certificates against the property
acquired, said certificates not to count
against the bonded indebtedness of the City.
III.
MUNICIPAL OWNERSHIP.
(1) The City to acquire as rapidly as
possible, own and operate its public utili-
ties, especially street car systems, light,
heat, and power plants, docks, wharves, etc.
Among the things which may be owned
and operated by the City to advantage are
slaughter houses, bakeries, milk depots,
coal and wood yards, ice plants, undertaking
establishments and crematories.
On all public works, eight hour day
trade union wages and progressive im-
provement in the condition of labor to
be established and maintained.
IV.
CITY PLATTING, PLANNING AND
HOUSING.
(1) The introduction of scientific city
planning to provide Apr the development of
cities along the most sanitary, economic
and attractive lines. '
(2) The City to secure the ownership of
land, to plat the same so as to provide for
plenty of open space and to erect model
dwellings thereon to be rented by the
municipality at cost.
(3) Transportation facilities to be main-
tained with special reference to the pre-
vention of overcrowding in insanitary ten-
ements and the creation of slum districts.
PUBLIC HEALTH.
(1) Inspection of food.
(2) Sanitary inspection.
(3) Extension of hospital and free med-
ical treatment.
(4) Child welfare department, to com-
bat infant death rate prevailing especially
in working class sections.
(5) Special attention to eradication of
tuberculosis and other contagious diseases.
(6) System of street toilets and public
comfort stations.
(7) Adequate system of public baths,
parks, playgrounds and gymnasiums.
VI.
PUBLIC EDUCATION.
(1) Adequate number of teachers so
that classes may not be too large.
(2) Retirement fund for teachers.
(3) Kindergartens to be established and
conducted in connection with all schools.
(4) Adequate school buildings to be pro-
vided and maintained.
(5) Ample playgrounds with instructors
in charge.
(6) Free text books and equipment.
(7) Penny lunches, and where necessary,
free meals and clothing.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
(8) Medical inspection including free
service in the care of eyes, ears, throat,
teeth and general health where necessary
to insure mental efficiency in the educa-
tional work, and special inspection to pro-
tect the schools from contagion.
(9) Baths and gymnasiums in each
school.
(10) Establishment of vacation schools
and adequate night schools for adults. \
(11) All school buildings to be open or
available for the citizens of their respective
communities, at any and all times and for
any purposes desired by the citizens, so
long as such use does not interfere with
the regular school work. All schools to
serve as centers for social, civic and rec-
reational purposes.
VII.
THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC AND VICE.
(1) Socialization of the liquor traffic;
the city to offer as substitute for the so-
cial features of the saloon, opportunities
for recreation and amusement, under whole-
some conditions.
(2) Abolition of the restricted vice dis-
tricts.
VIII.
MUNICIPAL MARKETS.
Municipal markets to be established
where it is found that by this means a re-
duction may be secured in the cost of the
necessities of life.
PERMANENT COMMITTEE ON MUNICI-
PAL AND STATE PROGRAM
RECOMMENDED.
Tour committee would recommend that
the Convention appoint a permanent com-
mittee of seven on state and municipal
affairs. The purpose of the committee to
be to study the problems involved in muni-
cipal and state legislation, collect informa-
tion and data bearing thereon and to sub-
mit to the next National Congress sugges-
tions and recommendations for municipal
and state activities and program. The
committee should have power to fill vacan-
cies that may occur on their committee.
STUDY OF UNEMPLOYMENT RECOM-
MENDED.
The Committee on Municipal and State
Program, to which was referred the follow-
ing resolution relative to the study of the
problem of the unemployed, unanimously
recommended its adoption:
By Winfield R. Gaylord, of Wisconsin.
Whereas, The problem of unemployment
has been recognized by reports of federal
and state authorities to be one of the pri-
mary problems of our civilization; and
Whereas, The formulation of definite de-
mands for the remedying of the conditions
of unemployment must be based upon defi-
nite information as to the conditions and
facts of unemployment in this country; and
Whereas, Labor organizations in other
countries have established a statistical
basis of the facts relating to the unemploy-
ment of their own members and the work-
ers in their respective industries, which
facts have become the basis of a definite
program for the relief of the unemployed
by means of state and municipal aid and
the institution of national channels for re-
ducing unemployment; and
Whereas, There is no body of information
available relating to the conditions of em-
ployment in the organized industries, so
far as the offices of the national interna-
tional unions are concerned, and only two
or three states have undertaken any seri-
ous investigation of the facts relating to
this subject; now, therefore, be it
Resolved. That the Socialist Party does
hereby urge upon the various state organi-
zations the imperative necessity of pressing
the matter of an official investigation by
state authorities of the facts and condi-
tions of unemployment in the various states
of the union, upon some uniform basis as
to method; and be it also
Resolved, That the Socialist Party also
urges upon the executive heads of the
various labor organizations the importance
of keeping and tabulating accurate records
of the conditions of employment in their
respective trades and industries upon some
common and uniform basis as to method.
Be it also
Resolved, That the National Secretary of
the Socialist Party be instructed to forward
copies of these resolutions to the secre-
taries of the various labor organizations
and federations, state, national and inter-
national.
ESTABLISHMENT OF LEGISLATIVE
BUREAU RECOMMENDED.
The Committee on Municipal and State
Program, to which was referred the fol-
lowing resolution relative to the establish-
ment of a Legislative Bureau, introduced
by W. R. Gaylord of Wisconsin, unanimous-
ly recommend its adoption:
Whereas, It is more than likely that
there will be representatives of the Social-
ist Party in twelve or more state legisla-
tures after the fall elections; with scores
of municipal officers already elected and
scores more to be elected; and
Whereas, The majority of these repre-
sentatives will be without adequate in-
formation or aid in the preparation of
proper material for their legislative work
in most of the states; and
Whereas, It is desirable that there should
be as far as possible a unity of purpose and
program in the work of the various So-
cialist legislative groups, which can be
attained only by securing some definite
method and channel of co-operation to that
end; and
Whereas, It is impossible even now for
the Socialist municipal officers and mem-
bers of legislative groups having expe-
rience to comply with the demands made
upon them in this direction; now, therefore,
be it
Resolved, That there shall be created a
department which shall be known as the
Legislative Bureau of the Socialist Party,
to be placed in charge of a capable secre-
tary with adequate training for that work;
the salaries and expenses of the office to be
regulated by the N. E. C. Be it further
Resolved, That it shall be the duty of
this bureau to secure all possible informa-
tion from sources in this and other coun-
tries, such as shall be of help to the vari-
ous state and municipal elected officials of
the Socialist Party, and to furnish this in-
formation on request to these officials or
to other local, state or national officers of
the Socialist Party; and to render such aid
as may be convenient in the matter of
drafting legislative propositions.
RESOLUTIONS REFERRED TO THE
COMMITTEE.
Your committee on municipal and state
program to which was referred the follow- ;
iner resolution by Comrade Simmons of
New York, proposing that the National
Convention adopt the general plan of So-
cialist control proposed by Local Glenville,
New York, would recommend that the same
be referred to the permanent committee on
APPENDIX 217
licipal and state program for further "Gel al Plan of Socialist Control" pro
sideration and later recommendation: pos< by Local Glenville, of the Socialist
■~r .», -^.^T, o,^o. T a t rem /-amttjat par be endorsed and adopted.
PLAN FOR SOCIALIST C^ Trr ^OL. Respectfully submitted-
\^
Whereas, Socialists are cr
ached for having - no v.
ure in taking over +v, °
re- CARL D. THOMPSON, Chairman.
t ro- ANNA A. MALEY,
luc- JOHN C. KENNEDY,
. and distribution, a. / THOS. M. TODD,
Vhereas, The increasing ,/ .oipatit of _.
ialists in Government m» ~-d the fori. 1- w - w - MKMfiK .
on of some definite plan of Social- 1 GEO. W. DOWNING,
trol more and more imperative MARGUERITE PREVEY,
iesolved, By the Socialist Party o*. ERNEST BERGER,
ierica in convention assembled that the R. E. DOOLEY.
f
218
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
APPENDIX L
Report of National Secretary.
To the National Convention of the Socialist
Party:
Dear Comrades: — I submit a summary of
the principal phases of our party's progress,
together with recommendations for the
future.
FINANCES.
A complete record of the finances of the
National Office is to be found in the month-
ly financial statements contained in the
Monthly Bulletins, in the annual reports
made at the close of each year and in the
audits published from time to time. I shall
not repeat the figures here.
LITERATURE.
* The average amount of money per month
received at the National Office for litera-
ture, as far back as the records show, is as
follows:
1904 average per month % 349.99
1905 average per month 42.23
1906 average per month 188.49
1907 average per month 117.84
1908 average per month.. ! 498.38
1909 average per month 142.86
1910 average per month 481.41
1911 average per month 663.95
1912 average for first three months 1,158.30
Thus far in 1912 the National Office pub-
lished the following literature:
300,000 National Platforms.
1,000,000 copies of "The Growing Grocery
Bill," by Allan L. Benson.
2,000,000 leaflets.
It is my opinion that the greatest mis-
sion of the National Office in the future is
to be the publisher and disseminator of So-
cialist Literature. Such activity is distinct-
ly a national matter. The only question
involved is whether it shall be done by pri-
vate concerns or by the organization. In
the annual report in January I expressed
the opinion that the National Office ought
to become the greatest, if not the only,
publisher of Socialist literature. The only
objections I have heard since then have
come from private publishers. Their osten-
sible reason for objecting is that it might
result in paternalism within the party.
This is identically the same objection
which our enemies make against Socialism.
And it is equally as fallacious. Just as we
propose to prevent Socialism from develop-
ing paternalism by surrounding it with
safeguards, so also we can and will prevent
the party from developing paternalism by
surrounding it with safeguards. It is al-
ready surrounded with safeguards, for that
matter, but if we need more, let us have
more, instead of trying to make the clock
of progress run backward.
There need not be the slightest hostility
toward the private publishers. The Na-
tional Office should absorb them on terms
which will be fair to all. It is a waste <
time and energy to investigate the privai
concerns, except in so far as it calls attel
tion to the fact that the party should I
its own publisher. They have done goc
work, and the party has no right to obje<
to their activities so long as it does n<
supply the demand for literature itself.
When the National Office goes into tl
literature business in earnest, the privai
publishers will come to it, asking to be al
sorbed. They can no more compete wit
the National Office than a private postofflx
could compete with the government.
The National Constitution already autho;
izes the publishing of Socialist literatui
by the National Office. Unless the convei
tion takes action to the contrary, it will 1
taken for granted that the constitution ah
authorizes the installation of a printin
plant by the National Office in order to pul
lish literature to better advantage, in ca$
it should be more economical. It will ui
doubtedly, be more economical if the li
erature business of the office is expand*
as herein suggested.
ORGANISATION AND AGITATION.
Of late, in order not to interfere with a:
rangements made by the state organizs
tions, the dates for national lecturers ar
organizers have not been made by the Ns
tional Office, except in cases of foreig
speaking organizers whose dates have bee
arranged bv the National Translator-Secr<
taries. The plan has been to assign orgai
izers to states where needed, the Nations
Office paying the deficits.
At the time of the national congress <
1910, six of the states were unorganizei
namely: Delaware, Virginia, North Can
lina, South Carolina, Georgia and Missii
sippi. Virginia became an organized stal
in October, 1910; Georgia, in Januar;
1911; Mississippi,- in July, 1911, and Nort
Carolina, in March, 1912.
Of the two remaining unorganized state
Delaware has six locals.
South Carolina has nine locals and eigl
members at large. It is probable that
state organization will be formed soon.
The unorganized territory of Alaska ha
fourteen locals and four members at larg
It is probable that a territorial organiz?
tion will be formed there soon.
In/ January, 1912, the District of Colun
bia /separated from the State organizatio
of Maryland and received a charter of it
own, having the same rights as a state oi
ganization.
In Porto Rico we have one local.
In the Canal Zone we have a number c
members at large.
LYCEUM DEPARTMENT.
The lyceum subscription lecture cours
plan has been very successful from th
APPENDIX
tandpoint of education and from the
standpoint of organization. It has put
housands of Socialist books and pam-
>hlets into circulation. It has put thousands
>f subscriptions on the mailing lists of tne
socialist publications. It has attracted
housands of new hearers to listen to an
jxplanation of what Socialism is, what it
las done, and what it proposes to do. And
t has increased the membership and the
•fflciency of the locals adopting it. The
greatest credit must be given to L. E.
tatterfeld, head of the department.
Whether or not the lyceum plan shall be
ontinued depends upon the policy to be
idopted by the convention. If the conven-
ion decides that the lecture work should
>e handled by the National Office, it should
je continued. If, on the other hand, the
convention decides that lecture work should
ye in the hands of the state organizations,
:he National Office should entirely cease
.ouring any speakers except the candidates
"or president and vice-president and foreign
speaking lecturers and organizers.
I can see good arguments on both sides,
md I am indifferent as to which course is
aken. But, if the National Office is to
continue the plan, it should be done with
;he specific sanction of the convention and
with the definite understanding that no
state organization shall have the right to
3eerease the efficiency of the course by
keeping it out of the state. Either give
the National Office a free hand or none at
all.
In case the plan is continued, It should
e so modified that the locals will be anx-
ious to accept it, instead of having to be
oaxed to do so.
It should also be so modified that any live
local, no matter how small, could take ad-
vantage of it.
It should also be so modified that the
locals will make a payment in advance.
This is necessary for two reasons. First,
because the National Office must not be
compelled to practically suspend all other
activities for several months in order to
pay the preliminary expense of the Ly^
ceum Department, as it did last year.
Second, in order to guard against loss
when locals cancel their contracts.
It would also necessarily have to be
modified so that the wages of the lectur-
ers would be three dollars per day and ex-
penses, unless the convention, and later
the membership by referendum vote de-
cided to increase them. The three-dollar
rate was fixed by referendum vote of the
Membership. The constitutional provision
for special lecturers paying a commission
to the National Office does not apply, to
fhe Lvceum lecturers. I have no objec-
tion to their wages being increased some-
what over the three-dollar rate, but I do
■ot think thev ought to be increased to
■anal the rate paid this year. If anv in-
crease is made, it should also apply to
Rational organizers and lecturers and to
■he heads of departments, in the National
Office. Tt is, of course, unui«t to pay a
IByceum lecturer who makes the hi eh places
■Bid stops at the best hotels hisrher wages
JBhan we pav to a pioneer orVanizer who
Iftakes the hard places and nuts ur> with
ill manner of hardship and inconvenience.
il«.nd. as for the heads of departments,
trhile their employment may be a trifle
lore steadv. they have equally hard work
nd much greater responsibility.
A separate report for the Lyceum De-
partment will be made by L. E. Katter-
" Id, head of ths department, and I request
that he be given a hearing when the mat-
ter comes up for discussion, although he is
not a delegate.
WOMAN'S DEPARTMENT.
This department has developed constant-
ly since it was made a part of the work of
the National Office by the National Con-
gress of 1910. It has demonstrated its
value to the cause of woman's emancipa-
tion, under the direction of the Woman's
National Committee and the General Cor-
respondent, Caroline A. Lowe.
And well it may. For, Socialism would
not be worth having if it left half the race
enslaved. The awakening of woman is one
of the most hopeful signs of the times.
Our Woman's Department is playing an
important part, and is destined to play a
still more important part, in securing the
triumph of the woman's movement and of
Socialism
A number of States have state corres-
pondents and the locals and branches are
electing women's committees to carry on
special propaganda among the women and
children. The monthly programs have been
widely used. Hundreds of thousands of
leaflets have been put into circulation.
Special women's organizers have been sent
into the field. Special articles have been
furnished to the press. A petition for
equal suffrage was gathered.
A teachers' bureau is also conducted in
connection with the Woman's Department,
the object of which is to put Socialist
teachers and Socialist school boards or
patrons in touch with each other.
A separate report for the Woman's De-
partment will be made by the Woman's
National Committee.
MEMBERSHIP.
The Socialist Party was organized early
in August, 1901. The records are too in-
complete to determine just how many
members we had in the years 1901 and
1902. The membership for each year since
then, based on the average dues received,
is as follows:
1903 15,975
1904 20,763
1905 23,327
1906 26,784
1907 29,270
1908 4 1 , 7 T> 1
1909 41,479
1910 58,011
1911 84.716
1912 (first three months) 125, S26
The number of locals and branches is
approximately five thousand.
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS.
Since the National Congress of 1910 and
the party referendum following the same,
the national constitution has been amended
by referendum vote as follows:
Referendum "A," 1911. by Hallettsville,
Texas, adding a new section (Section 3) to
Article HI, relating to the election of Na-
tional Officers annually, and limiting the
number of terms of office to two. was
adopted April 19. 1911, by a vote of 9.050 to
8.511— majority 539.
Referendum "B." 1911, by Local New
York, striking out the limiting of terms
clause in Section 3, Article in. was
adopted bv a vote of 11,057 to 7,428 — ma-
jority 3,629.
THE SOCIALIST VOTE.
The vote in each state, beginning with
the Social Democratic part:' vote of 1900,
up to and including the vote of 1910, is as
follows:
r
220
NATIONAL, SOCIALIST CONVENTION
1900.
928
Alabama
Arizona
Arkansas 27
California 7,572
Colorado 684
Connecticut 1,029.
Delaware 57
Florida 603
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois 9,687
Indiana ^,374
Iowa 2,742
Kansas 1,605
Kentucky 770
Louisiana
Maine 878
Maryland 908
Massachusetts 9,716
Michigan 2,826
Minnesota 3,065
Mississippi
Missouri 6,128
Montana 708
Nebraska 823
Nevada
New Hampshire 790
New Jersey 4,609
New Mexico
New York 12,869
North Carolina
North Dakota 518
Ohio 4,847
Oklahoma 815
Oregon 1,495
Pennsylvania 4,831
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota 169
Tennessee 410
Texas 1,846
Utah 717
Vermont 371
Virginia 145
Washington L 2,006
West Virginia 268
Wisconsin 7,095
Wyoming
Total 96,931
ELECTED OFFICIALS.
Our successes at the polls are too fa-
miliar to need elaboration. The number of
elected officials, which was very slight two
years ago, has now increased to goodly
proportions. Strange as it may seem, it is
difficult to secure accurate information on
this subject. As nearly as we were able to
obtain the data, there were 1,039 of them
in office at the beginning of the present
year, classified as to the nature of their
offices as follows:
Auditors (city) 10
Attorneys (city) 4
Aldermen 145
Assessors 61
Collectors 2
Commissioners (city and town-
ship) 9
Commissioners (street) 1
Commissioners (park) 2
Commissioners (charter) 5
Commissioners (public works) . . 1
Congressmen 1
Clerks (city, township and
countv) 25
Clerks (court) 1
Coroners 7
Councilmen 160
Comptrollers 3
Constables 57
Directors 1
Election Officials 45
Judges (civil) 2
1902.
2,312
510
9,592
7,177
2,804
1,567
20,167
7,111
6,360
4,078
1,683
1,973
499
33,629
4,271
5,143
5',335
3,131
3,157
l!o57
4,541
23,400
1,245
14,270
1,963
3,771
21,910
2,738
S',615
3,069
"l55
4,739
15,970
552
223,494
1904.
1,853
1,304
1,816
29,533
4,304
4,543
146
2,337
197
4,954
69,225
12,013
14,847
15,494
3,602
995
2,106
2,247
13,604
8,941
11,692
393
13,009
5,676
7,412
925
1,090
9,587
162
36,883
124
2,017
36,260
4,443
7,651
21,863
956
22
3,138
1,354
2,791
5,767
844
218
10,023
1,572
28,220
1,077
409,230
1906.
389
1,995
2,164
17,515
16,938
3,005
149
2,530
98
5, (Til
42,005
7,824
8,901
8,796
1,819
603
1,553
3,106
20,699
5,994
14,445
173
11,528
4,638
3,763
1,251
1,011
7,766
211
25,948
1,689
18,432
4,040
17,033
18,736
416
32
2,542
1,637
3,065
3,010
512
8,' ; 7
2,< 1
24,. ,6
1,827
331,043
1908.
1,399
1,912
5,842
28,659
7,974
5,113
240
3,747
584
7,400
34,711
13,476
8,287
12,420
4,185
2,538
1,758
2,323
10,781
11,586
14,527
978
15,431
5,855
3,524
2,103
1,299
10,249
1,056
38,451
345
2,421
33,795
21,779
7,339
33,913
1,365
100
2,846
1,870
7,870
4,895
547
255
14,177
3,679
28,164
1,715
424,483
Justices of the Peace
Listers
Magistrates
Marshals
Mayors
Members of Constitutional Con-
vention
Pound • Keepers
POLICE OFFICIALS:
Police Magistrates 3
Police Judges 15
Officers 4
Presidents of Council
Road Overseers
Recorders
Registrars of Deeds
Representatives (state)
SCHOOL OFFICIALS:
Presidents and School Boards.. 2
Members of School Boards.... 40
School Trustees 16
School Directors 70
School Comptrollers 2
Chairmen of Boards 2
School Supervisors 1
Members of Board of Education 12
School Clerks 7
School Treasurers 3
Surveyors
State Senators
Sheriffs
APPENDIX
221
Supervisors (county, town and
city)
Supervisors (of assessments) . .
Treasurers
jj Trustees (library)
j Trustees (township, village, city)
TOWN OFFICIALS:
Village Presidents 4
Members of Board of Selectmen 2
Members of Village Boards... 4
Superintendents of Poor 3
Members of Board of Public
Affairs 3
Chairmen of Town Boards 1
Chairmen of Board Trustees.. 1
Town Chairmen 1
Other Town Officials 9
40
1
29
2
39
JVlce Mayors
Total
28
1
1,039
THE SOCIALIST PRESS.
Since the national congress of 1910, two
additional daily papers in the English lan-
guage have been started, namely: The
Milwaukee Leader, Milwaukee, Wisconsin,
and the Alarm, Belleville, Illinois. Weekly
papers have sprung up in many places, over
one hundred and fifty of them being co-
operative papers. The mailing list at the
National Office shows that the number of
Socialist papers now published in this
country is as follows:
Daily, English 5
Daily, foreign 8
Weekly, English 262
Weekly, foreign 36
Monthly, English 10
Monthly, foreign 2
PROPAGANDA PRESS SERVICE.
Each week the National Office sends out
mimeographed articles to about four hun-
dred Socialist, union and other papers. We
Offer to send them to any paper that will
print at least one article per week. Com-
rades in various places have made such ar-
rangements with their local non-Socialist
papers, and we have placed them on the
mailing list.
NEWS PRESS SERVICE.
During the sessions of Congress the Na-
tional Office has sustained a press repre-
sentative in Washington. He sends daily
news service by mail to the Socialist dailies,
and weekly service to the weekly Socialist
and a number of union papers, and furn-
ishes telegraphic service as desired. All of
this service, except the telegraphic, is
financed by the National Office and is sup-
plied to the papers free of charge.
The National Office also sent a special
Fpress representative to Indianapolis for a
short time. It rendered financiaVassistance
to the representative of the Socialist press
>at Los Angeles. And it has arranged to
'cover the national convention for the So-
cialist press.
^FOREIGN SPEAKING ORGANIZATIONS.
There are now seven foreign speaking or-
ganizations affiliated with the party, as
: follows:
Bohemian, Finnish, Italian, Polish Alli-
ance, Polish Section, Scandinavian and
South Slavic.
All of these organizations are making
substantial progress in carrying on So-
cialist propaganda among their own people.
An effort is now being made to unite the
two Polish organizations.
Separate reports will be made by the
Translator-Secretaries.
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS.
Our relations with the international
movement have been fraternal and mutually
helpful.
In the eighth International Socialist Con-
gress, held at Copenhagen, Denmark, from
August 28 to September 4, 1910, our party
was represented by eight delegates, namely:
Victor L. Berger, Wm. D. Haywood, Robert
Hunter, Morris Hillquit, Lena Morrow
Lewis, John Spargo, May Wood-Simons and
Luella Twining.
CONSTITUTIONAL RECOMMENDATIONS.
I request that the following recommenda-
tions be submitted to the Committee on
Constitution:
We have come to the point where the itch
for office is likely to cause an influx of old
party politicians into our ranks. We should
increase the length of membership neces-
sary to be a candidate for public office.
Doubtless an attempt will be made to let
down the bars and make it easier to get
into the party and easier to run for office.
It should be made harder, not easier. This
is too critical a juncture in our movement
to throw down the safeguards and allow it
to become the prey of designing self-
seekers.
The signing of blank resignations by our
candidates for public office should be made
obligatory. Even though the capitalist
courts might declare such resignations
void, their moral effect is great. But no
committee should be entrusted with the
power to fill out and file such resignations.
The membership in the territory covered by
the office should alone have the power- to
decide when such action is to be taken.
The National Executive Committee and
the Woman's National Committee should be
elected from districts, so that the entire
nation will be represented, such districts to
be apportioned according to membership.
The provision for the Woman's Depart-
ment in the National Office, which now
stands merely as a provision adopted by
the party congress, should be made a part
of the constitution. The General Corres-
pondent should be made electable by the
Woman's National Committee, and dis-
chargeable by it or by the National Secre-
tary. At present she is appointed by the
National Secretary, with the approval of
the Woman's National Committee, and dis-
chargeable by either.
To avoid a repetition of the fiasco which
we have enacted this year in selecting the
time and place for the national convention,
it should be provided that the conventions
and congresses are to be held in the city
where the national headquarters are lo-
cated, and that they are to be held in May
or June. The National Executive Commit-
tee or the National Secretary should be
given authority to fix the exact date, which
would naturally be affected by the times
when appropriate halls could be secured,
and other circumstances. It is the natural
thing for the other parties to jockey over
the place of their conventions, but it is
idiotic for us to do so.
The article about referendums needs to
be overhauled. Branches should be given
the power to initiate or second referen-
dums. The time when a proposed referen-
dum expires should be the 15th of the sec-
ond month after its publication in the
Monthly Bulletin. At present the com-
ments of locals or branches on proposed
referendums are published in the Weekly
Bulletin and also in the Monthly Bulletin.
As the Weekly Bulletin is a mimeographed
document and must have some limit to it,
this practice is becoming impracticable.
r
222
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
They should be published in the Monthly
Bulletin only. These comments are on the
increase. They show a healthy interest in
party affairs and they need to be encour-
aged. But, unfortunately, a local domi-
nated by a freak can take advantage of this
right and degenerate it into a -nuisance. To
avoid this, and also to keep the comments
within reasonable space limits, each local
or branch making such comments should be
required to pay the cost of publishing them.
When a referendum is proposed, another
referendum to the same effect should not be
permitted within a given length of time.
And when a referendum js adopted, a refer-
endum to undo it should not be permitted
within a given length of time. The refer-
endum is our great safeguard, and it must
not be allowed to be reduced to an absurd-
ity. It should be made entirely serviceable
and at the same time fool-proof.
Branches should also be given the power
to nominate candidates for national party
offices.
We ought to have some method of fur-
nishing due stamps to distressed and un-
employed members, without . payment by
them, and also without placing the burden
on the branch, local or state organizations.
If the National Office furnished such
stamps, they would cost nothing except the
trifling amount paid for printing them.
They should be identical with all the other
due stamps, so that there would be no taint
of charity attached to them. The local sec-
retaries should have the power to make req-
uisition upon the state secretaries for
whatever number of stamps are needed for
this purpose, and the state secretaries
should have the power to make requisition
upon the National Secretary for them, with-
out any money changing hands anywhere
along the line.
Wherever practicable, candidates for pub-
lic office should be nominated by referen-
dum vote. It is entirely feasible to nom-
inate our candidates for president and vice-
president in that manner. Of course, it is
too late to do it this time, but it should be
done hereafter. It will not only be the
proper method of nominating, but it will
vastly increase the usefulness of our na-
tional conventions. They are now largely
spoiled by the fact that they have such
candidates to select. The provision should
be so worded that in case of vacancy for
president, the candidate for vice-president
would take this place, and in case of va-
cancy for vice-president, the next highest
would take his place.
State organizations should be required
to furnish the National Office with a list
of the local and branch secretaries in the
state. Any state refusing or neglecting to
do so thereby fails to co-operate with the
rest of the organization, and it should be
denied the right to participate in national
affairs. It should be denied the right to
vote on national referendums, or to initiate
or second referendums, or to nominate
candidates for national party positions. Its
members of the National Committee should
also be denied the right to vote on that
committee. If it has any members of the
National Executive Committee or the Wo-
man's National Committee, they should be
denied the right to act on those commit-
tees.
The provision requiring the National
Office to take a referendum vote of a state
in order to select state officers, upon pre-
sentation of a petition in case of contro-
versy, should be struck out. It cost the
National Office considerably more than a
hundred dollars last year without accom-
plishing anything at all. It is unworkable,
unwise and unjust. Unworkable, because i«
is practically impossible to tell whether ]
petition is valid or not, or to tell, who would
be eligible to vote in the referendum. Un-
wise, because states can settle their own
trouble much better than the Nationa]
Office can settle it for them. Unjust, be-
cause it disfranchises a large portion of the
members.
The condition in which the party con-
gress of 1910 left the matter of the foreign
speaking organizations is unsatisfactory to
everybody. It is unsatisfactory to the na-
tional organization, to the state organiza-
tions, to the county and local organizations
and to the foreign speaking organizations
themselves. Part of these organizations
get their dues stamps from the National
Office and part of them get them from
their locals. Part of them pay full local
and state dues, part of them pay fifty per
cent of the local and state dues, and part
of them only pay national dues and do not
pay any local and state dues at all. This
unsystematic lack of arrangement is in-
tolerable. The constitution should be so
changed that all of them would be affiliated
in the same manner. They should all pay
fifty per cent of the local and state dues.
And they should all pay their local, state
and national dues to their respective na-
tional translator-secretaries, to be properly
apportioned by them. The national dues
should be paid in full as heretofore, because
the National Office pays the wages of the
translator-secretaries and furnishes them
office room free of charge, besides appro-
priating large sums of money to assist
them in organizing work. Not more than
one organization of any single nationality
should be permitted to affiliate.
Free-lancing should be abolished. When
a comrade makes isolated dates with locals
or branches it cannot properly be called
free-lancing, and if done with the consent
of the state organizations there can be no
objection to it. In fact, it is a nuisance for
the organization to handle such dates it-
self. But comrades should not be permitted
to make up tours in any way excepjt through
the organization, and at the regular rates.
The National Executive Committee has
wisely stated that it is the sense of the
committee that all lectures delivered by So-
cialist Party members for Socialist Party
locals should be arranged by the organiza-
tion of the party upon the usual terms, and
that Socialist Party lecturers working for
non-party lyceums be requested to make a
stipulation with such lyceums that appli-
cation for dates shall not be made to party
locals or branches. This statement should
be embodied in the constitution. And, lesv
it should be construed to only apply to cap-
italist lyceum bureaus, it should be definite-
ly provided that Socialist papers^and peri-
odicals shall not engage in the practice of
touring lecturers. It is outside their do-
main, and it interferes with the legiti-
mate work of the organization.
The National Executive Committee and
the National Committee should be prohib-
ited from appropriating or loaning the
f>arty funds for purposes outside the activ-
ty of the national organization. Special
calls for funds may well be made in special
cases, but when money is voted out of the
regular party funds, it keeps the National
Office stripped of money and prevents it
from developing its legitimate functions.
Each appropriation or loan decreases the
activity of the organization just that much.
There is no need of tying up several
thousand dollars in a mileage fund by
setting aside any percentage of the dues for
that purpose. The necessary amount can
APPENDIX
VI
accumulated immediately before a, con-
tlon or congress by proper administra-
i That provision should be struck out
he constitution. . .
ince the membership has greatly in-
ased, the apportionment of delegates to
ional congresses and conventions, dele-
es to international congresses, and na-
lal committeemen, should be changed ac-
tTs S a y waste of money to publish in book
rn the speeches made at our national
ventions and congresses. The proceed-
i exclusive of speeches and mere par-
nentary matter, should be published,
s would pTevent a waste of several hun-
a he d r°e lla sh S 6uld be an information depart-
(1 t in the National Office to act as a
Jrinj? house regarding the activities of
elefted official* They need to have the
eftt of each other's experience, without
h- of them having to conduct a volumin-
h correspondence in order to secure it
rnmrades in general also need this in-
TiatSn Such a department might also
ect 2nd furnish data on all manner of
lie and administrative questions
■onsidSration should be given to the
■ter of creating departments in the Na-
ml Office for the furtherance and deyel-
ent of the work of the Intercollegiate
laSst Society and of the Young People's
al st League. These excellent activities
ht to be carried on as integral parts of
le^nstitution should be so amended
t the election of National Secretary will
e at least one month before he takes
office As it stands at present, his
Xi begins only a day or two after the
i closes This is unfortunate both for
elected' and the defeated candidates, as
y do not know what to count on nor
3ther they are at liberty to make other
& e hould be a. regular time set for
books of the National Office to be aud-
l, and a method provided for selecting
ie bookkeeper and assistant bookkeeper
the National Office should be required to
bond, or else the provision requiring
National Secretary to give bond should
struck out. Just as the cashier of a
1 has greater opportunity to get away
B the funds than the president has so
| the bookkeeper and assistant t>oo«-
feer have greater opportunity along that
i than the National Secretary has They
le the entries in the books handle the
Mttances and take them to the banks f or
fesit. I have the utmost confidence in
m but I am under bond myself, and the
le caution which requires me to give
d should require it of them.
| is no longer necessary for us to pro-
Ft the National Office from publishing an
Hal organ or a periodical. It might be-
le advantageous for us to do so. At
Irate, the way should be opened by
king out those portions of the eonstitu-
Our leaflets, our propaganda press
Ice and our news press service show
e plainly that we have outgrown those
Visions. Steps might well be taken to
Ire the second class mailing rate for the
1th ly Bulletin so as to send it direct to
[ member who subscribes, and expand it
f a monthly magazine.
lie party press should be owned and
■rolled by the party organizations, lo-
* state and perhaps national. As for
i'Co-operative papers, there are now no
* than eight companies publishing a total
fever a hundred and fifty such papers,
at comparatively slight expense. Their
value has been demonstrated by the elec-
tion returns. These companies should be
absorbed by the state or national organi-
zations and the plan developed until there
is a paper in every locality in the coun-
try. Or, in case it is not found feasible
to absorb these companies, the organization
should proceed to produce such papers any-
how. As to whether it should be done by
the state or the national organization de-
pends upon the wishes of the state organi-
zations. If any considerable portion of
them are unwilling to have the National
Office handle the matter, it should be left
to the states. This subject should receive
the serious attention of the convention.
The National Executive Committee should
be given authority to levy special assess-
ments for the purpose of erecting build-
ings and purchasing printing machinery,
also for the purpose of buying the neces-
sary land for the buildings.
CAMPAIGN RECOMMENDATIONS.
I request that the following recommenda-
tions be submitted to the Committee on
Ways and Means.
So far as the National Office is concerned,
the campaign this year should be a litera-
ture campaign. It will be necessary, of
course, for the National Office to tour the
candidates for president and vice-president,
and for the national translator-secretaries
to tour speakers among the locals and
branches in their own languages. But, in
general, it is very unsystematic and un-
economical for the national and state or-
ganizations each to tour speakers over the
same territory. Since the state organiza-
tions will be touring speakers anyhow, they
should be allowed to tour all of them, with
the above exceptions. This will avoid many
conflictions and much bad blood. The Na-
tional Office can of course use its good
offices in assisting the state organizations
and the speakers to get connected up to-
gether. Either this method should be
adopted, or else the state organizations
should practically abandon the touring of
speakers during the campaign and turn the
whole matter over bodily to the National
Office, which they will hardly be willing
to do.
If the National Office is permitted to con-
fine itself largely to a literature campaign,
it can flood the entire nation with litera-
ture. My idea is to secure the co-opera-
tion, so far as possible, of every local and
branch in the United States in making sys-
tematic house-to-house distributions of
leaflets once a week throughout the cam-
paign; to get out a different leaflet each
week for this purpose; to sell them to the
locals and' branches at cost; to furnish
them free of charge to locals, branches and
comrades who will undertake to distribute
them in unorganized communities; to make
use of the mailing list companies to send
literature to vast numbers of non-Social-
ists; and to publish pamphlets at rock bot-
tom prices. In this manner the National
Office can carry on a stupendous literature
campaign such as the Socialist Partv has
never undertaken or dreamed of undertak-
ing in the past, provided wp are permitted
to concentrate upon it. and provided the
National Office funds are not permitted to
be voted away as appropriations.
It would be a mistake t' have another
Red Special. It was th* i-irht thing In
1908, but it would be a stake to repeat
it, for it wquld sap th^ dninoei pnd pre-
vent the state and na r>nal organizations
from carrying on the wide activities which
will otherwise be possible. Immense meet-
>
224 I
NATIONAL -SOCIALIST CONVENTION
ings can be arranged for the candidates in
the regular manner, and they can be util-
ized for the purpose of putting vast quan-
tities of literature into circulation.
The most direct method of raising a cam-
paign fund is the best. I recommend that
a special assessment of *one dollar per
member be levied; ten per cent of it to go
to the National Office, forty per cent to the
state office, and fifty per cent to the locals
and branches.
The campaign ought not to be conducted
on the vote catching plan. Without mak-
ing any special appeal for votes, we will
get all the votes that are coming to us
and probably more. The campaign should
be a campaign of education.
AN ERA OP BIG THINGS.
The Socialist Party is entering upon an
era of big things. We must give ourselves
room to do big things. We must expand
our activities in accordance with the needs
of the hour. We have a stupendous task
before us and we must use the most effi-
cient means of accomplishing it.
We have a stupendous task of education
and a stupendous task of administration.
Anyone who permits himself to be foi
into believing that the path from here
the co-operative commonwealth is a smc
and gentle incline will find himself terr
mi strLkpn
On the contrary, there are mountains
climb, cliffs to scale, jungles to penetr
rivers to ford and wild beasts to o 1
come, before the goal can be reached.
We shall have reverses and discoun
ments. We shall have need for every gi
of our courage, wisdom, persistence,
sourcefulness, constructiveness, and s
control.
But all obstacles will be overcome
the goal will be reached. The indust
have evolved to the point where they
ripe for Socialism. It is ours to convi
our fellow workingmen and women 1
this is true, and to transform our pri
pies into action. We believe that the p
ent is the most promising moment in
world's history, and we face the fu1
with enthusiastic > confidence.
Fraternally submitted,
JOHN M. WORK,
National Secretar
APPENDIX
APPENDIX M
226
Report of Lyceum Department.
K
INANCIAL STATEMENT, APRIL, 15.
Receipts,
bscriptions:
'(Locals) $76,899.32
Organizers). 379.00
(Misc.) 270.84
ides (Lan-
ern) 98.45
inting 12.11
» e c i a 1 Lec-
ures 1,561.31
nations and
ollections .. 499.S1
scellaneous . 222.68
ivanced b y
National Of-
5ce before
Tan. 1
-$79,943.02
3,038.75
a,ges $
stage
lephone and
Telegraph . .
eight and Ex-
press
ationery and
Supplies ....
Rce Fixtures,
ides (Lantern
Advertising) ..
inting
•ganizers ....
icturers
bscriptions ..
iscellaneous. .
Expenditures.
-$82,981.77
6,510.02
1,859.79
338.00
1,971.54
536.35
849.19
124.28
12,250.06
5,735.20
21,503.15
27,166.58
298.69
Bank Balance,
* April 15 . . .
-$79,142.85
3,838.92
Assets on Hand
a n k Balance,
April 15
lice Fixtures
(approx.) ...
tpplies
-$82,981.77
$ 3,838.92
700.00
500.00
Total
•eight and Ex-
press $
ationery and
Supplies ....
Anting
Itional Office.
$ 5,038.92
Liabilities. >
53.51
45.20
.60
3,086.71
Estimate of Unfinished Business,
tiount still due
from Locals. $21,962.28
lount needed
complete
ourse:
>ffice (esti-
mated) ...$ 400.00
lecturers
(estimated) 1,600.00
Subscriptions
(estimated) 10,000.00
-$ 3,186.12
$12,000.00
I shall submit at the convention for the
consideration of such delegates as may be
interested a detailed and itemized statement
of the Amount paid by each Local and the
amount paid to each organizer, lecturer and
publisher, together with the number of sub-
scriptions forwarded to each up to May 9th.
- It is probable that this entire work will
be completed without one cent of expense to
the National treasury. In the amount put
down as due the National Office is included
one-fifth of the National Secretary's salary
and part of the salary of other National
Office employes proportionate to the increase
that the Lyceum has meant in their work.
The Lyceum has also been charged with
one-half the Natienal Office telephone, one-
third the light and one-fourth of the rent,
so that it can truly be said to have been self-
sustaining. In comparing it with any other
Party activities, this should be kept in
mind:
That, whereas practically all other pro-
paganda work is partly paid for with dues,
either local, state or national, not a c'ent of
dues-money has been used to carry on the
Lyceum, except that about $3,000 was ad-
vanced during six months preceding January
1, to start it. This is now on hand and can
be returned at any time. The entire prop-
osition has* been paid for out of the com-
missions on the Socialist papers and books
sold by the comrades.
EVOLUTION OF LYCEUM PLAN.
But the real significance of this Lyceum
work cannot be measured in terms of
money. Weighing the arguments for and
against it, it is essential to understand the
conditions that led up to the project, the
fundamental ideas at the bottom of it and
the objects to be accomplished.
Like many other comrades, I have for
years studied the problem of how to hold
our Party membership. I noted that during
campaign time our membership always
grows, but when no active campaign is being
waged by a local, the tendency is ever pres-
ent for the organization to dissolve itself
into a mere little philosophical discussion
society, where a few of the. faithful come
together semi-occasionally and engage in
the more or less pleasant pastime of "clar-
ifying" each other.
With others, I have come to the conclu-
sion that just as a man must exercise to
develop his muscle, so an organization to
hold its members and build itself up, MUST
WORK.
The first purpose of the National Socialist
Lyceum is to furnish this work to locals, to-
gether with a special incentive for them to
do it; work that is worth while enough to
bring back into the harness every old war
horse and to make use of the enthusiastic
energy of every new convert; work through
which they will learn that they can accom-
plish more together as an organization than
by themselves as individual bushwhackers;
'
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
wor that will develop the locals into well
drilled, ciiieient fighting armies.
The second fundamental idea of the Ly-
ceum is that this work should be done in
such a way as to secure the greatest possi-
ble results for the energy expended. It re-
quires a certain amount of energy to take a
subscription for a Socialist paper or sell a
Socialist book. It also takes a similar
amount of energy to get a non-Socialist to
attend a Socialist lecture. By combining
the two operations we make it easier to ac-
complish both than it was before merely to
succeed in one. In other words, the sub-
scription lecture is a labor-saving device for
our propaganda. We kill two birds with
one stone.
There is the additional advantage that our
literature is most effective when rein-
forced by the personal appeal of ou« speak-
ers; while- on the other hand, our lecturers'
message will find its readiest response if
the audience has already been set to think-
ing by our papers, books and pamphlets.
The written and the spoken word combined
with the personal work of the Local Com-
rades form the ideal propaganda. »
The third fundamental of the Lyceum
plan is that the same number of speakers
can accomplish more working as one team
than they can in disconnected lectures.
It is impossible for one speaker to cover
the whole subject of Socialism satisfactorily
in one evening's time. In a series of lectures
a greater measure of justice may be done,
especially if each lecture is delivered by
some one well suited to his special part and
if each speaker knoVs what the other speak-
ers have said or will say and adapts him-
self so that each lecture supplements the
others. This was one objective in planning
the lecture courses, to secure even among
our speakers the greatest possible amount
of "team work." The first speaker was to
present the problem, the second to go into
our philosophy, the third to make clear the
fact that there Is a class war, the fourth to
eliminate all other ways of dealing with the
problem and the fifth to tell how Socialists
meet it. The plan was to present our whole
position logically and bring the audience
step by step to the inevitable conclusion,
Membership in the Socialist Party.
This plan was not altogether untried.
Some of its essential features had been
proven successful under different private
auspices. The direct antecedent of the Na-
tional Socialist Lyceum Bureau was the
Chicago Daily Socialist Lecture Course, of
which I was in charge. In spite of the fact
that many mistakes were made and that
financially the proposition was a failure, it
was very much worth while as far as the
Party was concerned, more than two thou-
sand new members being brought into the
organization through the work.
Many other papers have also conducted
lectures along similar lines. Two or three
papers having started in this work, compe-
tition forced others into it — they found the
plan successful and within a year nearly
every Socialist publisher would have been
using it.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST LYCEUM ESTAB-
LISHED.
Now, as long as there were only a few
trying to route speakers, it did not cause
mu^h confusion in the Party work, but a
score or more different agencies trying to
make dates for speakers independently of
each other would cause a confusion alto-
gether unbearable. It would also mean a
great waste in competitive advertising on
the part of the different publishers to per-
suade the Locals to take up this proposition
or that one. It would mean a terrible wa
of railroad fare in touring so many speak
back and forth across the country with*
plan or system.
According to our Socialist philosop
such conditions in the commercial field br
cut-throat competition, resulting in
strong gobbling up the weak; then the s
vivors, seeing the cost of their competit
war, get together in a "trust."
This same condition would have develo;
in the Socialist propaganda field; a ceni
Lyceum Bureau would inevitably h;
grown up controlled by the strongest
cialist publishers. If such a central bure
controlling practically all prominent
cialist speakers, had been allowed to gr
up outside the party organization, it wo
have meant, to say the least, a danger
concentration of power in the hands of
dividuals without corresponding respoi
bility to the party membership.
This was the condition thaL faced the ]
tional Executive Committee at its meet
in Boston on May 1st, 1911, when I laid
fore them the plan for the National
cialist Lyceum Bureau, to be established
National Headquarters under the control
the party. There were only three poss:
ways of meeting the situation:
1 — To do what some of the State Org?
zations tried to do; that is, to prohibit
cals from taking speakers routed on the s
scription plan. This would have stop
the smaller papers from entering this ]
of work, but would not have prevented
more powerful ones from doing so,
would therefore have been manifestly
just. Even if this could have been done
would not have been desirable because
subscription lectures offered the best
most effective propaganda yet devised.
2 — To let the whole development go or
its logical conclusion. This would h
meant within the near future a central
ceum Bureau outside the party organizal
and party control that would have absor
and assumed many of the functions that
long to the State and National offices.
3 — The only other alternative was
course that was pursued — the establishrc
of the National Socialist Lyceum Bur<
The fundamental object of this bur<
which must always be kept in mind, is
help build up the Socialist Party organ
tion.
PROGRESS OP THE WORK.
It was decided to conduct the Bur
along the most liberal lines possible wil
the following limitations:
(a) Every speaker to be a good stand
party member.
(b) The Lyceum Course to be placed c
with locals in good standing and only v
the consent of state officers.
(c) Only periodicals controlled by g
standing party members to be handled.
The first letter announcing: the plans
the Bureau was sent to state secrtaries
June 1. Beginning June 26, I put in all
time in the National Office, directing
Lyceum work. The response from state :
retaries, locals, speakers and publishers '
most gratifying, and on August 11, w
the Executive Committee met in Milwau:
I was able to report that only one state
fused permission to the operation of
Lyceum; that most of the states were
onerating with a splendid spirit; that a s
ficient list of speakers had expressed tl
willingness to serve on the Lyceum,
that the plans had met with enthusiastic
sponse from a sufficient number of local;
guarantee a fair measure of success to
enterprise.
APPENDIX
227
The Committee approved the plans as a
vhole. With their sanction the country was
livided into four circuits and afterward the
issignment of the speakers and subjects
nade substantially as follows:
LIST OF SUBJECTS.
1. How We Are Gouged.
2. Why Thing's Happen to Happen.
3. The War of the Classes.
4. The Trust Busters.
5. Socialists at Work.
LIST OF CIRCUITS AND SPEAKERS.
Eastern Circuit-*— 64 Lecture Courses.
TERRITORY: New England, Atlantic
Coast States and Pennsylvania.
r, SPEAKERS: 1. Charles Edward Russell,
Janet Fenimore.
2. Walter J. Millard.
3. Ben F. Wilson, James H.
Maurer.
4. John W. Slayton.
5. Lena Morrow Lewis.
Central Circuit — 68 Lecture Courses.
TERRITORY: Michigan, Ohio, West Vir-
ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana, Illinois,
Missouri, Arkansas.
SPEAKERS: 1. Arthur Brooks Baker.
2. W. Harry Spears.
3. Frank Bohn.
4. Phil H Callery.
5. A. W. Ricker, Walter J.
Millard.
Western Circuit — 85 Lecture Courses.
TERRITORY: Minnesota, North and
South Dakota, Iowa, Wisconsin, Illinois,
Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma.
SPEAKERS: 1. W. F. Ries.
2. Ernest Untermann.
3. R. A. Maynard.
4. Mila Tupper Maynard.
5. Ralph Korngold.
Pacific Circuit — 92 Lecture Courses.
TERRITORY: Montana, Idaho, Utah,
Washington, Oregon, California, Arizona,
New Mexico, Colorado.
SPEAKERS: 1. Eugene Wood, Edward
Adams Cantrell.
2. N. A. Richardson.
3. George D. Brewer.
4. May Wood-Simons, Anna
A. Maley.
5. George H. Goebel.
The plans for the Lyceum also received
the unanimous endorsement of the conven-
tion of Socialist Elected Officials Meeting in
Milwaukee during the Executive Committee
session.
According to these plans we issued special
combination subscription tickets good for
admission to the lectures and also for sub-
scriptions to Socialist papers and books. A
ticket to one lecture was attached to each 26
cent subscription and a ticket to all the lec-
tures to each dollar subscription. The course
of five lectures was offered the locals as a
prize for selling $300 worth of these com-
bination subscriptions.. In this way every
worker could hustle for the publication that
he liked best and the subscriber could get
the one of his own choice with the lecture
ticket. We paid the speakers' wages and
evpenses and furnished advertising matter.
The locals got the collections and literature
sal ps made at the meetings and a commis-
sion of 40 per cent on all the combination
subscriptions sold above the $300 require-
ment. . ,
One good fortune deserves mention here.
We discovered that Comrade Arthur Brooks
Baker, who was to have worked as an ad-
vance organizer, was an expert printer. With
his help we published for the advertising
appropriation of $30 that we had allowed
for each local, not only a much greater
quantity of advertising matter than we had
originally planned, but advertising matter
of a much higher grade than we had hoped
to produce.
Our plan included sending advance organi-
zers to locals to make the preliminary ar-
rangements. Tin- following arc the 'com-
rades selected for this work and the num-
ber of days that each one was in the field:
Arthur Brooks Baker 4
Thomas G. Beem 9
Frank Bohn 5
Prudence Stokes Brown .'.'.'.'. 167
Edwin F. Cassidy 77
H, G. Creel ] 8
Leon Durocher mi
M. J. Hynes 115
W. B. Killingbeck 33
Anna A. Maley 12
Edward J. McGurty 21
H. C. Mestemaker 71
Ernest J. Moore 172
J. E. Snyder 105
Piet Vlag 9
Clyde J. Wright : 68
Quite a number of locals that were not
visited by field men took the offer up by
mail; altogether 442 locals accepted the
proposition and signed the agreement to sell
at least $300 worth of subscriptions for the
Lyceum Course.
SHORTCOMINGS.
Before mentioning the results achieved
through this work, I want to say that no
one can realize more fully than those of us
that were actively engaged in conducting it,
how far it has fallen short of the possibili-
ties, financially as well as in other ways.
Tn no single detail is the work above criti-
cism; in no detail has it been done as well
as it should be done.
There are many reasons for this, some of
which I want to mention, not as excuses but
as explanations, in the hope that they will
help increase the effectiveness of whatever
may be undertaken in the future.
LACK OF EXPERIENCE. — Both we here
in the office and the comrades in the field
lacked experience. Much time and money
was used for correspondence which would
have been needless if we could have fur-
nished locals and hustlers with printed in-
struction books, covering the different con-
tingencies that would be Jikely to arise. In
many ways we had to experiment. Now we
KNOW.
A LATE START. — The preliminary work
was begun too late to get full results. Tn
many cases it was impossible to get out the
advertising as early as it should have been
sent. Some of the locals did not have suf-
ficient time to make their own advance ar-
rangements and sell the subserintions. Cap-
italist bureaus begin their preliminary work
over a year in advance, and their local con-
tracts are usually made several months in
advance. We can not begin too early for the
cominer season.
SHORT FUNDS. — The Lyceum was grent-
lv handicapped at the beginning by lack of
funds. We could not carry on the right sort
of advertising campaign and we could not
put out enough advance organizers. T ater,
when we had plenty of money for these
things, the ^on«nn was too far advanced for
the he^t wnrV.
SHORT JIVA^. — Tn launching such a Inrp-p
enterprise, involving so much work in new
fields, the Lvoeum ' needed several men of
force and initiative, capable of taking charge
of the various departments, thinking nut
plans and putting them into execution. Tt Is
V.
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
not easy to secure Socialists possessing
these qualifications so long as privately-
owned publishing houses are glad to pay
th«m much better salaries than the National
Office is permitted U offer.
HIGH COST. — The Lyceum Course cost
the locals too much. Many elements con-
tributed to this high cost.
First — There was much waste, part of
which was inevitable because of the dif-
ficulties incidental to the launching of any
enterprise, but some of which might easily
have been avoided had all concerned given
their hearty co-operation.
Second — We were compelled to use ex-
pensive advertising, to compete with pri-
vately-owned Socialist publishing houses for
the enlistment of the party workers and
hustlers. This turning the attention arid
arousing the enthusiasm of the workers
cost a great deal of money. We were at a
decided disadvantage, as our competitors,
with second-class postal rate and rapid-fire
periodical issue reached the worker often
and cheaply, while we could only talk to
him at longer intervals and high expense.
Third — The experiments necessarily at-
tending the building of a new business ne-
cessitated items of cost which will not be a
permanent feature. For instance, now that
the locals generally are familiar with the
plans, it will not be necessary to repeat the
pioneer work of sending out advance organ-
izers, which this year cost nearly $6,000.
Fourth — The business methods used, both
by the Bureau and the locals, were so loose
as to involve much unnecessary expense. We
offered them a contract which was not suf-
ficiently rigid; they accepted it because it
was easy to sign, and in many cases did not
even attempt to carry out their obligations.
All the expense of advance work, correspon-
dence, etc., with locals which failed to make
good was necessarily shifted upon those
that were able and willing to carry out
their obligations.
Fifth — Because of inadequate preliminary
work, the fixing of dates was done too late,
and to accommodate locals which secured
their halls at the eleventh hour the speakers
were often obliged to "back track" at great-
ly increased mileage and expense. By work-
ing farther in' advance, a more nearly per-
fect order of dating can be secured and the
mileage greatly lessened.
Sixth — The same rush of work and lack
of time caused unnecessary expense in
routing the lecturers. Instead of each
speaker beginning near his home, several
were transported two thousand miles to the
place of their first engagement, receiving
wages and all expenses while en route.
Seventh — While the manufacturing cost of
the advertising matter was low owing to the
great quantities purchased, the results se-
cured were at high cost. Owing to the rush
of work, with insufficient help, many locals
received their advertising- too late to get its
full value (even though we sent some of it
bv high-priced express). Many others, not
having paid directly for the advertising,
failed to appreciate its value and did not
circulate it properly. Tn fact, from lec-
turers' reports, the advertising was properly
and fullv used only in exceptional cases.
This was largely the fault of our office, in
that while Ave gave full instructions, we had
no system of constantly reminding and urg-
ing unon committees the necessity of cir-
culating and posting their paner.
Another factor which decreased the re-
sults of the Lyceum and increased the cost
per local over what it should have been.
Was the lack of co-operation of some of the
state ofRoos and the active hostility of cer-
tain individuals. Furthermore, some of the
papers that should have been enthusiastic
in support of this plan to build up a better
party organization remained silent. It was
impossible to achieve the best results and
the greatest economy without the publicity
that similar enterprises conducted under
private agencies had secured in the past.
All this meant for us an indirect expense
of thousands of dollars so that instead of
having a $10,000.00 surplus we are coming
out barely even financially. We must learn
how to co-operate so as to do our party
propaganda work with less waste.
Still another respect in which this year's
Lyceum fell far short of the original plans
is in the lecturers themselves. The fact is
that the speakers did NOT do the desired
team work. The lecture course was not al-
together what we intended it should be: a
connected series of lectures giving a logical
presentation of the entire Socialist position.
This was due partly to the fact that the in-
dividuality of most lecturers is abnormally
developed so that it is hard for them to
overcome the temptation to "star" rather
than work as members of a team, but the
main reason for this shortcoming was that
because of lack of time any adequate inter-
change of ideas preliminary to the lecture
tour was practically impossible.
A further criticism of this .year's work
can be made because contrary to original
intentions some of the speakers peddled lit-
erature for their own profit. They should be
excused since this has been the custom for
Socialist speakers in the past who thereby
increased a wage which seemed to them in-
sufficient. We ourselves are to blame, since
because of lack of time and lack of experi-
enced help we had not worked out a system-
atic plan for handling the literature to be
sold at the meetings.
But all the energy wasted here at the
office and by the lecturers is insignificant
when compared with the energy wasted by
some of the locals as measured in their
failure to make the most of their opportu-
nities. Compared to what might have been
done the results achieved are small indeed.
Compared to our hopes and aspirations the
Lyceum cannot yet be called a success, but
it would not be just to weigh it in such a
scale.
RESULTS.
In spite of all these mistakes and short-
comings; in spite of all disappointments,
difficulties and obstacles, the following re-
sults were accomplished:
1 — 309 of the 442 locals that voted to take
up the Lyceum Course carried it through,
which means a total of 1,545 Lyceum lec-
tures. The average audience at the Lyceum
lectures was over 300. In addition to the
Lyceum lectures 82 special lectures were
given on open dates. The advance organ-
izers had over 500 advertised meetings. The
Lyceum work has brought together aud-
iences totaling over five hundred thousand.
# 2 — The number of subscriptions to Social-
ist papers forwarded to the publishers up to
Anril 15th was 50,-194. The number of cloth
bound books sold on* the Lvcenm subscrip-
tion cards was 18.000. while the number of
paper bound books sold in this way was
24.735, making the total number of subscrip-
tions for books and papers already for-
warded to the publishers 93,229.
3 — The reports from Lyceum locals indi-
cate that in addition to all this literature
sold on Lyceum subscriptions, the literature
sales at the meetings averaged about $10.00.
The Lyceum has therefore alreadv men^t
the distribution of about $100,000.00 worth
of Socialist papers and books, about one-half
of the total being books.
APPENDIX
229
4 — Over 2,000,000 pieces of advertising
matter were distriDUted. All of this was ar-
ranged so as to navv uie greatest possible
propaganda value, especially the big- 16 page
folders, over 3uo,vUu 01 which were ua^a.
5 — We have received clippings irom cap-
italist papers totaling aoouc iu,0uu inches
of reports of Lyceum lectures. In many
ways this is the mo. t valuable feature of
the entire worK, since tne paragraphs
quoted from the Lyceum lectures printed in
the local capitalist papers reached a vast
number of people iu wiiom the message
could not be carried by any other method.
It would have co_>t tne party many thou-
sands of dollars to accomplish a similar
amount of propaganda in other ways.
6 — In some of the locals individual com-
rades found it necessary to dig into their
own pockets to make up the amount due on
the Lyceum Course, but reports show that
other locals have made enough profit from
the lectures to offset this.
7 — A number of new locals have been
'organized by the Lyceum lecturers on open
dates. Collections were taken up at many
of the meetings for the benefit of strikers
in different parts of the country, thousands
Of signatures were secured to the woman
suffrage petition, and in many other ways
the Lyceum was made use of to help along
other party activities.
8 — The records cf the National , Office
show that the Lyceum work did not sup-
plant activity in other lines, but that the
locals working on the Lyceum Course at
the same time ordered more than their pro-
portion of leaflets for house to house dis-
tribution, pamphlets and other literature
for sale. Reports from the locals also indi-
cate that the Lyceum work did not decrease
but rather augmented the demand for local
speakers.
9 — Specific reports received from a large
number of the locals that had the Lyceum
Course indicate that the work has brought
into the party to date in those locals at
least 10„000 new members. This means ad-
ditional dues of $6,000 per annum to the
national treasury, $6,000 to the state offices
and $18,000 to the locals concerned. It is
of course true that other agitation preced-
ing the Lyceum Course is largely responsi-
ble for the members so far brought in. On
the other hand it is equally true that the
[full effects will not be felt for a long time
to come, since the people whom the Ly-
ceum has started studying this winter will
only in exceptional instances join the
(party before next year.
L 10 — A large number of locals that have
had the Lyceum Course have been success-
ful in their local elections this spring, and
rat least a few of them attribute their suc-
cess at the polls directly to the general in-
fluence of the Lyceum work upon their
community.
I 11 — According to reports received from
peeretaries. the Lyceum has increased the
rovorking efficiency of nearly every local
[that took it up. It means a vastly more
[efficient campaign next fall than would
[otherwise have been possible. The fact
[that this has been carried through success-
fully will gradually get the comrades to
jtnore and more make u c e of the organiza-
tion for doing- their work. The experience
■rained through the Lyceum will be an in-
valuable asset to the locals for whatever
Khey may undertake in the future.
RECOMMENDATIONS.
f. For the purpose of increasing the effec-
tiveness of the work f made certain rec-
nmendations# to the Executive Committee
t its March session. In order to l^arn
r
the sentiment of the locals that had this
years Lyceum Course and to secure further-
data as a guide to future action, I sub-
mitted the same propositions to an advisory
referendum of the Lyceum locals and the
state secretaries of the 41 states in which
the Lyceum was held. I am pleased "to
announce that of all tnese state secretaries
only two voted against tne continuation of
the Lyceum and of tne 182 locals whose ad-
visory ballots we have received only one
voted against it and 181 voted to continue
the Lyceum, which is about as nearly unani-
mous as anything has ever been in the So-
cialist Party. (96 of these locals reported
the number voting which was 1,893 yes
and only 25 nays.)
We may be pardoned for feeling grati-
fied with this splendid endorsement of the
Lyceum plan on the part of comrades who
out on the firing line have stood the brunt
of the fight, and whose devotion to the
cause and never-tiring work without hope
of immediate personal, reward has made
possible whatever of success has been
achieved.
Most of these recommendations are mere
matters of administrative detail and should
not properly take up any of the conven-
tion's time. Since, however, a general
knowledge of the problems that confront
tne management of the Lyceum is essential
to its greatest sucess, I herewith append
the recommendations together with the
vote thereon, the first figure in each case
representing the vote of the locals and the
second the vote of the state secretaries. I
shall also add to each recommendation
some of my reasons for making it.
1. That the Lyceum be continued
next year with such changes as seem
advisable.
Yes, 181 and 20; No, 1 and 2.
Comment: — There are four possible
courses of action: (1) the entire work
of arranging subscription lectures or So-
cialist lecture courses could be prohibited.
No argument seems necessary on this point.
(2) This work could be left to the pri-
vate agencies of Socialist publishers. The
reasons that were given earlier ir # this re-
port and that prevailed with the executive
committees one year ago should be suf-
ficient here. ,
(3) The work could be turned over en-
tirely to the state offices. This does not
seem to me a good plan since most of the
state offices are in no way equipped to
handle the details of such a proposition and
even if all of them were so equipped it
would mean in many ways a worse than
useless duplication of effort. Much of the
Lyceum work can be done as easily for the
whole United States as for one state or
even one local. It would mean applying to
our own problems the logic of a Bryan,
who would "Bust the Trust" and go back to
the days of small-scale production.
(4) Let the Lyceum develop under na-
tional auspices, with the guidance of the
Executive Committee and under the con-
trol of the party membership, in such ways
as experience may teach to be wisest and
best. This is my recommendation.
2. That the preliminary work start
as soon as possible, but that the lec-
ture course do not begin until after
the fall election.
Yes, 176 and 18; No, 6 and 2.
Comment: — This past season we were be-
hind the time all the time. The work was
not started early enough. At least six
months should elapse between the selection
of speakers and the beginning of their lec-
ture tours. I therefore recommend, that
the preliminary work begin immediately.
F
230
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
I do not however, agree with some en-
thusiastic comrades who want the Lyceum
lectures to run during the campaign. Most
competent speakers are already engaged,
and most state secretaries have already
completed their plans for the fall cam-
paign. Let us take advantage of every
ounce of campaign enthusiasm for selling
Lyceum subscriptions but, in order to avoid
confusion and secure the best possible re-
sults, let us not start the lecturers them-
selves until after election.
3. .That two lecture courses be ar-
ranged, one course of six numbers at
$300, another course of three numbers
for $150.
Yes, 174 and 19; No, 3 and 1.
Comment: — Since I made this recommen-
dation Comrade Arthur Brooks Baker, the
printing expert whose technical knowledge
has already saved the National Office many
thousands of dollars, has revised our esti-
mates on advertising and printing costs. I
have carefully gone over all the other
figures in the light of last season's experi-
ence, and feel sure that if the recommenda-
tions made in this report are adopted, we
can give the Lyceum Course of five lectures
to every local that sells $150.00 worth of
subscriptions, instead of requiring $300.00
worth as last season. I therefore recom-
mend one lecture course of five numbers
for $150.00 worth of subscriptions.
4. That one of these numbers be an
illustrated lecture.
Yes, 177 and 16; No, 2 and 3.
Comment: — There has been considerable
demand for an illustrated lecture. I my-
self do not yet know as to the practicabil-
ity of making one of the Lyceum lectures
an illustrated lecture, and would like to
hear from all who have experience on the
subject.
5. That the Executive Committee
put on the "Approved List" at least
twice as many speakers as will be
needed.
Yes, 173 and 18; No, 4 and 1.
Comment: — In filling vacancies this sea-
son, we could not consider the wants of
comrades in states to be traversed, since
the small approved list left the manage-
ment so little choice. It may be that it
would be impossible to find\ enough speak-
ers to carry out this proposal literally, but
there should be an approved list so large
that we can at all times give due consider-
ation to the special adaptability of speak-
ers to subject and territory. Of course, no
speakers will receive any pay except those
actually, employed.
6. That opinions on party tactics
receive no consideration in the selec-
tion of speakers and that on the other
hand the speakers be instructed not to
dwell on these moot questions during
their lectures.
Yes, 171 and 17; No, 9 and 4.
Comment: — The Lyceum should be above
factional fights. We should select speakers
not because of opinions on tactics, but only
for their special qualifications as Lyceum
lecturers. On the other hand, they should
use their position, not to boost party fac-
tions but to teach undisputed fundamentals.
7. That speakers be paid a uniform
flat rate of $50 per week and railroad
fare, and that they pay out of their
$50 their own hotel bills and incident-
als, it being understood that $28 of
this is wages and $22 personal ex-
enses.
Yes, 1&7 and 11; No, 11 and 7.
Comment: — Under the Executive Com-
mittee's ruling that the constitutional limit
of $3 per day for organizers did not apply
to Lyceum lecturers, we paid them $35 p<
week and railroad fare and personal ei
penses. Personal expense accounts of di:
ferent speakers varied so greatly that
seems better to pay a flat rate and 1<
them pay their expenses. This last seaso
the speakers cost from $55 to $70 per wee
plus railroad fare. I now recommend tlu
this be REDUCED to $49 per week an
R. R. fare, which would be just $4 per da
salary and $3 for hotel and incidental e?
penses.
I certainly do not favor the fancy sa
aries that some are said 'to draw from oi
movement, but on the other hand I thin
our speakers should not feel compelled t
eke out their incomes by peddling thing
for private profit as seems to have been tr.
custom in the past, but should receh
enough to keep themselves in good cond
tion and care for their families.
If this conflicts with the constitute
then let's amend the constitution.
8. That party membership of at least
three years' standing be required of
Lyceum lecturers.
Yes, 147 and 19; No, 31 and 2.
Comment: — It may be that three years :
rather long, but I am sure that the be;
interests of the movement demand that an
bitious orators be "kept in pickle'" at lea;
two years.
9. That the maximum wage limit in
" the office be raised to equal that of the
speakers.
Yes, 151 and 10; No, 21 and 5.
Comment: — At present the highest wag
that can be paid to any office employe
$21 per week. My recommendation is l
raise this maximum limit to $28 per wee
Different departments of the work shou:
be in charge of specialists who are also :
demand elsewhere. The inevitable effei
of the present limitation is that some <
the best brains in the movement are bougl
by private enterprises more or less ii
directly connected with it, instead of beir
in the direct service of the party.
10. That I be permitted to scour the
country for the best and most efficient
persons for this work.
Yes, 174 and 19; No, 7 and 1.
Comment: — I do not wish to minimize tr
worth of private enterprises in advancir
the Socialist movement. But to me tl
most important part of the work is thi
done directly through the party organiz;
tion. I believe that our party should ha-\
in its service the most efficient machiner
the most efficient methods and the moi
efficient men that can be had. If I am 1
manage the Lyceum, I want permission 1
search for and secure the best persons f(
this work no matter where or by who:
they -may at present be employed.
11. That as much as possible of the
work, especially the advance work, be
turned over to State Offices, and that
the State Offices be paid $10 for each
Local that makes good on the $300
course, and $5.00 for each Local that
makes good on the $150 course.
Yes, 162 and 17; No, 16 and 4.
Comment: — Most of the Lyceum woi
can be done so much cheaper and bett<
from one central point that it would 1
ridiculous to divide it up among forty di
ferent State Offices. However, some of
for instance the advance work, could
many cases be directed better by the Sta
Secretaries, who know the Locals in the
territory. There seems to be some opno<
V tion to turning this work over to the Sta
•''Offices on the pArt of State Secretary
themselves, and I have corfte to the co
elusion that it would be best to , mal
APPENDIX
231
^
i eial arrangements only with those State
if ices that may be able and willing to do
il s special work.
12. That the list of "approved
peakers" be submitted to State Offices
or their approval.
Yes, 169 and 18; No, 11 and 3.
Comment: — This merely means that no
aj[>akers shall be toured in a State whom
s State does not want. It is very em-
rassing to bring these matters up after
angements have already been made. Un-
■ my plan dislikes could be discovered
1 taken into consideration before the
jakers are assigned.
13. 'xhat publication of a series of
jpecial propaganda leaflets for Lyceum
v^idvertising be authorized.
Yes, 179 and 20; No, 1 and 1.
omment: — I propose the publication of
special propaganda leaflets to fit the
jture course outline, two of the leaflets to
distributed house to house before the
jt lecture and one before each of the
Ifers, each leaflet to advertise the follow-
r lecture. In this way an immenser
lount of propaganda work will be accom-
5 Shed in a systematic manner.
I 14. That the Lyceum Department be
permitted to publish a weekly leaflet
Cor "Party Boosters," this leaflet to be
mailed under second class rates.
Yes, 176 and 18; No, 5 and 3.
Comment: — This year it cost $100 post-
i to §end a message to each of the 5,000
ft'ceum hustlers. To send the same message
Ifa leaflet under second class rates would
Je cost only fifty cents postage, a differ-
fee of $99.50. If there were a party paper
jwhich a column could be devoted to the
fceum work, this leaflet would not be
Ided, but as it is the Lyceum is very
5 ach "hobbled." I believe that the party's
' rceum Bureau should have as good oppor-
faity to encourage party builders to their
it efforts as different private institutions
m have to enthuse their respective sup-
fters. This year's experience teachss that
feh a periodical is essential to the great-
t success of this or any other party
prk.
15. That a report of this year's Ly-
fceum Bureau, together with the plans
gor next year, be submitted to the
National Convention for endorsement.
Yes, 176 and 21; No, X and 0.
Comment: — By this I do not mean to take
the time of this Convention with a
icussion of these 'recommendations in
■ail. They are properly the work of ad-
fcistration, and the management should
I left free to work out these problems as
■y present themselves, under the guid-
le of the National Secretary and the
Itional Executive Committee. The Con-
dition will prcbably not care to consume
time discussing details of the Lyceum
nagement, but I shall be glad to re-
fc^e personally all suggestions from in-
idual delegates who have ideas on how
improve the work. The question, how-
r, of stopping or continuing the • Ly-
m work is one that in my judgment
uld be decided by the Convention,
his past season every bit of progress
"e by the Lyceum has been made with
brakes set in certain quarters, which
;de the work exceedingly difficult. The
ceum should either be stopped alto-
her or should have the united support
the entire party organization. The en-
sement of the proposition as a whole on
part of this Convention would gain this
ted support. I therefore recommended
the Executive Committee that the ques-
tion of continuing the Lyceum be referred
to the Convention.
Some additional recommendations that in
my opinion will greatly increase the effec-
tiveness of the Lyceum work are the fol-
lowing:
16. That we select a series of books,
appropriate for the different lecture
subjects, and either publish them our-
selves or buy them in large quantities.
Lecturers and publishers should not
exploit the Lyceum audiences for pri-
vate profit. Literature sold at Lyceum
lectures should be handled systematic-
ally through the Lyceum and the
Locals.
Comment: — This recommendation I sub-
mitted in a letter to Lyceum Locals and
received unanimous endorsement. I be-
lieve the best results would be obtained by
selling, after each lecture, printed copies of
the lecture itself. Comrade Baker, who has
demonstrated with "The Growing Grocery
Bill" that he can substantiate his printing
estimates, tells me that if we publish the
lectures ourselves we can retail them in
the form of 32-page pamphlets at ten for a
dime and still turn over 50 per cent of the
selling price to the Locals. I recommend
that all the Lyceum lectures be published.
Gn the back of each pamphlet could be
stamped an announcement of the follow-
ing lecture. The people who buy these
pamphlets at one lecture will distribute
them to their neighbors, and in that way
not only do some excellent propaganda
work, but also help to build up the audi-
ence for the next speaker.
17. That the publication of ten So-
cialist books, approximately the size of
"What's So and What Isn't," be author-
ized for sale in connection with the Ly-
ceum lectures.
Comment: — In no way can we facilitate
the sale of Lyceum subscriptions more
than by putting into concrete, visible, tan-
gible form the best book offer ever pre-
sented to the public.
We now know that even without a Na-
tional Print Shop, such as I hope will be
established, we can print on our own ac-
count ten books, averaging 160 pages each,
totel 1,600 pages, and sell them together
With a Lyceum ticket for fifty cents. To
make this possible we would have to ship
to the Locals direct by freight and get
cash in advance from the Locals-. But by
placing in the hands of the hustler a set
of paper covered volumes which the pro-
spective customer could see and feel and
weigh, we would be giving the Comrade
Hustler a lever with which he would find
it easy to pry loose the fifty-cent piece.
The ten books should be selected so as to
cover the main elements of the Socialist
Philosophy and their application to present
flay problems, following the same general
outline as the leaflets and the lectures
themselves.
■vt 1 * 8 .- ^ hat the $3,000 advanced bv the
National Office last year to start the
Lyceum be left in the Lyceum Fund
for beginning- this year's work
Comment: — Even this sum is utterly in-
adequate to start the work unon the scale
that it should be done. T believe, however
that by using our credit and e-ettimr the
Locals to make advance payments the
plans can be worked out to brin* a suffici-
ent income by the time the S3 000 is snent
to carry on this work. Next fail the $3,000
could be returned to the National Treasury
CONCLUSION.
.- Tf these recommendations are adopted by
the Executive Committee and the Lvceum
is endorsed by the Convention, we' shall
r
232
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
make the following offer to the Locals:
A lecture course of five numbers to every
Local that sells $150 worth of subscrip-
tions. Every 50-cent subscription will en-
title the holder to admission, to the entire
course of five lectures and to a library of
10 Socialist books or a 50-cent subscription
to any other Socialist books or papers
whose publishers give a satisfactory rate
to the Lyceum. This offer is the best that
can be made until the party owns its own
press and its own publishing plant, which
I hope will be in the near future.
Under such an unprecedented offer even
Locals in the smallest country towns could
avail themselves of this great organizing
campaign. Judging from this . year's ex-
perience, two thousand Locals could make
a success of this undertaking, necessitating
16 circuits with five speakers on each cir-
cuit. This would mean in round figures 80
lecturers, each filling 125 dates, a total of
ten thousand Lyceum lectures for the sea-
son. It would mean the selling of at least
four million Socialist books, and several
hundred thousand subscriptions to Socialist
papers. It would mean the circulation of
ten million pamphlets and the distribution
of thirty million propaganda leaflets. It
would mean that instead of our campaif
relaxing after the National election th
fall, it would increase in vigor and e:
thusiasm throughout the entire year.
I feel sure that these estimates can 1
surpassed with this Lyceum plan. It cor
bines logically arranged series of lecturi
by specially trained speakers, careful
planneu publicity campaign in the Capita
ist press, publication and sale of special
prepared lecture pamphlets, publication ai
sale of a special library of ten stronge
propaganda books, sale of subscriptions
all other Socialist papers and books, houi
to house distribution of a suitable serii
of propaganda leaflets, personal effort i
every live member and co-operation i
State Organizers, State Offices and tl
National.
It means co-ordinating all the differei
factors of our movement so as to get tl
greatest possible results for every ounce i
our energy. It means the development of
great labor saving device to do our pr
paganda and organization work. It meai
LESS FRICTION AND MORE POWER.
Fraternally submitted,
L. E. KATTERFELD,
Manage
APPENDIX
APPENDIX N
288
Report of Representative Victor L. Berger, of the Fifth District of
Wisconsin, as to His Activity.
The fall election of 1910 marked a new
epoch in the history of the Socialist move-
ment in America. A Socialist was elected
to the Congress of the United States.
Naturally I considered it a great honor to
ibe the first representative of the class
•conscious proletariat of America in the
halls of our national legislature. But
having been in the fight for the emancipa-
tion of the working class for almost a gen-
eration, I also at once realized the difficulty
•of my position. I was the only member of
;a much feared and much hated party in the
lower House, with 391 other members of
the House, and 96 Senators, absolutely and
uncompromisingly opposed to me on all
f. vital political and economic questions.
Moreover, our republic differs from all
. other republics ' known in the civilized
; world. The President of the United States
I is not only the chief executive and is
.^elected by a geneeal vote of all citizens —
• on account of his veto power he also forms
! a very important part of the national legis-
[ lature.
Under our Constitution the real power of
the House of Representatives lies in the
«fact that the House, being the so-called
, popular branch of the legislature, has the
>sole power to originate bills raising revenue
F — the Senate has only the power to amend
[a, bill containing an appropriation, and can-
, not originate an appropriation.
Our Constitution was formed very much
1 after the English form of government — as
£to the control of the treasury our House of
f Representatives was to resemble the House
[of Commons in England.
In our country, however, in practice this
power of the House of Representatives is
kxeduced to a shadow.
The shortness of the term of the mem-
l hers of the House when compared with the
[ much longer term of the Senators, and the
I Senate's power over the patronage of the
[different districts very soon gave all the
f practical advantages to the Senate. The
Senate today is really the ruling legislative
tbody of our country.
Furthermore, it must be remembered that
fe when our constitution was formed less than
I one-third of the male inhabitants were
given the right to vote. The upper house
of our national legislature was even
created for the very purpose of represent-
ing "the wealth and invested interests of
the country" as Alexander Hamilton put it
— even against that third of the male popu-
lation that could vote for it.
From the beginning of our government
the Senate was intended to "form a check
upon the will of the people." Therefore, its
selection was removed from the people as
* far as possible and put in the hands of the
1 respective legislatures.
Our reformers have been trying to rem-
| edy this by having the senators elected
| directly by the people. However, this so-
called remedy is only superficial. Even in
a reformed Senate the 30,000 voters of
Wyoming would have as many Senators as
the two million voters of New York, which
is absurd on the face of it, although the
Senators of each state are elected directly
by the people.
Moreover, the Senate is indefensible as a
check against bad legislation. Either the
Senate agrees to the legislation proposed by
the Representatives of the people and then
it is superfluous. Or it is opposed to the
legislation of the Representatives of the
people and then it is dangerous and un-
democratic.
If there is any corrective to be provided
in a democracy, let democracy provide for
it. The best possible check upon any whim-
sical or hasty legislation is a referendum
of the people. Abolish the Senate. The
best cure for any ills of democracy is more
democracy. I mention this only so that
some of my bills should be understood.
The fact is that the Senate is the para-
mount power in the Congress of the United
States and that as a body it represents
best the power of capitalism.
The Senate has a small membership, and
discussion in the Senate is unlimited; thus
one senator with some powers of endurance .
may talk to death any bill which he op-
poses. The House has a very large mem-
bership and this has made it necessary to
limit the right of the individual members
to speak and to offer amendments from the
floor.
The short intervals between elections of
members of the House which makes many
of them in a sense permanent candidates
and the fact that most of them are lawyers
and professional orators makes stringent
rules obviously necessary to limit the out-
put of oratory.
The proceedings of the two houses of
Congress are supposed to be published
verbatim in the Congressional Record.
Therefore, the custom has grown up of
printing speeches that have never been de-
livered on the floor. And this is a wise
custom owing to the temptation of the
members to impress themselves upon their
constituents at home by making speeches
in Congress.
As it is, the constructive work amounts
to very little. Our system of government
by checks and balances — the ideal of the
American bourgeois — and the antiquated
constitution have resulted In the fact that
nr a single great and important measure
h& j passed our Congress in thirty years.
uniess we consider tariff bills "and the
Sherman anti-trust act as great and im-
portant measures.
Moreover, both houses of Congress are
practically made up of the same type of
men. Wealth was always held in great
respect in our country. When our govern-
ment was formed George Washington was
234
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
chosen the first president not oniy on ac-
count of his merits, but also because he
was the richest man in America.
The majority of the members of Congress
belong to what I would call the upper mid-
dle class. Capitalism as a 'whole is of
course excellently represented — especially
the railroads, the manufacturers, the banks
and similar interests. Yet there are even
large groups within the capitalist class of
America that are not over-well repre-
sented. An overwhelming majority of both
houses is made up of lawyers. There are
quite a number of business men and manu-
facturers, and I also want to say in con-
nection with this, that these men are not
dishonest or crooked as is often claimed.
They are. as a rule honest to the class and
the interest they represent, only they do
not represent our class, nor our class in-
terest.
As everybody knows there are a few
workingmen in the House of Representa-
tives — about half a dozen so-called card
men — men with union cards in their
pockets. They do in no way, however, dif-
fer from the other representatives of the
capitalist parties in their votes, argumenta-
tion or method of thinking.
Practically all the work of Congress and
of the House of Representatives is done in
the committees. There is hardly any pos-
sibility of rejecting a bill that is proposed
by the ruling party in the House of Repre-
sentatives. Of course the bills are dis-
cussed in the committee of the whole and
smaller amendments are occasionally
agreed to. But as a rule, the Democrats
will vote absolutely with the Democratic
leaders and the Republicans with the Re-
publican leaders, and every one knows be-
forehand what the fate of the bill is going
to be when it is once reported to the House.
There is no such thing as an adverse or
unfavorable report in the House. A bill
reported always means favorably reported
by the majority of the committee. If the
minority disagrees it can make a minority
report. Of the many thousand bills intro-
duced only very few are reported.
Of the nearly 40,000 bills introduced in
the preceding Congress, only 700 became
law — the great majority of these were ad-
ministrative acts of small importance to
the country in general. Besides these,
Congress passed about 6,000 private pen-
sion bills.
Such are the parliamentary conditions
that confronted your first Socialist Con-
gressman. They are as unfavorable to
any new departure as they can possibly be.
and yet some people expected wonderful
things. It is no exaggeration to say that
not only the eyes of the Socialist Party,
but the attention of the entire American
people, as far as it gave any attention to the
doings of Congress, were riveted upon me.
I could not afford to do or say anything
that would make one cause and one party
ridiculous before the many millions that
are not yet with us. There was no prece-
dent in the experience of any other party
in our country to guide me, because ours
was essentially a two-party country in the
past — the People's party never got a real
first hold in Congress.
In Germany they always had many par-
ties and three Sor-ial Democrats were elected
right from the beginning to the Reichstag
in 1867, 'so that was no criterion to go by.
Our parliamentarism is of an entirely dif-
ferent makeup. Tt. is based upon the two-
party system. The appointment for the
committees, where all the real legislative
work is done, and even the assignment of
the time for the debate is on a two-party
basis.
There were two ways before me. I coul(
make a free-speech fight all alone, try t<
break down all precedent and all barriers
speak about the coming revolution and th<
co-operative commonwealth, as long as nr
lung power would hold out, and wind u]
my short parliamentary career by beinj
suspended from the House, and thus als<
make an end to political action by thii
"direct action."
Or 1 could pursue the other course, obe:
all rules and precedents of the House unti
they are changed — get the respect and th(
attention of my fellow members, speai
sparingly and only when measures directly
concerning the working-class are up fo :
discussion, giving, however, close attentior
to all the business before the House o
Representatives. This latter course I de
cided to follow — and this I did follow fron
the very beginning.
Owing to the unique position I held
however, I was from the beginning callec
upon to do a greater variety of things thar
any other Congressman in Washington.
Not only did my correspondence grow tc
such enormous proportions that it kepi
three secretaries busy, although only abou
three per cent of this correspondence cam*
from my district. But the answering o:
these letters was only one part of tha
work. I was also considered a court o:
last resort for a great number of men anc
women who had real or imaginary griev
ances, against our government and oui
federal courts, or even against state govern
ments and state courts. Moreover, I was
the recipient of requests for investigation*
of all kinds in the various departments 01
our government, and of course was askec
to protect numerous immigrants all ovei
the country who were either to be sem
back to Europe or were refused admissior
for various reasons, some of them being
political refugees.
In each and all cases I did examine the
evidence and the circumstances, and wher-
ever there was even the slightest chance
of making good on the ease, I took it ur
with the respective departments. And 1
succeeded in very numerous instances.
I take pleasure in stating I was treated
with uniform civility by the governmenl
and I am especially indebted to the Secre-
tary of Commerce and Labor, Hon. Chares
Nagel, an otherwise very conservative gen-
tleman, who went as far as the existing
law would permit him, in helping me with
immigrant cases, his office allowing him
considerable discretion in the matter.
The work of the departments was ex-
ceedingly laborious, and took a great dea]
of time, not only of myself, but also of my
helpmates in the office. On this occasion 1
want to acknowledge my appreciation of
the very valuable services of my secretary
and comrade, Wm. J. Ghent, not only in
answering letters, but in helping me to
frame bills.
In the framing and introducing of bills
embodying: the demands of the platforms
of the Socialist Party of America and of
the Social Democratic Party of Wisconsin,
I saw one of my most important duties —
because thus I gave expression to the
concrete demands as well as to the hopes
and ambitions of my class. As to my votes
in the House I tried to follow strictly not
only the letter but the spirit of our plat-
form.
I may divide my work on general lines in
legislative activities, work before commit-
tees, and departmental activities.
The following are some of the more im-
portant facts, some of them very big, some
of them very small — just as life is made
up of big and small things. All of them
APPENDIX
235
Id tflll convey the idea, however, that I always
;ried to fulfill my duty as the "congress-
nan at large" at the disposal of the work-
ing class of America.
BEFORE COMMITTEES.
1911.
MAY
11. Appeared before House Committee
on Reform in the Civil Service and
spoke in favor of the Lloyd bill to give
Government employes the right to or-
ganize and petition Congress.
89. Before House Committee on Rules
and made a statement in favor of an
investigation of the kidnapping of the
McNamara brothers. Also conducted
the examination of witnesses during
hearin£ - 1912.
17 Again before House Committee on
Reform in the Civil Service in advo-
cacy of a favorable report on the
Lloyd bill.
1 Before House Committee on Rules to
conduct the hearing on my resolution
to investigate the Lawrence strike.
4. Before House Committee on Library
to advocate the reporting of a bill to
establish a legislative division of the
Library of Congress.
I was then in Milwaukee but a state-
ment which I had prepared in advocacy
of woman suffrage was read by Com-
rade Elsie Cole Phillips before House
Committee on Judiciary.
AY
4 Before House Committee on Immi-
gration to express my opposition to
the Root amendment to the immigra-
tion bill, providing for the deportation
of political refugees.
LEGISLATIVE ACTIVITIES.
1911.
■pjT
Introduced a petition containing 87,-
600 signatures, calling upon Congress
to withdraw the United States troops
from the Mexican border.
UNE—
Delivered my first speech in advo-
cacy of a reduction of the tariff on
wool.
UGUST— M ■ ■ _
7. Made a speech in favor of general
old age pensions.
ECEMBER—
14. Introduced my old age pension bill
as an amendment to the then pending
appropriation bill. Made a speech in
its favor, but the amendment was ruled
out on a point of order.
Addressed the House in favor of the
bill providing for the eight-hour day
on all Government contract work.
1912.
ANUARY—
3. Made a short speech, pointing out
that the insurgents could not . claim
separate recognition as long as they
were part and parcel of the old parties.
4. Called the attention of the House to
the fact that the Democratic appro-
priation bill for the District of Colum-
bia contained only starvation wages
for some of the employes, some getting
as low as $240 a year.
Again addressed the House on the
above subject and offered an amend-
ment to raise the wages but failed.
18.
Advocated the establishment of a
municipal asphalt plant for the Dis-
trict of Columbia.
29. Showed, in a short speech in the dis-
cussion of , tariff bill, that labor is
never protected by tariffs.
FEBRUARY—
23. Interposed in the personal debate
between Representatives Hay and Hob-
son, and suggested that the House had
better investigate the problem of un-
employment rather than to elect com-
mittee to settle personal difference*..
28. Addressed the House in favor or an
investgation of the Lawrence out-
rages.
MARCH—
4. In a short speech denounced the
provisions for low wages for laborers
employed in the Department of Agri-
culture.
APRIL—
19. Made a short speech and offered an
amendment in favor of the automatic
promotion of all postal employes from
the $1,100 grade to the $1,200 grade.
My amendment was defeated by vote
of 45 to 33.
26. Spoke in favor of a woman suffrage
clause in the charter for territorial
government given to Alaska.
MAY—
1. Made an address and introduced an
amendment in favor of permitting pos-
tal employes to use stools for at least
two hours a day. This amendment
was defeated by a vote of 55 to 3t>.
3. Made a short speech against the
amendment to the post office appropria-
tion bill requiring newspapers to print
weekly a list of all their stockholders.
This amendment would have proved a
great hardship to Socialist and labor
papers, which are owned by a great
number of individuals and organiza-
tions. The House defeated that amend-
ment and instead passed one requiring
that only the names of those persons
owning more than $550 worth of stock
shall be printed.
DEPARTMENTAL ACTIVITIES.
1911.
JUNE—
29. Took up with the Department of
Justice the unjust imprisonment of
Matthew H. Lough, an engineer of the
Panama Railroad. He was arrested as
a result of an unavoidable accident on
the road. After some correspondence
he was released.
JULY—
1. Called upon the Post Office Depart-
ment to permit mail carriers in warm
weather to wear blouses. The Depart-
ment has modified its position in this
matter to a great extent.
7. Called upon the Post Office Depart-
ment to facilitate the application of
the California Social Democrat for the
second class mail privilege. Request
granted.
2. Through some correspondence with
the War Department, Charles S. Gim-
blin, a youthful deserter of the Pacific
Coast Artillerv, was freed.
27. Called on President Taft to free Al-
bert Dewey Carter, a twelve-year-old
boy, who had been convicted of em-
bezzling a money-order while enu
as a postal messenger in Texas. Al-
though he was below working age and
the blame being, therefore, on the
Government, Carter has not yet been
freed.
236
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
AUGUST—
10. Took up with the Department of
Commerce and Labor the case of Theo-
dore Malkoff, a political refugee, who
was detained at Ellis Island. The De-
partment admitted him. .
11. Took up the case of Dr. H. C. Bark-
man, of Washington, who was denied
citizenship papers because of his belief
in Socialism. The matter is still pend-
ing.
DECEMBER —
15. Took up case of Zolel Marcus, an-
other refugee. He was also admitted
into this country.
1912.
MARCH—
1. Called on President Taft to order an
investigation of -the Lawrence out-
rages. The Department of Justice was
instructed to take up the matter.
APRIL —
18. Department of Commerce and Labor,
at my request, took the same action in
regard to The Russian refugees, Fitel
Kagan and Vasily Lachatachoff, who
had escaped from Siberia and were
denied admission by Tacoma, Washing-
ton, immigration authorities, under the
pretext that they were Anarchists.
The decision was reversed and both ad-
mitted.
- VOTED FOR
Campaign publicity bill.
Canadian reciprocity.
Farmers' free list bill.
To admit Arizona* with "recall."
To reduce tariff on steel, wool and cottc
Against the Russian treaty.
So much for the first year of the fir
Socialist Congressman in America.
I have tried to do my duty fearless,
faithfully, to the best of my light. Y
always want to keep before you that
was only one man with work enough x
300 Congressmen and 60 Senators and
President of the United States; that
was not only alone, but I had to hew ri
path through this "wilderness" and h
to overcome mountains of prejudice and
sea of ill will. I believe that I ha
cleared a modest path on which other coi
rades can join me which we can wid
and which will finally wind up in a cle
road for Socialism and the emancipati
of the working class as far as the legisl
tive halls of our nation are concerned.
It is for you, comrades, and for the wor
ing class to elect the many who will a
complish this.
VICTOR L. BERGER.
APPENDIX
237
APPENDIX O
Reports of Foreign Speaking Organizations.
tEPORT OF THE FINNISH TRANS-
LATOR-SECRETARY TO THE SO-
CIALIST PARTY NATIONAL
CONVENTION, 1912.
the Socialist Party National Convention,
1912:
The organizing - of the Finns into the So-
ialist Party was mainly begun in 1902
ad 1903, and during- the years following
lere were scores of Finnish locals and
ranches organized. But the movement
'as weak until our present form of na-
onal organization, composed of all Finnish
>cals and branches of the Socialist Party,
las started in 1906 and the translator's
Sice established at the party's national
eadquarters beginning with the year 1907.
St the beginning there were fifty-three
Ranches in the organization with member-
lip of about 2,000. With this small but
romising group of units and members our
rganization was then heartily recognized
| the Socialist Party, through its national
kecutive committee and national secretary,
fcd a space for our translator in the na-
pnal headquarters was arranged for. Of
purse, we had to have our own office fix-
Ires, pay rent for the space and cond-
ensate our translator-secretary, but the
fciple recognition and the moral and ad-
feory aid given to us by the Socialist
iixty was of great help to our organiza-
fon when added to the praiseworthy en-
tusiasm in the rank and file. From May,
108, we have had the office space free, and
Ibm October, 1910, the translator's wages
Lve been paid by the national office. The
intinuous growth of our organization will
1 best seen by the following figures as
town by the records in the translator's
pee. The average paid-up membership
r month and the number of locals in good
anding at the end of each year respect-
ely has been as follows:
In 1910 — Total receipts, $18,836.34; re-
ceipts for party dues, $8,332.25. Total ex-
penditures, $18,824.39; national dues, $3,-
539.50; state dues, $4,135.89.
In 1911— Total receipts, $20,646.46; re-
ceipts for dues, $9,469.52. Total expendi-
tures, $19,578.56; national dues, $4,604.80;
state dues, $4,755.55.
In 1912 (up to and including April 30)
— Total receipts, $11,315.06; receipts for
dues, $4,087.80. Total expenditures, $9,-
902.57; national dues, $1,993.70; state dues,
$2,094.10.
Besides the receipts and disbursements
for party dues the financial transactions
consist mainly of the following: Special
monthly assessment of 5 cents per member,
collected for agitation and organization
purposes, which has been permanent dur-
ing the whole life of our organization and
which is required from every affiliated
branch; special assessments and donations
for the Finnish College; special yearly
assessments to our convention fund, and
contributions to Finland's socialist and
trade union movements; for Russia revolu-
tionists; for the general strike in Sweden
($1,369.70 in 1909), and for every strike,
labor controversy, special election fund,
etc., in this country, for which a call for
funds has been issued among the socialists.
The total amount, collected as assessments
for the College during the years 1909,
1911 and 1912 up to April 30, has been
$6,073.79. The next highest sum collected
through our organization during 1908, 1910,
1911 and 1912 has been for the socialist
movement in Finland, a total of $4,622.92.
To our call for statistics about the ac-
tivities and conditions of the Finnish locals,
during and at the end of last year, 185
of the 217 locals answered. According to
the answers of these 185 locals, the follow-
ing data is given:
The membership of these locals on De-
cember 31, 1911, was: Paid up to date,
of locals at the end of year 133
of locals at the end of year 160
of locals at the end of year 180
b. of locals at the end of year 173
b. of locals at the end of year 217
). of locals at the end of April 223
1907 membership, 2,928
1908 membership, 3,960
1909 membership, 5,384
1910 membership, 7,767
1911 membership, 9,139
1912 aver, for 1 months, membership, 11,483
The figures showing the financial trans-
tion of the translator's office during the
me period are as follows:
In 1907— Total receipts, $7,329.52; re-
[pts for party dues, $4,128.36. Total ex-
nditures, $6,545.45; for state and national
les, $3,570.13.
Sin 1908— Total receipts, $10,069.82; re-
ipts for party dues, $4,770.45. Total ex-
nditures, $9,964.74; for national dues,
,'.,939.40; state dues, $2,121.09.
|jn 1909 — Total receipts, $15,645.94; re-
fcipts for partv dup\ $6,087.00. Total ex-
gnditures, $15,208.79; national dues,
1476.10; state dues, $2,862.63.
8,332; total In the books, 13,391, of which
9,138 were men and 3,755 women. Mem-
bers of labor unions, 2,317; naturalized citi-
zens, 1,635, and 2,234 having the first pa-
pers.
Business meetings held during the year.
4,346; propaganda meetings, 2,128; enter-
tainments, etc., 3,233.
Sub-committees: 83 agitation committees,
12 women's committees, 106 show commit-
tees, 22 singing societies, 28 brass banrts,
89 sewing clubs and 53 gymnastic clubs.
Lecture courses were held in 39 locals,
for a total time of 58^ weeks and the
combined attendance has been 4,576 per-
238
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
sons. Schools for English in 21 locals for
615 pupils.
Locals own 19 libraries with 10,061 vol-
umes. Besides there are 62 libraries, witn
20,419 volumes, which are not owned by
locals, but by all the Finns in each locality
and in most cases are controlled and man-
aged by Socialists.
Approximate amount of literature and
papers distributed free, $2,436.19.
Approximate amount of literature and
papers sold, $22,644.70.
Total receipts for the year, $193,569.47;
expenditures, $180,922.50.
Sixty-three of the locals own real estate
or hall buildings, or both, with- a total
valuation of $313,365.11. Total value of
shares of stock and bonds to the college
and different publishing companies, etc.,
$55,118.00. Total value of all property be-
longing to these locals, $550,751.00. Debts
to individual members and real estate
sellers, $232,084.98. Net resources of all
the locals combined, $323,964.41. ■
Approximate Finnish population, men,
women and children, in the localities where
these party locals exist is 108,323.
The actual paid-up membership of the
Finnish locals and branches of the Social-
ist Party is well over 10,000. The number
of Finnish locals in good standing is 223,
which are located in 28 states, as follows:
Arizona 1, California 6, Colorado 2, Connec-
ticut 1, Florida 1, Idaho 3, Illinois 5, In-
diana 2, Maine 5, Massachusetts 17, Michi-
gan 26, Minnesota 48, Montana 10, Nevada
3, New Hampshire 7, New Jersey 3, New
York 6, North Dakota 2, Ohio 11, Oregon
3, Pennsylvania 10, Rhode Island 1, Utah
2, Vermont 3, Washington 16, West Vir-
ginia 2, Wisconsin 17, Wyoming 10. With
the exception of Connecticut, Florida, New
York and Rhode Island and the large cities
in California, Ohio and Oregon, the Finnish
locals and branches in these states have
had the right to buy their party due stamps
from the translator. The state organiza-
tions of Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Illinois,
Indiana, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minne-
sota, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey,
North Dakota, Ohio,, Oregon. Wisconsin and
Wyoming have already allowed the Finnish
branches the requested 50 per cent rebate
on - state dues, but not always on ' local
dues: California, Montana, Pennsylvania,
Utah, Washington and West Virginia are
allowing some rebate, and the rest of the
states do not allow any at all.
The agitation and organization work is
being carried on by the eastern, middle
and western district committees, which
were organized affpr the plan decided upon
at our Hancock convention in 1909. Ev-
ery district is routing a permanent or-
ganizer and special organizers occasion-
ally. While, on account of language
difficulties, our work is and has been
more of an educational propaganda,
still we are trving to take part in
the political affairs as well. Our locals
are bound, by the prevailing resolution of
Hancock convention, to participate in the
affairs of their countv and city organiza-
tion as much as possible, and every effort
is bpiner made in the way of urging our
members to become American citizens. At
lenst thrpe special organizers will be put
in the n>ld during the coming campaign.
The Finnish Socialists of the United
Statos have had three national conventions.
The first one was hpld at Cleveland, Ohio,
in 190-1; thp second one at Hibbing, Minn.,
in IftOfi, and the third at Hancock, Mich.,
in 1909. The welfare of the Socialistic ac-
tivity among the Finns in this country, the
plans of work for our national organiza'
woman's paper, "Toveritar," at Astoi
tion and its relations to the Socialist Pai
have been the most important matters :
discussion at the conventions. The Soci
ist Party has had a representative at eve
one of these conventions. Our next c<
vention will be held June 1, 1912, at I
luth, Minn., and most likely it will be i
less of importance than any of the previc
conventions. One of the propositions tl
will come under discussion is the taki
over of our papers and publishing hou;
into the ownership of the organization.
The Socialist papers in the United Stat
published in the Finnish language, are:
"Tyomies," a daily, published at Hj
cock, Mich., circulation of about 12, 0i
"Raivaaja," a daily, published at Fitchbu
Mass., circulation over 6,000; "Toveri,"
tri-weekly, but will appear as a daily
and after July 1, published at Astor
Ore., circulation around 4,000; a weel
Ore., has been in existence since July
last year and already has a circulation
over 2,000. A monthly magazine, nan:
"Sakenia," is also published at Fitchbu
Mass., and a comic -semi-monthly pap
"Lapatossu," at Hancock, Mich. Besic
these, there is "Tyokansa," published
Port Arthur, Ont., Canada, heretofore
tri-weekly, but by May 1 will be a dai
which is widely circulated among and g<
a considerable part of its support from t
Finns in the United States. The papers s
owned by stock companies, in which t
Finnish locals as well as individual I
cialists are the shareholders. Tyomies a
Raivaaja both own their buildings, cc
venient for printing and publishing the £
cialist message which they have been (
ing in the most valuable manner.
"Tyovaen Opisto" (The Working Peopl
College), with its school building and otl
accommodations at Smithville, Minn.,
also owned and controlled by the Finni
Socialists and Socialist locals. This ins
tution is being conducted on the same lir
and for the same purposes as workers' u:
versities in European countries. The co
mon school subjects are taught, spec
stress beins- put upon the study of the Er
lish language, and lectures are given
Socialism and economic subjects. The i
tendance in the school has been increasi
every year. The tuition has been made
low as possible in order to give an c
portunity for a greater number of peoi
to attend. Heretofore the school has be
maintained mainly by special assessmer
and voluntary donations by the locals
our organization, and methods for its su
port in the future will be discussed at o
next convention as well as at the anni
meeting of the College stockholders, whi
will be held after the adjournment of o
convention.
As seen by the figures above publish*
the Finnish Socialists have always be
lavish in their support of the moveme
in the old country. From time to time i
have sent over financial aid for the politic
and educational campaigns of the Sociali
Party of Finland. This has not been do
for the love of the "fatherland," nor f
the purpose of keeping our nationality ali
or to simply save the so-called sta
autonomy of Finland. At least a great m
jority of us have had a deeper interest
the matter — have had the aim of intern
tional Socialism in mind and have giv<
Tielp to that part of the globe where su
pression is more felt and where, on t:
other hand, our cause at present has
considerably strong foothold. It is tl
fight against Russian autocracy, which f
a decade and a half has used every effo
APPENDIX
230
to bring in reaction in the place of the ad-
vanced education and ever-increasing in-
terest in Socialism in Finland, in which
we are taking part. We ore in this fight
with the struggling proletariat of Russia,
and we know that only in the victory of
the Socialists in Russia lies the victory
Of the Socialists in Finland. Before the
victory is won, the struggle may become
more pressing, and the time may come
when you — the delegates to this convention
> — and your constituents will be asked to
do your utmost in the way directed in the
resolution on Finland adopted at the last
International Socialist Congress.
in conclusion I take the liberty to make
a few suggestions regarding the matters
concerning our organization as well as the
other foreign-speaking organizations in the
American Socialist Party.
The Socialist Party should do everything
in its power to organize the so-called for-
eigners — all kinds of them- — as it is the
only probable way to prevent them from
lowering the American standard of living.
The same help should be given to every
nationality in order to prevent the capital-
ist class from using the unorganized and
yet unawakened nationalities against others
that happen to be organized and are try-
ing' to better their condition^. Agitators
should be sent to speak to them in their
own language and the organization of all
non-English speaking Socialists should be
given all possible forward push. The pro-
visions for conducting the work of national
non-English speaking organizations shorid
be made a part of the national constitu
tion and such part of the constitution made
imperative to all state and' local organiza-
tions, without regard to any state auton-
omy, as the welfare of these organizations
affects the national party as a whole. The
provisions in the present constitution have
been of good help for non-English speaking
organizations, but some modifications in
them should be made. It should be strictly
provided that only one national organiza-
tion of the same language shall be ad-
mitted or recognized by the Socialist Party;
branches of non-English speaking organiza-
tions should belong to the national party
only on the condition that they also be-
long to their respective state organizations;
the non-English speaking organizations
should not be compelled to come under the
jurisdiction of the county and city organi-
zations, but in political campaigns and con-
ventions for political purposes they should
have equal standing with the rest (this
provision has been successfully practiced
in the state of Washington, for instance) ;
an allowance of a certain amount, say 50
per cent, of the state and local dues should
be granted for use in agitation and organi-
zation work by such organizations; for the
present the non-English speaking branches,
no matter in what state or county they are
located, should have the privilege of buying
their party dues stamps from their re-
spective national translator-secretaries.
The more you help the foreigners to or-
ganize, the sooner they cease to be foreign-
ers. When, in the course of time, the Na-
tional Finnish Organization will be no more
a necessity, the moral spirit and the ma-
terial holdings, which then will be left to
the Socialist Party, will be worth receiv-
ing.
Fraternally submitted,
J. W. SARLUND, Translator-Secretary.
REPORT OF SOUTH SLAVIC SECTION.
To the Socialist Party National Conven-
tion, 1912:
At the Joint Convention of the South
Slavic nationalities, which was held at Chi-
cago on July 3 and 4, 1910, it was decided
that they form a South Slavic Socialist
Federation, which should affiliate with the
Socialist Party of the United States, and
that the new organization should begin
January, 1911.
The South Slavic Socialist Federation in-
cludes the following nationalities: Sloven-
ians, Croatians and Servians. The Federa-
tion was organized in the latter part of
December, 1910, and it affiliated itself with
the Socialist Party in the early part of
January, 1911. in accordance with Article
XII of the National Constitution.
At the time of affiliation the Federation
had 36 active locals, as follows: Chicago,
5; La Salle, 111., 1; Glencoe, Ohio, 1; N. S.
Pittsburgh, Pa., 1; E. S. Pittsburgh, Pa., 1;
Conemaugh, Pa., 1; Johnstown, Pa., 1; Mil-
waukee-, Wis., 2; Forest City, Pa., 1; Ken-
osha, Wis., 1; Sygan, Pa., 1; St. Louis, Mo.,
1; Clairton, Pa., 1; E. Youhgstown, Ohio,
1; S. Sharon Pa., 1; Kansas City, Kan., 1;
Chisholm, Minn., 1; Indianapolis, Ind., 1;
Pullman, 111., 1; Hegewich, 111., 1; Neff
Ohio, 1; Cleveland, Ohio, 1; Roslyn, Wash.,
1; Seattle Wash. 1; Breezy Hill, Kan., 1;
West Mineral, Kan., 1; W. Newton, Pa. 1;
New York, N. Y., 1; Frontenac, Kan., 1; W.
Alli«, Wis., 1, and E. Palestine, Ohio, 1.
The 36 Locals had at that time a mem-
bership of 635, of which were —
Croatians 340
Slovenians 250
Servians 45
Total 635
Of these 36 locals, the following were
affiliated with the State and County organ-
izations: Two in Chicago, 1 in Pittsburgh,
1 in South Sharon, 1 in Clairton, 2 in Mil-
waukee, 1 in Kenosha, 1 in Sygan, 1 in
Conemaugh. Total, 10, with a membership
of 120.,
All the 635 members (with exception of
22 in Cleveland) expressed the wish to buy
the dues stamps from the South Slavic
Socialist Federation. The Executive Com-
mittee has tried to bring each local into
State and County organizations wherever
the foreign organization received a rebate
on County and State dues. The Executive
Committee could not force the locals which
were in districts where the rebate was not
allowed to join the County and State or-
ganizations. According to the view of the
Executive Committee and of the members
of the Federation it is not the fault of the
foreign branches that they are not affiliated
with the County and State organizations,
but in many cases it is the fault of the
respective State and County offices.
From January 1, 1911, to December 31.
1911, there were 30 new locals organized
with over 800 members. At the close of
1911 there were 58 active locals in the field
with a membership of 1,266.
Eight locals lapsed during the year for
various reasons.
The discontinued locals were Chicago
women s branch, on account of morering
with the men's local: Kansas City, Kan.,
on account of the neglect of the Soeretarv;
Seattle. Wash., on account of unemploy-
ment; Haekett, Pa., on account of closing
of mine; Pullman. Til., on account of un-
employment; Hegewich. 111., on account of
unemployment; Joliet, 111., on account of
members leaving town; Johnstown, Pa., on
account of neglect of the Secretary
240
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
The locals admitted to the Federation,
according to months, were:
January 2
February *
March *
April «
May -• *
June *
July °
August e
September Q
October *
November £
December _^
Total 30
Six hundred dollars was paid during the
year to the National Office for dues stamps,
an average of 1,055 dues stamps per month
On December 31, 1911, there were 1,266
members in good standing. Of these
were — •
Slovenians 607
Croatians Jj>8
Servians 10i
Total • L 266
During the year the locals paid the fol-
lowing amounts to the South Slavic So-
cialist Federation:
For the National Committee, party
dues, at 5c $ 590.70
For the South Slavic Central Com-
mittee, at 5c - •• 253. d8
For the National Central Commit-
tee at 3c 378.58
For Special dues', 'at 5c 22 ^Ai
For Memberahip books, at 2c 44.&S
Total $1,495.69
The National Committees received $319.15
out of $378.59. as follows: #1CC , Q
Slovenian Central Committee JJ ^
Croatian Central Committee ol^o
Servian Central Committee 25.42
Total $319.15
As some reports of the locals were not
definite on the question of nationalities, the
Executive Committee could not apportion
$59.44 to the respective National Commit-
tees and the sum was given over to the
Federation.
AGITATION.
There were held 58 public meetings un-
der the auspices of the South Slavic So-
cialist Federation. The meetings were held
in the following cities: Indianapolis, Ind.;
Detroit, Mich.; South Sharon, Pa.; N. S.
Pittsburgh, Pa.; Monessen, Pa.; S. S. Pitts-
burgh, Pa.; Barberton, Ohio; Clairton, Pa.;
Chisholm, Minn.; E. Pittsburgh, Pa.; Wau-
kegan, 111.; La Salle, 111.; Sygan, Pa.; Ken-
osha, Wis.; Milwaukee, Wis.; Gary. Ind.;
Hammond, Ind.; Pullman, 111.; Chicago, 111.,
and E. Youngstown, Ohio.
The Executive Committee has held 15
meetings during the year and considered
145 matters.
The Executive Committee proposes to
have the best Socialist speakers of Austria
during the present fall campaign .at its
service. The snoakers will he under the
direction of the "South Slavic Socialist Fed-
eration and will tour the United States dur-
ing the coming September and October.
FINANCIAL REPORT.
Financial report of the South Slavic So-
cialist Federation, from January 1, 1911,
till December 31, 1911:
Total Receipts $1,833.58
Total Expenditures l,6zi.d&
Cash on hand, Dec. 31, 1911 $ 212.2?!
Special fund (to be deducted) 229.44
Deficit for the year $ 17.21
LOCAL ACTIVITIES.
There are at present — March 31, 1912 —
the following locals which are affiliated
with the County and State organizations:
Chicago, 111 fi
N. S. Pittsburgh, Pa 1
La Salle, 111 1
Conemaugh, Pa 1
Milwaukee, Wis 2
Kenosha, Wis 1
E. Pittsburgh, Pa J
Sygan, Pa 1
Cleveland, Ohio 1
Frontenac, Kan 3
W. Allis, Wis 1
Collinwood, Ohio 1
Indianapolis, Ind 2
Detroit, Mich i
Virden, 111 1
Waukegan, 111 1
Oglesby, 111 1
Panama, 111 1
East St. Louis, 111 1
Livingston, 111 1
Springfield, 111 1
Total 2 r ,
Union members 34(
American citizens 20]
Public meetings held by locals 5!
Singing Societies and Tamburicza Clubs. 2:
Paid, to Counties and States $ 239.6'
Paid for arrangements of public
buildings by locals 493.6'
Paid for maintenance of singing
and tamburiczas 947.4'
Paid for rent, light and furniture.. 1,322.4:
Paid for books, stationery, buttons,
etc 1,968.2
Collection for the party press.... 620.1
For political campaigns and strikes
collected 309.7
Grand total receipts 8,662.8
Grand total expenditures 7,538.2
Cash on hand, Dec. 31, 1911, by
all locals $1,124.6
Property value of all locals 3,537.7
PRINTING AND PARTY ORGANS.
The organs of the South Slavic SociaHs
Federation are "Proletarec" for the Slovt
nians, "Radnicka Straza" for the Croatian
and "Narodni Glas" (The People's Voice
for the Servians. The first two name
are weeklies, the last one a semi-monthl
paper.
The South Slavic Federation has also e.'
tablished a co-operative printery with
view of building up a plant where tr
organs and party literature could t
printed. ' The establishment is incorporate
under the Illinois State law for $1,000.(
as capital stock, with the view of increa:
ing it to $10,000. The shares are $10.(
each and can be sold to the Socialist local
individual members and also to locals <
various fraternal societies who are in syn
pathy with the Socialist movement.
From January 1, 1912, to March 31, 191
further progress was made. The Mar<
report indicates that there was an increa!
of 8 locals with 140 members.
The financial report of these thr<
months is as follows:
APPENDIX
241
ace on hand January 1, 1912..$ 212.23
ipts for this period 638.93
tal receipts $ 851.16
I expenditures for this period. 391.44
sh on hand March 31, 1912..$ 459.72
ial fund for campaign speaker 405.61
lance March 31, 1912 $ 54.11
le to Central Committees for January,
uary and March, 3c for each member:
Sloveniam Central Committee.. $ 60.57
proatian Central Committee.... 34.74
Servian Central Committee.... 11.79
tal due $ 107.10
ace on hand 54.11
ficit $ 52.99
Fraternally submitted,
INK PETRICH, Translator-Secretary.
Report of Italian section.
the Socialist Party National Conven-
tion, 1912:
te activity of the Italians in the Social-
Party began in the latter part of the
1908, after a tour through the coun-
made by Comrade G. Bertelli, under
auspices of the National Office,
[th the closing of the presidential cam-
h. of that year the Socialist Party
"Led about 40 Italian branches. Very
were the Italian branches affiliated
the party before the year 1908.
th ■ following year, 1909, a movement
started by. the New York branches to
nize all the Italian branches of the
[ into a national organization in order
fcarry on the Socialist propaganda
g the Italian immigrants. A conven-
was called in West Hoboken, N. J., for
purpose, but it had failed in its very
ning and nothing concrete could be ac-
lished.
year after the West Hoboken, N. J.,
ention, December, 1910, with the con-
Of the National Office, the Italian Sec-
was formally organized with about
ty branches, less than half of the
Italian branches affiliated with the
in that time, for the other branches
lot fully realize the necessity of such
rganization.
om December, 1910 till October, 1911,
ty-two branches joined the Section,
in the same period of time fourteen
hes disbanded.
len I took the office as Translator-
itary September, 1911, the Section con-
d of twenty-eight branches with less
660 members, although the translator-
tary was in communication with more
twenty other Italian branches directly
ected with the party.
the . last seven months (September,
to April 15, 1912) seventeen new
ches were organized and eight branches
d while eight have disbanded, leaving a
of forty-four branches alive and in
standing, scattered in the following"
s:
Hlinois 14
New York ..14
New Jersey 4
Pennsylvania 3
Massachusetts 3
Wisconsin 2
(Vermont 2
'Florida '. . 1
[Colorado 1
(ese have a total membership of 1,200.
ban branches of the party not arrili-
with our Section, but in communica-
r— -
found in the following states: Pennsyl-
vania, 6; Montana, 1; Illinois, 6; Michigan,
2; New Jersey, 3; Indiana, 1.
Italian members of the party can also be
found in all the mining districts, especially
in the states of Illinois, Michigan and
Pennsylvania, where the party branches
are mixed of different nationalities and
also in many industrial centers.
The Socialist sentiment is very strong
among the Italian workers in this country,
and it will be only a matter of time to
have a strong Italian organization, which
will no doubt be able to accomplish its
mission in organizing and educating the
Italian workers in this country without the
assistance of the party.
PARTY* PRESS.
Our press consists of three weekly
papers: "La Parola Dei Socialisti," official
organ, published in Chicago, Illinois, with
an average circulation of three thousand
copies, "La Fiaccola," published in Buf-
falo, N. Y., with 1,500 -copies circulation,
weekly. "La Fiamma," published in Cam-
den, N. J., with two thousand copies circu-
lation.
The latter two weeklies will be combined
in the near future, following a resolution
passed at the interstate convention held in
Schenectady, N. Y., April 7 and 8, 1912.
The New York branches and vicinity are
working to establish a weekly paper of
their own.
ORAL PROPAGANDA AND ORGANIZERS.
From October, 1911, to April, 1912, about
120 lectures have been delivered by A.
Cravello, as a special organizer; in a three
months' tour, and by G. Corti, A. Caroti,
S. Bonfiglio and G. Bertelli. The states cov-
ered were Illinois, Wisconsin, New York,
Kansas and New Jersey.
For the coming national campaign we
have secured as a speaker one of the best
orators and propagandists on the Italian
platform, Comrade Miss A. Balabanoff, who
will be in this country in the middle of
May for a four months' tour.
At the same time Comrade V. Vacirca,
publicist and orator, has left the city of
Trieste the 13th of this month, bound for
New York, who, after a short stay in that
city, will come to Chicago to edit our
official organ until he becomes acquainted
with the American movement; then, he will
be engaged as an organizer.
The future is full of promise and the
prospects are very bright to our young
movement. With a permanent organizer in
the field, we are sure that in a year's time
we will double the members of our
branches and will build up a strong party
press, without which we would not be able
to accomplish much.
Fraternally submitted,
' JOSEPH CORTI,
Translator-Secretary.
REPORT OP POLISH SECTION.
TO THE SOCIALIST PARTY NATIONAL,
CONVENTION, 1912.
My report will be very brief, consisting
only of figures, as they are more convinc-
ing and reliable.
GENERAL.
Four years ago, in December, 1908, the
Polish Section of the Socialist Party was
organized, with 23 branches and 400 mem-
bers. But only a year ago, in April, 1911,
the Polish Translator-Secretary's office was
establis.hjed. Therefore, I can give my re-
port only for the period since then.
242
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
On December 31, 1911, the Polish Section
was composed of 115 branches with a mem-
bership of 1,450 in good standing-. The
total membership was 2,130 members.
During the year of 1911 there were 59 new
branches organized and 215 branches dis-
banded. The net gain in the membership
for the last year was 105 per cent.
From January 1 to March 31, 1912, there
were 17 new branches organized and two
dissolved, leaving 130 branches with a
membership of 2,000 in good standing. The
total membership was 2,460 members.
DUES STAMPS.
My first monthly report of the sale of
dues stamps was made for the month of
April, 1911, the amount of which was
$31.40, representing 628 members in good
standing. The above sum was paid to the
Natfonal Office and $25.06 paid to several
different state offices, as our branches, all
of them, belong to their respective state
organizations. Since that time a steady
growth can be noticed up to the present
time. Each month broke the record for the
previous one. In March, 1912, the sale of
dues stamps to the Polish branches
amounted to $78.15 paid to the National
Office and $63.07 paid to the State and
County offices. This does not include the
Polish branches in the States of New Jer-
sey and New York, as the Polish branches
in these two states secure their dues
stamps directly ^ from the locals, because
these state and 'county organizations com-
pel them to do so for reasons unknown to
us. As there are 31 Polish branches in
these two states, the Polish section repre-
sents altogether 130 branches and 2,000
members in good standing. The total mem-
bership is 2,460.
AGITATION AND ORGANIZATION.
During the last year two speakers were
in the field, One for five months and the
other for three months. Since January 1,,
1912, one organizer was in the field for
two months and on April 9th another lec-
turer was sent out on a lecture tour, which
will continue until July 8th.
PRESS AND LITERATURE.
The Polish Section publishes one daily
paper, "Dzienik Ludowy," and one weekly,
"Bicz Bozy." During the year 1911 there
was literature sold and distributed to the
amount of $1,285.00.
The above does not include subscriptions
secured for our papers.
In conclusion I wish to say that the pros-
pects for the future are bright and in not a
very distant time the Polish Section will
bring into the Socialist Party a large por-
tion of the Polish people living in this
country.
Respectfully submitted. .
H. GLUSKI,
Translator-Secretary.
REPORT OF THE POLISH ALLIANCE.
To the Socialist Party National Convention,
1912:
Dear Comrades: — Herewith I submit a
statistical report of our organization as it
stands on April 20, 1912:
Our branches are situated in fourteen
states and Canada, as follows:
Connecticut 5
New York 11
New Jersey 16
Pennsylvania 18
Massachusetts 18
Rhode Island 3
Michigan 2
Illinois 6
Ohio
Indiana
Oregon
California
Maryland
"Washington
Canada
Membership dues paid for:
January 197
February 356
•March .....1. 763
April 307
Total 1,623
Members in arrears over three moi
not included.
Fraternally yours, -
(Signed) L BANK.
Translator-Secret
REPORT OF BOHEMIAN SECTION
To the Socialist Party National C#rr
tion, 1912:
TJhe Bohemian Socialist movement in
United States has been in existence fi
than fifteen years, but the Bohemian
tion was affiliated with the Socialist P;
of America as a foreign-speaking orgar
tion in December, 1911, and the pre
translator-secretary took his office on
cember 13, 1911. At that time the B>
mian Section had 37 branches with a m
bership of about 800, in ten states.
From December, 1911, to March 31, 1
seven new branches were organized,
the' Bohemian Section had 44 branche;
eleven states, with 1,164 members.
Bohemian branches are in the follcv
cities: Chicago, 111., 13; Baltimore, Md
New Bedford, Mass., 1; St. Louis, Mo.
Omaha, Neb., 2; South Omaha, Neb.
Elizabeth, 'N. J., 1; Union Hill *N. J.
Buffalo, N. Y., 1; New York, N. Y., 1; ^
field, N. Y., 1; Cleveland, Ohio, 5; Bell;
1; Bridgeport, 1; Neffs, 1; Allegheny, Pa
Irwin, 1; Loyalhanna, 1; Mt. Pleasant
North Braddock, 1; Philadelphia, 1; Will
ding, 1; Taylor Crossing, Va„ 1; Manito
Wis., 1; Milwaukee, 1; Racine, 1.
The Bohemian Section resolved by r«
endum vote that every Bohemian brs
has to belong to state and county.
Bohemian branch can buy the .party <
stamps unless it pays the dues to the s
and county. It is the opinion of the ir
bership of the Bohemian Section thai
take in branches and members to the
tion which are not affiliated with state
county would be a step backward.
After the very successful tour of C
rade Dr. Francis Soukup from Prague,
hernia, who was here last year and ace
plished very good results, the Bohen
Section decided by referendum vote to
in closer relationship with the Sc
Democratic Party in Bohemia and ge
good organizer every year. Another
portant step was taken by the establisl
of an information bureau for the pur]
of warning the Bohemian workingmen
garding steamship companies' agents,
are encouraging the emigration and, ui
false pretenses, are painting the beaut
life in America to get business. Immigr*
after coming here are disappointed and
used by patriotic American capitalists
lower the standard of living for the wi
ing class. For such Bohemian comn
who are members* of the party in the
country and have decided to come to
United States the Bohemian Section es
lished an information bureau to as
them in every possible way and to 1
them in the party.
1
APPENDIX
243
The Bohemian Section owns and con-
trols five papers — one daily and four week-
lies. The oldest of them, the weekly
"Spravedlnost" (Justice), has been pub-
lished since 1900. Eight years ago the Bo-
hemian Section bought property — three lots
and two buildings — at 1S21-1826 Loomis
street, in Chicago, where the printing plant
was established.
In 1906 the daily "Spravedlnost" was
started. In addition to newspaper print-
ing, the plant has a modern and well-
equipped job printing department. Last'
year a new press was bought for $6,500,
payable in installments in four years. The
daily is not self-supporting at present> and
the deficit is paid by collections, profits
from different party affairs, such as
bazaars, balls, picnics, etc.
In 1908 the Bohemian branches began to
publish in Cleveland, Ohio, a weekly paper,
"Americke Delnicke Listy" (American-
Workingmen's News), to which they added
in 1912 another weekly, "Pravo" .(The
Right). Both papers are printed in Cleve-
land in their own printing shcp. This
printing shop also has a job printing de-
partment.
In 1911 the Bohemian branch in New
York, in co-operation with the Bohemian
trade unions, started a weekly paper,
"Obrana" (The Defense). In addition to
papers, the Bohemian Section is publishing
other literature— books, pamphlets, etc.
During the year of 1911 the amount re-
ceived for literature was more than $1,000.
All the papers are owned direct by the
Section, and the Board of Directors of
same is elected by referendum vote, only
members in good standing having votes.
The Bohemian Section has seven woman
branches — two in Chicago, two in Cleve-
land, one in Omaha, one in South Omaha
and one in Baltimore. In organizing women
the Section has to face some difficulties in
regard to the dues question, as the women
are complaining of high dues. The Bo-
hemian Section is awaiting some reform
in this question from the convention.
One of the features of the Bohemian So-
cialist movement is the organizing of gym-
nastic associations, where both boys and
girls are active members. This organiza-
tion of young people is a recruiting sta-
tion for Bohemian branches. It takes care
of children from six years up for physical
development, and when they reach the age
of 18 years they become party members.
In this way the Bohemian Socialist move-
ment lays a strong foundation for spread-
ing Socialism among the youth. At present
the gymnastic associations are in the fol-
lowing cities: Chicago. 5; Cleveland, 3;
Dillonvale, O., 1, and North Braddock. Pa.,
1. This organization was formed three
years ago, and at present has about 1,000
members, both men and women.
Fraternally submitted,
JOSEP NOVAK,
Translator-Secretary.
REPORT OP SCANDINAVIAN SECTION.
TO THE SOCIALIST PARTY NATIONAL
CONVENTION, 1912.
ORGANIZATION.
The Scandinavian Socialist Federation
was organized at a convention held for
this purpose in the city of Chicago, July 2,
3, 4, 1910.
At the beginning of the year 1911 the
Federation consisted of seven branches
with a membership of 216. During the
year of 1911 the number of branches in-
creased to 20 with a membership of 784,
and today it has thirty branches with a
membership of over 1,000. Outside of the
Federation are still a few Scandinavian
branches not yet affiliated, mostly on ac-
count of technicalities and other hindrances,
but it is believed that these obstacles will
be overcome in the near future.
Our relation to the national and state or-
ganizations has, with a few exceptions,
been the very best. The Federation has de-
cided that all its branches shall be affiliated
with the state and county organizations,
and co-operate with them at all elections
and otherwise.
AGITATION.
The work of agitation has been carried
on to as large a degree as the resources of
the Federation would allow. At the be-
ginning of 1911 we had only one small
branch in the East, namely: Kearney
Branch No. 3, s New Jersey, and for a long
time it seemed to be impossible for us to
make any headway in that part of the
country, mostly on account of the strong S.
L. P. movement among the Scandinavians
in the East, but the opposition seems now
to be broken. The comrades out there
have been working hard and steady and to-
day we have eight active branches in the
eastern states. We expect that this num-
ber shall be more than doubled as the re-
sult of an extensive organizing tour which
Comrade Frithjof Werenskjold now is mak-
ing under the direction of our Federation
and with the assistance of the National
Office.
During the months of November and De-
cember, 1911, the National Office routed
Comrade E. Sibiakoffsky through the mid-
dle states, which resulted in the organiza-
tion of ten new branches.
In the western states where the Scandi-
navian population is largest there are at
present very few branches of the Federa-
tion, but our National Committee has now
decided to send Comrade Werenskjold out
there as soon as his work in the East is
completed.
Our agitation among women has been
neglected until a few months ago, but now
the number of women members in our or-
ganization is steadily increasing.
PRESS.
The Scandinavian Socialist Federation Is
publishing two weekly propaganda papers:
"The Svenska Socialisten" in the Swedish
language and "The Social Demokraten" in
the Danish language. These two papers
are owned and controlled by the Federation
directly. The only certificate that gives a
voice and vote in deciding their policy and
management is a paid up membership book.
Fake advertisements, such as patent medi-
cine, land and mining schemes as well as
advertisements from saloons and liquor
dealers have never been accepted by these
papers, and, in spite of financial difficulties,
our members are determined to never com-
promise on these points. The circulation
of the papers has increased rapidly during
the last few months, which to a large de-
gree is due to the work of the Lyceum
Course. Their present combined circula-
tion is a little over 5,000. If the increase
of their circulation continues at the present
rate, then they will be self-supporting be-
fore the year is gone.
PRESS FUND.
In order to meet the deficit of our papers,
the Federation has provided for a press
fund. This fund gets its income from
special assessments, contributions, picnics,
etc
J
244
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
LITERATURE.
The Federation has established its own
literature department, which was begun on
February 1, 1912. Several thousand pam-
phlets have already been published and
sold, and we intend to develop this depart-
ment to such an extent that we shall be
able to meet all demands for Socialistic
literature in the Scandinavian languages.
INFORMATION BUREAU FOR
IMMIGRANTS.
In order to assist the immigrants from
the Scandinavian countries, helping them
to find work and keep in touch with the
American labor movement, etc., we are at
present negotiating with the Socialist and
other organizations in these countries for
the purpose of establishing some kind of
co-operation in this direction. "We have
always urged strongly upon 'our member-
ship to become citizens in order to acquire
their political rights, and in this work we
have been very successful.
CONCLUSION.
During the childhood of the Scandinavian
Socialist Federation it has been nobly as-
sisted by the Finnish comrades as well as
the National Office of the Socialist Party,
thus making it possible for the young or-
ganization to survive the hardships it had
to pass through and to carry on the work
it has undertaken to do.
We cannot boast, ourselves, of any great
achievement, but we believe that a good
solid foundation for the organization has
been laid, and if it is allowed to develop
unhindered, and in the future will be met
with the same good understanding as in
the past, then the Scandinavian Socialist
Federation will surely be able to fulfill the
mission for which it has organized.
By order of The Executive Committee,
Fraternally submitted,
N. JUEL CHRISTENSEN,
Translator-Secretary.
REPORT SUBMITTED IN BEHALF OP
THE JEWISH SOCIALIST AGITA-
TION BUREAU.
This foreign-speaking organization is or-
ganized on an entirely different basis than
any of the other foreign-speaking organi-
zations. The membership is affiliated with
the Socialist party, in the respective States
and Countries directly, paying the same
dues as the English-speaking members of
such localities do. The branches of the
Bureau are in every respect similar to the
ordinary party locals or branches, except-
ing that they use and speak the Jewish
language in their meetings and to a great
extent use same in the general propaganda.
Since the last Socialist Congress held in
Chicago, 1910, the Bureau has extended its
usefulness over thirty States. In the last
two years it has organized sixteen new
branches which are directly affiliated with
the party, taking their places side by side
with the English speaking organizations.
While the Bureau is not connected di-
rectlv with the National Socialist party , as
provided for in the National Constitution,
the National Executive Committee has
helped the Bureau in its work materially,
donating sums of money for propaganda
purposes, and the National Secretary help-
ing by valuable advice.
A partial report of the work actually
done, which we herein submit, will clearly
show the goou that can be accomplished by
foreign-speaking organizations among the
immigrant workers in America.
HALL MEETINGS.
May, 1910— May, 1912 320
Average attendance 200
Total attendance 64,000
Leaflets published and sold ;.. 150,000
Price per 1,000 $1.50
Total $225.00
LEAFLETS DISTRIBUTED BY BUREAU.
Without cost to the branches 40,000
BOOKLETS PUBLISHED AND SOLD.
Various Booklets 15,000
These booklets were sold in 1911 for
prices ranging from $20.00 to
$35.00 per thousand.
American Government Booklets sold
. ($70 per M.) 4,000
The American Government Booklet re-
ferred to is one that could be easily trans-
lated into other languages and would be of
invaluable use among immigrant workers
of other nationalities.
At the present time the Bureau is in
communication with upwards of 80
branches in about thirty States. Besides,
it is in communication with hundreds of
Branches of the Workman's Circle. It
might be added that the Workman's Circle
is of great help to this Bureau in its work.
There can hardly be two opinions as to
the necessity -of foreign-speaking organi-
zations. The comrades of the non-English
speaking nations are surely best fitted to
carry on the propaganda among their own
people. Yet, in some instances, local
county organizations have refused to per-
mit the organization of Language Groups.
The Constitution should be amended so
as to give foreign comrades speaking
foreign languages the right to organize
separate branches and to conduct their
affairs in the language they know best. At
the same time it should be provided that all
branches must affiliate with the local move-
ment, in their respective localities, and
through these local organizations, with the
National party.
J. PANKEN,
Delegate Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau.
REPORT BY THE EXECUTIVE COMMIT-
TEE NATIONAL LETTISH OR-
GANIZATION, S. P.
A. MEMBERSHIP.
Our membership is scattered through
twelve different States of the Union, some
of them are in Canada. It is a tremendous
task to keep them together. In 1910 we
had 27 clubs with a total memberslfip of
1001; at the present moment we have 26
clubs with 983 good standing members,
among them 210 women.
This decrease of membership is due to
the fact that the Boston Lettish W. Asso-
ciation withdrew from our organization, as
we have stated in our previous report to
National Secretary Comrade J. M. Barnes.
The B. L. W. A. with its 170 members, has
remained, however, in the S. P.
All our members are organized in
branches and locals of the S. P., and are
directly affiliated both with state and local
organizations of the party. They pay regu-
lar national, state and local dues.
The vast majority of our members have
applied for citizenship, yet few have ob-
tained their second papers.
Last year our rival organization among
the Lettish workers, the Lettish Federation
I
APPENDIX
of the S'. L. P., split up. Since then about
50 of its members as individuals have
joined the S. P., either through our
branches or otherwise.
B. FINANCES.
During the two calendar years 1910 and
1911 our members have paid:
1. Dues to the S. P. (national,
state and local) $3,272.00
2. Dues to our branches for their
local agitation 1,097.37
3. Collections and subscriptions
for the Lettish Social Democ-
racy in Russia 1,093.36
This includes $705.47 for the
Relief Fund of political pris-
oners. .
4. Our branches have collected for
the Pol. Ref. Defense League ,
on various occasions 244.13
C. REFERENDA.
In 1910 our membership adopted Refer-
endum la requiring that wives of our
members not engaged directly in industrial
occupations, should be freed from member-
ship dues.
For 265, against 244.
In January, 1911, this rule was reversed
by another referendum No. 2 vote, with
463 to 30.
Referendum lb provides that the Execu-
tive Committee of our organization pay the
printers of our semi-weekly Strahdneeks
sick insurance $1 a month.
For 279, against 201.
Referendum 2a provides s that the ac-
counts and funds of the Executive Com-
mittee of our organization should be aud-
ited not by the Boston Branch alone, but
by three auditors elected by our Boston,
New York and Lawrence branches, and
that the auditing committee should report
its findings in our paper twice a year.
For 273, against 210.
Referendum 2b. That Comrades J. Klawa
and J. Tomin be sent to the Chicago con-
vention of the Socialist party. Vote closed
May, 1910. Comrade Klawa elected with
345 votes, and Comrade Tomin with 234
votes.
Referendum No. 3: Dec. 1910.
ELECTIONS OF NEW EXECUTIVE COM-
MITTEE.
In 1911 Referendum No. 1. Election of
the editor of our semi-weekly Strahdneeks.
In January, 1911, Comrade John G. Ohsol
elected with 437 votes.
Referendum No. ,3, amended slightly our
constitution. Carried in Mav, with 509 to 9.
Referendum No. 4, providing that the ed-
itor of the Strahdneeks be paid full wages
(15 dollars a week), also those weeks
when, owing to holidays, only one issue of
our paper is published, was rejected with
245 to 217, in September, -1911.
# Referendum No. 5a provides that 45 days
time be granted for the discussion of pro-
posed referenda instead of 30. Carried
in September, 1911, with 400 to 65.
Referendum No. 5b provides that our
Executive Committee elections should be
changed so as to make the committee serve
for one year from April 1 to March 31, in-
stead of the calendar year. Carried with
461 to 13.
Referendum No. 6. Election of the ed-
itor of the Strahdneeks for the year 1912.
Elected Comrade John G. Obsol with 437
votes.
D. AGITATION AND PROPAGANDA. fe
The chief business of the Executive Com-
mittee of our organization is the publish-
ing of the Strahdneeks, which Is a 4-page
semi-weekly (21x31 inches), and is being
printed at Fitchburg, Mass. Since October,
1911, once every two weeks it has a literary
supplement. The number of its subscribers
varies between 1200-1500, the price is $3.00
per year. We employ two printers, two
editors and one mailing clerk.
Besides the subscriptions we have re-
ceived towards the sustenance of the paper:
1. Special dues from our members, 15
cents per capita per month, in
1910 $1,378.76
1911 1.475.90
2* Donations:
1910 250.00 *
1911 , 422.15
3. From advertisements:
1910 600.00
1911 800.00
This paper is our chief propaganda and
organizing medium. In fact it is the only
means of keeping our members together.
We are positively sure that the interest of
our members in the English Socialist press
is constantly increasing, as is witnessed by
the discussions of our members in the
"Strahdneeks," on party tactics, and in the
Haywood-Hillquit controversy, on law and
order, and on our party attitude towards
trade unions.
On January 1, 1912, there were 7 prop-
aganda circles in our various branches with
a total membership of 105. During the
year 1911 those circles had 31 propaganda
meetings.
Large agitation meetings are being held
by our Boston, New York, Philadelphia,
Chicago and San Francisco branches, every
year on October 30th (in memoriam of the
October Manifesto in Russia, 1905), on
January 22nd (Red Sunday memorial) and
in March (Commune memorial). Needless
to add that our branches everywhere are
taking active and energetic part in all
propaganda and agitation work carried on
by the English speaking locals of the party.
Our members responded liberally to the
McNamara defense fund, toward the sup-
port of the Lawrence strikers, etc.
Our Socialist book agency, now located at
Fitchburg, Mass., has been in business
since 1907. Its object is to supply our
members as cheaply as possible with So-
cialist literature in Russian, Lettish,
German and English At the present
moment the total value of our book sup-
ply, both at Fitchburg and at the branches,
is $1,810.70, while in 1910 it was $1,429.19.
During the last three years (1910, 1911,
1912) we have published a fairly good
sized (7x10 in., 96-112 pages) Socialist
Almanach, 1500-2.000 copies. We hope to
continue this line of work and may pos-
sibly publish some pamphlets also.
Some of our branches (Boston Lettish
No. 2, New York. Chicago. Philadelphia)
occasionally circulate special agitation
leaflets.
# One of the chief duties of our organiza-
tion has been to introduce our members to
the S. P. so as to make them permanent
and active workers within the English
speaking body of our party. To that end
the Eastern Coast Agitation Bureau was
formed by the end of 1909, comprising our
ten branches in Massachusetts (Boston,
Lawrence, Beverly), New York, Pennsyl-
vania and Maryland, with 536 members.
We hope to form a similar agitation
bureau around Chicago before long. We
have instructed our lecturer, Comrade J. G.
Ohsol, to help organize such a bureau on
his present lecturing trip in Chicago,
Aurora, St. Louis, Cleveland and Minne-
apolis. These five branches have a mem-
bership of 264.
7
246
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVU'Im N
Our Eastern Coast Agitation Bureau has
arranged the following agitation trips:
1. Spring, 1910, by Comrade J. Klawa,
who lectured on
(1) Darwinism.
(2) Woman's suffrage.
(3) Materialistic interpretation of his-
tory.
2. September, 1910, by Comrade John G.
Ohsol, who lectured on
(1) New currents in the American trade
unions.
(2) The minimum wage.
(3) The Constitution of the U. S. v. the
working class.
3. February, 1911, by Comrade K. Jan-
son, whose topics were:
(1) Co-operatives.
(2) Intellectuals and Socialism.
(3) Socialist attitude towards general
strilcp
4. May, 1911, by Comrade G. Bernhard,
on
(1) American literature.
(2) Development of Capitalism in the U.
S.
(3) Growth of Socialism in the U. S.
5. In September, 1911, by Comrade R.
Hansen, on
(1) Russian politics.
(2) Socialist tactics in municipalities.
(3) Social growth and natural growth.
6. In February, 1912, by Comrade Sierin,
on
(1) The Chinese revolution.
(2) S. P. attitude towards trade unions.
(3) Darwinism and Socialism.
(4) Significance of Art in Life.
(5) Materialistic interpretation of his-
tory.
Each agitation trip, including two weeks'
wages ($12.00 each) for the lecturer, has
cost the bureau about $60.00.
On December 24th and 25th, 1911, the
Agitation Bureau called a conference in
New York city, where among several tech-
nical details ,of organization and propa-
ganda work, also some resolutions on gen-
eral questions were adopted.
As the conference was merely a delibera-
tive body, these resolutions were nothing
but suggestions to our branches. All those
resolutions were taken up by the branches,
discussed at their meetings and in the
Strahdneeks, and subsequently adopted as
recommendations to our party institutions,
subject to their consideration and ap-
proval.
"We quote these resolutions here:
ON THE ATTITUDE OP THE S. P.
TOWARDS THE TRADE UNIONS.
1. Whereas, For the complete emancipa-
tion of the working class from its intellect-
ual, political and economic bondage, both
the political and the economic struggle are
equally necessary, and as for the success-
ful conduct of this struggle in nearly all
countries permanent relations between
economic organizations of the workers and
Socialist parties have been established,
2. Whereas, In the United States the
existing relations between the S. P. and
the trade unions are very weak and spora-
dic,
3. Whereas, The activities of the S. P.
members among the trade unions are un-
successful as long as those activities are
not co-ordinated and led by the party in-
stitutions,
4. Whereas, The members of the S. P.
often have turned over without fight, the
responsible posts in the trade unions to
the agents of the Civic Federation and to
other opponents of class struggle, who are
tying up the trade unions with capitalist
politics and are resisting the spread of So-
cialism among the organized proletariat,
5. Whereas, The trade unions, in deny-
ing the existence of class struggle, are up-
holding among their rank and file the craft
spirit, which splits up the economic strug-
gle, leads to civil strife among the craft
organizations and to many lost battles of
labor,
6. Whereas, Such lost battles have
forced some members of the trade unions
to resort to desperate means (McNamara
case) which, in the first place are a de-
moralizing influence upon labor organiza-
tions, and second, are helping along the
crusade, of the capitalist organization and
the government against the proletariat,
1. That all members of the S. P. join
their respective trade unions.
2. 'That the members of the S. P. in each
trade union come to a better understanding
among each other that under the guidance
of the responsible party authorities they
should be able more successfully to explain
from the Socialist point of view all issues
resulting from the economic struggle, and
thus educate the members of the trade
unions to a better understanding of the
class struggle.
3. That the members of the S. P. nom-
inate their own candidates for responsible
offices in the trade unions, especially in the
referendum elections and in conventions.
4. That our comrades strive towards
uniting the various mutually independent
economic organizations which are acting
in one and the same establishment, in one
and the same' industry or on the same ter-
ritory into such centralized bodies of eco-
nomic organizations as in each given case
the solidarity of all workers in the class
struggle requires.
5. That the central institution of the S.
P. have to take care of establishing rela-
tions with the central bodies of the unions
both during periods of great economic and
political battles, and during the regular
parliamentary struggle for labor legisla-
tion with the ultimate end in view that
permanent organized relations between both
militant bodies of organized proletariat be
secured.
RESOLUTION ON PARTY CENTRAL
ORGAN.
1. Whereas, The central organ is one of
the most necessary means of securing the
party unity in its intellectual leadership,
as well as in its organization.
2. Whereas, The lack of such an organ
has led the S. P. to confusion in theory and
practice (organization), as witnessed by:
(a^i The Arizona and Missouri contro-
versies.
(b) The syndicalist theories preached
in the International Socialist Review, by
the campaign of slander against party in-
stitutions and party officials, carried on in
the Christian Socialist, Provoker and the
Militant.
(c) By the sudden change of the party
program in regard to our agrarian policy.
'(d) By the too frequent and haphazard
referenda about the change of our party
constitution.
3. Whereas, Nearly all Socialist papers
are at the present time private concerns,
which reouire large sacrifices from individ-
ual members as well as from party insti-
tutions, but do not feel obliged to stand up
for the interests of the party as a whole in
many important questions.
4. Whereas, The party, owing to the ab-
sence of a central organ," is unable to take
a definite stand on many important politi-
APPENDIX
247
issues and questions of tactics, because
resolutions of the National Executive
nmittee often give only technical hints.
Whereas, The present Party Bulletin,
ng to its limited and, dry material, can
replace a party organ.
Je it resolved:
. That a national referendum vote be
en in order to change immediately the
pective sections of our national consti-
ion so as to empower the National Ex-
live to establish a central organ.
. That the National Executive take lni-
diately the necessary preliminary steps
yard the creation of such an organ
ithering of necessary funds, etc.).
. That the National Executive Commit-
submit a detailed project on the pub-
ition of a central organ to the coming
tional Convention.
Resolution on the agrarian
QUESTION.
The Conference finds: '
f. That the plank demanding the Social-
ition of all land, which was stricken out
a national referendum of the S. P. be
instated into the platform of the party.
!. That we should strongly reject any
empt of the S. P. to voice the interests
the farmers or some other non-proletar-
l social group on points not identical
5th those of the working class, no matter
lether this be done by putting up com-
omising demands or by using compro-
ising tactics.
Comment: — Some people think that the
linge from private or corporate owner-
ftp of land to common ownership under
I present capitalistic organization of so-
fty necessarily involves socialization of
In fact this demand aims only to do away
fth speculation in land rents and proposes
I pass over the rent from private land
ijrners and corporations to social institu-
Ins. This may be realized either through
ftionalization of land or through munici-
II ownership of land. In the first case
le whole nation takes over the land and
linages it through ite representatives; in
re second case states, towns or municipal-
fes become land owners. In any case this
Easure does away with the land owning
Ess, under whose- grip whole nations are
feering at the present moment. •
|At the S. P. Congress at Chicago, 1910,
|e farmers' committee and some speakers
posed the socialization of land, because
ey confused the issue. They stated that
was the duty of the Socialist party to
pport the farmers as a subjugated social
oup. The support of the farmers, how-
er, means the defense of their private
nership and artificial maintenance of
ieir small households which can not stand
e competition of the large ones. The
rmers' committee draws no line just
lere such support should cease.
In the first place, this is not the duty of
e S. P. since it is the party of the work-
er class and not a farmers' party. In the
cond place such aim is a ytopia which can
ver he realized. The farmers' committee
the Chicago Congress formulated not
e demands of farm laborers, but those of
e formers. The co-called problems of
fral development, the irrigation of farm
I is. insurance of live stock, improve-
>ts. etc.. are entirely out of place in a
IjW nlist congresc. Farmers' societies or
i icultural development companies have
|| rlenl with those problems. We have to
■ on the lookout that our party should not
tied up with the demands of an eco-
nieallv decaving class of small bour-
RESOI/UTION ON OUR ATTITUDE
TOWARDS THE CHURCH.
The conference finds:
1. That our members ought to be en-
lightened about the evolution of the uni-
verse, development of mankind, and other
important matters of natural science in
order that any kind of superstition may be
eliminated from amidst our ranks.
2. That the church and its teachings
should be directly opposed where it tries
to take a hand in the class struggle with
attempt to bridge over the class conflict,
that is:
(a) We should oppose the teaching of
religion in the schools in any masked or
unmasked form, since it is calculated to
cultivate the spirit of serfdom among the
young generation.
(b) We should oppose the mixing of
religious questions into the economic strife,
in the strikes, in the trade unions, at their
conventions, etc.
(c) We should denounce the reactionary
conduct of the servants of the church, of
the Catholic bishops, of the priests of the
Civic Federation, and other Socialist eaters,
who are opposed to the democratization of
our political institutions, who are fighting
against the initiative, referendum, recall,
against women's suffrage and other urgent
and timely reforms.
3. The conference advises the members
of the party to abstain from any anti-relig-
ious agitation within the parishes or sim-
ilar religious bodies.
Comment: — It is not our task to investi-
gate the evolution of religious views. All
we have got to state is how to carry out
the plank of our party program, which re-
quests that religion be private affair of the
individual.
While large masses of the people are in
complete ignorance about the most elemen-
tary parts of natural science, it is an easy
task for the church to beguile the workers
and to make them intellectual cripples.
Once they have become such, they gladly
accept the spiritual crutches extended to
them by the servants of the church and
thus religious beliefs gradually become a
public concern, a social necessity.
In order to put a check upon the deadly
influence of the teachings of the church
upon men's minds, it is necessary to dis-
seminate knowledge about nature — a task
which has been entirely neglected in this
country. In destroying man's superstition
about nature we take away one of the
foundations on which every religion rests.
The complexity and the uncertainty of
our social life under capitalism breeds tim-
idity of intellect, it furthers fatalism, which
is another pillar of the church. Man has
ceased to be the ruler of his destiny under
capitalism. To be sure there are a few gods
among men, whose purses control the des-
tinies of millions of toilers.
Science is the best antidote against re-
ligion. Where science comes in, beliefs
and creeds must give way. Instead of be-
lief and faith we put conviction, based on
freedom of conscience. Freedom of con
science is broader than freedom" of belief.
It includes both -freedom of belief and free-
dom of non-belief. A man can believe
what he will. He may not believe anything.
Similarly, freedom of speech includes both
the right to speak and the right to keep
silent. Freedom of assemblage includes
freedom to stay from meetines which you
do not approve. Some members of the
party (Comrade Shier in the S. P. PulletlM
seem to haA-e confused notionc about the
task of the Social Democracy. They do not
vet realize that Social Democracy has not
f
348
NATIONAL SOCIALIST CONVENTION
undertaken to defend any religion, not. even
the Christian faith.. Scientific Socialism
can not be Christian or pagan just as
there is no Jewish arithmetic or Catholic
astronomy. %a ,
The ethics of socialism and religion are
directly opposed to each "other. Christian-
ity preaches brotherly love for all, Social-
ism discriminates among social classas.
It preaches the class struggle among those
whose interests are opposed. It does not
create the class war, but it does explain it,
while the church tries to conceal it. So-
cialism maintains that through class strug-
gle the workers will eventually win and do
away with class differences. . Socialism
bases all its ideals on this "sinful world;
the church can not. help preaching about
some other world. Socialism condemns
what hurts the working class, it commends
what helps to improve the conditions of the
working class. The church puts its stamp
of approval (good) or disapproval (bad)
according to some superhuman ethics, dic-
tated by being unknown to mankind.
The church tries to organize strikers ac-
cording to their creeds, as was seen in the
recent Illinois Central Railroad strike.
Thus the class solidarity of the workers is
impaired and their enemies triumph. The
dragging in of the Carpenter of Nazareth
into discussions at trade unions conven-
tions is a silly attempt to distract the
worker's attention from the main issues.
The "Militia of Christ'" has become an ac-
tive enemy of the workers and is helping
the state militia to crush the strikers. The
role of the church as a strike-breaking
agency should be made plain to the work-
ers.
It is true, that the church is struggling
hard to save its vanishing power. It prom-
ises the workers to help them. We should
refuse such a help. In a land where the
organization of political parties and the
participation in political action is free to
everybody, we can not recognze any inter-
mediaries for the attainment of our polit-
ical ends.
Party members should not tolerate any
political censure of their churches over
their political action, and they should with-
draw from such religious bodies, who are
opposing the decisions of our party.
Our party should not waste any time or
money on anti-religious agitation within
the church organizations. Where religion
has reallv become a private affair, there is
no need for our agitation. As long as the
gods remain confined to their temples, they
can cause no direct harm to the class strug-
gle.
RESOLUTION ON THE S. P. TACTICS IN
THE LEGISLATURES AND EXECU-
TIVE INSTITUTIONS.
I.
1. Whereas. The demands of the work-
ing class can best be realized and defended,
when the possibly largest masses of the
population are involved in the struggle for
those demands. ,
2. Whereas, The employers in different
states of" the union are refusing to comply
with the demands of the workers on the
ground that progressive labor legislation,
restricting the exploitation of workers,
make them unable to compete with
ployers in similar industries in <
states; such motives are often endorse
the people and are a stumbling
against necessary labor legislation.
3. Whereas, The centralized class s-
gle of the proletariat needs a broader
in order to facilitate the conquest of,
central political powers in the U. S. fo:
establishment of the co-operative com
wealth.
We declare:
1. That all legislation having any
ing upon the people of the United Stat*
a whole, should be concentrated in
Congress at Washington, while at the
time the state legislatures and other 1
lative bodies should be made use of.
2. That it is unbecoming to reserv*
right to sign the petitions of the S. P. s
to the citizens of the United States, sii
large portion of the workers of the U
States are not yet citizens.
3. That such petitions in places ^
there are already representatives of tl
P. should be presented only through 1
representatives.
II.
Whereas, The experiences of the prol
iat in the class struggle up to the pr<
time have demonstrated:
1. That any success in the labor lej
tion is directly dependent upon the oi
ized power of the masses.
2. That the elections, generaly spea
are helpful to the organization work o
Social Democracy, but that the parlia
tary struggle in a more restricted sen
chiefly a means of agitation.
3. That the activities of represents
of the S. P. in legislatures are onlj
part of our party action, and that onl
respective central institutions of the
can successfully co-ordinate and lead
action.
4. That in all cases the action of t
P. representatives in those institi
fails, if it is not backed up by politic;
tion of the workers outside the legisla
We regard as indispensable:
1. That all steps of the represent;
of our party in the said institutions, e
in unforeseen cases, be taken in full a
with the decisions of the party.
2. That the leading institutions o
S. P. have to use all means in ord
back up each important measure o
working class by mass action; by mee
demonstrations, petitions and s:
means.
3. That all S. P. factions in the le
tures have to use their positions in tl
terest of the revolutionary agitation (
S. P. in presenting its demands unco
' misingly and in criticizing unreserved:
measures of the bourgeois parties an
government.
4. That any attempt of the repre:
tives of the bourgeois parties to proj
their measures through compromising
and through surrender of the worker
mands be condemned as being opportt
and harmful tn the class struggle.
SECRETARY C. KARKI
6 Chestnut Ter., Boston,
INDEX
INDEX
Addresses of Welcome — 21, 22.
Addresses by Fraternal Delegates — 33, 58,
89.
Auditing Committee: Election of — 30;
Report of— 63, 64, 65, 66.
Congressman Beger's Report — 171, 233.
Campaign Committee — 164, 165.
Campaign Manager, Election of — 165.
Citizenship, Restrictions on — 169.
Commission Government: Report of
Committee on — 179; Discussed — 46;
Action of Convention on — 56; Com-
munications— 25, 31, 41, 60, 148.
Co-Operation: Majority Report of Com-
mittee on — 91, 194; Minority Report
of Committee on — 93; Discussion on
—91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 171; Ac-
tion of Convention on — 98.
Constitution: Report of Committee on
—113; Recommendations of Minor-
ity of Committee — 156; Discussion
on— 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119,
120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127,
128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135,
137, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150,
151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158,
159; Adoption as a Whole — 159.
Denver, Protest from against Recognizing
a Member — 31.
Dillingham Bill, the— 169.
Education: Military, of Children — 169;
Report of Committee on Industrial,
27, 174; Supplementary Report of
Woman's Committee on — 42; Discus-
sion on — 45; Nomination and Elec-
tion of New Committee on — 45, 68.
Election of Committees: Auditing — 30;
Campaign — 165 ; Co-operation — 35 ;
Education — 45; Foreign-speaking Or-
ganization — 30; International Rela-
tions — 30; Labor Organizations — 36;
Officers' Reports — 30; Party Press —
36; Platform— 36; Ways and Means—
36; Resolutions— 36; State and Mu-
nicipal Program — 36.
Election of Convention Officials — 21, 24.
Ettorand Giovanetti, Resolution on Pros-
ecution of — 85.
Farmers' Program: Report of Commit-
tee— 67, 73, 192; Discussion— 67, 68,
69, 74, 76, 77, 78; Action of Conven-
tion— 70, 82.
First Day's Session — 3.
Fourth Day's Session — 58.
Fifth Day's Session— 81.
Foreign Speaking Organizations: Elec-
tion of Committee on — 30; Report of
Committee — 86, 237 ; Discussion — 63,
86, 87, 88; Action of Convention— 63,
91; Reports of— 237.
Immigration: Majority Report of Com-
mittee on — 167, 209; Minority Report
of Committee on — 167, 209; Continu-
ance of Committee, 167; Resignation
from Committee — 171.
International Relations : Report of Com-
mittee on — 101; Action of Conven-
tion— 102.
Labor Organizations: Committee on So-
cialist Party and Elected — 36; Report
of Committee — 98, 113; Discussion —
98, 99, 100, 113; Action of Conven-
tion— 101.
Labor Conditions of Pacific Coast — 85.
Larra, G. De, Address by — 37.
Legien, Karl, Address by — 58.
Mann, Tom, Greetings of Convention to
—170.
Municipal Employees, Organization of —
—85.
Municipal Program— 168, 171, 214.
Nominations of Candidates: For Presi-
' dent— 138; For Vice-President— 141;
Rule Relating to — 16.
Order of Business Adopted — 21.
Party Press: Election of Committee on
— 36; Report of Committee — 167;
Action of Convention — 167.
Personal Privilege: Barnes, J. M. — 58;
Berger, V. L — 133; Hayward, W. D.
— 40; Ruling of Chair on McLevy'a
Claim of — 41.
r
II
INDEX
Platform: Committee on Elected — 36;
Report of Committee on — 102, 196;
Preamble of Adopted — 103; Discus-
sion, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108,
109, 110, 111, 112, 166; Adopted as
a Whole— 112.
Pettigrew, G. , Address by — 33.
Press, of Indianapolis, Thanked by Con-
vention — 171.
Propaganda : Among Armed Forces — 85 ;
Among Housewives, etc. — 160; Among
Young People — 169 ; Among Farmers'
Wives — 160; Among Non-Socialist
Foreign Speaking Women — 160.
Publicity Committee: Report of — 168.
Pullman Car Fares — 29.
Reports: Congressional Representative's
—233; Woman's Committee— 204;
Lyceum Bureau — 225; National Sec-
retary — 218; Foreign Speaking Or-
ganizations — 237; International Re-
lations — 101.
Resolutions Adopted: On Dilliagham
Bill — 169; Conditions on Pacific Coast
— 85; Prosecution of Ettor and Gio-
vanetti — 85; Organization of Young
People — 169; Labor Organizations
and the Party — 36; Military Educa-
tion of Children — 169; Propaganda
Among Armed forces — 85; Propa-
ganda among women — 161 ; Restric-
tions of Citizenship — 169; Adminis-
tration by Municipal Employees — 85;
Whjte Slave Traffic— 161; Temper-
ance — 168; Women's Suffrage — 161.
Roll Calls— 83, 136, 138, 141.
Rules of the Convention — 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10,
11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20,
21, 172.
Sabotage, Discussion on — 123, 124, 125,
126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133,
134, 135.
San Diego Free Speech Fight— -60, 61, 62,
70.
Second Day's Session — 24.
Sixth Day's Session — 113.
Seventh Day's Session — 148.
Sirola, G., Address by — 89.
State and Municipal Program — 168, 171,
214.
Teachers, Municipal Bureau for — 161.
Temperance — 168. ,
Telegram from Debs — 159.
Third Day's Session— 37.
Ways and Means Committee: Election
of— 36; Report of— 170; Action of
Convention — 170.
White Slave Traffic— 161.
Woman's Suffrage — 161.
Woman's National Committee: Report
of — 159; Supplementary Report on
Education by — 42; Resolutions In-
troduced by — 161.
INDEX TO APPENDIX
III
Appendix A — Rules of The Socialist
Party, National Convention, 1912. 172
Appendix B — Report of Committee on
Education 174
Appendix C — Report of Committee on
Commission Form of Govern-
ment 179
Appendix D — Report of Farmers'
Committee 192
Appendix E — Report of Committee on
Co-operative Movement 194
Appendix F — Report of Committee on
Labor Organization and ( Their
Relation to the Party 195
Appendix G — Report of Platform
Committee as Revised and Adopt-
ed by the Convention 196
Appendix H — National Constitution
as Revised and Adopted by the
Convention 199
Appendix I — Report of the Woman's
Department 204
Appendix J — Reports of the Majority
and Minority Committees on
Immigration 209
Appendix K — Report of Committee on
Municipal and State Program . . 214
Appendix L — Report of National Sec-
retary 218
Appendix M — Report of Lyceum De-
partment *. 225
Appendix N — Report of Representa-
tive Victor L. Berger, of the Fifth
District ~ c Wisconsin, as to His
ActivRyTTT.. 233
Appendix O — Reports of Foreign
Speaking Organizations 237
Finnish Department 237
South Slavic Section 239
Italian Section 241
Polish Section 241
Polish Alliance 242
Bohemian Section 242
Scandinavian Section 243
Jewish Socialist Agitation Bureau 244
Lettish Section 244
IV
INDEX TO DELEGATES
(For Roll Call, See Pages 83, 136, 138 and
141.)
Aaltonen, Frank — 89.
Alexander, J. S — 16, 29, 45, 77, 98, 116,
127, 156, 158.
Alexander, R.
Allen, C. C, Fla.— 104.
Allen, L. E.
Ameringer, Oscar— 97, 98, 100, 165.
Bachman, J. L.
Bacon, G. W.
Ball Chas. J., Jr.
Banka, Z.
Barnes, J. Mahlon— 29, 58, 87, 101, 102,
103, 106, 107, 125, 135, 137, 152,
153, 158, 165.
Barker, M. R— 102, 155.
Barth, A. H— 102, 104, 137.
Baxter, Jas.
Beardsley, S. E.— 41, 104.
Beery, M. J.
Behrens, E. T.
Beloit, G. W.
Bennetts, Fred.
BentaU, J. O.— 104, 128, 156, 158.
Berlyn, B.— 6, 7, 10, 12, 15, 25, 31, 54,
105, 111, 125, 141.
Berger, Victor L .— 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, ID, 12,
14, 17, 18, 20, 21, 30, 46, 60, 102,
104, 106, 107, 113, 130, 133, 137,
138, 171.
Berger, Ernest.
Bessemer, W. M.— 24, 44, 45, 60, 61, 71,
82, 83, 117, 119, 126, 132, 144, 151,
152, 155, 156, 158, 159.
Bixler, C. Mac.
Blase, O. H.
Boehm, Max— 27, 29, 113.
Bostrom, Frans — 155, 156, 157.
Boswall, C. H.— 120.
Bower, A. E., Jr.
Branstetter, O. F.— 15, 63, 148, 149, 165.
Brewer, Geo. D.— 53, 129.
Briggs, A. E.
Brown, Ed. J.— 153, 155, 158.
Brown, Margaret D.
Bruce, L. R — 119, 135.
Burkle, Wm- 95, 102, 154, 156.
Burke, J. P.— 17.
Burge, J. R.
Burt, H. P.
Byrd, C. A.— 8, 11, 50, 78.
Caldwell, J. M.— 63, 116, 137.
Callery, Ida H.
Calwell, D. M.
Cantrell, E. A.
Carey, James F.— 20, 26, 81, 113, 126, 135.
Cassidy, E. F — 29, 69, 85, 125, 126.
Castleberry, A. F.
Christian, P. H.
Clarke, E. P.
Clifford, Tom— 17, 20, 41, 42, 43, 44, 62,
82, 98, 100, 106, 113, 116, 133, 156.
Cohen, A.
Cohen, J. E.— 146.
Collins, W. P.— 24, 31, 41, 61, 77, 13
166, 168.
Coleman, A.
Coonrod, T. J.
Condo, S. S.
Corti, -Jos.
Cory, E. D— 165.
Cosgrove, C. J.— 6, 7, 63, 64.
Cox, A. L.
Cumbie, J. T.— 135.
Cupples, H. G— 150.
Davis, D. L.
Davis, F. A , Penn— 19.
Dempsey, B. J.
Devoid, A. O.— 76, 77, 78.
Dobbs, Chas.— 128.
Dorfman, M. E — 155, 158.
Downing, G. W — 157.
Dooley, R. E.
Duncan, L. J.— 82, 83, 102, 103, 111, 11:
148, 154, 155, 158, 166, 171.
Duffy, W. E.— 44, 67, 73, 112.
Eberhard, Wm.
Edwards, G. C — 12, 13, 21, 69, 73, 7<
113, 120, 146, 153.
Endres, O. L.— 6, 118, 135, 151, 158.
England, G.A.
Ervin, C. W.
Farmer, W. W.
Farrell, D. J. '
Fenimore, Janet.
Fenner, C. E.— 78.
Fenner, Rose M.
Fields, Allen.
Finke, A. R.
Foley, C. F.
Fournier, M.
Floaten, AH— 16, 30.
Fritz, M. E — 82.
Furman, C. L — 26, 81, 95, 97, 109, IV
156, 158, 165.
Garbutt, Mary E.
Garrison, S. G— 100, 101.
Gai-ver, W. L.— 122, 154, 156, 158, 16
Gaylord, W. R— 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 15, 16, 1:
26, 29, 52, 91, 93, 94, 96, 98, 10!
103, 104, 122, 127, 170.
Geffs, M. L.— 28, 41, 81.
Germer, A.— 102.
Ghent, W. J.
Goaziou, L— 5, 93, 154.
Goebel, Geo. H.— 5, 7, 11, 12, 14, 25, 2
28, 28, 83, 86, 90, 112, 117, 120, 12
125, 129, 145, 146, 148, 150, 165.
Grainger, R. L.
Grant, J. H.— 154.
Grant, Robt.— 155, 156, 158.
Green, E. A.
Gluski, H.
Haemer, L. F.— 101.
Hansen, M.
Harrack, A. W.
Harriman, Job— 13, 61, 70, 71, 98, 9
108, 113, 133.
«i
INDEX TO DELEGATES— Continued
"Irold, C. G.
,rtig, A. E.
i.yden, John.
oyes, Max S.— 124.
airy, W. tf., Ind.— 102.
att, Emma.
CKey, Thos. A.— 54, 100, 121, 125, 131,
134, 152.
llman, N. S.
Uquit, Morris— 4, 26, 73, 82, 83, 98,
102, 104, 107, 110, 111, 112, 113,
116, 118, 121, 122, 134, 135, 137,
147, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154,
155, 157, 158, 164, 165.
nkel, W.
Dan, D. W— 107, 446.
Dgan, Dan— 8, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24,
53, 64, 73, 104, 106, 109, 113, 120,
130, 131, 141, 143.
^pgan, J. C.
Dogerhyde, J. — 155.
3uck, Frank A.
Duston, H. W.
ant, Gertrude B — 24.
galls, -J. S.
vin, L. B— 106.
cobs, W. A— 18, 171.
cobsen, J. J.— 8, 27.
cobson, A.
.nes, E. J.
•nes, M. C.
aies, J. R.
»hnson, E.
apian, Morris— 5, 14, 56, 94, 95, 104.
elso, C. D — 150.
ennedy, John C.
illingbeck, W. B— 18, 156, 157, 158.
intzer, E. H.
iikpatrick, M. E.
oop, Geo.— 103, 112, 127, 128, 129, 153.
opp, H. F.
rafft, F — 6, 9, 20, 132, 155.
ruse, J. M.
ane, C. A.
ane, C. B.
anfersiek, W. — 9, 26.
ang, Lee W.
arsen, C.
arsen, J. P. — 165.'
atimer, T. E.— 88, 108.
aukki, Leo — 167.
awrence, Robert,
ee, Algernon— 28, 42, 163.
entz, L. R.
e Sueur, Arthur— 48, 87, 102, 104, 106,
170.
ewis, Tom J.— 9, 107.
indgren, Ed.— 91, 93.
ipscomb, Caleb.
Dckwood, G. H — 6, 25.
ondon, M— 62, 95, 118, 162, 163.
3we, Caroline— 20, 45, 88, 159, 163.
!aattala, J. G.
ahoney, Patrick— 5, 32, 64, 90.
.aley, Anna A.— 9, 76, 113, 118, 159.
Malkiel, Theresa— 26, 28, 53, 61, 118,
119, 162, 163.
Manson, J. A.
Maynard, R. A.
Maurer, C. A.
Maurer, J. H.
Maxwell, F. T.— 103.
Meitzen, E. R.
Meng, J. A. C— 21, 119, 150, 151.
Menton, Etta.
Menton, J. A. C.
Merrick, F. H.— 13, 81, 86, 88, 89, 104,
106, 113, 118, 122, 126, 144, 154,
155, 157, 158, 159, 162, 164, 165,
166, 167, 171.
Merrill, H. M — 66.
Miller, Grant— 20, 31, 137.
Minckley, C.
Misner, E. H.
Moore, Ed.— 8, 61, 116.
Morgan, David— 11, 48, 69, 75, 78.
Motley, S. W.
McCartan, D.
McCrillis, I. S — 51.
McMaster, H. S.
McFarlan, J. H.
McFall, W. H— 155, 159.
McLevy, J. — 41.
Nash, J. E.
Nagle, P. S.— 76, 121.
Noble, W. S— 82, 155.
Norris, Geo. M.
Novak, Jos.— 88, 89.
Ohsol, J. G — 27, 68, 69, 74, 78, 101, 154.
Oneal, Jas — 17, 132.
Owen, G. E — 6.
Oyler, C. R.— 154.
O'Dam, G. W
O'Reilly, Mary— 17, 73, 128, 129, 157, 167.
Pankin, J.— 8, 87, 145.
Parker, M. F.,Okla.
Parker, Wm.
Patterson, Wm — 32, 51, 104, 116, 119,
120, 147, 149, 152, 155, 166.
Pauley, A.
Paulsen, P. J.
Peach, C. T— 19, 28, 108.
Perrin, E. W.— 103.
Petrich, F.
Pierce, C. H.
Powell, E. E.
Priestap, C. M.— 45, 117.
Prevey, Marguerite— 25, 61, 95, 103, 127,
154, 156, 165, 166.
Prevey, F. N.
Prosser, W. A —62, 166.
Ramp, F. C— 9
Reguin, E. L'.
Reid, Jas. P.— 32.
Reilly, J. M— 5,. 9, 24, 25, 45, 64, 71, 86,
112, 117, 162, 163.
Reynolds, S. M.— 100, 101.
Rhodes, L. L — 75.
Rhodes, J. C.
Richardson, N. A— 5, 25, 103, 150, 165.
VI
INDEX TO DELEGATES— Concluded
Ricker, A. W — 108, 110, 111.
Ringler, Robert B— 9, 18, 64, 106.
Roewer, G. E., Jr.
Rodriguez, W. E.— 11, 40, 62, 83, 104, 113,
118, 119.
Rosett, J.— 82, 95, 104, 105, 110, 154, 157.
Rothmund, G.
Russell, Charles E — 102, 103, 104, 105,
109, 110, 137, 141, 147.
Ruthenberg, C. E.— 82, 86, 144.
Sadler, Kate— 9, 15, 41, 61, 63, 71, 72, 86,
96, 109, 155, 158, 159, 171.
Sadler, Samuel— 8, 10. 11. 14, 41, 60, 62,
90, 98, 113, 123, 167.'
Schilling, Ernest.
Scott, J. B.
Seidel, Emil-43, 137, 141, 143, 147, 170.
Sheffler, Wm.
Sherman, C. W.— 73.
Simmons, H. A.
Simmons, May Wood— 27, 28, 29, 44, 81,
101, 160, 162.
Sjoden, Jno. C.
Slayton, John W.— 17, 26, 28, 29, 75, 109,
131, 141, 143, 151, 164, 167.
Slobodin, H. L.— 6, 11, 16, 26, 42, 44, 49,
55, 58, 63, 67, 68, 72, 74, 78, 90, 96,
97, 104, 111, 120, 121, 154, 156, 157,
163, 165.
Smith, C. A., Mont.— 107, 146, 155, 157.
Smith, J. A., Utah— 9, 55.
Smith, M. A.
Solomon, U — 7, 8, 11, 13, 15, 16, 18, 24,
63, 64, 72, 86, 101, 107, 116, 117, 119,
145, 152, 156, 157, 159, 166.
Spargo, John— 7, 9, 10, 18, 25, 26, 31, 33,
40, 41,, 44, 45, 51, 61, 63, 72, 82, 85,
86, 90, 91, 101, 110, 118, 147, 159,
166, 167, 168, 169, 171.
Stallard, S. -M — 28, 29, 40, 79, 122.
Stanley, Fred.
Staub, C. W.
Stewart, I. F.
Storck, A. K.
Strebel, G. A— 26, 27, 43, 44, 78, 81, 90,
113.
Strickland, F. G— 79, 113, 150, 153, 15
166.
Swaja, John.
Taylor, Geo. N.— 74, 116, 157.
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76, 78, 81, 113, 163, 166, 168, 171.
Thompson, J. C.
Tiller, B. T.
Todd, T. M.
Troxel, Jno.
Tuck, H. C— 7, 9, 94, 156, 158.
Underwood, Guy.
Vierling, 0—116, 117. * *
Warren, F. J.
Ward, A:G.— 137.
Ward, William A.
Wanhope, Joshua — 171.
WatKins, A. S.
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Waynick, W. JI — 155, 158.
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Wesley, W. M.
Wheeler, F. C, Calif.— 50, 119, 12
166, 171.
Wheeler,R. J.,Pa.— 17, 18,19,103,163, 16
White, Dan A —12, 113, 130, 159, 165.
Whitehead, Ethel.
Williams, B., Texas.
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Williams, T. W., Calif.
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60, 102, 108, 109, 119, 144, 147, 1
149, 150, 158, 165, 166, 171.
Wilson, L. B., Jr.
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Zitt, Lawrence A.— 14, 16, 42, 45, 70, 82
83, 112, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 166
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