* 
 


 
 X' ^/lt>t>UC4^ 
 
r^fe^c^ 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 GENERAL LA FAYETTE, 
 
 EMBRACING 
 
 DETAILS OF HIS 
 
 PUBLIC AND PRIVATE LIFE, 
 
 SKETCHES OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION, THE DOWN- 
 FALL OF BONAPARTE, AND THE 
 
 RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS. 
 
 WITH 
 
 Ufosrajjfucal Motittn 
 
 OF INDIVIDUALS, WHO HAVE BEEN 
 
 DISTINGUISHED ACTORS 
 
 IN THESE EVENTS. 
 
 NEW YORK, 
 
 PUBLISHED BY RUSSELL ROBINS. 
 
 1825. 
 
DISTRICT OF CONNECTICUT, u. 
 
 Be it remembered, That on the First day of Febru- 
 L. S. ary, in the forty-ninth year of the Independence of the 
 United States of America, Barber and Robinson of the said 
 District, have deposited in this office the title of a book, the 
 right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following-, 
 to wit: "■ Memoirs of General La Fayette, embracing details 
 of his public and private life, sketches of the American Revo- 
 lution, the French Revolution, the downfall of Bonaparte, and 
 the restoration of the Bourbons, with Biographical notices of 
 individuals who have been distinguished actors in these events." 
 In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, 
 entitled, " Aji act for the encouragement of learning, by secu- 
 ring the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and 
 proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned." 
 CHAS. A. INGERSOLL. 
 
 Clerk of the District of Connecticut. 
 A true copy of Record, examined and sealed by me, 
 CHAS. A. INGERSOLL, 
 
 Clerk of the District of Connecticut. 
 

 PREFACE. 
 
 THE present volume, though necessarily compiled in 
 great haste, it is hoped will be found to comprise all that is 
 necessary to enable the reader to form a just estimate of the 
 Life and Character of General La Fayette. It was the 
 opinion of the writer, that a bare detail of his actions, with- 
 out bringing into view the circumstances under which they 
 were performed, or the persons with whom he was associ- 
 ated, or to whom he was opposed, could not present any ad- 
 equate grounds upon which to form an opinion of a charac- 
 er, who has been so conspicuous in the great movements of 
 the last half century. It is obvious that the elevation of La 
 Fayette's conduct in embracing the American cause, cannot 
 be properly felt, unless we take into consideration the rea,l 
 state of the American struggle at the time — that we cannot 
 comprehend the dignity with which he marched through the 
 French Revolution, unless we are apprised of the fearful 
 convulsions which shook every thing around him — and that 
 we cannot assign him his comparative rank among the great 
 men of the last age, without recollecting the long list of 
 mighty names which have figured by his side. The writer 
 has therefore hastily sketched the great public events 
 in which General La Fayette has been concerned — and in 
 some instances has gone so far as to add a few pages, for the 
 sake of completeness, not directly connected with his Me- 
 moirs. In this course he has, perhaps, in some instances, 
 rather consulted what he apprehended must be the feeling 
 and interest of his readers, than strict rhetorical symmetry. 
 
iy PREFACE. 
 
 Those who feel that in this he has not judged right, and 
 who desire simply a relation of events with which General 
 La Fayette has been directly connected, can, by adverting 
 to the Contents, select those portions of the work which re- 
 late to his personal concerns. 
 
 The writer has also extracted from Allen and Lempriere, 
 and others, such biographical notices, as, according to his 
 views, were desirable, and inserted them as notes. 
 
 Whatever temptation a writer may feel to dilate on a sub- 
 ject so fruitful in sources of reflection as this, the author has 
 deemed it best in the present instance generally, to content 
 himself with a simple relation of facts. They speak a lan- 
 guage not to be misunderstood, and bear with them in the 
 mind of th^f reader, every necessary commentary. The pa- 
 negyrist of La Fayette, can do no better than tell what he 
 has done. 
 
 On the whole, therefore, it is hoped that the work may 
 satisfy the reasonable expectations of its patrons, and not 
 only repay them by the interest of its details, but contribute 
 something towards doing justice to one of the most interest- 
 ing characters of this or of any other age. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. Page 13 
 
 Early life of La Fayette... His marriage and fortune. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 15 
 
 American Revolution.. .Causes which led to it.. .Stamp Act... 
 British troops arrive at Boston... Hutchinson's Letters. ..Tea 
 thrown overboard. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 27 
 
 Commencement of the war... Battle of Lexington.. .Ticonderoga 
 taken. ..Congress meets... Battle of Bunker's Hill. ..Boston 
 evacuated ..Expedition to Canada.. .Canada evacuated by the 
 Americans... Norfolk burnt... British fleet arrives at Charles- 
 ton, but is driven from the harbor.. .Plot to sieze Washington 
 ...Declaration of Independence.. Battle of Long Island. .The 
 enemy take possession of New York.. .Fort Washington taken 
 ...Gen. Lee taken... Battle of Trenton... British fleet taken on 
 Lake Champlain... Battle of Danbury. 
 
 CHAPTER iVT" 90 
 
 Arrival of La Fayette... He offers to serve as a Volunteer... Con- 
 gress commissions him.. .Battle of Brandy wine... La Fayette 
 wounded.. .Enemy take possession of Philadelphia... Battle of \ 
 Germantown...La Fayette commands a select corps... Battle \j 
 of Red Bank... American army at Valley Forge... Battle of-^ 
 Bennington.. .Burgoyne taken... Starving condition of Wash- \ 
 ington's army. ..Proposed expedition to Canada... Alliance with 
 France, and its celebration at Valley Forge. ..Narrow escape ; 
 of La Fayette. ..Enemy leaves Philadelphia... Battle of Mon- 
 mouth... Count D'Estaiog arrives ; he refuses his assistance at 
 Rhode Island. ..Sullivan retires from Rhode Island. ..La Fay- ; 
 ette's bravery.., Effects of Count D'Estaing's conduct... Sav- ' 
 age conduct of Col. Baylor.. .La Fayette goes to France.. .His 
 conduct there... Dr. Franklin presents him a sword.. .His re- 
 turn to America. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 148 
 
 Campaigns in which La Fayette was particularly distinguished... 
 
vi CONTENTS. 
 
 Siege of Savannah... Arrival of Rochambeau with the French 
 fleet.. Arnold's treason. .La Fayette marches against him... 
 Defence of Virginia committed \o La Fayette. ..His move- 
 ments defeat the intention of Lord Comwallis... He follows 
 Cornwallis... Skirmish at Jamestown... Corn wallis retires.. .La 
 Fayette ordered to prevent CornwallisKretreat.. .Count de 
 Grasse arrives.. .Plan to take Cornwallis. ..Siege of Yorktown, 
 and surrender of Cornwallis' army. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 178 
 
 Departure of La Fayette for France. ..Order of Congress on the 
 subject of his departure... Assists Franklin in settling the treaty 
 of peace. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 184 
 
 La Fayette visits America in 1784. ..His honourable reception... 
 Addresses to him, and his replies... Prepares to return. ..Order 
 of Congress that a member from each state should meet and 
 take leave of him... His departure. ..His bust placed in a gal- 
 lery at Paris. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 196 
 
 The French revolution.. .Louis XVI. ascends the throne.. .Low 
 state of the finances... Effect of the capture of Burgoyne... 
 Neckar dismissed... Alarming condition of France... States 
 General convoked... Parliament dismissed and recalled. ..Na- 
 tional Assembly.. Divisions in the Assembly... La Fayette 
 proposes a bill of rights... Proceedings of the Assembly create 
 alarm... La Fayette appointed commander in chief of the Na- 
 tional guards... Mob goto Versailles... Adolphus' account of La 
 Fayette... Madame de Stael's account... King and Assembly 
 taken to Paris.. .La Fayette protects the Royal family. ..He 
 sends the Duke of Orleans to England... Murder of the baker 
 ...Robespierre's speech.. .Decree depriving the clergy of their 
 estates. .The Red Book... Preparation for the Confederation... 
 La Fayette commander of all the militia of France.. .He 
 swears to the constitution.. .Neckar retires. ..King's aunts leave 
 Paris.. Attack on Vincennes. .King's coach stopped... La Fay- 
 ette resigns ; and is reappointed... Royal family escape from 
 Paris; but are taken and brought back... Their inhuman 
 treatment. ..Riot at the Champ de Mars... Death of Marat... La 
 Fayette resigns, and retires to the country, but is recalled to 
 command an army... His letter to the Assembly... Goes to 
 Paris ; is accused and a price set on his head... Attack on the 
 palace... The King escapes.. .La Fayette escapes from the ar- 
 my ; is taken and confined in prison... Washington writes to 
 
CONTENTS. vii 
 
 the Emperor of Austria on his account... Bollman's attempt to 
 release him. ..Debates in the British house of commons on La 
 Fayette's liberation... His liberation. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 334 
 
 Progress of the French revolution. ..The reign of terror begins... 
 Riot at the Champ de Mars. .Swiss officers and the Princess de 
 Larrbelle murdered. ..King and Royal family imprisoned... 
 Manner in which they spent their time. ..Cruel abuse of the 
 Royal family.. .The King accused and brought before the As- 
 sembly. ..His trial, condemnation and execution. ..His body 
 destroyed with quicklime... The Queen imprisoned... Savage 
 treatment she received. ..Her trial and execution. ..Princess 
 Elizabeth executed, with twenty four other persons... Decree 
 of Fraternity. ..The allies declare war against France.. .Moun- 
 tain faction triumph over the Gironde... Death of Robespierre 
 ...Buonaparte takes command of the army. ..Battle of Lodi... 
 Rome taken by Buonaparte.. .He sends an army into Switzer- 
 land... Sails for Egypt... Battle of the Nile.. .Buonaparte returns 
 to Paris, and is made chief consul. ..Battle of Marengo.. .War 
 with England. ..Coronation of Buonaparte. ..War with the al- 
 lies. ..Takes Vienna. ..Battle of Austerlitz... Napoleon takes 
 Dantzick... Makes peace with Russia... Sets Joseph on the 
 throne of Spain... Marries Maria Louisa.. .War with Russia... 
 Battle of Smolensko.. Taking of Moscow.. Retreat of the 
 French army. ..All Europe at War.. .Allies approach Paris... 
 The city is taken.. .Napoleon retires.. .A general peace.. .Na- 
 poleon again appears. ..All Europe again at war... Battle of 
 Waterloo. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 415 
 
 Conduct of La Fayette during the reign of Napoleon... Writes 
 him a letter.. .Napoleon refuses to promote his son. ..La Fay- 
 ette's speech in the Assembly.. .He retires to La Grange.. .De- 
 scription of his residence and habits. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 430 
 
 Arrival of La Fayette in 1824... His reception at New York... 
 Feeling of the Nation towards him. ..Act of Congress granting 
 him money... Debates on the subject. 
 
List of Names of whom Biographical Sketches are given. 
 
 Gen. Gage, 
 
 Page 18 
 
 Ethan Allen, 
 
 28 
 
 Benedict Arnold, 
 
 30 
 
 Gen. Burgoyne, 
 Gen. Schuyler, 
 
 35 
 
 43 
 
 Gen. Montgomery, 
 
 47 
 
 Gen. Lee, 
 
 50 
 
 Gen. Thomas, 
 
 54 
 
 Gen. Sullivan, 
 
 56 
 
 Gen. Moultrie, 
 
 60 
 
 Gen. Putnam, 
 
 68 
 
 Gen. Lord Stirling", 
 
 72 
 
 Gen. Irvine, 
 
 81 
 
 Gen. Mercer, 
 
 83 
 
 Gen. Wooster, 
 
 87 
 
 Gen. Greene, 
 
 94 
 
 Gen. Stark, 
 
 102 
 
 Gen. Morgan, 
 
 105 
 
 Gen. Conway, 
 
 HO 
 
 Gen. Baron de Kalb, 
 
 114 
 
 Lord Howe, 
 
 121 
 
 Gen. Clinton, 
 
 f-21 
 
 Gen. Dickinson, 
 
 126 
 
 Gen. Wayne, 
 
 128 
 
 Col. Laurens, 
 
 133 
 
 Count Pulaski, 
 
 139 
 
 Count de Vergennes, 
 
 142 
 
 Baron Steuben, 
 
 163 
 
 Gen. Knox, 
 
 173 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, 
 
 176 
 
 Abbe Sieyes, 
 
 208 
 
 Count de Mirabeau, 
 
 234 
 
 Duke of Orleans, 
 
 238 
 
 Bailly, 
 
 240 
 
 Robespierre, 
 
 244 
 
 Neckar, 
 
 246 
 
 Danton, 
 
 257 
 
 Barnave, 
 
 269 
 
 Condorcet, 
 
 272 
 
 Marat, 
 
 276 
 
 Charlotte Corday, 
 
 277 
 
 Petion, 
 
 280 
 
 Brissot, 
 
 292 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 GENERAL LA FAYETTE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY LIFE OF LA FAYETTE. 
 
 The subject of this Memoir, Gilbert Mottie' Mar- 
 quis de La Fayette, was born on the 6th of September, 
 1757, at the Chateau de Chavagnac. This Chateau 
 is situated in the vicinity of Brioude, in the province 
 of Auvergne, now the department of the Haute Loire, 
 about 400 miles from Paris. 
 
 The name, La Fayette, has long been associated 
 with the military and literary history of France. 
 Marshal de La Fayette, one of the ancestors of the 
 present General, was one of the most distinguished 
 military men of his time, in France ; and Marie Made- 
 line La Fayette, another of his ancestors, was equally 
 celebrated for her literary attainments.* 
 
 * Maria Madeline, countess of Fayette, and daughter of 
 Amyr de la Vergne, governor of Havre de Grace, is celebra- 
 ted for her knowledge of literature and of the fi.,e arts, and 
 her intimacy with Rochefaucault and other learned men. She 
 died in 1 693. She wrote many works, which are still much 
 esteemed. She is the first, says Voltaire, who exhibited, in 
 her romances, the manners of people of fashion, in a graceful, 
 easy and natural way. — Lempriere. 
 
 % 
 
MEMO IRS OF 
 
 At the early age of seven years, the subject of this 
 memoir was sent to the College of Louis le Grand, at 
 Paris, where he received his education. He was af- 
 terwards made one of the pages of the Queen of France, 
 and, under her patronage, rose to the rank of a com- 
 . ;y . \ missioned officer, — a favour conferred only on the 
 sons of noblemen. 
 
 Jn 1774, at the age of seventeen, he was married to 
 the Countess Anastasie de Noailles, daughter of the 
 Duke de Noaijles. The fortune of this lady, added to 
 his own patrimonial estates, increased his income to 
 about 40,000 annually; an immense revenue at that 
 period? and probably equal to four or even five times 
 the present value of that sum. 
 
 Thus settled in life, with one of the most amiable 
 and affectionate of wives ; having at command all the 
 enjoyments which rank and wealth could pBocure, at 
 a time when the gayest court in Europe was rendered 
 still more brilliant by the then recent marriage of 
 Louis XVI. to the celebrated Marie Antoinette ; who 
 could have conceived that an inherent love of liberty 
 would induce him to quit all these gratifications, 
 to risk his life, and spend his fortune, in the defence of 
 a people, of whom he knew nothing, except that they 
 .were struggling for liberty and independence ? 
 
^£w^. 
 
LA FAYETTE 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION.— CAUSES WHICH LED TO IT. 
 
 At this period of La Fayette's life, the dawniag 
 revolution in America attracted the attention of Eu- 
 rope. The unusual spectacle of feeble colonies calm- 
 !y resisting" the encroachments of royal despotism, 
 excited sympathy in many generous breasts. Among 
 these, was that of a youthful courtier, whose mind, 
 naturally elevated, was at once roused from the dreams 
 of courtly honour, and was ever after devoted to the 
 cause of liberty. This was La Fayette ; — we need, 
 therefore, no apology for introducing a sketch of 
 events, so interesting in themselves, as those which 
 respect the American revolution ; and which seem to 
 have exerted a controlling influence in shaping his life 
 and character. 
 
 After the peace of 1 76 3 had been concluded between 
 England and France, the counsels of Mr. Pitt, (after- 
 wards Lord Chatham) being rejected, Lord Bute and 
 his coadjutors were introduced into the British admin- 
 istration, under the auspices of King George the Third. 
 A new system of colonial government was then con- 
 templated, and a plan for raising a revenue in America 
 was brought forward by Lord George Grenvilie, then 
 at the head of the British finances. It was reported 
 to parliament, and approbated by that body, and an 
 act was accordingly passed for this purpose, in 1'765, 
 called the 'Stamp Act.' By this act, no instrument, 
 act, or treaty, or note of hand, could be valid in law, 
 unless written on stamped paper, on which a duty was 
 paid to the government ot Great Britain. This act 
 received the royal assent, and was sent over to the 
 American colonies, and ordered to be put in execution 
 by ; Stamp officers,' who were appointed and paid by 
 the officers of the British government residing here. 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 This arbitrary proceeding not only subjected the 
 colonists to great expense, as every agreement be- 
 tween men was required to be written on paper, for 
 which a duty was paid ; but likewise, to delays and 
 inconveniences, in consequence of not having such 
 paper always at hand. 
 
 The colonists immediately opposed the execution of 
 this act, and disallowed the right of Parliament to im- 
 pose taxes upon them without their consent, and while 
 they continued unrepresented in Parliament ; taxation 
 and representation, in their view, being inseparably 
 connected by the British constitution. 
 
 The oppressive acts of the British Parliament had 
 been, for many years, a cause of repeated remonstran- 
 ces from the colonists ; but the passage of the Stamp 
 Act excited feelings of the utmost indignation and 
 alarm. Combinations against its execution were 
 every where formed. The assembly of Virginia im- 
 mediately passed resolutions, declaring that no power, 
 except that Assembly, had a right to tax the inhabit- 
 ants of their colony. The Legislatures of several of 
 the other colonies, passed resolutions similar to those 
 of Virginia. At the same time, the people were ex- 
 horted to unite in the defence of their liberty and 
 country, and the stamp officers were, almost every 
 where, compelled to resign, or to submit to ignominy 
 or insult. A petition to the King, and a memorial to 
 each house of Parliament, complaining of these acts 
 of oppression, was signed by Commissioners from sev- 
 eral of the colonies, and sent to England. These 
 were drawn up in such a manner as to express the at- 
 tachment which the colonists felt to the mother coun- 
 try; but at the same time to assert their rights with 
 firmness and energy. 
 
 At the time these transactions were taking place in 
 America, the question of colonial taxation was warmly 
 discussed before the British Parliament. Mr. Pitt, in 
 his celebrated speech on the subject, concluded by 
 
LA FAYETTE. 17 
 
 recommending to the house, "that the stamp act 
 be repealed, absolutely, totally and immediately ;*' 
 while Lord Grenville, on the contrary, contended, 
 that the right to impose taxation was the prerogative 
 of the sovereign power, and that, in principle, there 
 was no distinction between external and internal taxa- 
 tion. A majority of the administration concurred 
 with Mr. Pitt, and the stamp act was repealed in 
 March, 1766. 
 
 On the receipt of this intelligence, the joy that was 
 felt universally among the colonists, was unbounded. 
 Still there were other grievances experienced, which 
 excited no inconsiderable dissatisfaction ; among 
 which was an act of Parliament subjecting the colo- 
 nists to the expense of providing barracks, and other 
 necessaries for his majesty's troops, whenever they 
 were within the limits of any one of the colonies. 
 This was laying a tax indirectly on the inhabitants, and 
 was considered unjust, and therefore not binding upon 
 them. When, however, a body of troops, under the 
 command of General Gage, arrived at New York, the 
 Legislature of that colony deemed it proper, so far to 
 comply with the requisition of the act, as to consider 
 it binding only when the troops were on the march, 
 and not while they were in quarters. In consequence 
 of this disobedience, Parliament passed a law, prohib- 
 iting the governor and council of the province from 
 passing any act, until the requisition of said Parlia- 
 ment had been complied with in every respect. 
 
 In 1763, the General Court of Massachusetts took 
 into consideration several acts of Parliament, which 
 had been sent to the colony during their recess. From 
 these acts, it was clearly seen, that the mother country 
 was still determined, that her colonies in America 
 should submit to taxation. The Assembly resolved to 
 oppose the execution of these laws to the utmost of 
 their power, and addressed a circular letter to all the 
 other colonies, stating their proceedings. This letter 
 
 9 % 
 
W MEMOIRS OF 
 
 was well received by the other colonies, and the mea 
 sures of Massachusetts were adopted as the basis of 
 resolutions by the other assemblies. 
 
 A copy of the Massachusetts resolutions having beer, 
 transmitted to England, the Earl of Hillsborough, in 
 reply, declared to the colony, that it was the king's 
 pleasure, that the said resolution? should be rescinded. 
 A general court being assembled, the question was put 
 to the house, whether they wouid rescind their former 
 resolutions, agreeable to the king's pleasure ; and it 
 was negatived, by a majority of ninety-two to seven- 
 teen. 
 
 In September, of this year, General Gage* arrived in 
 
 * Thomas Gage, the last governor of Massachusetts, ap- 
 pointed by the king, after the conquest of Canada, in 1760, 
 was appointed governor of Montreal. At the departure of 
 Gen. Amherst, in 1763, he succeeded him, as commander in 
 chief of his majesty's forces in America. Being considered 
 as the most proper person to execute the parliamentary laws, 
 intended to subdue the rebelliou« spirit, which had manifest- 
 ed itself in Massachusetts, he was appointed governor of that 
 province, and arrived at Boston, May 13, 1774. He was a 
 suitable instrument for executing the purposes of a tyrannical 
 ministry and parliament. Several regiments soon followed 
 him, and he began to repair the fortifications upon Boston 
 neck. The powdtr in the arsenal in Charlestown was seiz- 
 ed ; detachments were sent out to take possession of the 
 stores in Salem and Concord ; and the battle of Lexington 
 became the signal of war. In May, 1775, the provincial 
 Congress of Massachusetts declared Gen. Gage to be an 
 inveterate enemy of the country, disqualified from serving 
 the colony as governor, and unworthy of obedience. From 
 this time, the exercise of his functions was confined to Bos- 
 ton. In June, he issued a proclamation, offering pardon to 
 all the rebels, excepting Samuel Adams and John Hancock, 
 and ordered the use of the martial law. But the affair of 
 Bunker's hill, a few days afterwards, proved to him that he 
 had mistaken the character of the Americans. In October; 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 Boston, with two regiments of British soldiers. The 
 troops were landed under cover of two ships of war, 
 and were quartered in the State House, which was 
 guarded with two pieces of artillery, stationed in front 
 of the house. All these transactions were exceedingly 
 offensive to the inhabitants of Boston. It was in fact, 
 garrisoning the town, and placing the inhabitants under 
 martial law. The complaints of the people became 
 loud and threatening, and anxiety and alarm pervaded 
 all ranks. The General Court was again convened, 
 and the Assembly petitioned the Governour to give 
 effectual orders for the removal of his Majesty's forces, 
 by sea and land, from the harbour and town of Boston. 
 To this request, the Governour replied that lie had no 
 authority over his Majesty's ships in the port, or his 
 troops in the town. The Assembly peremptorily re- 
 fused to make any provision for the subsistence of the 
 troops, for which purpose they were convened, and 
 the Governour prorogued it, without any decisive acts 
 having been passed. 
 
 In 1769, the Duke of Grafton, then at the head of 
 the British administration, brought forward a proposi- 
 tion to repeal all the acts imposing duties for the pur- 
 pose of raising a revenue in the colonies. This judi- 
 cious measure, however, he was unable to carry into 
 complete effect. The majority of the house of Parlia- 
 ment insisted on their right to tax the colonies, and it 
 therefore became necessary, in order to maintain their 
 legislative supremacy in America, that the tax should 
 remain, at least, on one article. An act was therefore 
 passed, to repeal the tax^s on all articles, with the 
 
 he embarked for England, and was succeeded in the com- 
 mand by sir William Howe. His conduct towards the in- 
 habitants of Boston, in promising them liberty to leave the 
 town, on the delivery of their arms, and then detaining ma- 
 ny of them, has been reprobated for its treachery. He died 
 : n England, in April, 1737. — Aliens Biograph. Dictionary. 
 
20 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 single exception of tea. But the colonists contended, 
 that as a matter of principle, this act did not at ail re- 
 move the cause of their complaints. It was not the 
 amount of the tax, of which thej complained, but the 
 principle which the act in question recognized. If 
 Parliament had a right to impose a tax on tea, this 
 right must unquestionably extend to all other articles 
 imported into the colonies. It was the right which 
 the colonies denied, and which the British cabinet had 
 determined to maintain. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the clamour of the 
 people became loud and general. Associations were 
 formed in several of the colonies ; the members of 
 which, voluntarily bound themselves not to make use 
 of tea on any occasion, and merchants agreed not to 
 import it. A spirit of # opposition and discontent every 
 where prevailed, and a direful conflict seemed to 
 threaten in all directions. 
 
 In 1773, a discovery was made which greatly in- 
 creased the public irritation, particularly in New Eng- 
 land. Dr. Franklin, then in London, as agent for the 
 colony of Massachusetts, obtained possession of cer- 
 tain letters written by Governour Hutchinson to the 
 government of Great Britain.* These letters he trans* 
 
 * Th following account of the manner in which these 
 famous letters were obtained, is extracted from Dr Hosack's 
 " Biographical Memoir of Hugh Williamson, M D." 
 
 " Dr. Williamson had now arrived in London. Feeling 
 a lively interest in the momentous questions then agitated, 
 and suspecting that a clandestine correspondence, hostile to 
 the interest of the colonies, was carried on between Hutchin- 
 son and certain leading members of the British cabinet, he 
 determined to ascertain the truth by a bold experiment. 
 
 " He had learned that Governour Hutchinson's letters 
 were deposited in an office different from that in which th<;y 
 ought regularly to have been placed ; and having understood 
 that there was little exactness in the transaction of the busi- 
 ness of that office, (it is believed it was the office of a par- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 21 
 
 mitted to the General Court of Massachusetts, over 
 the colony of which, the author was at that time the 
 Governour. The letters were obviously designed to 
 induce the government of Great Britain to persist in 
 the measures which had been adopted, and which 
 were so highly offensive to the colonies. The opposi- 
 tion was stated to exist only among a few factious and 
 turbulent men, whose conduct, it was intimated, was 
 not generally approved. 
 
 The General Court was exceedingly exasperated by 
 these letters, and resolved that their design was to 
 overthrow the constitution of government, and to in- 
 troduce into the province the exercise of arbitrary 
 power. At the same time, a petition to the King was 
 voted, praying his Majesty to remove Governour Hut- 
 chinson forever from the colony. On this petition, 
 the British council reported, that it was founded on 
 false allegations, and formed for seditious purposes ; 
 and that it was calculated only to keep up a spirit of 
 clamour and discontent. Governour Hutchinson was, 
 however, soon afterwards removed, and was succeeded 
 by General Gage. 
 
 The time now approached, when some decisive act 
 was to determine whether the colonies would submit 
 to taxation, or, by a firm and united resistance, bid de- 
 fiance to British authority. 
 
 ticular department of the treasury,) he immediately repaired 
 to it, and addressed himself to the chief clerk^not finding 
 the principal within. Assuming the demeanor of official 
 importance, he peremptorily stated, that he had come for 
 the last letters that had been received from Governour Hut- 
 chinson and Mr. Oliver, noticing the office in which they 
 ought regularly to have been placed. Without any question 
 being asked, the letters were delivered. The clerk doubt- 
 less, supposed him to be an authorized person from some 
 other public office. Dr. Williamson immediately carried 
 them to Dr. Franklin, and the next day left London for Hol- 
 land." 
 
22 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Owing to the determination of the Americans not to 
 import tea, and a pretty general understanding that its 
 use would subject any person to aspersions, as an ene- 
 my to the liberty of the provinces, the demand for 
 this article was so far lessened, that large quantities 
 had accumulated in the ware houses of the British 
 East India Company. This Company, under assu- 
 rances from government, that they should sustain no 
 loss by shipping teas to America, sent large quantities 
 on consignment to merchants in Boston, New York, 
 Philadelphia, and other places. 
 
 " The conduct of the colonies," says Marshall, " in 
 this precise point of time, was to determine, whether 
 they would submit to be taxed by the British Parlia- 
 . or rnoet the consequences of a practical applica- 
 tion, to their situation, of the opinion they had main- 
 tained. If the tea should be landed, it would be sold, 
 and the duties, consequently, would be paid ; arid it 
 would form a precedent for taxing, the opposition to 
 which, would, it was feared, become every day less and 
 less. The same sentiment, on this subject, appears 
 to have pervaded the whole continent at the same 
 time." 
 
 In Charleston, the tea was landed, though with great 
 opposition. 
 
 In Boston, at a large meeting of the citizens, it was 
 voted, with loud acclamations, " that the tea should 
 not be landed, that no duty should be paid, and that it 
 should be ^ent back in the same bottoms." 
 
 The captain of the vessel containing the tea, in 
 Boston harbour, aware of the danger, applied to the 
 Governourfor a clearance ; the meeting being warned 
 of this circumstance, it was immediately dissolved, 
 and a number of resolute men, dressed like Indians, 
 boarded the vessel, and in two or three hours, broke 
 open and threw into the water, three hundred and 
 forty-two chests of tea. 
 
 These proceedings being reported to Parliament, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 23 
 
 excited great indignation in that body, and caused the 
 passage of" An act for the better regulation of Massa- 
 chusetts Bay." By this act, the nomination of magis- 
 trates, officers, or counsellors, was vested in the 
 crown, and the persons so appointed, were to be con- 
 tinued in office during the royal pleasure. It was, in 
 effect, a total subversion of the charter of the colony. 
 Another act, equally odious to the colonists, provi- 
 ded, that under certain circumstances, persons indicted 
 for murder, or other capital crimes, should be sent to 
 Great Britain for trial ; thus abolishing the jurisdic- 
 tion of the courts of the provinces, and making the 
 crimes committed in one country, punishable only in 
 another. 
 
 But the act at which the citizens of Boston were 
 most indignant, was caiied the ' Boston Port Bill.' This 
 bill was passed for discontinuing the lading and ship- 
 ping of goods, wares and merchandize at Boston, or 
 the harbour thereof, and for the removal of the custom 
 house, with its dependencies to the town of Salem. 
 Tnisbill was to continue in force, until the tea, which 
 had been destroyed, had been paid for, and until, in 
 the opinion of his Majesty and his council, peace and 
 order had been restored at Boston. 
 
 The people of Massachusetts, so far from showing 
 any signs of submission to these unjust and impolitic 
 acts, became louder in their tones of complaint, and 
 more determined in their purposes of resistance. Re- 
 solutions were passed in Boston, on the injustice and 
 cruelty of these acts, appealing from them to God and 
 to the world, as judges of the equity of resistance. 
 The same spirit was soon aroused in every part of the 
 continent. 
 
 Propositions from several of the colonies, had been 
 made, that delegates from each colony should meet at 
 some convenient place, to take into consideration the 
 alarming and distressed condition of the country, and 
 
U MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to form resolutions making a common cause of all 
 public grievances. 
 
 On the 4th of September, 1774, delegates from 
 eleven of the provinces accordingly met at Philadel- 
 phia, agreeably to appointment, for this purpose. 
 
 A declaration of the rights of the provinces was 
 drawn up, and passed in the form of resolves, by this 
 Congress. " Affection to the mother country," says 
 Judge Marshall, " an exalted admiration of her nation- 
 al character, unwillingness to separate from her, a 
 knowledge of the hazards and difficulties of the strug- 
 gle to be engaged in, mingled with an enthusiastic love 
 of liberty, and of country ; with a conviction that all 
 which can make life valuable was at stake, character- 
 ize their proceedings." " We ask," say the Congress, 
 il for peace, liberty and safety. We wish not a dimi- 
 nution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit the grant 
 of any new right in our favour ; your royal authority 
 over us, and our connexion with Great Britain, we 
 shall always carefully and zealously endeavour to sup- 
 port and maintain." 
 
 These resolutions, in the form of an address, were 
 sent to the mother country, and directed to the people 
 of England. At the same time, a petition was sent to 
 the king, giving a summary account of the grievances 
 complained of, and containing a humble prayer that 
 he would cause them to be removed. Letters were 
 also addressed by the Congress to their constituents, 
 and to the colonies of Nova Scotia, St. Johns, Georgia, 
 and the Floridas. Having done all that the wisdom of 
 men, and the firmness of heroes could have done, on 
 such an occasion, this Congress dissolved itself, on the 
 26th of October, with a recommendation that another 
 Congress should assemble, on the 10th of May follow- 
 ing, at the same place. The proceedings of this Con- 
 gress were read throughout the country, with the most 
 marked admiration. Whatever they recommended, 
 was immediately received by the people, as the law 
 
LA FAYETTE. 25 
 
 by which they were bound, and which the different 
 colonies vied with each other in carrying most com- 
 pletely into effect. 
 
 The irritable state of public feeling at Boston was 
 <uch, that General Gage thought it prudent to fortify 
 Boston Neck for the security of his troops. About 
 the same time, as governour of the province, he seized 
 upon the stores of ammunition at Cambridge, and the 
 magazines at Charlestown, both of which were provin- 
 cial property. • 
 
 These proceedings caused such a general indigna- 
 tion, that it was with difficulty the inhabitants of Bos- 
 ton were restrained from the commission of some 
 very inconsiderate acts. People assembled in great 
 numbers, and declared their readiness to march im- 
 mediately, and demand the re-delivery of the stores. 
 They were, however, fortunately dissuaded from so 
 desperate an act. 
 
 Towards the close of the present year, (1774.) Gov- 
 ernour Gage issued writs for the election of members 
 for a General Assembly. But finding the disaffection 
 so general, and the ferment every where so high, be 
 thought it most prudent to countermand this order, 
 lest a majority of the house should be found attached 
 to the provincial interests. He therefore, by procla- 
 mation, recalled and annulled the writs he had previ- 
 ously issued. But to this proclamation, the electors 
 paid not the least attention. The delegates were 
 elected, met in assembly, and conducted the affairs oi 
 the province as if they had been legally invested with 
 proper authority. They formed a plan for the defence 
 of the provinces ; voted money ; provided for maga- 
 zines, stores, and ammunition for several thousand 
 militia, and enrolled a large number of minute men. 
 whose duty it was to be ready to march at a moment's 
 warning. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these preparations, there was a 
 determination, on the part of the provincials, thai 
 
 :3 
 
26 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 their oppressors should force them to the conflict, 
 which was every where expected. It was the settled 
 understanding throughout New England, and more or 
 less so, in all the provinces, that hostility should be 
 repelled wherever it commenced ; but that the pro- 
 vincials should hold themselves guiltless of the first 
 blood shed. 
 
 The time was at hand, when the firmness of these 
 resolutions was to be tested ; and the commencement 
 of hostilities at Concord, by a party of royal troops, 
 served to show that the fixed purpose of the provin- 
 cials to repel any hostile attack upon their rights, had 
 not been made in vain. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 27 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE WAR. — BATTLE OF LEXINGTON. 
 
 The provincials had collected a considerable quan- 
 tity of military stores at Concord, a town situated 
 about eighteen miles from Boston. On the night of 
 the 18th of April, 1775, General Gage detached a par- 
 ty of eight or nine hundred men to destroy these 
 stores ; and, although this was done with the greatest 
 secrecy, the country was in alarm, and the minute 
 men and militia had begun to assemble at Lexington, 
 twelve miles from Boston, when the detachment arri- 
 ved there, at 5 o'clock in the morning. Major Pit- 
 cairn, who commanded the van, rode up to. them, call- 
 ing out " disperse, rebels, throw down your arms, and 
 disperse !" At the same time, some scattering guns 
 were fired by the royalists, which were immediately 
 followed by a general discharge ; and the firing con- 
 tinued, so long as any of the militia were in sight. 
 The number of militia assembled was about seventy, 
 of whom eight were killed, and several more wounded. 
 The detachment then proceeded to Concord, and ef- 
 fected the object for which it was sent. 
 
 Meantime the militia had assembled in such num- 
 bers as to present more difficulties to the retreat of the 
 royal party than were apprehended. They were ha- 
 rassed on every side. Skirmish after skirmish ensued, 
 in which the regulars were generally worsted. Gen. 
 Gage, aware that the expedition was not without haz- 
 ard, sent out a reinforcement, which met the retreat- 
 ing party at Lexington. This timely assistance proba- 
 bly saved the party from being entirely cut off, or 
 taken prisoners. 
 
 The number of British, killed, wounded, and taken 
 
28 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 prisoners, in this action, was two hundred and seventy - 
 three. The provincials lost about ninety. 
 
 This battle, although of little consequence in itself, 
 was still of great importance, as the commencement of 
 a long, obstinate and bloody war ; and as it served to 
 show the alacrity, courage and temper of the militia. 
 The war thus commenced, the news of it spread con- 
 sternation throughout the country. Preparations 
 were every where made for the general defence. 
 The Assembly of Massachusetts immediately passed a 
 vote for raising thirteen thousand six hundred men. 
 within their own province, and for calling on JNew 
 Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut for their 
 proportionate number of men, so as to raise, in the 
 whole, an army of thirty thousand, to be equipped and 
 ready for the common defence. 
 
 Immediately after the battle of Lexington, a plan 
 was formed by Messrs. Deane, Wooster and Parsons, 
 of Connecticut, to send an expedition to surprize and 
 take Ticonderoga and Crown Point ; two very impor- 
 tant military posts, situated on, and commanding the 
 lakes George and Champlain. For this purpose, about 
 forty volunteers from Connecticut marched towards 
 Bennington, in Vermont, where, by previous arrange- 
 ment, they were to meet Colonel Ethan Allen, * who 
 
 * Ethan Allen, a brigadier general in the war with Grea] 
 Britain, was born in Salisbury, Connecticut. While he was 
 young, his parents emigrated to Vermont. At the com- 
 mencement of the disturbances in this country, about the 
 year 1770, he took a most active part in favor of the Green 
 Mountain Boys, ill opposition to the government of New 
 York. An act of outlawry was passed against him by that 
 state, and 500 guineas were offered for his apprehension. 
 
 When the struggle for liberty commenced in this country, 
 Mr. Allen was one of the first to take active measures in its 
 defence. Immediately after the battle of Lexington, he rai- 
 sed 230 Green Mountain boys, with a view to surprise and 
 
LA FAYETTE. 29 
 
 had also raised a number of volunteers to assist in the 
 expedition, and who was to have the command. Col. 
 
 take possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. This he 
 was authorized to do by the Assembly of Connecticut. When 
 on the point of marching, he was unexpectedly joined by 
 Benedict Arnold, who, with 400 men, had engaged in the 
 same enterprize. Having found their way through the wil- 
 derness, they reached Ticonderoga on the 9th of May, i 775. 
 At the head of 83 men, towards the dawn of day, he marched 
 directly to the gate of the fort, where a sentry snapped his 
 gun at him, and retreated. Having passe: s through the 
 gate, he paraded his men, and gave three huzzas. A soldier, 
 who had asked quarter, then led him to the apartment of the 
 commanding officer, and Allen, with a drawn sword over 
 the head of the Captain, De la Place, who was still undres- 
 sed, demanded the surrender of the fort. " By what au- 
 thority do you demand it ?" inquired the astonished captain ; 
 '• I demand it," said Allen, " in the name of the great Je- 
 hovah, and the continental Congress." This summons 
 could not be resisted, and the fort was immediately surren- 
 dered. In the fall of 1775, he was sent to Canada, where 
 he made a brave, but unsuccessful, attempt to take posses- 
 son of Montreal. Here he fell into the hands of the enemy, 
 but did not surrender, until his party was reduced to 31 
 men. 
 
 He was now for some time kept in irons, and treated 
 with great indignity and cruelty, and then sent to England 
 for trial, being assured that a halter awaited him there. In 
 England, he was imprisoned for a time, and then sent to 
 Halifax. Here he was confined in gaol for several months, 
 when he was taken to New York, where the enemy kept 
 possession of him about a year and a half. He was then 
 exchanged for Col. Campbell, and immediately repaired to 
 head quarters, and offered his services to General Washing- 
 ton, as soon as his health should be restored. He arrived at 
 his home in Vermont, in May, 1778. His arrival was an- 
 nounced by the discharge of cannon. 
 
 Col. Allen did not again enter the regular service, but 
 was appointed to command the Vermont militia. He died 
 suddenly at his estate in Colchester, Feb. 13, 1789. 
 
 3* 
 
30 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Allen met the Connecticut volunteers at Castleton,. 
 with about two hundred and seventy men. At this 
 place, they were joined by Col. Arnold, who, without 
 the least knowledge of the enterprize from Connecti- 
 cut, had been authorized by the committee of safety of 
 Massachusetts, to raise four hundred men for the same 
 purpose. It was agreed that they should join their 
 forces, and be associated in the command. They ac- 
 cordingly marched through the wilderness, and reach- 
 ed lake Champlain, opposite to Ticonderoga on the 
 night of the ninth of May. Here they obtained boats, 
 and the two commanders, with eighty-three men, ef- 
 fected a landing on the opposite shore, without being 
 discovered. They immediately demanded a surren- 
 der of the fort and garrison, which were given up 
 without firing a gun on either side. The garrison 
 consisted of a captain, lieutenant, and forty-four men. 
 rank and file. 
 
 Ticonderoga being taken, Col. feeth Warner was 
 detached to take possession of Crown Point. This 
 was accordingly effected without opposition. The 
 garrison consisted of a sergeant and twelve men. 
 With these garrisons, a considerable quantity of mili 
 iary stores fell into the hands of the provincials, which, 
 at that time, were of much value. To complete the 
 object of this expedition, it was necessary to capture 
 a sloop of war, the only armed vessel on Lake Cham- 
 plain. This service was performed by Col. Arnold/ 
 
 * Benedict Arnold, a major general in the service of the 
 United States, was a resident in New Haven, Connecticut, 
 at the breaking out of the revolution. He was appointed 
 captain of a volunteer company, in that town. Hearing of 
 the battle of Lexington, he marched with his company, and 
 offered his services to the committee of safety. But finding 
 nothing to do there, he proposed to march to Ticonderoga, 
 and take that fortress. He was accordingly commissioned a 
 colonel, and authorized to raise 400 men for that purpose. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 31 
 
 who, with a small detachment, surprised and took the 
 sloop without the least opposition. Thus, without 
 
 lie afterwards joined Col Ethan Allen, and proceeded wnh 
 him in that successful eutei prize. 
 
 In 1775, he was sent by Washington through the wilder- 
 ness to Canada, for the purpose of surprising and taking- 
 possession of Quebec. After suffering incredible hardships, 
 and losing many of his brave men, he arrived at the place of 
 destination. But here misfortunes attended him, which 
 neither human foresight, uor the greatest military skill and 
 personal courage could control. The attempt to take Que- 
 bec proved unsuccessful, and Arnold was obliged to relin- 
 quish post after post until he quitted Canada, in June, 1776. 
 At the battle of Stillwater, he conducted with admirable 
 intrepidity, being incessantly engaged with the enemy for 
 four hours. During a subsequent action near the same place, 
 he had his horse killed under him, and was badly wounded 
 in the leg. 
 
 Being now rendered unfit for active service, he was ap- 
 pointed to command the garrison at Philadelphia. Here he 
 took the house of Governor Penn, the best in the city, for his 
 head quarters. This he furnished in a very costly manner, 
 and far beyond his means. He had wasted the plunder 
 which he had seized at Montreal, when in Canada, and as 
 his pay bore no proportion to his expenses, he made up the 
 deficiency by seizing on the effects of those who were un- 
 friendly to the American cause in Philadelphia. He was 
 accused of oppression, extortion, and enormous charges when 
 he presented his accounts for public services. He was also 
 accused of applying public property to his own use. He 
 was also engaged in trading speculation, and in several pri- 
 vateers. 
 
 Commissioners being appointed to inspect his public ac- 
 counts, more than one half of his demands were rejected. 
 On this he appealed to Congress, and the doings of the com- 
 missioners were confirmed by that body. He then indulged 
 in the most violent invectives, not only against the commis- 
 sioners, but against Congress also. The executive of Penn- 
 sylvania preferred charges against him, and he was tried by 
 a court-martial^ and sentenced to receive a reprimand from 
 
32 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the loss of a single man, these important military posts, 
 together with the command of lake Champlain, were 
 acquired by the enterpnze of a few individuals. 
 
 Washington. This sentence was approved by Congress, 
 and carried into effect. 
 
 It is probable, that from this time his proud spirit revolt- 
 ed against his country, and that he determined on the com- 
 mission of a crime which has rendered his name so infamous. 
 After much solicitation, he obtained the command of West 
 Point, as a place where his treason would be most valuable 
 to the enemies of America, and most mortal to the hopes of 
 Washington. Before he took this command, he signified to 
 Col. Robinson, of the British army, that he had changed his 
 political principles, and that he would give some signal 
 proof of his attachment to the royal cause in America. 
 This letter was the means of opening for him a correspon- 
 dence with Sir Henry Clinton, the commander of th- Bri- 
 tish army at New York, the object of which wa» to concert 
 a plan to put into the hands of the British general, the im- 
 portant post which he commanded. This design was dis- 
 covered just in time to prevent its execution, and the traitor 
 found opportunity to escape to the enemy on the 25th of 
 Sept. 1780. 
 
 Arnold was commissioned a brigadier general in the roy- 
 al army, which station he held to the close of the war. He 
 exerted every means in his power to injure his former 
 friends, and to induce Americans to desert and join him in 
 arms against their country. But Benedict Arnold remains 
 a solitary instance of desertion to the enemy among all the 
 commissioned officers appointed by the American Congress. 
 
 He vvassoon despatched by Sir Henry Clinton to Virginia, 
 with seventeen hundred men to make a diversion. Here he 
 committed extensive ravages, plundering the unprotected 
 inhabitants wherever he went. 
 
 He was next sent on an expedition against his native state, 
 and took Fort Trumbull and Fort Griswold, and burnt the 
 town of New London, in Connecticut. At Fort Griswold, 
 the commander, Col. Ledyard, was murdered after he had 
 surrendered, with his own sword, and a merciless slaughter 
 
LA FAYETTE. 33 
 
 While these operations were going on in the north, 
 the southern colonies were making most vigorous pre- 
 parations for the general defence. , 
 
 In Virginia, the royal government had terminated 
 by the retirement of Lord Dunmore, the governor, 
 from the colony. His lordship privately went on 
 board the Fowey, man of war, which was then lying at 
 Yorktown. The occasion which induced him to con- 
 sider this step necessary, was the great ferment excited 
 in consequence of his permitting some persons to en- 
 ter a magazine belonging to the colony, and to destroy 
 the powder, and take the locks from the guns. His 
 lordship afterwards rendered himself exceedingly odi- 
 ous to the colonists by some letters written by him to 
 the Secretary of State, containing sentiments hostile 
 to America. So soon as intelligence of the battle of 
 Lexington was received at South Carolina, a provin- 
 cial Congress was assembled in that colony. 
 
 This Cong ress " res ojyxiL-ta repel force by force.' 
 and agreed to raise two regiments of infantry, and one 
 of rangers, for their defence. An association was also 
 formed, the members of which piedged themselves to 
 meet the enemy at such time and place as the congress 
 should direct, and declared that, they would consider 
 all persons who would not subscribe to the association, 
 as enemies to the provinces. Lord William Campbell, 
 
 was then commenced on the garrison, the most of whom 
 were also slaughtered after they had ceased to resist. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of the American war, Arnold resided 
 in England, and died at Gloucester place, London, on the 
 14th of June, 1801. 
 
 Arnold's character presents little to be commended. His 
 daring courage was without principle or reflection, and was 
 always displayed to enhance his own fame, rather than the 
 good of the cause in which he was engaged. He was vicious, 
 extravagant, cruel, vain, luxurious and mean. And to give 
 the finish to his character, he was a base traitor to the best 
 cause in which arms were ever taken. 
 
34 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the governor of South Carolina, in consequence of the 
 detection of an intrigue, by which he intended to pro- 
 mote the royal cause, was obliged to take refuge on 
 board a ship of war lying at Charleston ; and thus 
 ended the royal administration in South Carolina. 
 
 In North Carolina, Governor Martin was charged 
 with fomenting civil discord, and of stirring up an in- 
 surrection among the slaves. He made preparation to 
 defend him«elf in his palace 5 but the ferment was so 
 great, that he deemed it most safe to escape on board 
 one of his Majesty's ships lying at Cape Fear. 
 
 The second Congress met, on the 12th of May, at 
 Philadelphia. The rirst business that was done, was 
 to lay before the house depositions proving that, at 
 the battle of Lexington, the royal troops gave the first 
 fire, and were entirely the aggressors. All attempts 
 at a reconciliation with Great Bntian, in the opinion 
 of Congress, seemed now to be hopeless. No concili- 
 atory measures were offered by Parliament ; nor 
 were there any indications, on the part of the provin- 
 ces, of submission to the oppressive acts of royal au- 
 thority. 
 
 I 'ongress therefore proceeded to make preparation 
 for deciding, with the sword, what it had long been 
 anxiously hoped, would be amicably adjusted in coun- 
 cil. 
 
 Bills of credit to the amount of three millions of 
 dollars were emitted by vote of the house, to defny 
 the expenses of the war, and the twelve confederated 
 colonies were pledged for the redemption of these 
 bills. Articles of war, for the regulation of the con- 
 federated army, were drawn up and passed ; and a 
 solemn manifesto, to be published to the army, and 
 read to the people, from the pulpit, was prepared. 
 " We, for ten long years," says the manifesto, " inces- 
 santly and ineiFectuallybesieged the throne, as suppli- 
 ants ; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, 
 \n the most mild and decent language*" " We are 
 
LA LAYETTE. 35 
 
 reduced to the alternative of choosing an uncondition- 
 al submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or 
 resistance by force ; — the latter is our choice : we 
 have counted the cost of the contest, and find nothing 
 so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice 
 and humanity forbid us tamely to surrender that free- 
 dom which we received from our gallant ancestors> 
 and which our innocent posterity have a right to re- 
 ceive from us." u Our cause is just. Our union 
 perfect. Our internal resources are great, and if ne» 
 cessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attaina- 
 ble," &c. 
 
 During the month of May, Generals Burgoyne.* 
 
 * John Burgoyne, a British lieutenant general in America, 
 was the natural son of lord Bingley. He entered early into 
 the army, and in 1762, had the command of a body of 
 troops sent to Portugal, for the defence of that kingdom 
 against the Spaniards After his return to England, he be- 
 came a privy counsellor, and was chosen a member of Par- 
 liament. In the American war he was sent to Canada, in 
 1775. In the year 1777, he was entrusted with the com- 
 mand of the northern army which should rather have been 
 given to Sir Guy Carleton, who was much better acquainted 
 with the situation uf the country. It was the object of the 
 campaign of 1777, to open a communication between New 
 York and Canada, and thus to sever New England from the 
 other states. Burgoyne first proposed to possess himself of 
 the fortress of Ticonderoga. With an army of about four 
 thousand chosen British troops, and three thousand Germans, 
 he left St. Johns, on the sixteenth of June, and proceeded 
 up Lake Champlain, and landed near Crown Point, where 
 he met the Indians, and gave them a war feast. He made 
 a speech to them, calculated to secure their friendly co-op- 
 eration, but designed also to mitigate their native ferocity. 
 He endeavoured to impress on them the distinction between 
 enemies in the field, and helpless, unarmed inhabitants, and 
 promised rewards for prisoners, but none for scalps. The 
 attempt to lay some restraint upon the mode of warfare adop- 
 ted by the savages, is honorable to Burgoyne ; but it may 
 
36 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Howe and Clinton, arrived at Boston, with a reinforce- 
 ment of royal troops. After their arrival, General 
 Gage issued his proclamation, declaring the provinces 
 under martial law, and offering pardon to all persons 
 who would throw down their arms, and submit to the 
 Icing, excepting Samuel Adams and John Hancock. 
 This proclamation served only to increase the spirit 
 and activity of the provincials. The commanding 
 situation of Bunker's Hill, rendered its possession, in 
 
 not be easy to justify the connexion with an ally, upon 
 whom it was well known no effectual restraints could be 
 laid. He also published on the 29th of June a manifesto, 
 intended to alarm the people of the country through which 
 he was to march, and concluded it with saying, "I trust I 
 shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and man, in denoun- 
 cing and executing the vengeance of the state against the 
 wilful outcasts. The messengers of justice and of wrath 
 await them in the field, and devastation, famine, and every 
 concomitant horror, that a reluctant but indispensable prose- 
 cution of military duty must occasion, will bar the way to 
 their return." 
 
 Towards the close of the year 1781, when a majority of 
 parliament seemed resolved to persist in the war, he joined 
 the opposition, and advocated a motion for the discontinu- 
 ance of the fruitless contest He knew that it was impossi- 
 ble to conqner America. " Passion, prejudice and interest," 
 said he, lv may operate suddenly and partially ; but when 
 we see one principle pervading the whole continent, the 
 Americans resolutely encountering difficulty and death for a 
 course of years, it must be a strong vanity and presumption 
 in our own minds, which can only lead us to imagine, that 
 they are not in the right." From the peace till his death, 
 he lived as a private gentleman, devoted to pleasure and the 
 muses. His death was occasioned by a fit of the gout, 
 August 4, 1792. He published the Maid of the Oaks, an 
 entertainment j Bon Ton ; and the Heiress, a comedy, 
 which were once very popular, and are considered as res- 
 pectable dramatic compositions. — Mien's Bios?. Dictionary. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 37 
 
 the present state of affairs, of great importance to both 
 parties, and the provincial Congress gave orders to 
 have it fortified. Bat owing to a misunderstanding, 
 the party detached for this service, took possession of 
 Breed's Hill instead of Bunker's ; and such was their 
 diligence and secrecy, that during one night, they had 
 thrown up a redoubt of considerable extent, without 
 giving the least alarm to the British ships, which lay 
 within a short distance. 
 
 General Gage saw, at once, the necessity of driv- 
 ing the provincials from this position. He therefore 
 detached Maj. Gen. Howe and Gen. Pigot, with two 
 regiments, to effect this purpose. ^Meantime the 
 Americans had collected in such numbers, as to stand 
 tirmly the approach of the royal party. Gen. Howe, 
 seeing this', halted his army, .and sent back for a .rein- 
 forcement. On their arrival, the royal army moved 
 slowly towards the works they intended to demolish. 
 
 Judge Marshall says, " It is not easy to conceive a 
 more grand and a more awful spectacle, than was now 
 exhibited ; nor a moment of more anxious expectation 
 than that which was now presented. The scene of 
 action was in full view of the heights of Boston, and 
 its neighbourhood, which were covered with specta- 
 tors, taking deep and opposite interests in the events 
 passing before them. The soldiers of the hostile ar- 
 my not on duty, the citizens of Boston, and the inhab- 
 itants of the adjacent country, all feeling emotions 
 which set description at defiance, were witnessing the 
 majestic and tremendous scene." 
 
 The provincials permitted the enemy to advance 
 within one hundred yards of their works, without firing 
 a gun. They then opened, at once, so deadly a fire of 
 musquetry, that the royal line was entirely broken, 
 and fell back with great precipitation. They again 
 rallied, but were again driven back by the incessant 
 and well directed fire of the provincials. With great 
 difficulty the men were again rallied, and a third time 
 
 4 
 
38 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 led up to the works ; the attack being made on three 
 sides of the redoubt. The ships in the harbour, and 
 several pieces of artillery, which had been brought up 
 for the purpose of making a breach in the works, to- 
 gether with the want of ammunition by the Americans, 
 decided this bloody contest in favour of the royal ar- 
 my. Out of three thousand men engaged in this bat- 
 tle, the British had killed and wounded, one thou- 
 sand and fifty-four. The American loss was only four 
 hundred and fifty, killed, wounded and missing. 
 
 Although the British claimed the victory, yet the 
 ■Americans were greatly elated at the firmness and in- 
 trepidity whicrrfoere displayed by their raw militia, 
 during the action. Soon after this battle, Colonel 
 Washington was appointed general and commander 
 in chief of the army of the united colonies, and all the 
 forces now raised, or to be raised by them. He im- 
 mediately prepared to enter on this duty, and with the 
 utmost despatch, arrived at Cambridge, the head quar- 
 ters of the provincial army. Here he found, that 
 about fourteen or fifteen hundred men were ready to 
 welcome him as their commander. But most of them 
 were badly equipped, without ammunition, and in a 
 state of insubordination. 
 
 Such indeed, was the scarcity of powder and ball 
 in the army, that had the royal commander known 
 their situation in this respect, the whole of this divi- 
 sion might have easily been compelled to surrender. 
 By the efficient arrangements of Gen. Washington, 
 these all important articles were supplied, and subor- 
 dination and system were, in some degree, soon intro- 
 duced. 
 
 Gen. Washington was fully sensible to the difficul- 
 ties of his responsible situation, and soon after his ar- 
 rival, a council of war was called to deliberate on it. 
 By this council it was unanimously agreed, that he 
 should maintain his present position in Cambridge 
 and its vicinity. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 39 
 
 In July of this year, the province of Georgia, which 
 had not previously belonged to the confederation, also 
 joined in opposition against British tyranny, aud sent 
 delegates to represent her in the general Congress. 
 The general Congress, after a recess of one month, 
 again met at Philadelphia. 
 
 On examination of the state of affairs, it was found 
 that the army was chiefly deficient in arms and ammu- 
 nition, and that the difficulty of procuring both was an 
 alarming circumstance. The greatest exertions were 
 therefore made for this purpose ; nor were they with- 
 out success. By an address, peculiaxto that period 
 and to that occasion, all the powder^tfn the coast of 
 Africa, and even within the British forts, was purcha- 
 sed for the American army ; and this was done without 
 exciting suspicion. The magazine at Bermuda was 
 also seized for the same purpose; though it was well 
 known, that the inhabitants ot that island were in fa- 
 vour of the American cause, and consequently made 
 no resistance. 
 
 In the month of October, the town of Falmouth, in 
 Massachusetts, was burnt by Capt. Mowat, of the 
 British navy, under circumstances the most cruel and 
 treacherous. In consequence of this act, letters of 
 marque and reprisal were granted by Congress to such 
 Americans as would fit out armed vessels, to annoy 
 the enemy, and bring in their cruisers and transports. 
 Under such temptations, the coasts soon swarmed 
 with privateers from New England, and although pri- 
 vate interest, rather than public good, in some instan- 
 ces, was the motive for winch these vessels were sent 
 out, yet they were of material consequence to the 
 cause of America. In many instances, vessels laden 
 with stores for the royal army, were taken and brought 
 in ; and thus the provincial army was supplied with 
 articles of which they stood in the greatest need, while 
 the British were deprived of stores they expected, and 
 which they could obtain only from home. 
 
40 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 During the fall of this year, Congress appointed a 
 committee, with directions to repair to Cambridge, 
 and there consult the commander in chief, and the 
 chief magistrates of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, 
 Rhode Island and Connecticut, on the most effectual 
 method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a 
 continental army. 
 
 On the return of the committee to Congress, it was 
 ordered, that the new army, intended to lie before 
 Boston, should consist of twenty thousand, three hun- 
 dred and seventy-two men. 
 
 Accompanyu^j the resolutions for raising the new 
 army, were others, some of which serve to exhibit the 
 perilous condition of the country, and to show how 
 unprepared it was for the arduous conflict in which it 
 was engaged. 
 
 The soldiers had brought with them into service, 
 their own arms ; a practice at all times inconvenient, 
 as they will often be of different calibre ; yet it was 
 deemed necessary to retain, at a valuation, for the 
 new army, those belonging to men who would not re- 
 enlist. The government being entirely unprovided 
 with blankets, two dollars were offered to every per- 
 son who would bring with him an article so necessary 
 in a winter campaign ; and as no regimentals had been 
 procured for the troops, various coloured clothes 
 were purchased up, to be delivered to them, and the 
 price deducted frOm their pay. But no regulation was 
 more extraordinary, or evinced more strongly the pub- 
 lic necessity, than that which required the soldiers to 
 find their own arms, or to pay six shillings for the use 
 of arms furnished by the continent for the campaign. 
 
 The enemy continued in possession of Boston, and 
 had erected strong fortifications on Bunker's Hill. 
 The Americans had also erected several redoubts in 
 the vicinity of Boston, so that occasionally the soldiers 
 of both armies worked in sight of each other. Small 
 skirmishes sometimes took place between them. But 
 
LA FAYETTE. 41 
 
 although the immense importance which would result 
 from the success of a general action on either side, 
 was well known to both commanders, still neither of 
 them had dared to hazard a battle of such consequence. 
 General Washington's views, it was well known to 
 Congress, were directed towards Boston ; but his 
 fears for the safety of the town, might perhaps, have 
 been one reason why an attack had not been made. 
 
 Under these circumstances, Congress authorized 
 Washington, if he thought best, to attack the royal 
 troops in Boston, notwithstanding the town, and pro- 
 perty in it, might thereby be destroyed. One great 
 reason urged for making this attack d#ruig the winter, 
 was, the probability that a reinforcement would ar- 
 rive from England in the spring. But the American 
 army was almost entirely composed of men who never 
 had seen a battle. They were in every respect, but 
 poorly equipped, and the quantity of ammunition in 
 their camp, was absolutely insufficient ; whereas the 
 British were inured to battles and camp duty, were in 
 the most perfect state of subordination, and completely 
 equipped in all respects. 
 
 General Washington finally came to the conclusion, 
 that an attack ought to be made ; but on calling a 
 council of war, the opinions of those he summoned, 
 were nearly unanimous against the measure. It was, 
 therefore, for the present, abandoned. The want of 
 ammunition for the artillery, was said to have been the 
 principal reason for the opinion of the council. 
 
 In February, 1776, the inhabitants of Boston saw 
 appearances among the British troops, which indica- 
 ted an intention to evacuate that place. But as these 
 appearances might be deceptive, Gen. Washington 
 did not alter any of his arrangements. He had re- 
 ceived a small supply of powder, and was prosecuting 
 a plan to bring Gen. Howe, who then had the com- 
 mand, to an action, or force him to withdraw from the 
 town. With this view, it was concerted, in a council 
 
 4 * 
 
42 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of war, that on the 2nd of March, the lines of the ene- 
 my, and the town, should be bombarded. According- 
 ly on that night, a heavy cannonade and bombardment 
 were kept up, and continued for three successive 
 nights. On the night of the 4th, a detachment of 
 Americans, commanded by General Thomas, crossed 
 the neck from Roxbury, and took possession of the 
 heights without opposition. Here, with wonderful 
 industry, they fortified themselves during the night, in 
 such a manner, as, by morning, to be nearly covered 
 from the shot of the enemy. The British directed a 
 heavy fire on them, but with very little eiFect ; while 
 the Americans ^returned the fire from their battery, 
 and continued to strengthen their works. 
 
 At this juncture, General Howe became satisfied, 
 that the Americans must be dislodged from the heights, 
 or that he must evacuate Boston. Lord Percy, with 
 three thousand men, was detached for this service : 
 but, owing to a violent storm, its execution was delay- 
 ed, and finally the attempt was given up, and the reso- 
 lution formed to evacuate the town. On the 17th of 
 March, the British army marched out of Boston. To 
 the great joy of the inhabitants, they were no longer 
 under martial law, and their town was left standing. 
 A considerable number of those who had embraced 
 the royal cause, quit the town with the army, and took 
 their families and effects to Halifax. We must now 
 leave Boston, and the British army for a while, to 
 describe the events which had, in the mean time, taken 
 place at the north. 
 
 The Canadians had become dissatisfied with some of 
 the acts of the British administration, and considera- 
 ble discontent prevailed, particularly among the Eng- 
 lish settlers. This colony, the British had left entirely 
 unprotected, their regular troops being concentrated 
 at Boston. An immense amount of military stores 
 had been deposited at Quebec. The Americans had 
 already the command of Ticonderoga and Grown . 
 
LA FAYETTE. 43 
 
 Point, and the whole of Lake Champlain ; and it was 
 thought that many of the Canadians would support the 
 general cause of liberty. « 
 
 These considerations induced Congress to direct 
 that an army should be sent into Canada. General 
 Schuyler was appointed commander of this expedition. 
 Three thousand men were recruited for this purpose, 
 and Congress voted tifty thousand dollars in specie, to 
 defray the expenses of the army while in Canada. 
 
 In September, 1775, Gen. Schuyler* directed Gen. 
 
 * Philip Schuyler, a major general in the revolutionary 
 war, received this appointment from Congress, June 19, 
 1775. He was directed to proceed immediately from New 
 York to Ticonderoga, to secure the lakes, and to make pre- 
 parations for entering Canada. Being taken sick in Sep- 
 tember, the command devolved upon Montgomery. On 
 his recovery, he devoted himself zealously to the manage- 
 ment of the affairs in the northern department. The super- 
 intendence of the Indian concerns claimed much of his at- 
 tention. On the approach of Burgoyne, in 1777, he made 
 every exertion to obstruct his progress ; but the evacuation 
 of Ticonderoga by ht. Clair, occasioning unreasonable jeal- 
 ousies in regard to Schuyler, in New England, he was su- 
 perseded by Gates, in August, and Congress directed an 
 inquiry to be made into his conduct. It was a matter of 
 extreme chagrin to him to be recalled at the moment, when 
 he was about to take ground and to face the enemy. He 
 afterwards, though not in the regular service, rendered im- 
 portant services to his country, in the military transactions 
 of New York. He was a member of the old Congress, and 
 when the present government of the United States commen- 
 ced its operation in 1789, he was appointed with Rufus 
 King a senator from his native state. In 1797 he was again 
 appointed a senator in the place of Aaron Burr. He died 
 at Albany, November lb, 1804, in the seventy third year of 
 his age. Distinguished by strength of intellect and upright, 
 intentions, he was wise in the contrivance and enterprising 
 and persevering in the execution of plans of public utility. 
 In private life he was dignified, but courteous, a pleasing 
 
■14 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Montgomery, an officer of great merit, then at Crown 
 Point, to embark with such troops as were there in 
 readiness, for Isle-au-Noix f the place appointed for 
 the rendezvous of the army. Gen. Schuyler followed 
 and joined him before he reached that place, but was 
 soon after taken so ill that he was unable to leave his 
 bed. The command then devolved on Gen. Mont- 
 gomery, and it was concluded to proceed against Fort 
 St. John*. Mr. Livingston, a gentleman of influence, 
 who resided on the river Chamblee, and who was 
 strongly attached to the American cause, had assem- 
 bled about three hundred Canadian volunteers, and on 
 the arrival of the American arm), joined Gen. Mont- 
 gomery with his detachment. Having also received a 
 reinforcement of provincials, and a supply of powder, 
 Gen. Montgomery embarked with near two thousand 
 men, on the river Sorei, and proceeded to St. Johns. 
 
 This place was garrisoned by five or six hundred 
 regular troops, and two hundred Canadian militia, and 
 was well supplied with ammunition, artillery and 
 stores. The Americans besieged this fort with great 
 vigour, for nearly two months ; when the garrison, 
 finding no hopes of relief, proposed a capitulation, 
 which was agreed on between the two commanders, 
 and the besieged surrendered prisoners of war. 
 
 After this success, Gen. Montgomery proceeded to 
 Montreal ; and after stipulating that the inhabitants 
 should enjoy the exercise of all their religious privile- 
 ges, and that no change should be made in the laws, 
 the place was peaceably surrendered to the American 
 army. Governor Carlton retired, on the approach of 
 the army, to his flotilla, in the river. Preparations 
 were immediately made to attack him with floating 
 batteries ; but he was conveyed in a boat, with muffled 
 
 and instructive companion, affectionate in his domestic rela- 
 tions, and just in all his dealings. General Hamilton mar- 
 vied his daughter. — Mien's Biographical Dictionary. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 45 
 
 oars, in the night, to Quebec, and thus escaped. His 
 flotilla, however, was taken. 
 
 Gen. Montgomery noW%repared, with the utmost 
 expedition, to proceed against Quebec ; but a circum- 
 stance of an embarrassing nature, at this period, occur- 
 red. He had promised a considerable number of his 
 soldiers, whose term of enlistment had expired, that if 
 they would proceed with him to Montreal, no objec- 
 tion should be made to their discharge. To his ex- 
 treme mortification, notwithstanding the success of the 
 expedition, many of them now claimed a fulfilment of 
 this promise. He offered a suit of clothes, taken in 
 Montreal, to every man svho would re-enlist, but they 
 could not, generally, be prevailed on to do so. 
 
 It was necessary to have a small corps atChamblee, 
 St. John's, and Montreal, in order to secure those pla- 
 ces. The number of men left at the places named, 
 together with those whose term of service had expired, 
 and who refused to re-enlist, left Gen. Montgomery, 
 with an army of little more than three hundred men. 
 to follow him to the conquest of the capital of Canada. 
 
 Gen. Washington had also projected an expedition 
 against Quebec. The object proposed by him, was 
 to compel Governor Carlton, the commander of the 
 whole Canadian force, either to withdraw his army 
 into the upper-country, and thus afford an easy passage 
 for the Americans ; or, if he remained at Montreal, to 
 take possession of Quebec before Carlton could arrive 
 there for its defence. 
 
 This arduous enterprize was committed to Colonel 
 Arnold ; and as his route lay through a considerable 
 section of the province of Canada, its success depend- 
 ed much on the disposition of the inhabitants towards 
 the American cause. The strictest orders were given 
 not to injure a Canadian or Indian, in person or pro- 
 perty ; and manifestoes were distributed, on their 
 march, of a friendly and conciliatory nature. This 
 conduct gained the confidence of the Canadians, who 
 
46 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 very much assisted Arnold in his march through their 
 Country. During the whole of the American revolu- 
 tion, no expedition was planned which required so 
 much hardihood and firmness as this. The army was 
 thirty- two days marching through a wilderness, with- 
 out seeing a habitation, or a human being, except their 
 own party. They were obliged to carry their batteaux 
 on their shoulders from one river to another, and to 
 transport their baggage across deep morasses, through 
 dense forests, an^ over high mountains. After the 
 most unexampled privations and fatigue, this hardy set 
 of men arrived at Point Levi, opposite Quebec, on the 
 ninth of November. Nothing could exceed the aston- 
 ishment of the inhabitants, on seeing this army, and 
 understanding that they had marched through such a 
 hideous wilderness. The city of Quebec was found 
 to be in a defenceless state, and could Arnold have 
 entered it on his arrival, no defence could have been 
 made. But the want of boats made this impossible. 
 
 One of his Indian runners, whom he had sent with a 
 letter to Genera! Montgomery, had also been intercep- 
 ted, or had betrayed him. During the delay which 
 was unavoidable, Col. McLean, a British officer, 
 aware of the danger to which Quebec was exposed, 
 collected a considerable force and entered the city. 
 
 At length the wind having moderated, Arnold deter- 
 mined to attempt crossing the river. In this he suc- 
 ceeded, and ascending the precipice at the same place 
 where General Wolfe had ascended with his brave 
 army, he formed his corps on the plains of Abraham. 
 It was now proposed by the commander to march di- 
 rectly to Quebec ; but in this, he was overruled in a 
 council of war. 1 1 was, however, afterwards ascertain- 
 ed, that had this been done, the city might have been 
 entered at St. John's gate, and in all probability, 
 would have surrendered, notwithstanding the opposi- 
 tion of Col. McLean's party. 
 
 Arnold now hoped to gain admittance through the 
 
LA FAYETTE. 47 
 
 defection of the garrison ; but in this he was disap- 
 pointed. Finding on examination, that his riflemen 
 had not more than ten rounds of ammunition per man, 
 and that his infantry had but six rounds, he was not in 
 a situation to risk an engagement. 
 
 Gen. Montgomery, having clothed his naked troops 
 at Montreal, and provided clothing for those of Arnold, 
 marched directly towards Quebec. But before his 
 arrival, Gov. Carlton had entered the town, and was 
 preparing to make a vigorous defence, having assem- 
 bled about fifteen hundred men. Montgomery's force 
 was about eight hundred men ; but their situation was 
 such as would have appalled a less vigorous mind. 
 The intense cold of December had commenced, and 
 his army were in want of many of the necessaries of 
 life, miserably supplied with the munitions of war, 
 and encamped in the open air. However, depend- 
 ing on his former success, the courage of his men, and 
 his own military skill, together with the advice and 
 sagacity of Arnold, he determined to lay siege to the 
 town. Accordingly, a battery of six guns was opened 
 on it, but was found too small to effect a breach in the 
 wall. 
 
 A council of war was then convened, and it was con- 
 cluded, that an assault was the only mode of attack in 
 which there was the least hope. Preparations having 
 been made, on the 31st of December, 1775, between 
 four and five in the morning, an assault was made in 
 the midst of a violent storm of snow. Perhaps an 
 assault was never more skilfully planned than this : 
 but, just at the moment, when success seemed certain, 
 the discharge of a gun, from the enemy 's battery, killed 
 Gen. Montgomery,* Captains McPhe'rson and Chcese- 
 
 * Richard Montgomery, a major general in the army ot* 
 the United States, was bom in the north of Ireland, in the 
 year 1737, He possessed an excellent genius, which was 
 matured by a fine education. Entering the army of threat 
 
4& MEMOIRS OF 
 
 man, and two soldiers of the line, on the spot. In a 
 few minutes after the death of the general, Col. Arnold. 
 
 Britain, he successfully fought her battles with Wolfe at 
 Quebec, in 1759, and on the very spot, where he was doom- 
 ed to fall, when fighting against her under the banners of 
 freedom. After his return to England, he quitted his regi- 
 ment, in 1772, though in a fair way to preferment. He had 
 imbibed an attachment to America, viewing it as the rising 
 seat of arts and freedom. After his arrival in this country, 
 he purchased an estate in New York, about a hundred miles 
 from the city, and married a daughter of judge Livingston. 
 He now considered himself as an American. When the 
 struggle with Great Britain commenced, as he was known 
 to have* an ardent attachment to liberty, and had expressed 
 his readiness to draw his sword on the side of the colonies, 
 the command of the continental forces in the northern de- 
 partment was entrusted to him and General Schuyler in the 
 fall of 1775. By the indisposition of Schuyler, the chief 
 command devolved upon him in October. He reduced fort 
 Chamblee,and on the third of November captured St. John's. 
 On the twelfth, he took Montreal. In December, he joined 
 Col. Arnold, and marched to Quebec. The city was be- 
 sieged, and on the last day of the year, it was determined to 
 make an assault. The several divisions were accordingly 
 put in motion in the midst of a heavy fall of snow, which 
 concealed them from the enemy. Montgomery advanced at 
 the head of the New York troops along the St. Lawrence, 
 and having assisted with his own hands in pulling up the 
 pickets which obstructed his approach to one of the barriers, 
 thnt he was determined to force, he was pushing forwards, 
 when one of the guns ot the battery was discharged, and he 
 was killed, with his two aids. This was the only gun that 
 was fired, for the enemy had been struck with consternation, 
 and all but one or two had fled. But this event probably 
 prevented the capture of Quebec. When he fell, Mont- 
 gomery was in a narrow passage, and his body rolled upon 
 the ice, which formed by the side of the river. After it 
 was found the next morning among the slain, it was buried 
 by a few soldiers, without any marks of distinction. He 
 
LA FAYETTE. 4tf 
 
 who was also leading the forlorn hope, against another 
 part of the town, received a musket shot in his leg, 
 which shattered the bone, and he was carried off the 
 field. Meantime, Col. Morgan, at the head of the 
 riflemen, with the most undaunted bravery and ad- 
 dress, removed the barriers which had been placed in 
 his way, and entered the town. But it being still 
 dark, and himself an entire stranger to the place, it 
 was impossible for him to avoid the hazard of being 
 hemmed in among the mazes of the city, he therefore 
 returned to the barrier which he had passed, and was 
 soon joined by small fragments of companies, making 
 in the whole about two hundred men. With this 
 small party, with Col. Morgan and his few men at 
 their head, it was agreed that they should proceed, 
 and, if possible, make themselves masters of the town. 
 But the opposition, on the part of the enemy, was so 
 strong, that many of the soldiers, as they advanced, 
 became discouraged, and took shelter in the houses, 
 where they remained, in spite of the calls of their 
 officers. Besides this, owing to the storm, not more 
 than one in ten of their guns could be used, though 
 the men were particularly directed to keep the wet 
 from their locks. 
 
 was thirty eight years of age. He was a man of great mili- 
 tary talents, whose measures were planned with judgment and 
 executed with vigor. With undisciplined troops, who were 
 jealous of him in the extreme, he yet inspired them with his 
 own enthusiasm. He shared with them in all their hard- 
 ships, and thus prevented their complaints. His industry 
 could not be wearied, nor his vigilance imposed upon, nor 
 
 Ullage intimidated. Above the pride of opinion, when 
 a measure was adopted by the majority, though contrary to 
 his own judgment, he gave it his full support. By the direc- 
 
 • I Congress, a monument of white marble, of the most 
 beautiful simplicity, with emblematical devices, was executed 
 by Mr Cassiers, at Paris, and it is erected to his memory in 
 front of St. Paul's church, New York.^-Jlllen's Biog. JDic, 
 
50 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Meantime the Canadian forces constantly increased, 
 until this bold and hazardous enterprise became abso- 
 lutely impossible, and at 10 o'clock in the morning, 
 the Americans surrendered prisoners of war. 
 
 The Americans lost, in the attack, about sixty men, 
 killed and wounded, and three hundred and forty ta- 
 ken prisoners. The remainder of the army, now no 
 longer in a situation to continue the siege, remained 
 about three miles from Quebec, where, with Col. 
 Arnold at their head, they kept the town in a state of 
 blockade, the whole winter, and reduced it to great 
 distress for want of provisions. 
 
 When the news of Montgomery's death and Arnold's 
 defeat reached the colonies, it produced sensations of 
 regret and alarm, proportionate to the high standing 
 of the general, and the magnitude of the enterprise. 
 
 Congress resoived to raise men to reinforce the 
 army, in Canada, with the utmost expedition. An 
 extra bounty was offered to men who would enlist 
 for this service, and General Lee,* an officer of high 
 
 + — ! 
 
 * Charles Lee. a major general in the army of the United 
 States, was born in Wales and was the son of John Lee, a 
 colonel in the British service. He entered the army at a 
 very earl}' age ; but though he possessed a military spirit, 
 he was ardent in the pursuit of knowledge. He acquired a 
 competent skill in Greek and Latin, while his fondness for 
 travelling, mad«' him acquainted with the Italian, Spanish, 
 German and French languages. In 1756, he came to A- 
 merica, and was engaged in the attack upon Ticonderoga, 
 in July, 1758. when Abercrombie was defeated. In 1762, 
 he bore a colonels commission, and served under Burgoyne 
 in Portugal, where he much distinguished himself. Not 
 long afterwards, he entered into the Polish service. Though 
 he was absent when the stamp act passed, he yet by his let- 
 ters, zealously supported the cause of America. In the 
 years 1771, 1772 and i 773, he rambled over all Europe, 
 for he could never stay long in one place. During this ex- 
 cursion, he was engaged. with an officer ia Italy in aa affair 
 
LA FAYETTE. 51 
 
 standing, was appointed to command the army in that 
 province. But the threatening aspect of the enemy 
 
 of honor, and he murdered his antagonist, escaping himself 
 with the loss of two ringers. Having lost the favour of the 
 ministry, and the hopes of promotion, in conseqnence of his 
 political sentiments, he came to America, in November, 
 1773. He travelled through the country, animating the 
 colonies to resistance. In 1774, he was induced, by the 
 persuasion of his friend, General Gates, to purchase a valu- 
 able tract of land, of two or three thousand acres, in Berk- 
 ley county, Virginia. Here he resided tili the following 
 year, when he resigned a commission which he held in the 
 British service, and accepted a commission from Congress, 
 appointing him major general. He accompanied Washing- 
 ton to the camp at Cambridge, where he arrived, July 2, 
 1775, and was received with every mark of respect. In the 
 beginning of the following year he was despatched to New 
 York, to prevent the British from obtaining possession of 
 the city and the Hudson. This trust he execut d with 
 great wisdom and energy. He disarmed all suspicious per- 
 sons on Long Island, and drew up a test, to be offered to 
 every one, whose attachment to the American cause was 
 doubted. His bold measures carried terror wherever he 
 appeared He seems to have been very fond of this appli- 
 cation of a test ; for in a letter to the president of Congress, 
 he informs him, that he had taken the liberty at Newport to 
 administer to a number of the tories a very strong oath, one 
 article of which was, that they should take arms in defence 
 •f their country, if called upon by Congress, and he recom- 
 mends, that this measure should be adopted in reference to 
 all the tories in America. Those fanatics, who might refuse 
 to take it, he thought should be carried into the interior. 
 Being sent into the southern colonies, as commander of all 
 the forces which should there be raised, he diffused an ardor 
 among the soldiers, which was attended with the most salu- 
 tary consequences. He was very active in giving directions 
 and making preparations previously to the unsuccessful at- 
 tack of the British on Sullivan's island, June 28, 1776. In 
 October, by the direction of Congress, he repaired to th£ 
 
52 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 at the south, was the cause of his destination being 
 changed, and Maj. Gen. Thomas was ordered to Cana- 
 
 norihern army. As he was marching from the Hudson, 
 through New Jersey, to form a junction with Washington, 
 in Pennsylvania, he quitted his camp in Morris county, to 
 reconnoitre. In this employment, he went to the distance 
 of three miles from the camp, and entered a house for break- 
 fast. A British colonel became acquainted with his situa- 
 tion, by intercepting a countryman, charged with a letter 
 from him, and was enabled to take him prisoner. He was 
 instantly mounted on a horse, without his cloak or hat and 
 carried safely to New York. He was detained till April or 
 May, 1778, when he was exchanged for General Prescott, 
 taken at Newport. He was very soon engaged in the bat- 
 tle of Monmouth. Being detached by the commander in 
 •hief to make an attack upon the rear of the enemy, Gen. 
 Washington was pressing forward to support him, on the 
 21 th of June, when to his astonishment, he found him re- 
 treating, without having made a single effort to maintain 
 his ground. Meeting him in these circumstances, without 
 any previous notice of his plans, Washington addressed him 
 in terms of some warmth. Lee, being ordered to check the 
 enemy, conducted himself with his usual bravery, and when 
 forced from the ground on which he had been placed, 
 brought off his troops in good order. But his haughty tem- 
 per could not brook the indignity, which he believed to have 
 been offered to him on the field of battle, and he addressed a 
 letter to Washington, requiring reparation for the injury. 
 He was on the thirtieth, arrested for disobedience of orders, 
 for misbehavior before the enemy, and for disrespect to the 
 commander in chief. Of these charges, he was found guil- 
 ty by a court martini, at which Lord Sterling presided, and 
 he was sentenced to be suspended for one year. He defend- 
 ed himself with his accustomed ability, and his retreat seems 
 to be justified from the circumstance of his having advanced 
 upon an enemy, whose strength was much greater than was 
 apprehended, and from his being in a situation, with a mo- 
 rass in his rear which would preclude him from a retreat, 
 if the British should have proved victorious. Bwt his ftis* 
 
LA FAYETTE. frS 
 
 da. It was understood by the American Congress, 
 that the only mode of gaining Canada would be 
 through the good will of its inhabitants towards their 
 cause ; and it was known, that a considerable propor- 
 tion of them were attached to the provincial interest 
 It so happened, however, that Arnold's men committed 
 some depredations on the Canadians, by which many 
 of them became highly disaffected ; and the American 
 cause, in Canada, was rather declining, when Gen. 
 Thomas arrived. He reached the encampment in 
 May, 1776, and found the army to consist of nineteen 
 hundred men, of whom less than one thousand were fit 
 for duty, and of these, three hundred had served the 
 time of their enlistments, and insisted on being imme- 
 diately discharged. The Canadians no longer showed 
 any disposition to assist the Americans. The river 
 fet. Lawrence was beginning to open, and the moment 
 it should become navigable, there was no doubt that 
 the enemy would be reinforced. Under such circum- 
 stances, it was in vain to think of continuing the siege 
 of Quebec. Gen. Thomas (herefore called a council, 
 and it was the unanimous opinion of the officers, that 
 
 respectful letters to the commander in chief, it is not easy to 
 justify. His suspension gave general satisfaction to the ar- 
 my, for he was suspected of aiming himself at the supreme 
 command. After the result of his trial was confirmed by 
 Congress, in January, 1780, he retired to his estate in Berk- 
 ley county, Virginia, where he lived in a style peculiar to 
 himself. Glass windows and plaster would have been ex- 
 travagances in his house. Though he had for his compan- 
 ions a few select authors and his doos, yet as he found his 
 situation too solitary and irksome, i e sold his farm in the 
 fall of 1782, that in a different abode he might enjoy the 
 conversation of mankind. He went to Philadelphia, and 
 took lodgings in an inn. After being three or four days in 
 the city, he was seized by a fever, which terminated his life, 
 October 2, 1782. The last words which he uttered, were, 
 ^standby me, my brave grenadiers." — Allen 9 * Biog. Die. 
 
 5* 
 
54 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the army should retire. Having retreated as far as 
 the river borel. Gen. Thomas was seized with the 
 small pox, of which he died.* 
 
 Another disastrous event happened about this time, 
 which destroyed all hopes of making Canada an Ame- 
 rican province, without a larger army. The Ameri- 
 cans occupied a military post at a place called the 
 Cedars, on the St. Lawrence, and about 40 miles 
 above Montreal. . The garrison consisted of about 
 400 men, with two field pieces, under the command of 
 Col. Bidel. This place was attacked by Gen. Carl- 
 ton, with six hundred regular troops, Canadian? and 
 Indians, in the absence of Col. Bidel, who had gone to 
 Montreal, for assistance ; the officer who commanded, 
 capitulated with the enemy, by which the whole party 
 were made prisoners of war. 
 
 General Sullivan, however, arrived at the post on 
 the Sorel, with reinforcements, and assumed the com- 
 mand. But still another disaster was about to happea 
 to the Americans in Canada. 
 
 Gen. Sullivan detached Gen. Thompson, with about 
 two thousand men, to attack a party of the enemy, 
 who were encamped at a place called Three Rivers. 
 
 * John Thomas, a major general in the American army, 
 served in the wars against the French and Indians with rep- 
 utation. In 1775, he was appointed by Congr ss a briga- 
 dier general, and during the siege of tJoston, he commanded 
 a division of the provincial troops at Roxbury. In the fol- 
 lowing year, he was appointed major general, and after the 
 death of Montgomery, was entrusted with the command in 
 Canada. He joined the army before Quebec on the first of 
 May, but soon found it necessary to raise the siege, and 
 oommence his retreat. He died of the small pox at Cham- 
 blee, May 30, 1776. On his death, the command devolved 
 for a few days on Arnold, and then on Gen. Sullivan. He 
 was a man of sound judgment and fixed courage, who was 
 beloved by his soldiers, and amiable in the relations of pri- 
 vate life. — Allen's Biogrctphicai Dictionary. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 55 
 
 Tins part) was suppled to amount to about nine hun- 
 dred .:en, but was afterwards found to be nearly dou- 
 ble that number. The plan of attack was well laid 
 by Gen. Thompson, but in his way to that place, his 
 party was discovered by the enemy's ships, then just 
 arrived with troops, in the river St. Lawrence. The 
 enemy landed a number of field pieces, and intercep- 
 ted the Americans, drove them into a deep morass, 
 and finally took Gen. Thompson, Col. Irwin, and 
 about -200 men prisoners. 
 
 The expected reinforcements from England having 
 now arrived, the ro\al army in Canada amounted 
 nearly to twenty thousand men. These troops were 
 the flower of the British army ; were in the most per- 
 fect state of discipline, and had been inured to the du- 
 ties of the camp. Among the officers who commanded 
 them, were Generals Burgoyue, Phillips. Frazer. Carl- 
 ton, Nesbit and Reidesel. 
 
 The whole of the American forces then in Canada, 
 amounted to about eight thousand men. But of these, 
 hardly one half were effective, being worn down with 
 fatigue and privations, and many of them sick in the 
 hospitals. Under these circumstances. Gen. Sulli- 
 van perceived that a retreat furnished the only hope 
 of saving his army from the hands of the enem> . Tins 
 was effected with much military skill ; but only just 
 in tune to escape from the enemy, who closelv pursu- 
 ed the Americans. 
 
 Thus terminated the bold, and at one time, promis- 
 .ing, enterpnze, of annexing Canada to the United Pro- 
 vinces. It seems to have failed in consequence of a 
 number of incidents which could not have been tore- 
 seen, and some of which were, in themselves, of little 
 or no importance. Thus the arrival of Arnold at Que- 
 bec, a few days sooner or later, could not have been 
 thought an important circumstance, nor would it have 
 been, in the course of events whi< h ordinarily occur. 
 The wind which prevented his crossing the river -; the 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 inter* epiion of' Geneial Sullivan's* part), by troops 
 just then arrived from England ; the death of Mont- 
 
 * John Sullivan, LL. D. major general in the American 
 army, and president of Nvw Hampshire, was appointed by 
 Congress a brigadier general, ii> 1775 and in the following 
 year, it is believed, a major general He superseded Ar- 
 nold in the command of the army in Canada, June 4, 1776, 
 but was soon driven out of that province. He afterwards, 
 on the illness of Greene, took the command of his division 
 on Long Island. In the battle of August '^7th, he was taken 
 prisoner with Lord Stirling. In a few months, however, he 
 was exchanged, for when Lee was carried off, he took the 
 command of his division in New Jersey, on the 20th of De- 
 cember. On the 22d of August, 1 77, he planned and ex- 
 ecuted an e pedition against Staten Island, tor which, on an 
 inquiry into his conduct, he received the approbation of the 
 court. In September, lie was engaged in the battle of 
 Brandy wine and on the 4tli of October in that of German- 
 town in the winter, he was detached to command the 
 troop* in Rhode Island. In August 1778, he laid siege to 
 Newport, then in the hands of the British, with the fullest 
 confidence of success; but being abandoned by the French 
 fleet, under D'Estaing, who sailed to Boston, be was obliged, 
 to his unutterable chagrin to raise the siege. On the 2^th^ 
 an action took place with the pursuing enemy, who were re- 
 pulsed On the .jOth, with great military skill, he pas-ed 
 over to the continent, without the loss of a single article, 
 and without the slightest suspicion, on the part ol the British, 
 of his movements. In the summer of I 7 < 9, he commanded 
 an expedition against the Six Nations of Indians in New 
 York. Being joined by General Clinton, on the i26 of Au» , 
 gust, he matched towards he enemy, under the command of 
 Brandt, the Butlers nd others, at Newtown, between the 
 south end of Seneca lake and Tioga river, attacked them in 
 their works, and complet Iy dispersed them. He then laid 
 waste the country, destroyed all their villages, and left not a 
 single vestige of human industry. This severity was neces- 
 saiy to prevent their ravages. Gen S Ilivan had made 
 such high demands for military stores, and had so freely 
 complained of the government for inattention to those de- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 53 
 
 gomery and Thomas ; and the sickness of the troops ; 
 were a succession of disasters, for which no calculation 
 could have been made, and which seem to have deci- 
 ded this unfortunate undertaking. A committee of 
 Congress, appointed to inquire into the causes of these 
 failures, did not attach blame to any of the command- 
 ing officers of the expedition. 
 
 During the period of time occupied by the Cana- 
 dian war, the southern colonies were by no means in- 
 active. 
 
 Lord Dunmore, governour of Virginia, who had ta- 
 ken arm* against the liberty of his own colony, had 
 collected a considerable number of tories, runaway 
 slaves, and freed apprentices, and furnished them with 
 arms, and was carrying on a predatory war against its 
 peaceable citizens. Considering his party ol sufficient 
 strength, he attempted to burn the town of Hampton, 
 but was repulsed with loss. His lordship then pro- 
 claimed martial law, and commanded all persons capa- 
 ble of military duty, to repair forthwith to the ro^al 
 standard. These transactions being known at VVil- 
 liamsburg. a regiment of regulars was de t ache d against 
 him. Both parties threw up small fortifications near 
 each other, where they continued a few days without 
 any movement. His lordship then in a tit of eSntempt 
 for American courage, sent about sixty grenadiers to 
 " .I. i , ^ 
 
 inands, as to give much offence to some members of Con- 
 gress, and to the board of war. He in consequence res'i£n- 
 «d his command on the 9th of November. He was after- 
 wards a member of Congress, in the years 1786, 17 7, 
 and 1789, he w s president of New Hampshire, in which 
 station, by his vigorous exer'ions he quelled the spiiit of in- 
 surrection, which exhibited itself at the time of the troubles 
 in Massachusetts. In October, 1789, he was appointed 
 district judge of New Hampshire. He died at his s- at in 
 Durham, January 23, 1795, aged fifty four years.— Men'* 
 Biog. Dictionary, 
 
58 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 storm the works of the provincials, and clear the way 
 for the rest of his army. But,' contrary to his expec- 
 tation, the provincials being on the alert, and ready to 
 receive them, poured so dreadful a fire on the ap- 
 proaching enemy, that great numbers were killed on 
 the spot, and his Lordship was repulsed with the loss 
 of every one of his grenadiers, who were either killed 
 or wounded. 
 
 The town of Norfolk was burnt on the night of Dec. 
 9th, 1776. It is said that the British determined on 
 this art in consequence of some American soldiers 
 having fired into a vessel belonging to their squadron, 
 which lay in the harbour. .The houses along the 
 ■ho re were set on fire by a party which landed under 
 cover of a heavy cannonade from their shipping. The 
 fire was continued by order of the Virginian conven- 
 tion, through fear, that if the town was left standing, 
 the British would make it a strong and permanent post. 
 Thus was destroyed, one of the most flourishing and 
 populous towns to Virginia. 
 
 In North Carolina, Governour Martin entertained 
 hope* ot being abte to reduce that colony to royal 
 obedience. Having collected a considerable army, 
 consisting of disaffected persons, tories and Irishmen, 
 recently arrived, he appointed an Irish emigrant, by 
 the name of McDonald, their general. This party, 
 being in number about fifteen hundred, took post at a 
 place called Crop Creek, and began to show a warlike 
 disposition. General Moore immediately marched 
 against them, with a regiment of regulars and a few 
 militia. McDonald retreated with great precipitation^ 
 but was surrounded, and obliged to risk a battle, in 
 which several of the leaders were killed ; this filled 
 the whoie party with panic, and they lied in all direc- 
 tions. 
 
 This victory was of great service to the American ■ 
 cause in South Carolina. It broke up and dispersed 
 a rabble which was likely to do much mischief ; and 
 
LA FAYETTE. 59 
 
 at the same time, gave courage to many of the colo- 
 nists, who were fearful that the American cause could 
 not be supported in their colony. 
 
 In February of this year, Sir Henry Clinton, with 
 the British fleet, arrived at Charleston ; and on the 
 28th of that month, the Bristol and Experiment, two 
 fifty gun ships, the Solebay, Acteon and Syren, of 
 twenty eight guns each, the Sphynx, of twenty two 
 guns, and the Thunder, bomb ketch, all took their sta- 
 tion before the town. At about eleven o'clock on 
 that day, they opened a most tremendous cannonade 
 and bombardment on the fort at Sullivan's Island. 
 But owing to the low situation of the fort, and the 
 materials of which it was constituted, little effect was 
 produced. These materials were dirt and Palmetto 
 wood, which wood, when struck with lead, does not 
 splinter, but closes upon it. The mortars in the bomb 
 ketch became injured by overcharging, and soon were 
 useless. This was arxoccasion of great joy to the as- 
 sailed. At no time did the provincials ever display 
 more determined courage than on this occasion. 
 Every gun from he fort was aimed in a manner as 
 deliberate and exact, as though the garrison had been 
 trying their skill at a target; and although the tiring 
 was not rapid, the execution was terrible. During 
 the action, all the powder at the fort was expended, 
 and the guns were for a few moments silent. Gen. 
 Lee, who commanded on this occasion, crossed over 
 to the fort, in order to ascertain the situation of the 
 men, and whether it was necessary to make prepara- 
 tions to withdraw them to the shore. But he found 
 them united in the determination to give up the fort 
 only with their lives; and he returned with admira- 
 tion of the veteran like courage which he had witnes- 
 sed. The engagement continued until night made a 
 suspension necessary. IN or were the royal ships in 
 much condition to continue the action longer. The 
 Bristol lost one hundred and eleven men, and the 
 
60 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Experiment seventy nine. Capt. Scott, of the Bristol, 
 lost his arm, and Capt. Morris, of the Experiment, 
 was mortally wounded. Lord Campbell, who served 
 as a volunteer, was also mortally wounded. The loss 
 of the Americans in killed and wounded, was only 
 thirty five. 
 
 About nine in the evening, the British fleet slipped 
 their cables, and sailed for New York ; all attempts on 
 the southern colonies being for the present relin- 
 quished. 
 
 Gen. Lee obtained great reputation for the military 
 skill with which he conducted this defence ; and Col. 
 Moultrie,* who commanded the fort, a id Col. Thomy- 
 soo, received great and merited praise for their gal- 
 lantry on this occasion. 
 .1 ■ ■ . . . i . »» 
 
 * William 'Moultrie, governour of South Carolina, and a 
 major general in the American war, was devoted to the ser- 
 vice of his country from an early period of his life. In the 
 Cherokee war, in 1760, he was a volunteer, with many of 
 his respectable countrymen, under the command of Gover- 
 nour Lyttleton. He was afterwards in another expedition, 
 under Colonel Montgomery. He then commanded a com- 
 pany in a third expedition, in 1761, which humbled the 
 Cherokees, and brought them to terms of peace. He was 
 among the foremost at the commencement of the late revo- 
 lution, to assert the liberties of his country, and braved every 
 danger to redress her wrongs His manly firmness, intre- 
 pid zeal, and cheerful exposure of every thin?, which he 
 possessed, added weight to his counsels, and induced others 
 to join him. In the beginning of the war, he was colonel of 
 the second regiment of South Carolina. His defence of 
 Sullivan's island, with three hundred and forty four regulars, 
 and a few militia, and his repulse of the British, in their at- 
 tack upon the fort, June 28, 1776 covered him with honour. 
 In consequence of his good conduct he received he unani- 
 mous thanks of Congress, and in compliment to him, the 
 fort was from that time callvd fort Moultrie. In 1779, he 
 gained a viciory over the British, in the battle near Beaufort. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 61 
 
 Having thus given some account of the military 
 transactions at the north and south, it is necessary 
 now to turn our attention to the movements of the 
 middle colonies. 
 
 Immediately after the royal army had evacuated 
 Boston, Gen. Washington hastened with the main 
 body of his army to New York. He conceived that 
 the grand efforts of the British would probably be di- 
 rected up the Hudson, and had determined to watch 
 their movements with vigilance. The possession of 
 New York by the enemy, was an event greatly to be 
 dreaded, not only on account of its own importance, 
 but also as furnishing a facility to penetrate up the 
 Hudson. But as they had the command of the har- 
 bour, it was difficult to prevent their landing, without 
 a force by land sufficient to oppose them in open com- 
 bat. Hulks were therefore sunk to obstruct the pas- 
 sage of ships up the Hudson, and the narrows were 
 strongly fortified on both sides of the river. 
 
 But Washington saw with regret that his effective 
 
 After the city surrendered, he was sent to Philadelphia. In 
 1782, he returned with his countrymen, and was repeatedly 
 chosen governour of the state, till the infirmities of age in- 
 duced him to withdraw to the peaceful retreat of domestic 
 life. He died at Charleston, September 27. 1805, in the 
 seventy sixth year of his age. The glory of his honourable 
 services was surpassed by his disinterestedness and integrity. 
 An attempt was once made on the part of the British, to 
 bribe him, and he was thought to be more optui to corrup- 
 tion, as he had suffered much in his private fortune. But 
 resolving to share the fate of his country, he spurned the 
 offers of indemnification and preferment, which were made 
 him. He was an unassuming, easy, affable companion, 
 cheerful Mid sincere in his friendships. He published me- 
 moirs of* the American revolution, so far as it related to 
 ,North and South Carolina, and Georgia, 2 vols. 8vo k 1802. 
 This work is principally a collection of letters, written by 
 civil and military officers, in the time of the wai\ — Allen's 
 Biog. Die. 
 
tJ2 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 force would be insufficient for the efforts he deemed it 
 necessary to make. The number of posts to be de- 
 fended was so great, that the power of his army at any 
 one point, must be greatly weakened by such divis- 
 ions. Besides these discouragements, the army was 
 in want of guns, clothing, powder, tents, and indeed, of 
 almost all the munitions of war. 
 
 On a representation of these facts, a resolution pas- 
 sed Congress, to strengthen the regular army, by rais- 
 ing thirteen thousand eight hundred militia, in the col- 
 onies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York and 
 New Jersey. 
 
 About this time, a plot was discovered, of an odious 
 and very alarming nature. It was formed by Gov. 
 Try-on, through the agency of the Mayor of New York, 
 and its object was no less than the seizure of Gen. 
 Washington, and delivering him over to the enemy. 
 Some of the American arm) was concerned in it. At 
 the same time, another plot, for the same purpose, 
 was forming in Albany* Both were discovered in 
 time to be defeated, and the ring-leaders were brought 
 to the justice they deserved. 
 
 U Hitherto," says Judge Marshall, "the war had 
 been carried on with the avowed wish to obtain a re- 
 dress of grievances. The utmost horror at the idea of 
 attempting independence had been expressed, and the 
 most anxious desire of establishing on its ancient prin- 
 ciples, the union which had so long subsisted between 
 the two countries, was openly and generally declared. 
 But however sincere the wisti to retain a political 
 connexion with Great Baitain might have been, at the 
 commencement of the conflict, the operation of hostil- 
 ities on that sentimeot was infallible- To profess al- 
 legiance and respect for a monarch, who was believed 
 to be endeavouring, by force of arms, to wrest from 
 them all that rendered life valuable .; whilst every 
 possible effort was making by arms to repel the at- 
 tempt, began to be felt as an absurdity, and to main- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 63 
 
 tain such a system was impossible." %i When the ap- 
 peal was first made to arms, and the battle of Lexing- 
 ton was fought, a great majority of those who guided 
 the councils, and ledthe battalions of America, wished 
 only for a repeal of the obnoxious acts of Parliament, 
 which had occasioned their resistance to the authority 
 of the crown ; and they would have been truly unwil- 
 ling to venture into the unexplored regions of self- 
 government." 
 
 But these prejudices and these feelings were totally 
 incompatible with the present state of things. No 
 subject can ever love or respect a monarch, who pro- 
 poses to him to take away either his liberty or his life, 
 and who, with arms in his hand, shows himself deter- 
 mined to enforce his command. It was well known 
 to the colonists, that immense preparations were ma- 
 king in England, to bring the American Colonies to a 
 state in which they could no longer resist any of her 
 claims. In all probability she would tax them until 
 they had paid the utmost farthing she had expended in' 
 effecting their subjection. Add to this, the consider- 
 ation of the burning of houses, destruction of property 
 and lives, sometimes wantonly, by the British soldiery : 
 and no man in his senses, could think of ever submit- 
 ting to such authority. 
 
 Some of the colonists, therefore, began to think of 
 independence ; and this subject soon became a lead- 
 ing topic of conversation, and excited a general wish 
 that it might be attained. 
 
 Congress at the same time, knowing the sentiments 
 of the people, began to take higher ground. Their 
 language respecting the British government, was no 
 longer in the tone of loyal subjects. The assumption 
 of authority began to characterize their doings; and 
 their acts purported to emanate from a body posses- 
 sing the highest power in America. General letters 
 of marque and reprisal were granted, and the Amen 
 
6& MEMOIRS OF 
 
 can ports were opened to all nations and people, not 
 subject to the British crown. 
 
 But a measure of congress, adopted on the 6th of 
 May 1776, was considered as deciding the disposition 
 of that body, in favour of disavowing all allegiance to 
 Great Britain. Before that time, each colony had 
 adopted temporary forms of government, to continue 
 only during the contest ; this course having been re- 
 commended by Congress. But now Mr. John Adams. 
 Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Richard Henry Lee, were ap- 
 pointed by that body to frame a preamble to resolu- 
 tions, recommending generally to the colonies to adopt 
 a system of government without limitation of time, 
 and which should be adequate to existing circumstan- 
 ces. 
 
 A part of the preamble was in these words : 
 " Whereas his Brittanic Majesty, in conjunction with 
 the Lords and commons of Great Britain, has, by a 
 late act of parliament, excluded the inhabitants of the 
 United Colonies from the protection of the crown ; 
 and whereas no answer whatever to the humble peti- 
 tions of the colonies for redress of grievances, and re- 
 conciliation with GTeat Britain, has been, or is likely 
 to be given ; but the whole force of the kingdom, 
 aided by foreign mercenaries, is to be exerted for the 
 destruction of the good people of these colonies ; and 
 whereas it appears absolutely irreconcilable with rea- 
 son and good conscience, for the people of these colo- 
 nies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary 
 for the support of any government under the crown of 
 Great Britain ; and it is necessary that the exercise of 
 every kind of authority under said crown, should be 
 totally suppressed ; therefore resolved, that it be re- 
 commended to the respective assemblies and conven- 
 tions of the United Colonies, where no government 
 sufficient for the exigencies of their affairs hath been 
 already established, to adopt such government as shall, 
 in the opinion of the representatives of the people. 
 
LA FAYETTE. <55 
 
 best conduce to the happiness and safety of their con- 
 stituents in particular, and America in general." 
 
 The step recommended by Congress was so deci- 
 sive, that several of the colonies at first hesitated 
 whether it should be adopted. But public opinion 
 was in favour of the decision which Congress had 
 made ; and all the Colonies finally adopted the plan 
 of government recommended. 
 
 The time was now fast approaching, when the great 
 and decisive step was to be taken. The people in all 
 parts of the country were impatient openly to throw 
 ofFall allegiance to his Brittanic Majesty, and declar- 
 ed themselves ready to support their independence 
 with their fortunes and their swords. Several of the 
 State conventions instructed their representatives in 
 Congress, to move resolutions declaring the United 
 Colonies free and independent. Under this general 
 state of feeling, the following resolution was moved in 
 Congress, by Richard Henry Lee, and seconded by 
 John Adams ; " Resolved that these United Colonies 
 are, and of right ought to be, free and independent 
 States ; and that all political connexion between 
 then*., and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to 
 be totally dissolved." This resolution, which was 
 read on the 7th of June 1 < 76, was referred to a com- 
 mittee of the whole Congress, where it was debated 
 daily. Copies of it were sent to the state conven- 
 tions requesting instructions to their delegates in Con- 
 gress. All the colonies except Pennsylvania and 
 Maryland immediately expressed their approbation of 
 the measure. In both these colonies, the friends of 
 independence made the strongest exertions to obtain 
 the consent of their conventions to favour the resolu- 
 tion. The apprehension of which they availed them- 
 selves, that those colonies which did not join in this 
 last and most important step, would be left out of the 
 Union, was an argument which produced the desired 
 6* 
 
66 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 effect; and on the 28th of June these provinces di- 
 rected their representatives to assent to the resolution. 
 
 Having thus obtained the consent of all the provin- 
 ces, the declaration of independence which had al- 
 ready been prepared was read, commented on, and 
 finally passed, by a unanimous vote of Congress. — 
 While this most important step was preparing in the 
 American cabinet, great exertions were making for its 
 defence in the field. The British administration had 
 become convinced, from the effects of continental 
 arms on their troops, that America could be made to 
 submit, only by a force vastly superior to any thing 
 they had yet sent against her. While the colorrists, 
 having declared themselves a nation free and inde- 
 pendent, had determined, in virtue of this assertion, to 
 repel every hostile invasion of their territories, and 
 every encroachment on their rights as citizens. As 
 had been predicted by Washington, the movements of 
 the British army now evinced that an attempt would 
 be made to ascend the Hudson. 
 
 Lord Howe who on the evacuation of Boston, re- 
 tired to Halifax, had now arrived, with his whole ar- 
 my, at New York. Here, although he had seen the 
 declaration of independence, he sent letters to the late 
 govcrnours of the provinces, offering terms of pacifica- 
 tion, and proclaiming pardon to such persons as had 
 violated their allegiance, provided they would imme- 
 diately return to their duty. These letters were put 
 into circulation, by such friends of royalty among the 
 Colonists, as had not yet convinced themselves that 
 Great Britain had no right to them as slaves. These 
 circulars, so far from producing what was designed, 
 actually produced an effect entirely opposite ; and so 
 salutary was their influence in favour of the American 
 cause, that Congress ordered their publication in all 
 the newspapers in the colonies. Meantime reinforce- 
 ments from England and Germany were arriving daily, 
 and the British army from the South had joined Gen- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 67 
 
 oral Howe. His force was now estimated at about 
 twenty-four thousand men. 
 
 The American army, including the regular troops 
 and militia, amounted to about twenty-seven thousand 
 men. One fourth part of this number was sick and 
 unable to do duty. A portion of this army was sta- 
 tioned on Long Island, under the command of Major 
 General Sullivan. The residue occupied different 
 stations in the neighbourhood of New York, viz. on 
 York Island, on Governour's Island, at Powles-hook. 
 and East and West Chester. An attack from the 
 enemy was now daily expected, and Washington ex- 
 erted all his faculties in preparing for it. He visited 
 every post, and encouraged the men to show to the 
 British and to the world, with what firmness freemen 
 defended their liberties. In his orders, he says, " the 
 time is now near at hand, which must probably deter- 
 mine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; 
 whether they are to have property they can call their 
 own ; whether their houses and farms are to be pilla- 
 ged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state 
 of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will de- 
 liver them. The eyes of all our countrymen are nuw 
 upon us, and we shall have their blessings and praises, 
 if happily we are the instruments of saving them from 
 the tyranny meditated against them." 
 
 To the officers, he recommended the greatest possi- 
 ble coolness during the action ; to the soldiers, the 
 strictest obedience to orders. As the time approach- 
 ed when Washington had every reason to believe a 
 great and perhaps decisive engagement was to take 
 place, his anxiety and vigilance increased. 
 
 Just before the landing of the enemy on Long Isl- 
 and, in an address to the army, he says " Be ready for 
 action at a moment's call, and when called into it, re- 
 member that liberty, property, life and honour, are all 
 at stake ; that upon your courage and conduct rest 
 the hopes of your bleeding and insulted country : that 
 
68 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 your wives, children and parents, expect safety from 
 you only ; and that we have every reason to believe 
 that Heaven will crown with success so just a cause." 
 He then gave explicit orders that any soldier, who 
 should attempt to conceal himself in time of battle, 
 should be shot down on the spot. 
 
 The movements of the enemy indicated that an at- 
 tack was soon to be made, and as the defence of Long 
 Island was intimately connected with the safety of 
 New York, a strong reinforcement was sent over to 
 General Sullivan. 
 
 Early in the morning on the 22d of July 1776, the 
 principal part of the British troops, with Col. Donop's 
 corps of Chasseurs and Hessian grenadiers, with forty 
 pieces of cannon, landed on Long Island, at a short 
 distance from the narrows. This division of the army 
 was commanded by Lieutenant General Clinton. 
 
 Major General Putnam* was now directed to take 
 
 * Israel Putnam, a major general in the army of the Uni- 
 ted States, was born at Salem, Massachusetts, January 7, 
 1718. His mind was vigorous, but it was never cultivated 
 by education. When he for the first time went to Boston, 
 he was insulted for his rusticity by a boy of twice his size. 
 After bearing his sarcasms until his good nature was ex- 
 hausted, he attacked and vanquished the unmannerly fellow 
 to the great diversion of a crowd of spectators. In running, 
 leaping, and wrestling he almost always bore away the prize. 
 In 1739 he removed to Fbmfret, in Connecticut, where he 
 cultivated a considerable tract of land. He had however to 
 encounter many difficulties, and among his troubles the de- 
 predations of wolves upon his sheepfold was not the least. 
 In one night seventy fine sheep and goats were killed. A 
 she wolf, who with her annual whelps had for several years 
 infested the vicinity, being considered as the principal cause 
 of the havoc, Mr. Putnam entered into a combination with 
 a number of his neighbours to hunt alternately, till they 
 should destroy her. At length the hounds drove her into 
 her den, and a number of persons soon collected with guns, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 69 
 
 command at Brooklyn, with a reinforcement of six 
 regiments, and was ordered to be in constant readiness 
 
 straw, fire, and sulphur to attack the common enemy. But 
 the dogs were afraid to approach her, and the fumes of brim- 
 stone could not force her from the cavern. It was now ten 
 o'clock at night. Mr. Putnam proposed to his black servant 
 to descend into the cave and shoot the wolf; but as the ne- 
 gro declined, he resolved to do it himself. Having divested 
 himself of his coat and waistcoat, and having a long rope 
 fasten d round his legs, by which he might be pulled back at 
 a concerted signal, he entered the cavern head foremost witb 
 a blazing torch, made of strips of birch bark, in his hand. 
 He descended fifteen feet, passed along horizontally ten feet, 
 and then began the gradual ascent, which is sixteen feet in 
 length. He slowly proceeded on his hands and knees in an 
 abode, which was silent as the ouse of death. Cautiously 
 glancing forwards, he discovered the glaring eyeballs of the 
 wolf, who started at the sight of his torch, gnashed her teeth, 
 and gave a sullen growl. He immediately kicked the rope ? 
 and was drawn out with a friendly celerity and violence, 
 which not a little bruised him. Loading his gun with nine 
 buck shot, and carrying it in one hand, while he held the 
 torch with the other he descended a second time. As he 
 approached the wolf, she howled, rolled her eyes, snapped 
 her teeth, dropped her head between her legs, and was evi- 
 dently on the point of springing at him. At this moment 
 he fired at her head, an=« soon found himself drawn out of 
 the cave. Having refreshed himself he again descended, 
 and seizing the wolf by her ears kirked the rope, and his 
 companions above with no small exultation dragged them 
 both out together. During the French war he was appoint- 
 ed to command a company of the first troops, which were 
 raised in Connecticut in 1755. He rendered much service 
 to the army in the neighbourhood of Crown Point. In 
 1756, while near Ticonderoga, he was repeatedly in the 
 most imminent danger. He escaped in an adventure of one 
 night with twelve bullet holes in his blanket. In August he 
 was sent out with several hundred men to watch the mo- 
 tions of the enemy, Being ambuscaded by a party of equal 
 
70 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 for an attack. On the 25th, Lieutenant General De 
 Heister landed with two brigades of Hessians, and took 
 
 numbers, a general buf irregular action took place. Putnam 
 had discharged his fusee several times, but at length it missed 
 fire, while its muzzle was presented to the breast of a sav- 
 age. The warrior with his lifted hatchet and a tremendous 
 war whoop compelled him to surrender and then bound him 
 to a tree. In the course of the action the parties changed 
 their position, so as to bring this tree directly between them. 
 The balls flew by him incessantly ; many struck the tree, 
 and some passed through his clothes. The enemy now 
 gained possession of the ground, but being afterwards driven 
 from the field they carried their prisoner with them. At 
 night he was stripped and a fire was kindled to roast him 
 alive ; but a French officer saved him The next day he 
 arrived at Ticonderoga, and thence he was carried to Mon- 
 treal. About the year 1759 he was exchanged through the 
 ingenuity of his fellow prisoner, Col. Schuyler. When 
 peace took place e returned to his farm. He was plough- 
 ing in his field in i 775, when he heard the news of the bat- 
 tle of Lexington. He immediately unyoked his team, left 
 his plough on the spot, and without changing his clothes set 
 off for Cambridge. He soon went back to Connecticut, 
 levied a regiment, and repaired again to the camp. In a 
 little time he was promoted to the rank of major general. — 
 In the battle of Bunkers hill he exhibited his usual intrepid- 
 ity. He directed the men to reserve their fire, till the ene» 
 my was very near, reminded them of their skill, and told 
 them to take good aim. They did so, and the execution 
 was terrible. After the retreat, he made a stand at Winter 
 hill and drove back the enemy under cover of their ships. 
 When the army was organized by Gen. Washington at Cam- 
 bridge, Putnam was appointed to command the reserve. In 
 August 1776 he was stationed at Brooklyn, on Long Island. 
 After the defeat of our army on the 27th of that month, he 
 went to New York and was very serviceable in the city and 
 neighbourhood. In October or November he was sent to 
 Philadelphia to fortify that city. In January 1777 he was 
 directed to take post at Princeton, where he continued unfil 
 
LA FAYETTE. 7) 
 
 post at Flatbush, where he was reinforced by Lord 
 Cornwallis in the evening. 
 
 On the 26th the British army was posted as follows 5 
 the Hessians under De Heisler in the centre : on the 
 right was the main body of the army, commanded by 
 General Clinton. Earl Percy, and Lord Cornwallis ; 
 and on the lef M kjorGenei il Grant's division. 
 
 spring. At this place a sick prisoner, a captain, requested 
 that a friend in the Biitisli army at Brunswick might be sent 
 for to assist him in making his will Putnam was perplex- 
 ed. He had but fifty men under his command, and he did 
 not wish to have his weakness known ; yet he was unwil- 
 ling to deny the request. He however sent a flag of tiuce^ 
 and directed the officer to be brought in the night. In the 
 evening lights were placed in a)] the college windows, and 
 in every apartment of the vacant houses throughout 'he 
 town. The officer on his return report* d that Gen. Put* 
 nam's army could not consist of ess, than four or five thou- 
 sand men. In the spring he was appointed to the command 
 of a separate army in the highlands of New York. One 
 Palmer, a lieutenant in the tory new levies, was detected in 
 the camp ; Gov. Tryon reclaimed him as a British officer, 
 threatening vengeance if he was not restored. General Put- 
 nam wrote the following pithy reply ; " Sir, Nathan Palm- 
 er, a lieutenant in your king's service, was taken in my camp 
 as a spy ; he was tried as a spy ; he was condemned as a 
 spy ; and he shall b<* hanged as a spy. P. S. Afternoon. 
 He is hanged." After the loss 0/ fort Montgomery, the 
 commander in chief determined to build another fortifica- 
 tion, and he directed Putnam to fix upon a spot. To h m 
 belongs the praise of having chosen West Point. The cam- 
 paign of 1779, which was principally spent in strengthening 
 the works at this place, finished the military cateer of Put- 
 nam. A paralytic affection impaired the activity of his 
 body, and he passed the remainder of his days in retirement, 
 retaining his relish for enjoyment, his love of pleasantry, his 
 strength of memory, and all the faculties of his mind. He 
 died at Brooklyn, Connecticut, May 29, 1 790, aged seventy- 
 tw« years. — Allen's Biographical Dictionary. 
 
72 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The two armies were now within five or six miles 
 of each other, but separated by a range of hills. 
 
 Soon after daylight on the 27th, General Sullivan, 
 who commanded all the troops without the lines, pro- 
 ceeded with a body of New England troops towards 
 .Flatbush, intending to guard a pass through the hills. 
 At the same time, Lord Sterling was ordered to meet 
 the enemy, who was advancing on the road from the 
 narrows. In the morning De Heister's division be- 
 gan to cannonade the troops under General Sullivan. 
 Meanwhile the British right had got in rear of the 
 American line, and Gen. Sullivan found it was time to 
 retreat from his position ; but in doing this he encoun- 
 tered the front of the British line. It was then that 
 the Americans saw the dangers of their situation, and 
 found that they were surrounded. 
 
 An attempt was therefore made to escape to the 
 camp at Brooklyn, with the utmost celerity ; but this 
 was found difficult. Clinton and the main body of 
 his army attacked them in the rear, while they were 
 flying before De Heister. A succession of skirmishes 
 took place in the woods, in which some of the Ameri- 
 can army forced their way through the enemy, and re- 
 gained the lines. Others escaped under cover of the 
 woods; but a considerable proportion of Sullivan's 
 and Lord Sterling's detachments were either taken or 
 killed. 
 
 The loss to the American army on this occasion was 
 very considerable. Numbers were supposed to have 
 been drowned in a creek, and some were suffocated in 
 •i marsh. The number lost could not be accurately 
 known ; but Washington did not admit that it was 
 more than a thousand. Among the prisoners were 
 Major General Sullivan, Lord Sterling,* and General 
 
 * William Alexander, commonly called lord Stirling, a 
 major general in the American army, was a native of the 
 city of New York, bnt spent a considerable part of his life 
 
LA FAYETTE. ?$ 
 
 Woodhull. The loss of the enemy was stated, by 
 General Howe, to have been twenty-one officers, and 
 three hundred and forty six privates, killed, wounded, 
 and taken. 
 
 During the action, General Washington crossed 
 over from New York and saw, with inexpressible an- 
 guish, the destruction in which his best troops were 
 involved. Should he attempt to reinforce them from 
 the camp at Brooklyn, the camp itself might be lost, 
 and thus the whole division be destroyed. Should he 
 bring over the battalions remaining at New York, his 
 number would not then be equal to that of the enemy ; 
 and consequently, to hazard a general engagement at 
 the risk of losing all, was, in his view, altogether inex- 
 pedient. He was therefore compelled to witness the 
 death of some of his best soldiers, without making any 
 attempt to save them, 
 
 in New Jersey. He was considered by many as the right- 
 ful heir to the title and estate of an earldom in Scotland, of 
 which country his father was a native 5 and although, when 
 he went to North Britain in pursuit of this inheritance, he 
 failed of obtaining an acknowledgment of his claim by gov- 
 ernment ; yet among his friends and acquaintances he re- 
 ceived by courtesy the title of lord Stirling. He discovered 
 an early fondness for the study of mathematics and astrono- 
 my, and attained great eminence in these sciences. 
 
 In the battle of Long Island, August 27, 1776, he was ta-„ 
 ken prisoner, after having secured to a large part of the de- 
 tachment an opportunity to escape by a bold attack with 
 four hundred men upon a corps under lord Cornwallis. His 
 attachment to Washington was proved in the latter part of 
 1777 by transmitting to him an account of the disaffection 
 of Gen. Conway to the commander in chief. In the letter 
 he said, " Such wicked duplicity of conduct I shall always 
 think it my duty to detect." 
 
 He died at Albany, January 15, 1783, aged 57 years. — 
 He was a brave, discerning, and intrepid officer. — Allen's 
 Biographical Dictionary. 
 
 7 
 
74 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The situation of the army on Long Island now be- 
 came critical. The enemy, having a formidable train 
 of artillery, could destroy their works at Brooklyn ; in 
 which case the whole division must fall into their 
 hands. It was therefore determined to withdraw the 
 troops to New York. This difficult movement was 
 effected on the night of the 28th, with such despatch 
 and silence, that the enemy never suspected it until 
 morning. 
 
 This victory over the Americans greatly dispirited 
 the whole army, and threw a gloom over the counte- 
 nances of all the friends of liberty. 
 
 Gen. Washington thus describes the state of the 
 army, after this event, in a letter to Congress. " Our 
 situation is truly distressing. The check our detach- 
 ment sustained on the 27th, has dispirited too great a 
 proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with 
 apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of 
 calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly 
 opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, 
 intractable, and impatient to return home. Great 
 numbers of them have gone oft", — in some instances, 
 almost by whole regiments, in many, by battalions, 
 and by companies at a time." 
 
 Washington had frequently remonstrated with Con- 
 gress against substituting militia for enlisted men. Ex- 
 perience had repeatedly shown, that in time of action, 
 no dependence could be placed on militia. The pres- 
 ent instance was so convincing a proof of what he had 
 said, that Congress now passed an act to raise, by en- 
 listment, for three years, or during the war, eighty- 
 eight battalions of men. Immediately after his victo- 
 ry on Long Island, Lord Howe offered to negociate 
 with Congress, in conformity with his powers as a 
 commissioner for making peace. Congress according- 
 ly appointed a committee, who waited on his lordship 
 at Staten Island, to be informed, how far his powers 
 extended, and what terms he had to propose. His 
 
LA FAYETTE. 75 
 
 lordship prefaced his terms, by informing the gentle- 
 men, that his majesty and ministers were exceedingly 
 well disposed towards the American colonies, and that 
 they wished to make the government of this country 
 as easy to the people as possible. He also intimated, 
 that, in case of submission, the offensive acts of par- 
 liament should be reversed, and the instructions to 
 govemours be reconsidered. 
 
 The committee, in answer, gave it as their opinion, 
 that, in the present state of things, submission to 
 Great Britain was not to be expected. That the colo- 
 nies had petitioned without obtaining redress, and that 
 they now considered themselves as free and indepen 
 dent states. 
 
 His lordship answered, that he regretted to find 
 that no accommodation was likely to take place, and 
 dissolved the meeting. 
 
 The royal army having got possession of Long Isl- 
 and, Washington began to doubt the propriety of at- 
 tempting to maintain his position at New York. His 
 whole force did not exceed 25,000 men, and of these 
 not more than 18,000 were fit for duty. The British 
 could bring against him a much greater number of 
 veteran troops, and in all respects superior. But the 
 great danger of remaining on York Island was, that 
 the enemy would probably take post in the rear, while 
 the shipping would guard the front, and thus force the 
 American army to an engagement on their own terms T 
 or to surrender at discretion. 
 
 It was therefore concluded to evacuate New York, 
 and to remove the baggage and military stores to a 
 place of safety. While preparations were making for 
 the army to move, Sir Henry Clinton landed with 
 about four thousand men, at a place called Kip's bay. 
 three miles above New York. Works had been 
 thrown up at this place, to oppose the landing of the 
 enemy, but the troops stationed to defend them, ter- 
 rified by the fire of the enemy's ships, under which the 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 landing was effected, fled with precipitation. It now 
 only remained to withdraw the residue of the Ameri- 
 can army from the city. This was effected with the 
 loss of only a few men, killed and wounded in a skir- 
 mish at Bloomingdale. All the heavy artillery, how- 
 ever, together with a large proportion of the baggage, 
 provisions and tents, were unavoidably abandoned. 
 This was a heavy and irreparable loss. The tents in 
 particular, were a loss which was most severely felt, 
 as the season was approaching, when the men would 
 suffer without them. 
 
 The enemy now took possession of the city, and 
 posted the main body of their army, so as to extend 
 quite across York Island, and near the American lines. 
 Washington had fortified Kingsbridge with great care, 
 that he might preserve a communication with the con- 
 tinent ; and at this place, his army presented the 
 strongest point in their line. 
 
 The two armies being now intrenched near each 
 other, frequent skirmishes took place between small 
 parties, sometimes in sight of both iines. In one of 
 these, the Americans had obviously the advantage, 
 having killed and wounded twice the number they lost. 
 This little affair had quite an effect on the whole army. 
 It was the first success they had obtained during this 
 campaign. It showed, too, that in fair combat, Ameri- 
 can troops could stand before, and vanquish their 
 royal enemies. The armies did not long remain in 
 this position. Gen. Howe's plan was either to force 
 Washington out of his lines, or to enclose him in them. 
 With this view, he landed a considerable part of his 
 army at Frog's Neck, and began to throw up intrench- 
 ments, to obstruct the movement of the American ar- 
 my into the country. 
 
 The commander in chief, aware of the plan of his 
 adversary, moved his army to White Plains, where 
 hasty intrenchments were thrown up, to make his situ- 
 ation as defensible as possible. To this place the 
 
LA FAYETTE. 77 
 
 British army followed, and on viewing Washington's 
 situation, Gen. Howe determined to possess himself of 
 a bill, which covered the right flank of the American 
 army. Gen. McDougal had, by order of Washington, 
 thrown up a slight intrenchment at this place, and was 
 then in possession of it, with about sixteen hun- 
 dred men, principally militia. Gen. Howe direc- 
 ted that a brigade of Hessians, by taking a circuitous 
 route, should attack Gen. McDougal in the rear, 
 while a brigade of British troops, the Hessian grena- 
 diers, and a battalion of Hessians should attack him in 
 front. McDougal's militia soon fled, but his regulars 
 sustained the attack with great gallantry. The attack, 
 as well as the defence, was very animated, and a 
 sharp and bloody conflict ensued, in which the enemy- 
 gained possession of the ground in dispute. 
 
 In this action, the Americans lost, in killed, wound- 
 ed and missing, upwards of three hundred men. 
 
 Gen. Washington now expected, that the enemy 
 would attempt his line of intrenchments, and the sick 
 and baggage were removed into his rear, and the night 
 was spent in making preparations for an event which 
 might destroy the whole American army, or perhaps 
 settle the independence of the United Colonies. 
 
 Gen. Howe, perceiving that the industry of the 
 Americans, during the night, had greatly strengthened 
 their position, postponed the attack until the arrival of 
 Lord Percy, with six battalions from New York. 
 This reinforcement arrived on the 29th of October, 
 and preparations were made for a general engage- 
 ment on the next day, but a violent storm of rain oc- 
 casioned further delay. Mean time, on the night of 
 the 30th, Washington, not satisfied with his position, 
 silently withdrew to the heights of North Castle, five 
 miles from White Plains. 
 
 Gen. Howe, deeming it imprudent to attempt to 
 force so strong a position, broke up his camp at White 
 Plains, and moved to New York. 
 
 7* 
 
78 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Washington saw that his next attempt would proba- 
 by be on Fort Washington, a strong fortification, situ 
 ated on the North River, and calculated to defend the 
 river against the ascent of the enemy. This fort was 
 entrusted to the command of Col. Morgan, an office r 
 in whom great confidence was placed. 
 
 On the 1 5th of November, Gen. Howe, having every 
 thing prepared for the attack, formally summoned 
 Fort Washington to surrender, on pain of putting the 
 garrison to the sword. Col. Morgan replied, that he 
 should defend it to the last extremity, and immediately 
 communicated the summons to Gen. Greene, at Fort 
 Lee, and to Washington, who was then at Hackensack. 
 The commander in chief immediately set out to visit 
 the fort, but met Generals Greene and Putnam return- 
 ing from it, who reported, that the garrison was in 
 high spirits, and would make good their defence. Not- 
 withstanding the strength of this place, Gen. Howe 
 resolved to carry it by storm. 
 
 The attack was commenced at 10 o'clock, Nov. 16, 
 Gen. Howe commanding in person. The assault was 
 made at four different quarters of the fort at the same 
 time. The Americans received them with great gal- 
 lantry, until, their out-posts being over-powered by 
 numbers, were driven into the fort. 
 
 Having now possession of the lines, the British 
 commander again summoned the garrison to surrender. 
 Col. Morgan, finding that his ammunition was nearly 
 exhausted, and that the fort was too small to contain 
 all the men, surrendered the garrison prisoners of 
 war. 
 
 This was one of the greatest losses the Americans 
 experienced during the war. Two thousand men 
 were taken in the fort, and the number killed was not 
 known, probably they amounted to several hundreds. 
 The loss on the side of the enemy was eight hundred 
 killed. 
 
 The enemy followed up this success by marching 
 
LA FAYETTE. 79 
 
 immediately towards Fort Lee, situated between the 
 Hudson and Hackensack rivers. At first it was deter- 
 mined to give them battle, but it was soon discovered, 
 that their numbers were such as to leave little hope 
 of success in the field. A retreat was therefore con- 
 cluded on, and effected only just in time for the escape 
 of the men ; most of the heavy artillery, a quantity of 
 military stores, and three hundred tents being left in 
 possession of the enemy. 
 
 Washington now took post along the Hackensack 
 river, but it was impossible for him to dispute the pas- 
 sage of the enemy. He was in a level country, with- 
 out an intrenching tool, and his army had been redu- 
 ced by the termination of enlistments, desertion, and 
 the surrender of Fort Washington, to three thousand 
 men. 
 
 This was a gloomy period of the American cause. 
 Even this small army was not provided with the ne- 
 cessaries of a soldier. Tents, blankets and clothing 
 were wanting to render the men comfortable. Some 
 of them were bare footed and others half naked, with 
 no covering at night, in the month of November. In 
 aiich a state of things, it was in vain to think of resist- 
 ing the enemy. The very existence of his army was 
 considered by Washington to be in peril. He in vain 
 applied for reinforcements from the neighbouring 
 states. But the cause of the country, at this period, 
 appeared in some sections, to be nearly forsaken. In 
 others, the militia were overawed by the strength of 
 the British army, and entirely refused to obey the or- 
 ders to embody. 
 
 Under these circumstances, Washington retreated 
 to Newark, in New Jersey. The enemy pursuing him 
 from post to post, he continued his retreat to Trenton. 
 The enemy at the same time, fixed his head quarters 
 at Brunswick. 
 
 On the 8th of December, the pursued army crossed 
 the Delaware, just as the pursuing army came in sight. 
 
80 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Car© had been taken to secure all the boats for many 
 miles on the river, and to break down the bridges on 
 the road. The enemy had, however, repaired the 
 bridges, and only wanted some means of crossing the 
 Delaware, to invest Philadelphia, or completely sur- 
 round the American army. In this exigency, Gen. 
 Washington strongly and repeatedly desired Gen. 
 Lee to join him with his division. But the latter offi- 
 cer, choosing rather to maintain his separate com- 
 mand, moved slowly and reluctantly, in the rear oi' 
 the enemy. While on the march, he lodged in a 
 house, with only a small guard, three miles from his 
 army. Information of this being given to Col. Har- 
 court, of the royal army, he proceeded to the place, 
 and surrounded the house, before his approach was 
 known. The general having no means of defence, 
 surrendered, as prisoner of war. This misfortune 
 made a very serious impression on the American ar- 
 my, and was particularly regretted by Washington, 
 who had a very high respect for his military talents 
 and bravery. 
 
 Gen. Sullivan, on whom the command of Lee's di- 
 vision now devolved, joined Washington promptly, 
 and on the same day he was reinforced by Gen. Gates, 
 with a part of the northern army. H»s effective force 
 was now increased to seven thousand effective men. 
 
 Gen. Howe having failed in all his attempts to ob- 
 tain boats to transport his army over the Delaware, 
 retired to winter quarters. From the position and 
 distribution of his army, it was however, most proba- 
 ble, that his intention was to avail himself of the ice 
 during the winter, and having crossed the river, to 
 make an attempt on Philadelphia. 
 
 The aspect of affairs at this time, was most unfortu- 
 nate to America. The losses of the last campaign had 
 been great and discouraging. In some parts of the 
 country, the people clamoured against the comman- 
 der in chief, and attributed his want of success to want 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 of abilities. Washington was well aware that there 
 existed impressions against him, and that the cause of 
 his country, as well as his own reputation, must suffer 
 under such repeated misfortunes. He therefore form- 
 ed a design on the enemy, which if successful, would 
 retrieve the losses, he had sustained, and give the af- 
 fairs of the country a much more favorable aspect. 
 
 Howe had quartered his army in a very dispersed 
 situation along the Delaware, viz. at Trenton, Bur- 
 lington, bordentown, &c. 
 
 Washington had formed the daring plan of attacking 
 at once all the British posts on the Delaware. With 
 this view, Gen. Irvine* was ordered to cross the Dela- 
 ware at Trenton, and secure the bridge below, so as 
 to prevent the escape of the enemy that way. Gen. 
 Cadwalader was to carry the post at Burlington, while 
 Washington in person took command of a division a- 
 gainst Trenton. 
 
 In consequence of the difficulty of crossing the riv- 
 er, those parts of the plan entrusted to Generals Ir- 
 vine and Cadwalader entirely failed. But General 
 Washington was completely successful. The British 
 
 * William Irvine, a brave officer in the American war. 
 was a native of Ireland, and was educated for the medical 
 profession, which he relinquished at the commencement of 
 the revolution. He had an early command in the army, and 
 in the expedition to Canada, in 1775, was conspicuous for 
 his talents and bravery. In the operations in the middle 
 states, during the remainder of the war, he was consulted by 
 the commander in chief, and was particularly obnoxious to 
 the enemy. After the war, he was a member of Congress 
 from Pennsylvania. He died at Philadelphia, July 30, 
 1804, aged sixty -three years. Major General Irvine held 
 for some time before his death, the office of military inten- 
 dant. He was also president of the Cincinnati of Pennsyl- 
 vania. Frank and sincere, he paid respect to none but 
 those whom he deemed worthy, and those for whom he had 
 no regard, he shunned in silence. — Allen's Biog. Die 
 
82 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Commander at Trenton, Col. Rawle, was killed at 
 the commencement of the action, and hia troops find- 
 ing themselves surrounded, laid down their arms and 
 surrendered prisoners of war. Twenty of the enemy 
 were killed and one thousand taken prisoners. Six 
 pieces of artillery, and one thousand stands of arms 
 were also taken. On the part of the Americans, two 
 privates were killed, two frozen to death, and one offi- 
 cer and three or four privates wounded. 
 
 Nothing could surpass the astonishment, on the part 
 of the enemy, at the news of this surprise. Washing- 
 ton's condition at that time, was thought desperate. 
 He had been deserted by all his troops, which had a 
 legal right to leave him, and a considerable proportion 
 of those remaining would soon leave him, by the ter- 
 mination of the period of their enlistment. Indeed it 
 was thought both by friends and foes, that he would 
 not be able to hold out much longer. This bold and 
 fortunate enterprise, announced to Gen. Howe, that 
 the war was not so near a termination as he had ima- 
 gined. Lord Cornwallis, who had prepared to em- 
 bark for England, was directed to remain and the Brit- 
 ish army was again put in motion, though in the depth 
 of winter. 
 
 Washington in the meantime, had contrived to in- 
 crease his army to about five thousand men, and had 
 determined to do something during the winter. 
 
 The British army under Cornwallis, were in force 
 at Princeton, where they had thrown up works for de- 
 fence. The American army being at Trenton, an at- 
 tack was expected. Accordingly on the 2d of Janua- 
 ry, 1777, the British army moved towards the Ameri- 
 can camp, and on its approach, Washington withdrew 
 to the opposite side of a small creek, which runs 
 through the town, and there drew up his army. The 
 enemy finding that all the fords were guarded, halted 
 for the night and kindled their fires. The Americans 
 di<ft the same. But Washington found his situation a 
 
LA FAYETTE. S3 
 
 Critical one. If he lay where he was till morning, the 
 enemy would certainly attack and cut him off. He 
 therefore formed the daring plan of moving offin the 
 night, and attacking the rear of the enemy at Prince- 
 ton, where it was probable only sufficient force had 
 been left to guard their baggage. Accordingly at one 
 o'clock, on the night of the 3d of January, having re- 
 plenished the wood on their fires, the army moved si- 
 lently off. About sunrise they fell in with three Brit- 
 ish regiments, which had encamped during the night, 
 at Allentown, near Princeton, and a sharp engage- 
 ment ensued. The British finally gave way, with the 
 loss of one hundred killed, and three hundred taken 
 prisoners. 
 
 The loss on the side of the Americans, in killed was 
 nearly equal to that of the enemy, and among them was 
 included Gen. Mercer,* of Virginia, a very brave and 
 valuable officer. The commander in chief now find- 
 ing it absolutely necessary to give his men rest, and to 
 cover them from the inclemency of the season, went 
 into winter quarters at Morristown. 
 
 The army of the middle states having retired to 
 winter quarters, we will for the present leave them 
 
 ___> 
 
 * Hugh Mercer, a brigadier general in the late war, was 
 a native of Scotland, and after his arrival in America he 
 served with Washington in the war against the French and 
 Indians, which terminated in 1 763, and was greatly esteem- 
 ed by him. He engaged zealously in support of the liberties 
 of his adopted country. In the battle near Princeton, Janu- 
 ary 3, 1777, he commanded the van oflhe Americans, com- 
 posed principally of southern militia, and while gallantly ex* 
 erting himself to rally them received three wounds from a 
 bayonet, of which he died January 19th. It is said, that he 
 was stabbed after he had surrendered. He was a valuable 
 officer and his character in private life was amiable. Pro- 
 vision was made by con ress in 1793 for the education of 
 his youngest son, Hugh Mercer. — Mien's Hiog. Dictionary. 
 
34 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and give a sketch of what happened at the North, 
 during the period of the above transactions. 
 
 It has already been stated that the American army 
 had been driven out of Canada. But it was a matter 
 of the highest consequence, that the enemy should not 
 gain possession of LakeChamplain and Lake George, 
 as it was feared, the next step would be to reach Al- 
 bany. If this should be effected, and the British ar- 
 my from the south should succeed in ascending the 
 Hudson to the same place, the country would thus be 
 divided from north to south, and in a great measure 
 the eastern states be disconnected from the middle and 
 southern. This was an event greatly dreaded, and 
 perhaps only to be avoided by building a fleet on Lake 
 Champlain, that should command it. With very great 
 exertions therefore, the Americans built fifteen vessels, 
 the largest of which mounted twelve guns ; and Gen. 
 Arnold was appointed to command on the Lake. 
 
 At the same time, the British with incredible exer- 
 tion, built a licet in about three months, consisting of 
 |- x $^j^Mffi^ egse j s? an( j rno unting three times the 
 weignrwKie.tal that Arnold's did. This great dispar- 
 ity did not however prevent him from hazarding a 
 battle, in which after a most desperate contest, for 
 several hours, he was finally overpowered by num- 
 bers, but made his escape with the loss of his fleet. 
 
 General Carlton, after this victory, proceeded on 
 and took possession of Crown Point, and advanced a 
 part of his fleet to Lake George, with a view on Ti- 
 conderoga. But finding that fortress garrisoned with 
 eight or nine thousand men, with Generals Gates and 
 Schuyler at their head, he thought prudent to with- 
 draw to winter quarters. In the fall of this year, 
 1776, Gen. Howe planned an expedition against 
 Rhode Island. Sir Henry Clinton with three thou- 
 sand men, and Sir Peter Porter as commander of the 
 fleet, were entrusted with its execution. They sailed 
 from New York in November, and without much op- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 85 
 
 position took possession of Newport, and the island 
 on which it stands. This movement occasioned great 
 alarm in the states of Connecticut and Massachusetts, 
 whose citizens apprehended an invasion. The ene- 
 my however intended it as a diversion, and at the 
 same time to prevent the depredations which priva- 
 teers, sailing from Narragansett bay, were in the prac- 
 tice of committing on them. During this winter eve- 
 vy preparation, which an impoverished state of the 
 public funds could permit, was made by Congress for 
 the next campaign. The army was inoculated with 
 the small pox. Regiments of militia were embodied. 
 Soldiers were enlisied. Powder was manufactured. 
 A loan of two millions was voted by Congress, and 
 laws were enacted to prevent the depreciation of the 
 paper currency. 
 
 At the same time, Lord Howe's proclamation of 
 pardon, to such rebels as would throw down the.ii, 
 arms, and own allegiance to the king, was producing 
 less and less effect on the inhabitants. When this 
 proclamation was first issued, considerable numbers 
 in the state of New Jersey, complied with its require- 
 ments and took the oath of loyalty. At this time 
 however, the British had complete control of that 
 state, and the fear of suffering from loss of property, 
 and perhaps of personal ill treatment from the soldiers, 
 was a principal motive for taking the oath. 
 
 After the battles of Princeton and Trenton howev- 
 er, the?e motives no longer existed, and many joined 
 the standard of Washington, who through fear, had 
 before nominally been friends to the royal cause. 
 
 As the season for active operations approached, the 
 greatest solicitude was felt by the commander in chief, 
 to assemble his army, and the greatest anxiety on the 
 part of the public, for the events of this campaign. 
 
 The British were by far the greatest in number, 
 besides their vast superiority in respect to discipline 
 *nd the munitions of war. It was therefore on a . 
 
 8 . 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 count of the seat of war being in his own country, and 
 by superior prudence and skill, that Washington could 
 expect to sustain even his own ground. 
 
 The first act of Lord Howe, as the spring approach- 
 ed, was directed to the destruction of the scanty store* 
 which the Americans had collected during the winter. 
 At Peekskill on the Hudson, about fifty miles above 
 New York, there had been deposited a small amount 
 ef military stores. Colonel Bird was detached up the 
 river, in March, to destroy them. On his arrival,. 
 Col. M'Dougal who commanded about 200 men 
 as a guard, finding that he could neither defend, nor 
 remove these stores, set fire to the magazines and re- 
 treated. The conflagration was completed by the 
 enemy, who then returned to New York. 
 
 At Danbury, on the western frontier of Connecti- 
 cut, military stores to a considerable amount had also 
 been deposited. These were supposed to be safe on 
 account of the location, it being near twenty miles from 
 the shore ; andalsobecause men had been ordered there 
 for the double purpose of being inoculated and acting 
 as a guard. The enemy however determined on an 
 attempt to destroy them, and Maj. Gen. Tryon landed 
 with two thousand men, on the 25th of April, for this 
 purpose. They marched without opposition to the 
 place, when Col. Huntington, who occupied the town 
 with only one hundred and fifty militia, was obliged 
 to withdraw. The enemy immediately set fire to the 
 magazine and the town, and having destroyed both, 
 began their retreat to regain the shipping. But this 
 they did not effect unmolested. Gen. Sullivan soon 
 raised five hundred militia, and was joined by Gen. 
 Wooster, and Gen. Arnold, who happened to be in the 
 neighbourhood. As the enemy retreated, they were 
 attacked both in front and rear, and frequently with 
 great gallantry by the militia. In one of those skir- 
 
LA FAYETTE 87 
 
 mishes, Gen. Wooster* was killed. As they arrived 
 near their shipping, the enemy made a stand, tier© 
 the Americans charged them with intrepidity, but 
 were repulsed and broken ; and the enemy availing 
 themselves of this circumstance, re-embarked for New 
 York. 
 
 In this affair, the killed, wounded, and missing of the 
 enemy, amounted to 170. The American loss was 
 much less in number ; but the death of Gen. Woostei 
 was greatly regretted, as he was a brave and influential 
 officer. In the magazines, hospital and military stores 
 to a large amount were destroyed, all of which were 
 greatly needed by the army. The loss of about one 
 thousand tents was particularly felt, as the campaign 
 was just opening, and they could not be replaced. 
 
 Gen. Howe having received some reinforcements 
 from Europe, began about the beginning of June, to 
 pass his army from New York over into Jersey ; and 
 on the 14th having moved as far as Brunswick, he left 
 a garrison there and proceeded in two columns to- 
 wards the Delaware. This movement was made with 
 the intention of bringing the American army out of 
 their strong hold at Middlebrook, and thus obliging 
 Washington to hazard an engagement with his whole 
 force. Washington however thought it most prudent 
 
 * David Wooster, major general in the revolutionary war, 
 was born at Stratford in 1711, and was graduated at Yale 
 College, in 1738. At the commencement of the war witfc 
 Great Britain, he was appointed to the chief command of the 
 troops in the service of Connecticut, and made a brigadier 
 general in the continental service ; but this commission he 
 afterwards resigned. In 1776 he was appointed the first 
 major general of the militia of his native state. While op- 
 posing a detachment of British troops, whose object was 
 to destroy the public stores at Danbury, he was mortally 
 wounded at Ridgfield, April 27, 1777, and died on the sec- 
 ond of May.— Men's Biog. Dictionary. 
 
88 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to defend his camp at that time, and accordingly drew 
 up his army in order of battle to receive Gen. Howe. 
 But the British commander thought most prudent t<? 
 decline the attack on his camp. 
 
 The great object of Howe at this time, was the pos- 
 session of Philadelphia, but this could only be attain- 
 ed by the defeat of Washington's army. But the lat- 
 ter perceived his design, and determined to avoid a 
 general engagement. Howe finding all attempts to 
 provoke an engagement abortive, retreated suddenly 
 to Staten Island, where his army embarked on board 
 the fleet. The destination of this fleet now became a 
 subject of the most perplexing anxiety in the mind of 
 Washington. 
 
 W r hether Gen. Howe intended to direct his force 
 against Charleston or the Eastern states, or by a bold- 
 er movement penetrate the Hudson, with the view of 
 forming a conjunction with Burgoyne, who was then 
 at Ticonderoga, was uncertain. That some great 
 movement was to be made, was certain, and that one 
 of these was the object, Washington had strong grounds 
 to believe. 
 
 During this state of anxious perplexity concerning 
 the movements of the enemy, good news of an unex- 
 pected nature arrived from the eastward. 
 
 It has been already mentioned, that the British ar- 
 my had taken possession of Newport, and the island 
 on which it stands. Gov. Prescott the commanding 
 officer there, thinking himself perfectly secure on an 
 Island guarded by the British fleet, indulged himself in 
 comfortable quarters, at a distance from his camp. 
 Lieut. Col. Barton of the American army, hearing of 
 this negligence, collected forty brave men, and deter- 
 mined on the bold enterprize of seizing the person of 
 the British General. They accordingly took boats 
 from Warwick neck, on the opposite side of the bay, 
 and in the night landed safely on the Island. They 
 then marched a mile to the General's quarters, and 
 
LA FAYETTE. 89 
 
 seized the sentinel at the door, and proceeding to the 
 general's lodging room, took him out of bed, and con- 
 veyed him to a place of safety, Congress presented 
 Col. Barton with a sword, as a mark of their approba- 
 tion for this successful cnterprize. 
 
 Having thus given a short history of the principal 
 transactions of the American war, from its commence- 
 ment, to the period when Gen. La Fayette arrived in 
 this country, it is now time to turn our attention more 
 particularly to him, and the part he took in that strug- 
 gle for freedom. 
 
90 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF LA PAYETTE— HE OFFERS TO SERVE AS A VOL- 
 UNTEER IN THE "AMERICAN ARMY — COMMISSIONED 
 BY CONGRESS, &C. 
 
 La Fayette espoused the cause of America in 177S. 
 At that period Silas Deane, Esq. was minister of the 
 United States to the court of France. He had enga- 
 ged a number of French officers of ability and expe- 
 rience to embark for America, with recommendations 
 for commissions from Congress. Among others who 
 made application to be engaged in this enterprize, 
 was young La Fayette. But understanding that he 
 was a young gentleman of noble birth, and great for- 
 r-tuhe, this offer was considered as the romantic pre- 
 (^cjpitancy of youth. His friends also, seeing at best 
 nothing but dangers and hardship in this undertaking, 
 used every means to dissuade him from it. Finding 
 his determination to proceed to America fixed, Mr. 
 Deane was willing to encourage him ; but at that time 
 there was little expectation in France, that the Amer- 
 ican colonies could maintain their declaration of in- 
 dependence. Washington's army on the Delaware, 
 was reduced to about two thousand men, and these 
 were in want of many articles, necessary to make 
 them effective soldiers ; while the royal army in the 
 same neighbourhood, was from twenty to thirty thou- 
 sand strong, and in want of nothing which could ren- 
 der it effective. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the credit of the Ameri- 
 can states was so low in France, that our commission- 
 er there found it impossible to procure a vessel to 
 convey the Marquis and their despatches to the Ame- 
 rican Congress. These facts being stated to La Fay- 
 ette by the commissioners, with an intimation that 
 they could not feel justified to encourage him under 
 
LA FAYETTE. 91 
 
 such a state of things, he replied, that his^eJLejrmina- 
 
 icn to embark for America was still unshaken, and 
 
 that this embarrassment could be overcome by his 
 
 purchasing and fitting out a vessel at his own expense. 
 
 This project was deemed so important and extra- J 
 ordinary, that it attracted universal attention. The 
 French court, at that time, had not declared openly 
 for America, though Franklin was then at Paris, se- 
 cretly making his negociation. On this account, 
 orders were publicly issued to prevent his departure, 
 though it is understood that the administration pri- 
 vately encouraged the enterprise. What he most 
 feared, was the danger to *vhich he would be exposed, 
 of falling into the hands of the English, on his passage ; * 
 in which case he would be subjected to confinement 
 for an uncertain length of time, and probably to the 
 mosKrigorous tr eatment J This thought, however, 
 had no weight, after his purpose was fixed. He em- 
 barked for America in the winter of 1777, and after a 
 prosperous voyage, arrived at Charleston, in South 
 Carolina, in the spring of that year. He landed soon 
 after the noble defence of that place by Gen. Moultrie, 
 at the fort on Sullivan's Island. Charmed with the 
 gallantry displayed by that officer and his brave 
 troops, and probably finding the latter miserably clad 
 and armed, he presented the general with clothing, 
 arms and accoutrements for one hundred of his men.* 
 
 From Charleston, he immediately proceeded to 
 Philadelphia, where Congress was then in session, and 
 having delivered his despatches from the American 
 commissioners, he informed that body, that he had 
 come from France for the express purpose of serving 
 as a volunteer in their cause, and that without any 
 compensation. Congress being struck with admira- 
 tion at the generous and lofty sentiments of the young 
 
 * Thacher. 
 
92 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 nobleman, proceeded to the adoption of the following 
 preamble and resolution. " Whereas the Marquis la 
 Fayette, in consequence of his ardent zeal for the 
 cause of liberty in which the United States are enga- 
 ged, has left his family and friends, and crossed the 
 ocean at his own expense, to offer his services to the 
 said states,, without wishing to accept of any pension 
 or pay whatever, and as he earnestly desires to engage 
 in our cause, Congress have resolved, that his ser- 
 vices be accepted, and that, in consideration of his 
 patriotism, his family, and illustrious relations, he 
 shall hold the rank and commission of major general 
 in the army of the United States." 
 
 This resolution was passed July 31, 1777, and the 
 general immediately repaired to Washington's camp 
 as a volunteer. 
 
 At that time the American and British armies were 
 reconnoitering each other, in the neighbourhood of 
 the Brandy wine river, in New Jersey, and an engage- 
 ment was expected soon to take place. 
 
 On the 9th of September, Washington crossed the 
 river with his whole army, and took post at a place 
 called Chadd's ford, which it was his intention to 
 guard, and prevent the enemy from crossing. On the 
 evening of that day, Lord Howe marched forward and 
 encamped at New Garden, about seven miles from the 
 American lines. On the morning of the I 1th, Wash- 
 ington received information, that his adversary was 
 coming upon him by the road leading directly to 
 Chadd's ford. It was now seen that the British com- 
 mander intended to bring on a general engagement, 
 nor did Washington avoid it, as it was considered im- 
 possible to protect Philadelphia, without defeating the 
 enemy. 
 
 About two o'clock in the afternoon, it was ascertain- 
 ed that the royal army, commanded by Sir William 
 Howe, in person, and Lord Cornwallis, was approach- 
 ing. The advance was made in three columns, but 
 
LA FAYETTE. 93 
 
 on coming in sight of the Americans, the royal troops 
 were instantly formed in line of battle, and the actioa 
 soon begun. On both sides it was supported with 
 gallantry for a time, but the Americans on the right 
 first gave way, and very soon afterwards, that wing 
 was completely routed. There was an immediate at- 
 tempt made to rally, but the rout in a few moments 
 became general, as did the flight. In this battle, La 
 Fayette displayed great bravery, never avoiding dan- 
 ger, but encouraging his men by his own example to 
 maintain the action with intrepidity and firmness. On 
 this occasion he. was badty wounded in the leg. 
 
 In his communication to Congress after this battle, 
 Washington says of La Fayette, " from the disposition 
 he discovered at the battle of Brandy wine, he posses- 
 ses a large share of bravery and military ardor."* 
 
 The loss of the Americans in this action was three 
 hundred killed, and about six hundred wounded. Four 
 hundred of the wounded were taken prisoners. 
 
 After the battle, Washington retreated to Chester, 
 and then to Philadelphia. Howe pursued him, and 
 after various skirmishes, in which the American army 
 was always unsuccessful, he crossed the Schuylkill on 
 the 22nd of September. 
 
 It was now evident, that nothing but an immediate 
 engagement and victory, could save the capital from 
 the possession of the British general. Such, however, 
 was the condition of the American army, that the 
 commander in chief did not dare to hazard an engage- 
 ment so decisive. He therefore directed Col. Hamil- 
 ton to remove all the military stores and other public 
 property from Philadelphia up the Delaware to a 
 place of safety, and on the 26th of September, Lord 
 Cornwallis, at the head of the British and Hessian 
 grenadiers, took possession of the city without oppo- 
 sition. 
 
 * Official letters. 
 
94 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 On the first intelligence of Washington's defeat at 
 Brandywine, Congress fixed on Lancaster as a place 
 of retirement and safety, in the event that the enemy 
 •hould take possession of the capital, where they're- 
 assembled on the 27th. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis having taken peaceable possession 
 of Philadelphia and Germantown, a division of his 
 army was encamped at each of these places. The 
 expected reinforcements having joined the American 
 army, Washington found, on the 30th of September, 
 that his effectual force amounted to eight thouiand 
 regular troops, and three thousand militia. With this 
 force, he determined to approach the enemy at Ger- 
 mantown, and give them battle. 
 
 The necessary arrangements being made, on the 
 4th of October, the American army moved to the at- 
 tack. During the first period of the engagement, 
 every movement succeeded to the utmost of Washing- 
 ton's expectations. But owing to peculiar circum- 
 stances, the Americans were repulsed with the loss of 
 two hundred killed, and six hundred taken prisoners. 
 The loss of the enemy was stated at five hundred kil- 
 led and wounded. 
 
 Gen. La Fayette, as soon as his wound permitted, 
 joined Gen. Greene,* who was then in JNew Jersey. 
 
 * Nathaniel Greene, a major general of the army of the 
 United States, was born in Warwick. Rhode Island, about 
 ihe year 1740 His parents were quakers. His father 
 was an anchor smith, who was concerned in some valua- 
 ble iron works, and transacted much business. While he 
 was a boy, he learned the Latin language, chiefly by his 
 own unassisted industry. Having procured a small library, 
 his mind was much improved, though the perusal of milita- 
 ry history occupied a considerable share of his attention. 
 Such was the estimation in which his character was held, 
 that he was at an early period of his life chosen a member 
 of the assembly of Rhode Island. After the battle of Lex- 
 ington had enkindled at once the spirit of Americans 
 
LA FAYETTE. &> 
 
 But as yet, although he had been constantly with the 
 army, he had not been invested with any separate 
 
 throughout the whole continent, Mr. Greene, though educa- 
 ted in the peaceful principled of the friends, could not extra, 
 guish the martial ardor, which had been excited in his own 
 breast. Receiving the command of three regiments, with 
 the title of brigadier general, he led them to Cambridge ; in 
 consequence of which, the quakers renounced all connexion 
 with him, as a member of their religious body. On the ar- 
 rival of Washington at Cambridge, he was the first who ex- 
 pressed to the commander in chief his satisfaction in his ap- 
 pointment, and he soon gained his entire confidence. He 
 was appointed by Congress major general in August, 1776. 
 In the battles of Trenton, on the 26th of December follow- 
 ing, and of Princeton, on the 3d of January, 1777, he was 
 much distinguished. He commanded the left wing of the 
 American army at the battle of Germantown, on the 4th of 
 October. In March, 1778, he was appointed quarter mas- 
 ter general, which office he accepted, on condition, that his 
 rank in the army should not be affected, and that he should 
 retain his command in the time of action. This right he 
 exercised on the 28th of June, at the battle of Monmouth. 
 His courage and skill were again displayed on the 29th of 
 August, in Rhode Island. He resigned in this year the of- 
 fice of quarter master general, and was succeeded by Col. 
 Pickering. After the disasters which attended the Ameri- 
 can arms in South Carolina, he was appointed to supersede 
 Gates, and he took the command in the southern department, 
 December 3, 1 780. Having recruited the army, which had 
 been exceedingly reduced by defeat and desertion, he sem 
 out a detachment under the brave general Morgan, who 
 gained the important victory at the Cowpens, January 17,, 
 1781. Greene effected a junction with him on the 7th of 
 February, but on account of the superior numbers of Corn- 
 wallis, he retreated with great skill to Virginia. Having 
 received an accession to his forces, he returned to North 
 Carolina, and in the battle of Guilford, on the 15th o: 
 March, was defeated. The victory, however, was dearly 
 bought by the British, for their loss was greater than that of 
 the Americans, and no advantages were derived from it. l\\ 
 
96 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 command. Being full of military ardor, and anxious, 
 by some feat, to display his courage and attachment to 
 
 a few days, Cornwallis began to march towards Wilming- 
 ton, leaving many of his wounded behind him, which had 
 the appearance of a retreat, and Greene followed him for 
 some time. But altering his plan, he resolved to recom- 
 mence offensive operations in South Carolina. He accord- 
 ingly marched di<ectly to Camden, where on the 25th of 
 April, he was engaged with Lord Rawdon. Victory in- 
 clined for some time to the Americans, but the retreat of 
 two companies occasioned the defeat of the whole army. 
 Greene retreated in good order, and took such measures as 
 effectually prevented Lord Rawdon from improving his suc- 
 cess, and ob'iged him in the beginning of May to retire be- 
 yond the Santee. While he was in the neighbourhood of 
 Santee, Greene hung in one day, eight soldiers, who had 
 deserted from his army For three months afterwards, no 
 instance of desertion took place. A number of forts and 
 garrisons in South Carolina now fell into his hands He 
 commenced the siege of Ninety six on the 22nd of May, but 
 he was obliged, on the approach of Lord Rawdon, in June, 
 to raise the siege The army, which had been highly en- 
 couraged by the late success, was now reduced to the mel- 
 ancholy necessity of retreating to the extremity of the state. 
 The American commander was advised to retire to Virgi- 
 nia ; but to suggestions of this kind, he replied, " I will re- 
 cover South Caroljna. or die in the attempt." Waiting till 
 the British forces were divided, he faced about, and Lord 
 Rawdon was pursued in his turn, and was offered battle af- 
 ter he reached his encampment at Orangeburgb, but he de- 
 clined it. On the 8th of September Greene covered him- 
 self with glory by the victory at the Eutaw springs, in which 
 the British, who fought with the utmost bravery, lost eleven 
 hundred men, and the Americans about half that number. 
 For his good conduct in this action Congress presented him 
 "with a British standard and a golden medal. This engage- 
 ment may be considered as closing the revolutionary war in 
 South Carolina. During the remainder of his command he 
 had to struggle with the greatest difficulties from the want ef 
 
LA FAYETTE. 97 
 
 the American cause, he complained to the commander 
 in chief of the neglect of government in this respect, 
 and requested that he might have a command equal to 
 his military rank. In a letter to Congress, dated Nov. 
 1, J 777, Washington makes known to that body the 
 request of the young Marquis, and intimates his own 
 desire that it should be granted. i4 From a considera- 
 tion of his illustrious and important connexions," says 
 he, " the attachment which he has manifested for our 
 
 supplies for his troops. Strong symptoms of mutiny appear- 
 ed, but his firmness and decision completely quelled it. 
 
 After the conclusion of the war, he returned to Rhode 
 Island, where the greatest dissensio.is prevail d, and his en- 
 de vorsto restore harmony were attended with success. In 
 October, 1785, he sailed to Georgia, where he had a consid- 
 erable estate, not far distant from Savannah. Here he pas- 
 sed his time as a private citizen, occupied by domestic con- 
 cerns. * While walking without an umbrella, the intense 
 rays of the sun overpowered him, and occasioned an inflam- 
 mation of the brain, of which he died June 19, 1786, in the 
 forty seventh year of his age. In August following, Con- 
 gress ordered a monument to be erected to his memory at 
 the seat of the federal government. 
 
 General Greene possessed a humane and benevolent dis- 
 position, and abhorring the cruelties and excesses, of which 
 partizans on both sides were guilty, he uniformly inculcated 
 a spirit of moderation. Yet he was resolutely severe, when 
 the preservation of discipline rendered severity necessary. 
 In the campaign of 1781, he displayed the prudence, the 
 military skill, the unshaken firmness, and the daring cou- 
 rage, which are seldom combined, and which place him in 
 the first rank of American officers. His judgment was cor- 
 rect, and his self possession never once forsook him. In one 
 of his letters he says, that he was seven months in the field r 
 without taking off his clothes for a single night. It is 
 thought, that he was the most endeared to the commander- 
 in chief of all his associates in arms. Washington often la- 
 mented his death with the keenest sorrow. — Allen's Biog. 
 Dictionary. 
 
 9 
 
98 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cause, and the consequences which his return in dis- 
 gust might produce, it appears to me that it will be 
 advisable to gratify his wishes."* 
 
 Congress, however, did not immediately act on this 
 subject. The singularity of the case was such as to 
 require some deliberation. There was no precedent 
 in the American army, or perhaps in any other army, 
 for investing a youth of nineteen or twenty with the 
 full power and command of a major general in the 
 regular service. But Washington, whose opinion on 
 such a subject was not inferior to any man's, having 
 again addressed Congress by a letter dated Nov. 27tb, 
 in behalf of the Marquis, " I should be happy," says 
 he, u in your determination respecting the Marquis 
 de la Fayette. He is more and more solicitous to be 
 in actual service, andis pressing in his applications 
 for a command. I ventured before to submit my sen- 
 timents upon the measure ; and I still fear a refusal 
 will not only induce him to return in disgust, but may 
 involve some unfavourable consequences. There are 
 now some recent divisions in the army, to one of 
 which he may be appointed, if it should be the plea- 
 sure of Congress. I am convinced he possesses a 
 large share of that military ardor which generally 
 characterizes the nobility of his country. He went 
 to JNew Jersey with General Greene, and 1 find he 
 has not been inactive there. This you will perceive 
 by the following extract from a letter just received 
 frojn General Greene." 
 '^"The Marquis, with about four hundred militia and 
 the rifle corps, attacked the enemy's picquet, last 
 evening, killed about twenty, wounded many more, 
 and took about twenty prisoners. The Marquis is 
 charmed with the spirited behavior of the militia and 
 rifle corps ; they drove the enemy about half a mile, 
 and kept the ground until dark. The enemy's picquet 
 , _ — 
 
 \ * Official letters. 
 
 <• 
 
LA FAYETTE. 99 
 
 consisted of about three hundred men, and were rein- 
 forced during the skirmish. The Marquis is determi* 
 ned to be in the way of danger." 
 
 Such being the opinions of Washington and Greene, 
 and such the solicitude of the young nobleman to ob- 
 tain a command, Congress gratified him to the extent 
 of his wishes. He was permitted to take the com- 
 mand, as a major general, of a select corps of twelve 
 hundred young men, which he was empowered to se- 
 lect himself, from the army. This number was after- 
 wards increased to two thousand. 
 
 This corps the General disciplined with great care 
 and attention, and never was attachment stronger be- 
 tween a general and his army than between La Fay- 
 ette and this corps. Having reduced them to some 
 degree of discipline, he presented each of his officers 
 with an elegant new sword, and each of his soldiers, 
 clothing, arms and equipments throughout ; and this 
 entirely at his own expense. General La Fayette's 
 division became the flower of the American army. 
 
 The enemy having possession of Philadelphia, and 
 there being no hopes at present of dislodging him by 
 an engagement, it became the object of Washington to 
 make his situation there as comfortless as possible. 
 With this view, obstructions were thrown into the 
 Delaware, to prevent the enemy's ships lrom ascend- 
 ing. The forts on this river were also garrisoned, 
 and every precaution taken to prevent the enemy from 
 obtaining them. After these dispositions for defend- 
 ing the river, the next object was to cut off all com- 
 munication between the city and the country, so that 
 no supplies designed for the army should be carried in. 
 With this view, the militia in the surrounding country 
 were directed to watch the roads, and to intercept 
 such persons as were known to he supplying the ene- 
 my. For the same purpose, a detachment of six hun- 
 dred men were stationed so as to watch the country 
 between the Schuylkill and Chester. 
 
100 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 To enforce all these exertions, Congress passed an 
 act, subjecting to martial law and to death, all such 
 persons as should furnish the British army with pro- 
 visions. 
 
 The fort at Red Bank being of great consequence 
 to the enemy, as it commanded the Delaware, Lord 
 Howe detached Col. Count Donop, a German officer, 
 with 1200 men, to surprise and take it. It was ac- 
 cordingly attacked with great intrepidity, on the eve- 
 ning of the 22nd of October. But it was defended by 
 Col. Greene, of Rhode Island, in so spirited a manner, 
 that the enemy were repulsed with great loss. Count 
 Donop, while leading on his troops, was killed. The 
 next in command was also killed. The command 
 then fell on Col. Linsing, who drew off his troops, and 
 retreated to Philadelphia. 
 
 In this attempt the enemy lost 400 men, while the 
 Americans lost only thirty-two men, killed and wound- 
 ed. 
 
 Lord Howe's attack on the two other forts, Mifflin 
 and Mercer, proved more unfortunate for the Ameri- 
 cans. In the defence of fort Mifflin, Washington's 
 army displayed undaunted bravery, but was finally 
 overpowered, and this important fortification, as well 
 as fort Mercer, fell into the hands of the enemy. — 
 Thus Lord Howe after a struggle of six weeks posses- 
 sed himself of Philadelphia, and secured the avenues 
 leading to it. 
 
 A plan was now suggested by some officers of high 
 rank, to attack the enemy in Philadelphia. But after 
 mature consideration, the commander in chief decided 
 that the affairs of America, did not require so desper- 
 ate an undertaking, and the measure was abandoned. 
 
 While an attempt on Philadelphia was a subject of 
 discussion in the American camp, Washington obtain- 
 ed intelligence that Lord Howe was preparing for an 
 attack on his camp at White Marsh. The American 
 
LA FAYETTE. lOd 
 
 army was therefore placed in the best condition possi- 
 ble to sustain the conflict. 
 
 On the night of the 4th of December, the whole 
 British force marched out of the city, and encamped 
 at Chesnut hill, about three miles from the Americans. 
 Some slight skirmishing ensued, and a general engage- 
 ment was every moment expected to take place. But 
 his Lordship having reconnoitered the position of his 
 adversary, and spent two whole days in manceuvering 
 in his immediate vicinity, suddenly withdrew and re- 
 treated to Philadelphia. 
 
 The season now absolutely required that%he Ameri- 
 can army should be covered from its inclemency, and 
 being in the vicinity of the enemy, a strong position 
 was necessary for its safety. 
 
 A very strong and commanding piece of ground, 
 was selected for this purpose at Valley Forge, on the 
 west side of the Schuylkill, between twenty and thirty 
 miles from Philadelphia, and on the 1 1th of December 
 the army moved to take possession of it. Having ex- 
 pressed the strongest approbation of the conduct of 
 his army during the last campaign, and presented them 
 with an encouraging account of the future prospects 
 of the country, the commander in chief issued his gen- 
 eral order, for fixing the lines of the cantonment, and 
 the erection of huts in which the soldiers were to 
 spend the winter. 
 
 On taking a review of the last campaign, under the 
 immediate direction of the commander in chief, it is 
 impossible to avoid the conclusion that nothing but 
 the most consummate military skill, added to the 
 greatest prudence and soundest judgment, could have 
 saved such an army as Washington's from the grasp of 
 his powerful adversary. Still we have to regret, that 
 after all the sufferings to which they were exposed, 
 nothing of importance was done, no decisive action 
 was fought, and we cannot but indulge feelings of pity 
 towards the commander, that he could' not have been 
 
 9* 
 
102, MEMOIRS OF 
 
 furnished with men and arms, in some degree ade- 
 quate to the exigency of his circumstances. 
 
 But the cause of America was not every where so 
 unsuccessful. While Washington in Pennsylvania, 
 could do no more than save his little army from de- 
 struction, Gen. Gates at Saratoga obtained a most 
 brilliant and important victory, over the common en- 
 emy. 
 
 The project of the British, to effect a junction be- 
 tween the armies of the jNorth and South, by way of 
 Alban) andrthe Hudson, has already been mentioned. 
 The detqf of this project had been fixed on at the 
 cabinet orSt. James, and Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne was 
 entrusted with its execution. 
 
 Having advanced by the way of Lake Champlain, 
 Ticonderoga, and Fort Anne, every obstacle in his 
 course was overcome. Ticonderoga, Skeensborough, 
 and Fort Anne, wereeach in succession evacuated at 
 his approach. Gen. ftchuyler, who at that time com- 
 manded the northern department of the American 
 army, displayed the most consummate knowledge of 
 his profession, in preparing for the approach of his 
 more powerful antagonist. 
 
 Just on the approach of the royal army at Saratoga 
 however, Gen. Schulyer was superseded by Gen. 
 Gates ; but while the name of Gales only, is connect- 
 ed with the defeat of Burgoyne, it is but justice to re- 
 member, that Schuyler was the great instrument by 
 which Gates won his renown. 
 
 Having arrived at Saratoga, Burgoyne for the double 
 purpose of supplying himself, and annoying the Ameri- 
 cans, detached Col. Baum with a strong detachment 
 to Bennington in Vermont, to take, or destroy the 
 magazines at that place. On approa hing the place 
 of his destination, he found a more considerable force 
 there than was expected. Gen. Starke* with r body 
 
 * General Stark was a native of Londonderry, in New 
 
LA FAYETTE. 103 
 
 of militia, had fortunately reached there on his march 
 to the camp. Stark attacked Baum in his entrench- 
 
 Hampshire, and was born August 17th, 1728. When at 
 the age of 2 1 years, he was, while on a hunting excursion, 
 surprised and captured by the Indians, and remained four 
 months a prisoner in their hands. He was captain of a com- 
 pany of rangers in the provincial service, dur.ng the French 
 war of 1755. and was with the British General Lord Howe, 
 when he was killed in storming the French lines at Ticon- 
 deroga, in July, 1758. At the close of that war he retired 
 with the reputation of a brave, and vigilant officer. When 
 the report of Lexington battle ieached him, he vflas engaged 
 at work in his saw-mill ; fired with indignation and a mar- 
 tial spirit, he immediately seized his musket, and with a 
 band of heroes proceeded to Cambridge. The morning af- 
 ter his arrival he received a colonel's commission, and avail- 
 ing himself of his own popularity, and the enthusiasm of the 
 day, in two hours he enlisted eight hundred men ! On the 
 memorable 17th of June, at Breed's hill, Colonel Stark at 
 the head of his back- woodsmen of New Hampshire, pour-d 
 on the enemy that deadly fire, from a sure aim, which effect- 
 ed such remarkable destruction in their ranks, and compel- 
 led them twice to retreat. During the whole of this dread- 
 ful conflict, Col. Stark evinced that consummate bravery and 
 intrepid zeal, which entitle his name to honor and perpetual 
 remembrance in the pages of our history. After the British 
 evacuated Boston, Col. Stark joined our northern army 
 while retreating from Canada, and he had the command of 
 a party of troops who were employed in fortifying the post 
 of Mount Independence. We next find him at Trenton, in 
 December, 1776, where he shared largely in the honors of 
 that ever memorable battle under Washington, when the 
 Hessians were captured. But Stark reached the climax of 
 his fame, when in one of the daikest and most desponding 
 periods f the American war, he achieved a glorious victory 
 over the enemy at Bennington. Gen. Burgoyne, after pos- 
 sessing himself < if Ticonderoga in July, 1776, and while ad- 
 vancing at the head of his victorious army towards Albany, 
 conceived the design of taking by surprize a quantity of 
 stores which our people had deposited at Bennington. For 
 
104 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ments, and his works were carried by storm. A total 
 defeat of the royal party ensued, and most of Baum's 
 detachment were killed or taken prisoners. 
 
 this enterprize he despatched a German officer, Lieut. Col. 
 Baum, with one thousand five hundred soldiers and one hun- 
 dred Indians, with two fi Id pieces. Stark was at this time 
 brigadier general ot militia, and was in the vicinity with 
 about one thousand four hundred brave men from New 
 Hampshire He advanced towards the enemy and drew up 
 his men in a line of battle. Colonel Baum deeming it im- 
 prudent to Jmgage with his present force, halted his troops 
 and sent aff express to Burgoyne for a reinforcement, and in 
 the mean time entrenched and rendered himself as defensi- 
 ble as possible. 
 
 Gen. Burgoyne immediately despatched Col Breyman, 
 with about one thousand troops, to reinforce Col. Baum ; 
 but a heavy rain and bad roads prevented his arrival in sea- 
 son. Col. Stark, on the J 6th of August, planned his mode 
 of attack, and a most severe action ensued, which continued 
 about two hours, with an incessant firing of musketry and 
 the enemy's field artillery. Col. Baum defended himseif 
 with great bravery till he received a mortal wound, and his 
 whole party was defeated. It was not long after, that Col. 
 Breyman appeared with his reinforcement, and another 
 battle ensued, which continued obstinate on both sides till 
 sunset, when the Germans yielded, and the victory on our 
 side was complete, the trophies of which were four brass field 
 pieces, and more than seven hun red prisoners. For a 
 more particular detail of this enterprize see page one hun- 
 dred and eleven of this volume. Congress, on the 4th of 
 October following, passed a resolve of thanks to Col. Stark, 
 and the officers and troops under his command, for their 
 brav^ and successful attack and signal victory, and that 
 Col Stark be appointed a brigadier general in the army 
 of the United States. Gen. Stark volunteered his services 
 under Gen. Gates at Saratoga, and assisted in the council 
 which stipulated the surrender of Gen. Burgoyne, nor did he 
 relinquish his valuable services till he could greet his native 
 country as an Independent Empire. Gen. Stark w s of the 
 middle stature, not formed by nature to exhibit an erect sol- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 105 
 
 In this action the Americans took one thousand 
 stands of arms and nine hundred swords. This was a 
 very seasonable and important supply for the militia. 
 Meantime Burgoyne encamped on the heights of Sar- 
 atoga, and prepared himself to decide, by a general en- 
 gagement, the event of his expedition. 
 
 Gen. Gates having now assumed the command of 
 the northern army, and being joined by all the troops 
 designed for his department, advanced towards the 
 enemy as far as the neighbourhood of Stillwater. 
 
 On the 19th of September, Burgoyne advanced in 
 full force on the American army. The left wing com- 
 manded by Arnold, was first engaged. The action 
 then became general, and was continued with great 
 obstinacy and dreadful carnage on both sides, till 
 night. Each claimed the victory, but the Americans 
 decidedly had the advantage. The killed and wound- 
 ed on their part were between three and four hundred. 
 The loss of the enemy exceeded five hundred in kil- 
 led and wounded. 
 
 In this action, Col. Morgan,* with his corps of rifle- 
 
 dierly mien. His manners were frank, and unassuming, but 
 he manifested a peculiar sort of eccentricity and negligence, 
 which precluded all display of personal dignity, and seemed 
 to place him among those of ordinary rank in life. But as a 
 courageous and heroic soldier, he is entitled to high rank 
 among those who have been crowned with unfading laurels, 
 and to whom a large share of glory is justly due. His char- 
 acter as a private citizen was unblemished, and he was ever 
 held in respect. For the last few years oi'his life, he enjoy- 
 ed a pecuniary bounty from the government. He lived to 
 the advanced age of ninety-three years, eight months and 
 twenty -four days, and died May 8th, 1822. — Thuchcr's 
 Journal 
 
 * Brigadier General Daniel Morgan, was born in New 
 Jersey, from whence he emigrated to Virginia, in 1775. — 
 He was a poor day labourer. But when Braddock went on 
 his expedition, Morgan joined him, and received in battle a 
 
106 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 men, was of very material service, in consequence of 
 his attacking and beating the Indians and Canadians in 
 the woods. 
 
 severe wound. When a young man he was extremely dissi- 
 pated, fond of jovial and pugilistic company and drinking, 
 and always took his part in any affray or fight, which hap- 
 pened in his presence. The village where he lived was cal- 
 led Battlelown 9 probably from the many furious combats 
 which took place under the banners of Morgan. 
 
 When a company of riflemen was to be raised in Freder- 
 ic County, Virginia, at the beginning of the revolution, he 
 was pointed out as the man best qualified to command it, 
 and some of the finest young men in the country joined his 
 corps. 
 
 With this company, he marched through the wilderness 
 with Arnold, to surprize Quebec, one of the most hazardous 
 enterprizes ever undertaken by a soldier, and was at the 
 disastrous assault of that city when the brave Montgomery 
 fell. Here he gave such proofs of his daring courage and 
 good conduct, as to make his name famous in the army. He 
 was however overpowered and taken prisoner by the ene- 
 my. While in confinement, a British officer came to Mor- 
 gan and told him that his spirit and enterprize were worthy 
 a better cause ; and that if he would leave the American 
 interest, and join the British, he was authorised to offer him 
 the commission and rank of a colonel in the royal army. — 
 Morgan rejected this offer with disdain, and told the officer, 
 " that he hoped he would never again make him a proposi- 
 tion which plainly showed he thought him a rascal." 
 
 After his exchange, at the recommendation of Washing- 
 ton, he was honored by Congress, with a colonel's commis- 
 sion. In 1777, a rifle regiment was ordered to be tormed, 
 by selecting the men from companies already formed, and 
 Colonel Morgan was appointed to the command This 
 celebrated corps was of the utmost consequence to the ser- 
 vice on many trying occasions, and never more so than at 
 the taking of Burgoyne ; and yet Gen. Gates, in consequence 
 of a private pique, never mentioned him in his official ac- 
 count of the battle to congress. 
 
 After assisting in the victory at the north, Morgan again 
 
LA FAYETTE. 107 
 
 After the battle, Gen. Gates, whose numbers increa- 
 sed daily, occupied his former position, at btillwater, 
 and Gen. Burgoyne took post almost within cannon 
 shot of the American camp. Both armies retained 
 their positions until the 7th of October ; the British 
 general in hope of being relieved by the arrival of 
 Sir Henry Clinton from Canada, and Gen. Gates, in 
 the expectation of growing so strong by the arrival of 
 militia, as to make sure of his adversary. 
 
 But all hopes of relief being at an end, and Bur- 
 goyne finding that his provisions would not enable him 
 to hold out more than three or four days longer, deter- 
 mined to hazard another engagement. In this also, 
 the Americans gained a decided advantage. Bur- 
 goyne then took a stronger position, while Gates, in- 
 stead of attacking him, very properly threw his army 
 into such a position as entirely to cut off his retreat. 
 Burgoyne, however, attempted to make his escape in 
 the night, but found it impossible to remove his artil- 
 lery, or heavy baggage. He found also, that General 
 Gates had taken the precaution to guard all the passes 
 at which a retreat could have been made. 
 
 In this hopeless condition of his army, Burgoyne 
 had the severe mortification of being compelled to of- 
 
 joined Washington, who always chose to have him and his 
 corps, under nis own command. He afterwards served 
 under Gates and Greene, at the south, and always with great 
 reputation. 
 
 In 1781, Congress appointed him a brigadier general 
 by brevet, and having served his country to the close of the 
 war, he retired to his farm in Frederic County, where he 
 spent the remainder of his days. As he approached the 
 close of life, he resorted to religion for that consolation, 
 which reflection on his former conduct could not give. He 
 manifested great penitence for the folly and wretchedness of 
 his early days, and joined the Presbyterian church in full 
 communion, with which he continued to his last day. 
 
108 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 fer to an American general terms of capitulation for 
 himself and all under his command. 
 
 The terms agreed on were, that the British army 
 should march out of their camp with all the honours 
 of war; that they should then lay down Jtheir arms, 
 and not serve against America until exchanged. 
 
 This was one of the most splendid achievments 
 acquired by the American arms during the revolution. 
 The whole number which surrendered was nearly six 
 thousand. Besides which, the Americans obtained a 
 fine train of artillery ; seven thousand stands of arms ; 
 clothing for seven thousand recruits, about to be en- 
 listed in the country ; a great number of tents, and a 
 large amount of military stores. 
 
 These articles were all exceedingly needed by tha* 
 almost naked and poorly armed Americans. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the joy which this victory 
 produced throughout the United btates. It was sup- 
 posed that the contest was now nearly at an end, and 
 that this blow decided the independence of America. 
 On the British cabinet a very different sensation 
 was produced. The conquest of America had been 
 considered by that cabinet as nearly completed, and 
 it was generally believed that the rebels would not, or 
 could not, hold out another campaign. This news 
 carried with it a conviction, that the conquest of 
 America was much more easily effected by the minis- 
 ters at St. James', than by their officers and soldiers 
 in the field of battle. 
 
 But while the feelings of triumph, and the shouts of 
 joy, pervaded the country on account of Gates' victo- 
 ry, a gloomy and distressing spectacle presented itself 
 at Valley Forge. 
 
 " In the month of December," says Dr. Thacher, 
 " the troops were employed in erecting log huts for 
 winter quarters, when about one half of the men were 
 destitute of small clothes, shoes and stockings; some 
 thousands were without blankets, and were obliged t© 
 
LA FAYETTE. 10& 
 
 warm themselves over fires all the night, after the fa- 
 tigues of the day, instead of reposing in comfortable 
 lodgings. At one time, nearly three thousand men 
 were returned unfit for duty from want of clothing, and 
 it was not uncommon to track the march of the men, 
 over ice and frozen ground, by the blood from their 
 naked feet. Several times during the winter, they 
 experienced little less than a famine in camp,* and 
 more than once, the general officers were alarmed by 
 the fear of a total dissolution of the army, from the 
 want of provisions. For two or three weeks in suc- 
 cession, the men were on half allowance, and for four 
 or five days without bread, and for as many without 
 beef or pork. It was with great difficulty that men 
 enough could be found in a condition fit to discharge 
 the military duties of the camp from day to day, and 
 for this purpose, those who were naked borrowed of 
 those who had clothes. It cannot be deemed strange, 
 that sickness and mortality were the consequence of 
 such privations in the midst of an inclement season. 
 This was the unhappy condition of that army, on 
 whom Washington had to rely for the defence of every 
 thing held most dear by Americans ; and this too, 
 while situated within sixteen miles of a powerful ad- 
 versary, with a greatly superior army of veterans, 
 watching with a vigilant eye for an opportunity to ef- 
 fect its destruction." 
 
 Notwithstanding this miserable condition of the ar- 
 my in the immediate vicinity of Congress, that body in 
 the course of the winter started and matured a plan 
 for an expedition to Canada, for the purpose of making 
 another trial to annex that colony to the United States. 
 
 The full confidence which Congress reposed in the 
 
 * At one tira#, viz. on the 22nd of December, " the alarm- 
 ing fact was disclosed, that the commissary's stores were 
 entirely exhausted, and that the last ration had been deliver- 
 ed and consumed." — Marshall. 
 10 
 
110 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 military talents and bravery of the young marquis, 
 was evinced on this occasion. He was appointed to 
 command the expedition, with Generals Conway* and 
 Starke as second and third under his direction. 
 
 * Major general Thomas Gonway, knight of the order of 
 St. Louis. This gentleman was born in Ireland, and went 
 with his parents to France, at the age of six years, and was 
 from his youth educated to the profession of arms. He had 
 obtained considerable reputation as a military officer, and as 
 a man of sound understanding and judgment. He arrived 
 from France, with ample recommendations, and Congress 
 appointed him a brigadier general in May, 1777. He soon 
 became conspicuously inimical to General Washington, and 
 sought occasions to traduce his character. In this he found 
 support from a faction in Congress, who were desirous that 
 the commander in chief should be superseded. The Con- 
 gress not long after elected General Conway to the office of 
 inspector general to our army, with the rank of major gene- 
 ral, though he had insulted the commander in chief, and 
 justified himself in doing so. This gave umbrage to the 
 brigadiers over whom he was promoted, and they remon- 
 strated to Congress against the proceeding, as implicating 
 their honor and character. Conway, now smarting under 
 the imputation of having instigated a hostile faction against 
 the illustrious Washington, and being extremely unpopular 
 among the officers in general, and finding his situation did 
 not accord with his feelings and views, resigned his commis- 
 sion, without having commenced the duties of inspector. 
 He was believed to be an unprincipled intriguer, and after 
 his resignation, his calumny and detraction of the comman- 
 der in chief, and the army generally, was exercised with un- 
 restrained virulence and outrage. 
 
 No man was more zealously engaged in the scheme of 
 elevating General Gates to the station of commander in 
 chief. His vile insinuations, and direct assertions in the 
 public newspapers, and in private conversation, relative to 
 the incapacity of Washington to conduct the operations of 
 the army, received countenance from several members of 
 Congress, who were induced to declare their want of con- 
 
LA FAYETTE. Ill 
 
 Judge Marshall gives the following notices of the 
 Marquis, in his account of this proposed expedition. 
 
 fidence in him, and the affair assumed an aspect threaten- 
 ing the most disastrous consequences. Conway maintained 
 a correspondence with General Gates on the subject, and in 
 one of his letters, he thus expresses himself. ' v Heaven has 
 been determined to save your country, or a weak General 
 and bad counsellors would have ruined it." He was him- 
 self at tl*ut time, one of the counsellors, against whom he so 
 basely inveighs. Envy and malice ever are attendant on 
 exalted genius and merit. But the delusion was of short 
 continuance ; the name of Washington proved unassailable, 
 and the base intrigue of Conway recoiled with bitterness on 
 his own head. General Cadwallader, of Pennsylvania, in- 
 dignant at the attempt to vilify the character of Washington, 
 resolved to avenge himself on the aggressor, in personal com- 
 bat. In Major Garden's Anecdotes of the Revolutionary 
 War, &c. we have the following detailed particulars of the 
 duel. " The parties having declared themselves ready, the 
 word was given to proceed. General Conway immediately 
 raised his pistol, and tired with great composure, but with- 
 out effect. General Cadwallader was about to do so, when 
 a sudden gust of wind occurring, he kept his pistol down, 
 and remained tranquil. " Why do you not fire, General 
 Cadwallader ?" exclaimed Conway, " Because," replied 
 General Cadwallader, " we came not here to trifle. Let the 
 gale pass, and I shall act my part." " You shall have a 
 fair chance of performing it well," rejoined Conway, and 
 immediately presented a full front. General Cadwallader 
 fired, and his ball entered the mouth of his antagonist ; he 
 fell direclly forward on his face. Colonel Morgan, running 
 to his assistance, found the blood spouting from behind his 
 neck, and lifting up the club of his hair, saw the ball drop 
 from it. It had passed through his head, greatly to the de- 
 • rangement of his tongue and teeth, but did not inflict a mor- 
 tal wound. As soon as the blood was sufficiently washed 
 away to allow him to speak, General Conway, turning to 
 his opponent, said good humouredly, " You fire, general, 
 with much deliberation, and certainly with a great deal of 
 effect." The calls of honor being satisfied, all animosity 
 
J 12 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 " This young Nobleman, possessing an excellent 
 heart, and all the military enthusiasm of his country, 
 had left France early in 1777, ostensibly in opposition 
 to the will of his sovereign, to engage in the service of 
 the United States. His high rank, and supposed in- 
 fluence at the court of Versailles, soon secured him 
 the unlimited confidence of his countrymen in Ameri- 
 ca, and, added to his frankness of manners and zeal in 
 their cause, recommended him very strongly to Con- 
 gress. While the claims of others of the same coun- 
 try were so exorbitant that they could not be gratified 
 on the subject of rank, he demanded no station in the 
 army, would consent to receive no compensation, and 
 offered to serve as a volunteer. He had stipulated 
 with Mr. Deane for the rank of Major General without 
 emolument ; but on the current of ill fortune (to the 
 American army) which occurred late in the year 1777, 
 he was advised not to embark. The honorary rank of 
 c: , — , 
 
 subsided, and they parted free from all resentment. Gene- 
 ral Conway, conceiving his wound to be mortal, and believ- 
 ing death to be near, acted honourably, in addressing to 
 General Washington, whom he had perfidiously slandered, 
 the following letter of apology. 
 
 Philadelphia, February 23d, 1778. 
 Sib, 
 
 I find myself just able to hold my pen during a few 
 minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere 
 grief, for having done, written, or said, any thing disagreea- 
 ble to your Excellency. My career will soon be over, 
 therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last 
 sentiments. You are in my eyes the great and good man 
 May you long enjoy the love, esteem and veneration of 
 these states, whose liberties you have asserted, by your vir- 
 tues. 
 
 I am, with the greatest respect, 
 Your Excellency's 
 Most obedient and humble servant, 
 Ths. Conway 
 
LA FAYETTE. 113 
 
 Major General was conferred on him directly after his 
 arrival in America, but without any immediate com- 
 mand. In this capacity, he sought for danger, and 
 was wounded at the battle af Brandywine. He at- 
 tached himselfwiththea.Jour of youth to the com- 
 mander in chief, who felt for him in turn a warm and 
 sincere friendship, and paved the way to bestowing on 
 him a command equal to his rank. 
 
 " Without any previous information that such an 
 expedition was contemplated, General Washington re- 
 ceived from the president of the board of war, on the 
 24th of January, a letter, inclosing one of the same 
 date to the Marquis, requiring his immediate atten- 
 dance on Congress to receive his instructions. No 
 other communication was made to the commander in 
 chief, than to request that he would furnish Colonel 
 Hazen's regiment, chiefly composed of Canadians, for 
 the expedition, and in the same letter, his advice and 
 opinion were asked respecting it. The north was re- 
 lied on for furnishing the force with which the plan 
 was to be executed. Without noticing the manner in 
 
 fhich this business was conducted, and the unusual 
 ant of confidence it betrayed,* orders were given to 
 Hazen's regiment to march to Albany, and the Mar- 
 quis immediately to the residence of Congress. At 
 his request, Major General the Baron De Kalb was 
 added to the expedition ; after which he repaired in 
 person to Albany, in order to take charge of the troops 
 who were to be there assembled, and from whence he 
 was to cross the lakes on the ice, and to attack Mont- 
 real. 
 
 On his arrival at Albany, he found no preparations 
 made for the expedition. * Nothing which had been 
 
 * At the time when the expedition to Canada was projec- 
 ted, there was a party in Congress, who were plotting 
 Washington's downfall, and had digested a plan to have 
 him superseded by General Gates. 
 
 10 * 
 
114 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 promised was in readiness. He therefore abandoned 
 the enterprise as totally impracticable. Some time 
 afterwards, Congress also determined on its relinquish- 
 ment ; and General Washington was authorized to 
 recall both the Marquis de la Fayette, and the Baron 
 DeKalb.* 
 
 ¥ Major General Baron de Kalb was a German by birth ; 
 and, from the best information obtainable, must hove served 
 during the war of 1755 in some of the interior stations of the 
 quarter master general's department, in the imperial army 
 operating with that of his most christian majesty ; it being 
 well ascertained by his acquaintances in our army, that he 
 was intimately versed in the details of that department. 
 Towards the close of that war he must have been despatch- 
 ed by the French court to North America, as he has himself 
 often mentioned his having traversed the then British pro- 
 vinces in a concealed character ; the objeet of which tour 
 cannot be doubted, as the Baron never failed, when speak- 
 iug of the existing war, to express his astonishment, how 
 any government could have so blundered as to have effaced 
 the ardent and deep affection which, to his own knowledge, 
 existed on the part of the colonies to Great Britain, previou; 
 to the late rupture. — A preference, equalled only by th 
 antipathy to the French nation, which was so powerful as 
 to induce the Baron to consider it, as he called it, " instinc- 
 
 tive 
 
 ?? 
 
 Just before the peace, our incognitus, becoming suspect- 
 ed, was arrested, and for a few days he was imprisoned. 
 On examination of his baggage and papers, nothing could 
 be found confirming the suspicion which had induced his ar- 
 rest, and he was discharged. 
 
 Such discovery was not practicable, as during this tour, 
 the Baron declared, that he relied entirely upon his memory, 
 which was singularly strong, never venturing to commit to 
 paper the information of others or his own observations. 
 On the restoration of peace the Baron returned to Europe, 
 and came once more to America, in 1777 or 1778, recom* 
 mended to Congress as an experienced soldier, worthy of 
 confidence. A Brigadier in the service of France, he was 
 
LA FAYETTE. 115 
 
 Washington informed Congress, in a letter dated 
 April 10, that " Major Genera) the Marquis de la Fay. 
 
 honoured by Congress with the rank of Major General, and 
 repaired to the main army, in which he served at the head 
 of the Maryland division, very much respected. 
 
 Possessing a stout frame, with excellent health, no officer 
 was more able to encounter the toils of war. Moderate in 
 mental powers, as in literary acquirements, he excelled chief- 
 ly in practical knowledge of men and things, gained during 
 a long life by close and accurate investigation of the cause 
 and effect of passing events. 
 
 We all know that the court of France has been uniformly 
 distinguished by its superior address and management in 
 diving into the secrets of every nation, whether friend or foe, 
 with whom it has relation. 
 
 The business of espionage has been brought in France to 
 a science, aud a regular trained corps, judiciously organized, 
 is ever in the service of the court. Of this body there is 
 strong reason to believe that the baron was a member, and 
 probably one of the chief confidants of that government in 
 the United States. No man was better qualified for the un- 
 dertaking. He was sober, drinking water only ; abstemi- 
 ous to excess ; living on bread, sometimes with beef soup, 
 at other times with cold beef; industrious, it being his con- 
 stant habit to rise at five in the morning, light his candle, 
 devote himself to writing, which was never intermitted du- 
 ring the day, but when interrupted by his short meals, or by 
 attention to his official duty ; and profoundly secret. He 
 wrote in hieroglyphics, not upon sheets of paper, as is custo- 
 mary in camps, but in large folio books; which were care- 
 fully preserved, waiting to be transmitted to his unknown 
 correspondent, whenever a safe opportunity might offer* 
 He betrayed an unceasing jealousy, lest his journals and his 
 mystic dictionary might be perused ; and seemed to be very 
 much in dread of losing hi^uBtge ; which, in itself, was 
 too trifling to be regarded ,<#ntl would orjjy have attracted 
 such unvarying ear< valuable paper deposit. He 
 
 never failed to djp^^^^Hraii^HSejut?' place him as near 
 the centre of theJ^MFwas allowable, having an utter 
 aversion to be in f&Svlcinity of either flauk, lest an adver> 
 
i 16 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 etto had arrived at camp, and would assume the com 
 mand of his division." 
 
 turing partisan should carry off his baggage. What became 
 of his journals is not known ; but very probably he did not 
 venture to take them into South Carolina ; what is most 
 probable, he placed puch as remained in the hands of the 
 French minister for transmission to Paris, when he was or- 
 dered to the South. 
 
 If he continued to write when marching to South Caroli- 
 na, his progress must have been slow, as he was necessarily 
 much engaged in the duties of his command, which became 
 multiplied by the extreme difficulty with which subsistence 
 was procurable. Whether his baggage was captured is not 
 known to me ; but it cannot be doubted, that his papers did 
 not fall into the possession of the enemy ; as in such event, 
 we should probably have heard not only of the fact, but also 
 of their contents. No man surpassed this gentleman in 
 simplicity and condescension ; which gave to his deport- 
 ment a cast of amiability extremely ingratiating, exciting 
 confidence and esteem. Although nearer seventy than sixty 
 years of age, such had been the temperance of his life, that 
 he not only enjoyed to the last day the finest healthy but his 
 countenance still retained the bloom of youth ; which cir- 
 cumstance very probably ltd to the error committed by 
 those who drew up the inscription on the monument, erected 
 by order of Congress. This distinguished mark of respect 
 was well deserved, and is herewith presented to the reader. 
 
 Resolved, that a monument be erected to the memory of 
 the deceased Major General Baron de Kalb, in the town of 
 Annapolis, in the state of Maryland, with the following in- 
 scription. 
 
 " Sacred to the memory of the Baron de KalH, Knight of 
 the royal order of military merit, Brigadier of the armies of 
 France, and Major General in the service of the United 
 States of America. Having served with honour and reputa- 
 tion for three years, he gave a last and glorious proof of his 
 attachment to the liberties of mankind, and to the cause of 
 America, in the action near Camden, in the state of South 
 Carolina ; where, leading on the regular troops of Mary- 
 land and Delaware against superior forces, and animating 
 
LA FAYETTE. 117 
 
 In the month of April, 1778, the frigate La Sensible 
 arrived from France, bringing the joyful intelligence, 
 that a treaty of alliance and commerce had been 
 formed between the United States of America and the 
 kingdom of France. The joy which this important 
 news diffused throughout the country may be conceiv- 
 ed, when it is remembered that this event had been 
 long expected, and that the delays were such, that it 
 was seriously apprehended the negotiation 'was likely 
 to fail. 
 
 So early as 1775, the Americans had directed their 
 attention to France, as a power from which assistance, 
 If necessary, might be obtained, in the contest against 
 England. The scarcity of arms and ammunition in 
 the colonies, made it absolutely necessary to seek 
 foreign aid on these accounts. 
 
 In 1776, Mr. Silas Deane was sent to France, as a 
 political and commercial agent. His instructions 
 were, to endeavour to obtain munitions of war, and to 
 gain all the information in his power concerning the 
 disposition of the French court towards the Ameri- 
 cans, in respect to their contest with Great Britain. 
 
 On the declaration of independence, the court of 
 Versailles privately assisted the Americans in the 
 means of prosecuting the war. but refused to recognize 
 the United States as a free and independent nation. 
 
 A committee was however, appointed by Congress 
 to negotiate foreign alliances, and Dr. Franklin, Mr. 
 Deane, and Mr. Arthur Lee were deputed to France. 
 They assembled in Paris, and had an immediate inter- 
 view with the French minister, the Count De Ver- 
 gennes. He privately encouraged their suit ; but 
 
 them by his example to deeds of valour, he was wounded in 
 several places, and died the 19th of August following, in the 
 forty-eighth year of his age. The Congress of the United 
 States of America, in acknowledgment of his zeal, of his ser- 
 vices, and of his merit, hath erected this monument." — Lee's 
 Memoirs. 
 
118 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 being unwilling at that time to give umbrage to the 
 court of St. James, and through fear also, that the 
 Americans would not be able to achieve their inde- 
 pendence, it was understood that their cause should be 
 publicly discountenanced, in this state of doubt and 
 delay, our commissioners received the news of the 
 surrender of Burgoyne and his army. 
 
 At this juncture, they pressed the cabinet to accept 
 their treaty, as it was probable that Great Britain 
 would offer terms of peace, and it was of the last im- 
 portance for Congress to know what might be expect- 
 ed from France. The result was, that the indepen- 
 dence of the United States was acknowledged, and a 
 treaty of alliance and commerce was entered into be- 
 tween the two nations. 
 
 A courie? was then despatched to the court of Mad- 
 rid, with information of the line of conduct pursued 
 by France, and on its basis, a treaty was also concluded 
 between Spain and America. 
 
 These treaties were received and ratified by Con- 
 gress in May, 1778. On this occasion, Washington 
 writes to Congress thus : " With infinite pleasure I 
 beg leave to congratulate Congress on the very impor- 
 tant and interesting advices brought by the frigate La 
 Sensible. As soon as Congress may think it expedi- 
 ent, I shall be happy to have an opportunity of an- 
 nouncing to the army, with the usual ceremony, such 
 parts of the intelligence as may be proper, and sanc- 
 tioned by authority."* Accordingly, oh the 5th of 
 
 * On that occasion, the following general order was issued 
 by the Commander in Chief. 
 
 Head Quarters, Camp, ) 
 Valley Forge, May 5th, 1778. ) 
 It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, 
 propitiously to defend the cause of the United American 
 States, and finally, by raising us up a powerful friend among 
 the princes of the earth, to establish our liberty and inde 
 
LAFAYETTE. 119 
 
 May, this joyful new* was communicated to the army, 
 and the occasion was celebrated in such a manner as 
 
 pendence on a lasting foundation ; it becomes us to set a- 
 part a day for gratefully acknowledging the Divine goodness, 
 and celebrating the important event which we owe to His 
 benign interposition. 
 
 The several brigades will be assembled for this purpose at 
 nine o'clock to-morrow morning, when their Chaplains will 
 communicate the intelligence contained in the Postscript to 
 the Pennsylvania Gazette of the second instant, and offer 
 up a thanksgiving, and deliver a discourse suitable to the 
 occasion. 
 
 At half past ten o'clock, a cannon will be fired, which is 
 to be a signal for the men to be under arms. The Brigade 
 Inspectors will then inspect their dress and arms, form the 
 battalions according to the instructions given them, and an- 
 nounce to the commanding officers of brigades that the bat- 
 talions are formed. The Brigadiers and Commandants will 
 then appoint the field officers to command the battalions ; 
 after whjich, each battalion will be ordered to load and ground 
 their arms. — At half past eleven, another cannon will be 
 fired as a signal for the march ; on which the several bri- 
 gades will begin their march by wheeling to the right by 
 platoons, and proceed by the nearest way to the left of their 
 ground, in the new position that will be pointed out by the 
 Brigade Inspectors. — A third signal will be given, on which 
 there will be a discharge of thirteen cannon : when the 
 thirteenth has fired, a running fire of the infantry will begin 
 at Woodford's, and continue throughout the whole front line; 
 it will then be taken up on the left of the second line, and 
 continue to the right — on a signal given, the whole army 
 will huzza — Long live the King of France ! 
 
 The artillery will then begin again, and fire thirteen 
 rounds. This will be succeeded by a second general dis- 
 charge of the musketry in a running fire — Huzza i long live 
 the friendly European Powers ! Then the last discharge of 
 thirteen pieces of artillery will be given, followed by a gene- 
 ral running fire —Huzza for the American States I 
 
 Agreeably to the above orders, His Excellency General 
 
120 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to form a new era in the feelings and hopes of all who 
 witnessed the ceremonies.* 
 
 In the month of March, Lord Howe sent Colonel 
 Mawhood and Major bimcoe into New Jersey, on a 
 foraging expedition, with about 1200 men. They 
 landed at Salem, where a party of militia had been 
 stationed, and a skirmish ensued, in which the Ameri- 
 cans lost in killed, wounded and taken, fifty or sixty 
 men. 
 
 Nol long after this, an excursion was planned a- 
 gainst General Lacy, who, with about six hundred 
 men, was guarding the roads to Philadelphia. The 
 party of militia being too small to make an effectual 
 
 Washington, his lady and suite, Lord Stirling, the Countess 
 of Stirling, with other genera! officers and ladies, attended at 
 nine o'clock at the Jersey brigade, when the Postcript men- 
 tioned above, wns read, and after prayer a suitable discourse 
 delivered to Lord Strling's division, by the Rev. Mr. Hun- 
 ter. 
 
 On the signal at half after eleven, the whole army repair- 
 ed to their alarm posts 5 on which General Washington, ac- 
 companied by the general officers, reviewed the whole army 
 at their respective posts ; and after the firing of the cannon 
 and musketry, and the huzzas were given, agreeably to the 
 orders, the army returned to their respective brigade pa- 
 rades, and were dismissed. 
 
 All the officers of the army then assembled, and partook 
 of a collation provided by the General, at which several pat- 
 riotic toasts were given, accompanied with three cheers. 
 His Excellency took leave of the officers at five o'clock, on 
 which there was universal huzzaing — Long live General 
 Washington ! and clapping of hands till the General rode 
 some distance. The non commissioned officers and pri- 
 vates followed the example of their officers as the General 
 passed their brigades. Approbation indeed was conspicu- 
 ous in every countenance, and universal joy reigned through- 
 out the camp. — Tha cher's Journal. 
 
 * Official letters. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 121 
 
 resistance, were entirely dispersed, and Gen. Lacy 
 made his escape with the loss of his baggage. 
 
 The enemy at Philadelphia frequently detached 
 foraging parties into the country in various directions, 
 who generally effected their purpose, and returned 
 before their movements were known at Valley Forge. 
 To prevent such excursions, and at the same time to 
 be in readiness to annoy the rear of the British army, 
 should it move from the city, an event which was ex- 
 pected, the Marquis de la Fayette was detached with 
 about two thousand selected troops, and a few pieces 
 of cannon, to take post near the enemy's lines. 
 
 As this corps formed the flower of the American 
 army, the Commander in Chief enjoined on the Mar- 
 quis the utmost attention to its safety, and recommen- 
 ded to him not to take post at one place for any con- 
 siderable time, because this would give the enemy 
 time to concert measures against him. 
 
 With this detachment, Gen. La Fayette crossed the 
 Schuylkill on the 18th of May, and took post at Bar- 
 ren Hills, about ten miles from the army at Valtev 
 Forge. 
 
 Immediate notice of this movement was given to 
 Sir William Howe,* who, having reconnoitered La 
 Fayette's position, concerted a plan to surprise and 
 cut him off. 
 
 * Richard Howe, Earl, a gallant Admiral, was born in 
 lv25, and entered the naval service at so early an age, that 
 at 20, he was appointed to the command of a sloop of war, 
 in which he beat off two large French frigates, after a gal- 
 lant action, for which he was made a Post Captain. After 
 a variety of active service, he obtained the command of the 
 Dunkirk, of 60 guns, with which he captured a French 64, 
 off Newfoundland. In 1757, he served under Admiral 
 flawke, and the year following, was appointed Commodore 
 of a squadron, with which he destroyed a number of ships 
 and magazines at St. Malo. In 1759, Prince Edward, af- 
 terwards duke ©f York, was put under his care, ant! the 
 
 11 
 
122 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 For this purpose, General Grant, with five thousand 
 select troops, on the night of the 19th, silently march- 
 ed out of the city, and taking a circuitous route, by 
 the way of White marsh, he gained the rear of the 
 Marquis, and took post between him and Valley 
 Forge, and only about a mile from his lines. This 
 position he reached about sun-rise, and entirely undis- 
 covered by the Americans. General Gray followed 
 
 Commodore, on the 6th of August took Cherbourg, and 
 destroyed the basin. This was followed by the unfortunate 
 affair of St. Cas, where he displayed his courage and human- 
 ity in saving the retreating soldiers at the hazard of his own 
 life. The same year, at the death of his brother, he became 
 Lord Howe, and soon afterwards had a great share in the 
 victory over Conflans. When Admiral Hawke presented 
 him, on this occasion, to the King, his majesty said, " Your 
 life, my Lord, has been one continued series of services to 
 your country." In 1763, he was appointed to the admiralty 
 board, where he remained till 1765, when he was made 
 treasurer of the navy. In 1770, he was appointed com- 
 mander in chief in the Mediterranean. In the American 
 war, he commanded the fleet on that coast In 1782, he 
 was sent to the relief of Gibraltar, which service he perform- 
 ed in sight of the French and Spanish fleets, but who shun- 
 ned an action, though far superior in numbers. The year 
 following, he was made first Lord of the admiralty, which 
 office he soon afterwards resigned, but at the end of the year 
 he was re-appointed, and continued in that station till 1788, 
 when he was created an English Earl In 1793, he took 
 the command of the channel fleet, and, June 1, 1794, he 
 obtained a decisive victory over the French fleet. The 
 same month he was visited on board his ship at Spithead by 
 their majesties, when the king presented him with a magni- 
 ficent sword, a gold chain and medal. He also received the 
 thanks of both houses, the freedom of London, and the ap- 
 plause of the nation. In 1795 he became general of the 
 marines, and in 1797 was honoured with the garter. His 
 Lordship died in 1799, and was succeeded by his brother. — 
 Watkins 9 Biographical Dictionary. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 123 
 
 Grant, and in the course of the night, with another 
 strong detachment, posted himself two or three miles 
 in front of La Fayette's right flank. At the same 
 time, the residue of Lord Howe's army encamped on 
 Chesnut hill. 
 
 Thus was La Fayette completely surrounded, be- 
 fore being apprised that the enemy were in his vicinity. 
 His perilous situation was discovered by himself and 
 by the army at Valley Forge nearly at the same time. 
 At the latter place, alarm guns were immediately fired, 
 to warn him of his danger, and the whole army put 
 under arms to act as the occasion mi^ht require. It 
 was a moment of the greatest perplexity, but required 
 the coolest judgment, and the most decisive action. 
 In this dilemma, the young Marquis displayed both, 
 and with a promptitude far above his years, decided on 
 the only course which could have saved him from the 
 grasp of his adversary. His troops were instantly 
 put in motion towards Matson's ford, which was near- 
 er the place of Gen. Grant's post than his own. Had 
 Grant suspected this movement, he might easily have 
 cut him ofF, and it was certainly an oversight in him 
 that he did not, as this ford was the only place where 
 a retreat could have been effected. 
 
 Having crossed the river, La Fayette possessed him- 
 self of the high grounds which the place arlorded, and 
 sent back a small party to bring over the field pieces, 
 which were also saved. 
 
 Gen. Grant reached the ground occupied by the 
 Marquis at Barren Hill, soon after it was abandoned, 
 and came to Matson's ford just af er his rear guard had 
 crossed the river, but finding that the Americans had 
 taken a strong position, and were ready to receive him, 
 he marched back to Philadelphia, as did the whole 
 British army. 
 
 Gen. Grant fell under the censure of his superior 
 officers, for letting the Marquis slip away from him, 
 after having obtained so obvious an advantage in res- 
 
124 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 pect to position. But Grant's error lay in his persist- 
 ing in the opinion that the Marquis still continued at 
 Barren hill, without taking care to ascertain the fact. 
 But when he was obliged to change his opinion, it was 
 loo late to remedy his mistake ; the Marquis was at 
 too great a distance to be overtaken. 
 
 In the statement of this affair made by General La 
 Fayette, he represents himself to have advanced the 
 head of a column towards Grant, as if to attack him. 
 while the rear filed ofT rapidly towards Matson's ford. 
 This movement gained ground, even for the front. 
 which, while it advanced towards the enemy, also ap- 
 proached the river, and at the same time induced Gen. 
 Grant to halt in order to prepare for battle. 
 
 While this manoeuvre was performing under Grant, 
 a small party was thrown into a church yard, which 
 was surrounded by a wall, on the road towards Gen. 
 Gray, which also gave the appearance of an intention 
 to attack in that quarter. By these dispositions, hap- 
 ])iiy conceived and executed with regularity, the 
 Marquis extricated himself and his party from the de- 
 struction which had appeared almost inevitable. In 
 his letter to Congress, General Washington termed 
 this a " timely and handsome retreat ;" and certainly 
 the compliment was merited.* 
 
 Here the inquiry would naturally suggest itself, how 
 an officer capable of conducting a retreat with such 
 admirable skill, should be so wanting in vigilance, as 
 to permit himself to be surrounded by the enemy 
 without suspecting his danger. Gen. La Fayette, in 
 his explanation stated, that having posted a party of 
 Pennsylvania militia on his left flank, he relied on 
 them to guard the roads about White Marsh, but with- 
 out his order or knowledge, they had retired into his 
 rear, thus leaving the road by which the enemy came, 
 not only entirely unguarded, but without any one to 
 
 * Marshall 
 
LA FAYETTE, 425 
 
 inform him of their approach. In May of this year, 
 Sir William Howe resigned the command of the army, 
 and was succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton.* 
 
 On the morning of the 18th of June, Philadelphia 
 was evacuated by the British army, and in the course 
 of a few hours, their whole force was encamped at 
 Gloucester Point, on the Jersey shore. On the next 
 day, the line of march was formed, and proceeded 
 slowly directly up the Delaware. Its destination was 
 a subject of much speculation and considerable anxie- 
 ty to the American officers. A council of war was 
 convened by the commander in chief, to decide the all 
 important question, whether they would hazard a gen- 
 eral engagement with the enemy. General Clinton, 
 according to the best estimate that could be made, 
 was about ten thousand strong. The American army 
 amounted to ten thousand six hundred and eighty-four 
 effective rank and file. The majority of the council 
 were against a general action. Generals Washington 
 and La Fayette were, however, inclined to engage the 
 enemy, and the former, finding himself supported by 
 the private opinions of several general officers, in 
 whom he had great confidence, finally concluded to 
 hazard a battle on his own responsibility. As prepara- 
 tory to this event, it was necessary to detach an able 
 officer to take the command of about four thousand 
 continental troops, which had been posted in front of 
 the main army. This important command devolved, 
 
 * Henry Clinton, an English general, and Knight of the 
 Bath, was the grandson of Francis, Earl of Lincoln, and 
 became a captain in the guards in 1758. In 1778, he was 
 appointed General in North America, and returned to Eng- 
 land in 1782. Soon after, he published a narrative of his 
 conduct, which was replied to by Earl Cornwallis, and vin- 
 dicated by Sir Henry. In 1784 he published a farther de- 
 fence of himself. In 1795, he was made Governour of 
 Gibraltar, and died soon after. — JVatkins' Biox. JJic. 
 It* ^ 
 
M MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in point of rank, on Major General Lee, but being 
 strongly opposed to hazarding an action, he did not 
 assert his claim, but assented to the private wishes of 
 Washington, that La Fayette, whose views agreed 
 with his own, should take that important command. 
 Gen. Lee, however, repenting his refusal, Washington 
 detached him, with two brigades, to support the Mar- 
 quis in case of necessity ; but it was expressly stipula- 
 ted, that if the Marquis had already formed any parti- 
 cular plan of attack, or any enterprise, that Lee should 
 not interfere with him, though the latter was the supe- 
 rior officer. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton had taken a strong position at 
 Monmouth Court House, and it was deemed unsafe to 
 commence the attack until he should begin to move. 
 
 About five o'clock, on the morning of the 28th of 
 July, Gen. Dickinson* gave intelligence at head quar- 
 ters that the front of the British army was in motion. 
 The Americans immediately beat to arms, and Gen. 
 Lee was directed to commence the engagement by an 
 attack on the rear of the enemy. But having nearly 
 reached his point of destination, and gome within sight 
 >f the enemy, Lee permitted his division to retreat 
 with precipitation. Washington, who now approach- 
 
 * Philemon Dickinson, a brave officer in the revolutiona- 
 ry war, died at his seat near Trenton, New Jersey, Februa- 
 ry 4, 1809, in the sixty-ninth year of his age. He took an 
 "arly and an active part in the struggle with Great Britain 
 and hazarded his ample fortune and his life in establishing 
 our independence. In the memorable battle of Monmouth, 
 at the head of the Jersey militia, he exhibited the spirit and 
 gallantry of a soldier of liberty. After the establishment of 
 *he present national government, he was a member of Con- 
 gress. In the various stations, civil and military, with 
 ivhich he was honoured, General Dickinson discharged them 
 ,nth zeal, uprightness, and ability. The last twelve or fif- 
 teen years of his life were spent ia retirement from publk 
 concerns. — Allen* s Biog. Dk. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 127 
 
 ed the scene of action, met Lee on the retreat, and 
 addressed him with warmth, implying his disapproba 
 lion of such conduct, but at the same time ordered him 
 to take proper measures to rally his troops, and check 
 the enemy, who were now rapidly advancing in hit 
 rear. This Lee performed promptly, and a sharp 
 conflict ensued, in which he was forced to retreat, af- 
 ter having checked the progress of the enemy. 
 
 Meantime, Generals Greene and Wayne were warm- 
 ly engaged in another quarter, and the action became 
 general. On both sides, great military ardor and ob 
 stinacy of resistance was displayed. The enemy, 
 however, were obliged to give way, and withdrew be- 
 hind the ravine, at the place where the action first 
 commenced. Here the British line was flanked both 
 on the right and left, by thick woods and morasses., 
 while the approach to the front was through a narrow 
 pass. To continue the engagement under such cir- 
 cumstances would be obviously giving the enemy an 
 advantage. It was therefore thought advisable to dis- 
 continue the action until next morning, when a fresh 
 attack could be^nade under more favourable circum- 
 stances. 
 
 Every preparation was accordingly made for this 
 purpose. The brigades detached as flanking parties 
 lay at their posts and on their arms during the night, 
 and the Commander in Chief lay down in his cloak, iu 
 the midst of his soldiers. 
 
 But Sir Henry Clinton, though he claimed the ad 
 vantage in the battle already fought, had good reason* 
 for declining the ri^k of another at the same place. 
 About midnight, therefore, his army was put in motion, 
 and silently marched off. 
 
 The conduct of the officers generally, and the bra- 
 very of the troops under their command, were highi\ 
 gratifying to Washington during the action. General 
 
128 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Wayne,* in particular, was spoken of as meriting the 
 highest commendation. 
 
 * Anthony Wayne, Major General in the army of the 
 United States, was born in Chester county, Pennsylvania, 
 in 1745. In 1773, he was appointed a representative to 
 the General Assembly, where, in conjunction with John 
 Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Charles Thomson, and other 
 gentlemen, he took an active part in opposition to the claims 
 of Great Britain. In 1775, he quitted the councils of his 
 country for the field. He entered the army as a Colonel, 
 and at the close of the year accompanied General Thomson 
 to Canada. When this officer was defeated in his enter- 
 prise against the Three Rivers in June, 1776, and taken 
 prisoner, he himself received a flesh wound in the leg. His 
 exertions were useful in the retreat. In the same year he 
 served at Ticonderoga under General Gates, by whom he 
 was esteemed both for his courage and military talents, and 
 for his knowledge as an engineer. At the close of the cam- 
 paign he was made a Brigadier General. In the campaign 
 of 1777, in the middle states, he took a very active part. 
 In the battle of Brandy wine, he distinguished himself, though 
 he was in a few days afterwards surprised and defeated by 
 Major General Grey. He fought also in the battle of Ger- 
 mantown, as well as in the battle of Monmouth, in June, 
 1778. In his most daring and successful attack upon Stony 
 Point, in July 1779, while he was rushing forward with his 
 men under a tremendous fire of musketry and grape shot,, 
 determined to carry the works at the point of the bayonet, 
 he was struck by a musket ball upon his head. He was for 
 a moment stunned ; but as soon as he was able to rise so as 
 to rest on one knee, believing that his wound was mortal, he 
 cried to one of his aids, " carry me forward, and let me die 
 in the fort." When he entered it, he gave orders to stop 
 the effusion of blood. In i 78 t he was ordered to march 
 with the Pennsylvania line from the northward, and form a 
 junction with La Fayette, in Virginia. On the sixth of July, 
 after receiving information, that the main body of the ene- 
 my, under Cornwallis had crossed James' river, he pressed 
 forward at the head of eight hundred men to attack the rear 
 
LA FAYETTE. 129 
 
 In the battle of Monmouth, the Americans lost 
 eight officers and sixty-one privates killed, and about 
 one hundred and sixty wounded. 
 
 The number of the enemy killed could not be ex- 
 actly ascertained. Four officers, and two hundred 
 and forty-five privates were buried on the field of bat- 
 tle, by persons appointed for that purpose by Washing- 
 ton, and afterwards others were found, so as to increase 
 the number to three hundred. A number died on 
 both sides, in consequence of drinking cold water af- 
 ter being exhausted by the excessive heat of the day. 
 
 The conduct of Gen. Lee, during this action, was 
 
 guard. But to his utter astonishment, when he reached the 
 place, he found the whole British army, consisting of four 
 thousand men drawn up, ready to receive him. At this 
 moment, he conceived of but one way to escape. He rush- 
 ed towards the enemy, till he came within twenty-five yards, 
 when he commenced a gallant attack, which he supported 
 for a few minutes, and then retreated with the utmost expe- 
 dition. The British General was confounded by this move- 
 ment, and apprehensive of an ambuscade from La Fayette, 
 would not allow of a pursuit. After the capture of Corn- 
 wallis, he was sent to conduct the war in Georgia, where 
 with equal success, he contended with British soldiers, In- 
 dian savages, and American traitors. As a reward for his 
 services, the Legislature of Georgia presented him with a 
 valuable farm. At the conclusion of the war, he retired f 
 private life. In 17H7, he was a member of the Pennsylva- 
 nia convention, which ratified the constitution of the United 
 States. In 1792 he succeeded St. Clair in the command of 
 the army to be employed against the Indians. In the bat- 
 tle of the Miamis, August 20, 1794, he gained a complete 
 victory over the enemy ; and afterwards desolated their 
 country. On the third of August, 1795, he concluded a 
 treaty with the hostile Indians northwesl of the Ohio. 
 While in the service of his country hedn d in a hut at Presque 
 Isle, aged about fifty-one years, and was buried on the shore 
 of Lake Erie. — Allen's Biog. Die, 
 
130 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 highly reprobated, but Washington, hoping for an 
 amicable settlement, took no steps against him, until 
 Lee wrote him an impertinent and haughty letter, and 
 claimed trial by a court martial. He was then arres- 
 ted and tried according to his wishes. The court 
 found him guilty of all the charges and specification? 
 preferred against him, and sentenced him to be sus- 
 pended from all command for one year. This sen- 
 tence was univeraily approved in the army, and wa? 
 sanctioned by Congress. 
 
 In July, 1778, the Count D'Estaing arrived from 
 France, with twelve ships of the line, and six frigates. 
 to co-operate with the Americans against the British. 
 
 A body of about six thousand British troops having 
 possession of the town of Newport in Rhode Island, 
 an expedition against that place was planned by Wash-, 
 ington and the Count soon after his arrival. 
 
 Gen. Sullivan, who had commanded in Rhode Isl- 
 and, the preceding winter, was directed to prepare for 
 the expedition by calling in the militia, and by having 
 magazines, boats and pilots in readiness for the des- 
 cent. At the same time, the Marquis de !a Fayette 
 was detached with two brigades to join Sullivan at 
 Providence, and to put himself under the command of 
 that officer. Gen. Greene was also ordered to join 
 Sullivan, and take his directions. On the 25th of July 
 Count D'Estaing, with his whole fleet appeared oft 
 Newport, and cast anchor about five miles from that 
 place. 
 
 Gen. Sullivan went on board the Admiral soon after 
 his arrival, to concert the most proper measures to be 
 pursued by the allied forces. The two commanders, 
 after several propositions on both sides, determined 
 that their whole force should be directed against the 
 town of Newport as soon as possible, and that, for this 
 purpose, the troops from the fleet were to be landed 
 on the west side of the Island, while the American? 
 
LA FAYETTE. l&l 
 
 were to land at the north end, and take possession of 
 the works erected by the enemy. 
 
 To be in readiness, Gen. Greene marched his di- 
 vision to Tiverton, where he was soon joined by Sul- 
 livan and La Fayette. 
 
 Everything being now in readiness, the fleet enter- 
 ed the channel on the 8th of August, and passed the 
 British batteries without sustaining injury. 
 
 On account of the tardiness of the militia, the land- 
 ing was proposed by Gen. Sullivan to be deferred till 
 the next day. Meantime, during the night, the ene- 
 my forsook their works at the north end of the Island, 
 and withdrew into the lines at Newport. So soon as 
 Gen. Sullivan discovered this movement in the morn- 
 ing, he determined, without consulting Admiral D'Es- 
 taing, to take immediate possession of the post which 
 the enemy had abandoned. 
 
 On the 9th, the whole of Sullivan's army, in confor- 
 mity to this resolution, crossed the east passage, and 
 landed on the north end of Rhode Island. 
 
 This movement was highly resented by the French 
 Admiral, because he was not consulted, and because 
 the American troops were so uncivil as to land before 
 his own. The Count, too, was a Lieutenant General, 
 while Sullivan was only a Major General, so that k 
 was a daring infraction on the established rules of po- 
 liteness, for him first to set foot on the enemy's ground. 
 These trifling circumstances seemed to weigh much 
 with the Count. 
 
 It had been stipulated, that he should command the 
 French troops, and one wing of the American army 3 
 in person ; but this he now refused to do, and request- 
 ed that La Fayette should take the command in his 
 place. 
 
 But a circumstance now happened, which, in the 
 end, destroyed the fair prospects of a signal victory 
 over the enemy. 
 
 A British fleet arrived at the mouth of the bay, and, 
 
132 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 having communicated with General Pigot, the com- 
 mander of the British land forces, came lo anchor off 
 Point Judith. Count D'Estaing^immediately prepar- 
 ed his squadron to attack Lord Howe, who command- 
 ed this fleet. But Howe weighed anchor, and stood 
 out to sea. He was followed by D'Estaing, and both 
 fleets were soon out of sight. 
 
 Gen. Sullivan was now left without assistance ; and 
 as the enemy now had the command of the sea, rein- 
 forcements might be thrown into Newport without in- 
 terruption, and at the same time his retreat entirely 
 cut off. His force had increased by the arrival of 
 militia to about ten thousand men, and on the fifteenth, 
 having received no intelligence from the Count, Gen. 
 Sullivan thought best to act without waiting his retarn. 
 and accordingly laid siege to the town. 
 
 Count D'Estaing arrived, however, before any 
 thing decisive was done by Sullivan, and without hav^ 
 ing himself done the least injury to the British fleet. 
 A storm separated the two squadrons, at a time when 
 an engagement was about to commence. 
 
 It was with great joy that Sullivan and his army saw 
 the approach of the French fleet, as the harbinger of 
 a brilliant victory over the enemy. But what was his 
 disappointment and surprise on receiving a letter from 
 the Count, to find, that instead of rendering his assis- 
 tance at Newport, he designed to sail immediately for 
 Boston harbour. In vain did Sullivan represent to 
 him that his co-operation for only two days would se- 
 cure a victory over the whole British army in Rhode 
 Island. In vain did Gen. Greene and La Fayette 
 wait on him to urge the necessity of his assistance at 
 so favourable a juncture. His reply was, that his 
 Majesty, the king of France had instructed him, that 
 in case his fleet should meet with any disaster, or if a 
 superior British fleet should appear on the coast, to 
 sail immediately to Boston, and that his present situa- 
 tion included both these conditions. His fleet had 
 
LA FAYETTE. 138 
 
 suffered much from the late storm, and Admiral Byron 
 had arrived on the coast with a considerable squadron. 
 On the return of Greene and La Fayette, with the 
 mortifying intelligence, that the Count was fixed in his 
 determination to proceed to Boston, the chagrin and 
 vexation of Sullivan was extreme. He had consider- 
 ed the British army as certainly within his grasp, and 
 nothing now prevented his triumph, but what he con- 
 sidered the obstinacy and self-will of the Count. He 
 determined, however, to make one more effort, and 
 after the fleet had sailed, addressed a letter of remon- 
 strance to the Admiral, and pressed him at any rate, to 
 leave his troops to assist against the enemy. This let- 
 ter was sent by Col. Laurens,* in a fast sailing priva- 
 teer. 
 
 * John Laurens, a brave officer in the American war, 
 was the son of Henry Laurens, President of Congress, and 
 was sent to England for his education, lie joined the army 
 in the beginning of 1777, from which time he was foremost 
 in danger. He was present and distinguished himself in 
 every action of the army under General Washington, and 
 was among the first who entered the British lines at York 
 Town. Early in 1781, while he held the rank of Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel, he was selected as the most suitable person to 
 be deputed on a special mission to France, to solicit a loan of 
 money, and to procure military stores. He arrived in March 
 and returned in August, having been so successful in the ex- 
 ecution of his commission, that Congress passed a vote of 
 thanks for his services. Such was his despatch, that in three 
 days after he repaired to Philadelphia, he finished his busi- 
 ness with Congress, and immediately afterward rejoined the 
 American army. On the 27th of August, 1 782, in opposing 
 a forcing party of the British, near Combahee river, in 
 South Carolina, he was mortally wounded, and he died at 
 the age of twenty-six years. His father, just released from 
 imprisonment, and happy in a son of such distinction and 
 virtues, now witnessed the desolation of all his hopes. Col. 
 Laurens, uniting the talents of a great officer with the know- 
 
 12 
 
134 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The Admiral was exceedingly displeased with the 
 remonstrance, and continued his voyage to Boston. 
 
 Being abandoned by the fleet, Gen. Sullivan called 
 a council of war, to determine on the propriety of 
 continuing the siege. But the refusal of Count D'Es- 
 taing to assist in the enterprise, had so disheartened 
 the militia, that great numbers deserted ; so that the 
 army was now not more than five thousand strong. 
 The siege was therefore raised, and the army took 
 post at the north etid of the Island, where they threw 
 up works for defence. 
 
 This reluctance to retire from the Island, arose from 
 the hope which Gen. Sullivan and his officers still 
 maintained, that the Count might return to their as- 
 sistance. To prevail on him to do so, Gen. Hancock, 
 and the Marquis de la Fayette proceeded lo Boston, 
 the former to expedite the repairs of the fleet, and the 
 latter to use his influence with the Count. 
 
 Meantime, the enemy moved out of Newport, and 
 advanced to attack the Americans at their works. 
 Four regiments of the regular army were orden d lo 
 meet them, but this force not being strong enough lo 
 check their advance, Gen. Greene moved forward 
 with two regiments and a brigade of militia, to their 
 support. 
 
 ledge of the scholar, and the engaging manners of the gen- 
 tleman, was the glory of the army and the idol of his coun- 
 try. Washington, who selected him as his aid, and reposed 
 jn him the highest confidence, declared that he could dis- 
 cover no fault in him unless it was intrepidity bordering up- 
 on rashness. His abilities were exhibited in the legislature 
 and in the cabinet, as well as in the field. He was zealous 
 for the rights of humanity, and, living in a country of slaves, 
 contended that personal liberty was the birth right of every 
 human being, how* ver di verified by country, colour, or 
 powers of mind. His insinuating address won the hearts of 
 all his acquaintance, while his sincerity and virtue secured 
 their lasting esteem. — Mien's Biog. Dictionary. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 135 
 
 The action now became warm and bloody ; the 
 Americans supporting the attack with great firmness, 
 while their veteran enemies displayed that coolness 
 which characterizes well disciplined troops. The 
 enemy, however, finally gave way, and retreated to 
 their works. 
 
 The loss to the Americans in this action, was two 
 hundred and eleven, in killed, wounded and taken. 
 
 Gen. Pigot stated his loss at two hundred and sixty. 
 
 On the 30th, Gen. Sullivan received information 
 from the commander in chief, that the enemy would 
 probably be reinforced in a few days, and that a re- 
 treat might become necessary. This Gen. Sullivan 
 effected the day before the arrival of Sir Henry Clin- 
 ton, with several ships of war, and a large reinforce- 
 ment of troops. Had Sullivan remained on the Island 
 another day, his retreat would inevitably have been 
 cut off from the continent. 
 
 The Marquis de la Fayette, having repaired to Bos- 
 ton, for the purpose above mentioned, was not present 
 during the engagement, but by great personal exer- 
 tions, he arrived just in time to take charge of the 
 rear guard at the retreat. In the performance of this 
 service, he distinguished himself for the vigilance and 
 military skill which he displayed in conducting this 
 portion of the army to the continent. In a letter from 
 Congress, he is particularly mentioned, and his con- 
 duct is approbated, " as well for his great sacrifices of 
 personal feeling to the public good, in consenting for 
 the interests of the United States, to leave the army 
 when a battle was to be expected, as for the good con- 
 duct with which he brought off the pickets and out 
 sentries." 
 
 The failure of this expedition was a matter of bitter 
 mortification and disappointment to Gen. Sullivan and 
 the Marquis, and indeed to all the officers concerned 
 in it. In his public letters, Sullivan spoke with great 
 confidence of his ultimate success, and Congress and 
 
136 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the public were waiting for the joyful news, (hat the 
 whole British army in Rhode Island had fallen into the 
 hands of the Americans. 
 
 The conduct of Count D'Estaing in abandoning his 
 allies at such a critical period, was highly disapproved, 
 and Gen. Sullivan, in one of his orders to the army, 
 could not avoid an intimation of his feelings on the 
 occasion. The Count was not at all satisfied at seeing 
 his conduct called in question, and addressed a letter 
 to Congress, in which he complained that he had not 
 received adequate supplies of water and provisions 
 from the Americans, and insisted that his voyage to 
 Boston was absolutely necessary, on account of the 
 damages done to his fleet in the late storm. 
 
 These reasons were not sufficient to satisfy either 
 Congress or the public. In Congress, a proposition 
 was moved, to inquire into the causes of the failure of 
 the expedition against Rhode Island. But policy in- 
 dicated the impropriety of carrying such a proposition 
 into effect. 
 
 In Boston, the public indignation was so great, that 
 there were fears that the means of repairing the French 
 fleet could not be obtained. 
 
 The ferment, indeed, ran so high-hat it was greatly 
 to be feared that the Count, if he was informed in 
 what light the public viewed him, would quit the 
 country, and that America would be deprived of any 
 present benefit from her alliance with France. Con- 
 gress therefore, passed several resolutions, interdicting 
 the publication of any thing which could offend the 
 French officers ; and La Fayette used all his influence 
 to soften the public feeling, and prevent the mischief 
 which he apprehended might arise from such a state 
 of things. Washington was also exceedingly anxious, 
 on the same account. In a letter to Gen. Sullivan, 
 he says, " the disagreement between the army under 
 your command and the fleet has give** me singular un- 
 easiness. The continent at large is concerned in our 
 
LA FAYETTE. 137 
 
 cordiality, and it should be kept up by all possible 
 means consistent with our honour and policy. In our 
 conduct towards the French, we should remember that 
 they are a people old in war, very strict in military 
 etiquette, and apt to take fire when others scarcely 
 seem warmed. It is of the utmost consequence, that 
 the soldiers and people should know nothing of this 
 misunderstanding, or, if it has reached them, that 
 means m *y be used to stop its progress, and prevent its 
 effects." 
 
 Gen. La Fayette, although he exerted himself to 
 counteract the ill effects which this disagreement be- 
 tween the French and American officers was likely to 
 produce towards the American cause, was himself ex- 
 ceedingly hurt at the expressions of resentment which 
 fell from some of the American officers. He felt a 
 most unlimited attachment to Washington, and a most 
 ardent desire to see the cause of liberty triumph over 
 the arms of its adversaries. But France was his coun- 
 try, and Frenchmen his brothers ; his noble and pat- 
 riotic mind could not but experience the anguish of 
 wounded sensibility, when either were disapprobated, 
 and particularly by Americans. But notwithstanding 
 these causes of disaffection, — and a letter to Washing- 
 ton shows that he felt most keenly the remarks of some 
 of the American officers, still he never for a moment 
 permitted such circumstances to alienate his affections 
 from the cause he had espoused, or to lessen his vigi- 
 lance in promoting its accomplishment. So sensible 
 was Washington of the integrity and influence of La 
 Fayette, that although he knew with how much feeling 
 he spoke of the illiberal remarks the Americans had 
 made on the conduct of Count D'E-taing and the 
 French, still La Fayetie was the man on whose influ- 
 ence Washin-ton cmefl) depended, to conciliate this 
 unhappy difference. 
 
 Explanations were finally entered into on this sub- 
 ject, between Washington and the Count, and by a 
 12* 
 
138 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 conciliatory course of proceedings on both sides, a 
 breach, which at one time threatened very serious 
 consequences, was fully healed. 
 
 In September, of this year, a most horrid, and 1o the 
 enemy, disgraceful transaction took place near New 
 York. 
 
 Col. Baylor, with his regiment of horse, was posted 
 near the Hackensack, his guard being placed at a 
 bridge, which crossed that river near his post. The 
 enemy having obtained intelligence of his position, 
 Gen. Gray was detached against him. Some of the 
 country people who perfectly understood Baylor's 
 situation, and knew the guard, were base enough to 
 act as guides for the enemy. They eluded the patrols, 
 and having got into the rear of the Serjeant's guard at 
 the bridge, killed or took every individual of them, 
 without alarming Baylor. Gray's party then proceed- 
 ed to a barn, where most of the regiment lay asleep, 
 and rushing in upon them, for a time bayonetted every 
 man they fell in with, not in the least regarding their 
 cries for quarter. The number of privates in the barn 
 was one hundred and four, of which sixty-seven were 
 killed, wounded or taken. The number killed was 
 twenty-seven. One of Gen. Gray's Captains, not- 
 withstanding he was ordered to give no quarter, per- 
 mitted the fourth troop to surrender with their lives. 
 
 Col. Bavlor was dangerously wounded with a bay- 
 onet, and Maj. Clough was mortally wounded by the 
 same instrument. 
 
 The savage cruelty of the enemy, in thus murdering 
 tbese poor fellows m their sleep, or when they could 
 make no defence, and when they begged for quarter, 
 excited horror and indignation throughout the coun- 
 ty- 
 
 At the request of Congress, depositions to prove the 
 
 facts were taken, under the direction of Governour 
 Livingston, of New Jersey, and the Rev. Dr. Griffith. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 139 
 
 of Virginia. These depostions were published to the 
 world. 
 
 The fall of this year is remembered with horror, on 
 account of the many petty devastations and murders 
 the British soldiery committed. Not only public 
 stores, but the property of individuals, their houses, 
 stores and provisions, were burned, or otherwise wan- 
 tonly destroyed. 
 
 The expedition against Count Pulaski* was made 
 in October of this year. This Nobleman, by permis- 
 sion of Congress, had raised an independent corps, 
 chiefly composed of foreigners, which he commanded 
 in person. The Count was ordered to proceed from 
 Trenton to Little Egg Harbour, and when within ten 
 miles of his place of destination, a deserter carried to 
 the enemy, who were then burning the stores at the 
 latter place, an account of his position and strength. 
 A plan was immediately formed to surprise him, which 
 was completely carried into effect, so far as respected 
 his infantry, who, according to custom, were allowed 
 no quarter, but were put to the bayonet without mer- 
 cy. The Count and most of his cavalry, escaped. 
 
 * Count Pulaski, Brigadier General in the army of the 
 United States, was a Polander of high birth, who with a few 
 men, in 1771, carried off King Stanislaus from the middle of 
 his capital, though surrounded by a numerous body of guards 
 and a Russian army. The King soon escaped and declared 
 Pulaski an outlaw. After his arrival in this country, he 
 offered his services to Congress, and was honoured with the 
 rank of Brigadier General. He discovered the greatest in- 
 trepidity in an engagement with a party of the British near 
 Charleston, in May, 17 79. In the assault upon Savannah, 
 October 9th, by Gen. Lincoln and Count D'Estaing, Pulaski 
 was wounded, at the head of two hundred horsemen, as he 
 was galloping into the town, with the intention of .charging 
 in the rear. He died on the I Ith, and Congress resolved, 
 that a monument should be erected to his memory. — Allen'* 
 Biog. Dictionary. 
 
140 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 About this time, Gen. La Fayette received letters 
 from France, informing him that the treaty of alliance 
 between that country and the United States had pro- 
 duced much sensation in Europe, and that in all pro- 
 bability, it would be the occasion of a war between 
 France and England. His King and country had the 
 first claim on his services, and he was desirous of be- 
 ing where he could tender them the moment they 
 were required. Nor was this all that he could proba- 
 biy accomplish by going to France. He intended to 
 serve America at the same time. 
 
 After the absolute refusal of Count D'Estaing to 
 assist at the expedition against Rhode Island, it was 
 seen by the American officers that unless France 
 should send ships and troops in greater number*, and 
 place them under the direction of the Commander in 
 Chief, the late alliance with France would be of little 
 or no use to the United States, in prosecuting the war. 
 The secret orders of the King of France to his Admi- 
 ral in America, if obeyed, would in many instances en- 
 tirely counteract the object for which he was sent out. 
 If his orders were discretionary, he might act or not, 
 as he thought fit, and consequently, all disagreeable or 
 hazardous services might be declined. 
 
 La Fayette knew that Washington's opinion on this 
 subject coincided with his own 5 and it was his deter- 
 mination, if the situation of his country permitted, to 
 use all his influence with the French court, to obtain 
 an order, vesting in Washington and Congress the full 
 and entire direction of all their forces destined to aid 
 the Americans in their struggle with the British. 
 
 From motives of friendship, and for some political 
 reasons, Washington was desirous of retaining La Fay- 
 ette, as an officer in the American service, notwith- 
 standing his determination to return to France. He 
 therefore requested that La Fayette would not resign 
 his commission, and at the same time directed a letter 
 to Congress, to signify that it would give him pleasure 
 
LA FAYETTE. HI 
 
 if that body would grant the Marquis unlimited leave 
 of absence, to return when most convenient to himself.* 
 Agreeably to this request, Congress passed a resolu- 
 tion, granting La Fayette a furlough to go to France, 
 and return again whenever it best suited his conve- 
 nience. 
 
 La Fayette took leave of Washington at his quarters 
 
 * The following is Washington's letter to the President of 
 Congress on that occasion. 
 
 Head Quarters, Oct. 6, 1778. 
 
 Sir, 
 
 This will be delivered to you by Major General the 
 Marquis de la Fayette. The generous motives which first 
 induced him to cross ihe Atlantic, and enter the army of the 
 United States, are well known in Congress. Reasons equal- 
 ly laudable now engage his return to France, which, in her 
 present circumstances, claims his services. His eagerness 
 to offer his duty to his prince and country, however great, 
 could not influence him to quit the continent in any stage o 
 an unfinished campaign. He resolved to remain at least, 
 till the close of the present, and embraces this moment of 
 suspense to communicate his wishes to Congress, with a 
 view of ha Vic g the necessary arrangements made in time, 
 and of being still within reach, should any occasion offer of 
 distinguishing himself in the field. The Marquis, nt the 
 same time, from a desire of preserving a relation with us, 
 and a hope of having it yet in his power to be useful as an 
 American officer, solicits only a furlough, sufficient for the 
 purpose above mentioned. A reluctance to pari with an 
 officer, who unites to all the military fire of youth an un- 
 common maturity of judgment, would le d me to prefer his 
 being absent on this footing, if it depended on me. 1 shall 
 always be happy to give such a testimony of his services as 
 his bravery and conduct, on all occasions, entitle him to ; 
 and I have no doubt that Congress will add suitable expres- 
 sions of their opinion of his merit, and of their regret on ac- 
 count of his departure. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 G. W 
 
1*42 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 at Fishkill, in October, 1 778, and repaired to Philadel- 
 phia, the seat of Congress, there to make official ar- 
 rangements for his departure. Congress expressed, 
 by their acts, the most grateful acknowledgments for 
 his services, and the lively interest they took in his 
 welfare and happiness. He sailed for France towards 
 the close of the year, still feeing the strongest attach- 
 ment to America and her cause ; and leaving behmd 
 him a name and character which never was mention- 
 ed without sensations of gratitude and admiration, by 
 any true American. 
 
 The Marquis arrived in Paris on the 1 1th of Febru- 
 ary, where he wis received by the King and ministry 
 with great cordiality and distinction. 
 
 His extraordinary character, and the high standing 
 of his family, gave him great influence at court, though 
 a youth of only twenty two. This influence he used 
 for the benefit of his adopted country. His intimacy 
 with the Count de Vergennes,* a minister in whom 
 the king placed the greatest confidence, had a most 
 auspicious hearing on the interests of the United States. 
 He explained to him the real condition of the Ameri- 
 cans, and their wants. He did not withhold his opin- 
 ion, that if France intended to give effectual aid to 
 the United States, she must send out more considera- 
 ble forces by sea and land, and that the munitions of 
 war and supplies must be furnished with a more libe- 
 ral hand. Above all, he insisted on the absolute ne- 
 cessity of placing the French forces under the entire 
 
 * Ch Ties Gravier, Count de Vergennes, a French minis- 
 ter of state, was bom of a noble family in Burgundy. In 
 1755, he was sent ambassador to Constantinople, and after- 
 wards to Sweden ; but when Louis XVI. came to the 
 throne, he was recalled, and made minister of foregn affairs. 
 He displayed the qualities of a profound statesman, particu- 
 larly in die peace of 1783. He died in 1787.— Watkin* 7 
 Biug. Dictionary. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 143 
 
 direction of Congress and the Commander in Chief. 
 Experience had shown, that forces designed to co op- 
 erate against the enemy, but with an independent com- 
 mand, had been of little or no value to the Americans. 
 
 Count de Vergennes finally became convinced of 
 the truth of La Fayette's opinions, and being seconded 
 in his representations to the king, by the late minister 
 of France to the United States, and the Count de la 
 Luzerne, his successor, then at Philadelphia, his Ma- 
 jesty adopted the same opinion, and signified his plea- 
 sure, that more considerable forces should be sent to 
 America. Orders were accordingly issued for the 
 equipment of a new squadron, to carry out a more 
 numerous body of troops, to be placed under the di- 
 rection of the American authorities. 
 
 When the determination of La Fayette to revisit 
 France was known to Congress, that body, as a token 
 of their gratitude for his services, and an acknowledg- 
 ment of his bravery, voted to present him with a sword, 
 superbly ornamented, with appropriate devices. 
 
 Dr. Franklin, the American Minister at Paris, was 
 directed to superintend the making of this sword, and 
 to present it to him in the name of Congress. 
 
 In October, J 779, he writes concerning it, to the 
 President of Congress, as follows : 
 
 " The sword, ordered by Congress for the Marquis 
 de la Fayette, being at length finished, I sent it down 
 to him at Havre, where he was with the troops intend- 
 ed for the invasion. I wrote him a letter with it, and 
 received an answer; copies of both which I inclose, 
 together with a description of the sword, and drawings 
 of the work upon it, which was executed by the best 
 artists in Paris, and cost altogether two hundred gui- 
 neas. The present has given him great pleasure, and 
 some of the circumstances have been agreeable to the 
 nation." 
 
 La Fayctlc being at Havre, Dr. Frauklin sent his 
 
144 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 son with the sword, who had the honour of presenting 
 it to him. 
 
 With the sword, Dr. Franklin sent a letter, in 
 which he expresses, in the strongest terms the high 
 sense of gratitude and obligation which the Americans 
 felt towards him. To this, La Fayette returned an 
 answer, expressing the highest satisfaction at this mark 
 of honour and respect from America.* La Fayette 
 
 * Letter from Dj Benjamin Franklin, to the Marquis de 
 la Fayette, with the sword presented by Congress. 
 
 Passy, August 24, 1779. 
 Sir, 
 The Congress, sensible of your merit towards the United 
 States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to 
 pres. nt you with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful 
 acknowledgment. They directed it to be ornamented with 
 suitable devices. Some of the principal actions of the war, 
 in which you distinguished yourself by your bravery and 
 conduct, are therefore represented upon it. These, with a 
 few emblematic figures, all admirably well executed, make 
 its principal value. By the help of the exquisite artists 
 France affords, I find it easy to express every thing but the 
 sense we have of your worth, and our obligations to you. 
 For this, figures, and even words, are found insufficient. I 
 therefore only add, that with the most perfect esteem, I have 
 the nonour to be, &c. 
 
 B. Franklin. 
 
 {The Marquis's Reply.) 
 
 Havre, August 29, 1779. 
 Sir, 
 Whatever expectations might have been raised from the 
 sense of past favours, the goodness of the United States for 
 me has ever been such, that on every occasion it far surpas- 
 ses any idea I could have conceived. A new proof of that 
 flattering truth I find in the noble present, which Congress 
 have been pleased to honour me with, and which is offered 
 in such a manner by your Excellency, as will exceed ny 
 thing, but the feelings of my unbounded gratitude. Some of 
 
LA FAYETTE. IM 
 
 i emained in France about eighteen months, and having 
 done every service for the United States which could 
 he effected by his presence- at court, and finding that 
 there was no probability of active employment in de 
 fence of his own country, he obtained permission to 
 return to America, and landed at Boston, in April, 
 1780. 
 
 His return was the occasion of great joy, not only to 
 Washington and Congress, but to the whole army, 
 Washington's letter to Congress, and the resolve of 
 that body on the occasion, together with La Fayette's 
 reply, will serve to show the mutual satisfaction which 
 was expressed on his arrival.* 
 
 the devices I cannot help finding too honorable a raward for 
 those slight services, which, in concert with my fellow sol 
 diers, and under the godlike American hero's orders, I had 
 the good luck to render. The sight of these actions, where 
 I was a witness of American bravery and patriotic spirit, 1 
 will ever enjoy with that pleasure which becomes a heart 
 glowing with love for the nation, and the most ardent zeal 
 for their glory and happiness. 
 
 Assurances of gratitude, which I beg leave to present to 
 your Excellency, are much inadequate to my feelings, and 
 nothing but those sentiments may properly acknowledge 
 your kindness towards me. The polite manner in which 
 Mr. Franklin was pleased to deliver that inestimable sword, 
 lays me under great obligations to him, and demands my 
 particular thanks. 
 
 With the most perfect respect, I have the honour tobe,&c. 
 
 La Fayette. 
 
 * Washington's letter to Congress on the return of L;> 
 Fayette. 
 
 Head Quarters, Morristown, ) 
 May, 13, 1780. \ 
 
 The Marquis La Fayette does me the honour to take 
 charge of this note. I am persuaded Congress will partici 
 pate in the joy I feel at the return of a gentleman who hat 
 13 
 
146 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 50 signally distinguished himself in the service of this coun- 
 try ; who has given so many decided proofs of his attach- 
 ment to its interests, and who ought to be dear to it by ev- 
 ery motive. The warm friendship I have for him conspires 
 with considerations of public utility, to afford me a double 
 satisfaction in his return. During the time he has been in 
 France, he has uniformly manifested the same zeal in our 
 affairs, which animated his conduct while he was among us ; 
 and has been upon all occasions, an essential friend to A~ 
 merica. He merits, and I doubt not Congress will give 
 him, every mark of consideration and regard in their power 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 Geo. Washington. 
 To his Excellency, the President of Congress. 
 
 RESOLUTION OF CONGRESS. 
 
 In Congress, May 16, 1730 5 — " Resolved, that Congress 
 consider the return of the Marquis La Fayette to America, 
 to resume his command in the army, as a fresh proof of the 
 distinguished zeal and deserving attachment, which have 
 justly recommended him to the public confidence and ap- 
 plause ; and that they receive with pleasure, a tender of 
 further services of so gallant and meritorious an officer.''* 
 
 Philadelphia, May 16, 1780. 
 Sir, 
 
 After so many favours which, on every occasion, and par- 
 ticularly at my obtaining leave of absence, Congress were 
 pleased most graciously to bestow on me, I dare presume 
 myself entitled to impart to them the private feelings, which 
 I now so happily experience. 
 
 In an early period of our noble contest, I gloried in the 
 name of an American soldier ; and heartily enjoyed the hon- 
 our of serving the United States. My satisfaction is, at this 
 long wished for moment, entirely complete, when, putting 
 an end to my furlough, I shall have been able again to join 
 my colours, under which I hope for an opportunity of indul- 
 ging the ardent zeal, the unbounded gratitude, the warm, and 
 I might say, patriotic love, by which I am forever bound to 
 
LA FAYETTE. 147 
 
 America. I beg you, Sir, to present Congress with a new 
 assurance of my profound respect, and my gratitude and af- 
 fectionate sentiments. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 La Fayette. 
 To His Excellency, the President of Congress. 
 
m xMEMOIRS GF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 CAMPAIGNS IN WHICH GENERAL LA FAYETTE WAS PARTICULAJ; 
 
 I.Y DISTINGUISHED, FROM 1780 TO THE CLOSE 
 
 OF THE REVOLUTION. 
 
 The campaign of 1779, although on many occasion- 
 d furnished evidence of great military skill and brave 
 : v, on the part of the Americans, did not, on the 
 whole, equal the expectations of Congress. 
 
 The arrival of Count D'Estaing, with his squadron 
 and troops, was a circumstance on which the brilliant 
 success of the campaign had been in a great measure 
 predicated. But we have already seen that ^reat dis 
 appointment and mortification were occasioned by his 
 Want of co-operation with the American army. 
 
 In September, the Count arrived with his fleet from 
 the West Indies, on the southern coast of the United 
 States, and it was agreed on the 1 lth of that month, 
 between himand General Lincoln, that their combined 
 forces should lay siege to Savannah, which was then 
 in the hands of the enemy. The siege was carried on 
 with great vigour for near thirty days, when the Count 
 declared that he could devote no more time lo this ob 
 ject, and that it only remained to raise the siege, or 
 to attempt the enemy's works by storm. The latter 
 was concluded on, and while a most brave and blood y 
 attempt was made by the allied army to force the 
 works of the enemy, a still more determined and ob 
 stinatc resistance was made to keep them. The allies 
 were finally repulsed with great loss, and were obliged 
 to retreat. 
 
 The loss of the French in killed and wounded in 
 this unsuccessful attack, was about seven hundred. 
 Among the killed was the Count Pulaski, and among 
 :hc wounded D'Estaing himself. The Count immedi- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 143 
 
 ately re-embarked his troops, and soon after left the 
 American coast, to which he never again returned. 
 
 The departure of the French fleet produced a sud- 
 den and gloomy change in the prospects of the south- 
 ern states. By the assistance of Count D'Estaing, the 
 most sanguine expectations had been entertained, of 
 totally destroying the British power in that quarter, 
 but his departure occasioned the most serious appre- 
 hension', that Charleston, as well as Savannah, would 
 fall into the hands of the enemy. The ill success of 
 the American arms at the south, had been exceedingly 
 discouraging. Gen. Tarleton had surprised and. de- 
 feated an American corps at Monk's corner. The 
 garrison at Fort Moultrie had surrendered prisoners of 
 war. Gen. Gates was defeated by Lord Cornwallis ; 
 near Camden. Gen. Sumpter, after some success. 
 had also been defeated. These disasters to the Amer- 
 ican arms, though in some instances, they had obtain- 
 ed brilliant victories, together with the Count's depar- 
 ture, had so disheartened the Americans, that in some 
 of the states, the sanguine expectations of a successful 
 termination of the war, had given way to a state of 
 nearly hopeless inaction ; and the vigour which had 
 marked the doings of some of the state Legislatures, 
 was seen to languish in proportion as hope and expec- 
 tation failed. 
 
 In this depressed and torpid condition of the public 
 mind, La Fayette arrived, with the joyful intelligence 
 that his Majesty the King of France, had been pleased 
 to order a large naval and land armament to the Uni- 
 ted States, to act in concert with the Americans against 
 the British power. This news gave a new and vigor- 
 ous impulse, not only to the state Legislatures, but also 
 to Congress. Resolutions of the most determined 
 complexion were immediately issued by each of these 
 departments. A requsition was made by Congress on 
 tke states from New Hampshire to Virginia inclusive, 
 for ten millions of dollars, and specie bills were direc- 
 13* 
 
i&9 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 (ed to be drawn on Messrs. Franklin and Jay at Paris, 
 for fifty thousand dollars. 
 
 At the same time, a circular letter was sent by Con 
 gress to each of the state Legislatures, calculated to 
 stimulate them to use great exertions to raise theii 
 quotas of the sum required, and to make cvevy prepa 
 ration for the approaching crisis. 
 
 In the month of July, 1 780, intelligence was receiv 
 ed, that the French fleet had arrived on the American 
 coast, and had been seen offthe capes of Virginia. 
 
 On the 1 0th, Gen. Heath, who had been directed to 
 make preparations for their reception in Rhode Island, 
 announced that the fleet had appeared in sight, and 
 was standing into the harbour. 
 
 Soon after their arrival, Lieutenant General Count 
 de Rochambeau, and the Chevalier Ternay, the offi- 
 cers commanding the land and naval forces of France 
 at Newport, transmitted to General Washington an 
 account of their arrival, and of their strength and or- 
 ders. 
 
 A copy of the order from the French government to 
 Rochambeau, was inclosed to Washington. By this 
 order, the Count and his whole armament was placed 
 entirely under the direction of the Commander in 
 Chief. This was the very state of things which had 
 been so much desired, and which La Fayette had 
 exerted himself so strenuously to accomplish while in 
 Paris.* 
 
 * The following letter to Mr. Samuel Adams, dated Mor- 
 ristown, May 30 1780, will show how deep an interest he 
 took in the affairs of America. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Had I known that I would have the pleasure of meeting 
 you at Boston, and holding confidential conversations with 
 you oo public and private matters, I should have antici- 
 pated the uneasiness I was put under by the obligation of 
 secrecy, or previously obtained the leave of breaking that 
 
LA FAYETTE. 15 1 
 
 The joy at the news of Rochamheau's arrival, with 
 the additional intelligence, that the French troops 
 
 so strict law in your favour. Now, my dear sir, that Con 
 gress have set my tongue at liberty, at least for such men as 
 Mr. Samuel Adams, I will, in referring you to a public let- 
 ter from the committee of Congress, indulge my private 
 feelings in imparting to you some confidential ideas of min* 
 on our present situation. 
 
 x\s momentary visits did not entirely fulfil the purpose of 
 freeing America. France thought they would render them- 
 selves more useful, if a naval and land force were sent for 
 co-operating witli our troops, and by a longer stay on the 
 coast of the continent, would give to the states a fair oppor- 
 tunity of employing all their resources. The expectations 
 are very sanguine at Versailles, and ought to be more v so, 
 when that letter shall be received, by which you know, Con- 
 gress engaged to furnish on their part, five and twenty thou- 
 sand Continental troops, that are to take the field by the 
 beginning of the spring. 
 
 On the other hand, my dear sir, all Europe have their 
 eyes upon us. They know nothing of us, but by our own 
 reports, and our first exertions, which have heightened their 
 esteem, and by the accounts of the enemy, or those of some 
 dissatisfied persons, which were calculated to give them a 
 quite different opinion : so that, to fix their own minds, all 
 the nations are now looking at us ; and the consequence of 
 \m erica, in the eyes of the world, as well as its liberty and 
 happiness, must depend upon the ensuing campaign. 
 
 The succour sent by France, I thought to be very impor- 
 tant when at Versailles : now that [ am on the spot, I know 
 it was necessary ; and if proper measures are taken, I shall 
 more heartily than ever, enjoy the happiness I had of being 
 somewhat concerned in the operation. But if things stood 
 as they now do, I confess that whether as an American sol- 
 dier, whether as a private man that said a great deal, and 
 knows Congress have ordered much more to be said on the 
 future exertions of America, — who took a particular delight 
 iu praising the patriotic spirit of the United States, I would 
 feel most unhappy and distressed, were I to tell the people 
 that are coming over, full of ardour and sanguine hopes, that 
 
152 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were auxiliaries, and under the direction of the Amer 
 ican authorities, was unbounded. 
 
 we have no army to co-operate with them, no provisions to 
 feed the few soldiers that are left, &c. &c. But I hope, nu- 
 clear sir, it will not be the case ; and more particularly de- 
 pending upon the exertions of your state, I know Mr. Samu- 
 el Adams' influence and popularity, will be as heretofore 
 •employed, in the salvation and glory of America. 
 
 If proper measures are taken for provisions, if the states 
 do immediately fill up the continental battalions by good 
 drafts, which is by far the best way ; if all the propositions 
 of the committee are speedily complied with, I have no 
 doubt, but that the present campaign will be a glorious, de- 
 cisive one, and that we may hope for every thing that is 
 good : if, on the contrary, time be lost, consider what unhap- 
 py and dishonorable consequences would ensue from our in- 
 ability to a co-operation. 
 
 Your state began the noble contest, it may be gloriously 
 ended by your state's exertions, and the example they will 
 once more set to the whole continent. The reception I met 
 with at Boston, binds me to it by the strongest ties of a 
 grateful affection. The joy of my heart will be to find my- 
 self concerned in an expedition, that may afford peculiar ad- 
 vantages to them ; and I earnestly hope it will be the case, 
 in the course of this (if proper measures are taken) glorious 
 campaign. 
 
 I flatter, myself you will be yet in Boston, and upon this 
 expectation I very much depend, for the success of the com- 
 bined expeditions. Such a crisis is worth your being whol- 
 ly engaged in it, as it will be glorious, important ; and 1 may 
 say it now, because necessary for the support of the great 
 cause in which you acted so early and decisive a part. What 
 you mentioned confidentially to me at Boston, 1 have duly 
 noticed, and shall ever remember with the attention of a 
 friend. For fulfilling the same purpose, I wish we may be 
 under particular obligations to you on this occasion. 
 
 Give me leave, my dear sir, to suggest to you an idea 
 which I have lately thought of 5 all the continental officers 
 labor under the most shameful want of clothing. When I 
 say shameful, it is not to them, who have no money to buy 
 
LA FAYETThX 
 
 The warmest professions of reciprocal esteem and 
 confidence, passed between the two commanders and 
 their oflicers. Washington recommended to his offi- 
 cers, on this occasion, to engraft on the American 
 cockade, which was black, a relief of white, that being 
 the colour of the French cockade. This symbol ot 
 friendship and affection in the American soldiers for 
 their allies, was received as quite complimentary b\ 
 the French, and undoubtedly had its effect in produ 
 cing cordial feelings between the two armies. 
 
 The arrival of the French fleet, although so late as 
 the month of July, was still too early for the immedi 
 ate co-operation of the American army. 
 
 The difficulties which Congress had found in rais 
 ing men and money, sufficient to carry the plans of tht 
 Commander in Chief into complete execution, had a! 
 ways been a subject of disappointment and regret. 
 
 The preparations for the campaign of this year, had 
 been made with uncommon perseverance ; but as the 
 exertions did not commence with any considerable vi 
 gor, until it was publicly known that effective assist- 
 ance was expected from France, the season had so far 
 advanced, before sufficient levies could be completed, 
 that it was a matter of consideration, whether tin 
 plans which Washington had digested, should be at 
 tempted immediately, or deferred till the next season. 
 
 After some hesitation, however, it was decided thai 
 immediate preparations should be made for the co 
 
 -—no cloth to be bought. You can conceive what may be 
 theirs and our feelings, when they will he with the French 
 General and other officers ; and from a general idea of man- 
 kind and human honor, it is easily seen how much we should 
 exert ourselves to put the officers of the army in a more de- 
 cent situation. 
 
 I beg, my dear sir, you will present my respects to you: 
 family, and believe me, most affectionately, 
 
 Yours. La Fayfttf, 
 
154 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 operative action of the Americans, both by sea and 
 land. 
 
 Gen. La Fayette was authorised to explain the plans 
 of the campaign to Count Rochambeau, and every 
 thing seemed for a short time, to indicate the success 
 of the allied army. At the same time, however, it 
 was well known, that the success of the whole plan 
 depended en the superiority of fhe French fleet over 
 that of the enemy. But the arrival of a reinforcement 
 of battle ships from England, entirely deranged the 
 plan of operations, by giving the enemy the greatest 
 force by sea, and the arrangements for the campaign 
 were, with the most bitter chagrin and reluctance, 
 abandoned. 
 
 It was at this period of disappointment and vexa- 
 tion, that Benedict Arnold attempted to sell his coun- 
 try to the enemy. " While," says Marshall, " the 
 public mind was anticipating the great events expect- 
 ed from the combined arms of France and America : 
 while the army was assailed by every species of dis- 
 tress, and almost compelled to disperse by the want 
 of food ; while Gen. Washington was struggling with 
 difficulties, and sustaining the mortification of seeing 
 every prospect he had laboured to realize, successive- 
 ly dissipating : treason found its way into the Ameri- 
 can camp, and was machinating the ruin of the Ameri- 
 can cause." 
 
 The discovery of Arnold's treason was made just in 
 time to prevent his giving up West Point, the most im- 
 portant fortress, into the hands of the enemy. 
 
 Soon after his defection, he was detached by Lord 
 Cornwallis to Virginia, with a party of about six hun- 
 dred men. Here he plundered the inhabitants, burnt 
 their dwellings, and carried devastation and horror 
 wherever he went. 
 
 In January, 1781, La Fayette was ordered to march 
 against him, with a division, consisting of twelve hun- 
 dred regular troops. Letters were despatched by the, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 155 
 
 ( 'ommander in Chief to Baron Steuben, and Gover- 
 nour Jefferson, requiring (heir immediate preparation 
 to aid Gen. La Fayette in his expedition. 
 
 Meantime, Arnold had reinforced his army, and bad 
 taken a strong post, where he threw up works of con- 
 siderable strength. Washington being informed of 
 these circumstances, immediately repaired in person 
 to Newport, where in consultation with Rochambeau, 
 it was agreed, that the French fleet, and a part of the 
 army, should embark to the Chesapeake, to co-operate 
 with La Fayette against Arnold. But an engagement 
 with the British fleet on the voyage, so retarded the 
 progress of the expedition, that Arnold escaped a fate 
 so well merited by his treason. 
 
 At this time, the enemy in Virginia were reinforced 
 by two thousand regular troops, which gave them a 
 Miperiority over any force which the Americans could 
 bring against them. 
 
 Under these circumstances, the defence of Virginia 
 was committed to La Fayette. " The troops under 
 his command, had been taken chiefly from the eastern 
 regiments, and had imbibed strong prejudices against 
 a southern climate. The service on which they were 
 detached, was not expected to be of long duration, and 
 they were consequently unprepared foracampaign in 
 a department where no relief could be obtained for 
 their most pressing wants." 
 
 ", From these causes, desertions became so fre- 
 quent as to threaten the dissolution of the corps." 
 
 ; - This unpromising state of things was completely 
 changed by a happy expedient adopted by La Fayette. 
 Appealing to the generous and honourable principles 
 of his soldiers, — principles on which his own bosom 
 taught him to rely, he proclaimed, in orders, that he 
 was about to enter on an enterprise of great danger, 
 and difficulty, on which he persuaded himself, that his 
 soldiers would not abandon him. If, however, any 
 individual of the detachment was unwilling to accom- 
 
m MEMOIRS OF 
 
 pany him, he was invited to apply ior a permit to re- 
 turn to his regiment, which should most assuredly be 
 granted. 
 
 Ci This measure had the desired effect. The dis- 
 grace of applying to be excused from a service full of 
 hazard, was too great to be ventured ; and a total stop 
 was immediately put to desertion. To keep up the 
 good dispositions of the moment, this ardent young 
 Nobleman, who was as unmindful of fortune as he was 
 ambitious of fame, borrowed from the merchants of 
 Baltimore, on his private credit, a sum of money suffi- 
 cient to purchase shoes, linen, spirits, and other arti- 
 cles of immediate necessity for the detachment." 
 
 " Having made these preparations for the campaign, 
 La Fayette marched with the utmost celerity to the 
 defence of Virginia. That state was in great need of 
 assistance. The enemy had penetrated deep into her 
 bosom, and was practising on its inhabitants those ex- 
 cesses, which will ever be experienced by a country 
 unable to repel invasion."* 
 
 Gen. La Fayette arrived in Richmond, Justin time 
 to save that place, and a large amount of military 
 stores which had been collected there, from the hands 
 of the enemy. 
 
 At this period, Lord Cornwallis arrived at Peters- 
 burgh, and took the command of the whole royal army 
 in Virginia ; and finding himself at the head of a force 
 which the Americans could not oppose, he immediate- 
 ly determined on a course of vigorous offensive oper- 
 ations. His field force amounted to eight thousand 
 effective men, including four hundred dragoons, and 
 eight hundred mounted infantry. 
 
 La Fayette's force in camp, near Richmond, did 
 not exceed four thousand men, and of these, three 
 fourths were militia. He was however, occasionally 
 
 Marshall. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 157 
 
 reinforced by the state militia, brought into the field 
 by the unceasing efforts of Governour Jefferson. 
 
 La Fayette put this force into the best situation 
 in his power* He selected seven hundred and fifty of 
 the best marksmen among his militia, and dividing 
 them into three corps of light infantry, he placed them 
 severally under the orders of Majors Call, Willis, and 
 Dick, officers of the regular army. This was pleas- 
 ing to the soldiers, who, seeing, the perils before them, 
 were glad to be under the command of officers of 
 more experience and skill, than those of the militia. 
 
 On the 24th of May, Lord Cornwallis began to 
 move his army, and crossed the James river. La 
 Fayette, who was well informed of his movements, 
 broke up his position near Richmond, and fell back 
 towards Fredericksburgh. This he did for the dou- 
 ble' purpose of approximating Gen. Wayne, who was 
 on his march from the north, and of covering the man- 
 ufactory of arms in the vicinity of Falmouth. Corn- 
 wallis followed, with a determination of bringing him 
 to an engagement before the arrival of Wayne. 
 
 But La Fayette, knowing that his adversary had 
 double his number of veteran troops, was in no way 
 inclined to be brought to action. He therefore con- 
 tinued his retreat, and having passed the southern 
 branch of York river, he posted his army near its 
 bank. 
 
 In this position, he was overtaken by a detachment 
 of light troops under Col. Tarleton, whose sudden ap- 
 pearance compelled him to form his army for battle. 
 No attack was, however, made, and it was afterwards 
 discovered, that this was only a large patroling party. 
 
 At this period, CornwaMis thought himself sure of 
 his victim. In a letter, which fell into the hands of 
 the Americans, he says, " the boy cannot escape me ;" 
 and it was, perhaps, this certainty in his Lordship's 
 mind, which accounts for his not pressing La Fayette's 
 retreat with more vigour, and bringing him to action, 
 
 14 
 
158 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 La Fayette was often not more than twenty miles from 
 the British General, who had at his disposal, at least 
 one thousand horse and mounted infantry. Putting 
 one soldier behind each of those mounted, he could 
 by an easy exertion, in any twenty-four hours, have 
 placed two thousand veterans, conducted by skilful 
 and experienced officers, close to his enemy ; whose 
 attempt to retreat would have been so embarrassed 
 and delayed, as to have given time for the main body 
 to have approached. Then La Fayette's destruction 
 would have been as easy as inevitable. Why this 
 plain mode of operation was overlooked, and neglect- 
 ed by Cornwallis, did then and does still excite the 
 surprise of all intelligent soldiers conversant with that 
 transaction."* 
 
 La Fayette did not intermit his retreat, until he had 
 crossed the Rapidan, the southern branch of the Rap- 
 pahannoc. Here, Gen. Wayne joined him with eight 
 or nine hundred men. Lord Cornwallis, finding that 
 his enemy's retreat was more rapid than his own pur- 
 suit, gave up the chace, and determined to employ his 
 force in committing to the flames the remaining re- 
 sources of the state, which had already been greatly 
 exhausted by the plunder and fire of his army. 
 
 " To this decision," says Lee, " he seems to have 
 been led by his conviction that Wayne, united to La 
 Fayette, diminished so little the relative size of himself 
 and his antagonist, as to forbid his inattention to other 
 objects, deemed by himself important, while it would 
 increase the chance of striking his meditated blow 
 against both. 
 
 " Cornwallis therefore, did not miscalculate, when 
 he presumed that the junction of Wayne would in- 
 crease, rather than diminish, his chance of bringing 
 his antagonist to action. Had the British general 
 pressed forward, determined never to stop until he 
 
 * Lee's Memoirs. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 159 
 
 forced his enemy to the last appeal, La Fayette or 
 Wayne must have fallen, if severed from each other ; 
 and if united, both might have been destroyed. Had 
 the destruction of La Fayette been effected, Lord 
 Cornwallis had only to take post on the heights above 
 Stafford court house, with his left resting on the vil- 
 lage of Falmouth, to have secured all the plentiful 
 country in his rear, between the two rivers, as well as 
 that on the southern margin of the Rappahannoc ; and 
 to have established a convenient communication with 
 such portion of his fleet, as he might require to be^ent 
 up the Potomac."* 
 
 But the vigilance of the young General, in observing 
 the designs of his enemy, and his activity in eluding 
 the deep laid stratagems of his experienced antagonist, 
 did not permit his Lordship to enjoy such a prospect. 
 
 Having abandoned the pursuit of La Fayette, the 
 British commander retired first to Richmond, and af- 
 terwards to Williamsburg.! 
 
 The Marquis followed with cautious circumspec- 
 tion, taking care to keep the command of the upper 
 country, and to avoid a general engagement. On the 
 18th of June, while in the neighbourhood of Rich- 
 mond, he was joined by Baron Steuben, with four or 
 five hundred new levies. He now had two thousand 
 regular troops, and although his policy was to avoid a 
 general engagement, he was in a condition to harass 
 the rear of the enemy by his light troops, prevent their 
 foraging, and impede their march. 
 
 On his way, the policy of his Lordship to destroy 
 property, both private and public, was continually 
 pursued, and great depredations were every where 
 committed. Tobacco, especially, was set on fire 
 wherever it was found. About the middle of June, 
 the British army left Williamsburg, and encamped in 
 such a manner as to cover a ford leading to the island 
 
 * Lee. t Marshall. 
 
160 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of Jamestown. On the next morning, La Fayette, 
 ever watchful of the motions of his adversary, changed 
 his position, and pushed his best troops within nine 
 miles of the British camp, with the intention of attack- 
 ing their rear, when the main body should have passed 
 over into Jamestown. 
 
 His vigilant enemy, suspecting this design, deter- 
 mined to effect by stratagem, what he had found nei- 
 ther pursuit nor retreat could accomplish. With this 
 view he drew up his army on the main land, as com- 
 pactly as possible, and at the same time, arranged a 
 few troops on the island so as to appear like, an army. 
 La Fayette's reconnoitering parties were completely 
 deceived by this display ; and all his intelligence con- 
 curred in the information that the main body of the 
 British army had passed over into Jamestown in the 
 night. Not doubting the truth of what he heard, La 
 Fayette now began to prepare for the execution of his 
 plan. He detached some riflemen and militia to ha- 
 rass the enemy's out-posts, while he advanced at the 
 head of his regular troops, to cut off the retreat of 
 their rear, 
 
 As he came near the enemy, every appearance was 
 calculated to confirm the information he had received. 
 The picquets of the enemy were driven in by his ad- 
 vanced parties without much resistance. But in a 
 matter of so great importance, the wary La Fayette 
 determined to trust his own eyes only, and moved for- 
 ward to reconnoitre the camp himself, and to judge of 
 its strength by his own observation. 
 
 He soon perceived that the force of the enemy was 
 much more considerable than had been apprehended, 
 and that the stratagem of his veteran foe had already 
 brought him much too near his more powerful army. 
 He hastened back to warn his officers of the danger, 
 but found Wayne, who always chose to decide matters 
 with the sword, closely engaged. Wayne had discov- 
 ered a piece of artillery which was but weakly guard 
 
LA FAYETTE. 161 
 
 ed, and which was probably left in that situation as a 
 decoy. This he determined to seize, and Major Gal- 
 van was advanced for that purpose. At this moment, 
 he discovered the whole British army, arranged in 
 battle array, marching out against him. It was too 
 late to retreat, and, with his characteristic boldness, 
 Wayne, with a rapid advance, made a gallant charge 
 on the enemy's line. A sharp conflict ensued, which, 
 for some time, was supported with great spirit. La 
 Fayette now came up, and finding Wayne's party out 
 flanked both on the right and left, ordered him to re- 
 treat. This was done in time to save his party, and 
 he fell back to the line of regular troops about half a 
 mile in his rear. The American army then retreated 
 under cover of night through a difficult ravine, aad 
 fell back six miles, when, rinding that the enemy were 
 not in pursuit, they encamped for the night. 
 
 The Americans lost in this action, in killed, wound- 
 ed and taken prisoners, one hundred and eighteen, 
 ten of whom were officers. The enemy's loss was 
 much less, being only five officers and seventy pri- 
 vates. 
 
 Most fortunately for La Fayette, Lord Cornwallis 
 did not improve the advantage he had gained. Sus- 
 pecting his march through the defile to be a stratagem 
 of the American General to draw him into an ambus- 
 cade, and at the same time considering the boldness of 
 the whole measure as indicative of a great force, his 
 Lordship supposed the assailing army to be much 
 stronger than it really was, and therefore would per- 
 mit of no pursuit. In the course of the night, therefore, 
 he crossed to Jamestown, and soon afterwards pro- 
 ceeded to Portsmouth. 
 
 " Thus," says Col. Lee, " concluded the summer 
 campaign of Lord Cornwallis in Virginia. For eight 
 or nine weeks, he had been engaged in the most active 
 movements, at the head of an army completely fitted 
 for the arduous scenes of war, warmly attached to its 
 14* 
 
162 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 General, proud in its knowledge of its own ability, and 
 ready to encounter every danger and difficulty to give 
 success to its operations. The inferiority of La Fay- 
 ette in number, in quality, in cavalry, in arms and 
 equipments, have been often recurred to, and cannot 
 be doubted," 
 
 Lord Corn wallis was the same General who had at- 
 tacked Gates at the head of a very superior army, and 
 who afterwards attacked Greene, though nearly double 
 his number. In both instances, he risked his own de- 
 struction, and although victorious in the issue, was, 
 upon both occasions, on the threshold of ruin. 
 
 Yet straage, when the primary object of the British 
 General was the annihilation of La Fayette's army, he 
 never effected it, even in part, though manoeuvering 
 for several weeks in his face, in an open country, and 
 remote from every kind of support, except the occa- 
 sional aid of the militia. 
 
 Lord Cornwalli? was considered among the bravest, 
 and was certainly one of the most experienced, of the 
 British Generals ever sent to America. His omission 
 to attack the American army, under almost any cir- 
 cumstance, has been considered unaccountable. But 
 a re-consideration of the history of this campaign will 
 show the probable reasons why he did not. Feeling 
 himself greatly superior, as a General, to the youth 
 who opposed him, he, at the opening of the campaign, 
 considered the American army as certainly within his 
 power, and he only waited a convenient time and place 
 to effect its destruction. The junction of Wayne with 
 La Fayette, although it did not alter the relative size 
 of the two armies so as to make a battle, on the part of 
 Cornwallis, a hazardous measure, yet the dispropor- 
 tion being le^s, it required a correspondent advantage 
 to make his success as certain as before. This cir- 
 cumstance seems to have had much weight with the 
 British commander. His great exertions to prevent 
 this junction, and his willingness to retreat soon after, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 106 
 
 shows that, although he often invited La Fa)ette to a 
 general engagement, he always had respect to his own 
 position, as well as to that of bu enemy, and was not 
 unwilling to come to action under any circumstance as 
 before. 
 
 But the consummate generalship of La Fayette du- 
 ring this whole campaign, was a subject of great praise, 
 not only from his comrades in arms, and the nation, 
 but even from the enemy whom he opposed. 
 
 The rapidity of his retreat, his sagacity and vigi- 
 lance, displayed in penetrating and counteracting the 
 designs of his more powerful adversary, and the adroit- 
 ness with which he extricated his army from the trap 
 which Cornwallis had laid, near Jamestown, displayed 
 the experienced veteran rather than the youthful Mar- 
 quis. 
 
 The American General had great difficulties to sur- 
 mount, as well as to guard against his formidable foe, 
 while pressing him on his retreat. Wayne directing 
 his most efficient aid, was far on the right ; and the 
 Baron Steuben,* with the Virginian levies, was as far 
 
 * Frederick William Augustus Baron de Steuben; knight 
 of the order of fidelity in Germany, and Major General in 
 the army of the United States. This highly distinguished 
 personage was a Prussian officer, aid de camp to the great 
 Frederick, and held the rank of Lieutenant General in the 
 army of that consummate commander. He arrived in A- 
 merica, December, 1777, and presented himself, with his 
 credentials to Congress, proffering his services in our army, 
 without any claim to rank, and requested permission only to 
 render such assistance as might be in his power, in the cha- 
 racter of a volunteer. In thus devoting himself to our cause, 
 he made an immense sacrifice, by relinquishing his honora- 
 ble station and emoluments in Europe. Congress voted him 
 their thanks for his zeal, and the disinterested tender of his 
 services, and he joined the main army, under Gen. Washing- 
 ton, at Valley Forge. His qualifications for a teacher of the 
 system of military tactics were soon manifested ; having for 
 
64< MEMOIRS OF 
 
 on the left. The public stores were deposited in sev- 
 eral magazines ; and the great body of the inhabitants 
 
 many years practised on the system which the King of Prus- 
 sia had introduced into his own army. In May, 1778, by 
 the strong recommendation of the Commander in Chief, 
 Congress appointed him Inspector General, with the rank 
 of Major General. He commenced his duties as Inspector, 
 beginning with the officers, who were formed into separate 
 bodies, frequently exercised, and instructed in the various 
 movements and evolutions, when manceuvering battalions, 
 brigades, or divisions of the army. He exerted all his 
 powers for the establishment o;'a regular sys'em of discipline, 
 economy and uniformity among our heterogeneous bodies of 
 soldiers. In the discharge of this duty, and to effect his fa- 
 vorite object, he encountered obstacles to which a less zeal- 
 ous spirit would have yielded as insurmountable. By his 
 superior talents, indefatigable industry and perseverance, he 
 rendered a service to our army, without which it could not 
 have attained to a condition capable of achieving hononr 
 and glory in the face of European veteran troops. Charm- 
 ed with the neat and soldierly appearance of those who had 
 profited by his instructions, and duly improved in the art of 
 discipline, and equally detesting the soldier whose awkward 
 unmilitary conduct betrayed his negligence, there never was 
 a review but the Baron rewarded the one with more than 
 praise, and censured the other, whether officer or soldier, 
 with a severity equal to his deserts. While reviewing our 
 regiment, he noticed in the ranks a very spruce young lad, 
 handsomely formed, standing erect, with the air of a genteel 
 soldier, his gun and equipments in perfect order. The Ba- 
 ron, struck with his military appearance, patted him under 
 his chin, to elevate his head still more erect, viewed him with 
 a smile, and said, " how long have you been a soldier ? you 
 are oue pretty soldier in miniature, how old are you ?" Sev- 
 enteen, Sir. " Have you got a wife?" then calling to the 
 Colonel, said, " Colonel Jackson, this is one fine soldier in 
 miniature." 
 
 Dining at head quarters with Robert Morris, Esq. and 
 other gentlemen, Mr. Morris complained bitterly of the mis- 
 erable state of the treasury. " Why," said the Baron, " are 
 
LA FAYETTE. 165 
 
 below the mountains, were flying from their houses, 
 with their wives, their children, and the most valuable 
 
 you not financier, why do you not continue to create funds ?" 
 u I have done all I can, it is not possible for me to do more." 
 " But you remain financier, though without finances ?" 
 " Yes." •< Well, then. I do not think you are so honest a 
 man as my cook. He came to me one day at Valley Forge, 
 and said, Baron, I am your cook, and you have nothing to 
 cook but a piece of lean beef, which is hung up by a string 
 before the fire. Your negro waggoner can turn the string 
 and do as well as I can, you have promised me ten dollars a 
 month, but as you have nothing to cook, I wish to be dis- 
 charged, and nor longer be chargeable to you. That is an 
 honest fellow, Morris " 
 
 Though never perfectly master of our language, the Baron 
 understood and spoke it with sufficient correctness. He 
 would sometimes on purpose miscall names, and blend or a- 
 do.pt words similar in sound, dissimilar in meaning. Dining 
 at head quarters, which he did frequently, Mrs. Washington 
 asked what amusement he had recourse to, now that the 
 certainty of peace had relaxed his labours. " I read, my 
 lady, and write, and play at chess, and yesterday, for the 
 first time, I went a fishing. My gentleman told me it was a 
 very fine business to catch fish, and I did not know but that 
 this new trade might, by and by, be useful to me — but I 
 fear I never can succeed — I sat in the boat three hours, it 
 being exceedingly warm, and I caught only two fish ; they 
 told me it was fine sport." " What kind of fish did you 
 take Baron ?" " I am not sure, my lady, but I believe one 
 ofthemwasa whale." " A whale, Baron, in the North 
 river ?" " Yes, I assure you, a very fine whale my lady ; 
 — it was a whale, was it not ?" appealing to one of his aids. 
 " An eel, Baron " " I beg your pardon, my lady, but that 
 gentleman certainly told me it was a whale." " General 
 Washington, now that his mind was comparatively at ease, 
 enjoyed a pleasantry of this kind highly." 
 
 For the proper understanding of the following bon mot of 
 Gen. Washington, it must be mentioned, that at Tatwa falls 
 there was a miserable deformed object, who had lain in his 
 cradle for twenty-seven years. His head was eighteen inch- 
 
166 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of their personal property, to seek protection in the 
 mountains. The state authorities, executive and le- 
 es in length, and the rest of his body twenty- seven inches. 
 He received numerous visiters, among whom was his Ex- 
 cellency, who asked him wherher he was a whig or tory 1 
 He answered as he had been taught, that he had never tak- 
 en an active part on either side. u A worthy gentleman and 
 lady came out of New York after the preliminaries of peace 
 were signed, to visit their friends, and resided in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Baron Steuben, by whom the whole party, to- 
 gether with his Excellency and lady, were invited to dine. 
 It is proper, said the Baron, that your Excellency should be 
 
 apprized that Mr and his lady from New York are to 
 
 cjine with me, and perhaps, Sir, you may not choose to meet 
 
 Mr. . Oh, Baron, said the General, laughing, there is 
 
 no difficulty on that point. Mr. is very like the big 
 
 headed boy at Tatawa, he never has taken an active part. 
 This was allowed to be a most adroit coup de sabre by those 
 who knew the gentleman, though it is doubted whether if he 
 had heard it he would have felt the stroke. 
 
 At the disbandment of the revolutionary army, when in- 
 mates of the same tent, or hut, for seven long years, were 
 separating, and probably forever ; grasping each other's 
 hand, in silent agony, I saw the Baron's strong endeavours 
 to throw some ray of sunshine on the gloom, to mix some 
 drop of cordial with the painful draught. To go, they knew 
 not whither; all recollection of the art to thrive by civil oc- 
 cupations lost, or to the youthful never known. Their hard 
 earned military knowledge worse than useless, and with 
 their badge of brotherhood, a mark at which to point the 
 finger of suspicion — ignoble, vile suspicion ! to be cast out 
 on a world, long since by them forgotten. — Severed from 
 friends, and all the joys and griefs which soldiers feel! 
 Griefs, while hope remained— when shared by numbers, al- 
 most joys ! To go in silence and alone, and poor and hope- 
 less ; it was too hard ! On that sad day how many hearts 
 were wrung ! I saw it all, nor will the scene be ever blurred 
 or blotted from my view To a stern old officer, a Lieute- 
 nant Colonel Cochran from the Green Mountains, who had 
 met danger and difficulty almost in every step, from his 
 
LA FAYETTE. 167 
 
 gislative, like the flying inhabitants, were driven from 
 the seat of government; were chased from Charlottes- 
 youth, and from whose furrowed visage, a tear till that mo- 
 ment had never fallen ; the good Baron said — what could 
 be said, to lessen deep distress. "For myself," said Cochran, 
 u I care not, I can stand it : but my wife and daughters are 
 in the garret of that wretched tavern. I know not where 
 to remove, nor have I means for their removal.' 7 " Come, 
 my friend, said the Baron, "let us go — I will pay my res- 
 pects to Mrs. Cochran and your daughters, if you please." 
 " I followed to the loft, the lower rooms being ah fiHed with 
 soldiers, with drunkenness, despair and blasphemy. And 
 when the Baron left the poor unhappy cast aways, he left 
 hope with them, and all he had to give." u A black man, 
 with wounds unhealed, wept on the wharf — (for it was at 
 N^wburgh where this tragedy was acting) — there was a ves- 
 sel in the stream, bound to the place where he once had 
 friends. He had not a dollar to pay his passage, and he 
 could not walk. Unused to tears, I saw them trickle down 
 this good man's cheeks, as he put into the hands of the black 
 man the last dollar he possessed. The negro hailed the 
 sloop, and cried, U God Almighty bless you, master Ba- 
 ron I" 
 
 What good and honourable man, civil or military, before 
 the accursed party-spirit murdered friendships, did- wot.nes- 
 pect and love the Baron ? Who most ? Those who kneV 
 him best. After the peace, the Baron retired to a farm in 
 the vicinity of New York, where, with forming a system for 
 the organization and discipline of the militia, books, chess, 
 and the frequent visits of his numerous friends, he passed his 
 time as agreeably as a frequent want of funds would permit. 
 The state of New Jersey had given him a small improved 
 farm, and the state of New York gave him a tract of sixteen 
 thousand acres of land in the county of Oneida. After the 
 general government was in full operation, by the exertions 
 of Col. Hamilton, patronized and enforced by President 
 Washington, a grant of two thousand five hundred dollars 
 per annum was made to him lor life. The summers were 
 now chiefly spent on his land, and his winters in the city. 
 His sixteen thousand acres of land were in the uncultivated 
 
1G8 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ville ; and at length, interposing the Blue Ridge be- 
 tween themselves and the enemy, to secure a resting 
 
 wilderness ; he built a convenient log house, cleared sixty 
 acres, parceled out his land on easy terms to twenty or thirty 
 tenants, distributed nearly a tenth of the tract in gifts to his 
 aids de camp and servants, and sat himself down to a cer- 
 tain degree contented without society, except that of a young 
 gentleman, who read to and with him. He ate only at din- 
 ner, but he ate with a strong appetite. In drinking; he was 
 always temperate, indeed, he was free from every vicious 
 habit. His powers of mind and body were strong, and he 
 received to a certain extent, a liberal education. His days 
 wert- undoubtedly shortened by his sedentary mode of life. 
 He was seized with an apoplexy which, in a few hours, was 
 fatal. Agreeably to his desire, often expressed, he was 
 wrapped in his cloak, placed in a plain coffin, and hid in the 
 earth, without a stone to tell where he lies. A few neigh- 
 bours, his servants, die young gentleman, his late companion, 
 and one on whom, for fifteen years, his countenance never 
 ceased to beam with kindness, followed to the grave. It 
 was in a thick, a lonely wood, but in a few years after, a 
 public highway was opened near or over the hallowed sod ! 
 Col Walker snatched the poor remains of his dear friend 
 from sacreligious violation, and gave a bounty to protect 
 the ^rave in which he laid them, from rude and impious in- 
 trusion He died in 1795, in the 65th year of his age. 
 
 " -'ome few years previous to the Baron's death, a pious 
 gentleman of the city of New York, who had a great affec- 
 tion for him, told me, with strong marks of joy, that 'hey 
 had passed the evening, and a part of the last night together 
 — that the Baron confessed his full belief in Jesus Christ, 
 with sure and certain hope, through him of a blessed immor- 
 tality. l From the life our dear friend has led, in camps, 
 and in the gay world,' said the good man, '1 feared ; and 
 you do not know what joy I feel, in the belief, that he will be 
 well to all eternity !' The Baron was a member of the Re- 
 formed German Church, in New York." 
 
 Gen. North, from the impulse of his own affectionate and 
 grateful feelings, erected a handsome monument with an 
 appropriate inscription, in the Reformed German Church in 
 
LA FAYETTE. 169 
 
 place at Staunton. In this period of gloom, of disor- 
 der, and of peril, La Fayette was collected and undis- 
 mayed. With zeal, with courage, and with sagacity, 
 he discharged his arduous duties ; and throughout his 
 difficult retreat, was never brought even to array his 
 army but once in order of battle.* 
 
 " Invigorating our counsels by his precepts ; dispel- 
 ling our despondency by his example ; and encoura- 
 ging his troops to submit to their many privations, by 
 the cheerfulness with which he participated in their 
 wants ; he imparted the energy of his own mind to the 
 country, and infused his high toned spirit into his ar- 
 my."! 
 
 New York, to the memory of his illustrious patron and 
 friend, and these pages accord with the views of that me- 
 morial, in transmitting to posterity a renowned hero, whose 
 name and invaluable labors should never be forgotten. 
 
 What remained of the Baron's estate, excepting one thou- 
 sand dollars and his library, which he willed to a youth, 
 whose father had rendered essential service in the war, and 
 whose education he generously charged himself with, was 
 bequeathed to his two affectionate aids de camps. — Thacher's 
 Journal. 
 
 * Lee's Memoirs. 
 
 t The following anecdote is from Dr. Thacher's Jour- 
 nal. It not only serves to shew the vigilance of La Fay- 
 ette, but that, such was the affection of " Charley" for 
 his general, that he was willing to serve him, even at the 
 risk of being hung as a spy. 
 
 " Cornwallis at one time formed a plan to surprise the 
 Marquis while on the same side of the James river with 
 himself, but the attempt was prevented by the following 
 incident : The Marquis, unapprised of the particular situ- 
 ation of his opponent, contrived to send into his camp a 
 spy to obtain intelligence. A soldier belonging to New- 
 Jersey, by the name of Charles Morgan, generally called 
 Charley, agreed to undertake this hazardous service ; 
 but insisted that in case he should be discovered and ban*- 
 
 15 
 
170 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Lord Cornwallis did not escape censure for per- 
 mitting La Fayette to escape out of his hands. " Mow. 
 
 ed, the Marquis, to secure his reputation, should have ii 
 inserted in the New Jersey papers, that he was employed 
 in the service of his commander. Having reached the 
 royal camp, he was soon introduced into his Lordship's 
 presence, who inquired the reason of his deserting. Char- 
 ley replied, *' that he had been in the continental service 
 from the beginning, and while under Washington he was 
 well satisfied ; but being now commanded by a French- 
 man, he was displeased with it, and had quitted the ser- 
 vice." His Lordship commended and rewarded him for 
 his conduct, and Charley soon commenced the double duty 
 of soldier under the English commander, and spy in the 
 employment of the Marquis, without suspicion. Lord 
 Cornwallis, while in conversation with several of his offi- 
 cers, inquired of Charley, how long a time it would take 
 the Marquis to cross the James river ? Pausing a moment, 
 he replied, *' three hours, my Lord." His Lordship ex- 
 chimed, " three hours ! it will take three days." " No, 
 my Lord, said Charley, the Marquis has such a number oi 
 boats, and each boat will carry so many men ; if you will 
 please to calculate, you will find he can pass in three 
 hours." His Lordship turning to the officers, said, " the 
 scheme will not do." After having obtained the informa- 
 tion required, Morgan began to prepare for a return to 
 the Marquis, and he prevailed with several British sol- 
 diers to desert with him. When challenged by the sen- 
 tinels, he artfully tampered with them by giving them rum, 
 and while drinking he secured their arms, and then com- 
 pelled them to go with him 5 and this brave fellow actually 
 brought off seven deserters to our camp. On his return to 
 head quarters, the Marquis accosted him with " Well, 
 Charley, have you got back ?" " Yes, please your Excel- 
 lency, and have brought seven men with me." Having 
 Communicated his information, the Marquis offered to re- 
 ward him, but he declined receiving any money, and when 
 it was proposed to promote him to a corporal, or serjeant, 
 he replied, U I have ability to discharge the duties of a 
 
LA FAYETTE. 171 
 
 for the first time throughout the war,* says Lee, ' did 
 ever doubt attach to the merits of the British general. 
 In the North, in the South, in the cabinet, and in the 
 field, he stood pre-eminent ; the bulwark of Great 
 Britain ; the dread of America." 
 
 " When in command of mighty means, and in the 
 heart of that state whose prostration he uniformly 
 viewed as the first pre-requisite to the subjugation of 
 the South, that he should content himself with burning 
 tobacco, destroying a portion of our scattered stores., 
 and chasing our governour from hill to hill, and legisla- 
 ture from town to town, comported neither with his 
 past fame, nor with his then present duty." 
 
 While Cornwallis was retreating towards Richmond. 
 La Fayette, observing his usual distance, followed in 
 his rear. On the 18th his Lordship detached col. 
 Tarleton, for the purpose of cutting off a small corps 
 posted at some lilttle distance from the main body of 
 the American army. The commander of the corps. 
 Brigadier General Muhlenburg, getting information of 
 this design, fell back upon La Fayette, and thus de- 
 feated the enemy's object. Meantime one ofTarle- 
 ton's patrols of horse was fallen in with by col. Mer- 
 cer, and was pursued and safely conveyed to the 
 Amerioaii camp. 
 
 This was the first success of the kind obtained bv 
 our army during the campaign. 
 
 After the passage of James River, Cornwallis de- 
 tached Col. Tarleton to Bedford, for the purpose of 
 destroying the stores intended to supply our army in 
 the South, and thus to prevent any of Gen. Greene's 
 light troops from joining La Fayette, some of whom 
 
 • ommon soldier, and my character stands fair, but should 
 I be promoted, I may fail, and lose my reputation. " He, 
 however, requested that his destitute comrades who came 
 with him, might be furnished with shoes and clmliing. 
 which of course was readily granted. 
 
nt MEMOIRS OF 
 
 he believed were approaching. Immediately after 
 the affair near Jamestown, the American commandef 
 was joined by a reinforcement of horse commanded by 
 Capt. Moore. 
 
 About this period, Sir Henry Clinton, who com- 
 manded at New- York, directed Cornwallis to select 
 and fortify a permanent post, convenient for desultory 
 maritime expeditions up the Chesapeake and its nu- 
 merous rivers, and capable of protecting line of battle- 
 ships. The place selected for this purpose was York, 
 not far above the mouth of York river. On the oppo 
 site shore from this place is Gloucester Point, a pieco 
 of land projecting into the river. Both these post- 
 were taken possession of, and fortifications were im 
 mediately commenced. 
 
 La Fayette, as soon as he was advised of the posi- 
 tion of the enemy broke up his camp, and recalled 
 Wayne from the southern side of James river, where 
 he had been detached to intercept Tarleton, and held 
 himself in readiness to intercept Cornwallis' retreat, 
 should that general discover the blow that was pre- 
 paring for him, and attempt his escape. 
 
 About the- middle of September, the joyful news 
 arrived, that Count de Grasse was approaching the 
 American coast with a powerful fleet, having onboard 
 three thousand land forces for the American service. 
 
 Gen. Washington, previous to this intelligence, had 
 concerted a plan for the investment of New- York, 
 the strong hold of the enemy, and the head quarters of 
 Sir Henry Clinton, the commander in chief of the 
 British army in America. But on the arrival of the 
 squadron, this plan was abandoned, in consideration of 
 some objections urged by Count de Barras, the French 
 naval commander, and Washington decided to turn his 
 arms against Cornwallis. 
 
 La Fayette was again ordered to take measures to 
 arrest the march of Cornwallis, should he attempt tt 
 retreat to the south. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 173 
 
 Meantime, Sir Henry Clinton, being informed of 
 the preparations in which the Americans were enga- 
 ged, did not doubt but an attempt was to be made on 
 him, and therefore used great exertions to put his post 
 in the best state, for a vigorous defence. Some inter- 
 cepted letters from Washington, designed for the pur- 
 pose, confirmed the British commander in this belief. 
 
 Pursuant to arrangements, Count de Barras with 
 his fleet, sailed from Rhode Island on the 25th of Au 
 gust, 1781, while on the same day the last division of 
 the American army, destined against Cornwallis cros- 
 sed the Hudson, on the way to Yorktown. 
 
 On the 30th, Count de Grasse arrived in the Chesa- 
 peake with his fleet •, and as soon as he had anchored, 
 La Fayette sent on board an officer, announcing his 
 situation, and that of the enemy. The Count imme- 
 diately detached four ships of the line to block up 
 York river, and at the same time landed the Marquis 
 St. Simon, with the French reinforcement, to join La 
 Fayette. 
 
 On the 25th day of September, the last division of 
 Washington's army arrived at James river, at the 
 landing place near Williamsburg, where they were 
 disembarked; and preparations for advancing against 
 the enemy were soon completed. 
 
 La Fayette's head quarters being at Williamsburg, 
 Gen Washington, atteuded by Gen. Knox,* and the 
 
 * Henry Knox, a Major General in the army of the Uni- 
 ted States, was born July 25, 1750. Before hostilities be- 
 tween this country and Great Britain in the revolutionary 
 war commenced, he discovered an uncommon zeal in the- 
 cause of liberty. Being placed at the head of an independ- 
 ent company in Boston, he exhibited, in this station, a skill in 
 discipline, which presaged his future eminence. It was at the 
 unanimous request of all the officers of artillery, lhat lie was 
 entrusted with the command in that department. When 
 the corps of artillery iu 1776 was mcreased to three negh 
 
 15* 
 
174 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 officers of the allied army, Generals Rochambeau, 
 Chatelleau and Du Portail, having arrived there on the 
 14th, went on board the admiral's ship, where the 
 plan of attack was concerted. 
 
 merits, the command was given to Knox, who was promo- 
 ted to the rank of a Brigadier General. He was actively 
 engaged during the whole contest. After the capture of 
 Cornwallis in 1781, he received the commission of Major 
 General, having distinguished himself in the siege at the 
 head of the artillery. Previously to the adoption of the 
 present constitution General Knox succeeded General Lin- 
 coln as secretary at war in March 1785 j and after our pre- 
 sent government was organized in 1789, president Wash- 
 ington nominated him for the same office. He continued to 
 fill this department till the close of the year 1794, when he 
 resigned it, being driven from the service of the public by 
 the scantiness of the compensation allowed him. In his let- 
 ter to the president he says, " after having served my coun- 
 try near twenty years, the greater portion of the time under 
 your immediate auspices, it is with extreme reluctance I find 
 myself constrained to withdraw from so honourable a situa- 
 tion. But the natural and powerful claims of a numerous 
 family will no longer permit me to neglect their essential in- 
 terests. In whatever situation I shall be, I shall recollect 
 your confidence and kindness with all the fervor and purity 
 of affection, of which a grateful heart is susceptible." Gen- 
 eral Washington in reply assured him of his sincerest friend- 
 ship, and declared him to have "deserved well of his coun- 
 try." During the last years of his life, General Knox lived 
 at Thomastown in the district of Maine. It was in that 
 place that he died, after a short illness, October 25, 1806, 
 aged fifty-six years. His death was occasioned by his swal- 
 lowing the bone of a chicken. 
 
 General Knox was distinguished for his military talents, 
 his bravery, perse verence, and integrity. He possessed in 
 an Uncommon degree the esteem and confidence of Wash- 
 ington. Though a soldier and a statesman, he did not dis- 
 miss the amiable virtues of the man. There was a frank- 
 ness in his manners, which was pleasing, and his heart wair 
 susceptible of the kindly affections. — Men's Biog. Diet 
 
LA FAYETTE. 17* 
 
 The whole American force being collected, and the 
 harbor blockaded by the French fleet, on the 28th the 
 allied army moved forward in four columns and took 
 post in front of Cornwallis' lines and about two miles 
 from him. 
 
 The siege was carried on with great vigour, our 
 lines continuing to advance on the enemy until the 
 14th of October, when Cornwallis opened amo3t tre- 
 mendous and effectual fire from his battery and two 
 front redoubts, on his assailants. 
 
 This fire was so destructive that Washington deter- 
 mined to silence it with the bayonet, and for this pur- 
 pose selected La Fayette to head the assault on the 
 right, leaving it to Rochambeau to designate the offi- . 
 cer who should lead the left, and the Baron de Vio- 
 menil was detached to co-operate with the Marquis. 
 Lieut. Col. Hamilton commanded the van of La Fay- 
 ette's corps, and such was the impetuosity with which 
 the assault was made, that the resistance of the enemy 
 was instantly overpowered, and the commander of the 
 redoubt, and every man of his guard, with the excep- 
 tion of five or six, were either killed or taken. La 
 Fayette instantly despatched Major Barbour, one of 
 his aids, to the Baron De Viomenil, to communicate 
 his success. The Baron, ready for the assault, was 
 waiting to give time to the ax and facine men to cut 
 down the palisades and fill up the fosse ; when, aston- 
 ished at the intelligence he received, he announced it 
 with a loud voice to his troops, and ordered them to 
 advance. This was done with the ardor of a French- 
 man ; and although the resistance was formidable, the 
 enemy being double in number, and apprised of the 
 approach, still the shock was irresistible ; the com- 
 mandant escaped, but the place was instantly taken, 
 with sixty prisoners. 
 
 Washington was highly gratified with the success of 
 this double assault, and did not fail to commend) in 
 high terms, the officers and corps engaged in it. 
 
176 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The siege was now prosecuted with the utmost vig- 
 our. So completely had Washington infused into his 
 army his own solicitude to bring it to a speedy ter- 
 mination, that before daylight the next morning, after 
 the redoubts were taken, they were included within 
 the lines of our army. 
 
 Cornwallis saw, with amazement, the fruits of that 
 night's labor, and began to be sensible that his condi- 
 tion was hopeless, unless a reinforcement, which he 
 had anxiously expected for several days from New 
 York, should very promptly arrive. In this hope he 
 was however disappointed, and having maintained his 
 defence with unceasing exertions until the 17th, he 
 .proposed cessation of hostilities. On the 18th the 
 articles of capitulation were signed, and the " bul- 
 wark of Britian in America;" and the dread of the 
 United States, found himself under the humiliating ne- 
 cessity of surrendering himself, and his whole army, 
 prisoners of war to the " rebel Washington."* 
 
 * Marquis Charles Cornwallis, was boru in 1731, and 
 from his infancy was designed for the military life. He ac- 
 cordingly entered into the army at a very early age, and 
 was made a captain in the light infantry in 1758. Three 
 years afterwads he was Aid-de-camp to the Marquis of 
 Granby, whom he accompanied hi Germany till the end of 
 the war. In 1 .61 he was promoted to the rank of Lieuten- 
 ant Colonel, and the year following succeeded, on the death 
 of his father, to the title of Earl Cornwallis. In 1765 he 
 was appointed one of the lords of the bed chamber, and Aid- 
 de-camp to the king. The year following he obtained the 
 command of the 33d regiment of foot ; and in 1768 he mar- 
 ried Miss Jones, a lady of considerable fortune, who brought 
 him a son and daughter. On the breaking out of the war 
 in America he was called upon to embark for that country ; 
 and his lady not being able to prevail with him to relinquish 
 the service, died of grief. In that contest his lordship dis- 
 played great military talents, took possession of Philadel- 
 phia, contributed to the reduction of South Carolina, and de^ 
 
LA FAYETTE. 177 
 
 The comander in chief, in his orders of congratu- 
 lation on this happy event, made his cordial acknow* 
 ledgment to the whole army, as having displayed un 
 varying zeal, vigour, and intrepidity. In specifying 
 officers who had performed services of peculiar merit, 
 the name of La Fayette is mentioned among the most 
 prominent. 
 
 feated Gen. Gates with an inferior force. But in 1781 he 
 was under the necessity of surrendering at Yorktown, to the 
 united American and French army, soon after which he re- 
 turned to England. The affairs of British India wearing a 
 critical aspect, he was appointed governor general at Bengal, 
 where in December 1790 he took Bangalore, which was fol- 
 lowed by the defeat of Tippoo Saib, who delivered to his 
 lordship his two sons as hostages. This important war be- 
 ing thus honourably ended, he returned to England, and 
 was created a Marquis, and appointed Master-General of the 
 ordnance. The next service in which he was engaged, was 
 as Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, where he quelled an insurrec- 
 tion, defeated an invading army, and succeeded in effecting 
 the important measure of a union between the two kingdoms. 
 In 1801 he was employed as minister plenipotentiary in 
 France, in which capacity he signed the preliminary treaty 
 of peace at Amiens. His lordship again accepted the gov- 
 ernorship of India in the summer of 1805, but soon after 
 his arrival he died of a fever on his march to join the arm} 
 at Ghazeepore, in the province of Benares. — Watkins' hiog, 
 Dictionary. 
 
178 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VT. 
 
 JIEPARTURE OF LA FAYETTE FOR FRANCE, AND HIS RJETIJR> 
 TO AMERICA IN 1784. 
 
 Soon after the surrender of Cornwallis, La Fayette 
 made preparations to visit his native country. The 
 resolves of Congress on that occasion will shew that 
 he was held in high estimation by that body, and that 
 his services, particularly in Virginia, were considered 
 as meriting the peculiar notice and high commenda- 
 tion of the Americans. * 
 
 * Extract from the Journal of Congre$$, Nov. 23, 1781 : 
 
 " On report of a committee, consisting of Mr. Caroll, Mr 
 Madison, and Mr. Cornell, to whom was referred a letter 
 of the 22d, from Major-General, the Marquis De La Fay- 
 ette : 
 
 Resolved, That Major General the Marquis de La Fay 
 ette have permission lo go to France ; and that he return at 
 such time as shall be most convenient to him. 
 
 That he be informed, that on a review of his conduct 
 throughout the last campaign, and particularly during the 
 period in which he had the chief command in Virginia, the 
 many new proofs which present themselves of his zealous 
 attachment to the cause he has espoused, and of his judg- 
 ment, vigilance, gallantry and address in its defence, have 
 greatly added to the high opinion entertained by Congress 
 of his merits and military talents. 
 
 That he make known to the officers and troops whom he 
 commanded during that period, that the brave and enterpriz- 
 ing services with which they seconded his zeal and efforts, 
 and which enabled him to defeat the attempts of an enemy, 
 far superior in numbers, have been beheld by Congress with 
 particular satisfaction and approbation. 
 
 That the secretary of foreign affairs acquaint the ministers 
 plenipotentiary of the United States, that it is the desire ol 
 Congress that they confer with the Marquis de La Fayette. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 179 
 
 La Fayette sailed for France in the fall of 1 78 1 , and 
 on his arrival, was every where received with those 
 marks of distinction which he so highly deserved. 
 
 Franklin, who was the American ministerat the 
 Court of Versailles, honoured him with his particular 
 
 and avail themselves of his information relative to the situa- 
 tion of public affairs in the United States : 
 
 That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs further acquaint 
 the Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, that 
 lie will conform to the intention of Congress, by consulting 
 with and employing the assistance of the Marquis de La* 
 Fayette, in accelerating the supplies which may be afforded 
 by his most Christian Majesty for the use of the United 
 States : 
 
 That the Superintendant of Finance, the Secretary for 
 Foreign Affairs, and the Board of War, make such commu- 
 nications to the Marquis de la Fayette, touching the affairs 
 of their respective departments, as will best enable him to 
 fulfil the purpose of the two resolutions immediately prece- 
 ding : 
 
 That the Superintendant of Finance take orders for dis- 
 charging the engagements entered into by the Marquis de 
 La Fayette, with the merchants of Baltimore, referred to 
 in the act of the 24th of May last. 
 
 Ordered, That the Superintendant of Finance furnish the 
 Marquis de La Fayette with a proper conveyance to France : 
 
 That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs report a letter to 
 his most Christian Majesty, to be sent by the Marquis de La 
 Fayette." 
 
 To these Resolutions the Marquis made the following re- 
 ply ; 
 " To the President of Congress : 
 
 " Sir— I have been favoured with the resolutions which 
 Congress have been pleased to pass in my favour. Testimo- 
 nies of their esteem and their confidence, that are so very 
 flattering to me, could not but excite those exalted sentiments 
 of gratitude, which I am unable sufficiently to express. My 
 attachment to America, the sense of my obligations, and the 
 new favours conferred upon me, are so many everlasting ties 
 
180 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 regards, and paid a proper deference to his opinions on 
 the subject of American affairs. 
 
 In a letter to Washington, Dr. Franklin speaks of 
 La Fayette as follows : 
 
 " 1 received but lately the letter your Excellency 
 did me the honour of writing to me, in the recommend 
 ation of the Marquis de La Fayette. His modesty de 
 tained it long in his own hands. We became acquaint- 
 ed, however, from the time of arrival in Paris ; and 
 his zeal for the honour of our country, his activity in 
 our affairs here, and his firm attachment to our cause, 
 and to you, impressed me with the same regard and 
 esteem for him, that your Excellency's letter would 
 have done had it been immediately delivered to me." 
 
 In 1782, when there was a progpect of settling a 
 peace between the United States and Great Britain, 
 frequent conferences were held on this subject at Paris, 
 between lord Grenville and Mr. Oswald on the part 
 of Great Britain ; Dr. Franklin on the part of Ameri- 
 ca, and the Count De Vergennes on the part of 
 France. 
 
 In these conferences, La Fayette was invited by Dr. 
 Franklin to assist him in settling the most advantage- 
 ous preliminaries for America." 
 
 From Franklin's Journal, and the notes that passed 
 between him and La Fayette, there recorded, it will 
 appear that the latter was almost unremittingly em- 
 ployed on this subject. That he possessed the entire 
 confidence of Franklin and the other commissioners: 
 
 that devote me to her. At all times, and in every part of 
 the world, my heart will be panting for opportunities to be 
 employed in her service. With unspeakable pleasure I shall 
 transmit the resolve of Congress to the brave and virtuous 
 troops, whom it has been my happiness to command. 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 LA FAYETTE." 
 * See Franklin's Secret Correspondence with Congress, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 131 
 
 and that he used great exertions as a mediator between 
 them, is also shown by the same correspondence. 
 
 In Franklin's Journal for May, 1782, he says : u In 
 the afternoon the Marquis de La Fayette called on me. 
 I acquainted him with what Mr. Greenville had told me 
 respecting his credential letter, and the expectation 
 that a person would be sent to London on the part of 
 this court, with a commission similar to his. The 
 Marquis told me he was on his way to Versailles, and 
 should see M. de Vergennes," &c. 
 
 The following note, on the same subject, is dated. 
 " Versailles, June 20, 1782. 
 " My dear Sir, 
 
 ;i Agreeably to your desire, 1 have waited on Count 
 de Vergennes, and said to him what I had in command 
 from your Excellency. He intends taking the King's 
 orders this morning, and expects he will be able to 
 propose to Mr. Grenville a meeting for to-morrow: 
 when he will have time to explain himself respecting 
 France and her allies, that he may make an official 
 communication, both to the king and the allied minis- 
 ters. What Count de Vergennes can make out of this 
 conversation,* will be communicated by him to your 
 Excellency, in case you are able to come. In the 
 other case I shall wait upon you to-morrow evening 
 with every information I can collect. 
 
 " 1 have the honour, &c. 
 
 LA FAYETTE.'' 
 
 f l To His Excellency, 
 B. Franklin." 
 
 These extracts serve to shew that La Fayette did 
 not serve America in the field only, but that he was 
 confidentially and actively employed on his return to 
 Paris, in the cabinet of Versailles to promote her in- 
 terests, and hasten the conclusion of that contest, in 
 which he had gathered unfading laurels. It appears, 
 
 * Relating to a previous conference with Mr. Grenville 
 16 
 
i82 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 also, from Franklin's Journal, that the name of Lu 
 Fayette had become so celebrated in Paris, that his 
 national enemies, of the highest standing, were glad to 
 gratify their curiosity bv having an introduction to a 
 man of whom they had heard so much. 
 
 In his Journal, Dr. Franklin mentions that he went 
 to Paris to see Mr. Oswald, the British commissioner. 
 •' 1 told him," says he, " that the Marquis de La Fay 
 ette would breakfast with me to-morrow, and as he, 
 Mr. Oswald, might have some curiosity to see a per- 
 son who had, in this war, rendered himself so eminent- 
 ly distinguished, I proposed that he should do me the 
 same honour. To this he cheerfully agreed." This 
 was soon after the arrival of Mr. Oswald in Paris. 
 
 The honourable and tender regard which La Fay 
 ette had for the feelings of his fellow soldiers in Arner 
 ica, as well as his nice regard for truth, was finally dis- 
 played on the following occasion. — 
 
 In Sir Henry Clinton's printed correspondence on 
 the American war, there was a sentence pin porting to 
 come from La Fayette, the meaning of which was, 
 that the American militia were worth nothing in the 
 field. The Marquis, on seeing it, immediately wrote 
 to Sir Henry as follows : 
 
 " Pari*, April 9, 1733. 
 
 " Sir — Upon a perusal of your printed correspond- 
 ence, I must beg leave to trouble you with an observ- 
 ation ; not that I have claims to set forth, or relations 
 
 to criticise. A sentence in your letter of is the 
 
 only one I intend to mention : " Having said to lord 
 Cornwallis, that he may be opposed by about 2000 
 continentals, and as La Fayette observes, a body of 
 ill armed militia," you are pleased to add, " as spir- 
 itless as the militia of the southern provinces, and 
 without any service ;" which read as if it was a part 
 qf my letter. How far your description is undeserv- 
 ing, I think experience has proved ; and that it came 
 from me, no American will believe* But your cor- 
 
LA FAYETTE. I bo 
 
 respondence is so public, that, with full reliance on 
 your candour and politeness, I have taken the liberty 
 to transcribe the passage, and to return it to you, Sir. 
 as its true author. At the same time, permit mc, &c. 
 
 "LA FAYETTE." 
 
 To this, Sir Henry Clinton, with very honourable 
 feelings, made the following reply. 
 
 London, May 29, 1783. 
 " Sir, 
 ' ; In consequence of the Letter you have done me 
 the honour to write me, I have read over the publi- 
 cation in question ; and I confess the remark alluded 
 to, from the manner in which it is introduced, appeals 
 to make a part of your letter. You have certainly. 
 Sir, a right to this acknowledgment, and permit me a* 
 the simc time to add, the assurance, &c. 
 
 H. CLINTON. 
 
184 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 VISIT OF LA FAYETTE TO AMERICA, IN 1784. 
 
 After the peace had been settled between the 
 United States and Great Britain, General La "Fayette 
 again visited America. He arrived in the summer of 
 1784, and came for the friendly purposes of enjoying 
 the peaceful society of his brave companions in arms, 
 and to see the prosperity of a nation in which he de- 
 lighted, and in whose defence he had so often hazarded 
 his life. 
 
 The day after his arrival, he was invited to a public 
 dinner, on which occasion the officers who had served 
 in the late war, appeared in full military uniform. 
 This being the first repast Gen. La Fayette had ever 
 partaken in the United States, as a free and indepen- 
 dent nation, it could not but have been an occasion on 
 which the contrast between the horrors of war, and 
 sweets of peace, and pride of independence, was most 
 sensibly felt and appreciated. 
 
 After remaining a short time in New- York, he went 
 to Philadelphia, where he met with the same warm 
 reception. The officers of the army and militia, to- 
 gether with the most respectable citizens, came in a 
 body to meet him. They escorted him to the Gover 
 nour's house, and from thence to the house prepared 
 foi his lodgings. In the evening every house in the 
 city was illuminated. 
 
 " The next day, Generals St. Clair, Wayne, and 
 Irvine, were appointed a committee from the corps of 
 officers,, to wait on La Fayette with the congratula- 
 tions of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania. 1 '' It was not 
 
 * On that occasion the following address was delivered 
 ; ' \V>, the officers of the Pennsylvania line, deeply ins 
 
LA FAYETTE. 185 
 
 his friends and acquaintance alone, who thus expres- 
 sed their heartfelt happiness at his return. The legis- 
 
 pressed with a grateful remembrance of your zeal and ac- 
 tivity in the cause of our country, beg leave to welcome 
 your return to this city. 
 
 " We very sensibly feel all the warmth of affection ari- 
 sing from the intercourse of the field; and while we look 
 back on the scenes of distress freedom had to encounter, 
 we can never forget, that, when destitute of foreign friends, 
 you generously stepped forth, the advocate of our rights. 
 The noble example you gave, by early bleeding in out- 
 infant cause, impresses us with an idea of your zeal and 
 patriotism. A recollection of the fortitude and patience 
 with which you have since encountered every difficulty, 
 consequent to the situation in which you had to act, and 
 particularly during that important crisis wherein you were 
 called to the chief command in Virginia, endears you to us 
 as a soldier ; and while we mingle with the class of citi- 
 zens, we can never forget the influence your conduct had 
 in leading us to the liberty and independence we now en- 
 joy. 
 
 " We have the honour to be, 
 With the most perfect esteem, 
 Your very obedient servants, 
 In behalf of the Line, 
 
 Arthur St. Clau- 
 Anthony Wayne, 
 William Irvine. 
 Major General the Marquis de La Fayette. 
 Philadelphia, August 10. 1784. 
 
 To this, La Fayette replied as follows : 
 
 " Gentlemen, 
 " In the wished for meeting with my dear brother of 
 ficers, in your so kind reception, and most obliging ad 
 dress, I am more happily, more deeply affected, than 
 words can express : but my heart has long been open Is 
 you, gentlemen, and from the value it has, by your es' 
 teem and friendship, you may conceive what, on this occrf- 
 16* 
 
186 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 lature appointed a committee composed of delegate? 
 from each county, who presented him with an address, 
 in the name of the legislature, a part of which is a> 
 follows t* " The representatives of the freemen of 
 Pennsylvania, offer yos their sincerest congratulations 
 upon your happy arrival at Philadelphia, and welcome 
 you in the name of the state. Enjoying the blessing^ 
 of liberty und peace, we contemplate with much satis 
 faction, those distinguished persons, who, disregarding 
 the dangers of the seas, united their endeavours with 
 our own, to aid in terminating the war. Amongst 
 these illustrious individuals, we rardt you the chief. 
 Your example and your zeal have animated and en- 
 couraged our own citizens, nor did you leave us until 
 we had attained the great object- of all our hopes." 
 From Philadelphia, La Fayette proceeded through 
 Baltimore to Mount Vernon, the seat of the illustrious 
 Washington, where he spent several days with the 
 man he most venerated ? That visit must be remem- 
 bered with peculiar interest and affection by La Fay- 
 ette. 
 
 After passing through most of the principal towns 
 on the sea board of the United States at the south, he 
 casion, mast be the feelings of my affection and gratitude. 
 That I early enlisted with you in the cause of liberty, 
 shall be the pride and satisfaction of my life. But while 
 on the glorious conclusion, I rejoice with those to whom 1 
 had the honour of being a companion in gloomy times, let 
 me once more thank you for the peculiar obligations, 
 which, either as a commanding officer in Virginia, or as a 
 brother soldier and affectionate friend, ever bind me to the 
 officers of the Pennsylvania Line. 
 " I have the honour to be, 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 With the warmest sentiments of 
 Esteem and respect, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 LA. FAYETTE." 
 >: Holstein e 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 arrived at Hartford, Con. in the early part of October, 
 lie was escorted into town by a large number of citi- 
 zens, and his arrival announced by the discharge of ar- 
 tillery. On Tuesday the 5th, he was invited to a pub- 
 lic dinner at Bull's tavern, where the city officers, and 
 a number of other gentlemen waited to receive and 
 welcome him. On this occasion, universal joy and 
 satisfaction were diffused by the presence of a person- 
 age so dear to America. 
 
 Before dinner the following address was made by 
 the Mayor : 
 « Sir, 
 
 " The Mayqf, Alderman, and Common Council, 
 beg leave to welcome your arrival in this city, which 
 owes its birth to the successful toils of those heroes, 
 who signalized themselves in our late contest. We 
 esteem ourselves happy, in being honoured by the 
 presence of a nobleman, who forsook the pleasures of 
 his native country, risqued his life and fortune in the 
 cause of liberty, and by his exertions, both in the 
 council and in the field, so gloriously shared our toils, 
 and contributed to our successes. 
 
 " And while we express our gratitute for your for- 
 mer assistance, permit us to entertain the hope, from 
 the contiuance of your friendship, that the same hero 
 who aided the infant exertions of our country, and 
 whom we are proud to claim as an American Gene- 
 ral, may still promote the establishment of our em- 
 pire, and&e the means of continuing to us the favour 
 of that nation to whose assistance we are so greatly 
 indebted for our liberty and independence. 
 
 u Amid the pleasure we feel on your arrival, we can- 
 not but regret, that your visit to this city, as well a* 
 your tour in America, is likely to be of so short con- 
 tinuance ; yet we beg leave to assure you, that in eve- 
 ry place you will be attended with your constant wish- 
 es for your happiness, and that neither ourselves nor 
 posterity can enjoy the blessings you have contributed 
 
188 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to procure, without the most grateful remembrance of 
 the benefactor. 
 
 " With sentiments of gratitude and respect. 
 We have the honour to be, Sir, 
 Your most obedient servants, 
 (Signed) Tho's Seymour, Mayor. 
 
 Major General the Marquis de La Fayette. 
 To this address La Fayette made the following reply : 
 
 " GENTLEiMEN, 
 
 " Among the many enjoyments this visit affords me, 
 I am happy to congratulate you upon those general 
 blessings and private advantages, which, as a reward 
 of virtuous efforts in the noblest cause^have attended 
 the rising city of Hartford. 
 
 " From your too flattering expressions, Gentlemen. 
 I most gratefully conceive the extent of your friend- 
 ship, so far overpassing those of my merits. But while 
 J delight in the confidence of America, I am sensible, 
 in a measure, of deserving it by the warmth of my af- 
 fectionate, boundless zeal ; and need not add what 
 sense I have of that alliance, so well cemented by com- 
 mon efforts, common triumphs, and a reciprocal es- 
 teem, which every political principle, and national 
 sentiment, cannot fail, on both parts, most happily to 
 cherish. 
 
 " My stay in this country, gentlemen, will to me 
 ever appear too short. But before 1 leave it, I shail 
 once more indulge the feelings of my heart, in pre- 
 senting you personally with the respectful tribute of 
 my gratitude, and my ardent wishes for the prosperity 
 of this city. 
 
 " With the highest regard, 
 
 I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, 
 Your obedient, humble servant, 
 
 La Fayette. 
 
 From Hartford, the Marquis de La Fayette pro- 
 ceeded to Boston, and was met at Watertown by 
 the officers of the Massachusetts line of (he army, 
 where he was addressed by Major General Henry 
 
LA FAYETTE. 180 
 
 Knox,* in a manner appropriate to the occasion, and 
 a public dinner was given him, at which the civil ma- 
 
 * Address of Gen. Knox to Gen. La Fayette, at Water- 
 town, Oct. 1784. 
 
 " We the late officers of the Massachusetts line of the 
 continental army, embrace the first moment of your arri- 
 val, to welcome you with all the sincerity and ardor of fra- 
 ternal affection : an affection commenced in the dark hour 
 of our conflict, elevated and perfected through the suc- 
 cessive vicissitudes of the war. 
 
 " We beg leave to observe, that we have had repeated 
 occasions to witness the display of your military talents, 
 and of joining in the approbation and applause which our 
 beloved Commander in Chief, so often expressed of your 
 conduct. We are deeply impressed with a sense of the 
 various and important services you have rendered our 
 country ; and it will be the pride of some patriotic and 
 enlightened historian, to enumerate your actions in the 
 field, and to illustrate your incessant efforts to promote the 
 happiness of the United States. 
 
 " We shall ever retain a lively gratitude for the inter- 
 position of your august sovereign and nation, at a time 
 when America was oppressed by a formidable enemy. By 
 his influence and the powerful assistance afforded by his 
 land and naval force, the war has been happily termina- 
 ted, and the independence of the United States firmly es- 
 tablished, at a period much earlier than the most sanguim 
 patriot could have expected. 
 
 u A mind like yours, ennobled by a generous attachment 
 (o the rights of mankind, must enjoy the highest pleasure 
 in viewing the people, to whose cause you so zealouslv 
 devoted yourself, in full possession of that peace, liberty 
 and safety, which were the great objects of their pursuit. 
 
 " Animated by virtue and the auspices of your own 
 fame, may you go on to add to the splendour of your char- 
 acter, and heighten the glory of your country, by placing the 
 name of La Fayette on the same list with Conde, Turennr. 
 ind her other immortal heroes. 
 
 In behalf of the officers of the Massachusetts line. 
 
 H. KNOX,' 
 
190 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 gistrates, the Governour and council, as well as the 
 officers of the late army were present.* 
 
 The Massachusetts legislature being then in session. 
 it was voted that the Marquis de la Fayette be invited 
 by the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives, together with the supreme 
 Executive, to meet the two Houses of Assembly in the 
 Senate Room, "to congratulate him on his safe arri- 
 val in the United States, after the final establishment 
 
 General La Fayette's Reply. 
 
 u From the instant of our parting, Gentlemen, I have 
 been eagerly looking forward to this period. How far my 
 pleasure is completed by your kind welcome, I leave, ray 
 beloved friends, your own hearts to determine. 
 
 " While your affection and confidence ever made me 
 happy, let me gratefully acknowledge, that for the mark*? 
 of our beloved General's approbation, I felt myself wholly 
 obliged to the gallant troops I commanded.' Could my 
 conduct, in any degree justify your partiality, it will be 
 the pride of my heart to think the American was my 
 school, every one of you my brothers, and that I was 
 adopted as a disciple and son, by our immortal Commander 
 in Chief. 
 
 u In the interposition of my Sovereign and nation, I en- 
 joyed more than I could express ; every French citizen 
 felt with a patriotic king in this happy alliance ; and from 
 those troops who shared in our dangers, you meet with a 
 peculiar regard and attachment. 
 
 " During my absence, gentlemen, my heart has been 
 constantly with you. As an army we are separated. But 
 forever, I hope shall unite in brotherly affection ; and 
 now that a glorious peace has terminated your labors, I 
 rejoice to find your attachment to those principles for 
 which you have conquered, ranks you among the most 
 virtuous citizens of the Commonwealth. 
 
 LA FAYETTE." 
 
 * Boston Memoirs of La Fayette. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 191 
 
 of peace, to which his friendly influence in Europe 
 had largely contributed."* 
 
 A dinner was also given him at Faneuil Hall by the 
 citizens, at which were present the Governour and 
 Council, the Clergy, seventy-five officers of the late 
 continental army, and other distinguished persons. 
 When General Washington's name was given for a 
 toast, La Feyette rose from his seat, and with a tear 
 starting in his eye, began the applause, which was con- 
 tinued, and repeated again and again, by the com- 
 pany.! 
 
 in December, 1784, La Fayette prepared for his 
 return to France. But before he sailed, he addresed 
 a note to Congress, then in session, expressing a wish 
 (o take a respectful leave of that body before his final 
 departure from his adopted country. 
 
 A committee was accordingly appointed by Con- 
 gress to act upon La Fayette's letter, who reported, 
 •• That the merit and services of General La Fay- 
 ette, render it proper that such opportunity of taking 
 leave of Congress be aiTorded, as may strongly mani- 
 fest their esteem and regard for him." 
 
 Upon this Report; Congress passed the following 
 resolution : 
 
 •• Resolved, That a committee to consist of a mem- 
 ber from each state, be appointed to receive the Mar- 
 quis, and in the name of Congress to take leave of him. 
 That they be instructed to assure him that Congress 
 continue to entertain the same high sense of his abili- 
 ties and zeal to promote the welfare of America, both 
 here and in Europe, which they have frequently ex- 
 pressed and manifested on former occasions, and 
 which the recent marks of his attention to their com- 
 mercial and other interests, have perfectly confirmed. 
 That as his uniform and unceasing attachment to this 
 
 * Boston Memoirs of La Fayette. 
 v lb. 
 
192 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the 
 United States regard him with particular affection, 
 and will not cease to feel an interest in whatever may 
 concern his honour and prosperity, and that their best 
 and kindest wishes will always attend him. 
 
 u Resolved," also, " That a letter be written to his 
 Most Christian Majesty, and signed by the President 
 of Congress, expressive of the high sense which the 
 United States entertain of the real talents and merito- 
 rious services of the Marquis de la Fayette, and re- 
 commending him to the particnlar favour and patron- 
 age of his Majesty."* 
 
 Agreeable to the above resolutions, the committee, 
 consisting of a member from each state, assembled in 
 Congress hall, where the Marquis was received, the 
 resolves of Congress communicated to him. and each 
 member took leave of him in turn. 
 
 To these proceedings, the General replied : — 
 
 "While it pleases the Congress of the United States 
 so kindly to receive me, I want words to express the 
 feelings of a heart which delights in their present situ- 
 ation, and in the public marks of their esteem. 
 
 u Since I joined the standard of liberty, to this wish- 
 ed for hour of my personal congratulations, I have 
 seen such glorious deeds performed, and virtues dis- 
 played by the sons of America, that in the instant of 
 my first concern for them, I had anticipated but a part 
 ef the love and regard which devote me to this rising 
 empire. 
 
 "During our revolution, I obtained an unlimited, 
 indulgent confidence, which 1 am equally proud and 
 happy to acknowledge ; it dates with the time, when. 
 an inexperienced youth, I could only claim of my res- 
 pected friends, a paternal adoption. It has been 
 most benevolently continued throughout every circum- 
 stance of the cabinet and the field ; and in personal 
 
 * Journal of Congress, for Dec. 1 784. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 133 
 
 friendships, I have often found a support against per- 
 sonal difficulties. While on this solemn occasion, 1 
 mention my obligations to Congress, the states, and the 
 people at large, permit me to remember my dear mili- 
 tary companions, to whose services their country is so 
 much indebted. 
 
 " Having felt both for the timely aid of my country, 
 and for the part she, with a beloved king, acted in the 
 cause of mankind, I enjoy an alliance so well riveted 
 by mutual affection, by interest, and even local situa- 
 tion. Recollection ensures it. Futurity does but en- 
 large the prospect ; and (he private intercourse will 
 every day increase, which independent and advanta- 
 geous trade cherishes, in proportion as it is justly un- 
 derstood. 
 
 " In unbounded wishes to America, I am happy to 
 observe the prevailing disposition of the people to 
 strengthen the confederation, preserve public faith, 
 regulate trade ; and, in a proper guard over continen- 
 tal magazines, and frontier posts, in a general system 
 of militia, in foreseeing attention to the navy, to ensure 
 every kind of safety. May this immense temple of 
 freedom ever stand, a lesson to oppressors, an example 
 to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of man- 
 kind. And may these happy United States attain that 
 complete splendor and prosperity, which will illustrate 
 the blessings of this government, and forages to come, 
 rejoice the departed souls of its founders. 
 
 " However unwilling to trespass on your time, I 
 must yet present you with my grateful thanks for the 
 late favours of Congress ; and never can they oblige 
 me so much, as when they put it in my power, in every 
 part of the world, and to the latest day of my life, to 
 gratify the attachment, which will ever rank me among 
 the most zealous and respectful servants of the United 
 States. 
 
 With the highest regard, &c. 
 
 La Fayette." 
 17 
 
194 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 At Annapolis, La Fayette received the last paternal 
 benediction of Washington,* and having passed through 
 Philadelphia, he arrived in New York, where a United 
 States' frigate waited to convey him to his native coun- 
 try. On his departure, a crowd of all ranks assem- 
 bled to take leave of him, and to catch the last sight 
 of a foreigner, who had fought and bled for the freedom 
 ihey enjoyed. As the ship got under way, thirteen 
 cannon from the battery, announced the number of 
 states he had assisted to emancipate. 
 
 Soon after his return to France, the Legislature of 
 Virginia, which state had peculiar reasons for remem- 
 bering him with affection, passed a resolution to place 
 the bust of La Fayette in their Capitol at Richmond. 
 The Legislature, at the same time, passed another re- 
 solution, requesting the Municipality of Paris, through 
 Mr. Jefferson, our Envoy there, to permit a similar 
 bust of La Fayette to be erected in that city. 
 
 On this request from Virginia, Mr. Jefferson wrote 
 to the Municipality of Paris as follows : 
 
 " The Legislature of Virginia, in consideration of 
 the services of Major General the Marquis de la Fay- 
 ette, has resolved to place his bust in their Capitol. 
 This intention of erecting a monument to his virtues, 
 «nd to the sentiments with which he has inspired them, 
 in the country to which they are indebted for his 
 1)irth, was induced by a hope that the city of Paris 
 would consent to become the depository of a second 
 proof of their gratitude. Charged by the state with 
 the execution of this resolution, I have the honour to 
 solicit the Prevot des Marchands, and Municipality of 
 Paris, to accept the bust of this brave officer, and to 
 give it a situation, where it may continually awaken 
 the admiration, and witness the respect of the allies of 
 France. 
 
 " September 17th, 1786." 
 
 * Holstein. 
 
LAFAYETTE. 195 
 
 In consequence of this letter, the Baron de Breteuil, 
 Minister and Secretary of State for the department of 
 Paris, wrote to the Prevot, &c. that the King, to whom 
 had been submitted the proposition, approved of the 
 bust's being erected in the city. Accordingly, the 
 council assembled on the 28th of September, and Mr. 
 Short, an old member of the council of the state of 
 Virginia, (Mr. Jefferson being confined by indisposi- 
 tion,) came to the City Hall of Paris, to present the 
 bust, executed by Mr. Houdon, and to read the letter 
 addressed to the Prevot, by Mr. Jefferson, as also the 
 resolutions of the State of Virginia. M. Pelletier de 
 Morfontaine, Counsellor of State, and Prevot des Mar- 
 chands, having opened the meeting, by stating its ob- 
 ject, handed to M. Veytard, the chief clerk, all the 
 documents he possessed, to read, after which, M. Ethit 
 de Corny, Attorney General, and Knight of the order 
 of Cincinnatus, delivered an address, in which he re- 
 counted, in an interesting and impressive manner, La 
 Fayette's services in North America, the confidence of 
 the army in him, and the attachment of the people to 
 him. In his capacity of Attorney General, he then 
 gave the requisite instructions for the reception of the 
 bust, agreeably to the wishes of the King. It was ac- 
 cordingly placed in one of the galleries of the City 
 Hall.* This novel and interesting ceremony was 
 witnessed by an immense number of spectators, on 
 whom it produced the most salutary and affecting im 
 pressions. 
 
 * Holstein. 
 
196 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. — LA FAYETTE APPOINTED COMMAN- 
 DER IN CHIEF OF THE NATIONAL GUARDS. — HIS FLIGHT AND 
 IMPRISONMENT, &C. 
 
 The part of La Fayette, in the eventful revolution 
 of France, and his motives for engaging in it, can be 
 distinctly understood, only by a recollection of the 
 state of that nation about the period of his arrival 
 there from America. This chapter will therefore be- 
 gin by recounting some of the principal political events 
 which led to the revolution. 
 
 In 1774, Louis XVI. when but twenty years of age, 
 succeeded his grandfather, and mounted the throne of 
 France. One of his first measures was, to remove 
 those from office, who, by their errors or misconduct, 
 had become unpopular, and to replace them by men of 
 talents and honesty. He likewise gave great satisfac- 
 tion by suppressing the new, and calling the old Par- 
 liament. At the same time, he declared his intention, 
 not to submit to any power in this Parliament, which 
 should in any degree curtail the authority of the crown. 
 
 At this time, the state of the finances was such, as 
 to require great care and economy in their manage- 
 ment ; and for this purpose, the celebrated M. Turgot 
 was placed at the head of the financial department. 
 His measure of rendering the internal commerce in 
 grain, and its exportation free and unrestricted, was 
 the occasion of a great scarcity of corn. The tran- 
 quillity of the country, as well as of Paris was so much 
 disturbed in consequence, that Louis found it necessa- 
 ry to have recourse to strong measures ; and a milita* 
 ry body, dependent on the police, were called out, 
 and ordered to disperse the multitude, and to execute 
 summary justice on the most guilty. 
 
• •■'■■■1.' '#si& ''* 
 
 « 
 
 V". 
 
 ir/Kt/hr//, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 197 
 
 After the suppression of these disorders, Louis, in 
 order to draw off the minds of his subjects from the 
 recollection of them, and the harsh treatment by which 
 they had been quelled, resolved to celebrate his coro- 
 nation with great magnificence at Rheims ; and to 
 prove that the measures he had been lately compelled 
 to adopt, were not the result of a tyrannical disposi- 
 tion, he issued an edict, which in future sentenced de- 
 serters from the army to work on the public road, in- 
 stead of punishing them with death, as formerly. He 
 alsoreduced the regulararmy,and introduced thestrict- 
 est economy into all the departments of government. 
 
 Still the finances of France were in a miserable con- 
 dition, and M. Turgot, not possessing the confidence 
 of the public, resigned his place, and was succeeded 
 by the celebrated M. Neckar. Such was the confi- 
 dence placed in Neckar, that the entire management 
 of the funds and revenue of France, was submitted to 
 him, with the title of Director General of the finan- 
 ces. 
 
 About this time, Mr. Silas Deane and Dr. Franklin 
 were sent to Paris, as commissioners from the colonies 
 of America. Here they exerted, secretly, their influ- 
 ence with the leading men in the French cabinet ; and 
 though, in a public capacity, they were not admitted 
 to an audience, yet they received sufficient encourage- 
 ment to hope that, ultimately, their country would re- 
 ceive aid, in its struggle for independence, from the 
 arms of France. 
 
 French officers and engineers, 'with the connivance 
 of government, entered into the service of America. 
 These circumstances excited the suspicions of the Bri- 
 tish court ; but no remonstrance was presented, until 
 warlike preparations were carried on to such an ex- 
 tent, as to leave no doubt that France was on the eve 
 of hostilities with one power or the other. The Bri- 
 tish ambassador at Paris then questioned the French 
 minister on this subject, *who replied, that when the 
 
 17* 
 
198 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 seas were covered with English and American ships of 
 war, and when large armies were sent to America, it 
 became prudent for France to arm for the defence of 
 her colonies, and protection of her commerce. 
 
 The French cabinet, however, waited until the suc- 
 cess of the Americans had nearly determined their 
 power to maintain their declaration of Independence, 
 before any authorized act shewed the. destination of 
 these warlike preparations. 
 
 On the news of'the capture of Burgoyne and his ar- 
 my, all pretentions to neutrality were dismissed, and 
 the Independence of the United States was openly ac- 
 knowledged by the Court of France, and Dr. Franklin 
 and Mr. Deane were received as public Ambassadors. 
 A treaty of commerce and alliance was signed between 
 the two powers, in February, 1778. The recal of the 
 English ambassador from Paris, was the signal for the 
 commencement of hostilities. 
 
 M. Neckar still continued at the head of the finan- 
 ces, and endeavoured to render the pressure of the 
 war as light as possible, by plans of economy and re- 
 trenchment ; unnecessary offices in the household of 
 the king and queen were abolished, and other impor- 
 tant regulations adopted for the benefit of the kingdom. 
 At the same time, the diplomatic skill and experience 
 of the different French ambassadors at the courts of 
 Europe, were successfully exercised in rousing them, 
 either directly or indirectly, to take advantage of the 
 present circumstances, and crush, or at least weaken, 
 the naval power of Great Britain. As a long and in- 
 timate connexion had subsisted between the courts of 
 St. Petersburg and London, the French ambassador 
 at the former place was instructed to conciliate the in- 
 clinations of the Empress ; and he conducted himself 
 so adroitly, as to be very instrumental in persuading 
 her to place herself at the head of the northeru con- 
 federacy. 
 
 Towards the close of 1780, M, Sartine was remov- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 199 
 
 ed from the marine department, which he had super- 
 intended for five years. His great and leading object 
 had been, during the whole time, to place the French 
 navy upon the most extensive and efficient footing ; 
 and he had succeeded in raising her naval power to an 
 unprecedented height ; but his measures for this pur- 
 pose necessarily required the expenditure of very 
 large sums of money, at a time when the finances of 
 the nation loudly called for economy and retrench- 
 ment. Hence he became unpopular, was removed 
 from office, and was succeeded by the Marquis de 
 Castries. 
 
 The disposition of Louis, naturally humane, was 
 most honourably displayed this year, (1780,) by the 
 abolition of the practice of putting the question by tor- 
 ture ; and his desire to relieve his subjects as much as 
 possible from the pressure of taxes, was evinced by the 
 further diminution of his own expenditure, and by his 
 dismissing, at once, four hundred and six officers be- 
 longing to his court. 
 
 Neckar continued to be uncommonly active and 
 faithful in the discharge of the duties of his important 
 and arduous situation. But he conceived that it 
 would not be impracticable to maintain the war by 
 loans to government, without additional taxes. Unfor- 
 tunately for this scheme, capital was far from being 
 abundant in France. The preparations which were 
 making to aid the Americans alone, required great 
 sums of money, and it was seen that France must also 
 prepare to defend herself against the powers of Eu- 
 rope. Such sums, it was found, could not be raised 
 by loans, particularly at a period, when the situation 
 and nature of the government did not inspire the ut- 
 most confidence. M. Neckar's plan, although under 
 other circumstances it would have been the most pop- 
 ular that could have been adopted, as avoiding direct 
 taxation, was found impracticable. Other causes, al- 
 so, conspired to make him unpopular. His temper 
 
200 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 was austere and unaccommodating, and the reforms and 
 retrenchments which he had introduced into the vari- 
 ous departments of the king's household, were repre- 
 sented as derogatory to the dignity and splendour of 
 the crown. These were excuses for popular clamour 
 against him, and he was dismissed from office towards 
 the close of 1781. He was succeeded by M. de Joli 
 Fleury. 
 
 The dismission of Neckar was by no means satisfac- 
 tory, either to the king, or t o the majority of the peo- 
 ple. Nor was the mode of raising money adopted by 
 M. Fleury, that of taxation, at all popular. The min- 
 istry, however, in order to multiply the resources of 
 government without pushing taxation to a dangerous 
 extent, endeavoured to kindle in Paris, and throughout 
 France, such a degree of enthusiasm as would produce 
 voluntary contributions towards carrying on the war. 
 In this they were not without success. Several of the 
 departments displayed their zeal by building and fit- 
 ting out ships of war, and the clergy came forward 
 with a free gift to the treasury of fifteen millions of li- 
 vres. They also offered another million, to be applied 
 to the support of wounded seamen, and the widows and 
 orphans of those who had been killed in the various 
 naval engagements. 
 
 Although the preparations for war, in 1783, were 
 very great, yet Louis being disposed to peace, the 
 mediation of the Emperor of Germany, and the Em- 
 press of Russia, together with the triumph of the A- 
 merican and French arms over the British in the Uni- 
 ted States, operated to bring all the contending pow- 
 ers to terms of pacification, and articles of amity and 
 commerce between England, France and America, 
 were signed at Paris, on the 20th of January, 1783. 
 
 The joy created in France by the termination of 
 the war, in which her arms had been so successful, 
 and in which the power of Great Britain had been so 
 
LA FAYETTE. 201 
 
 greatly weakened by the loss of her American colonies, 
 was excessive. 
 
 But this exultation was of short continuance. 
 France, it was true, saw the mighty power of her ri- 
 val abundantly reduced, but in effecting this, it was 
 found she had reduced her finances to an alarming de- 
 gree. The state of the treasury grew worse daily, 
 and confidence in the sureties became weaker and 
 weaker every time a new loan was to be raised. 
 Three different successors to M. Neckar had in vain 
 attempted to remedy, or even palliate the dreadful 
 evil. Sufficient sums for the exigencies of the state 
 could not be raised by any plan heretofore suggested. 
 Government had to refuse the payment of bills drawn 
 on them by their army in America. Both the resour- 
 ces and the credit of the nation were exhausted. The 
 Caisse d'Escompte had to stop payment, and this was 
 enough to create general and excessive alarm. Their 
 notes having hitherto always been convertible into 
 specie, at the option of the holders, had circulated 
 very widely ; and as they were not out to individuals 
 at this period to a larger amount than usual, or than 
 their known capital authorised, the suspicion was cre- 
 ated, that they had, to the prejudice of the holders of 
 their notes, and contrary to their own interest, as well 
 as that of the public at large, loaned government the 
 specie, which ought exclusively, to have been devoted 
 to the payment of their notes. It now became abso- 
 lutely necessary for government to interfere, in order, 
 by supporting the credit of this bank, to restore the 
 public confidence in it. Four edicts were therefore 
 issued with this view : by these, the banks of Paris 
 were ordered to receive the notes of the Caisse d'Es- 
 compte as currency ; and a lottery, with a stock of 
 one million sterling, was established, the tickets of 
 which might be purchased with the depreciated notes. 
 
 This plan, for a time, raised the public credit, and 
 Government having procured money, paid the Ameri* 
 
202 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 can bills. At the same time, the stock of the Caisse 
 d'Escompte rose considerably above its original sub- 
 scription. 
 
 About this period, viz. in 1 784, the disputes between 
 the Emperor of Germany and the United Provinces, 
 respecting the barriers and strong towns in the Neth- 
 erlands, excited the attention and jealousy of France. 
 The Emperor extended his pretensions as far as the 
 Scheldt, and the Dutch, foreseeing the probability of 
 hostilities, implored the mediation of the king of 
 France in their behalf. 
 
 At this time there existed two parties in the court of 
 Versailles. At the head of one, was the Count de 
 Vergennes, the favourite of Louis, and, like him, was 
 mild, humane, and a friend to peace. At the head of 
 the other, was the Marshal de Castries, who was sup- 
 ported by the Queen, and, like her, was bold, intri- 
 guing, enterprising, and an advocate for war. 
 
 As the mediation of France had no effect on the 
 measures of the Emperor of Germany, and the Dutch 
 saw that they were on the point of hostilities with him, 
 they importuned the King of France for a general to 
 head their armies, and the Count de Mallebois was 
 sent to them. Count de Vergennes, hitherto, had 
 opposed any hostile or violent measures, but the en- 
 croachments of the Emperor had reconciled him to 
 those now adopted. At the same time, the armies of 
 France were ordered to move slowly towards the Low 
 Countries, and to form a camp at Lans, of 80,000 men. 
 The Queen of France, though ambitious and warlike, 
 by no means approved of these hostile indications a- 
 gainst her brother the Emperor, and tried to bring 
 back the mind of de Vergennes to its habitual modera- 
 tion and love of peace ; but the Count could not 
 brook the idea, that the honour, or interests of his 
 country should be sacrificed. The warlike prepara- 
 tions therefore proceeded, until the Emperor, finding 
 it for his interest to accept the mediation of France, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 203 
 
 (he difficulties between him and Holland were accom- 
 modated, and the hostile preparations abandoned. 
 
 The internal condition of France, was, however, 
 every day becoming more alarming. Mon. de Ca- 
 lonne was now at the head of her finances, and had 
 displayed great address in the management of this de- 
 partment. But, like his predecessors, he was doomed 
 to become unpopular. In 1785, he established a new 
 East India Company, for the purpose of raising funds 
 for Government. This measure excited violent cen- 
 sure. It was considered a monopoly, oppressive to 
 the merchants, and an attempt, on the part of Govern- 
 ment, to take into its own hands the business, and 
 means of the people. The heads of other depart- 
 ments of Government did not escape the censure of 
 those who were ever ready to blame want of success 
 without consideration of circumstances. Men, whose 
 philosophy had never been reduced to practice, did 
 not want occasions to stir up popular violence against 
 the proceedings of the constituted authorities, and 
 the popular mind had become so discontented and ir- 
 ritable, that the smallest evil was the occasion of bit- 
 ter complaints against Government. It may therefore 
 well be conceived, that in this state of things, an edict, 
 at the end of the year 1 785, for registering a loan 
 for three million three hundred and thirty-three thou- 
 sand pounds sterling, produced the most violent mur- 
 murs. When the edict was presented to Parliament, 
 they selected a deputation to wait on the King with 
 their remonstrances ; but he informed them that he 
 expected to be instantly, and implicitly obeyed. 
 
 The ceremony of registering began the next day, 
 accompanied, however, by a resolution of parliament, 
 that public economy was the only genuine source of 
 abundant revenue, and that without it the necessities 
 of the state could not be supplied, nor public credit 
 and confidence restored. This resolution was highly 
 displeasing to the king, and he ordered the records of 
 
204 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 parliament to be brought to him, and he erased the 
 resolution with his own hand ; at the same time de- 
 claring, that he expected in future they would com- 
 municate, in a loyal and respectful manner, whatever 
 they deemed advantageous to the nation. 
 
 The situation of France was such, at this period, 
 that Calonne, the minister of finance, saw that it 
 would be necessary to convoke one of the great coun- 
 cils of the nation, the States General, or the Notables. 
 Neither of these assemblies could be called together, 
 except in cases where the country was in imminent 
 danger, and the common authorities were either dis- 
 obeyed, or were at variance with each other. The 
 States General had not met since the year 1614. 
 Thisassembly consisted of deputies chosen by the three 
 estates, the nobility, the clergy, and the people at 
 large. The Notables had sometimes been substituted 
 in the room of the States General, and was preferred 
 by Calonne. It consisted of a number of persons 
 from all parts of the kingdom, chiefly selected from 
 the higher orders of the state by the king himself. 
 This mode of selection, it was expected, would render 
 the power delegated to them perfectly safe, while 
 their deliberations would be shorter, and more easily 
 managed by the royal influence. At that juncture it 
 was decided to convoke the assembly of Notables, and 
 writs were issued for calling them together on the 
 29th of December, 1 736. The total number of mem- 
 bers was 144, and the opening of the assembly was 
 fixed on the 29th of January, 1787. 
 
 The rank of the members was as follows, viz. — se- 
 ven princes of the blood ; nine dukes and peers of 
 France; eight field marshals; twenty- two nobles; 
 eight councillors of state ; four masters of requests ; 
 eleven arch-bishops and bishops ; thirty-seven heads 
 of the law ; eleven deputies of the pays cPetats, the 
 lieutenants civil; and twenty-five magistrates of the 
 different towns in France. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 201 
 
 When the day of the meeting came, the minister, 
 Calonne, was not prepared ; the time was therefore 
 postponed to the 7th of February ; but before this 
 day, Calonne fell sick, and the Count de Vergennes 
 died. 
 
 At length, on the 2-2d of February, the first meeting 
 of the Assembly of Notables took place, and Calonne 
 laid before it his plan for re-establishing the finances, 
 and the public credit of the kingdom, which he pre- 
 pared by pointing out the necessity of adopting it, or 
 some other. The minister's plan was opposed, and his 
 honesty and ability were severely attacked, chiefly by 
 Count de Mirabcau, a man of brilliant talents, but of 
 the most profligate principles and conduct, and who 
 was resolved that if he could effect it, his country 
 should be plunged into such a state of anarchy, as 
 would give him opportunity to display his abilities. 
 
 Calonne finding that he'could not oppose the torrent 
 of unpopularity which was increasing against him, re- 
 signed his office in the month of April, and retired io 
 England. 
 
 The Assembly of Notables continued their sittings, 
 but it was evident that they did not intend to assist 
 the king in extricating himself from his difficulties, un- 
 less they were recompensed for their assistance by a 
 compliance to their demands, on the part of his Ma- 
 jesty ; and it was equally evident, that these demands 
 would go far to reduce the royal authority. Louis, 
 however, did not dare to recede, and dismiss this as- 
 sembly, because it was through their acts alone that 
 he saw any prospect of recruiting the finances of the 
 kingdom. He appointed the Archbishop of Toulouse 
 to succeed Calonne as minister of the financial de- 
 partment, but soon found that he had gained nothing 
 by the change, and that the former proposition of ter- 
 ritorial impost, was now the only means of raising mo- 
 ney which he could devise. To this, the assembly- 
 were violently opposed. It was now seen by the No- 
 18 
 
206 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 tables, as well as by the king, that the state was in 
 .-such a condition as to place their sovereign com- 
 pletely in their power. Louis found himself perplex- 
 ed and embarrassed on every side ; but finding that 
 this assembly neither had afforded, nor intended to af- 
 ford him relief, but on the contrary had increased his 
 difficulties, he at length determined to dissolve it. It 
 was accordingly dismissed, and royal edicts were issu- 
 ed for raising funds for the exigencies of the state. 
 To this the parliament of Paris objected in a most pe- 
 remptory manner. The king in his turn had recourse 
 to compulsory measures. The parliament in answer 
 declared that the first person who should attempt to 
 carry the edict into execution should be punished as a 
 traitor to his country. 
 
 At this crisis, the king acted with unusual decision 
 and vigour. As soon as the discontents and opposi- 
 tion of the Notables began to wear a formidable as- 
 pect, large bodies of trorops were gradually brought 
 into Paris. The king came to a determination to dis- 
 miss the Parliament. He therefore directed some of the 
 military officers to signify to each individual member 
 of that body, that it was the king's pleasure that he 
 should immediately leave Paris. The parliament, 
 probably forewarned, or apprehensive of this mea- 
 sure, had previously registered their opinion, that no 
 permanent tax could be legally imposed, except by 
 the authority of the three estates of the kingdom, the 
 nobility, the clergy, and the people. 
 
 For a short period, Louis endeavoured to proceed 
 without the Parliament, but he found it impossible. 
 He was frugal and economical in his habits of ex- 
 penditure ; but the savings, thus effected, went but a 
 little way towards the removal of his financial difficul- 
 ties, while they failed in gaining him the confidence 
 and approbation of his subjects. He therefore at last 
 recalled the Parliament, and a kind of compromise 
 took place between them : Louis gave up the territo- 
 
LA FAYETTE. S0< 
 
 rial impost, and the slamp duty. But these conces- 
 sions on the part of the king, failed to appease the peo 
 pie, who regarded them as the effects of apprehension, 
 and of conscious weakness, or the giving up unjust 
 claims. The Parliament too, regarded their recal as 
 a triumph, and were still less disposed to submission 
 and obedience. The king, in the month of Novem- 
 ber, laid before them two edicts, one for raising about 
 nineteen millions sterling by loan, and the other for 
 the re-establishment of the Protestants in their civil 
 rights. Both these edicts were introduced by a speech 
 from his Majesty, in which he intimated his expecta- 
 tion of obedience from Parliament. A bold and ani- 
 mated debate followed, which was so offensive to the 
 king, that he suddenly arose, and commanded the 
 edict for registering the loan to be immediately record- 
 ed. Scarcely had the king sat down, when the Duke 
 of Orleans, first prince of the blood, declared this 
 command of Louis, an infringement of the rights of 
 Parliament, and on this ground entered his protest 
 against all his proceedings as illegal, and void. The 
 king again repeated his commands, and left the assem- 
 bly. On his departure, the protest of the Duke whs 
 formally sanctioned by Parliament. 
 
 The first action of the king after leaving the assem- 
 bly, was to order the banishment of the Duke of Or- 
 leans, and to issue lettres de cachet against two mem- 
 bers of Parliament, who had been most violent in the 
 debate. About the beginning of 1788, however, the 
 Duke was recalled, and the two members liberated. 
 
 Towards the close of the year, Neckar was recal- 
 led, and again placed at the head of the finances. — 
 This minister soon perceived that the royal authority 
 was very considerably weakened since he was in pow- 
 er before, and that Louis had only the choice of diffi- 
 culties, and even of hazardous expedients. It was 
 therefore his opinion, that the aspect of affairs was 
 such, as to make it necessary to call together the 
 
!08 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 States General. To this the king consented, and thi* 
 assembly, consisting of upwards of one thousand mem- 
 bers, was convoked by the king's order. 
 
 On the 5th of May, 1789, this august assembly was< 
 opened by his Majesty at Versailles. His speech on 
 Ibis occasion was conciliating and prudent; he did 
 not affect to conceal the discontents of the people, 
 while he expressed his conviction that the causes of 
 these discontents, so far as they were real and just, 
 would be removed by the wisdom and patriotism of 
 the assembly. 
 
 After the assembly was organized, and was ready 
 to proceed to business, a difficulty arose «mong the 
 different bodies of which it was composed. 
 
 The nobility and clergy seemed resolved to decide 
 every question by a majority of the orders, or bodies 
 taken separately. 
 
 Several of the clergy, and a few of the nobility, bow- 
 ever, finally agreed to act with the commons ; but as 
 the rest were refractory, the Abbe Sieyes,* on the 
 
 * Abbe Sieyes, was born at Frejus, in the eastern part of 
 Provence, in the year 1748. He was successively a Cler- 
 gyman, a Vicar General, a Canon, Chancellor of the Church 
 of Chartres ; and lastly invested with the permanent ad 
 ministrative employment, of Counsellor-Commissary, from 
 the Diocese of Chartres to the superior Clergy of France. 
 
 He was esteemed a learned Civilian and Canonist, and 
 possessed a considerable share of knowledge in the Belles- 
 Lettres ; his favourite studies, however, were metaphys 
 ics, politics, and ceconomics. He spent the greater fart 
 of every year in the capital, where he associated with 
 D'Alembcrt, Diderot, Condorcet, &c. He was at this 
 time a member of the (Economical Society, which held its 
 sittings in the Hotel of the Chancellor Segur. 
 
 Notwithstanding these excellent qualifications and con- 
 nections, it is more than probable that Sieyes would have 
 continued in obscurity through life, ifthe Revoluonhad it 
 not brought him into a situation calculated to display his 
 
LA FA.YETTE. 20fl 
 
 16th of June made a motion, the object of which was. 
 to declare ihat the commons, with such members of 
 
 talents. Being appointed a Deputy to the States-General, 
 he began his career by the publication of a judicious 
 pamphlet, entitled «• What is the Third Estate ?" This 
 soon became the most fashionable book in Paris. 
 
 After the meeting of the Tiers Etat at Versailles, he 
 was the first person who proposed that the}' should call 
 themselves " the Assembly of the Representatives of the 
 French people," and he supported his project with con- 
 siderable iugenuity. Mirabeau, who was the better 
 statesman, seeing his predilection for metaphysics, took 
 this occasion to warn him of the inconveniences which 
 might arise from applying abstract deduction to the prac- 
 tice of government and legislation. 
 
 When the misunderstanding between the different or- 
 ders in the States General assumed a serious aspect, great 
 numbers of troops were drawn around the capital, and the 
 Deputies in the popular interest had reason to be appre- 
 hensive for their safety. It was Sieyes, who, in the sit- 
 ting of the 8th of July, stated to the assembly the maxim 
 in the province of Britanny, that no troops should be al- 
 lowed to approach nearer than within ten leagues of the 
 place in which the States were sitting ; he proposed 
 therefore an Address to the King to desire that he would 
 order the troops to withdraw from the neighbourhood of 
 Versailles. 
 
 Sometime previously to the month of October, when 
 the King was attacked in his palace by the Parisian mob, a 
 Secret Committee, consisting of the Duke of Orleans, 
 Mirabeau, La Clos, and the Abbe Sieyes, is said to have 
 met in the village of Montrouge, near Paris. They had 
 agreed upon a scheme for placing the Duke of Orleans in 
 so distinguished a situation in the government, that, with 
 the assistance of his immense fortune, and under the'in 
 fluence of his name, they could not fail to have the com- 
 mand of the populace, and consequently possess a decisive 
 weight in the National Assembly. Whether their desigp. 
 was to render this prince of the blood royal an useful in- 
 
 18* 
 
^10 MEMOIRS Of 
 
 the nobility and clergy as had united with them, weir 
 the known and acknowledged representatives of the 
 
 slrument in furthering the Revolution, or to open to him 
 an easy path to the throne, history has yet to unravel : 
 the fact is brought forward in this place merely to shew 
 how far Sieyes came under the denomination of an Or- 
 leanist. 
 
 Certain it is, that he either was, or affected at one time 
 to be, azealous royalist. In the year 1791, when it was 
 thought that the King, by attempting his escape, had abdi- 
 cated the crown, a combination was formed, consisting of 
 Condorcet and Brissot in France, and Paine in England, 
 for the publication of a periodical paper, under the title of 
 The Republican. Sieyes actually printed answers to es- 
 says which appeared, from time to time, in this work, and 
 declared his intentions to support a Monarchy against a 
 Republic by every means in his power ! It is not known 
 whether the succeeding events of the Revolution, or some 
 stronger reasons have since operated to render him so 
 strenuous a proselyte to the Republican system. 
 
 Sieyes was the author of the famous declaration of 
 " the rights of man," which was decreed by the National 
 Assembly. It was written in his usual metaphysical man- 
 ner, and excited very different sensations in every coun- 
 try of Europe. Mr. Burke was among the most furious 
 of his assailants, and stated that he wanted to reduce the 
 art of governing to the rules of architecture, and to meas- 
 ure the passions of men with a geometrical compass. 
 
 His indifference about dignities or eminent situations, 
 which might draw upon him the attention of the public, 
 and consequent responsibility, was strikingly exemplified 
 after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. He 
 was designed by his friends as a candidate for the metro- 
 politan church of Paris, but declined the honour, and al- 
 lowed Gobet to be elected in his stead. He was then ap- 
 pointed a member of the department, which he neither 
 accepted nor refused ; and his conduct on this occasion , 
 savoured so much of arrogance as to disgust even his most 
 partial admirers. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 211 
 
 nation. On the following day this motion was can i 
 ed ; and the appellation of National Assembly was 
 given to the meeting. 
 
 Id 1792, Sieyes was appointed a member of the Nation- 
 al Convention. Nothing remarkable distinguished his 
 conduct during the first period of that tumultuous assem- 
 bly. When, however, it voted the punishment of Louis, 
 such was the influence of Sieyes that a great number of 
 members reserved themselves till they had heard his 
 opinion. It was consequently understood, that upon that 
 would depend the fate of the King. Sieyes at length 
 mounted the tribune ; an awful silence pervaded the anx- 
 ious assembly ; eloquence, combined with philosophy, 
 was expected on all sides ; he, however, interrupted the 
 solemn pause with only five emphatic monosyllables "Je 
 *uis pour la mort !" and instantly withdrew. 
 
 From this time he was so carefully concealed from the 
 public eye, that it was actually made a question whether 
 he was dead or alive. It has, however, been suspected 
 by the Parisians, that he directed, from his retreat, many 
 of the atrocities which were committed under the reign of 
 Robespierre. 
 
 Sieyes took no part in the re action of the Thermidor- 
 ians. From the death of Robespierre, until February 
 1795, he still remained behind the curtain, and did not 
 appear upon the stage until he was certain there was no 
 danger of the mountaineers regaining their ascendancy. 
 By way of apology for having thus absented himself from 
 business during two years, he published memoirs of his 
 own life, the purport of which was to lament that the 
 mountain party had abused his definitions of the Rights of 
 Man ; and to state that his system had been intended only 
 as the skeleton of civil society ; a skeleton which, accord- 
 ing to situation, was susceptible of numberless modifica- 
 tions. 
 
 From this period began the most brilliant career of 
 Sieyes's public life. Having obtained the unbounded es- 
 teem and confidence of his colleagues, he was fixed upon 
 to regulate the external relations of the Republic. It was 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The first acts of this assembly plainly indicated that 
 there was an intention to wrest from the king almost 
 
 he, who suggested the scheme of concluding separate 
 treaties with the coalesced powers, with the view to cre- 
 ate such a misunderstanding as would prove fatal to the 
 royal confederacy. 
 
 The subsequent conduct of the European cabinets has 
 evinced that the Abbe was right in his conjectures, and 
 thus a Vicar ofChartres has out-manoeuvred all the expe- 
 rienced Statesmen in Europe. 
 
 The plans of Sieyes, for the aggrandizement of the 
 French Republic, were developed so early as April 1795 
 He advised his colleagues to retain the Austrian Nether 
 lands, and was the first projector of the alliance with Hoi 
 land. He, himself, went to the Hague as French Plenipo 
 tenliary, for the purpose of concluding that famous treaty 
 
 Those who did not comprehend the designs of Sieyes 
 'highly disapproved of a treaty with a petty power, not 
 geographically united to France, and whose democratic 
 constitution had not been acknowledged by the King of 
 Prussia, brother-in-law to the ci-devant Stadtholder. — 
 Even the greater part of his colleagues in the Committee 
 of Public Safety were of opinion, that the Netherlands 
 should be restored to Austria ; and so late as the month 
 of August in that year, Boissy d'Anglas gave his opinion 
 in the Committee, that the Emperor would rather endan- 
 ger his crown than relinquish those important possessions. 
 The opinion of Sieyes was, however, adopted, for the 
 National Convention decreed the union of Belgium with 
 the French Republic. 
 
 So signal were the services thus performed by Sieyes 
 to his country, that at the time of the adoption of the new 
 constitution, he was elected one of the five members of 
 the Executive Directory. He acted, however, on that oc- 
 casion as he did in the year 1791, when he declined the 
 Archbishopric of Paris. 
 
 In February, 1796, he was appointed a member of the 
 National Institute, in the class of Metaphysics and Morals ; 
 and, by an unaccountable singularity of choice, the very 
 
LA FAYETTE. 213 
 
 all the authority which had heretofore been considered 
 as vested in the crown. 
 
 same man who had declined a place in the Directory, ac- 
 cepted of the chair of Literature in the central school at 
 the College de Mazarin ! 
 
 It was reported in May, 1796, that Sieyes was the au- 
 thor of the peace between the French Republic and the 
 King of Sardinia. This is highly probable, because he 
 continued for some time to direct the external policy of 
 the Directory, nearly in the same manner as he had for- 
 merly superintended that of the Committee of Public 
 Safety. A treaty so disgraceful to an independent sove- 
 reign, could scarcely have been wished for, even by the 
 most inveterate jacobin. The writer of this article, who 
 was then in Paris, recollects, that when the English news- 
 papers reached that city, which contained the memorable 
 speech of Lord Fitzwilliam, proposing a bellum interned- 
 num, a great many intelligent Frenchmen avowed that his 
 Lordship's idea was fully justified by the revolutionary 
 diplomatics of the Abbe Sieyes. 
 
 This Deputy, on account of the insensibility of his 
 heart, and his camelion like conduct, is little beloved in 
 France. In the spring of 1797, he very narrowly esca- 
 ped assassination with a pistol by the Abbe Poulle. 
 
 During the preceding* autumn, he was so abused by 
 means of himpoons and pasquinades, that he was obliged to 
 quit Paris, upon the entrance of the new third into the 
 Legislature ; and did not leave his retreat until the vio 
 lent crisis of the 4th of September. 
 
 No sooner had this taken place, than he once more ap- 
 peared in the Legislative and Literary assemblies, and 
 took an active part in the deliberations of both. A little 
 while after, a new scene was opened to his ambition, and 
 he who had refused to be a Bishop, and even a Director, 
 condescended at length to become an Ambassador. 
 
 He accoidingly repaired to the Court of Berlin, in the 
 character of Minister Plenipotentiary ; and, notwithstand- 
 ing the many reports to the contrary, has assuredly met 
 with a distinguished reception. The grand object of hi^ 
 
9*4 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Louis expressly directed that the three orders oi 
 which the Assembly were composed, should separate. 
 This order was followed by most of the Nobility, and 
 some of the Clergy, but the Commons firmly opposed 
 and entirely disobeyed the King's command ; and be- 
 fore they adjourned, voted, on motion of Mirabeau, 
 "that the person of every deputy should be regarded 
 as inviolable." 
 
 Having given the above rapid sketch of the begin- 
 ning of the French revolution, down to the period 
 when the subject of these memoirs takes an active 
 and conspicuous part in it, we will turn the attention 
 of the reader more particularly to him. 
 
 La Fayette was elected a member of the State* 
 General, or National Assembly, from the department 
 of Auvergne, in 1789. In July of that year, he ad- 
 dressed the Assembly, and proposed a declaration of 
 rights, similar to that which the Americans placed at 
 the head of their Constitution, after asserting their In- 
 dependence. A copy of this paper was transmitted 
 by him to the electors of Paris, then assembled, that it 
 might be read to the people. It was accompanied 
 with the following energetic address : 
 
 " Call to mind the sentiments which nature has en- 
 graven upon the heart of every citizen; and which 
 assumes a new force, when recognized by all. — For a 
 nation to love liberty, it is sufficient that she knows it : 
 and to be free, it is sufficient that she wills it." On 
 this occasion, it is said that Mirabeau felt a strong pang 
 
 mission was to neutralize the King of Prussia, and this he 
 has completely effected, by arousing the jealousy of that 
 Monarch, and pointing out the House of Austria as the 
 natural enemy of that of Brandenburgh. 
 
 Sieyes has been ridiculed by Mr Burke, who affected, 
 ironically, to recommend to the Reformers here, " one of 
 the new constitutions ready cut and dried, from the pigeon- 
 holes of the Abbe's bureau," 
 
LA FAYETTE. 215 
 
 of envy, that La Fayette should have been the first, 
 thus to have given a hint on so important a subject as 
 a new constitution. 
 
 After La Fayette had finished reading his paper to 
 the Assembly, M. de Lally Tolendal, a member, arose 
 :um] said, " With the exception of a few lines which ad- 
 mit, perhaps, of discussion, I second the motion which 
 has just been offered. All the principles in this de- 
 claration are the sacred emanations of truth ; all the 
 sentiments are noble and sublime. The author of 
 the motion now displays as much eloquence in speak- 
 ing of liberty, as he has already shown in defending 
 it." 
 
 In this Assembly, La Fayette was the first to pro- 
 pose a suppression of that engine of tyranny, the let- 
 ires de cachet ! he also demanded the abolition of the 
 prisons of State, and obtained a resolution in favour 
 of the civil condition of the Protestants. 
 
 During the summer of this year, such were the pop- 
 ular commotions, that the king found his reliance must 
 be placed on the army.* The National Assembly, al- 
 
 * In the month of June, of this year, the proceedings of 
 the National Assembly, or rather that part of it called the 
 Commons, produced general alarm among the friends of the 
 King. In their sitting of the 21st of this month, this As- 
 sembly, acting in conformity to previous vote, "that the 
 Commons, with such of the Clergy and Nobility as would 
 join them, should be the legal representatives of the Nation," 
 assumed the reins of government, voted taxes, made arrange- 
 ments to discharge a part of the national debt by a loan, and 
 distributed money to the poor, who were in want of corn. 
 These acts being passed, without the concurrence of the 
 King, were in direct violation of his sovereignty. An at- 
 tempt was made on the following morning to prevent the 
 further meetings of the Assembly. For this purpose an of- 
 ficer o( the royal guards and sixty men, were stationed at the 
 door of the Assembly room, to prevent the entrance of the 
 Deputies, and at nine o'clock, the King's heralds proclaim- 
 
216 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ?o, foreseeing the probable consequences of the diffi- 
 culties with which the nation was torn, had formed a 
 
 ed a suspension of the meetings till Monday, when his Ma- 
 jesty would attend at the house to receive them. The pre- 
 sident, with several of the members, arriving at the usual 
 time, and finding the door shut against them, remained some 
 time in the street, but at length adjourned to the tennis- 
 court, and there held their assembly till late in the evening, 
 when all present, before they separated, individually took 
 the following oath : (i We solemnly swear, never to separate 
 from the National Assembly, but to unite ourselves in every 
 place, whenever circumstances may require, until the Con- 
 stitution of the kingdom is established on a solid foundation." 
 " Resolved, That this determination shall be printed and 
 sent to the different provinces." 
 
 Paris was in the greatest consternation at these proceed- 
 ings, and the whole court under the most perplexing embar- 
 rassment. The King, however, determined to go to the 
 house, agreeably to his proclamation, and on the 25th of 
 June he opened the Assembly by the following speech : 
 " Gentlemen, 
 " At the time I took the resolution of assembling you ; 
 when I had surmounted all the difficulties which threatened 
 a convocation of my States ; when I had, to use the expres- 
 sion, even preconceived the desires of the nation, in mani- 
 festing beforehand my wishes for its welfare, I thought to 
 have done every thing which depended on myself for the 
 good of my people. 
 
 " It seemed to me that you had only to finish the work I 
 had begun ; and the nation expected impatiently the mo- 
 ment when, in conjunction with the beneficent views of its 
 sovereign, and the enlightened zeal of its representatives, it 
 was about to enjoy that prosperous and happy state which 
 such an union ought to afford. 
 
 " The States General have now been opened more than 
 two months, and have not yet agreed on the preliminaries of 
 its operations. Instead of that source of harmony which 
 springs from a love of country, a most fatal division spreads 
 an alarm over every mind. I am willing to believe, and I 
 shall be happy to find that the disposition of Frenchmea is not 
 
LAFAYETTE. 217 
 
 national militia, on which Ihey intended to rely, in 
 case of necessity. La Fayette, though a known friend 
 
 changed ; but to avoid reproaching either of you, I shall 
 consider that the renewal of the States General, after so 
 long a period, the turbulence which preceded it, the object of 
 this Assembly, so different from that of your ancestors, and 
 many other objects, have led you to an opposition, and to 
 prefer pretentions which you are not entitled to. 
 
 u I owe it to the welfare of my kingdom, I owe it to my- 
 self, to dissipate the fatal divisions. It is with this resolu- 
 tion, Gentlemen, that I convene you once more around me. 
 I do it as a common father of all my people — I do it, as the 
 defender of my Kingdom's laws, that 1 may bring to your 
 memory the true spirit of the Constitution, and resist those 
 attempts which have been made against it. 
 
 " But, Gentlemen, after having established the respective 
 rights of the different orders, 1 expect, from the zeal of the 
 two principal classes — I expect, from their attachment to my 
 person — I expect, from the knowledge they have of the press- 
 ing urgencies to the Stnte, that in those matters which cou- 
 cern the general good, they should be the first to propose a 
 re-union of consultation and opinion, which I consider as 
 necessary in the present crisis, and which ought to take 
 place for the general good of the kingdom." 
 
 After the delivery of this speech, the King ordered every 
 one to retire, and to meet again on the next day, in the 
 Chamber of Orders. 
 
 The Nobles, and part of the Clergy, shouted vive le Roi ; 
 but the Commons remained in profound silence ; nor would 
 they quit the hall, where, together with about fifty Clergy, 
 who would not separate from them, they instantly began to 
 discuss the Royal proceedings. Four times the King sent an 
 officer to order them, on their allegiance, to break up the 
 meeting ; four times did they deny the authority of the King 
 to order them to separate, and, by their firmness, they car- 
 ried their point, and proceeded to business. M. Le Camus, 
 one of the deputies of Paris, moved " that the National As- 
 sembly do persist in all its preceding resolutions ;" and those 
 who remained of the clergy, requested that their presence 
 
 19 
 
218 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to the King, was appointed by the Assembly, Com- 
 mander in Chief of the Militia, This appointment 
 was sanctioned by his Majesty, and thus in this in- 
 stance the National and Royal parties were united. 
 La Fayette, though in the partial confidence of the 
 Royal party, was still a strong advocate for the liber- 
 ties of his country. He saw the necessity of a reform, 
 but was willing that it should be effected gradually. 
 While, therefore, the national party placed the most 
 implicit confidence in his military talents, aud patriot- 
 ism, the King depended on his moderation and person- 
 al attachment. 
 
 The committee which had been appointed to lay 
 down the principles of a new Constitution, expressly 
 
 might be specified. This motion passed unanimously, and 
 the Assembly continued its sitting all night, and all the n.,xt 
 day. Another motion followed from Mirabeau, nearly in 
 these words : " The National Assembly, feeling the necessi- 
 ty of securing personal liberty, freedom of opinion, and the 
 right of each deputy of the States General to enquire into, 
 and censure all sorts of abuses and obstacles to the public 
 welfare and liberty, do resolve, That the person of each de- 
 puty is inviolable ; and any individual, public or private, of 
 whatever quality, any body corporate of men, any tribunal, 
 court of justice, or commission whatever, who should dare, 
 during the present session, to prosecute, or cause to be pros- 
 ecuted, arrest, or cause to be arrested, detain, or cause to 
 be detained, the person of one, or more deputies, for any 
 proposition, advice, or opinions, or speech, made by them in 
 the States General, or in any of its Assemblies, or Commit- 
 tees, shall be deemed infamous, and a traitor to his country, 
 and that, in any such case or cases, the National Assembly 
 will pursue every possible means and measures to bring the 
 authors, instigators, or executors of such arbitrary proceed- 
 ings, to condign punishment." This motion passed, 483 
 to 34. 
 
 Every thing was now in a most violent state of fermenta- 
 tion, both at Paris and Versailles, a prelude to the horrible 
 events which soon followed. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 219 
 
 declared that the King ought to have a veto on every 
 law. This proposition met with violent and general 
 opposition from the people, and while it was discussed 
 in the Assembly, numerous guards of militia, and seve- 
 ral pieces of cannon, were stationed in different parts 
 of Paris. The month of August was consumed in de- 
 bates about the veto, which at length was indirectly 
 negatived by the decrees that were passed for the for- 
 mation of the Constitution. The state of the Capital 
 at this period, was most threatening. Parties ran ex- 
 cessively high ; and on neither side was there either 
 conciliation or moderation. But the greatest danger 
 was to be apprehended from a numerous and power- 
 ful association, who regarded even those who had hith- 
 erto taken the lead against the King as lukewarm, and 
 as stopping far short of what they ought to have 
 achieved. This was called the third party, and was 
 headed by the infamous Duke of Orleans. This par- 
 ty operated with wonderful and most mischievous ef- 
 fect on the populace. 
 
 The scarcity of provisions, which was undoubtedly 
 in some degree, the effect of the monopoly which the 
 Duke contrived to maintain in the corn trade, was at- 
 tributed to the mismanagement of Government, and 
 the Duke's agents were directed to inflame the popu- 
 lace, by insinuating, that it was in the King's power to 
 alleviate their condition, and that he only wanted a 
 disposition to do so. 
 
 About this time, a circumstance happened, which, 
 though in itself of no consequence, was yet the cause 
 of inflaming the populace still more. A regiment from 
 Flanders arrived at Versailles ; and the body guards 
 of the King invited them, together with the national 
 guards stationed there, to an entertainment. The en- 
 tertainment was given in the opera-house belonging to 
 the palace. In the course of the evening, the King 
 and Queen had the curiosity to enter the hall, the 
 Queen leading the young Dauphin, and attended by 
 
m A MEMOIRS OF 
 
 /7 JHa 
 
 several ladies and gentlemen of the court. This un- 
 expected visit to a party, whose hearts were warmed 
 with wine could not fail to rouse a spirit of loyally. 
 The healths of the royal family were drank, with ac- 
 clamations of joy, and as they retired, a loyal air was 
 struck up, accompanied by the voices of the soldiers. 
 
 This occurrence gave rise to a report, which was 
 soon circulated in Paris, that this entertainment was 
 given by persons of the court, for the purpose of at- 
 taching the Flanders regiment and the national guards 
 to the King. It was also said to the populace, that 
 the court at Versailles, so far from pitying their starving 
 condition, or attempting to alleviate it, were spending 
 the public money, in splendid entertainments, and in- 
 sulting their misery by indulging in wanton and expen- 
 sive luxury. 
 
 On the 2nd of October, the National Assembly pre- 
 sented to the King certain articles of the constitution, 
 on which they had agreed, for his acceptance. The 
 King replied, that in due time he would make known 
 his intentions concerning those articles. It was im- 
 mediately said, that the marks of attachment and loy- 
 alty shown to the king at the entertainment, was the 
 cause of this postponement, and that, in the meantime, 
 he intended to effect his escape. This conduct of 
 the King was so misrepresented at Paris, as to give 
 great di&pleasure there, and the National Assembly 
 were irritated at his reply. 
 
 In addition to these misrepresentations, the Duke of 
 Orleans employed and paid men, whose business it 
 was to harangue the populace in the streets, and to 
 excite them to insurrection. There was in Paris, at 
 that time, really a scarcity of bread, and in some parts 
 of the city, poor families were in a suffering condition, 
 but most probably, from the negligence of the commit- 
 tee appointed to distribute provisions among them. 
 In this state of things, it was easy for the agents of in- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 221 
 
 surrection to gather the mob, and excite them to open 
 violence. 
 
 Accordingly, on the morning of the 5th of October, 
 a great number of men and women assembled in the 
 square of the Elotel de Ville, and insisted on going 
 into the Town House, to remonstrate with the commit- 
 tee who were appointed to supply them with bread. 
 To the clamours of the mob, the committee replied, 
 that they were using all possible means to procure 
 them bread, but they had met with difficulties, which 
 they did not expect. A cry was immediately heard, 
 that these difficulties originated at Court, and that 
 they would go to Versailles, and demand redress of 
 the King. This proposal met with universal approba- 
 tion, and a man named Maillard was appointed- to 
 lead them. The National Guards declared they 
 would not fire upon poor people, who only demanded 
 bread, and this motley group was permitted to proceed. 
 Maillard led them to the Elysian Fields, where they 
 mustered nearly five thousand persons, of whom four- 
 fifths were women, or dreased in women's clothes. 
 Having previously broken open u magazine, a part of 
 them were armed with muskets, others had swords, 
 pikes, pruning hooks, scythes, &c. They stopped as 
 many coaches as were necessary to furnish horses for 
 drawing several pieces of artillery, a poissarde, or 
 fisher-woman being mounted on each horse; 
 
 La Fayette has been censured for not having dis- 
 persed this band of insurgents, and prevented their 
 march to Versailles. But it was well known, that the 
 spirit of revolt had pervaded the National Guards 
 themselves, and that they refused to obey the com- 
 mands of the General. When a fermentation was 
 excited sometime before this, by a seditious person, 
 named St. Huruge, who proposed this very measure, 
 that the King and National Assembly should remove" 
 to Paris, it was owing to the spirited behaviour of La 
 Fayette, that the mob which this man had collected, 
 19* 
 
222 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 was dispersed, and St. Huruge himself, sent to prison; 
 and there can be no doubt, that the present insurrec- 
 tion would have had a similar termination, had the 
 Guards been equally obedient to his commands.* Be- 
 sides, the ill terms on which La Fayette was with the 
 Duke of Orleans, is sufficient of itself, to clear him of 
 this accusation. No two men were less likely to be 
 intimate with each other. La Fayette is described by 
 those who have known him long and intimately, as in- 
 defatigable in the pursuit of renown, disinterested, 
 brave and generous ; — qualities never attributed to 
 the Duke of Orleans.f 
 
 The National Guards assembled before the Town 
 House were so determined on this expedition to Ver- 
 sailles, and so irritated by La Fayette's persevering 
 endeavours to dissuade them, that a large body of them 
 declared they would have him for their commander no 
 longer, and actually proposed to M. Dogni, to accept 
 the chief command, and lead them to Versailles. He 
 however, refused. Seeing that at all events, they 
 were decided on going, La Fayette at length decided, 
 that if the Municipality of Paris would give him an or- 
 der for that purpose, he would lead the National 
 Guards to Versailles, and communicate to the King 
 the distresses of the capital, and the grievances of 
 which they complained. Having obtained an order, 
 he marched with 20,000 men for Versailles, four or 
 five hours after the motley band above described. 
 
 After Maillard and his tumultuous mob had arrived, 
 a detachment of the most furious Poissardes marched 
 directly to the hall of the National Assembly, and 
 were on the point of forcing the guards, when they 
 were prudently admitted. The burthen of their cla- 
 mour was, that there was a scarcity of bread at Paris, 
 and that they had come to remonstrate with the As- 
 
 * Moore's French Revolution, 
 tlb. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 223 
 
 sembly, for not taking means to send them a supply. 
 The President declared, in reply, that they were just 
 going to deliberate on the speediest means of furnish- 
 ing a supply, and added, that the ladies had liberty to 
 withdraw. They however, insisted, that a deputation 
 of their number should accompany the President of 
 the Assembly to the King. It was agreed, that six 
 should go, but afterwards the ladies insisted, that 
 twelve should be the number, and accordingly, the 
 President was introduced into the hall of his Majesty 
 with this deputation. Here they acquainted the King 
 in person of their miserable condition, for want of 
 provisions, and his Majesty made such a reply as 
 charmed the poor Poissardes ; and they went away 
 satisfied. Their constituents however, declared, that 
 they had been corrupted by some of the Court, and 
 made them return and obtain a writing from the King, 
 that he had acceded to their demands. Accordingly, 
 a paper signed Jpy the royal hand was given them, 
 with which all vvere satisfied. 
 
 At evening, awer the Assembly had adjourned, La 
 Fayette arrived with the Parisian army. The depu- 
 ties being warned of this, were immediately recalled 
 to the Assembly, in great alarm at so unexpected a vi- 
 sit. This alarm was soon removed by La Fayette, 
 who, having waited on the King, hastened to present 
 himself before the Assembly, with every appearance of 
 respect and submission. He lamented to M. Mounier, 
 the President, the disorders and jealousies which had 
 obliged him to march at the head of the National 
 Guards to Versailles ; expressing, at the same time, 
 his hope and belief, that the circumstances which oc- 
 casioned this extraordinary visit, might be easily un- 
 derstood, and settled without further difficulty. It 
 was near midnight, when the Parisian Guards arrived 
 at Versailles. The weather was cold, and it rained 
 with violence. The soldiers took refuge in taverns, 
 coffee-houses, under porticoes, wherever they could 
 
224 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rest and find shelter. Refreshments were distributed 
 to them ; and an appearance of good humour inspired 
 hopes that all danger of tumult was over, for that night 
 at least. 
 
 When La Fayette perceived this, he returned to the 
 palace, and gave such an account of this apparent 
 tranquillity, that the King and Queen retired to rest. 
 Having appointed his guards, and placed sentinels 
 where he thought necessary, La Fayette again entered 
 the National Assembly, and gave them the same assu- 
 rances that he had given the royal family. Notwith- 
 standing the President of the Assembly, after so dis- 
 tressing a sitting of eighteen hours, must have greatly 
 needed repose, he replied to La Fayette, that if there 
 was any fear of tumult during the night, he would per- 
 suade the Deputies to sit with him until morning, that 
 they might unite their efforts to preserve peace. 
 
 La Fayette's reply was, that having already given 
 the necessary directions, he was so convinced of the 
 general pacific disposition, that he was himself intend- 
 ing to take a few hours rest. 
 
 Notwithstanding the uniform exertions of La Fay- 
 ette, on all former occasions, as well as on this, to pre- 
 serve peace, and prevent the unnecessary effusion of 
 blood, his enemies were base enough, on this occasion, 
 to calumniate him, by reporting that he only affected 
 to retire to rest, knowing that the palace was to be at- 
 tacked, 
 
 Adolphus, in his memoirs of him, animadverts on 
 La Fayette's conduct on this occasion, in the follow- 
 ing terms : 
 
 " It is impossible to pass over these acts of La Fay- 
 ette without animadversion. That he should leave 
 the royalfamily at night, under the protection of those 
 soldiers, who had shown so strong a propensity to mu- 
 tiny in the morning, is surprising ; but this may in 
 some manner be accounted for, by allowing for his 
 vanity, suggesting, that his personal influence had 
 
LA FAYETTE. 225 
 
 overcome their evil dispositions, and the confidence 
 he placed in the renewed oath of loyalty which he in- 
 duced them to take, as soon as they entered Versailles. 
 His advising the adjournment of the Assembly was a 
 great error, as it afforded the conspirators, in the Or- 
 leans interest, an opportunity of re-arranging their 
 plans of sedition, and providing for the execution of 
 them. But what defence can be made for him, the 
 General of such an army, retiring quietly to rest on 
 such a night. No appearance of tranquillity, no faith 
 in oaths, is sufficient to apologize, or even account 
 for it." " The reasons of this conduct are thus giv- 
 en," continues Adolphus, but he does not inform us 
 who his author is, and leaves the reader to conclude 
 that it was a friend, who had no better excuse for La 
 Fayette than is here given. u The conspirators," 
 says Adolphus, " had dispersed themselves, immedi- 
 ately after the rising of the Assembly, some amongst 
 the soldiers and people, whom they inflamed by the 
 most atrocious^untruths against the royal family. 
 Some went to th* coffee-houses, whither the National 
 Guard had retired, and performed the same task, ply- 
 ing them well with liquor. A third party formed a 
 council with the Duke, where it was agreed to murder 
 the King and Queen, La Fayette and D'Estaing, com- 
 mandant of the National Guards at Versailles. This 
 arrangement was communicated to those who were to 
 put it in execution ; but as these were many in num- 
 ber, and some of them intoxicated, La Fayette heard 
 it mentioned, as he was going his rounds. Sensible 
 that in such a crisis, he could do nothing to prevent 
 the catastrophe intended, he went to the hotel of the 
 Prince de Poix, aud pretended to retire to rest."* 
 
 Now, taking the whole of this statement into con- 
 sideration, and comparing some parts of it with the 
 
 * See Adolphus' Memoirs, Vol. ii. p. 448. 
 
226 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 others, would, it is thought, convince any candid per- 
 son, that the account itself contains the elements of 
 its own refutation. 
 
 Who, for instance, except the biographer who in- 
 tended to destroy the character of his own hero, would 
 have given so silly an excuse for conduct, which, Mr. 
 Adolphus tells us, he could not pass over without ani- 
 madversion ? Is it to be credited, that any advocate 
 for La Fayette, would have undertaken, had he been 
 guilty, to defend him on such grounds ? " Sensible 
 that in such a crisis, he could do nothing to prevent 
 the catastrophe intended, he went to the hotel, and 
 pretended to retire to rest." He had just before, 
 heard that he himself was to be murdered that night ; 
 and this circumstance was known to the person who 
 framed the reasons for La Fayette's conduct, and 
 makes a part of those reasons. 
 
 It then stands thus : La Fayette is accused of de- 
 serting his post, at a time when the lives of the King 
 and Queen were in danger, but his ac|pers do not pre- 
 tend that this danger was known to La Fayette. The 
 circumstances of the night only shew that this was the 
 case. An advocate comes forward and argues in ex- 
 planation, and extenuation of this conduct, that La 
 Fayette, in going his rounds, heard some of the sol- 
 diers say that the King, Queen, D'Estaing and himself, 
 were to be sacrificed that night, and that he was con- 
 vinced this was the truth. After receiving this horrid 
 information, [this is the order of the narrative,] he 
 goes immediately to their Majesties, and informs 
 them, with great satisfaction, that every thing is quiet 
 in the camp, that the royal family are in no possible 
 danger from the soldiers, and that they had better re- 
 tire to rest. He then goes to the National Assembly, 
 and gives the Deputies the same quieting assurances, 
 and as an argument that there was nothing to fear, in- 
 forms them that such was his own conviction of safety, 
 that he should himself retire to rest. La Fayette knew 
 
LA FAYETTE. 327 
 
 all this time that he was to be sacrificed, but at the 
 same time saw no means of escaping, and therefore 
 very prudently said nothing to the King and Queen of 
 their approaching fate, nor took the least means to 
 avoid his own. 
 
 Now had La Fayette been guilty of any misconduct 
 on this occasion, it is certain that no author, except 
 such an one as Mr. Adolphus himself, who turns every 
 thing into abuse, would have invented such reasons as 
 an excuse for him ; and as Mr. Adolphus has been 
 careful not to quote his authority for this defence, it is 
 quite fair that he should take all the credit of the in- 
 vention himself. 
 
 But no want of vigilance was at the time attributed 
 to La Fayette. It was afterwards, when his enemies 
 (and every honest man had enemies at that time,) 
 wanted an occasion against him, that this circumstance 
 was thought of, and brought forward by the Orleans 
 party. 
 
 Madame de Stael was present at the Palace of Ver- 
 sailles at the tinie, and was therefore an eye and ear 
 witness to all the dreadful circumstances which hap- 
 pened on that night and the following day, and we take 
 the liberty of confronting Mr. Adolphus' account, with 
 the following narrative from her French Revolution, 
 vol. I. p. 204. — " While this mass (meaning the mob) 
 was on its march towards us, we were informed of the 
 arrival of M. La Fayette, at the head of the National 
 Guards, and this was, no doubt,'a ground of tranquillity. 
 But he had long resisted the wish of the National 
 Guard, andjt was only by an express order from the 
 Commune of Paris, that he had marched to prevent, by 
 his presence, the misfortunes that were threatened. 
 Night was coming on, and our dread was increased 
 with the darkness, when we saw M. de Chinou, who, 
 as Duke of Richelieu, has since acquired so justly a 
 high reputation, enter the palace. He was pale, fa- 
 tigued, and in his dress, like a man of the lower or- 
 
228 . MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ders : it was the first time that such an apparel enter- 
 ed the royal abode, and that a nobleman of the rank of 
 M. de Chinou, found himself obliged to put it on. fie 
 had walked part of the way from Paris to Versailles, 
 mixed with the crowd, that he might hear their con- 
 versation ; and he left them half way, to arrive in 
 time to give notice to the royal family of what was go- 
 ing on. What a recital did he give! Women and 
 children, armed with pikes, and scythes, hastened from 
 all parts. The lowest of the populace were brutaliz- 
 ed still more by intoxication than by rage. In the 
 midst of this infernal band, there were two men who 
 boasted of having got the name of " heads-men," (cou- 
 pel tetes,) and who promised to make good their title 
 to it. The National Guard marched with order, was 
 obedient to its commander, and expressed no wish but 
 that of bringing the King and Assembly to Paris. At 
 last, M. de La Fayette entered the palace, and cross- 
 ed the hall where we were, to go to the King. Every 
 one surrounded him with ardour, as if he had been the 
 master of events, while the popular party was already 
 stronger than its leader; principles were now giving 
 way to factions, or rather were used by them only as 
 pretexts." 
 
 " M. de La Fayette," continues Madame de Stael, 
 " seemed perfectly calm ; has never been seen other- 
 wise, but his delicacy suffered by the importance of 
 the part he had to act ; to ensure the safety of the pa- 
 lace, he desired to occupy the posts of the interior; 
 the exterior posts only were given to him. This refu- 
 sal was natural, as the body Guards ought not to be 
 removed ; but it had almost been the cause of the 
 greatest misfortunes. M. de La Fayette left the pa- 
 lace, giving us the most tranquillizing assurances; we 
 all went home after midnight, thinking that the crisis 
 of the day was over, and believing ourselves in perfect 
 security, as is almost always the case after one has ex- 
 perienced a great fright which has not been realized. 
 
LA FAYETTE. , 223 
 
 At five in the morning, M. de La Fayette thought that 
 all clanger was over, and relied on the Body Guards, 
 who had answered for the interior of the palace. A 
 passage which they (the Body Guards,) had forgotten 
 to shut, enabled the assassins to get in. A similar ac- 
 cident proved favourable to two conspiracies in Rus- 
 sia, when outward circumstances were most tranquil. 
 It is therefore absurd to censure M. de La Fayette for 
 an event that was so unlikely to occur. No sooner 
 was he apprized of it, than he rushed forward to the 
 assistance of those who were threatened, with an ar- 
 dour, which was acknowledged at the moment, before 
 calumny had prepared her poison. 
 
 w On the 6th of October," says she, " a lady enter- 
 ed my room : She came in a panic to seek refuge 
 among us, although we had never had the honour of 
 seeing her. She informed me that the assassins had 
 made their way even to the Queen's anti-chamher ; 
 that they had massacred several of her guards at the 
 door, and that, awakened by their cries, the Queen 
 had only saved her life by flying into the King's room 
 by a private passage. I was told at the same moment, 
 that my father had already set out for the palace, and 
 that my mother was about to follow him ; I made 
 haste to accompany her." 
 
 " A long passage led from the conlrole generate, 
 where we lived, to the palace. As we approached 
 we heard musket shots in the courts, and as we cross- 
 ed the gallery, we saw recent marks of blood on the 
 floor. In the next hall the body guards were embra- 
 cing the national guards, with that warmth which is 
 always inspired by great emergencies ; they were ex- 
 changing their distinctive marks, the national guards 
 putting on the belts of the body guards, and the body 
 guards the tri-coloured cockade. All were then ex- 
 claiming with transport, Vive La Fayette ! because he 
 had saved the lives of the body guards when threaten- 
 ed by the populace. We passed amidst these brave 
 
 20 
 
;5G MEMOIRS OF 
 
 men, who had just seen their comrades perish, and 
 were expecting the same fate. Their emotion, re- 
 strained though visible, drew tears from the eyes of 
 the spectators." 
 
 The correctness of Madam de Stael's account cannot 
 be doubted, but it was published long after Adoiphus 
 wrote his Memoirs, and therefore occasion might pos- 
 sibly be taken to conclude that this error was corected 
 too late to have come to the knowledge of Adolphus, 
 But to show that the last named author intended be- 
 yond all doubt, to give a false colouring to La Fay- 
 ette's conduct on that occasion, it is only necessary 
 to quote Dr, Moore's statement of the same transac- 
 tions, and to inform the reader that Adolphus has quo- 
 ted Dr. Moore repeatedly in his Memoir of La Fay- 
 ette, and therefore must have been aware that his own 
 animadversions gave an entirely different colouring 
 from those of at least one respectable author. Nor is 
 it in this instance only, that Adolphus has taken the 
 liberty to differ from every other author, who lies un- 
 der the eye of the writer, in respect to the transac- 
 tions of La Fayette's life, or the motives of his con- 
 duct ; and in nearly every instance where he has dif- 
 fered from others, he has not tailed to display a mali- 
 cious pleasure in attempting to hide the generous and 
 noble traits of his character, under the sombre shade 
 of his own vindictive and ignoble animadversions. — 
 The writer can assign no other reason for the occa- 
 sion of remarks, which might appear harsh to those 
 who have never read Adolphus, than that the latter 
 was probably a high ministerial partizan during our 
 revolution, and had sworn never to forgive La Fay- 
 ette for the part he took, and the honour he acquired 
 in that struggle. 
 
 Our extract from Dr. Moore is as follows : Vol. 2. 
 p. 17. il It has been asserted by M. de La Fayette's 
 enemies, that he eppected to retire to rest, knowing 
 that the palace ivas to be attacked; that he might no* 
 
LA FAYETTE. 23: 
 
 be thought to have any part in the horrid attempt 
 which took place during his absence. But whatevei 
 blame he may be charged with for not taking more 
 effectual means for guarding the palace, or for giving 
 way to the desire of rest at such a period, the exces- 
 sive fatigues both of mind and body which he had un- 
 dergone, precludes the suspicion of affectation, and his 
 conduct from the moment he was awakened, as well 
 as his general behaviour and character through life. 
 must satisfy the candid and impartial, that accusation 
 is unjust, and that he had not the least notion when 
 he retired that the castle would be attacked." 
 
 " Notwithstanding some scenes of confusion, which 
 no activity could prevent, the manner in which he 
 suppressed the great insurrection in the Champ de- 
 Mars on the 17th of the following July, and the state 
 of tranquillity in which Paris was kept during the 
 whole time that the Marquis de La b'ayelte had the 
 command of the national guards, compared with the 
 horrid scenes that were acted there after it was en 
 trusted to others, afford reason to believe that it would 
 have been fortunate for the royal family, and for 
 France, that he had been continued in that command ; 
 in which case the insurrection of the 10th of August 
 would not have happened, or if it had, the issue would 
 prabably have been different, and the massacres in 
 September would certainly have been prevented,' 5 
 
 In this statement it will be remarked that Dr. Moore 
 does not take into account the two all-important facts 
 stated by Madam de Siael, viz. that La Fayette did 
 not have command of the interior of the palace, that 
 being entrusted to the body guards ; and that a gate 
 or entrance was kept unclosed, of which La Fayette 
 could have known nothing, and which it was the par- 
 ticular duty of the body guards to have secured. At 
 that place it was that the assassins found e -.trance. 
 How then could La Fayette by responsible for this 
 negligence, when it was absolutely without the boun 
 
232 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 dary of his command ? La Fayette retired to rest about 
 three or four in the morning ; and about six, different 
 groups of the rabble, of both sexes, who had left Pa- 
 ris the preceding day, and had been spending the night 
 in drinking, met near the palace. It was evident that 
 La Fayette's orders were not weli obeyed, as he had 
 set his guards at all the avenues of the external courts, 
 and it is probable that after the fatigues of the day, 
 some of the parties fell asleep, or were intoxicated, 
 otherwise the rabble could not have entered. But 
 having found their way in, it was proposed by some of 
 this united band of ruffians, to attack the body guards, 
 who were few in number. This was no sooner pro- 
 posed than executed. Without meeting with any re- 
 sistance from the national militia of V r er.>ailles, those 
 wretches rushed furiously across the courts, crying, 
 ''- Tuez les guardes-du-corps* point de qualier."* Two 
 of the body guards were immediately killed, and others 
 wounded, and driven within the palace. One party 
 of these ruffians, with horrid threats and imprecations, 
 attempted to foice their way into the apartments of 
 i\\e Queen. Tiie alarm being given to those persons 
 who were in the inner chamber, that the Queen's life: 
 was in danger, the entrance of the ruffians was opposed 
 by one of the body guards, until he fell, covered with 
 wounds. Two wrcsches, dressed like fisher-women, 
 then stepping over his body, rushed into the Queen's 
 bed-chamber, but finding she had escaped, their rage 
 was terrible. The terrified Queen, hearing the cries 
 of death among her faithful guards near her room, and 
 knowing her own life was sought for, had run half na- 
 ked into the King's chamber. The King on the first 
 alarm had hastened to the Queen's room by anothei 
 passage, and some of the attendants, anxious for the 
 ]ife of the Dauphin, had run and brought him from 
 
 Kill the body guards, give no quarter. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 the children's room. On the return of the King to 
 his own room, lie found the young Prince in the arnv 
 of his mother. 
 
 General La Fayette, whose lodgings were at some 
 distance from the palace, as soon as he was informed 
 what was happening, started from his bed. mounted, 
 his horse, and having summoned a company of grena- 
 diers, many of whom had beionged to the National 
 Guards, conjured them to accompany him to the pa- 
 lace, and save the lives of the royal family from assas- 
 sination, ainl the French name from everlasting infamy. 
 They arrived, just as the ruffians were attempting to 
 force the King's apartment.* 
 
 The first thought that occurred to the humane mind 
 of the King, after finding his own family protected, 
 was to save the body guards, who were pursued and 
 searched for, with sanguinary fury by the assassins. 
 The King recommended them, in the most earnest 
 terms to La Fayette, and his grenadiers. Fifteen of 
 the body guards, who had opposed the first entrance of 
 the mob into the palace, having been surrounded and 
 overpowered, were still in the hands of those savages, 
 who were preparing to put them to death at the bot- 
 tom of the grand stair-case. "Grenadiers," cried La 
 Fayette to his soldiers, "you will not suffer those 
 brave men to be assassinated in that cowardly man 
 ner." The grenadiers immediately interfered, and 
 saved their lives. La Fayette, meantime endeavour* 
 ed to soothe the populace, and prevent further outra- 
 ges. But eight other gentlemen of the body guards, 
 having been driven from the palace, were concealed 
 in one room in the town. A party of the most profli- 
 gate Paris mob, being informed where they were, sei- 
 zed them, and conducted them back to the palace, for 
 the purpose of putting them to death, directly under 
 the King's window. In this avowed design, they were 
 
 * Moore. 
 20* 
 
:>;i4 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 not opposed by the militia of Versailles. One of the 
 prisoners, an old officer, with grey hairs, addressin;.: 
 the multitude said, " Our lives are in your power ; 
 you may murder us ; but that will abridge our lives but 
 a short time ; and we shall not die dishonoured." 
 
 An officer of the Parisian national guards, struck 
 with this short address, and the undaunted military 
 looks of the prisoners, burst through the crowd, threw 
 his arms about the venerable officer's neck, and cried, 
 " No, we will not put to death brave men like you." 
 Others then joined in this sentiment, and these sol- 
 diers were saved from the swords of the murderers. 
 
 So soon as these transactions were known to the 
 National Assembly, the President proposed to remove 
 to the grand saloon of the palace, where they might 
 assist to orotect the King. But Mirabeau* who, un- 
 
 * Count de Honore Gabriel Riquetti Mirabeau, one of the 
 leaders in the French revolution, was born in 1749. After 
 serving some time in the army, he espoused a rich heiress of 
 Aix, but he soon squandered away the fortune he received 
 with her, and plunged himself in debt. He was confined in 
 different prisons, and on obtaining his liberty, eloped to Hol- 
 land with the daughter of the president of the Parliament of 
 Besancon. For this, he was afterwards imprisoned in the 
 castle of VnicenneSj and remained there a considerable time. 
 In 1780, he regained his liberty, and his first act was to re- 
 claim his first wife, who refused to live with him. He had 
 the audacity to plead his cause before the parliament of Aix, 
 but without success. The French Revolution offered Mira- 
 beau an ample element for his activity. Imbibing the delu- 
 sive doctrine of equality, he opened a shop, over the door of 
 which was inscribed, Mirabeau, dealer in drapery. He was 
 elected deputy of the third estate of Aix, and the courtiers 
 termed him the Plebeian Count. In the National Assembly, 
 he displayed great powers as an orator, but was extremely 
 violent and vindictive. He died in the midst of his political 
 career, as it is supposed, of poison, 1794, and his obsequies 
 were celebrated with great pomp. — Watkins' Biog. Die. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 235 
 
 doubtedly, was then of the Orleans faction, arose, and 
 exclaimed, " It is unbecoming our dignity, it is eveii 
 unwise for us, to desert our post, at a moment when 
 real or imaginary dangers seem to threaten the pub- 
 lic." 
 
 At this time, Mirabeau knew that several of the 
 guards had been murdered, and that the King wa? 
 considered in danger of falling into the hands of the 
 mob. This cool and unshaken effrontery, and this 
 resolution not to assist the royal family, probably arose 
 from the connexion Mirabeau had with the insurrec- 
 tion, and his wish that the mob might prevail. 
 
 The King's mind was greatly affected with the 
 death of the guards, who had fallen in defence of his 
 family ; and notwithstanding all the assurances of La 
 Fayette, while he walked through his palace, accom- 
 panied and protected by the General, he was making 
 continual inquiries concerning the body guards ; and 
 his anxiety wasjuch, that he appeared at the balcony, 
 and assured the crowd below, that the guards were 
 unjustly accused, and interceded in their behalf. 
 
 Some of the populace calling out for the Queen, 
 she appeared at the balcony, with the Dauphin. 
 and the Princess royal with her. Instead of being 
 softened, by seeing the mother, with her infants by 
 her side, some of the barbarians cried out, " away with 
 the children ;" plainly indicating, that they intended 
 to tire on the Queen, when the children were removed. 
 The Queen, however, obeyed, and sent the children 
 away, and then, turning to the multitude, she stood a- 
 lone, upright and undaunted. This mark of confi- 
 dence seemed to disarm them, and the most barbarous 
 joined in a general shout of applause, in the midst of 
 which the Queen retired. 
 
 Soon after the Queen had disappeared, the leaders 
 of the multitude resumed the great object of their ex- 
 pedition to Versailles, Voices were heard, exclaim- 
 
23d MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ing " Lelioi a Paris."* The voices multiplied eveny 
 moment ; and at last, nothing was heard, but a Paris ! 
 a Paris ! 
 
 The King had no choice left. It would not have 
 been in the power of La Fayette himself, to have sav- 
 ed the lives of the royal family, had he refused. He 
 declared his intention, therefore, of going that very 
 day to Paris, with his family 5 and his intention being 
 notified to the crowd, by notes and cards thrown from 
 the windows of the palace, were received by the popu- 
 lace with acclamations. 
 
 As soon as it was announced in the National Assem- 
 bly, that the King had determined to go to Paris, a 
 decree was passed, that the Assembly should also re- 
 move there. A deputation of one hundred members 
 from that body, was appointed to accompany his Ma- 
 jesty to the capital. In answer to the decree which 
 the deputation sent him, the King replied, as though 
 they had been the most loyal subjects ; — u That he 
 had the most lively sense of this fresh testimony of the 
 Assembly's attachment ; and that the most earnest 
 wish of his heart was, that he might never be separated 
 from it." 
 
 The mob which surrounded the palace began to 
 manifest uneasiness at the delay of the royal family's 
 journey. The preparations were therefore hastened, 
 and they set out from Versailles about one o'clock. 
 which was announced by a volley of musquetry from 
 the troops. A company of one hundred Swiss guards 
 surrounded the king's coach, and a troop of dragoons 
 preceded, and another followed it. The national 
 guards, commanded by La Fayette, had begun their 
 march a little before. Various bands of fisherwomen 
 were intermingled with all the different corps. Some 
 were seated in waggons ornamented with green boughs, 
 and white, red and blue ribbons, — some astride on the 
 
 * " The King to Paris." 
 
LA FAYETTE 237 
 
 cannon, and many on horseback, generally two on the 
 same horse, some of them wearing the hats of the body 
 guards on their heads, which they had taken at the pa- 
 lace. Some wore belts across their shoulders, and 
 carried sabres in their hands. Now and then they 
 would rend the air with their savage shout?, or the cho ■ 
 russes of their vile songs. 
 
 In the middle of a band of these sanguinary hags, 
 two men, with arms naked and bloody, carried pikes, 
 on the points of which were the two heads which they 
 had severed from the body guards they had murdered 
 in the palace. A horrible spectacle, and a sickening 
 prelude to the more than savage barbarities which 
 were afterwards committed ail over the kingdom. 
 
 Now and then the procession was made to halt, for 
 the purpose of firing fresh vollies, and that the soldiers 
 and poissardes might be refreshed with wine. On these 
 occasions, the poissardes joined hands and danced 
 around the bloody heads which were fixed on the pikes. 
 What rendered this scene completely horrid, was the 
 presence of the body guards who had been saved by 
 the grenadiers, and were now marched in triumph, and 
 disarmed, in sight of the heads of their murdered com- 
 panions. 
 
 About seven in the evening, this dreadful army ar- 
 rived at Paris. The city was illuminated, and the 
 King was received with shouts and acclamations, which 
 he was informed proceeded entirely from the over- 
 flowing loyalty of his good subjects. As the proces- 
 sion moved to the Hotelle de Ville, the people ex- 
 claimed vive le Roi, from all quarters. On entering 
 the town house, where a throne had been erected by 
 his dutiful subjects, a loyal speech was pronounced by 
 one of the presidents of the common council. But it 
 is most probable that the unfortunate King was well 
 aware how much reliance he could place on these de- 
 monstrations of loyalty, and it must have been a sad 
 and most humiliating reflection to him, that all this 
 
238 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 show of respect and esteem, was nothing but a display 
 of national hypocrisy. 
 
 The Duke of Orleans, as head of the third party, 
 began to have great influence with the populace. La 
 Fayette saw this, and determined to rid the country oi 
 a character so influential and yet so odious, in the es- 
 timation of every man of principle. In effecting thic 
 design, La Fayette took advantage of the following 
 circumstance : 
 
 Some time previous to the King's leaving Versailles, 
 a secret committee, consisting of the Duke of Orleans, 
 Mirabeau, La Clos, the Abbe Sieyes, and La Touche 
 Treville, met near Paris, and agreed on a scheme for 
 placing Orleans in such a situation in the government, 
 that by the assistance of his fortune, he, with his asso- 
 ciates, would have complete command of the mob of 
 Paris, and a decisive weight in the National Assembly. 
 At the time when the mob assailed Versailles, and 
 there were signs of considerable defection among the 
 guards ; the King and court, as we have already seen, 
 were in a state of great danger and alarm. Mirabeau, 
 as prompter to the Duke, told him that this was the 
 exact state of things, in which the King could not re- 
 fuse him any demand he might make, and therefore 
 persuaded him to go directly to his Majesty, demand 
 an audience ; offer his services for the restoration of 
 the public tranquillity, and at the same time request 
 that he, Orleans, might be appointed Lieutenant Gene- 
 ral of the kingdom. 
 
 When Orleans* entered the palace to demand his au> 
 
 * Philip Louis Joseph, Duke of Orleans, was born at St. 
 Cloud, 1 3th April, 1747, and had the title of Duke de Char- 
 ges during his father's life. From his earliest years he de- 
 voted himself to low pleasures, but with the desire to acquire 
 consideration in the fleet, he entered in the navy, and he ob- 
 tained the command of the St. Esprit, of 84 guns, in 1778, 
 under the orders of admiral Orvilliers. The sight of the 
 
LA FAYETTE. 23* 
 
 uience, he found that every thing there was in a state 
 of the utmost confusion. The ladies of the court were 
 crossing the apartments in tears, and recommending 
 .themselves to the officers of the guard for protection- 
 The officers were hurrying from one part of the palace 
 to the other, in great agitation, and the cabinet coun- 
 cil was sitting, without being able to decide what 
 measures to pursue. Although hardened in cruelty 
 and blood, Orleans could not but be affected at the 
 sight of such distress, particularly when he knew that 
 
 English fleet, it is said, terrified the cowardly prince, and 
 during the action, which was^fonghJ ofTUshant with admiral 
 Keppel, it is reported that he concealed himself in the hold 
 of the ship till the danger was over. This conduct was ridi- 
 culed not only by the wits of Paris, but by the court, and the 
 duke felt the severity of the satire so deeply that he deter- 
 mined on revenge. His immense fortune gave him every 
 opportunity to raise disturbances and create dissatisfaction, 
 and he followed the iniquitous propensities of his heart. In 
 17.°>7 he succeeded to his father's title, and soon after, the 
 revolution afforded him occasions to gratify his revenge 
 against the court. Though exiled and threatened, he main- 
 tained his rancorous opposition ; he became one of the mem- 
 bers of the national assembly, and as if ashamed of his fam- 
 ily and of his birth, he took the name of Egalite. While 
 the factious and the vile used his great opuleuce, and his 
 powerful influence for their own vicious and diabolical pur- 
 poses, he was satisfied if every measure tended to dishonour 
 the monarch, and to overturn the throne, on which he hoped 
 to seat himself. At the trial of Lewis XVI. he gave his vote 
 with the greatest indifference for the death of the king, a 
 conduct which shocked even the most abandoned jacobins ; 
 but soon his own fate was determined by those who had 
 squandered his riches, and abused his confidence. He was 
 accused, and though he escaped to Marseilles, he was seiz- 
 ed and brought back to Paris, and led ignominiously to the 
 scaffold, 6th Nov. 1793. He suffered death with more cour- 
 age than could be expected from a man whose character and 
 morals were so infamous. — Letnpriere's Biog. 
 
240 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 he had been indirectly the cause of it, by stirring up 
 the mob at Paris. When he went before the King to 
 make his request, conscious of his own guilt, and the in- 
 juries he meditated against the person he addressed, if 
 this request was granted, he appeared confused ; his 
 tongue faultered ; and when the King demanded his 
 business, he had not the hardihood to make his re- 
 quest. But as it was absolutely necessary for him to 
 say something, he asked of his Majesty permission to 
 retire to England, in case the present disturbances 
 should increase. 
 
 La Fayette for some time had observed that the na- 
 tional guards were not so ready and cheerful in their 
 obedience as formerly. On some occasions they had 
 even manifested a tendency to mutiny, andj the Duke 
 of Orleans was strongly suspected of being the author* 
 of this change, as well as the excesses of the rabble. 
 La Fayette, knowing that the Duke had got liberty to 
 retire to England, waited on him and abruptly inform- 
 ed him that " it afforded matter of surprize that he 
 had not gone to England, as he had sometime before 
 told the King was his intention ; that the public tran- 
 quillity did not admit his remaining longer in France ; 
 that a passport was prepared for him ; and that the 
 pretext for his journey might, if he pleased, be a pri- 
 vate commission from his Majesty." Although the 
 Duke had probably dropped all thoughts of this jour- 
 ney, this address from La Fayette made him determine 
 to set out immediately. It is most probable that the 
 manner in which it was delivered gave the Duke some 
 suspicion that the circumstances under which this per- 
 mission had been asked, might make it most expedient 
 for him to take his departure. When it was announ- 
 ced to the National Assembly that the Duke of Orleans 
 had obtained permission of the King to retire to Eng- 
 land, and that he only waited for a passport from the 
 Assembly, it occasioned great surprise. Mirabeau, 
 who had expressed the utmost indignation at the cow 
 
LA FAYETTE. 241 
 
 ardice of Orleans when before the King, and who 
 knew what effect the address of La Fayette was about 
 to have on him, hinted before the Assembly at the im- 
 perious conduct of the Marquis, and the submission of 
 the Duke, in terms by no means honourable to the 
 latter. 
 
 The National Assembly were received by the in- 
 habitants of Paris, with demonstrations of joy. On 
 the day of their first sitting, they were waited on by 
 M. Bailly,* the Mayor, and La Fayette, at the head of 
 
 * John Sylvain Bailly, a famous astronomer, born at Pa- 
 ns, 15th September, 1736. He was carefully and tenderly 
 educated by his friends, and his mind was stored with the 
 treasures of science, though without the labours of classical 
 instruction. At the age of sixteen, he wrote two tragedies ; in 
 one of which. Clotaire, he painted in vivid colours the suf- 
 ferings and the death of a mayor of Paris by an infuriate 
 populace ; dreadful prognostic of the miseries which awaited 
 him. Dramatic compositions, however, were not calculated 
 to display the powers of his genius. The accidental friend- 
 ship of the abbe de la Caille directed him in the pursuit of 
 science ; and, in 1763, he introduced to the academy his ob- 
 servations on the moon, and the next year his treatise on the 
 zodiacal stars. In 1766, he published his essay on the sat- 
 tellites of Jupiter, and in other treatises enlarged further on 
 the important subject. In 1775, the first volume of his his- 
 tory of ancient and modern astronomy appeared, and the 
 third and last in 1779 ; and, in 1787, that of Indian and ori- 
 ental astronomy, in 3 vols. 4to. He was drawn from his lite- 
 rary retirement to public view as a deputy to the first national 
 assembly ; and such was his popularity, that he was, on July 
 14th, 1789, nominated mayor of Paris. In this dangerous 
 office, he conducted himself in a very becoming manner, ea- 
 sier to check violence, and to enforce respect for the laws; 
 but his impartiality was considered soon as a crime ; and 
 when he spoke with reverence of the royal family, on the trial 
 of the queen, he was regarded as unfit to preside over the 
 destinies of a rebellious city. He descended, in 1791, from 
 his elevation, and retired to Melun, determined to devote the 
 21 
 
242 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 a deputation from the municipality, with the congrat- 
 ulations of the city ; and in return, these two gentle- 
 men were honoured by a vote of thanks from the As- 
 sembly for the important services they had rendered 
 the country during its troubles. 
 
 Such symptoms of harmony and good humour did 
 not continue long. There was a real scarcity of pro- 
 visions in the city ; but the poor supposed, probably 
 in consequence of the harangues of those who wished to 
 destroy the King, that there was a scheme laid for starv- 
 ing them. It was also spread abroad that a plot had 
 been laid to poison the people with unwholesome pro- 
 visions, and it was hinted that the count was connect- 
 ed with this conspiracy, individuals were accused of 
 attempting to monopolize the trade in corn, and thus 
 to starve the poor. An affecting instance of the fate 
 which awaited any person who was accused of any 
 such crime before the mob, occurred in the case of an 
 honest and innocent man taken in Paris : 
 
 " A woman, instigated by personal malice, accused 
 this man of being a monopolist, and prompted the mob 
 to break into his house and search for bread. A few 
 loaves were found, which were designed for his own 
 family, and a greater number of little loaves bespoke 
 by some members of the National Assembly, near 
 which his bakehouse was. — This appeared to the rab- 
 ble a full proof of the woman's accusation. He was 
 dragged before the committee" sitting at the Hotel de 
 Ville, who were soon convinced of his innocence, from 
 
 rest of his life to literature and science; but the sanguinary 
 tribunal of Robespierre, who knew his merit, and would not 
 protect it, dragged him to execution. He lost his head by 
 the guillotine, 12th November 1793, exhibiting, in death, 
 heroism, resignation, and dignity. Besides his great works^ 
 he wrote the eulogies of Leibnitz, Charles V. la Caille,<Cor- 
 neille, two " rapports," and left among his papers memoirs 
 of the revolution, and a work on the origin of fables, and of 
 ancient religions. — Lcmpriere's Bieg. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 243 
 
 the answers he made to his accusers, and from the ex- 
 cellent character given him by those of his neighbours, 
 who followed him to the committee ; but, fearing to 
 declare their real sentiments, they deputed three of 
 their own members to inform the multitude, that the 
 baker was to be carried before the proper tribunal, to 
 be tried according to law. So far from being satisfied 
 with this, the rabble threatened to hang the deputies if 
 the baker was not immediately delivered up to them. 
 The committee, as the last means of saving the poor 
 baker, proposed to interrogate the witnesses immedi- 
 ately, in the great hall, and in the hearing of the pop- 
 ulace; but when the unhappy man was conducted to 
 the hall, he was torn from the guards, murdered in the 
 square of the Greve, and his head, fixed on a pike, 
 was met by his young wife, three months advanced in 
 her pregnancy, who was rushing through the crowd to 
 lend her feeble aid to her husband."* 
 
 A murder so atrocious, under the eye of the Assem- 
 bly and Court, was calculated to alarm the deputies, 
 and to render it doubtful whether the decree they had 
 passed, rendering their own persons inviolable, was 
 sufficient to protect them against the rabble, if any of 
 their body should happen to be singled out as a victim. 
 
 It was therefore proposed in the Assembly that the 
 magistrates should be authorized, on appearance of a 
 riot, to call the assistance of the military, and to raise 
 a red flag from the town hou^e, as a signal for all as- 
 semblies of the populace to disperse ; and in case they 
 refused, to order the military to fire on them. 
 
 To the passage of such a decree, Robespierre, who 
 was a deputy in the Assembly, had special objections. 
 " He confessed he had cordial affections for the good 
 people of Paris. They were, he thought, seldom in 
 the wrong •, always meant to do well, and could not be 
 justly punished for the errors they might commit when 
 
 * Moore's Revolution. 
 
244 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 pinched with hunger. How venial, said he, were their 
 errors when compared with the guilt of those who ob 
 structed provisions and created an artificial famine." 
 
 This speech flew from the galleries all over the city, 
 and Robespierre* was the friend of the poor, and the 
 
 * Maximilian Isodore Robespierre, a sanguinary dema 
 gogue during the French Revolution. He was born at Ar- 
 ras, of poor parents, 1759, and was educated at the expense 
 of the Bishop of the diocese. After studying at Paris, he ap- 
 plied himself to the law, and in 1784, obtained the prize of 
 the academy of Metz, by his discourse on the disgrace 
 which attends the relations of criminals. At the meeting of 
 the Constituent Assembly, he obtained a seat, and began 
 now to distinguish himself more by the originality of his ob- 
 servations, than his eloquence. Though not visibly engaged 
 in the atrocious scenes of the 20th of June, of the 10th Au- 
 gust, and of September, he was anxious to reap the fruit of 
 those bloody transanctions, and when admitted into the 
 Convention, he artfully employed his influence, and the 
 darkest intrigues, to render his opponents unpopular, and to 
 lead them to the scaffold. With the criminal wish of being 
 declared dictator, he hastened the destruction of the unfortu- 
 nate Louis, and persecuted his innocent family, and after 
 making Danton, Herbert, and others, the guilty ministers of 
 his atrocious deeds, he prevailed upon the intimidated Con- 
 vention to send them to the guillotine. France was now 
 filled with denunciations ; in every province, and in every 
 town, tribunals were erected, which condemned alike the in- 
 nocent and the guilty, and no man could with safety, intrust 
 his secrets or his life in the hands of his parent, his neigh- 
 bour or his friend. Suspicious, timid and irresolute, the ty- 
 rant had yet sufficient art to interpret the machinations form- 
 ed against his power, as treason against the republic, and to 
 sacrifice his personal enemies and his public rivals, as the 
 most abandoned and perfidious citizens of France. Pro- 
 scription thus followed proscription, and every day the 
 streets of Paris exhibited the melancholy procession of 
 wretched victims dragged to the scaffold, on the accusation 
 of persons whom they had never known, and for crimes which 
 
LA FAYETTE. 245 
 
 advocate of humanity and justice. It laid the founda- 
 tion of his popularity, which finally gave him power to 
 destroy the lives of thousands of his fellow beings. 
 
 Robespierre's eloquence, did not, however, prevent 
 the National Assembly from passing the decree, which 
 
 they never had meditated. If he had known how to spare, 
 Robespierre might have longer continued to direct the gov- 
 ernment of France ; but his cowardly conduct in sacrificing 
 those who were re^dy to be his associates and ministers in 
 the vilest deeds, at last roused the courage of a few, who sus- 
 pected that they were next marked for destruction. The 
 tyrant and his two accomplices, Couthon, and St. Just, were 
 suddenly impeached in the Convention, and " down with 
 the tyrant l n were the only exclamations which were heard 
 on all sides, when these bloody assassins attempted to as- 
 cend the tribune to defend themselves. In vain the com- 
 mune of Paris took up arms against the Convention, to pro- 
 tect its accused leaders ; Robespierre was conducted as a 
 criminal, fearful and suppliant, and no longer haughty and 
 ferocious, to the Hotel-de-Ville, where a gen-d'arme discov- 
 ering him in the midst of the uproar and confusion, conceal- 
 ed in an obscure corner, fired a pistol at him, and broke (• 
 pieces his lower jaw. Extended on a table, in the severest 
 agonies, yet without uttering a groan, the tyrant viewed in 
 silence the preparations made for his punishment. On the 
 morrow, 28th July, 1794, at four in the evening, he was 
 carried with twenty-two of his accomplices, amidst the 
 groans, the hisses, and <he rejoicings of the populace, t» 
 that scaffold where he had made to bleed, so many thousand 
 innocent victims. 
 
 Such was the influence of this sanguinary monster, that 
 France forgot her religion and her honour at his command ; 
 but after he had seen the altars insulted, the churches thrown 
 down, and public worship abolished, he claimed the merit 
 of restoring to the Supreme Being some share in the govern- 
 ment of the universe, and he appeared in the name of the 
 Convention as the priest and founder of a new religion, and 
 decreed with great solemnity that a God existed in the 
 world.— Lempriere's Biog. Dictionary. 
 2 j * 
 
246 MEMOIRS 01 
 
 for sometime had the effect to produce order and qui 
 ctness in the city. The National Assembly, taking 
 the advantage of the peaceful condition of the capital, 
 applied to the business of the state with great assidui- 
 ty. They abolished the lettres de cachet, suppressed 
 the tax on salt, so oppressive to the poor, and lessened 
 the burdens of the lower orders, in many other parti- 
 culars. They also, through the influence of La Fay- 
 ette, passed a decree, that all persons, whether profes- 
 sing the Catholic religion or not, should be equally el- 
 igible to any office or employment. 
 
 They also passed several decrees, which were un- 
 doubtedly exceedingly severe and unjust, and among 
 these, none was more so, than that which took from 
 the clergy their property, and applied it to the exigen- 
 cies of the state, By another decree, this Assembly 
 suppressed all monastic establishments, and by anoth- 
 er, they abolished all titles of Nobility, and all distinc- 
 tion of orders. 
 
 The Bishop of Autun, better known under the name 
 of Talleyrand, and some others, who were in posses- 
 sion of high ecclesiastical appointments, and had the 
 highest in expectation, supported the measure of ap- 
 propriating the church lands to the exigencies of the 
 state. Undoubtedly Talleyrand's popularity among 
 the lower orders arose from this circumstance. 
 
 Soon after the royal family had removed to Paris, a 
 book was brought into notice, which excited great and 
 universal attention. It was called the Red Book, and 
 contained a register of all the pensions and donations, 
 together with the whole expenditure of the court of 
 France, for the last twenty years. A committee had 
 been appointed by the Assembly, to make inquiry into 
 the expenditure of the court. The committee heard 
 of this Red Book, and required of M. Neckar,* the 
 
 * James Neckar, a native of Geneva, known as a finan- 
 cier. He was at first* member of the council of 200 at Ge- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 minister of finance, that it should be communicated to 
 them, as an assistant in making out their report to the 
 Assembly. The King expressed his reluctance at 
 this ; probably because he was averse to having the 
 public know the extent of his grand-father's profusion. 
 There were articles of a later date too, which he 
 might think it imprudent to expose to the public eye 
 at that time. To remove these difficulties, Camus, 
 the President of the committee, wrote to M. Neckar, 
 that there was no intention on their part of divulging 
 circumstances which would give uneasiness to the 
 King, that they should certainly conduct them- 
 selves with delicacy towards him, but that it was ne- 
 cessary that some one of the committee should make 
 extracts from the book in question, that their report 
 
 neva, and then went as Ambassador from the republic to 
 France, where, in 1765, he obtained the office of syndic to 
 the East India Company, and in 1775, was made director 
 of the royal treasury. His abilities were so highly respect- 
 ed, that he was, though a foreigner, twice elevated to the 
 rank of prime minister of France ; but the Revolution, to 
 which, as some imagine, his financial schemes had imper- 
 ceptibly contributed, destroyed his popularity, and he yield- 
 eel to the storm, and retired to Switzerland, where he died 
 at Copet, 1804, aged 72. His wife was the daughter of a 
 Protestant divine, and rendered herself known, not only by 
 her writings, but by the amiable virtues of her character. 
 When her husband was raised to the highest offices of 
 France, she did not assume the manners of supercilious 
 pride, but continued the friend of the learned, and the pro- 
 tectress of the poor, whose necessities she relieved with a 
 liberal hand. Among her illustrious friends were Thomas 
 and Buffon. She followed her husband's disgrace to Copet, 
 where she died, 1795. Her daughter, by M. Neckar, mar- 
 ried the Baron de Stael Holstein, the Swedish Ambassador 
 at the court of France; and she has acquired some celebrity 
 not only by the intrigues which she carried on during the 
 Revolution, but by ' Delphine,' a romance, full of indecent 
 and irreligious sentiments, — Jjempriere'' $ Biog. Die. 
 
248 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 might appear correct before the Assembly. Under 
 the pledge of such promises, the King entrusted them 
 with the book. But what was the surprise of Neckar, 
 two or three days afterwards, to find that this Camus 
 had permitted the whole book to be published, without 
 consulting either the King or Assembly. 
 
 Many articles of expenditure, registered in the Red 
 Book, were calculated to excite clamour against the 
 King and court. Camus and Neckar had a falling out 
 in consequence of this conduct, and although the lat- 
 ter was at that time exceedingly popular, his populari- 
 ty began to decline from that moment. 
 
 " With a view to make a deep and lasting impression 
 on the public mind, and to connect the Revolution 
 with agreeable, magnificent, and religious sentiments, 
 a great public ceremony had been in preparation for 
 a considerable time. On this occasion the King, the 
 National assembly, and the people, were to take an 
 oath to maintain the Constitution, as newly revised, 
 and to defend the cause of liberty. 
 
 " Another reason for this ceremony was, that those 
 provinces which had enjoyed peculiar privileges, were 
 supposed to be irritated at their being deprived of them 
 by the new constitution, and were in hopes of having 
 them restored, provided the new division of France ia* 
 to departments, could be destroyed, It was therefore 
 thought, that so important and solemn a ceremony^ 
 being performed in each department, would mark the 
 division forcibly in the minds of the people. 
 
 " The bastile had been taken on the 14th of July* 
 1789, and the 14th day of the same month, 1790, as 
 being the anniversary of that era, was fixed upon as 
 the day of the ceremony, and the extensive plain of 
 the Champ de Mars, for the place in which the cere- 
 mony was to be celebrated."* 
 
 Expectation was wound up to so high a pitch, that 
 
 • Mtore's RevoluUoa. 
 
LA FAYETTE* 245 
 
 numbers came, not only from the distant provinces of 
 France, but from nearly all parts of Europe, to witness 
 the ceremony. Among others the Duke of Orleans. 
 to whom such a spectacle was a matter of the highest 
 interest, gave notice to the King of his intention to re- 
 turn, and be present at the scene. He also wrote to 
 the National Assembly, to give the same notice, ad- 
 ding, that should they think proper to deliberate on 
 the subject, he should consider that as a permission to 
 return. Wheu the letter was read, the Assembly 
 threw their eyes on La Fayette, to ascertain his feel- 
 ings ; but although he had taken private means to pre- 
 vent the Duke's return, well knowing the plots in 
 which he was engaged, he did not think proper to op- 
 pose it before the Assembly. The Duke therefore re- 
 turned. The formation of the Amphitheatre for the 
 Confederation being a work of immense labour, the 
 Parisians began to be afraid that a month was not suf- 
 ficient time for its completion. To prevent such a 
 misfortune, some of the most zealous citizens offered 
 their gratuitous labour to accelerate the work. The 
 applause they met with from the citizens, excited oth- 
 ers to follow their example, and in a short time the 
 same desire glowed in almost every breast, of what- 
 ever sex or age. The consequence was, that the 
 Champ de Mars was filled with gentlemen, and even 
 ladies, of the first rank. All amusements were neg- 
 lected for those of wielding the spade and the pick 
 axe, and the most dissipated city in the world became 
 the most laborious.*" 
 
 " Every district and corporation marshalled the 
 volunteers belonging to them under their respective 
 banners, and marched them daily to the field of labour. 
 Various clubs, societies, and associations, in fancy 
 dresses suitable to the work they were to perform, 
 went also in procession, preceded by musicians. In- 
 
 * Moore's Revolution. 
 
250 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 dividuals in all situations in life, and of all religions. 
 Jews as well as christians, soldiers and priests, sailors 
 and monks, judges and dancing masters, bankers and 
 beggars, poets and advocates, painters, actors, aud 
 tradesmen of every kind, were seen working cordially 
 together.*" 
 
 Young women of every denomination and condi- 
 tion were daily seen tripping to the field with their 
 gowns tucked, and belts of the national ribbon around 
 their waists. There the lover wrought by the side of 
 his mistress, enlivened by her smiles, and encouraged 
 by the tune Ca Ira.] 
 
 " The temple where the ceremony was to be per- 
 formed, was erected in the middle of the Champ de 
 Mars. In a large circle on this spot, twelve posts, 
 between fifty and sixty feet high, were placed at equal 
 distances, except in front, where a large space was 
 left between them by way of entrance. On each al- 
 ternate post was fastened ivy, laurel, &c. so as to form 
 a thick body, which entirely covered up the post. 
 These greens were then shorn into the form of Doric 
 columns, of dimensions proportioned to their height. 
 The intervening po^ts were covered with white cloth, 
 which was so artificially folded, as exactly to resem- 
 ble fluted pillars ; from the bases of which ascended 
 spiral wreaths of flowers. The whole was connected 
 at the top by a bold festoon of foliage, and the capitaJ 
 of each column was surmounted at top by a vase of 
 white lilies. In the middle of this temple was placed 
 an altar hung round with lilies, and on this was placed 
 the book of the Constitution. The ascent to the altar 
 was by a large flight of steps, covered with beautiful 
 tapestry.J" 
 
 * Moore's Revolution, 
 f A national air so called, 
 % Residence in France, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 251 
 
 At a short distance from the altar was erected a 
 throne for the King, and a magnificent pavillion for the 
 Queen and royal family. Triumphal arches were al- 
 so prepared, through which the various processions 
 were to pass. 
 
 Every thing having been arranged and decorated, 
 the important era was ushered in by the firing of can- 
 non, ringing of bells, and a show of bustle and parade 
 throughout the whole city. 
 
 At day- breaks the citizens began to assemble at the 
 ampitheatre, which was capable of containing more 
 than three hundred thousand spectators. 
 
 About 10 o'clock the grand procession was formed. 
 It consisted of a band of music ; a body of the natipnal 
 guards, led by Gen. La Fayette, and was followed by 
 the electors of the city of Paris ; the principal mem- 
 bers of the municipality ; the deputies of the National 
 Assembly ; the deputies from the different depart- 
 ments ; a deputation from the army and navy, headed 
 by the two marshals of France. A body of national 
 guards closed the procession. 
 
 The banners, or colours of each corps, reserving 
 one stand only, to distinguish them in the ranks, were 
 planted around the altar. 
 
 The different bodies which formed the procession, 
 had particular places assigned them. Two hundred 
 priests, dressed in garments of white linen, bound with 
 the national coloured ribbons, stood on the steps of 
 the altar. At the head of these, stood the celebrated 
 Talleyrand, bishop of Autun, who had been appointed 
 to administer the oath of confederation. 
 
 The King had been appointed for that day only, su- 
 preme and absolute commander of all the national 
 guards of France. He named La Fayette as his dele* 
 gate to perform the duties of the day : so that La Fay- 
 ette was for this day not only commander of the na- 
 tional guards o( Paris, but High Constable of all the 
 armed men rn the kingdom, which probably was a 
 
252 ME^OIBS OF 
 
 greater number than any kingdom ever contained be- 
 fore.* 
 
 The ceremony begun by the celebration of mass, at 
 which the Bishop of Autun officiated. 
 
 La Fayette, as the representative of the military 
 force of the nation, first took the oath. When he left 
 the foot of the throne and moved towards the altar, the 
 trumpets began to sound ; and a vast band of martial 
 raus-ic continued to play until he ascended the steps of 
 the altar. In view of the vast multitude which filled 
 this immense circus, he laid the point of his sword up- 
 on the Bible, which was on the table of the altar, and 
 raising his other hand towards the sky, the music ceas- 
 ed, and a universal stillness prevailed, while he pro- 
 nounced : " We swear to be forever faithful to the Na- 
 tion, to the Law, and to the King ; to maintain to the 
 utmost of our power, the Constitution decreed by the 
 National Assembly and accepted by the King." As 
 soon as he had finished, the trumpets began again to 
 sound, but were drowned by the acclamation, Vive la 
 Nation. 
 
 All the members of the National Assembly theu 
 standing up, the president pronounced the oath in his 
 own name, and each deputy repeated aloud after the 
 president, " I swear." Here again the trumpets 
 sounded, and the people cried Vive la Nation. 
 
 In like manner all the distinct bodies took the oath v . 
 each individual of which pronounced, after his repre- 
 sentative, " I swear." 
 
 Lastly the King himself arose to take the oath ; on 
 which a body of the national guards pressed near the 
 throne, which they surrounded with raised arms, while 
 he, stretching his hand towards the altar, repeated : 
 u I, King of the French, swear to employ all the pow- 
 er that is consigned td me by the Constitutional law of 
 the State, in maintaining the Constitution, which has 
 
 * Mo»rt\ 
 
LA FAYETTE. 253 
 
 been decreed by the National Assembly, and accept- 
 ed by me ; and I swear to put the laws in execution.' 5 
 
 A signal being given, that the King had taken the 
 oath, the air resounded with alternate peals of artille- 
 ry, and shouts of the people, and thus ended, says Dr. 
 Moore, a ceremony which, notwithstanding the good 
 intentions of many who took the oath, has been con- 
 sidered as the greatest and most extensive act of per- 
 jury that heaven and earth ever witnessed. 
 
 The new Constitution, although solemnly sworn to 
 by the officers of the army, was not well received 
 among them. The officers of the national guards, as 
 a new corps, were not considered by those of the stand- 
 ing army as their equals ; hence quarrels arose be- 
 tween them, and frequent duels was the consequence. 
 Other causes, arising out of the new order of things, 
 served to raise a spirit of discontent in the various di- 
 visions of the army, in different parts of the kingdom 
 
 At Nantz, the capital of Lorrain, where a number 
 of regiments were stationed, the soldiers made a demand 
 of pay which was not due them, and on the refusal of 
 the officers to comply with their demands, they broke 
 out into open mutiny, and seized the military chest. 
 On this being known at Paris, the National Assembly 
 passed a decree, ordering the Marquis de Bouille to 
 march with a proper force to suppress the insurgents. 
 On his arrival there, he found that the garrison had 
 resolved to resist him, and after remonstrance and 
 persuasion to induce them to submit, he brought his 
 army in front of the garrison, and threatened to reduce 
 the mutineers by force. The mutineers having a can- 
 non loaded with grape shot, aimed it a Bouille's army 
 and fired. Three officers, and a considerable number 
 of soldiers fell. Others, however, advanced, and for- 
 cing the gate, entered the town. An awful scene of 
 carnage was commenced. Most of Bouille's men who 
 first entered were killed from the windows of the hous- 
 es. The insurgents were, however driven from house 
 
 22 
 
254 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to house, and from street to street, until three hundred 
 of them were killed. Fotfr hundred were made pris- 
 oners with arms in their hands, and the others laid 
 down their weapons, and submitted to the orders of 
 Bouilie. 
 
 The news of these transactions at Paris, occasioned 
 great clamour and rage among the populace, who 
 loudly exclaimed against Bouilie for having shed so 
 much blood. The Assembly, however, passed a vote 
 of thanks to him and his men, for having so promptly 
 done their duty ; but this had no effect, the rabble as- 
 sembled in vast numbers around the national hall, and 
 demanded his head. 
 
 This spirit of sedition seemed to augment every mo- 
 ment, and would probably have produced dreadful 
 effects, had it not been for the determined and judicious 
 conduct of La Fayette, and the guards he commanded. 
 
 About this time, M. Neckar, the minister of finance, 
 finding himself every day losing popularity, and being 
 alarmed for his personal safety, sent a letter of resig- 
 nation to the Assembly. He had lent government two 
 millions of livres, and on his leaving Paris, he declared 
 that he left that sum, together with his hotel and furni- 
 ture, as pledges for the faithfulness of his administra- 
 tion. But before he could make his way out of the 
 kingdom, he with his family, were stopped, insulted, 
 taken, and guarded as state prisoners. Thus was the 
 man, who a few months before, was adored by the 
 whole nation, forced to submit to the rabble, and this 
 too, not because he had committed a crime, but be- 
 cause he had lost his popularity. With much difficul- 
 ty, he, however, obtained his release, and left the 
 kingdom. 
 
 Meantime, difficulties arose with the clergy. It had 
 been enacted under the new constitution, that every 
 beneficed clergyman should take the oath to be faithful 
 to the nation, the law and the King. Many of the cler- 
 gy refused to take the oath. Whereupon the Assem- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 25'5 
 
 bly passed a decree, that such of the clergy as refused 
 to take the oath should be ejected from their benefices, 
 and suffer other penalties. The opinion of the Pope 
 of Rome on the question, whether the clergy ought to 
 take the oath, was decidedly against it. This determine 
 ed many of the clergy to refuse it, who had before been 
 on suspense. The Assembly, however, were strenu- 
 ous in the enforcement of their decree. The conse- 
 quence was, that out of one hundred and thirty one 
 bishops, only two or three were prevailed on to con- 
 form to the decree, and save their benefices. All the 
 rest were ejected from their bishopricks. 
 
 So striking an act of severity against a body of men 
 of so much importance, might have been dreaded by 
 any government ; but particularly by that of France, 
 in the unsettled state in which it then was. 
 
 At this time, the state of public feeling had become 
 so exceedingly irritable, and the.jealousies of the low- 
 er orders so vigilant, that circumstances which, in a 
 different condition of things, Would not have been no- 
 ticed at all, now became the causes of the most violent 
 popular tumult. As an instance, the King had two 
 maiden aunts, now considerably advanced in years, 
 who resided with him in Paris. These ladies had long 
 wished to avoid the scenes of licentiousness which 
 they were obliged more or less to witness at court, and 
 to withdraw from the popular tumult which surround- 
 ed them at that time in Paris. They both entertained 
 strong sentiments of devotion, and were excessively 
 shocked at the cruelty with which the ministers of re- 
 ligion had been treated by the Assembly. They there- 
 fore determined on leaving France, and obtained the 
 King's permission to retire to Rome, where, under the 
 protection of the Pope, they might practice the duties, 
 and enjoy the consolations of their religion in peace. 
 
 No sooner was their desertion known, than it exci- 
 ted the greatest commotion. A rumour was spread-, 
 that the King's brother and his Princess, intended to 
 
256 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 follow his aunts. A vast multitude therefore gathered 
 at the palace of Luxemburg, to prevent his departure. 
 But on his assuring them that he had no intention to 
 leave Paris, they retired. Meantime, the maiden la- 
 dies were twice arrested on their journey ; and the 
 last time detained until a deputation was sent to the 
 National Assembly. Here the matter was discussed 
 with warmth for several hours, when it was finally de- 
 creed, that the old ladies might leave the kingdom. 
 
 At this time, a rumour prevailed, without the least 
 foundation, that the castle of Vincennes was intended 
 to replace the Bastile, and that arms and ammunition 
 had been secretly conveyed there. Whether the idea 
 originated with the rabble, merely as an excuse for 
 committing some outrages, or whether it was suggest- 
 ed by some of the leaders of factions, which then divi- 
 ded Paris, is uncertain. The idea, from whatever 
 source it arose, was sufficient to set the rabble in mo- 
 tion. It was determined, that the second Bastile 
 should receive the same fate as the first, and on the 
 28th of February, a large body of men set forward 
 from the suburbs of Paris, with the avowed object of 
 destroying the castle of Vincennes. 
 
 The Mayor of Vincennes having had notice of this 
 intention, demanded assistance, and La Fayette sent 
 him a detachment of national guards. But those who 
 were bent on its destruction, had the address to con- 
 vince the troops, that the place was intended by gov- 
 ernment to be converted into an engine of despotism 
 and cruelty, that it was worthy of entire destruction, 
 and that it would be disgraceful for the guards of the 
 nation to attempt to prevent it. In consequence of 
 such arguments, the guards, instead of attempting to 
 prevent its destruction, were actually disposed to as- 
 sist in the work. La Fayette, having been informed 
 that the work of destruction had begun, and that the 
 troops remained passive, repaired himself immediate- 
 ly to the place. His presence and expostulations 
 
LA FAYETTE. 257 
 
 brought the soldiers to a sense of their duty. He then 
 ordered them to attack the rabble, without firing on 
 them ; this was immediately done, and sixty were sei- 
 zed, and the rest dispersed. Many of them ran to the 
 Fauxbourg St. Antoine, to excite the populace to at- 
 tack the guards, and release the prisoners. La Fayette 
 being told that it would be dangerous to march through 
 that quarter of Paris, as the people were* in a state of 
 insurrection, placed the prisoners in the middle of his 
 guards, and with some field pieces in front, led them 
 directly through the suburbs, to the Town House ; and 
 while the mob were insulting his troops, placed the 
 insurgents safely in prison. 
 
 The King had formed the design of passing the Eas- 
 ter holidays at St. Cloud. This intention was no 
 sooner known, than rumours were spread, that his de- 
 sign was to withdraw from the capital, for the purpose 
 of stirring up a civil war, or perhaps to quit the king- 
 dom, and with the assistance of some other power to 
 invade France. On the morning of the 18th of April, 
 a paper was posted on the walls of the Palais Royal, 
 by order of a club, of which Danton* was the head, 
 
 * George James Danton. a native of Arcis sur-Aube, born 
 26th October, 17.59. H^ was originally a lawyer, but the 
 Revolution drew him into public notice, as the associate of 
 Robespierre and iVtarat. To an unprincipled hatred against 
 Louis XVI. he added the most ferocious spirit, and after 
 viewing the massacres of September with pleasure, he pre- 
 pared to organize the public bodies of the state, to resist the 
 invasion of the Prussians Undismayed amidst the general 
 terror, he opposed the project of removing the Convention 
 beyond the Loire ; but while he permitted the cruelties of 
 anarchy, he secretly paved the way for his own elevation to 
 the sovereign power. For a while, Robespierre was his 
 friend, but when he saw his superior eloquence, and his in- 
 fluence among the Jacobins, he marked him for destruction. 
 Dragged before the bloody Revoutionary tribunal, which he 
 had himself established, Danton showed firmness and indi£ 
 22* 
 
258 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and Marat a member. This paper accused the King 
 directly of attempting, through the priests, to stir up 
 civil war, and of preparing, with his family, to go and 
 join the enemy. 
 
 In consequence of this report, great numbers assem- 
 bled around the Tuileries, where the King's carriages 
 were in waiting to convey the royal family to St. 
 Cloud. The place being surrounded by the national 
 guards, the King disregarded the insojence of the rab-^ 
 ble, went into his carriage, and ordered the postillion 
 to drive on ; on which, instead of dispersing the mob. 
 the guard closed before the coach, threatened the pos- 
 tillions, if they should dare to proceed, and swore that 
 the royal family should not leave Paris. In the mean- 
 time, the King's servants were insulted, and actually 
 dragged from his carriage, and one of the Queen's at- 
 tendants narrowly escaped with his life from the hands 
 of the rabble. The King had the mortification to 
 hear the most insulting and abusive expressions direc- 
 ted to the Queen. 
 
 These gross insults, offered to the royal family, and 
 particularly to the female part of it, did not come from 
 the lowest rabble only ; some citizens of rank joined 
 in them. 
 
 M. Bailly, the Mayor, hastened to the Tuileries, to 
 suppress the disorders, but his commands were not 
 obeyed. Gen. La Fayette arrived, as soon as he had 
 notice of the outrage, and, as commander of the 
 guards, ordered them to open to the right and left, and 
 clear the way for the king's coach to pass, but to his 
 
 ference. He was guillotined the first day of April, 1794. 
 Indolent, yet cruel, ambitious and vulgar, this bloody tyrant 
 possessed, with a stentorian voice, the imposing powers of 
 persuasion, and, while devoted to wine and low pleasures, he 
 gained the good opinion of his guilty associates by gross 
 ribaldry and licentious wit. — Lempriere's Biog. Dictionary* 
 
LA FAYETTE. 259 
 
 astonishment and mortification, the guards refused to 
 obey him. 
 
 After having been more than three hours in the car- 
 riage, exposed to the insults and derision of a lawless 
 rabble, the King and royal family were under the ne- 
 cessity of getting out and walking back to the palace, 
 amidst their groans, hootings and hissings. 
 
 The King went before the National Assembly, and 
 complained of the resistance which had been made to 
 his going to St. Cloud. The Assembly applauded the 
 King's speech, but took no measures to punish the au- 
 thors of the outrage. 
 
 La Fayette was so disgusted with the outrages of 
 the mob, and mortified with the defection of the Na- 
 tional Guards, that he resigned his command of them. 
 It then appeared how much he was beloved. *" All 
 the battalions assembled. They appointed deputa- 
 tions to the General, expressing sorrow for their past 
 conduct, and promising implicit obedience to his fu- 
 ture orders, if he would again resume his command. 
 They also sent deputations to the municipalities of 
 Paris, and to the departments, entreating them to join 
 in soliciting the General to continue their commander. 
 
 The Hotel of La Fayette was filled with these depu- 
 tations from the different battalions, from the time 
 that he had given in his resignation, until the follow- 
 ing morning at five o'clock. The street in which his 
 house stood was crowded with the men who had diso- 
 beyed him, all waiting with impatience for the news of 
 his having yielded to their entreaties ; but finding that 
 he still refused, they went in crowds to the Town- 
 house, and begged of the Municipality to use their in- 
 fluence with the General that he would again take the 
 command. The Municipality, perceiving that citi- 
 zens of all the sections joined in this request of the 
 national guards, declared that they would become re- 
 
 * Moore's Revolution. 
 
260 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 sponsible for the future obedience of the battalions, 
 and entreated the General to yield to the desire of his 
 fellow citizens. 
 
 General La Fayette expressed a proper sense of the 
 honour done him by those requests ; adding, that he 
 would not give an immediate answer, but would, on 
 the following day, attend the Municipality at the 
 Town house, and there deliver to them his sentiments. 
 
 The General went accordingly, at 10 o'clock, and 
 in the Common hall, where he found all the represen- 
 tatives of the Common Council, with deputies from all 
 the battalions of the national guards, he pronounced a 
 discourse equally distinguished for modesty and good 
 sense. He placed in a strong point of view, the hor- 
 ror which every enlightened citizen must have felt, at 
 beholding those, whose duty it is to support the laws, 
 oppose their execution. He added that, if the capital, 
 which was the cradle of the Revolution, instead of re- 
 specting and obeying the executive powers, should be- 
 siege them with tumults, and fatigue them with insults, 
 from being an honoured example, it would become the 
 terror of the French nation ; that in the marks of re- 
 gard with which his fellow citizens had honoured him, 
 too much attention had been paid to an individual, but 
 not enough to the laws. 1 am thoroughly convinced, 
 said he, that my comrades love me ; but lam still to 
 learn, how far they are attached to those principles on 
 which liberty is founded. And he concluded by refu- 
 sing to resume the command. 
 
 On this refusal, and these observations of La Fay- 
 ette, it was resolved, that each battalion should as- 
 semble on the following day, and make a declaration 
 of their sentiments on the subject pointed out in the 
 General's discourse. This was accordingly done by 
 all the different regiments, and in their declarations, 
 instead of expressing attachment to their commander, 
 and wishes that he would resume his station, they 
 spoke solely of their submission to the law, their zeal 
 
LA FAYETTE. 261 
 
 for the constitution, and their resolution to obey the 
 commander in chief, without once mentioning the 
 name of La Fayette. 
 
 The municipality, having verified the declarations 
 of the national guards, of the cannoniers, of the chas- 
 seurs, and of the cavalry, decreed, that the mayor, at 
 the head of a deputation of eight members of the Com- 
 mon Council, should wait on General La Fayette, and 
 represent to him, that it would endanger the State, if 
 he persisted in his first resolution, and that the greatest 
 proof of patriotism he could give, would be to resume 
 the command. 
 
 Although La Fayette had determined not to re- as- 
 sume his command, he saw the impropriety of resist- 
 ing any longer ; he therefore, having returned proper 
 acknowledgments to the deputation, finally concluded 
 to comply with their request. 
 
 On the following day, having resumed the command, 
 he expressed his sense of the honour done him by the 
 various corps; and being then on the parade before 
 the town house, he proposed that they should go in a 
 body to the King, taking with them all their comrades 
 whom they might meet on the way, and express their 
 sorrow and repentance for what was past, and renew 
 to his Majesty their declaration of allegiance. 
 
 This proposal was immediately adopted ; La Fay- 
 ette accompanied them to the Tuileries ; addressed 
 the King, in the name of all the national guards, in 
 terms which had been agreed on, and received a gra- 
 cious reception and answer from the monarch. As 
 soon as this was known, the troops expressed their 
 satisfaction, by repeated exclamations of Vive le Roi! 
 Vive le Restorateur de la Liberie Francoise ! Vive le 
 Petit-fils de Henri IV.* 
 
 Notwithstanding these marks of obedience and ak 
 
 * Long live the King ! Long live the Restorer of French 
 Liberty ! Long live the grand-son of Henry IV. 
 
262 / MEMOIRS OF 
 
 fection, the municipality thought best to punish, though 
 in a slight manner, some of the soldiers who had been 
 most forward in the abuse of the King. It was there- 
 fore decreed, that a certain company should be redu- 
 ced, and disbanded on this account ; and that another 
 should be raised in its stead. Buta9 it was afterwards 
 represented to the municipality, that fourteen only, of 
 the company, had been guilty of the crimes charged, 
 all the rest were admitted into the new company, 
 while the fourteen were disgraced. This circumstance 
 was taken hold of by those whose business it was to 
 stir up sedition, and inflame the mob, as a pretext for 
 murmurs, accusation and clamour. These fourteen 
 discharged soldiers were feasted by the Danton and 
 Mm rat faction, and treated as persecuted patriots, 
 while the conduct of the Municipality was condemned; 
 and La Fayette was accused as an enemy of liberty, 
 and of being bought by the court. Emissaries were 
 employed to blacken his character, and misrepresent 
 his conduct, among the groups of idlers in places of 
 public resort. Placards were posted up, and pam- 
 phlets were published against him. The Orleans par- 
 ty, that vile and blood-thirsty association, went so far. 
 as to declare that it would be an act of merit to assas- 
 sinate him ; and at one of those clubs, where the re- 
 putations and lives of almost every honest or virtuous 
 man in Paris were plotted against, a woman, fired with 
 the eloquence of one of the orators, swore she would 
 destroy him. 
 
 The prevalence of republican principles ; the dif- 
 ficulties which the King had had with the Assembly ; 
 the conduct of the mob towards the royal family, to- 
 gether with the high standing and influence of the Or- 
 leans faction, were circumstances which rendered the 
 residence of the Monarch, in his own capital, not only 
 disagreeable, but dangerous. It was plain from what 
 had already taken place, that he could not under any 
 pretence, leave the city, if his departure was known* 
 
LA FAYETTE. 263 
 
 If he could leave the kingdom, there were, perhaps? 
 strong reasons to believe that, by the assistance of oth- 
 er powers, he might again reign in peace. If the fac- 
 tions which were formed against him, should gain 
 complete ascendancy, from the examples he had al- 
 ready witnessed, he saw that his life would be demand- 
 ed. Under these circnmstances, the unhappy mon- 
 arch, through the assistance of M. de Bouille, laid a 
 plan of escape. 
 
 M. de Bouille commanded a body of troops on the 
 frontier of the kingdom, and by peculiar management,, 
 he contrived, without exciting suspicion, to have under 
 his immediate orders, only such as were in the King's 
 interest. The news of his departure, those in the se- 
 cret were well aware, would be the signal for the most 
 rapid and vigorous pursuit. But it was thought that 
 he might reach a distance before his departure was 
 known, at which Bouille could meet, and defend him, 
 if necessary. To withdraw any considerable number 
 of his troops from the neighbourhood of their station 
 without orders, would excite suspicion. The King, 
 therefore, was to arrive as near the frontier as it was 
 thought possible, in a given time, before Bouille was 
 to meet him. These arrangements being made and 
 understood by the parties, every thing was prepared 
 for the hazardous experiment, which is thus described. 
 
 On the 1 7th of June, as M. Dumoustier, who had 
 formerly belonged to the body guards, was walking 
 alone in the garden of the Tuileries, an unknown per- 
 son accosted him, and desired that he would follow 
 him into the palace. He was immediately led before 
 the King, who desired that he would order for himself, 
 and for Maldent and Valory, two of his old compan- 
 ions, three couriers' jackets, of a yellow colour; and 
 that de should walk on the same evening on the quay 
 of the Pont Royal, where he would be joined by a per- 
 son who would give him further instruction. 
 
 All these directions were carefully attended to : and 
 
264 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 *n consequence of the instructions given to Dumous- 
 tier by the unknown person on the quay, Valory went 
 on the 20th to Bondy to order horses and wait there 
 for the King. Dumoustier was at the Porte St. Mar- 
 tin with a coach and four. A coach and only two 
 horses about eleven in the Cour des princes. M. 
 Maldent entered the palace privately at nine in the 
 evening, and was conducted into a small chamber, 
 where he remained till near twelve. Nothing extra- 
 ordinary was observed in the appearance or order of 
 the royal family. They retired at the usual hour, and 
 gave the usual orders for the following day. The 
 Queen then gave orders that the prince and princess 
 royal should be dressed, and conducted to a room 
 where she herself was, with the king and the princess 
 Elizabeth. There were besides, two unknown men, 
 one of whom immediately was directed to conductthe 
 two female attendants on the prince and princess roy- 
 al to a chaise, which was found waiting for them on 
 the Quai Voltaire. Having placed them in the car- 
 riage, their conductor withdrew ; and the ladies were 
 driven to Claye. The other unknown person accom- 
 panied the prince and princess royal, and having en- 
 tered a coach with two horses, they were soon joined by 
 the Queen and princess Elizabeth, who came without 
 any attendant, and were helped into the carriage by 
 the coachman. The King came last, attended by M. 
 Maldent, who mounted behind the coach, which was 
 immediately driven to Porte St. Martin, and having 
 exchanged it for the carriage with four horses, they 
 were all driven to Bondy, where M. Valory had horses 
 in readiness. Although the royal family came out of 
 the carriage at some of the post houses on the road, 
 and the King conversed familiary and with apparent 
 ease with several persons he met there, they were not 
 once suspected to be other than the characters they 
 assumed, until they arrived at St. Menehould, about 
 170 miles from Paris. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 265 
 
 The King's brother and his consort were compre- 
 hended in M. Bouille's plan. They left the palace of 
 Luxembourg about the same time that the King left 
 the Tuileries ; but it was agreed, for various reasons, 
 that they should take a different road ; and according- 
 ly directing their course by Flanders, they arrived 
 safely at Mons. 
 
 The King and Queen were not so fortunate, though 
 at Menehould, it might be supposed, they thought ail 
 their danger over. But it happened otherwise. Drou- 
 et, the post master at this place, had never seen eith- 
 er the King or Queen ; but he had seen a portrait of 
 her Majesty, and this circumstance decided the fate of 
 the Royal pair. Struck with the resemblance of that 
 picture, to his guest, the Baroness KnorF, which was 
 the title the Queen assumed, his suspicion was excited. 
 Another circumstance which he could not understand, 
 was, that on the same day there arrived at Menehould 
 two detachments of troops. While ruminating on 
 these mysterious occurrences, he observed the officer 
 who commanded a detachment of the dragoons speak- 
 ing to one of the couriers in a manner which excited 
 further suspicion. At the same time, the other couri- 
 ers having paid the former postillions with uncommon 
 liberality, were hurrying the new ones to make haste. 
 Connectingall these observations together, Drouet was 
 strongly suspicious that his guests were the Royal fam- 
 ily. Still they did not form a presumption strong 
 enough to justify him in stopping the carriages, which 
 were allowed to proceed. But soon after their depar- 
 ture, when Drouet saw that the dragoons were prepar- 
 ing to follow them, his suspicions amounted, in his 
 mind, to a certainty, and without further hesitation he 
 called out " To arms" asserting that it certainly was 
 the Royal family which had just departed, and that it 
 was the duty of good citizens to prevent their going 
 out of the kingdom. He immediately instigated all 
 the people around to hinder the dragoons from foJlow- 
 
 23 
 
266 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ing the carriages, and his directions were literally fol- 
 lowed. The whole detachment of dragoons seem to 
 have been struck with an apathy altogether unaccount- 
 able. Instead of silencing Drouet, and riding full 
 speed after the King, they remained passive, while 
 Drouet and another person set forward on horseback 
 with all expedition to Varennes, and arrived at the 
 inn some minutes before the King. 
 
 They immediately informed Le Blanc, the inn keep- 
 er, that the King and royal family would arrive in a 
 few minutes, and that their intention was to leave 
 the kingdom. The town was instantly in alarm. Le 
 Blanc, with a few followers, armed themselves and met 
 the carriages and ordered them to stop ; while Drou- 
 et and others upset a loaded waggon on the bridge to 
 intercept their passage, in case they should attempt to 
 proceed by force. The postillions were offering to 
 proceed, but were threatened to do so on peril of being 
 ^hot. An officer of the police coming to the carriage, 
 was presented with a regular passport for the Baron- 
 ess Knoff and her family, going to Frankfort. It was 
 signed Louis* and countersigned Montmorin. The 
 magistrate, without discovering that he had any suspi- 
 cion of the persons alleged, that it was too late to ex- 
 amine passports, it being then midnight, and that the 
 roads being bad, he would accommodate the whole 
 party at his house till morning. This offer was ac- 
 cepted, partly through the fear of attempting to pro- 
 ceed by force, and partly in hopes that the dragoons 
 would arrive. 
 
 Soon after, a party of hussars arrived, under the 
 command of an aid to Gen. Bouille. They drew up 
 before the magistrate's house, while the magistrate, 
 not being absolutely certain that this was the King, 
 went to the house of M. de Lon, who had seen his Ma- 
 jesty, and requested him to go and ascertain this im- 
 portant point. 
 
 On their arrival at the magistrate's house, de Lon 
 
LA FAYETTE. 267 
 
 was conducted into the chamber where the Royal fam- 
 ily were ; and the instant he saw the King, he signifi- 
 ed by an expressive look that it was certainly Louis. 
 
 The unhappy King observing this, thought that all 
 further dissimulation would be vain ; turning therefore 
 to the magistrate, he said, with great emotion, Oui je 
 suis votre Roi. Place dans la capitale au milieu des 
 poignards et des bayonettes, je viens chercher en pro- 
 vince, au milieu de mes fideles sujets, la liberte et la 
 paix dout vous jouissez tous. Je ne puis plus rester 
 a Paris sans y mourir, ma famille et moi."* 
 
 He concluded this affecting address by conjuring the 
 magistrate and all in his hearing, to assist him in mak- 
 ing his escape. The magistrate replied, that he had 
 sworn to be faithful to the nation, the law and the 
 King, and that he should betray all three by comply- 
 ing with this request. He begged, therefore, that his 
 Majesty would give over all thought of proceeding fur- 
 ther, and consent to return to the capital. The Queen, 
 shocked with the idea of being dragged back to Paris, 
 taking the Dauphin in her hand, in the most pathetic 
 terms, conjured the magistrate, and all who heard her, 
 to save the lives of their King and his children, by as- 
 sisting them to escape ; for that misery and ruin await- 
 ed them at the capital. 
 
 Meantime it was found that the hussars, who had 
 come to recal the King, had been gained over by the 
 national guards, and on the next day an aid-de-camp 
 of General La Fayette, with orders from the National 
 Assembly, arrived at Varennes. He presented these 
 orders to the King, and represented to him the univer- 
 sal uneasiness which his withdrawing had occasioned. 
 
 * Yes, I am your King. Being surrounded in the capital 
 by daggers and bayonets, I come to my faithful subjects of 
 this province in search of that liberty and safety which you 
 all enjoy. My family and I were in continual danger of be- 
 ing murdered at Paris. 
 
268 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The unfortunate monarch replied, that he never in- 
 tended to go out of France. That his plan was to go 
 no further than Montmedi, and that the safety of him- 
 self and family required that they should retire from 
 Paris, which was governed by the populace. And he 
 again insisted on being permitted to proceed on his 
 journey, inviting the magistrate and the national guards 
 to accompany him thither. In reply to this, the ma- 
 gistrate could only repeat his former entreaties, that 
 his Majesty would consent to return to Paris. 
 
 The royal family, therefore, were obliged to set out 
 for the capital, guarded by a numerous band of nation- 
 al guards, and accompanied by the Municipal officers 
 of Varennes. Several parties of Boui lie's troops ar- 
 rived soon after the departure of the King, and an at- 
 tempt was made to rescue him, but in this they failed. 
 
 The news of the King's flight from Paris occasioned 
 the most vehement commotion in that city. It was 
 known about 8 o'clock, on the morning of his depar- 
 ture. Cannon were immediately fired, the tocsin 
 sounded, the national guards were summoned to be 
 underarms, and people hurried from all quarters to the 
 gardens of the Tuileries. Indignation prevailed among 
 the populace, and all signs which had on them the 
 portraits of the King and Queen, were torn down and 
 trampled under foot. A man named Louis, was obli- 
 ged to erase his name from his sign. 
 
 The officer who commanded the body guard, was 
 saved from being murdered by the mob, by the nation- 
 al guards. The steady, prudent and firm conduct of 
 La Fayette, and the guards he commanded, was of the 
 utmost consequence on this occasion. Numerous 
 lives were saved by their interposition. 
 
 La Fayette, in consequence of being a known friend 
 to the royal family, though a promoter of the Revolu- 
 tion, fell under the suspicion of the populace. The 
 undeviating course he had pursued, both as a member 
 of the first Assembly, and commander in chief of the 
 
LA FAYETTE. 269 
 
 national guards, had procured for him the homage and 
 respect of men of principle and virtue. But humanity 
 and justice at that day, were unpopular in the French 
 capital. La Fayette was suspected of being privy to 
 the King's flight. The populace did not know that in 
 the articles proposed to the King, by the foreign courts, 
 it was expressly stated, that La Fayette was not to 
 be trusted. The contrivers of that plan, knew that 
 his principles would not admit of his joining them, and 
 that it would be vain to attempt his corruption. La 
 Fayette was protected by the national guard from the 
 populace ; and when some insinuations were thrown 
 out to his disadvantage, in the National Assembly, he 
 was defended by Barnave,* who declared that La Fay- 
 
 * Ba'rnave, next to Mirabeau, the most conspicuous mem- 
 ber of the first National or Constituent Assembly, was ori- 
 ginally a native of Grenoble, and an advocate in its Parlia- 
 ment. While running so brilliant a career, bis age did not 
 exceed twenty-seven years. It would be impossible for us, 
 even in the compass of this volume, to do complete justice to 
 the character of this extraordinary young man ; his history 
 wholly includes that of the first three years of the Revolu- 
 tion. It will suffice for our purpose, to make a selection of 
 the most important facts in which he was the chief actor. 
 
 On the famous 20th of June, 1789, when the National 
 Assembly met in the tennis-court at Versailles, Barnave ex- 
 hibited, for the first time, his wonderful powers of eloquence, 
 in a speech, the object of which was to prove, that there 
 existed in the King's Council an intention to dissolve the 
 States-General, and that the Assembly ought to take an oath 
 never to separate, until the objects of their mission had been 
 completely attained. 
 
 On the 24th of the same month, he moved, contrary to the 
 King's express order, that the sittings of the Assembly 
 should be made public ; it being singular, he said, that the na- 
 tion should be refused admittance into the national Assem- 
 bly. He was the chief author of the law which was enacted 
 in October, 1789, decreeing, that no bankrupt, or insolvent 
 23 * 
 
270 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ette had proved himself the friend of liberty from the 
 beginning of the Revolution, and that he merited the 
 
 debtor, should become a member of any Municipality, or of 
 ihe Provincial and National Assemblies. At this period, he 
 however, disgraced his philosophical character, by an ex- 
 pression, uttered in the heat of debate — Ce sang etoit il done 
 si pur ? — Was, then, that blood so pure ? — on an occasion, 
 when moderate men were denouncing the assassinations 
 committed by the Parisian mob upon the King's life guards 
 in Versailles, on the memorable night of the 5th of October. 
 Barnave was perpetually upon the stage during the whole 
 year of 1790. In the sitting of the 12th of March, he was 
 the member who moved for the suppression of the religious 
 orders. u What I propose is not for our own benefit/ 7 said 
 he. with his usual eloquence ; " it is for the benefit of the 
 religious persons themselves ; it is not we, but they, who 
 stand in need of that freedom, which they have so impru- 
 dently alienated. We ought to abolish those restraints, even 
 though we should be losers by our conduct : I am not pro- 
 posing a financial operation, but a moral and political ar- 
 rangement." 
 
 The sitting of the 22nd of June was wholly occupied by 
 Barnave, in opposition to Mirabeau, on the question of the 
 power to be delegated to the King, of making war and 
 peace : his speeches on this occasion, are esteemed the best 
 he ever delivered. 
 
 He was a steady promoter of the emancipation of the ne- 
 groes in the colonies : and having carried his point, he wrote 
 some instructions on the best mode of convoking the Colo- 
 nial Assemblies. His conduct, however, in this affair, was 
 highly disapproved of by the French politicians, who ima- 
 gined, that an unbounded liberty to the negroes would be fa- 
 tal to the West Indies. Some of them, who gave Barnave 
 full credit for the goodness of his intentions, ascribed his 
 conduct simply to his violent patriotism ; others thought, 
 however, that he ought to be judicially condemned for his 
 rashness. Of the latter opinion, was the author of a pamph- 
 let, entitled, The portrait of the French Legislators, publish- 
 er 1 at Paris, in the year 1791. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 271 
 
 confidence of the Assembly. He was accordingly, 
 confirmed in the command of the national guards. 
 
 Barnave, like the great part of the constituents, was at- 
 tached to a limited monarchy. He was appointed by the 
 National Assembly, jointly with Latour-Maubourg, and Pe- 
 tion, to meet the royal family, when returning to Paris, after 
 their flight to Varennes. 
 
 The three Deputies were seated in the same carriage with 
 the King and Queen ; and it was obvious, that both of them 
 bestowed upon Barnave so marked a degree of preference, as 
 greatly to exasperate the others. This flattering conduct, 
 aided by the winning address of her Majesty, and the affect- 
 ing point of view in which they appeared, had the effect of 
 converting Barnave to their interest. In the subsequent 
 struggles, therefore, he lent his support to the royal party, 
 with so much energy and success, that he obtained a degree 
 of oblivion for the conduct of the court in that affair. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of the session of the National Assem- 
 bly, Barnave was appointed by his countrymen, mayor of 
 Grenoble. He likewise married the only daughter of a 
 conseiller des aides, of the same city, with a dowry of 
 700,000 livres. 
 
 He did not however, long enjoy either dignity or fortune. 
 In the year 1794, when a persecution was begun by the ter- 
 rorists, against all those who were constituents, or considered 
 as well affected to monarchy, Barnave was seized by the Re- 
 volutionary committee of Grenoble, and transferred to the 
 bloody and unsparing tribunal of Dumas, in Paris. His be- 
 haviour, during his mock trial, was resolute and highly in- 
 trepid. On the question of the President, why he became a 
 royalist, he boldly answered — "I was the most zealous ad- 
 vocate of freedom, so long as it was founded upon the prin- 
 ciples of philosophy ; but I detest it, as a tool of mischief, in 
 the hands of miscreants like you." 
 
 This great man was sent to the guillotine on the 12th of 
 April, 1794, in the 33d year of his age. 
 
 Barnave's eloquence is said to have been the effect of long 
 study, joined to professional practice at the bar, and neither 
 natural nor affecting, especially when compared with the 
 
272 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 As soon as it was known to the National Assembly, 
 that the royal family had been arrested at Varennes, a 
 commission was appointed by that body to meet them, 
 with full powers to order whatever they should think 
 necessary, for their accommodation and security, on 
 their way to Paris. 
 
 On their arrival at Paris, the streets through which 
 the sad procession passed, were crowded by the pop- 
 ulace, some of whom insulted them by making a mock 
 reverence. On the seat of the King's carriage, sat 
 the three body guards, who acted as couriers, with 
 their arms bound, and following this, in an open cabrio- 
 let, was placed Drouet, crowned with laurels, for hav- 
 ing instigated the arrest of his Majesty. 
 
 The procession having stopped at the Tuileries, the 
 royal family were again lodged in that palace, under 
 the responsibility of La Fayette. The question now 
 was, whether the King was subject to trial, or punish- 
 ment. Great pains were taken by the Orleans party, 
 to convince the people, that the King's intention was 
 to join the emigrants, and foreign forces, and invade 
 his own country. Some enthusiasts of this party, who 
 expected that Orleans would be appointed Regent, 
 during the Dauphin's minority, declared, that the 
 peace of France requried, that the King should be im- 
 mediately dethroned. 
 
 Condorcet,* an atheist, though a powerful writer, 
 
 fascinating speeches of Mirabeau. The latter was the ora- 
 tor, the former the rhetorician. 
 
 Barnave possessed considerable personal courage. In a 
 duel, which took place between him and de Cazales, who 
 had called him a banditto, the seconds reported, that he 
 waited with great sang froid, and an unmoved countenance 
 while his antagonist ground the flint of his pistol, which 
 would not strike fire. — Biog, Anecdotes. 
 
 * John Anthony Nicholas Caritat, Marquis of Condorcet, 
 one of the founders of the French republic, was born 1 7th 
 
LA FAYETTE. 273 
 
 concentrated all his powers to refute the arguments in 
 favor of a monarchical government. Brissot and Tho- 
 
 Sept. 1 743, at Ribemont, in Picardy, of a noble family. He 
 preferred the pursuits of literature to the military profession, 
 and studied mathematics and belles lettres, at the college of 
 Navarre, and at the age of 21, he gained the applauses of 
 the learned, by his ingenious memoir on the calcul differen- 
 tiel, which was received by the academy of Paris with mark- 
 ed approbation. He afterwards became the friend of d'Al- 
 embert, and of Voltaire, and corresponded with the King of 
 Prussia, and when made Secretary of the Academy of Sci- 
 ences, he distinguished himself by the spirited eulogies which 
 he pronounced on the meritorious services of his departed 
 brethren. In the Constituent Assembly, he was made Gov- 
 ernour to the Dauphin; but his zeal in favour of republican 
 principles, overpowered the respect which he owed to ma- 
 jesty, and though patronised by Louis XVI. he ventured to 
 recommend the abolition of monarchy, and the triumph of 
 liberty. But though hostile to the monarchy, he showed 
 some compassion for the King, and opposed his violent trial ; 
 but his measures were viewed with jealousy by Robespierre 
 and his party, and he was regarded as a hypocrite, who, un- 
 der the mask of moderation and philosophy, aspired at' the 
 sovereign power. He was therefore condemned, 28th July, 
 1793, as one of the Girondists, and for a while concealed 
 himself at Paris, but afterwards sought refuge at the house of 
 a friend in the country. His friend unfortunately was ab- 
 sent, and he was obliged to hide himself for several nights in 
 some quarries, till hunger forced him to seek relief in a 
 neighbouring tavern. His long beard, squalid appearance, 
 and the voracious appetite with which he devoured the 
 bread placed before him, rendered him suspected, he was 
 arrested and might have escaped under the character of a 
 distressed servant, but a Horace found in his pocket, proved 
 him to be a man of education and of consequence. On the 
 morrow, the gaoler found him dead, a sacrifice either to ex- 
 cessive fatigue and continued want, or to poison, 28th 
 March, 1794. In his character, Condorcet was weak but 
 ambitious, fond of novelty, and, in pursuit of imaginary hap- 
 
274 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 mas Paine joined in the clamour against the power and 
 danger of Kings, and this club, so entirely void of 
 principle itself, undertook to model the French gov- 
 ernment, on what they termed " Republican princi- 
 ples." Paris being filled with publications calculated 
 to inflame the people against the very existence of 
 royalty; while orators went about the streets har- 
 anguing the mob against the conduct of the National 
 Assembly, because they had passed some mild and 
 judicious decrees concerning the King, — the capital 
 was, at this time, torn by factions, and ruled by the 
 mob. 
 
 Robespierre, coming out of the Assembly, after the 
 passage of those decrees, said to the rabble who col- 
 lected around him, u alas, my friends, all is ruined ; the 
 King is to be restored." This was repeated all over 
 Paris, as a certain proof, that the Assembly had turned 
 traitors, and that the country was undone. The thea- 
 tres were shut, as in times of great public calamity, 
 and the people assembled at the Champ de Mars, to 
 sign a declaration denouncing the King, and demand- 
 ing of the National Assembly, that they should take 
 means to free the French throne of a man, who was 
 called a fugitive, and a traitor. This declaration was 
 drawn up by the heads of two different factions. 
 
 As soon as the Assembly were informed of these 
 proceedings, they ordered the Municipal officers to 
 
 pines?, little attentive to the feelings of humanity, the calls of 
 virtue, and the precepts of Christianity. He was, according 
 to d'Alembert, a volcano covered with snow. His writings 
 were respectable. Besides a sketch of the progress of the 
 human mind — a treatise on arithmetic — a tract on calcula- 
 tion, and on the problem of the three bodies, &c. he wrote 
 eulogies on Bernouilli, d'Alembert, Euler, Jussieu, Buffon, 
 and others, which possessed great merit, though that on 
 Voltaire > is considered as turgid and insignificant. His pub- 
 lications vvere 26 in number. — Lempriere's Biog. Die. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 275 
 
 their bar, and directed them to take measures to dis- 
 perse these tumultuous Assemblies, and punish their 
 promoters. 
 
 Accordingly, orders were issued to La Fayette to 
 disperse all groups in the streets, or assemblies in the 
 fields, and to seize the disobedient, and carry them to 
 prison. 
 
 Vast numbers, however, flocked to the Champ de 
 Mars, to sign the declaration ; which was done on the 
 altar of the confederation. The fury of the multi- 
 tude seemed to augment with their numbers, but no 
 unfortunate object had yet appeared, on whom, with 
 any excuse, they could vent their rage. At this time, 
 there was discovered, under the boards of which the 
 altar was made, two men, one a soldier, with a wooden 
 leg, and the other a hair-dresser. They had the cu- 
 riosity to secrete themselves there, to observe who as- 
 cended the altar, to sign the declaration. They were 
 immediately dragged out, and accused of having an in- 
 tention of blowing up the patriots, both male and fe- 
 male, who went to Sign the declaration. No investi- 
 gation was made, no examination of the ground under 
 the altar took place. It was enough that they were 
 accused. Death quickly followed. These poor in- 
 nocent persons were taken by the mob to the nearest 
 lanthorn posts, and hanged. Their heads were then 
 cut off, stuck upon pikes, according to custom, and 
 marched in procession before the windows of the 
 Palais Royal. 
 
 La Fayette immediately marched with a detachment 
 of guards, to disperse the rabble, and take the atrocious 
 murderers. Martial law, meantime, was proclaimed, 
 and a red flag displayed from the Town house. When 
 the guards arrived at the Champ de Mars, M. Bailly, 
 the Mayor, and La Fayette, used every remonstrance 
 to persuade the multitude to disperse, but in vain. — 
 La Fayette then ordered a part of his men to fire over 
 their heads. When they found that none were woun- 
 
276 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ded, they grew still more outrageous, and insulted, 
 and even wounded, some of the national guards. 
 They were then commanded to fire upon the aggres- 
 sors. This was done promptly, and between 60 and 
 70 were killed, or wounded. The mob then fled into 
 the city, where they tried to instigate the citizens to 
 rise against Bailly, La Fayette and the guards. But 
 no attention was paid to these clamours. Danton and 
 Desmouiins, the avowed exciters of this insurrection, 
 immediately disappeared. The Municipality had is- 
 sued orders to arrest the first, but he rled, and his 
 friend Desmouiins followed him. Marat,* % who be- 
 
 * John Paul Marat, one of the atrocious leaders of the 
 French Revolution, was born at Beaudry, near Neufchatel, 
 in Switzerland, 1744. He studied medicine, but with little 
 knowledge of it, he acquired public notice by passing as an 
 empiric, and by selling at a high price, a water which he 
 pretended, could cure all diseases. After visiting England, 
 he returned to Paris, at the time that the revolution broke 
 out, and with all the ardor of a man who wishes to profit by 
 the miseries of the public, he began to attack the character 
 of the ministers, especially Neckar, in his Publiciste Parisien. 
 To this vile, but popular publication, succeeded L'Ami du 
 Peuple, in whicii he recommended, in seditious language, re- 
 volt, pillage, and murder ; he excited the soldiers to assassi- 
 nate their generals, the poor to seize the property of the rich, 
 and the profligate to cut off their enemies. Though the As- 
 sembly viewed his conduct wit!? detestation, and seized his 
 papers, he continued his periodical labours, under the pat- 
 ronage of the jacobins, and when elected Deputy to the Con- 
 vention, he appeared in the hall, armed with pistols. De- 
 lighting in blood, he promoted the murders of September, 
 and, never satisfied with carnage, he, by repeated accusa- 
 tions, carried the most virtuous of the citizens, and the brav- 
 est of the Generals, to the guiilotine, and declared, with ex- 
 ultation, that the happiness of France required for its consol- 
 idation, the sacrifice of 300,000 more lives. This execrable 
 wretch might still have added to the number of his victims, 
 but a heroine arose to rid the world of the blood thirsty ty- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 277 
 
 longed to the same club, and was equallyguilty, betook 
 himself to a subterranean habitation, which had been 
 
 rant. Charlotte Corday* obtained access to him, while he 
 was in his bath, and with a blow of a dagger, she laid the 
 monster dead at her feet, 14th July, 1793. His remains 
 were honoured by his sanguinary accomplices, with all the 
 distinction due only to a hero, and were deposited with great 
 pomp in the Pantheon. But though prejudice or fear exalt- 
 ed this monster to the rank of a god, and dedicated busts, 
 pyramids and temples to his honour, the public opinion soon 
 changed, his memory was insulted, and his very body dug 
 up, and thrown into a common sink. This worthless tyrant 
 was, in his person, disagreeable and ferocious ; he spoke 
 with animation, but his looks betrayed the black purposes of 
 his heart. 
 
 He wrote Man, or the principles of the influence of the 
 soul on the body, and of the body on the soul, 1775, 2 vols, 
 12mo. a work severely criticised by Voltaire ; Discoveries on 
 fire, electricity, and light, 8vo. l'/79 ; Discovery on light, 
 8vo. in which he attacks Newton's system 5 Memoirs on 
 electricity, &c. — Lempriere's Biog. Die. 
 
 * Marie Anne Victoire Charlotte Corde, or Corday, the 
 woman who performed this remarkable assassination, was a 
 native of St. Saturnin des Lienerets. She was the daughter 
 of a gentleman in easy circumstances, and had inflamed her 
 mind by study and meditation to the commission of an act, 
 which she thought would be beneficial to her country. But 
 her action cannot be ascribed to patriotism alone ; it is not 
 improbable that she was influenced by love for Barbaroux, 
 whom she had long known, and whose life she imagined to 
 be at Marat's disposal. While the proscribed deputies were 
 at Caen, she frequently came, attended by a servant, to the 
 Town hall, and inquired for Barbaroux, to whom she pre- 
 tended some business, but always conversed with him hi 
 presence of her domestic. She was apprehended iromedi- 
 
 24 
 
i78 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 prepared for him, by a butcher, and which had, an 
 several other occasions, protected him from public. 
 
 ettely cm the perpetration of her extraordinary attempt, and 
 seat first to the Abbaye, and afterwards to the Conciergerie. 
 She was put on her trial the 1 7th, and avowed the fact and 
 all the circumstances, alleging as a justification, that she 
 considered Marat a criminal already convicted by the public 
 opinion, and that she had a right to put him to death. She- 
 added, that she did not expect to have been brought before 
 the revolutionary tribunal, but to have been delivered up to 
 the rage of the populace, torn to pieces, and that her head 
 fixed on a pike, would have been borne before Marat, on his 
 state bed, and serve as a rallying point to Frenchmen, if any 
 still existed worthy of that name. Her answers to the va- 
 rious interrogatories, were brief, pointed, distinguished by 
 good sense, and sometimes by wit. Her advocate, preclu- 
 ded by her confession from making any defence as to the 
 facts, delivered a speech in her favour, in which he insisted, 
 that her unruffled calmness and supernatural self-denial, must 
 be occasioned only by that fermentation of political fanati- 
 cism, which also armed her hand with the dagger, and that it 
 was for them to consider what weight that moral considera- 
 tion should have in the scale of justice. She was found 
 guilty and executed the same day. When sentence was 
 pronounced on her, she thanked her counsel for the manner 
 in which he had pleaded her cause, which she said was deli- 
 cate and generous. She desired a friend to pay the debts 
 she had contracted while in prison, and requested of the 
 judges, that three letters which she had in her hand, two to 
 Barbaroux, and one to her father, might be delivered. In 
 her way to the place of execution, she displayed a firmness 
 and tranquillity which charmed many of the spectators, and 
 even awed into silence those persons called Revolutionary 
 women, or furies of the guillotine, who in general pursued 
 the victim to death with execrations and reproaches. She 
 submitted to her fate with the same composure which mark- 
 ed her preceding conduct. She is described by Louvet, 
 who saw her at Caen, to have been stout, well made, with 
 an open air, and modest behaviour ; her face, that of a fine, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 279 
 
 justice. This monster met with a better fate than he 
 deserved. He ou^ht to have died by the rope of the 
 hangman, rather than by the beautiful hand which 
 gave him the deadly blow. 
 
 The energy with which La Fayette suppressed thi> 
 formidable insurrection, was highly approved of by the 
 Assembly, and the citizens of Paris. 
 
 The time now arrived when the National Assembly 
 was to close its long and arduous session. The com- 
 mittee which had been employed for a considerable 
 time in digesting the constitutional decrees had con- 
 cluded its labours. The whole was read to the Assem- 
 bly on the 4th of August, 1791. It was then debated, 
 article by article, and on the third of September pre- 
 sented to the King, who was at the same time restrict- 
 ed by the Assembly to accept or reject the whole with- 
 out exception or observation. On the 1 3th of the 
 same month, being attended by a deputation of sixty 
 members, the King went to the Assembly, and sanc- 
 tioned the assent he had the day before given. This 
 was done by renewing his oath, that he would be faith- 
 ful to the nation, and employ the powers vested in him 
 to maintain the Constitution, and on the 30th of Sep- 
 tember the Assembly was terminated by its own spon- 
 taneous dissolution.* 
 
 On the same day on which the King accepted the 
 
 « • 
 
 and pretty woman, combined. The circumstances which 
 attended this extraordinary action, the privacy with which 
 it was concerted, the resolution with which it was executed, 
 the openness of confession, the contempt of punishment, and, 
 above all, the execrable character of the wretch who was 
 the object of it, have taken offso much of the horror gener- 
 ally felt at an act of assassination, that the name of Char 
 lotte Corday is generally pronounced with respect, and a 
 great degree of admiration. — Adolphus'' Memoirs. 
 
 * Adolphus. 
 
280 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 revised Constitution, La Fayette moved a general am- 
 nesty, which should put a stop to all prosecutions be- 
 gun on account of the revolution, and forgive those 
 who had assisted the King in his flight. He also ob- 
 tained a decree to abolish the necessity of passports, 
 and to permit ingress and regress, both to natives and 
 foreigners. Both of these were voted with loud ac- 
 clamations,* and the cry Vive la Fayette, was heard in 
 every direction. 
 
 In obedience to the revised Constitution, La Fay- 
 ette now resigned his commission as commander in 
 chief of the national guards. He took leave of them 
 in a very prudent and affectionate letter, reminding 
 them of their sacred duties, and advising them con- 
 stantly to keep those duties in view as a guide to their 
 conduct. 
 
 At this time M. Bailly resigned his office of mayor 
 of the city of Paris. La Fayette, being now no long- 
 er in command of the guards, was set up by the mode- 
 rate party as a candidate to fill the vacancy. He was, 
 however, successfully opposed by Petion,! who, aided 
 
 * Adolphus. 
 
 t Jerome Petion was born at Chantres, in the department 
 of Eure, in 1759. His family was not noble, but it was at 
 once opulent and respectable. He received an excellent ed- 
 ucation, studied the law, was called to the bar, and practi 
 sed aj.number of years in his native city. He also was dis- 
 tinguished as a man of letters, and while the Bastile stood, 
 he expressed a marked abhorrence at the multifarious abuses 
 which had crept into the French government, and unveiled 
 the radical defects of its political, civil, and ecclesiastical in- 
 stitutions. Petion wrote a memoir on the laws and admin- 
 istration of France, so early as 1782. This occasioned a 
 search after the author ; and had he been found, there is lit- 
 tle doubt that the advocate who pleaded so eloquently for the 
 liberty of others would have been deprived of his own. In 
 1789, he became a member of the National Assembly, where 
 he had great influence. In order to make himself acquaint 
 
LA FAYETTE Ml 
 
 by the jacobin party, found a certain triumph over 
 him. 
 
 cd with the criminal code of England, he repaired to that 
 country, and attended the trials at old Bailey. In 1791, on 
 the resignation of M. Bailly, he was elected Mayor of Paris ; 
 and that capital was more than once saved from plunder in 
 consequence of his popularity, and the powers of persuasion 
 with which he was eminently gifted. During the ferocious 
 massacres that took place in 1792, he still occupied the im- 
 portant office of mayor 5 but the contrivers of those infernal 
 excesses, b}' bereaving him of his reputation for patriotism, 
 at the same time deprived him of the power to impede 
 their atrocities. During the hottest part of that bloody 
 scene, he was detained at his house by force, but no sooner 
 was he liberated than he repaired to the place of carnage 
 and chased away the ruffiians, some of whom, as if there was 
 merit in murder, actually demanded of him a reward. On 
 the 10th of August he was detained for a time in the palace 
 as a hostage for the safety of the King, a circumstance which 
 hastened the destruction of his Majesty. He afterwards, 
 upon the condemnation of Louis, voted for an appeal to the 
 nation. This circumstance, although he was considered a 
 violent republican, gave some of the fiercer ones an occasion 
 to suspect him, so that when the crisis of the 31st of May 
 arrived, he was ranked among the proscribed deputies, and 
 committed to prison. On the following morning he made 
 his escape and went to the department of Gironde. He there 
 remained concealed under the dress of a volunteer soldier, for 
 a considerable time. From Gironde, Petion, with a number 
 of others, passed over to Bordeaux, but being afraid to enter 
 the city lest they be recognized as proscribed persons 
 and immediately put to death, they wandered about without 
 shelter or provision, until some of the inhabitants, being sus- 
 picious of them, began to be in motion, when they escaped 
 in the night. They now obtained information that fifty 
 troopers were in search of them, but were so fortunate as to 
 elude their vigilance by secreting themselves in a quarry. 
 
 Exposed to the fury of the elements, destitute of clothes, 
 provisions, or even shoes 5 subsisting only by accident, and 
 24* 
 
282 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 La Fayette, now heartily tired of the tumultuous* 
 and bloody scenes he had so often witnessed in the 
 French capital, and having no disposition to make him- 
 self conspicuous by joining any of the factions by 
 which that city was torn, left Paris and retired to hi? 
 estate at Auvergne. But he did not long remain in 
 retirement. His country required his services as a 
 commander, and he obeyed her call. 
 
 At this period, 1792, Europe presented one vast 
 theatre of hostile preparations. Prussia, Russia, and 
 Sweden, had entered into engagements for the restora- 
 tion of the ancient monarchy of France. Germany, 
 though no party to these proceedings, was collecting a 
 large army on the Netharland frontier of France, which 
 was represented as a measure of self defence, and the 
 French emigrants were forming themselves into mili- 
 tary bodies in the electorates of Germany. These 
 
 liable every moment to destruction from their own country- 
 men, what now was to be done ? It was impossible to re- 
 main together without being discovered. Their party con- 
 sisted of nine persons, all in the same situation, and the idea 
 of separating was horrible ; (hey, however, resolved on it, as 
 the only means by which any could escape. They divided, 
 and took different routes. Of the nine, six were taken and 
 executed, and one died in his bed. Petion and his compan- 
 ion, Buzot, having determined to remain together and un- 
 dergo the same fate, wandered about from place to place, 
 sometimes taking shelter in a barn or empty hayloft; some 
 times exposed for whole days and nights, without clothing, 
 to the inclemency of the season, and often destitute of the 
 means of supporting life. Nature being exhausted by so 
 many privations, at length yielded to the pressure, and 
 their bodies emaciated and haggard, were found stretched 
 on the ground in the same field, in the department of Gi- 
 ronde. They were supposed to have perished by want, in 
 the centre of one of the most fertile provinces of France. 
 Petion was a handsome man, no more than thirty-four years 
 old when he died. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 283 
 
 hostile indications, which could no longer be mistaken, 
 awakened the National Assembly of France to a sense 
 of the perilous condition of their already distracted 
 country. 
 
 The King, who had done every thing in his power to 
 avert an appeal to arms, repaired to the Assembly on 
 the 20th of April, and in the conclusion of his speech 
 said, " Frenchmen prefer war to a ruinous anxiety, 
 and to an humiliating situation that alike affects our 
 Constitution and our dignity. I come, therefore, in 
 the terms of the Constitution, to propose to you to de- 
 clare war against the King of Bohemia and Hungary." 
 
 The diplomatic committee immediately withdrew, 
 to deliberate on the proposition made by his Majesty, 
 and on their return, reported in favour of a decree of 
 war, which was adopted by the Assembly on the 20th 
 of April. 
 
 The Assembly voted that the army should consist of 
 450,000 men, and that the vast sum of three hundred 
 millions of livers, in government paper, should be pla- 
 ced in the hands of the ministers of war, to defray the 
 expenses of the military establishment. 
 
 La Fayette was now recalled from his retirement to 
 take a command in the army. Marshal Rochambeau 
 commanded an army of 30,000 men in the north, and 
 took up his head quarters at Valenciennes. General 
 La Fayette established his head quarters at Mentz, 
 having the command of the centre, consisting of 20, 
 000 men. Marshal Luckner, meantime commanded 
 the army of the Rhine, consisting of 50,000 men. — 
 Thus the army was divided into three separate bodies 
 of troops, extending from Switzerland to Dunkirk, and 
 intending to act against Germany. 
 
 The first operations of the French army were di- 
 rected against the Austrian Netherlands. It was con- 
 certed between the three commanders, that La Fay- 
 ette should march against the Low Countries, at the 
 head of 50,000 men, where he was to be supported by 
 
284 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Rochambeau. Having collected a train of seventy 
 eight pieces of artillery, he sent it forward under the 
 command of M. Narbonne, who marched fifty-six 
 leagues in the space of five days. The intention was 
 to force a rendezvous in the heart of the country. La 
 Fayette arrived at the head of the main army at Givet 
 the place of destination, on the day appointed ; buto 
 part of Rochambeau's division, not reaching the place 
 jn time, the expedition was rendered in a great mea- 
 sure abortive, though La Fayette continued to keep 
 his ground. 
 
 La Fayette's army occupied the tract of country 
 from Givet to Bouvines. His advanced guard being 
 employed in foraging, were attacked on the 23d oi 
 May by a body of Austrians, who obliged them to re- 
 treat with considerable loss. La Fayette having ob- 
 tained information of the danger to which this party 
 was exposed, advanced against the Austrians with the 
 main body of his army, and after a considerable skir 
 mish, put them to flight. 
 
 The disturbances at Paris now attracted the atten- 
 tion of La Fayette. During his absence, great chang- 
 es had taken place. The popular clamours against 
 the King had greatly increased. A mob had broken 
 into the palace under the pretence of delivering the 
 King a petition. On the 14th of July, the anniversa- 
 ry of the federation, when Louis approached the altar 
 to renew his oath, a thousand tongues denounced him 
 as a perjured prince, and it was with much difficulty 
 that the guards could protect his person from violence. 
 The Assembly, so far from bringing the authors of these 
 outrages to exemplary punishment, suffered them to 
 escape, while they were constantly passing decrees, 
 which deprived the King of some of his prerogatives. 
 In this state of things, La Fayette wrote a letter to the 
 National Assembly, in which he exposes the violent 
 and unconstitutional proceedings of the jacobin club, 
 and refers to the leaders of that faction, as being the 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 guilty authors of the present dreadful condition oftht 
 country* 
 
 La Fayette's letter to the Legislative Body. 
 At the entrenched camp of Maubeuge, 16th June, 1192. 
 
 u Gentlemen, 
 
 " At the moment, perhaps too long deferred, in 
 which 1 am about to call your attention to the highest 
 public interests, and to point out among our dangers, 
 the conduct of a ministry, whom I have for a long time 
 censured in my correspondence, I learn that, unmask- 
 ed in consequence of its own divisions, it has fallen a 
 sacrifice to its own intrigues. [This was the Brissotin 
 ministry.] It is not enough, however, that this branch 
 of the government has been delivered from its disas- 
 trous influence. The public welfare is in peril — the 
 fate of France depends principally on its representa- 
 tives — the nation expects from them its security. But 
 in giving them a constitution, France has prescribed 
 to them the only means by which she can be saved. 
 
 " Persuaded, gentlemen, that as the rights of man 
 are the law of every constituent assembly, a constitu- 
 tion ought to be the law of the legislators, which that 
 constitution shall have established. It is to you that 
 I ought to denounce the too powerful efforts which are 
 making, to induce you to depart from that course 
 which you have promised to pursue. 
 
 " Nothing shall deter me from the exercise of this 
 right as a free man, to fulfil this duty of a citizen ; nei- 
 ther the momentary errors of opinion ; for what are 
 opinions when they depart from principles ? nor mv 
 respect for the representatives of the people ; for I re- 
 spect still more the people, whose sovereign will it is 
 to have a constitution : nor the benevolence and kind- 
 ness which you have constantly evinced for myself: 
 for I would preserve that as I obtained it, by an inflex 
 ible love of liberty. 
 
 " Your Fituation is difficult : France is menaced 
 
286 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 from without, and agitated within. Whilst foreign 
 powers announce the intolerable (inadmissible) pro 
 ject of attacking our national sovereignty, and avow it 
 as a principle ! at the same time the enemies of France, 
 its interior enemies, intoxicated with fanaticism and 
 pride, entertain chimerical hopes, and annoy us with 
 their insolent malevolence. You ought, gentlemen, 
 to repress them, and you will have the power so to do. 
 only when you shall become constitutional and just. 
 You wish it, no doubt ; but cast your eyes on all that 
 passes within your own body and around you. Can 
 you dissemble, even to yourselves, that a faction, (and 
 to avoid all vague denunciations) the jacobin faction, 
 have caused all these disorders ? It is that which 1 
 boldly accuse — organized like a separate empire in 
 the metropolis, and in its affiliated societies, blindly 
 , directed by some ambitious leaders, this sect forms a 
 corporation entirely distinct in the midst of the French 
 people, Whose powers it usurps, by tyrannizing over 
 its representatives and constituted authorities. 
 
 " It is in that body, in its public meeting, the love of 
 the laws is denounced as aristocracy, and their breach 
 as patriotism. There the assassins of Dessilles re- 
 ceive their triumphs, the crimes of Jourdan find pan- 
 egyrists. There the recital of the massacre which 
 has stained the city of Metz, has also been received 
 with infernal acclamations ! Have they become sacred 
 because the emperor Leopold has pronounced their 
 name ? And because it is our highest duty to combat 
 the foreigners, who mingle in our domestic quarrels, 
 are we at liberty to refrain from delivering our coun- 
 try from domestic tyranny ? 
 
 " Of what importance is it, as to the fulfilment of 
 this duty, that strangers have their projects, and their 
 connivance and concert with our internal foes ? Is it I, 
 who denounce to you this sect [the jacobins ;] I, who. 
 without speaking of my past life, can reply to those 
 who suspect my motives — " Approach in this moment 
 
LA FAYETTE. 287 
 
 of awful crisis, when the character of each man must 
 be known, and see which of us, more inflexible in his 
 principles, more obstinate in his resistance, will more 
 courageously overcome those obstacles and those dan- 
 gers which traitors to their country conceal, and which 
 true citizens know how to appreciate, and to brave 
 for her. 
 
 " And how could I delay longer to fulfil this duty ? 
 whilst every successive day weakens still more the 
 constituted authorities, substitutes the spirit of party 
 for the will of the people ; whilst the audacity of the 
 agitators, [the disorganizes] imposes silence upon 
 peaceable citizens, throws into retirement useful men, 
 and whilst devotion to the sect or party stands in the 
 place of public and private virtues, which, in a free 
 country, ought to be the austere [severe or strict] and 
 only means of attaining to public office. 
 
 '* It is, after having opposed to all the obstacles, and 
 to all the snares, which were laid for me, the coura- 
 geous and persevering patriotism of an army, sacrificed 
 perhaps to conspiracies against its commander [La 
 Fayette was the commander] that I now oppose to 
 this faction the correspondence of a ministry, worthy 
 representative of its club — a correspondence, the cal- 
 culations of which are false, its promises vain and il- 
 lusory ; its information deceitful or frivolous ; its ad- 
 vice perfidious or contradictory ; correspondence, in 
 which after pressing rne to advance without precaution 
 — to attack without means — they finally began to tell 
 me that resistance was impossible, when I indignantly 
 repelled the cowardly and base assertion. What a re- 
 markable conformity of language, gentlemen, between 
 the factions whom the aristocracy avow, and those who 
 usurp the name of patriots ! They both wish to over- 
 throw our laws, rejoice in our disorders, array them- 
 selves against the constituted authorities, detest the 
 national guards [the militia.] preach insubordination 
 
288 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to the army ; sow, atone moment, distrust ; at anoth- 
 er, discouragement. 
 
 " As to myself, gentlemen, who embraced the Amer- 
 ican cause at the moment when its ambassadors de- 
 clared to me that it was perilous or desperate — who 
 from that moment have devoted my life to a persever- 
 ing defence of liberty and of the sovereignty of the 
 people — who, on the 14th of July, 1789, (after the 
 taking of the Bastile,) in presenting to my country a 
 declaration of rights, dared to say, " that in order that 
 a nation should be free, it is only necessary that it 
 should will so to be." I come, this day, full of confi- 
 dence in the justice of our cause — of contempt for the 
 cowards who desert it, and of indignation against the 
 traitors who would sully or stain it with crimes ; I am 
 ready to declare, that the French nation, if it is not the 
 vilest in the universe ; can and ought to resist the 
 conspiracy of kings who have coalesced against it. 
 
 " It is not in the midst of my brave army that timid 
 counsels should be permitted. — Patriotism, discipline, 
 patience, mutual confidence, all the military and civil 
 virtues I find here. Here the principles of liberty and 
 equality are cherished, the laws respected, property 
 held sacred. Here calumnies and factions are un- 
 known. And when I reflect that France has many 
 millions who can become such soldiers, I ask myself, 
 to what a degree of debasement must such an immense 
 people be reduced, stronger in its natural resources 
 than in its artificial defences, opposing to a monstrous 
 and discordant confederation, simple and united coun- 
 sels and combinations, that the cowardly, degrading 
 idea of sacrificing its sovereignty, of permitting any 
 discussion as to its liberties, of committing to negotia- 
 tion its rights, could be considered among the possi- 
 bilities of a rapidly advancing futurity ! 
 
 " But, in order that we, soldiers of liberty, should 
 combat for her with efficacy, or die for her with any 
 fruit or advantage, it is necessary that the number ©f 
 
LA FAYETTE. 289 
 
 the defenders of the country should be promptly made 
 »n some degree proportionate to that of our opponents ; 
 that the supplies of all descriptions should be increas- 
 ed so as to facilitate our movements ; that the comfort 
 and conveniences of the troops, their clothes and arms, 
 their pay, the accommodations for the sick, should no 
 longer be subject to fatal delays, or to a miserable and 
 misplaced economy, which defeats its very end. 
 
 " It is above all necessary that the citizens, rallied 
 round their constitution, should be assured that the 
 rights, which that constitution guarantees, shall be re- 
 spected with a religious fidelity ; which will of itself 
 cause more despair to our enemies than any other 
 measure. 
 
 " Do not repel this desire — this ardent wish. It is 
 that of all the sincere friends of your legitimate au- 
 thority ; assured that no unjust consequence or effect 
 caD flow from a pure principle — that no tyrannical 
 meiisure can save a cause, which owes its force, aye, 
 and its glory, to the sacred principles of liberty and 
 equality. Let criminal jurisprudence resume its con- 
 stitutional power. Let civil equality — let religious 
 freedom enjoy the application of their true principles. 
 In fine, let the reign of the clubs be annihilated by you 3 
 let them give place to the laws — their usurpations to 
 the firm and independent exercise of the powers of the 
 constituted authorities — their disorganizing maxims to 
 the true principles of liberty — their delirious fury to 
 the calm and constant courage of a nation which knows 
 its rights, and is ready to defend them — in fine, their 
 sectarian combinations to the true interests of the 
 country, of the nation, which in a moment of danger 
 ought to unite all, except those, to whom its subjec- 
 tion and ruin are the objects of atrocious pleasure and 
 infamous speculation. ' LA FAYETTE." 
 
 When this letter was read in the Assembly, it wa- 
 greatly applauded by the majority, and by the tribune? : 
 
 25 
 
290 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 it however, did not escape severe censure from those 
 whose power and influence it attacked. Verigaud, 
 a Jacobin, observed that the remonstrances of a Gen- 
 eral at the head of his army, looked like an attempt t* 
 overawe the Assembly. Gaudet said, that Cromwell 
 would have used the same style, in writing to the 
 Parliament of Great Britain, when the liberties of 
 England had been destroyed. 
 
 If these arguments were attended with little effect 
 on the National Assembly, the animadversions in the 
 Jacobin club produced the most violent enthusiasm. 
 All the popular orators of that execrable society, par- 
 ticularly Robespierre, Danton, Desmoulins, and Col- 
 lot d'Herbois, uttered violent denunciations against the 
 General, and extended their rancour to the Ministers 
 and King. On hearing of the insurrection of the 20th 
 of June, La Fayette set out for the capital. He was 
 received by the guards and all the lovers of order, 
 with their usual affection. Several battalions waked 
 on their former commander, and offered to second 
 the views with which his journey was undertaken. A 
 tree of liberty, ornamented with laurels and garlands, 
 was planted before the door of his hotel,* and the 
 people in the streets greeted him with their customary 
 acclamations. The Jacobins were struck with alarm 
 at his appearance, as they had no doubt but he had 
 come for the purpose of bringing the authors of the 
 insurrections which they had promoted to punishment. 
 It was of course supposed, (hat his army was in full 
 march to support him ; or that he had been assured 
 that the forces of the capital only wanted a comman- 
 der to enforce the laws. The King, it was believed, 
 depended much on La Fayette's assistance at this 
 juncture. He appeared alone at the bar of the Na- 
 tional Assembly, on the 28th of June, and this circum- 
 stance strengthened the general conjecture, that he 
 
 * Adolphus. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 291 
 
 had not come unsupported. In his address to the As- 
 sembly, he began by avowing the letter he had addres- 
 sed to them on the 16th, and the sentiments it con- 
 tained. He then, with a boldness perhaps bordering 
 on temerity, in the faces of many of the Jacobin club, 
 demanded of the Assembly, in the name of the army, 
 and all good citizens, " the punishment of the instiga- 
 tors and executors of the violences of the 20th of June. 
 He also demanded the suppression of the Jacobin so- 
 cieties, and that the Assembly would take measures 
 for preventing all attempts against the Constitution, 
 from internal enemies, while the army was repelling 
 foreign foes from the frontiers. 1 ' 
 
 Such was the resolution and dignity with which this 
 speech was delivered, together with the justness of the 
 sentiments it offered, that the Assembly remained some 
 time in silent consternation, not believing such bold- 
 ness could emanate from a sense of rectitude and pat- 
 riotism, but still supposing that an armed force was the 
 means by which he expected to enforce obedience. 
 
 The silence was broken by Guadet. He rose and 
 inveighed against the General for leaving the army, 
 and desired that the minister of war might be inquired 
 of whether he had obtained permission to leave his 
 post, and visit Paris. This produced a debate, and 
 several severe speeches were made by those who 
 would have remained silent, had not Guadet began in 
 the bold manner he did. 
 
 But La Fayette defended himself in such a manner 
 as to escape censure. 
 
 This attempt of La Fayette, to bring the National 
 Assembly to a sense of their duty, by his own individu- 
 al exertions, and without the support of an armed 
 force, has been censured as rash and unadvised. But 
 had he brought his army with him, he would have been 
 stigmatized as the author of a civil war ; and on the 
 question whether he ought to have gone at all, it may 
 be urged, that the situation of the royal family, his 
 
292 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 anxiety to preserve the constitution, to suppress the 
 insurrections with which the capital was torn, and to 
 save his country from ruin, were his motives ; to ef- 
 fect which, he depended on the justness of his senti- 
 ments, and his known patriotism and popularity. La 
 Fayette, finding that the laudable object for which he 
 had undertaken this journey, was not likely to be ac- 
 complished, returned to take command of his army. 
 
 It was at this period, that the Jacobin club, stimula- 
 ted by revenge, or apprehension, redoubled their ef- 
 forts to destroy La Fayette. Jean de Brie came be- 
 fore the Assembly, on the 3th of August, and after pro- 
 ducing a report on the General's conduct, he moved a 
 decree of accusation against him. He was supported 
 by Brissot,* who reinforced de Brie's arguments, with 
 
 * John Pierre Brissot, a Frenchman, son of an innkeeper 
 at Chartres, of great natural powers, but of a restless and 
 ambitious soul. Dissatisfied with the political servitude of 
 his country, he for some time engaged in the publication of 
 the Courier de PEurope, which might disseminate his prin- 
 ciples, under pretence of foreign or domestic intelligence ; 
 and when this failed, he turned his thoughts towards crimi- 
 nal jurisprudence. His theory of criminal laws appeared, 
 in two vols. 8vo. 1780, with great popularity, and was soon 
 followed by two discourses, which gained the public prize at 
 Chalons sur Marne. In the prosecution of his studies, and 
 after the publication of his philosophical library, he, after 
 going to Geneva and Neufrhatel, visited England, whose 
 language, laws and manners, he regarded with affectionate 
 reverence, as diffusive of that liberty which he in vain wish- 
 ed to discover at home. On his return to Paris, 1784, he 
 was committed for a few weeks to the Bastile ; and this, 
 probably, tended to inflame his rancor against the abuses 
 and intrigues of monarchy. He was, however, liberated by 
 the influence of the Duke of Orleans, to whose children his 
 wife, of the name of Dupont, had been governess, under the 
 direction and auspices of madam Genlis. Eager to promote 
 happiness in every part of the earth, he instituted, at Paris,. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 29: 
 
 all the invention which his talents for falsehood, and 
 his inveterate rancor could supply. La Fayette was 
 defended by several of the members, among whom 
 M. Vaublanc took the lead, and the decree of accusa- 
 tion was negatived by a large majority. 
 
 The galleries, during the debate, were filled with 
 the debased rabble of the Jacobin party, who of course, 
 showed their partiality to the accusers ; and when his 
 defenders were retiring from the hall, they were sur- 
 rounded by this rabble, who insulted, hooted, hissed, 
 and even pelted them with stones and dirt. Such was 
 
 a society for the abolition of negro slavery ; and more "effec- 
 tually to carry his plans into execution, he passed over to 
 America, to examine the manners and the constitution of 
 that newly emancipated republic. His abode beyond the 
 Atlantic was of short duratiou. His schemes to establish a 
 colony of Frenchmen, under republican laws, totally failed ; 
 but the Revolution at Paris, was an epoch too fruitful in por- 
 tentous events, and too attractive for his ambitious views, to 
 detain him in America, and he soon appeared in the capital, 
 where he displayed all the abilities of a statesman, a dema- 
 gogue, and a factious partisan. For a while, he acquired 
 popularity, supported by the gold, the arts and the intrigues 
 of the infamous Orleans, and as the leader of a party called 
 Brissotins or Girondists, because composed of the members 
 of the Gironde; and though violent, he is to be commended, 
 for the mildness which he displayed towards the unfortunate 
 Louis, whose fate he wished to be suspended, till the final 
 consolidation of the republic. The versatility of his talents, 
 could not, however, ensure his safety. In the midst of po- 
 litical intrigue and sanguinary faction, he was denounced as 
 the agent of England, by Robespierre and his adherents, and 
 after a mock trial, guillotined, the 30th November, 1793, 
 with his friends and associates. He was in his 39th year. 
 Besides the works enumerated, he wrote, thoughts on the 
 means of attaining truth — letters on the history of England 
 — an examination of the travels of Chatelleux in America, 
 with an account of the country, 3 vols. Sva. — Lempriere's 
 Biog. Die. 
 
 25 * 
 
194 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 their violence, that Vaublanc narrowly escaped assas- 
 sination.* 
 
 This acquittal of La Fayette was a sore disap- 
 pointment to the Jacobin club. It was not only pre- 
 serving the life of a man, for whose blood they every 
 one thirsted, and whose influence they had every rea- 
 son to fear, but it served to shew that their own influ- 
 ence in the Assembly was much less than they expect- 
 ed. Leaving La Fayette, therefore, they plotted the 
 murder of the King and Royal family at once, by rais- 
 ing an insurrection, which should deluge the palace of 
 the Tuileries with blood. This licentious and atheis- 
 tical league succeeded in seizing the reins of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 On the night of the 3d of August, Petion, the may- 
 or of the city, appeared at the bar of the National As- 
 sembly, and demanded the deposition of the King. Pe- 
 titions to the same import were presented from vari- 
 ous quarters. The two great parties in opposition t« 
 the crown, the Girondists! and the jacobins, though 
 they differed in many respects, concurred in the expe- 
 diency of removing the King from the head of govern- 
 ment. The Girondists contented themselves with de- 
 claring that he had forfeited the crown. But the jac- 
 obins were determined to destroy Louis, and abolish 
 the monarchy of France. For this purpose an exten- 
 sive and most daring conspiracy was formed, at the 
 head of which stood the jacobins, Danton, Conville, 
 Desmoulins, Tallien, Cullot, &c. On the evening of 
 the 9th of August, this bloody club met at the hall of 
 the Cordeliers. Danton, with a loud and furious voice, 
 recapitulated the crimes of the court. " Let us cease," 
 said he, " to appeal to the laws and the legislators ; 
 the greater part of them are nothing better than the 
 accomplices of La Fayette, whom they have just ab- 
 
 * Adolphus. 
 lists, so called., because they cam? from Gironde. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 295 
 
 solved. To absolve that traitor is to deliver ourselves 
 to him, to the enemies of France, and to the sanguina- 
 N ry vengeance of the coalesced Kings.— What do I say ? 
 It is this very night which the perfidious Louis has se- 
 lected for delivering up to carnage and to the flames, 
 that capital which he wishes once more to leave. To 
 arms ! To arms ! — " 
 
 - Although this speech contained not a word of truth, 
 the cry to arms was the concert, instantly repeated by 
 a thousand tongues. At eleven o'clock, the Assembly 
 declared itself in a state of insurrection, and a musket 
 was fired as a signal for action. The members rushed 
 out, and every one who could, armed himself. Some 
 of the jacobins ordered the bells to be rung, and in a 
 few minutes the dreadful tocsin was sounded through- 
 out Paris, wafting terror and dismay to every depart- 
 ment of the castle of the Tuileries. 
 
 The royal family knew that they were the object of 
 this dreadful insurrection, and after some hesitation, 
 the King decided on throwing himself and family on 
 the mercy of the Assembly. On entering the hall, 
 Louis said, " 1 am come here to prevent a great 
 crime ;" (meaning his murder;) " among you, gentle- 
 men, 1 believe myself in safety." After some discussion 
 among the members, the royal family were placed in 
 a box appropriated to the reporters of a newspaper, 
 and here they remained fourteen hours. Scarcely had 
 the King got seated, when a dreadful cannonade shook 
 the Assembly. The insurgents, amounting to 20,000 
 in number, were provided with thirty pieces of can- 
 non, and marched in battle array to the palace. The 
 palace was defended by 700 Swiss guards ; 1,200 gen- 
 tlemen ; 2,400 national guards, and 100 cavalry. At 
 nine on the morning of the 10th, one of the gates of the 
 palace yard was forced, and the mob rushed furiously 
 in, and instantly killed six of the Swiss guards. The 
 guards then fired on the mob, when the assailants ap- 
 plied their matches to the cannon, and a direful con- 
 
296 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 flict took place. Every Swiss soldier in the palace 
 fell a sacrifice to therage of the assassins. A small 
 party of seventeen of these brave men took refuge in 
 the vestry room of the chapel, and having laid down 
 their arms and asked for mercy, were instantly put to 
 death. Five hundred of the gentlemen sought safety 
 in |the Assembly room. But the defenceless victims 
 who still remained in the palace were involved in one 
 promiscuous murder, and the massacre was followed 
 by a general pillage. 
 
 While these sanguinary scenes were transacting, the 
 National Assembly continued, as they expressed it, to 
 u deliberate." But their deliberations were no long- 
 er free. The Assembly had forced their sovereign to 
 perform acts against his will; The mob, in turn, now- 
 forced the Assembly to do whatever was dictated to 
 them from the galleries. Under the guidance of the 
 Jacobin faction, therefore, they passed a decree, de- 
 claring the executive power suspended, and the au- 
 thority given to Louis by the constitution, revoked. 
 A decree of accusation was passed against several of 
 the ministers. A new executive was formed ; and 
 among others w r ho came into office, the bloody Dan- 
 ton was appointed minister of justice. Thus in one 
 day, the whole fabric of the French Constitution, 
 which had been erected by some of the ablest men the 
 kingdom ever produced, was crumbled into dust, by a 
 licentious and sanguinary populace. 
 
 La Favette, who was amongst the first to oppose the 
 despotism o! the court, was equally adverse to the ty- 
 ranny of Ihe Jacobins ; and no sooner had the intelli- 
 gence of this horrible massacre at Paris reached his 
 head quarters at Sedan, than he addressed the follow- 
 ing letter to his soldiers : 
 M Citizen Soldiers, 
 
 " It is no longer proper to conceal from you what is 
 going forward : the constitution you swore to maintain, 
 is no more ; a banditti from Marseilles, and a troop of 
 
LA FAYETTE. $97 
 
 factious men besieged the palace of the Tuileries ; the 
 national and Swiss guards made a vigorous resistance, 
 but for want of ammunition they were obliged to sur- 
 render. 
 
 " General d'Affry, his aids-de-camp, and his whole 
 family were murdered. 
 
 " The King, Queen, and all the royal family escaped 
 to the National Assembly ; the factious run thither, 
 holding a sword in one hand, and fire in the other, and 
 forced the legislative body to supersede the King, 
 which was done for the sake of saving his life. 
 
 " Citizens, you are no longer represented ; the Na- 
 tional Assembly is in a state of slavery : your armies 
 are without leaders ; Petion reigns ; the savage Dan- 
 ton and his satellites are masters. Thus, soldiers, it is 
 your province to examine whether you will restore the 
 hereditary representative to the throne, or submit to 
 the disgrace of having a Petion for your King." 
 
 La Fayette then attempted to renew the oath to 
 the Constitution in his army, but was mortified to find 
 that many of his officers rejected it, and that there 
 was a spreading defection among the soldiers. 
 
 At Paris, amidst the confusion and horrors of the 
 10th of August, La Fayette was not forgotten. All 
 busts and pictures of him were destroyed. A cele- 
 brated artist, employed by the French mint, had been 
 engaged to engrave a medal, with an inscription in 
 honour of him, who was called the Washington of 
 France. But the reign of terror had now commenced ; 
 the Jacobins ruled the nation ; and every memorial of 
 so strenuous a supporter of the Constitution was of 
 course destroyed. The unfinished medal was obtain- 
 ed of the engraver, and by a decree of the Common 
 Council was broken in pieces by the common execu- 
 tioner. 
 
 The streets of Paris echoed with clamours and re- 
 proaches against him, and three commissioners were 
 gent by the National Assembly to arrest him at Sedan, 
 
298 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 where he remained at the head of his army. La Fay- 
 ette, being apprised of their design, caused them to be 
 arrested, immediately on their arrival. This circum- 
 stance, together with a letter he wrote to the Munici- 
 pality of Paris, and his address to the army, given 
 above, excited the most terrible indignation among the 
 Jacobins, and prompted the most violent resolutions 
 against him. He was denounced in the National As- 
 sembly, and Danton and Brissothad the extreme satis- 
 faction of procuring a decree of accusation to be pass- 
 ed against him in that body. New commissioners 
 were appointed, and despatched to apprehend him, 
 his property was confiscated, a price was set on his 
 head, and all citizens were charged to assist in appre- 
 hending him, and were authorized to kill him wherev- 
 er he should be found. Finding that no reliance 
 could be placed on his army for protection, but that 
 defection and desertion, through the influence of the 
 Jacobin terror, were increasing ; being informed, also, 
 that a riotous attempt was preparing to set the com- 
 missioners free, and seeing, under such circumstances, 
 no prospect of benefiting his country. La Fayette de- 
 cided on flight as the only means of saving his life. 
 
 With this intention, he invited three of his friends, 
 Generals Latour Maubourg, Alexander Lameth, and 
 the Commandant of engineers, Bureau de Puzy, to 
 come to his tent at midnight, on the 19th of August. 
 They there deliberated on their critical situation. To 
 march upon Paris, and attempt to crush the Jacobin 
 faction, would be to expose themselves and their 
 troops, to certain destruction. To remain where they 
 were, with the foreign enemy on one side, and the fac- 
 tious of the country on the other, was equally hazard- 
 ous. To treat with the enemy was regarded as un- 
 worthy and impracticable. It was then decided, that 
 they would leave an ungrateful country, governed by 
 a faction, which sought for their blood, and that they 
 
LA FAYETTE. 299 
 
 would cross Brabant, and reach Holland, from whence 
 they would embark for the United States of America.* 
 
 Early the next day, La Fayette, accompanied by his 
 three friends, who had been members of the National 
 Assembly with him, and who alone were in the secret, 
 together with their aids de camp, and a part of their 
 staff, set off on horseback, as if to reconnoitre. Hav- 
 ing arrived at an inn, two or three leagues from the 
 camp, they dismounted and entered the house, placing 
 sentinels at the door, to prevent a surprise from the 
 enemy's patroles. Gen. La Fayette then confided to 
 these officers, 23 in number, the state of the country, 
 the feelings of the army ; the before unknown fact?, 
 that the Jacobin society, and the municipality of Paris, 
 had devoted him to proscription, that the Corporation 
 of the same city had caused the dies of the medal, 
 which was to have been struck to his honour, to be 
 broken by the hands of the common executioner, and 
 that he was declared to be an enemy to his country, 
 and a price-was set upon his head. He finished, by 
 informing them of his determination to quit the country 
 for a time, and that he should consider as his enemy 
 any man who should propose to march against her. 
 
 Notwithstanding this injunction, these young sol- 
 diers unanimously declared, that there was but one 
 way left, to save their country, and their General, 
 which was, to march directly to Paris, and disperse the 
 Jacobin faction at once. But the General soon con- 
 vinced them, that such a step ought not to be thought 
 of, and as none of them had been proscribed except 
 himself, he thought that all had better return peacea- 
 bly and immediately to the camp, lest their absence 
 should excite suspicion. But notwithstanding all* his 
 remonstrances to the contrary, several of them deter- 
 
 * These particulars are taken from Gen. Holstein's work, 
 who cites Gen. La Fayette as his authority. 
 
300 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 mined to leave the country, and share the fate of their 
 General, whatever it might be. These young men 
 were the two Maubourgs, Bureau de Puzy, Lameth, 
 Masson, Rene, Pillet and Cardingan. His faithful 
 valet, Pontennier, and Augustus, one of his servants, 
 who afterwards voluntarily shared all his imprison- 
 ments from Luxemburg to Olmutz, asked the liberty 
 to follow their master. The rest were persuaded to 
 return, and take with them La Fayette's escort, con- 
 sisting of 150 cavalry. 
 
 La Fayette then set out with his seven companions, 
 harassed with the most trying reflections upon his own 
 situation, that of his family and country, and upon the 
 danger which thrt'Vtened him. After a rapid and un- 
 interrupted journey, they arrived, towards night, in 
 the neighbourhood of an advanced guard of the Aus- 
 trian army. Here they halted, and deliberated upon 
 the steps to be taken. It was near eleven o'clock at 
 night, none of them knew the road, and the darkness 
 was such as to make it impossible to find it. in this 
 state of embarrassment, rendered more so from the 
 fear that the French were in pursuit of them, they de- 
 termined at all hazards to proceed, and, without dis- 
 covering their names, or rank, to demand permission 
 of the Austrian commander to pass him, with the in- 
 tention of taking refuge in Holland, at that time a 
 neutral territory. This resolution being taken, Col. 
 de Puzy, the only individual of the party who spoke 
 German, advanced towards the Austrian officer, who 
 received him very politely. He informed him, that 
 he and his companions had deserted from the French 
 army, finding themselves compelled to leave the coun- 
 try, in consequence of intrigue and faction, and that 
 they desired a safe passage into Holland. The officer 
 expressed his regret, that he was unable to give a de- 
 cided answer, without first consulting his superior ; 
 but that, in the meantime, he and his friends were 
 welcome te rest and take refreshments in his tent, as 
 
LA FAYETTE. 3fl 
 
 the night was stormy. De Puzy having returned and 
 made his report, they set out for the Austrian head 
 quarters, and finally were conducted to Luxemburg. 
 
 Immediately on their arrival at this fortress, they 
 were recognized by a crowd of refugees, who, looking 
 on La Fayette as one of the first promoters of the Re- 
 volution, treated them with the utmost insolence and 
 contempt. Among the most virulent of these enraged 
 emigrants, was Prince de Lambes, who rendered him- 
 self notorious by his abuse of La Fayette. 
 
 As soon as the Governour of Luxemburg recognized 
 La Fayette, he confined each of the party in separate 
 rooms, at the inn where they had stopped, ana placed 
 sentinels at their doors. They protested in vain a- 
 gainst these proceedings, and wrote to the Duke of 
 Saxe Tschen, for the purpose of gaining their release, 
 and obtaining passports. His refusal was accompa- 
 nied with a savage and useless threat of a public exe- 
 cution ; and they remained in a state of close confine- 
 ment, until the Governour of Luxemburg received or> 
 ders from the court of Vienna to deliver them into the 
 hands of the King of Prussia. They were transported 
 in a common cart, like criminals, under a strong es- 
 cort of cavalry, during the night, from Luxemburg to 
 Wesel, being confined in the common gaols of the 
 country, whenever it was found necessary to stop. 
 La Fayette's valet, only, was permitted to ride in the 
 cart with his master. The Austrians sold their hor- 
 ses and arms, and retained the money. 
 
 At Wesel, the populace were permitted to insult 
 them in the most savage manner. Here they were 
 put in irons, placed in separate cells in the castle, de- 
 prived of all intercourse with each other, and told, that 
 the King intended to have them hanged, as wretches 
 who deserved no favour. From Wesel, they were 
 again transported in a cart to Magdeburg, where they 
 were confined a year in a dark, subterranean dungeon, 
 
 26 
 
302 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and during this time, all information from their fami- 
 lies was denied them. 
 
 The King of Prussia now ordered La Fayette to be 
 transported to Silesia ; Gen. Maubourg solicited and 
 obtained permission to accompany him. Here they 
 were confined until about the period when a peace 
 was settled between France and Prussia, when they 
 were delivered up to the Austrian government, and 
 were conveyed to Olmutz.* 
 
 u Here they were informed, as they were incarce- 
 rated in separate cells, that they would never again 
 see any thing but the four walls of their prison house, 
 that they would never again hear a human voice ; their 
 very names were proscribed, and that in future they 
 w r ould be designated in despatches to government by 
 the numbers of their respective cells ; and lest they 
 should destroy themselves, knives, forks, and every 
 thing that could be used for that purpose, would be in- 
 terdicted." 
 
 u The three prisoners.! they abandoned to their 
 miserable reflections, were immured in the dungeons 
 of the ancient castle of the Jesuits, the walls of 
 which were twelve feet thick, and into which air is 
 admitted, through an opening two feet square, which 
 is secured at each end by transverse massive iron 
 bars. Immediately before these loop-holes was a 
 broad ditch, which was covered with water only when 
 it rained, and at other times, was a stagnant marsh, 
 
 * Olmutz, or Holomautz, is the capital of Moravia, in 
 Austria. It stands on the river March, which nearly sur- 
 rounds the town. It is strongly fortified, well built, and 
 contains about 11,000 inhabitants. Its longitude E. is 17 
 deg 8 min. and its latitude N. is 49 deg. 37 min. being 100 
 miles N. N. E. from Vienna, and 130 miies S. E. from 
 Prague. 
 
 t Maubourg and de Puzy, only, went to Silesia with La 
 Fayette. Lameth was left at Magdeburg, sick. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 303 
 
 from which a poisonous effluvium was constantly ex- 
 haling; and beyond this, were the outer walls of the 
 castle, which prevented the slightest breeze from pass- 
 ing to the captives. On these outer walls were in the 
 day-time four, and in the night eight sentinels, with 
 loaded muskets, constantly watching the prisoners, and 
 forbidden, on pain of one hundred lashes, to speak a 
 word with them, and with orders to shoot them dead, 
 if they attempted to escape. The cellar of this castle 
 had a large saloon, two hundred feet long, and twelve 
 wide, in which was kept a guard, consisting of an offi- 
 cer and twenty-five men, and a corporal and four sol- 
 diers, who alternately kept guard before the door of 
 the prisoners. These soldiers, while on duty, were 
 forbidden either to speak, sing, or whistle. 
 
 " As this castle had served as a prison for four 
 years previously to La Fayette's confinement, there 
 had been constructed for each cell two doors, one of 
 iron, and the other of wood, near two feet thick. 
 Both were covered with bolts and bars and double 
 padlocks. Every time the inspector of the prison en- 
 tered, the whole guard stood to their arms. Four men 
 were posted on each side of (he door, the sergeant, with 
 his sword drawn, remained without, while the officer 
 of the guard entered the inner door, with his sword al- 
 so drawn. The men crossed their bayonets, while the 
 inspector examined every corner of their cells with 
 the greatest minuteness. When the gaoler entered, 
 with their wretched pittance, twice a day, it was scru- 
 pulously examined, particularly the bread, which was 
 crumbled to pieces by the officer of the guard, to dis- 
 cover if there was any note or communication con- 
 tained in it. A wretched bed of rotten straw, rilled 
 with vermin, together with a broken chair and an old 
 table, formed the whole furniture of each apartment. 
 
 The cells were eight or ten paces deep, and six or 
 eight wide ; and when it rained, the water ran through 
 the loopholes, off the walls, in such quantities, that 
 
304 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the prisoners would sometimes find themselves in the 
 morning wet to the skin." 
 
 Such is the shocking account given by Gen. Ducon- 
 dray Holstein, and as he states, on the verbal author- 
 ity of the prisoners themselves. 
 
 The sufferings of La Fayette in this dreary abode, 
 brought him to the borders of the grave. " His frame 
 was wasted by disease, of which, for a long period, not 
 the slightest notice was taken ; and, on one occasion, 
 he was reduced so low, that his hair fell from him en- 
 tirely, by the excess of his sufferings. At the same 
 time, his estates in France were confiscated, his wife 
 cast into prison, and Fayettisme y as adherence to (he 
 Constitution was called, was punished with death."* 
 
 But a man so distinguished in the world, and so en- 
 deared to the friends of civil liberty, though shut up in 
 a dungeon, and deprived of communication with hu- 
 man beings, was not forgotten. The American minis- 
 ters to foreign courts, were instructed to intercede for 
 his liberation. The Envoy from the United States to 
 the court of St. James, exerted himself for the same 
 purpose. The Count Lally Tolendal, who sat with 
 La Fayette in the National Assembly, and who admired 
 his principles and his virtues, also made unwearied ex- 
 ertions to effect his enlargement. Washington, when 
 President of the United States, wrote to the Emperor 
 of Austria a private letter, layiug La Fayette's case 
 before him, and requesting his permission, that he 
 might be liberated, and come to America. The fol- 
 lowing is a part of that letter. 
 
 " It will readily occur to your Majesty, that occa- 
 sions may sometimes exist, on which official consider- 
 ations would constrain the chief of a nation to be si- 
 lent and passive in relation even to objects which af- 
 fect his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a 
 man. Finding myself precisely in this situation at 
 
 * North American Review* 
 
LA FAYETTE. 305 
 
 present, I have taken the liberty of writing this private 
 letter to your Majesty, being persuaded that my mo- 
 tives will also be my apology for it. 
 
 " In common with the people of this country, I re- 
 tain a strong and cordial sense of the services render- 
 ed to them by the Marquis de La Fayette ; and my 
 friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It 
 is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with 
 him and his family in their misfortunes; and endeav- 
 our to mitigate the calamities they experience, among 
 which his present confinement is not the least distress- 
 ing. 
 
 " I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Per- 
 mit me only to submit to your Majesty's considera- 
 tion, whether the long imprisonment, and the confisca- 
 tion of his estate, and the indigence and dispel sioti of 
 his family, and the painful anxieties incident to all 
 these circumstances, do not form an assemblage of suf- 
 ferings which recommend him to the mediation of hu- 
 manity ? Allow me, Sir, on this occasion, to be its 
 organ ; and to entreat that he may be permitted to 
 come to this country, on such conditions as your Ma- 
 jesty may think it expedient to prescribe. 
 
 " As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under 
 similar circumstances, 1 would not grant, your Majes- 
 ty will do me the justice to believe that this request 
 appears to me to correspond with those great princi- 
 ples of magnanimity and wisdom which form the basis 
 of sound policy and durable glory." 
 
 To this humane and magnanimous request, his Ma- 
 jesty the emperor either returned no answer at all, or 
 such an one as made Washington understand that he 
 declined setting his prisoner at liberty, or negotiating 
 further on the subject. 
 
 In 179.3, count Lally Tolendal, then in London, en- 
 gaged Dr. Bollman, a Hanoverian of great 9agacity, 
 courage and perseverance, to attempt the liberation of 
 La Fayette. Dr. Bollman had before been employed 
 26 * 
 
306 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 by Madame de Stael, to effect the escape of Count 
 Norbonne from France, who in the reign of terror had 
 been proscribed. This he had performed, having 
 with uncommon address conveyed the Count to Eng- 
 land. But Dr. Bollman's first attempt was so unsuc- 
 cessful, that after all his exertions, he did little more 
 than to ascertain that the government of Prussia had 
 delivered La Fayette over to that of Austria. But 
 where he was, or whether he was still alive, were cir- 
 cumstances which Dr. Bollman found it impossible to 
 ascertain. He therefore returned again to London, 
 and reported to the friends of the prisoner the little 
 information he had obtained. 
 
 " But the friends of La Fayette were not discour- 
 aged^ In June, 1794, they again sent Dr. Bollman 
 to Germany, to ascertain what had been his fate, and 
 if he were still alive, to endeavour to procure his es- 
 cape. With great difficulty he traced the French 
 prisoners to the Prussian frontier, and then ascertain- 
 ed, that an Austrian escort had received them, and ta- 
 ken the road to Olmutz." " At Olmutz Dr. Bollman 
 ascertained that several state prisoners were kept in 
 the citadel with a degree of caution and mystery, 
 which must have been not unlike that used towards 
 the half fabulous personage in the iron mask."* 
 
 The following interesting account of Dr. Bollman's 
 second visit to the continent, and his attempt to deli- 
 ver La Fayette, is extracted from the " Edinburgh 
 Annual Register," for 1809. The only alteratton 
 made, is a correction in the spelling of the name of 
 the principal actor, which is there spelled Balman. 
 
 * North American Review. 
 
LA FAYETTE 307 
 
 [" This interesting narraitve," says the Editor, " was drawn up 
 by tue writer from personal communications with Mr. Huger. 
 We pledge ourselves for its authenticity. The brief account, 
 contained in the Appendix to Segur's History of Frederick 
 William II., is very inaccurate.]" 
 
 " Amongst the many extraordinary characters which 
 the eventful times we live in have produced to the no- 
 tice of the world, no man has undergone greater vicis- 
 situdes of fortune than La Fayette. At one time we 
 behold him tearing himself from the fascinations of the 
 most licentious court in Europe, braving the elements 
 in search of the bubble reputation, and combating for 
 the cause of liberty under the banners of Washington ; 
 at another, sowing the seeds of confusion in his native 
 country, idolized by an enthusiastic populace, and 
 raised to the chief command of his emancipated coun- 
 trymen : then proscribed and hunted by those asso- 
 ciates who no longer stood in need of his assistance : 
 a fugitive in a foreign land, obliged to seek an asylum 
 amongst his enemies : and lastly, seized as a traitor, 
 and delivered up to the Emperor of Germany j who, 
 regarding him as one of the chief instruments of the 
 insulting degradation and subsequent death of the roy- 
 al family of France, ordered him into close confine- 
 ment in the castle at Olmutz. Compassion for his 
 fate drew petitions from all quarters for his release. 
 The Emperor was inexorable, and La Fayette had 
 dragged on two miserable years in his solitary prison, 
 when a stranger and a foreigner stepped forward from 
 pure motives of compassion, and an anxious wish to 
 be of service to a man who had so signalized himself 
 in the cause of liberty. Bollman was a Hanoverian 
 by birth, young, active, intrepid, and intelligent. He 
 repaired alone and on foot to Olmutz to gain such in- 
 formation as might enable him to judge of the best 
 means to execute the purpose he had in view, to as- 
 sist Fayette in making his escape from the power of 
 Austria. He soon found that, without an able coad- 
 
308 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 jutor, the difficulties which presented themselves were 
 insurmountable. He was forced, therefore, for the 
 present to abandon his design until he should be so 
 fortunate as to find a man equally zealous with him- 
 self, and with ability sufficient to execute the hazard- 
 ous plan he had formed. Accident threw in his way 
 the person in the world best suited to the enterprize 
 by nature and education. At Vienna, he entered into 
 the society of young Americans, whom he thought 
 most likely, from their veneration for the character of 
 Fayette, to dare such an undertaking. Fie soon sin- 
 gled out one, to whom, after proper precautions, he 
 imparted his secret. Huger entered into and adopted 
 his schemes with all the keenness oi' youth, and that 
 enthusiastic enterprize peculiar to the inhabitants of 
 the new world. 
 
 Francis Huger was the son of Colonel Huger of 
 Charleston, South Carolina, who lost his life in the 
 service of his country against the British troop9 on 
 the walls of the town, when besieged by Gen. Pre- 
 vost. The year before his death, he had retired to a 
 small island off the Charleston bar, with his family, 
 for the benefit of sea bathing. There happened one 
 evening a violent storm, the report of cannon was 
 heard at a distance ; concluding the firing came from 
 British ships, then cruising in those seas, it was neces- 
 sary to avoid giving suspicion that the island was in- 
 habited. About midnight a knocking at the door of 
 the cottage obliged Col. Huger to open it. Two 
 persons appeared, who, in a foreign accent, informed 
 him that their ship had been driven on shore by the 
 violence of the wind, and the crew had dispersed 
 themselves over the island in search of assistance. — 
 They were hospitably received, and provided with 
 such necessaries as they most stood in need of. — 
 When the strangers were made acquainted with the 
 quality of their host, and his political principles, they 
 made themsadves and the object of their voyage known 
 
LA FAYETTE. 309 
 
 to him. The one was the Marquis de la Fayette, 
 then about eighteen, and the other an elderly gentle- 
 man, a Chevalier de St. Louis, who, like another 
 Mentor, had followed the fortunes of the young Tele- 
 machus. " They beheld," they said, " with indigna- 
 tion, the tyranny the inhabitants of North America 
 laboured under from the mother country ; and, ani- 
 mated with the true spirit of liberty, they were resolv- 
 ed to espouse the cause of the Congress, and either 
 partake with them the happiness of emancipation, or 
 perish with them in the glorious effort." Colonel Hu- 
 ger quitted the island with his guests, and, repairing to 
 head quarters, introduced them to General Washing- 
 ton, who gave each of them a command in the conti- 
 nental army. Francis Huger was only four years old 
 when this happened, but the adventure remained 
 deeply impressed on his memory ; and though he had 
 never seen Fayette since, yet he felt the greatest at- 
 tachment to his person, and the highest admiration of 
 his actions ; with ardor, therefore, he participated in 
 Bollman's scheme for the release of his favourite hero. 
 Thus agreed, they began their operations. It was 
 necessary to conduct themselves with caution, for the 
 Austrian police was vigilant, and particularly jealous 
 of strangers. Huger pretended ill health, and Bollman 
 gave himself out for a physician, who on that account 
 travelled with him. They bought three of the best 
 horses they could find, and with one servant set for- 
 wards on a tour. After travelling many weeks, stay- 
 ing some time at different places, the better to conceal 
 their purpose, and to confirm the idea that curiosity 
 was the motive of their journey, they at length reach- 
 ed Olmutz. After viewing every thing in the town, 
 they walked into the castle to see the fortifications, 
 made themselves acquainted with the jailor, and hav- 
 ing desired permission to walk within the castle the 
 next day, they returned to their lodging. They re- 
 peated their visits frequently, each time conversing 
 
310 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 familiarly with the jailor, and sometimes making him 
 little presents. By degrees they gained his confidence, 
 and one day, as if by accident, asked him what prison- 
 ers he had under his care. Ik mentioned the name of 
 Fayette ; without discovering any surprise, they ex- 
 pressed a curiosity to know how he passed his time, 
 and what indulgences he enjoyed : They were inform- 
 ed that he was strictly confined, but was permitted to 
 take exercise without the walls with proper attend- 
 ants, and, besides, was allowed the use of hooks, and 
 pen, ink, and paper. They said, that, as they had 
 some new publications with them, it might add to his 
 amusement if they were to lend them to him, and de- 
 sired to know if they might make the offer. The jail- 
 or said he thought there could be no objection, provi- 
 ded the books were delivered open to him (the jailor,) 
 so that he might see there was nothing improper in 
 their contents. With this caution they complied, and 
 the same evening sent a book and a note to the jailor, 
 addressed to Fayette, written in French ; who, though 
 he did not understand that language (as it afterwards 
 appeared,) yet did not suspect any treachery where 
 every thing was conducted so openly. The note con- 
 tained apologies for the liberty they had taken; but, 
 as (hey wished in any way to contribute to his happi- 
 they hoped he would attentively read the book 
 they had sent, and if any passages in it particularly en- 
 gaged his notice, they begged he would let them know 
 his opinion. He received the note, and finding it was 
 not expressed in the usual mode of complimentary 
 letters, conceived that more was meant than met the 
 eye. He therefore carefully perused the book, and 
 found in certain places words written with a pencil, 
 which, being put together, acquainted him with the 
 names, qualities, and designs of the writers, and requir- 
 ing his sentiments before they should proeeed any fur- 
 ther. He returned the book, and with it an open note, 
 
LAFAYETTE. 311 
 
 thanking them, and adding, that he highly approved of, 
 and was much charmed with, its contents. 
 
 Having thus begun a correspondence, seldom a day 
 passed but open notes passed between them, some of 
 which the jailor shewed to persons who could read 
 Ihem ; but, as nothing appeared that could create any 
 suspicion, the correspondence was permitted. 
 
 Their plan being at length ai ranged, the particulars 
 were written with lemon juice, and on the other side 
 of the paper a letter of inquiries after Fayette's health, 
 concluding wilh these words : Quand vous aurez lu ce 
 billet, meitez le an feu (instead of dans le feu.) By 
 holding the paper to the lire, the letters appeared, and 
 he was made acquainted with every arrangement they 
 had made. The day following was fixed upon to put 
 the plan in execution. The city of Olmutz is situated 
 about thirty miles from the frontiers of bilesia, in the 
 midst of a plain, which, taking the town as its centre, 
 extends three miles each way. The plain is bounded 
 by rising ground, covered with bushes and broken 
 rocks; so that a man standing on the walls might dis- 
 tinctly see everything that passed on the plain. Sen- 
 tinels were placed for the purpose of giving an alarm 
 when any piisoner was attempting to escape, and all 
 people were ordered to assist in retaking him : great 
 rewards were likewise due to the person who arrested 
 a prisoner. It seemed therefore scarcely possible to 
 succeed in such an attempt. Aware of these difficul- 
 ties, Bollman and Huger were not intimidated, but took 
 their measures with the greater caution. 
 
 Under pretence that his health required air and ex- 
 ercise, Fayette had obtained permission to ride out up- 
 on the plain every day in an open cabriolet, accompa- 
 nied by an officer, and attended by an armed soldier, 
 who mounted behind by way of guard. During these 
 excursions he had gained the confidence of the office* 
 so far, that when the carriage was at a distance trorn 
 the walls they used to quit it, and walk togethei. 
 
312 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The plan determined upon was this ; Bollman and 
 Huger were to ride out of town on horseback, the lat- 
 ter leading a third horse ; as neither of them knew 
 Fayette, a signal was agreed upon at their meeting. 
 Fayette was to endeavour to gain as great a distance 
 as possible from the town, and, as usual, to quit the 
 carriage with the officer, and draw him imperceptibly 
 as far from it as he could, without exciting his suspi- 
 cions. The two friends were then to approach, and, 
 if necessary, to overpower the officer, mount Fayette 
 upon the horse Huger led, and ride away full speed to 
 Bautropp, \5 miles distant, where a chaise a;id horses 
 awaited to convey them to Trappaw, the nearest town 
 within the Prussian dominions, about oO miles from 
 Olmutz, where they would be safe from pursuit. In 
 the morning, Huger sent hi* trus'y servant to endea- 
 vour to learn the precise time that Fayette left the 
 castle. Alter a tedious delay, he returned, and told 
 them that the carriage had just passed the gates. 
 With agitated hearts they set out; having gained the 
 plain, they could perceive no carriage; they rode 
 slowly on, till they bad nearly reached the w -ody 
 country, but ^till no carnage appeared. Alarmed iest 
 some unforeseen accident should have led to a discov- 
 er). ;hev hesitated; but. recollecting that their mo- 
 tions might be distinctly seer From the walls, they re- 
 ti.t< rd their steps, and had arrived at a short distance 
 from the town, when they beheld the long wished for 
 cabriolet pass through the gales, with two persons in 
 it, one in the Austrian uniform, and a musqueteer 
 mounted behind. On passing, they gave the precon- 
 certed signal, which was returned, and the carnage 
 moved on. They continued their ride towards the 
 town, then turned, and slowly followed the'earria^e. 
 They loitered, in order to give Fayette tune to execute 
 his part of the agreement. They observed the two 
 gentlemen descend from the carriage, and walk from 
 it arm in arm. They approached gradually, and per- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 reiving that Fayette and the officer appeared to be en- 
 gaged in earnest conversation about the officer's sword, 
 which Fayette had at the time in his hand, they thought 
 this the favourable moment, and put spurs to their 
 horses. The noise of their approach alarmed the of- 
 ficer, who, turning round, and seeing two horsemen co- 
 ming up full gallop, he hastened to join the cabriolet, 
 pulling Fayette with him ; finding resistance, he en- 
 deavoured to get possession of his sword, and a strug- 
 gle ensued. Huger arrived at this moment ; " You 
 are free, said he ; seize this horse, and fortune be our 
 guide." He had scarce spoken when the gleam of the 
 sun upon the blade of the sword startled the horse, he 
 broke his bridle, and fled precipitately over the plain. 
 Bollman rode after to endeavour to take him. Mean- 
 time Huger, with a gallantry and generosity seldom 
 equalled, but never excelled, insisted on Fayette's 
 mounting his horse, and making all speed to the place 
 of rendezvous : " Lose no time, the alarm is given, the 
 peasants are assembling, save yourself." Fayette 
 mounted his horse, left Huger on foot, and was soon 
 out of sight. Bollman had in vain pursued the fright- 
 ened horse, and perceiving he had taken the road to 
 the town, gave up the chase, and returned to Huger, 
 who got up behind him, and they galloped away to- 
 gether. They had not gone far when the horse, une- 
 qual to such a burthen, stumbled and fell, and Boll- 
 man was so bruised with the fall, that with difficulty- 
 he could rise from the ground. The gallant Huger 
 assisted his friend upon the horse, and again forgetting 
 all selfish considerations, desired him to follow and as- 
 sist Fayette, and leave him to make his escape on foot, 
 which he said he could easily do, as he was a good 
 runner, and the woody country was close at hand. 
 Bollman with reluctance consented. Upon the ap- 
 proach of the horsemen, the soldier who had remain 
 ed with the cabriolet, instead of coming to the assist- 
 ance of the officer, ran back to the town ; but ltng be » 
 27 
 
314 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 fore he arrived the alarm was given ; for the whole o$ 
 the transaction had been observed from the walls,- 
 the cannon fired, and the country was raised. Boll 
 man easily evaded his pursuers,. by telling them he was 
 himself in pursuit. Huger was not so fortunate ; h f> 
 had been marked by a party, who never lost sight of 
 him ; yet his hunters being on foot like himself, he 
 might have readied his covert, had they not been join- 
 ed by others who were fresh in the chase : they gain- 
 ed ground upon him, and at the moment he had reach- 
 ed a place where he hoped he might rest awhile, quite 
 exhausted with fatigue and breathless he sunk to the 
 earth, and a peasant came up — he offered him his purse 
 to assist his escape; the Austrian snatched the money 
 with one hand, and seized him with the other, calling 
 to his companions to come to his help. Resistance 
 was vain, and the intrepid Huger was conveyed back 
 to Olmutz in triumph, inwardly consoling himself with 
 the glorious idea, that he had been the cause of rescu- 
 ing from tyranny and misery a man he esteemed one 
 of the first characters upon earth. He was shut up in 
 a dungeon of the castle as a state prisoner. 
 
 Meanwhile Fayette took the, road he was directed, 
 and arrived without any obstacle at a small town about 
 ten miles from Olmutz : here the road divided 5 that 
 leading to Trappaw lay to the right, unfortunately he 
 took the left. He had scarce left the town, when per- 
 ceiving the road turning too much to the left, he sus- 
 pected he had mistaken his way, and inquired of a per- 
 son he met the way to Bautropp. The man, eyeing 
 him with a look of curiosity, at length told him he had 
 missed his way, but directed him to take another, 
 which he said would soon lead him right. This man, 
 from Fayette's appearance, his horse in a foam, his 
 foreign accent, and the inquiries he made, suspected 
 him to be a prisoner making his escape ; he therefore 
 directed him a road which by a circuit led him back to 
 the town, ran himself to the magistrate, and told him 
 
LA FAYETTE. 316 
 
 his suspicions ; so that when Fayette thought himself 
 upon the point of regaining the road which would soon 
 secure his retreat, he found himself surrounded by a 
 guard of armed men, who, regardless of his protesta- 
 tions, conveyed hi in to the magistrate. He was how- 
 ever so collected, that he gave the most plausible an- 
 swers to the interrogations that were put to him : he 
 said he was an officer of excise belonging to Trappaw, 
 and that having friends at Olmutz, he had been there 
 upon a visit; had been detained there by indisposition 
 longer than he intended, and, as his time of leave of 
 absence was expired, he was hastening back, and beg- 
 ged he might not be detained, for if he did not reach 
 Trappaw that day, he was afraid his absence might be 
 noticed, and he should lose his office. The magistrate 
 was so much prepossessed in his favour by this account, 
 and by the readiness of his answers to every question, 
 that he expressed himself perfectly satisfied, and was 
 going to dismiss him, when the door of an inner room 
 opened, and a young man entered with papers for the 
 magistrate to sign. While this was doing the young 
 man fixed his eyes upon Fayette, and immediately 
 whispered the magistrate : " Who do you say he is V s 
 " The General La Fayette." '• How do you know 
 him ?" " I was present when the General was deliv- 
 ered up by the Prussians to the Austrians at ; 
 
 this is the man, I cannot be mistaken." 
 
 Fayette entreated to be heard. The magistrate 
 told him it was useless for him to speak ; he must con- 
 sent immediately to be conveyed to Oimutz. and his 
 identity would then be ascertained. Dismayed and 
 confounded, he submitted to his hard fate, was carried 
 back to Olmutz, and the same day which rose to him 
 with the fairest prospects of happiness and liberty, be- 
 held him at the close of it plunged instill deeper mis- 
 ery and imprisonment. Bollman, having eluded the 
 search of his pursuers, arrived at the place wherts the 
 ;haj«e had been ordered to wait their coming. Find* 
 
316 Memoirs of 
 
 ing it still there, and yet no appearance of Fayette, he 
 foreboded mischief. With as much patience as he 
 could command, he remained till evening, not yet giv- 
 ing up all hopes of a fortunate issue to their adventure. 
 Me dismissed the chaise, however, and made a circuit- 
 ous journey, in hopes his friends might have escaped by 
 a different route ; but could gain no information what 
 ever, till, on the third day, a rumour of Fayette having 
 been retaken in attempting his escape, dissipated bis 
 hopes ; and, anxious to learn the truth, he took the 
 road to Olmutz. He soon was told the melancholy 
 tale, with the addition, that his friend Huger had shar- 
 ed a similar fate. In despair at having been the pri- 
 mary cause of his misfortune, and determining to share 
 it with him, he voluntarily surrendered himself, and 
 was committed a prisoner to the castle. 
 
 Thus, by a train of most untoward accidents, which 
 no prudence could foresee or guard against, failed a 
 plan so long meditated, and so skilfully projected, — * 
 The reader's attention must now be confined chiefly 
 to Huger. The day after his entrance into the castle. 
 Huger received notice from the jailor to prepare for 
 an examination before the chief magistrate of the city. 
 
 As he was not conscious of having committed any 
 very heinous crime, he was under no apprehension* 
 for his life ; but expected that, after he had told his 
 story, and declared the motive of his actions, his judge 
 might subject him to some slight punishment, per- 
 haps a short imprisonment : what then was his amaze- 
 ment, when he heard himself accused of having enter- 
 ed into a conspiracy against the Austrian government. 
 
 The examination was carried on by means of an in- 
 terpreter, a young man of a benign aspect, who seemed 
 to compassionate his situation, and who, when he gave 
 such answers as he thought might tend to hurt his 
 cause, made him repeat his answers, softening their 
 import, assuring him that he did not exactly express 
 himself in proper terms, and desiring him to recollecr 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 whether he did not mean to answer in such and such 
 a manner. Huger saw his good intentions, and deter- 
 mined to rely on his judgment, especially alter he had 
 heard him say in a low voice, " I am your friend. ,? 
 After this, and many subsequent examinations, the 
 magistrates informed him he must not expect pardon, 
 hut advised him to prepare for the worst. This ex- 
 hortation, so often repeated, began io have some ef- 
 fect upon him, and considering he was in the power of 
 an absolute monarch, whose will was superior to law, 
 he could not shake oif some melancholy presages. 
 His place of confinement was a loathsome dungeon, 
 without light ; he was fed with the coarsest food ; 
 chained to the floor during the night ; his own clothes 
 taken from him, and others sent him that had already 
 been worn by many an unfortunate prisoner. Thus 
 he dragged on the first three months of his confinement. 
 After that time, he was removed to a better room, in- 
 to which glimmered a borrowed light ; better clothes, 
 and more wholesome food were given him, and his cir- 
 cumstances, in every respect, were improved. But 
 still he was uncertain as to his fate, and the jailer was 
 the only human being that visited him. One day he 
 was surprised with the appearance of his young friend 
 
 the interpreter, Mr. W . Nothing could exceed 
 
 his joy at once more beholding a kindly human face. 
 He informed Huger, that the court of Austria had be- 
 lieved that all the garrison of Olmutz had been engaged 
 in the conspiracy ; that many people had been arrest- 
 ed upon suspicion ; for it could not be believed, that 
 two such young men as he aud Bollman could have 
 formed and executed so daring a plan without the aid 
 of others ; but as no proofs had hitherto appeared, it 
 was determined to bring them shortly to trial, and for 
 that purpose, lawyers were to be sent from Vienna, to 
 assist the magistrates of the city. Huger now for the 
 first time, learned the complete failure of their scheme, 
 and that Bollman was under the same roof with kirn* 
 27* 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 However sad the reflection was, that his friend's suf- 
 ferings equalled his own, yet he could not express the 
 joy he felt at being so near him. Soon after, he dis- 
 covered, that he inhabited the room above him. 
 Thenceforward his treatment was much less rigorous ; 
 even the jailer, who till lately, had observed a pro- 
 found silence, relaxed his caution, and came frequent- 
 ly to visit him ; and though a man of (ew words, yet 
 as his presence broke the dreary solitude, he felt hap- 
 py whenever he made his appearance. Many were 
 the experiments he tried to hold communication with 
 Bollman, and at length he succeeded. 
 
 He discovered that the window which threw a bor- 
 rowed light into his cell, served likewise to throw 
 light into that of Bollman. He picked a piece of lime 
 from the wall, and with it scratched a few words upon 
 a black silk handkerchief he wore about his neck ; 
 then fixing it upon a stick, he climbed up the side of 
 the room, and raised the stick as near the common 
 window as he could, till it had attracted the attention 
 of Bollman, who, after many efforts, made himself 
 master of it, and returned an answer by the same me- 
 thod. Delighted with having overcome this difficulty, 
 they never suffered a day to pass without some com- 
 munication. To W they were indebted for the 
 
 means of rendering their situation still more comforta- 
 ble, by engaging the jailer's wife in their interest ; a 
 few presents, and now and then a small piece of mo- 
 ney, induced her secretly to bring them books, food, 
 wine and warmer clothes ; and at length to procure a 
 meeting between the two friends, at first short, but by 
 degrees become more hardy, they were permitted to 
 pass some part of every day together. The following 
 is an extraact of a letter written by Huger by a near 
 friend and relation, which, as it describes his situation 
 and feelings in a forcible manner, ought not to be 
 omitted. 
 
 " I am equally ignorant how thii affair may hare 
 
LA FAYETTE. 31 y 
 
 been represented, or what may be thought in these 
 times, of an attempt to deliver M. de La Fayette. — 
 The motives which, however, induced me to engage in 
 it cannot be judged by those who examine all similar 
 enterprises according to their success or failure. Be- 
 lieve me, it was neither unreasonably undertaken, nor 
 rashly executed, but failed from accidents which pru- 
 dence could not foresee. To the mortification of a 
 failure were added the miseries of a prison, which, in 
 Austria, exceed any thing known in England. In a 
 small room, just long enough for my bed of straw, 
 with eight-pence a day for my support ; at night chain- 
 ed to the ground, and without books or light, I passed 
 the first three months of my captivity. After this time 
 my situation became gradually better, but I was not 
 allowed to write to my friends, to be delivered from 
 my chains, or permitted the smallest intercourse with 
 the world, till a fortnight before my release. 
 
 " In such a situation, the consciousness alone of ha- 
 ving done nothing dishonest or dishonourable, could 
 afford that internal satisfaction, and inspire that stern 
 patience, necessary to support calmly so sudden and 
 severe a reverse of fortune ; but it has convinced me, 
 that a mind at peace with itself, can in no situation be 
 unhappy. Daily habit also soon removed the uuplea- 
 sant sensations excited by disagreeable and unaccus- 
 tomed objects, and the mind, which no power can re- 
 strain, will always derive censolation from hope, and 
 rarely want some subject to be actively employed up- 
 on. My friend and companion, Mr. Bollman, was in 
 the same house, and our efforts to establish some com- 
 munication, or to procure a momentary interview, af- 
 forded exercise for invention ; and, in proportion to 
 the difficulty of effecting our wishes, the smallest suc- 
 cess rewarded days of projects and expectation. I 
 once, also, found means to disengage myself from my 
 chains, and felt an emotion beyond the power of words 
 to ^escribe. The slave, liberated by the bounty of his 
 
320 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 master, experiences nothing similar to it; he feels ob- 
 ligation for a favour conferred ; but a person formerly 
 free, breaking the chain of tyranny and oppression, has 
 the double enjoyment of overcoming his enemy, and 
 regaining his liberty by his own exertions. Mine was 
 but ideal, for I was still surrounded by walls and sen- 
 tinels : it was an event which might be of such conse- 
 quence that 1 did not permit the reality to interrupt 
 the happiness it afforded me : and 1 probably felt more 
 enjoyment at that moment, than in general one half of 
 the world ever experienced in their lives, even those 
 possessing freedom, wealth, and friends. My long 
 captivity has not then been wholly miserable, nor with- 
 out some pleasure." 
 
 At length, at the end of seven months, they were in- 
 formed that the crown lawyers were arrived. The 
 government by this time was satisfied, that the attempt 
 to liberate La Fayette was planned independently by 
 two adventurers, and that it was not a plot laid by the 
 secret agents of France, in which the garrison of 01- 
 mutz at least was concerned, if it were not more wide- 
 ly extended; and upon their trial, the sole fact of ha- 
 ving attempted to rescue a state prisoner was alleged 
 against them. 
 
 This fact being proved, they were remanded to their 
 prison, to await the sentence which was to be pro- 
 nounced against them by the supreme magisirate. — 
 They were now, however, permitted every indul- 
 gence but liberty. It was some days before they heard 
 
 from W , and when he came, they were astonished 
 
 and confounded to hear from him that their punish- 
 ment was intended to be, imprisonment for life. He 
 however consoled them by hinting, that if they could 
 by any means procure money, this sentence might be 
 changed to one much less severe, as it remained with 
 the magistrate to pass what sentence he thought pro- 
 per, or even to release them entirely. Bollman had no 
 fortune, and as Huger had no credit in Austria, it would 
 
LA FAYETTE. 32! 
 
 be a long time before he could receive a remittance 
 from London. W , their guardian angel, promis- 
 ed to do all he could for them. 
 
 In the vicinity of Olmutz resided a Russian noble- 
 man, of most polished manners, joined to the greatest 
 
 benevolence of heart. With him W enjoyed a 
 
 perfect intimacy and friendship ; they were congenial 
 
 souls. W had made him acquainted with the 
 
 whole of their story ; through him he had been able to 
 administer so frequently to their comfort ; and he now 
 nobly offered to advance them whatever money they 
 might want to accomplish their release, and to defray 
 their expenses to Hamburgh. Having thus removed 
 the greatest difficulty, his next care was to sound the 
 sentiments of the magistrate. This he could easily 
 effect, as, in the capacity of interpreter, he had con- 
 stant communication with him. He soon discerned 
 that the magistrate was not averse to his speaking in 
 their favour ; and when he artfully insinuated that a 
 large reward would certainly attend his declariug him- 
 self inclined to pardon, he found he was listened to 
 with more attention. Having gained this point, he- 
 very soon came to an eclaircissement. The magis- 
 trate made an exorbitant demand ; W said it 
 
 was useless for him to go to the prisoners with such 
 terms, and, as he knew exactly the state of theirfiuan- 
 qes, he could at once mention what they had to give, 
 and therefore the utmost he could expect. This sum 
 was fifty pieces. He refused to comply for less than 
 
 a hundred. In answer to this, W desired him to 
 
 consider, that if he delayed his determination he might 
 lose his prize altogether, fur that great interest wa? 
 making at Vienna for the release of the prisoner*, 
 which he had no doubt would succeed, as, amongst 
 others, the English and American ambassadors had 
 exerted themselves in their favour. This upright ma- 
 gistrate at last yielded to the impulse of avarice, and 
 agreed that, if the prisoners would send him the rrm* 
 
352 Memoirs of 
 
 ney before they left the prison, they should be releas- 
 ed the next day. To this he answered, that they were 
 so distrustful of all about them, that he was certain 
 they would rather await the result of the petition at 
 Vienna, than part with their little stock of money at 
 an uncertainty, but added, that he himself would be- 
 come their security, and he answerable to him for the 
 money in case they did not pay it. To this he agreed, 
 and W was authorised to negotiate with the pris- 
 oners. All matters being soon settled, the term of 
 their imprisonment was first fixed at fourteen years. 
 then shortened to seven, soon after to one, then to a 
 month, and lastly to a week ; at the expiration of which 
 they were released from prison. They immediately 
 repaired to the house of the magistrate, to return him 
 thanks for the many indulgences he had allowed them, 
 and upon shaking hands with him, the stipulated sum 
 was put into his hands. It is not to be supposed they 
 made a long stay at Olmutz ; no longer than was ne- 
 cessary to pour out their grateful acknowledgments to 
 the Russian nobleman, and above all, to the noble- 
 minded, generous W , to whose kindness they 
 
 owed all the comforts they had experienced in prison, 
 and to whose friendly and humane exertions they were 
 ultimately indebted for their liberation. 
 
 " La Fayette, in the meantime, was thrown back 
 into his obscure and ignominious sufferings, with hard- 
 ly a hope that they could be terminated except with his 
 life. During the winter of 1794-5, he was reduced to 
 almost the last extremity by a violent fever; and yet 
 was deprived of proper attendance, of air, of suitable 
 food, and of decent clothes. To increase his misery, 
 he was made to believe that he was reserved for pub- 
 lic execution, and that his chivalrous deliverers had 
 already perished on a scaffold ; while at the same time 
 he was not permitted to know whether his family were 
 gtill alive or had fallen under the revolutionary axe, 
 of which, during the time he was out of his dungeon, 
 he h'4d heard such appalling accounts*" 
 
LA FAYETTE. 325 
 
 " Madame La Fayette, however, was nearer to him 
 than he could imagine to have been possible. She 
 [with her two daughters] had been released from pris- 
 on, where she too had nearly perished ; and having 
 gained strength sufficient for the undertaking, and sent 
 her eldest son for safety to the care of General Wash- 
 ington, she sat out accompanied by her two young 
 daughters, all in disguise, with American passports. — 
 They were landed at Altona, and proceeding immedi- 
 ately to Vienna, obtained an audience with the Em- 
 peror, who refused to liberate La Fayette, but as it 
 now seems probable, against the intentions of his min- 
 isters, gave them permission to join him in his prison. 
 They went instantly to Oimutz; but before they could 
 enter, they were deprived of whatever they had brought 
 with them to alleviate the miseries of a dungeou, and 
 required, if they should pass its threshold, never again 
 to leave it. 
 
 " Madame La Fayette's health soon sunk under the 
 complicated sufferings and privations of her loathsome 
 imprisonment, and she wrote to Vienna for permission 
 to pass a week in the capital, to breathe purer air, and 
 obtain medical assistance. Two months elapsed be- 
 fore any answer was returned ; and then she was told 
 that no objection would be made to leaving her hus- 
 band, but that if she should do so, she must never re- 
 turn to him. She immediately and formally signed 
 her consent and determination to share his captivity 
 in all its details. Madame de Stael has well observed, 
 when on this part of the history of the French Revolu- 
 tion : " Antiquity offers nothing more admirable, than 
 the conduct of General La Fayette, his wife and 
 daughters, in the prison of Oimutz." 
 
 u One more attempt was made to effect the libera- 
 tion of La Fayette, and it was made in the place and 
 in the way that might have been expected. When 
 the Emperor of Austria refused the liberty of her hus- 
 band to Madame La Fayette, he told her that 'hi* 
 
324 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 hands were tied.' In this remark, the Emperor could, 
 of course, allude to no law or constitution of his em- 
 pire, and therefore, his hands could be tied only by 
 engagements with his allies, in the war against 
 1 "ranee. 
 
 ki England was one of these allies, and therefore, 
 General Fitzpatrick, in the House of Commons, on the 
 16th of December, 179G,made amotion for an inquiry 
 into the case. He was supported by Colonel Tarle- 
 ton, who had fought La Fayette in Virginia, by Wil- 
 berforce, and by Fox, but the motion was lost. One 
 effect, however, unquestionably followed from it. A 
 solemn and vehement discussion, on La Fayette's 
 imprisonment, in which the Emperor of Austria had 
 no apologist, had been held, in the face of all Europe, 
 and all Europe, of course, was informed of his suffer- 
 ings in the most solemn and authentic way.*t 
 
 * North American Review. 
 
 t From the following debate on the question, whether the 
 British Government would interfere in the fate of La Fay- 
 ette, it would seem, that although he was then in the hands of 
 the Emperor of Austria, the King of Prussia was master of 
 his destiny. 
 
 "Gen. Fitzpatrick observed, that the disapprobation 
 shown by the Minister on a former night, when it had been 
 mentioned in the House, that the King of Prussia refused to 
 liberate Monsieur de la Fayette, and three other state pris- 
 oners, on the ground that they were the prisoners of the alli- 
 ed powers, was sufficient to exempt the character of the 
 British nation from the odium of having any share in so ex- 
 ecrable a transaction. He thought, however, that humanity, 
 justice and policy, required an interference from this coun- 
 try, in behalf of this unfortunate man. The General entered 
 into a very able review of the whole conduct of Monsieur de 
 la Fayette, the greater part of which has been detailed in our 
 volumes for 1791 and 1792 — his firm attachment to the 
 constitution of 1789, which had been approved by this 
 country — his loyalty, which was proved by the most signal 
 
LA FAYETTE. 32< 
 
 The writer of the article from which the above ex- 
 tract is made, is mistaken when he says that the Em- 
 services to the royal family — and his refusal to join the re- 
 publican party, though allured by every honour which could 
 flatter his ambition. On this party obtaining the ascendan- 
 cy, what was his conduct ? He resolved no longer to head 
 the army, though he would not lead it against his country, 
 but posted it so advantageously, that Gen. Clairfait was de- 
 terred from attacking it. When commissioners came to re- 
 move him from the command of the army, still faithful to 
 the constitution and monarchy he had sworn to defend, he 
 consigned them to the civil power. He soon afterwards 
 passed the frontier, with a determination not to join the ene- 
 mies of his country, and this was the cause of his dungeon 
 and his sufferings. Had he, the General j said, deserted his 
 country, as a traitor, and delivered the commissioners to the 
 enemies of his country, he would have now been at liberty, 
 and his virtues extolled. Had he carried away the military 
 Chest, he would have received rewards. On neutral ground 
 (the bishopric of Liege) he was taken prisoner. He was 
 invited by the promises of officers, who were in the service 
 of Austria, who assured him of a safe passage. With them 
 he was taken prisoner, and transferred to a fortress belong- 
 ing to the King of Prussia, where he was offered his liberty, 
 on condition of joining the army of the French princes. This 
 he refused ; and then the officers of the King of Prussia 
 claimed him as a prisoner of their master, not as a prisoner 
 of war. Whatever might be the law of nations, the General 
 said he thought it extremely hard to confine a man in one 
 nation for a crime committed against another natiou. La 
 Fayette and three other gentlemen, who had been members 
 of the constituent assembly, were now confined in filthy and 
 unwholesome dungeons, without the liberty of breathing the 
 fresh air more than one hour in a day, and debarred from all 
 communication with each other. The General humanely 
 urged the obligation which this country lay under, to pro- 
 tect Monsieur La Fayette, according to the proclamation oi 
 the 29th October, which promised protection to all who 
 should throw off anarchy, and declare for monarchy. If we 
 .refused to interfere, what dependanee could the royalists 
 
 28 
 
328 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 peror of Austria had no apologist, as will be seen on 
 reading the debates on that occasion, and also by the 
 
 place upon our promises ? He noticed the gross impolicy 
 shown in our conduct towards those who had deserted the 
 republic, and warned the House against the propagation of 
 an opinion that this country was not sincere in the procla- 
 mation of October 29th ; which must inevitably be the case, 
 if we did not mark our disapprobation of the imprisonment 
 of Monsieur La Fayette and his companions, who were the 
 defenders of the constitution of 1789. A favourable mo- 
 ment for negotiating upon this subject might certainly be 
 found ; as for instance, when solicitations were made to his 
 Prussian majesty to accept a sum of 7 or .£800,000 from 
 this country. He urged, that the conduct of Monsieur La 
 Fayette in America, ought to be no bar to such an interpo- 
 sition, as we should have been happy to have saved, by such 
 a step, the life of Louis the sixteenth, whose conduct in the 
 American war, would never have been thought of as an ob- 
 stacle. The General continued to urge the policy and hu- 
 manity of this interference, and mentioned the intention of 
 the President of the United States, to make an application 
 in favour of the unhappy prisoner. He concluded, by mov- 
 ing for an address to his majesty, stating, that the detention 
 of Monsieur de La Fayette and his three friends in prison, 
 by order of the King of Prussia, was injurious to his majesty 
 and the cause of his allies, and beseeching him to intercede 
 for their deliverance, in such a way as he in his wisdom shall 
 jtadge proper. 
 
 " This motion was seconded by Col. Tarleton, who gal- 
 lantly expatiated upon the merits of a General who had 
 once been his adversary, and, to prove the attachment of 
 Monsieur La Fayette to monarchy, read an extract of a let- 
 ter from him, written in the camp at Maubeuge. This let- 
 ter, he stated, had, on its arrival in Paris, excited against 
 him the rancour of the Jacobin faction. It produced an ac- 
 cusation against him before the Assembly, which, on his ar- 
 rival, pronounced a unanimous acquittal and approbation. 
 In histabsence, Jacobin emissaries corrupted his army, and 
 he resolved to flee from a country which he was then pre 
 vented from serving. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 327 
 
 fact, that the motion for interference was lost, 46 to 
 153. The discussion, however, may be considered as 
 
 " The Chancellor of the Exchequer, (Mr. Pitt,) denied 
 that the four persons mentioned in the motion ever were the 
 real friends of liberty, and thought their detention no infrac- 
 tion of the law of nations. The question, he said, was, 
 whether this country was implicated to interfere from mo- 
 tives of justice, honour, and policy ? The interference re- 
 quired would be setting ourselves up as guardians of the 
 consciences ot foreign states. This country had, he said, no 
 participation in the matter, since Monsieur La Fayette had 
 been taken prisoner before we were a party in the war. 
 With respect to the gentleman being entitled to the protection 
 Of this country on account of the proclamation at Toulon, 
 that declaration was addressed only to such as were willing 
 to come as friends and supporters of the genuine cause of 
 liberty. This was not the case with Monsieur La Fayette 
 and his friends. He should, he said, oppose the motion as 
 equally improper and unnecessary 
 
 " Mr. Fox thought it was difficult to say which was the 
 more extraordinary, that this country should refuse to inter- 
 fere, or that the court of Berlin should exercise such abomi- 
 nable tyranny. On the pretext alleged for continuing the 
 treatment received by Monsieur de La Fayette, that he was 
 the prisoner of the allied powers, not to interfere was to be 
 implicated in the odium, and to be handed down to posteri- 
 ty, as accomplices in the diabolical cruelty of the Prussian 
 cabinet. Mr Fox stated that these unfortunate prisoners 
 were confined in separate apartments, suffered only to 
 breathe the fresh air one hour in a day, confined in subter- 
 raneous caverns, in which the only light came from a con- 
 fined and dreary court, where the execution of malefactors 
 was the only spectacle. In this dreary situation, they had 
 still one comfort, that of thinking themselves confined under 
 the same roof; but this consolation was put an end to, by 
 the removal of two of them to another prison ; and the re- 
 quest of Monsieur La Fayette to the King of Prussia, that 
 Monsieur Latour Maubourg might remain in the same prison 
 with him, was denied. Asa proof that we might interfere 
 in such a case, Mr. Fox cited the instance of an application 
 
328 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 leading to, and facilitating his release, because the ar- 
 guments for still keeping him, are founded on no better 
 
 made from this country to the court of France in the case of 
 Captain Asgill. He did not, however, conceive that any 
 authority was requisite on the present occasion. He men- 
 tioned, that Monsieur La Fayette was neither treated as a 
 prisoner of war nor as a prisoner of state. The King of 
 Prussia had repeatedly declared him and his friends prison- 
 ers to the allied powers, and that he could not be released 
 but by their consent ; there was no way for those powers to 
 clear themselves from such an imputation, but by declaring 
 their disavowal of the whole proceeding. National honour 
 and policy required this. Monsieur La Fayette, he contend- 
 ed, stood exactly in the same predicament with those to 
 whom protection had been offered by this country. Had he 
 staid in France, and come forward on the proclamation at 
 Toulon, could we then have refused him protection ? Mr. 
 Fox mentioned, that the treatment experienced by Monsieur 
 La Fayette and his friends, had prevented many persons in 
 France from joining the standard of royalty. Frenchmen 
 must suppose, from our conduct, either that our declarations 
 were as faithless as those of the King of Prussia, and the 
 Prinee of Saxe Cobourg, or that our allies thought differently 
 from us ; that all the supporters of limited monarchy were 
 to be proscribed, and the advocates of unlimited monarchy 
 only protected. He showed the unpopularity of the old 
 government of France — so much so, that after Louis the 
 seventeenth was proclaimed, the partisans of royalty were 
 with much difficulty prevailed upon to lay aside the national 
 cockade, and substitute the white for the tri-coloured flag. 
 Mr. Fox mentioned, in pointed terms, fhe abominable trea- 
 chery by which La Fayette had been captured. Of his 
 company, consisting of forty persons, all but himself and 
 three others, who had been members of the Constituent As- 
 sembly, were released. No man could, he said, point out 
 that part of the law of nations, by which the subjects of one 
 independent nation could be made prisoners of state by the 
 sovereign of another, for offences committed, or supposed to 
 be committed, in their own country ; it could only be done 
 by- the law of tyrants, which condemns all principles,, hamarx 
 
LA FAYETTE. .329 
 
 grounds, than the want of a precedent to do a humane 
 act ; — and the right and justice of revenge, where the 
 power exists : whereas those for the interference are 
 grounded on national honour, humanity and justice. 
 Notwithstanding the efforts which had been made 
 for their release, La Fayette and his fellow prisoners 
 remained immured in their dark and loathsome dun- 
 geons,,until about the middle of the year 1797. At 
 this period, Bonaparte settled the treaty of Campo 
 Formio with the Austrian government. In the arti- 
 cles of this treaty it was expressly stipulated, that La 
 Fayette and the other French prisoners confined at 
 Olmutz should be liberated. This was not done, 
 however, without an attempt to prescribe certain con- 
 ditions to La Fayette. The Emperor of Austria on 
 this occasion, commissioned the Marquis de Chasteler 
 to take charge of the negociation, and as though a 
 
 and divine. Mr. Fox spoke in the highest terms of Mon- 
 sieur La Fayette and his fellow prisoners, and vindicated 
 the General from the charge which had been urged against 
 him, that of instigating the flight of the royal family, and 
 afterwards betraying them, from the testimony of the unfor- 
 tunate Queen on her trial. ( 
 
 " Mr. Burke strongly opposed the motion on the ground 
 that no precedent existed of such an interference, and that it 
 was improper, as w had forhorne to interfere in preventing 
 the numerous massacres, &c. in France. Of these calami 
 ties, he considered Monsieur La Fayette as the origin, and 
 the author of all the miseries that had befallen France. He 
 ridiculed all interference on this occasion, and arraigned, in 
 his usual unqualified terms, the whole conduct of the unhap- 
 py sufferers. 
 
 " Mr. Grey strongly contended in favour of the motion, 
 which was further supported by Mr. Thornton, Mr. \V. 
 Smith, Mr. Martin, Mr. Courtenay\ and Mr. Whitbread, 
 junior ; and opposed by Mr. Ryder, the Solicitor General, 
 Mr. Cocks, and Mr. Addington. On a division of i!iV 
 House, the ayes were 46, noes 153."— Annual Register. 
 28* 
 
330 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 dungeon for five years had not been sufficient to expi- 
 ate the imputed crimes of La Fayette, the Minister 
 offered him terms of compromise, by which his libera- 
 tion from his dungeon should be bought at the price 
 of his general freedom. 
 
 Gen. La Fayette's reply to the terms of the com- 
 missioner, will show the nature of this attempt, as 
 well as the General's firmness in refusing all terms 
 restricting his rights as a citizen of France and Amer- 
 ica. It is as follows : 
 
 " The commission, with the execution of which 
 Lieut. General the Marquis de Chasteler has been 
 charged, seems to me to resolve itself into the conside- 
 ration of three points : 1st. His Imperial Majesty re- 
 quires an authenticated statement of our exact situa- 
 tion. I am not disposed at present to complain of 
 any grievances. Several representations, however, 
 on this subject, may be found in the letters of my wife, 
 transmitted or sent back by the Austrian government ; 
 and if his Majesty is not satisfied by the perusal of the 
 instructions sent, in his name, from Vienna, 1 will 
 cheerfully communicate toM.de Chasteler all the 
 information he can possibly desire. 
 
 " 2nd. His Majesty, the Emperor and King is de- 
 sirous of obtaining an assurance, that upon my libera- 
 tion, I shall immediately leave Europe for America. 
 This has been often my desire and my intention ; but 
 as my consent at this moment, to his Majesty's request, 
 would constitute an acknowledgment of his right to 
 impose such a condition, I do not feel disposed to 
 comply with this demand. 
 
 " 3d. His Majesty, the Emperor and King, has 
 graciously done me the honour to signify, that inas- 
 much, as the principles I profess, are incompatible 
 with the safety of the Austrian government, he can- 
 not consent to allow me to enter his territories again, 
 without his special permission. To this, I have only 
 to reply, that there already exist antecedent obliga- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 331 
 
 lions, of which I cannot possibly divest myself, partly 
 towards America, but mostly towards France ; and I 
 cannot engage to do any thing which might inter ere 
 with the rights of my country, to my personal servi- es» 
 With these exceptions, I can assure the Marquis de 
 Chasteler, that my invariable resolution is, not to set 
 my foot upon any territory under the dominion of his 
 Majesty the King of Bohemia and Hungary." 
 
 The other prisoners, Maubourg and de Puzy made 
 similar objections to binding themselves not to enter 
 the Emperor's dominion, incase their country required 
 their services there. It was therefore arranged, that 
 all the prisoners should be set free after signing the 
 following declaration : 
 
 " The undesigned engage towards his Majesty the 
 Emperor and King, not to enter at any time, whatever, 
 his hereditary provinces, without first obtaining his 
 special permission ; it being always understood, that 
 the rights of the undersigned's country over his per- 
 son, are explicitly reserved and retained." 
 
 On these terms, La Fayette, with his fellow prison- 
 ers, were released on the 25th of August, 1797. He 
 had been confined five years, and Madame La Fayette 
 and her daughters, had shared his prison with him 
 twenty-two months. 
 
 If all the circumstances attending La Fayette s im- 
 prisonment be taken into consideration, perhaps a par- 
 allel case for injustice and cruelty can hardly be found 
 in the annals of Monarchical tyranny. It never was 
 pretended that he was taken, or retained as a prison- 
 er of war. No charges were ever formally preferred 
 against him, and no legal judgment ever doomed him 
 to punishment. The Jacobin faction of Paris outlaw- 
 ed him, confiscated his estates, and set a price on his 
 head, as a Royalist, while the coalesced Kings of Eu- 
 rope immured him in dungeons as a Republican. La 
 Fayette notwithstanding, was perfectly consistent in 
 his principles and conduct throughout those (rials. His 
 
332 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 determination to assist the Americans proved that he 
 was strongly attached to the principles of national and 
 civil liberty, even from his youth. These principles 
 were no doubt confirmed and strengthened by his assO* 
 ciation with Washington, and by witnessing the scenes 
 of desolation through which the Americans finally tri- 
 umphed over despotism. Under the ancient monar- 
 chies of France, freedom was unknown — nor were the 
 principles of constitutional liberty at all understood* 
 When, therefore, the revolution of France began, it 
 was the result of increasing knowledge, on the subject 
 of human rights. La Fayette understood the princi- 
 ples of human rights, and was attached to the liberty 
 of man. He knew, therefore, that the rights of his 
 countrymen required a constitution founded on these 
 principles, and he acted accordingly. At the begin- 
 ning of the revolution, when a member of the States 
 General, he offered to the Assembly a bill of rights, 
 taking the American declaration of rights as the basis* 
 When the constitution of France was proposed, he was 
 of course in favour of the measure, as a means of 
 prescribing and securing the rights of the people. 
 
 These were the crimes for which he was incarcera- 
 ted, and for which the monarchs of Europe would 
 have consigned him to perpetual and infamous punish- 
 ment. 
 
 On the contrary, La Fayette was attached to his 
 King, not only personally, but as the head of the go- 
 vernment.. He had no intention of changing the form 
 of government, nor did he ever act on such a principle. 
 He only desired a reform, which, without touching the 
 prerogatives of the King, should confer more freedom 
 and more happiness on the people, and these were the 
 crimes for which a lawless faction set a price upon 
 bis head. 
 
 At the time La Fayette was liberated, France was 
 still in two unsettled a state to allow him safety to re- 
 turn home. He therefore proceeded to Hamburg, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 333 
 
 which was neutral ground. Here he caused his rights 
 as a French and an American citizen to be formally 
 recognized, and then retired to Holstein, where he re- 
 sided with his family in peace for two years. It was' 
 while he resided here, that his son George Washington 
 La Fayette, returned from the United States and join- 
 ed his family. His mother, to save him from the mer- 
 ciless foes of his father, had sent him to America,, 
 where he resided under the protection and in the fam- 
 ily of Washington. While here, too, their eldest 
 daughter was married to Latour Maubourg, brother to 
 him who shared La Fayette's captivity. In 1799, 
 apparent tranquility being established in France, he 
 returned and took up his residence at La Grange* 
 about forty miles from Paris, where his family still 
 remains. 
 
 Agreeably to our plan, we now return to the histo* 
 ry of the French revolution, during the period of La 
 Fayette's imprisonment, and down to the time of Bo- 
 naparte's consulship, where La Fayette again ap- 
 pears. 
 
S3* MEMOTRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 #R0GHES8 OP THE FRENCH REVOLUTION — TRIAL AND EXECU- 
 TION OP LOUIS XVI. — EXECUTION OF THE ClUEEN — APPEAR-. 
 ANCB OP BONAPARTE, &C. 
 
 The reader has already seen that the constitution 
 Of France had been settled on the oath of the nation. 
 On the 1 4th of June, 17 90, and that in 1792 it was 
 again revised by the National Assembly, and approv- 
 ed, article by article, by the King. It has also been 
 stated, that on the accession of the jacobin faction to 
 the government, the constitution was abolished by a 
 Vote of that Assembly, and a new executive body was 
 formed, the infamous Danton being appointed minister 
 of justice. 
 
 From this time the reign of terror began, and vio- 
 lence and murder became the order of the day. Ro* 
 "bespierre, Marat and Danton, became the leaders of 
 the executive body. In September, 1 792, this execra- 
 ble association, which still styled themselves the Na- 
 tional Assembly, as a preliminary to the death of the 
 King, which they had determined to compass, formal- 
 ly passed a decree abolishing the royalty of France.* 
 
 On the 2d of September, the Assembly declared the 
 
 * This decree was as follows : 
 
 " The National Assembly decrees that royalty is abol- 
 yfhcd in France ; - 
 
 " That all public acts shall be dated — ( The first year of 
 the French Republic.' 
 
 "That the seal of the State shall be changed, and hav£ 
 for legend, i French Republic' 
 
 " And that the national seal shall represent a woman sit* 
 ting on a bundle of arms, and having in her hand a pike with 
 a cap of liberty upon it ; on the exergue shall be engraved, 
 1 Archives of the French Republic." 
 
LA FAYETTE. 335 
 
 nation in clanger from foreign foes, the Prussians ha* 
 ving passed the frontiers of France. Instantly Paris 
 was in the most dreadful alarm. The Assembly pro- 
 posed to equip a volunteer company, which should 
 sally forth to meet the enemy. But. instead of having 
 their names enrolled in the different sections of Paris, 
 with order and quietness, they ordered that the alarm 
 guns should be fired, and the tocsin, or alarm bells to 
 be sounded, and that the populace of Paris should be 
 summoned to the Champ de Mars, from whence, as 
 they pretended, they were to march against the ene- 
 my. An immense concourse assembled, but instead 
 of enrolling their names, voices were heard exclaiming 
 " we are ready to devote ourselves to the service of 
 Our country against foreign enemies, but we must first 
 purge the nation from its domestic foes." This wag 
 undoubtedly done at the private direction of Robes> 
 pierre and his associates. 
 
 Without further deliberation, a party of armed meu 
 proceeded to a prison where a number of priests were 
 Confined, who had refused the oath of the constitution. 
 These, in cold blood, were every one slain. The re* 
 morseless assassins then went to the abbey prison, 
 where the Swisa officers, who had escaped the murders 
 of the 10th of August, were confined for having at- 
 tempted to defend their sovereign. There the mob 
 empannelled a jury of their number, and each prison- 
 er, before he was slain, was insulted by a mock trial-. 
 The watchword that pronounced the culprit guilty 
 was " 11 faut le la'rger,"* on which the miserable man 
 was precipitated into the street, where he was cut to 
 pieces by the mob. To give a kind of authority to 
 these massacres, some were acquitted, declared to be 
 under the protection of the nation, and were led home 
 by the banditti. 
 
 * He must be set at liberty. 
 
33£ MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Having destroyed all the Swiss officers they found 
 confined, except one, this more than savage rabble 
 proceeded to the prison of La Force, where the ladies 
 of the court, who were arrested on the 10th of August, 
 were confined. In this dungeon was the beautiful and 
 accomplished Princess de Lambelle, who had been 
 guilty of nothing more than being the particular friend 
 and confidante of the Queen. This ill-fated Princess 
 was dragged from her bed, her head severed from her 
 body, her heart torn out, and both were placed on the 
 end of a pike, and carried to the Palais Royal, and 
 shown to the Queen. 
 
 After their formal abolition of royalty, the National 
 Assembly threw off* all reserve. Every emblem of 
 royalty was effaced. The words, King, Bourbon, or 
 any other word which tended to bring to mind, that 
 the nation ever had a King, was destroyed in the 
 streets. The streets, squares and bridges, were named 
 anew, and the Assembly decreed, that the monuments 
 and statues of Kings should be converted into cannon. 
 The virtues of Henry IV. so lately the idol of the 
 populace, could not atone for the crime of having been 
 a King ; a rope was put round the neck of his statue 
 of bronze, and he was hurled from his pedestal amidst 
 the shouts of the mob. 
 
 These acts were only a prelude to the destruction 
 of the King and Queen themselves. 
 
 About the middle of September, the Assembly hav- 
 ing passed a decree to imprison the King and royal 
 family, they were immured in the dreary tower of the 
 Temple to await their trial, by their accusers. 
 
 It cannot but be interesting to the reader to be 
 informed of the particulars of the confinement of this 
 unfortunate family, and of the trial and execution of 
 the King and Queen. 
 
 The second and third stories of the Temple were 
 assigned to the royal prisoners. But being single 
 rooms, they had been divided by four partitions^ ex- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 337 
 
 pressly for this purpose. The ground floor was occu- 
 pied by the Municipal officers. The first story was 
 the guard room. The first room of the King's story 
 was an anti-chamber, from which three doors led to 
 three separate apartments. Opposite the entrance 
 was the Kind's chamber, in which a bed was also pla- 
 ced for the Dauphin. Next the King's room was that 
 of his faithful and devoted servant, Clere, who has 
 written an account of all these transactions. The 
 windows were secured with great iron bars, and slant- 
 ing screen? on the outside, so as to prevent the pris- 
 oners from being seen. The embrasures of the win- 
 dows were nine feet thick. The Queen occupied the 
 third story, which was distributed much like the King's. 
 In this dreadful place, more horrible on ail accounts 
 than any the Bastile ever contained, the royal family 
 were shut up from September 1792, to the execution 
 of the King, in January, 179,3, 
 
 The manner in which they spent their time while 
 there, is so interesting, that it is believed the reader 
 will not find it too long. 
 
 The King usually rose at six, shaved himself, and 
 Clere dressed his hair. He then went to his reading- 
 room, which being very small, the Municipal officer 
 on duty remained in the bed-room, with the door open, 
 that he might always keep the King in sight. Soon 
 after the King was up, he read prayers, and as mass 
 was not permitted, he requested Clere to purchase a 
 breviary, such as was used in the diocese of Paris. 
 
 While the King was thus engaged, Clere, after put- 
 ting his chamber in order, and preparing breakfast, 
 wei.it to the Queen, who never opened her door till he 
 arrived, in order to prevent the Municipal officer from 
 going into her apartment. He dressed the Prince, 
 and combed the Queen's hair, then went and did the 
 same for Madame Royale, and xMadame Elizabeth. 
 This service afforded one of the opportunities Clere 
 had of communicating to the Queen and Princesses 
 
 29 
 
338 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 whatever he heard ; for when they found by a sign 
 that he had something to say, one of them kept the 
 officer in talk, to divert his attention. 
 
 At nine o'clock, the King and his son were summon- 
 ed to breakfast : Clere attended them- By the 
 queen's order, he taught Madame Royale to dress hair; 
 while he did this, the King generally played at chess, 
 sometimes with the Queen, sometimes with Madame 
 Elizabeth. 
 
 At ten, the family assembled in the Queen's cham- 
 ber, and there passed the day. The Kin^ employed 
 himself in educating his son. The Prince's early 
 quickness of apprehension fully repaid the fond cares 
 of his father. Jn the meantime the Queen instructed 
 her daughter. These lessons lasted till eleven o'- 
 clock. The remaining hour till noon was passed in 
 needle-work, knitting, or making tapestry. At noon, 
 they retired to Madame Elizabeth's room, to change 
 their dress ; no Municipal officer attending. At one, 
 when the weather was fine, they were conducted to 
 the garden by four officers, and a detachment of the 
 national guard. 
 
 At two they returned to the tower, where Clere ser- 
 ved dinner. The table was well supplied, less from 
 respect to the King, than kindness for the Commission- 
 ers, who made daily visits to the temple to take their 
 meals. At dinnertime, Santerre, the brewer, com- 
 mander in chief of the national guards, regularly carne, 
 attended bv two ad de camps ; the King sometimes 
 spoke to him ; the Q leen never. After dinner, the 
 family withdrew to the Queen's room ; the Dauphin 
 and his sister went into the ant i chamber, to pla\ at 
 battledore and shuttlecock, or some other game. Ma- 
 dame Elizabeth was always with them, and generally 
 sat with a book in her hand. 
 
 Clere staved with them also, and sometimes read. 
 This dispersion of the roval family often perplexed the 
 municipal otficers on guard, who, anxious not to leave 
 
LA FAYETTE. 339 
 
 the King and Queen alone, were still more so not to 
 leave one another, so great was their distrust. This 
 was the time Madame Elizabeth took to ask Clere 
 questions, or give him orders. He both listened to 
 her, and answered, without taking his eyes from the 
 book in his hand, that he might not be surprised by 
 the officer:.. The Dauphin and his sister, instructed 
 by their aunt, facilitated these conversations, by being 
 noisy in their play, and made signs to her when the 
 officers were coming. 
 
 In the evening, the family sat round a table, while 
 the Queen read to them either history or some work 
 proper to instruct and amuse her children. Some- 
 times she, unexpectedly, met with situations similar to 
 their own, which gave rise to very afflicting reflec- 
 tions. Madame took the book in her turn, and in this 
 manner they read till eight o'clock. Clere then gave 
 the Prince his supper, during which time the King 
 would divert the children by making them guess rid- 
 dles in a collection which he found in the library. 
 
 After supper, the Queen heard the Prince say his 
 prayers ; he said one for the Princess de Lamballe, 
 and another for his governess ; when the officers were 
 too near, the Prince of his own accord said these two 
 prayers in a low voice. Clere then put him to bed, and 
 if he had any thing to communicate to the queen 5 he 
 took that opportunity. He acquainted her with the 
 contents of the journals. When they were no longer 
 permitted in the tower, a newsman, sent on purpose, 
 used to come every night at seven o'clock, and, stand- 
 ing by the wall near the temple inclosure, read seve- 
 ral times over, an account of all that had passed in 
 the Convention, at the commune, and the armies. 
 Clere, placing himself in the King's reading room, 
 listened, and with the advantage of perfect silence, 
 remembered all he heard. 
 
 At nine, the King went to supper, while the Queen 
 and Madame Elizabeth took it in turns to stay by the 
 
340 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Dauphin ; and as Clere carried them whatever they 
 wanted from the table, it afforded another opportanity 
 of speaking without witnesses. 
 
 After supper, the King went for a moment into the 
 Queen's chamber, shook hands with her and his sister, 
 kissed his daughter, and then retired to the turret- 
 room, where he read till midnight. The Queen and 
 Princesses locked themselves in, and one of the offi- 
 cers remained in the little room that parted their 
 chambers, where he passed the night ; the other fol- 
 lowed his majesty. 
 
 Before the confinement of the royal family in the 
 tempie, they had fresh occasion to contemplate an 
 example of Parisian ferocity in the massacres of Sep- 
 tember. Great fears were entertained for their safety, 
 during those days, but the commissioners on duty suc- 
 ceeded in preventing the mob from executing any fe- 
 rocious project with which their leaders might have 
 inspired them. But though they were restrained from 
 violence, they committed an act of brutality, from 
 which the most unenlightened savage* would have re- 
 coiled with horror. The head of the Princess de Lam- 
 balle, carried on a pike, with her heart above it, were 
 paraded before the windows of the temple. The 
 queen instantly fainted ; both she and her sister 
 were taken extremely ill. Two commissioners were 
 with the king: one of them hearing the shouts, and 
 recognizing the head, invited him to see a curious 
 sight. The king was advancing to the window, when 
 the other commissioner interposed, saying, the sight 
 was too shocking ; and placing his hands before his 
 eyes, prevented him from seeing it. The king rela- 
 ted this anecdote to M. dc Malesherbes, who request- 
 ed to know the names of the commissioners. He 
 told that of the humane man without hesitation, but 
 declined mentioning the other, alledging, " that it 
 could do him no credit at that time, and might, pos- 
 sibly, at some future period bring him trouble." 
 
LA FAYETTE. 341 
 
 From the day of the king's imprisonment, the ne- 
 cessity of his being separated from the queen was ve- 
 hemently discussed ; but when the trial was determin- 
 ed, it was rigourously enforced. He was not permit- 
 ted to see the journals, in order that he might not be 
 prepared to repel the accusations that were to be 
 brought against him. But if they contained abusive 
 expressions against the king or queen, atrocious threats 
 or infamous calumnies, some officer or other was sure, 
 with studied malice, to place them on the drawers of 
 his majesty's chamber, that they might fall into his 
 hands. Be once read in one of those papers, the 
 petition of an engineer for the head of the tyrant 
 Louis the sixteenth, that he might load his piece with 
 it, and shoot it at the enemy. In another, that the 
 two young wolves in the temple (meaning the king's 
 children) ought to be smothered. These articles af- 
 fected the king only for the sake of the people. 
 44 How very unfortunate are the French," said he, 
 4t to be imposed on in this manner." If Clere saw 
 these journals first, he took care to remove them, but 
 they were generally placed there when he was away, 
 so that few of the articles published to injure him, es- 
 caped his knowledge. 
 
 As the king's trial approached, the commune and 
 the people redoubled their ferocity, and continued aug- 
 menting it till the hour of his death. The municipal 
 committee made frequent reports to the commune, that 
 there was a plan for delivering the prisoners from the 
 temple. The family were not allowed to walk out, 
 or come near any of the windows, or to talk to each 
 other respecting their situation : every sign, look, or 
 movement, was interpreted to their disadvantage. 
 The most ridiculous precautions were taken to pre- 
 vent their having any communications with their 
 friends. A draft- board Clere had sent to be mended 
 was taken entirely to pieces before the officers, for 
 fear letters were concealed in it ; stone fruits were 
 
 29* 
 
342 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cut, and the kernels broken for the same reason. 
 Another time, they compelled Clere to drink the es- 
 sence of soap, prepared for shaving the king, on pre- 
 tence that it was poison which his majesty had pro- 
 cured to destroy himself. They forbid Clere going 
 up to dress the queen's hair, saying, if she could not 
 do it herself, she must bring her powder and combs, 
 and have it done there. They would follow her into 
 her chamber when she went to change her dress ; 
 Clere represented the indecency of such behaviour, 
 but they persisted and she was obliged to give up 
 dressing. 
 
 Notwithstanding the well known religion of the 
 king, orders were given that his razors, knives, scissars, 
 and all other instruments tranchant, et piquant, should 
 be removed. The king was affected with this insult, 
 and indignantly asked the commissioners, " Do 
 you think me such a coward as to kill myself?" The 
 queen derided the minuteness of these orders ; she 
 said, u They had better take away our needles also. 
 At another time, happening to raise the hand in which 
 she held her knife, towards her bosom, the commis- 
 sioner seemed alarmed, as if she intended to destroy 
 herself, which she observing, said, " No, sir, I reserve 
 that hononr to the French nation." 
 
 Even the jailors increased in their insolence. One 
 of them boasted, that when he saw Elizabeth coming, 
 he always took care to draw as much smoke from his 
 pipe as possible into his mouth, to have the pleasure of 
 puffing it full in her face. One of them wrote in large 
 letters, on the wall, u The guillotine is permanent, and 
 ready for the tyrant Louis the Sixteenth." 
 
 From the moment the king's trial was agitated in 
 the convention, he was considered as condemned. 
 This was instanced, in his demand for some classic au- 
 thors; this occasioned violent debates in the council- 
 general. Some observed his life would not be long 
 enough to read them ; others, that he could not under- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 343 
 
 stand them. Many proposed, that the Life of Crom- 
 well, the History of the Massacre of bt. Bartholomew, 
 and the Revolution in England and America, should 
 be substituted. At length, the debate terminated, and 
 the request was granted. 
 
 The party in the legislature, who were labouring to 
 procure the condemnation of Louis, proceeded, not as 
 if the ascertainment of his guilt was necessary, but as 
 if the only business of the convention was to pronounce 
 sentence of death. The tergiversations and duplicity 
 of those who had dethroned and imprisoned the kmg, 
 and now pretended to maintain his inviolability, gave 
 to the other party a decided advantage. The galle- 
 ries were so regularly trained, and so much swayed by 
 the Mountain,* that the speaker was secure of a fa- 
 vourable reception, who began with invectives against 
 the king or queen. Robespierre headed this faction, 
 and exerted himself with uncommon zeal to bring the 
 convention into his opinion. He made no scruple in 
 declaring u Louis ought to have had sentence pro- 
 nounced on him as a tyrant, condemned by the insur- 
 rection of the people ; instead of which, proceedings 
 were instituted against him, as in the case of an accu- 
 sed citizen, whose criminality was doubtful. The re- 
 volution ought to have been cemented by his death ; 
 instead of which, the revolution itself was rendered a 
 subject of litigation." 
 
 Before such a tribunal Louis was to appear! He 
 had not the slightest intimation that he should be call- 
 ed upon to answer so many questions, prepared with 
 the most studied art, applying to the transactions of 
 many years, and affecting both his private and public 
 character. The hope of those who arranged this 
 mode of proceeding, was, that the king's natural diffi- 
 
 * A party so called, because they occupied the highest 
 seats in the Hall. They were opposed to the Gironde par- 
 ty, but all were jacobins. 
 
344 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 dcnce, his reserve in expressing himself, increased by 
 the suddenness and importance of the occasion, would, 
 by disconcerting, render him more liable to inconsist- 
 ency. 
 
 On the day fixed for his appearance at the conven- 
 tion, the greatest epoch in his eventful life, he con- 
 ducted himself in a manner so highly honourable to 
 his character, as to merit a minute detail. He rose, 
 and passed his first hours as usual. At eight o'clock, 
 he was surprised by the beat of drums. He could re- 
 ceive no other answer to his interrogatories respecting 
 this unusual sound, but, " I know nothing of the mat- 
 ter." This affected ignorance increased the king's 
 anxiety; he had long expected to be murdered, and 
 now thought the day was come, yet he did not lose his 
 wonted courage and serenity. At nine, he went to 
 breakfast with his family, but took nothing. An ex- 
 pressive silence was maintained. All appeared to 
 dread an event, terrible in proportion to the mystery 
 in which they were enveloped. After breakfast, the 
 king retired with his son ; but instead of giving him 
 the usual lessons, he sought to divert himself by his in? 
 nocent conversation. 
 
 At length, the commissioner informed the king he 
 was to receive a visit from the new mayor ; " and I 
 must inform you," (he added) " that he cannot speak 
 to you in presence of your son." The king immedi- 
 ately pressing the child to his bosom, desired him to 
 go and embrace his mother in his name. Bereft of 
 his only consolation, the king fell into a deep reverie ; 
 his attention was so totally absorbed that the commis- 
 sioner passed several times close by him, and at length 
 stood behind him. He was in this situation when the 
 king recovered, and looking suddenly round, the im- 
 pression that he should be murdered was so strong on 
 his mind, that on seeing the commissions claim- 
 
 ed, " Wuat do you want, sir ?" He replied, k * Noth- 
 
LA FAYETTE. S45 
 
 ing; but fearing you were ill, I approached to know 
 what ailed you." 
 
 After two hours, the mayor Chambon arrived, at- 
 tended by his secretary, who read aloud these words : 
 il Louis Capet shall be conducted to the bar of the 
 national convention, on Tuesday the 11th, to answer 
 such questions as shall be put to him by the ptesi 
 dent." As soon as these words were pronounced, the 
 mayor raised his voice, and summoned the king to fol- 
 low ; the king obeyed. In crossing the court, nothing 
 but strange objects presented themselves to his eyes. 
 The uniform of the guards was new, and no counte- 
 nance displayed any sign of commiseration. Oppress- 
 ed with mournful reflections, he cast his eyes up to 
 the window of the apartment that contained his fam- 
 ily ; and tenderness drew from him those tears which 
 neither cruelty nor insolence could ever extort. 
 
 His unhappy relatives were overwhelmed with ter- 
 ror and dismay. The commissioner entered their a- 
 partment, and told the Queen, the King had received 
 a visit from the Mayor. " We know that from my 
 son," she answered, " but now — oh ! where have 
 they carried the king now ?" " To the Convention." 
 " You would have saved us much anguish had you 
 told us so before ;" — a melancholy delineation of the 
 state of their minds, when such information could af- 
 ford relief. 
 
 The King proceeded in Chambon's coach. By or- 
 der of the Commune, extraordinary measures were 
 taken to secure a passage free from interruption. 
 The procession began with three field pieces, attend- 
 ed by two ammunition waggons, and escorted by a 
 corps of fusileers ; forty-eight horse formed the avant 
 guard ; six hundred foot, armed with firelocks, each 
 of them supplied with sixteen rounds of cartridges, 
 formed a line three deep on each side of the coach. 
 The cavalry from the Ecole Mi litai re formed the rear 
 guard, and the procession was closed with three field- 
 
346 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 pieces, attended by ammunition waggons, and escort- 
 ed like the van, by a corps of fusi leers. Troops were 
 posted in various parts of the capital ; patroles para- 
 ded the streets, and all the national guards in the de- 
 partment were put in a state of requisition. During 
 their progress, the whole party maintained an inviola- 
 ble silence. 
 
 At one o'clock, Santerre appeared in the Conven- 
 tion, and said, " Louis Capet is arrived, and waits the 
 orders of the Assembly." 
 
 A silence, expressive of agitation, for some time pre* 
 vailed ; even those who were so tumultuous in the gal- 
 leries, who disdained order, and had taken their scats 
 at six in the morning, for the purpose of serving their 
 employers by clamour ; even they were silent. Every 
 eye was fixed on the door at which the King was ex- 
 pected to enter. He came ; every countenance be- 
 trayed emotion. The King, though obedient to cir- 
 cumstances, and incapable of a mad resistance to a 
 force wholly disproportionate, seemed not to have 
 forgot the claims of his high birth and exalted charac- 
 ter. He appeared, not only without perturbation, 
 but with dignity. He cast his eyes round the hall, 
 with a look equally remote from fear or contempt. 
 On him, all eyes were fixed. His features, clouded 
 by misfortunes, had lost none of their majesty : even 
 the length of his beard, spread over his countenance 
 aq appearance inexpressibly venerable, and which 
 excited at once respect and compassion. He seated 
 himself on a chair provided for the purpose. 
 
 The President, Barrere, then informed the King, 
 why he was brought there. Mailhe then read the act 
 of accusation, to which the King listened attentively, 
 but testified neither surprise nor indignation. With- 
 out giving him a copy of this composition, to assist his 
 memory by a cursory perusal ; without allowing a 
 moment for preparation or reflection, Barrere pressed 
 the trial forward. The King was interrogated, article 
 
LA FAYETTE. 347 
 
 by article.* The question sometimes assumed an ex- 
 traordinary latitude ; sometimes were distinguished 
 
 Extract of the proceedings of the National Convention, on the 1 1 th 
 of December ,1192. 
 
 * Louis came to the bar : a profound silence reigned in 
 the assembly. The president said to him, 
 
 •■* Louis, the people of France accuse you ; the national 
 convention has decreed that you shall be tried, and that 
 its members shall be your judges. You shall now hear 
 the declaration of the crimes imputed to you. Louis sit 
 down." 
 
 The King seated himself. A secretary read the accu- 
 sation, and the president then said, 
 
 " Louis, you are to answer the questions I am commis- 
 sioned by the national convention to propose to you. — 
 Louis, you are accused of having committed a multitude of 
 crimes to establish your tyranny by destroying liberty. — 
 On the 20th of June, 1789, you committed an outrage 
 against the sovereignty of the people by suspending the 
 assemblies of its representatives, and by driving them vviih 
 violence from their place of meeting. The proof of this 
 is in the verbal process, drawn up in the Tennis Court at 
 Versailles, by the members of the constituent assembly. 
 What have you to answer ?" 
 
 Louis. ** I acted against no law then in existence." 
 
 President. " On the 23d of June, 1789 you attempted 
 to impose laws upon the nation ; you surrounded the sit- 
 ting of the constituent assembly with tro*ps ; presented 
 them with two royal declarations, subversive of all liberty, 
 and you commanded them to separate." 
 
 To this the King gave the same answer as to the prece- 
 ding question. 
 
 President. You ordered an army to march against the 
 citizens of Paris ; their blood was shed, you did not with- 
 draw your troops till the Bastile was taken, and a general 
 insurrection taught you that the people were victorious. — 
 The answers you returned to the deputations of the con- 
 stituent assembly, on the 9th, 12th, and 14th of July, shew 
 
348 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 by a laborious minuteness \ they sometimes imputed 
 to the King the most flagrant tyranny ; and at others, 
 
 what your intentions then were ; and the massacre at the 
 Tuilenes also deposes against you. What have you to 
 answer. 
 
 Louis. I had at that time, the power to employ my 
 troops where I thought the circumstances required ; but 
 I never had any intention to shed blood. 
 
 President. After these events, notwithstanding the pro- 
 mise made by you in the Assembly on the 16th, and in the 
 Hotel de Ville on the 17th, you persisted in your projects 
 against national liberty. You evaded sanctioning the decrea 
 0? August 11th, abolishing persona) servitude, feudal rights, 
 and titles : you at first refused to acknowledge the decla- 
 ration of the righis of man ; you doubled the number of 
 your body guards, and ordered the regiment of Flinders 
 to Versailles ; during the festival at that place, you per- 
 mitted the national cockade to be trampled under foot be- 
 fore your face, the white cockade set up, and the nation to 
 be blasphemed.. In short yon rendered a new insurrec- 
 tion necessary, and occasioned the death of m<my citizens. 
 It was not till after the defeat of your guards, that you 
 changed your language, and renewed your perfidious pro- 
 mises. The proofs of these facts are in your own obser- 
 vations of the ltfth September, on the decree of the 10th 
 August, in the verbal process of the Constituent Assembly 
 on the events which took place at Versailles on the 5th 
 and 6th of October, and in the answer you returned to the 
 Constituent Assembly, namely, ' That you would be gui- 
 ded by their counsel, and never separate yourself from 
 them.' What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. I made the observations which occurred to me 
 as just and necessary upon the decrees presented to me. 
 The charge respecting the cockade is false ; I was witness 
 to no such scene. 
 
 President. At the federation of the 14th of July, 1790, 
 you took an oath which you did not adhere to, but endea- 
 voured on the contrary, to corrupt the public mind through 
 the agency of Talon in Paris, and the influence of Mira- 
 
LA FAYETTE. . 349 
 
 <he most cautious hypocrisy. The King's energy aud 
 presence of mind showed him equally prepared to 
 
 beau in the provinces. You lavished millions to corrupt 
 ;he public mind ; you attempted to make popularity itself 
 an engine against the people. These facts are evident 
 from a memorial of Talon's, verified by your hand, and by 
 a letter written by La Porte to you on the 19th of April, in 
 which, speaking of a conversation he had with Rivarol, he 
 informs you that the sums you had been advised to distri- 
 bute, had produced nothing. 
 
 Louis. I do not exactly remember what passed at that 
 time ; but all these are circumstances which occurred pre- 
 viously to my accepting the constitution. 
 
 President. Was it not in consequence of a plan formed 
 by Talon, that you went to the FauxbourgSt Antoine, dis- 
 tributed money to the poor workmen, telling them that 
 you could do no more for them ? 
 
 Louis. I had no greater satisfaction than in giving to 
 those who required relief. In this I had no insidious de 
 sign. 
 
 President. Was it not in consequence of the same pro- 
 ject that you feigned an indisposition to prepare the pub- 
 lic mind for your journey to St. Cloud, or to Rambouillet, 
 upon pretext that the country air was necessary for your 
 health ? 
 Louis. This accusation is quite absurd. 
 President. You had long meditated the design of esca- 
 ping. A plan for that purpose was presented to you on 
 the 23d of February, 1791, which you verified by your 
 own hand-writing ; and, on the 28th, a considerable num- 
 ber of officers and nobles assembled in the palace of the 
 Tuileries in order to favour your escape. You attempt 
 ed to go from Paris to St. Cloud, on the 11th of April ; 
 but the opposition of the citizens convinced you, that your 
 design was suspected by the public. You eadeavoured to 
 dissipate this distrust by communicating to the assembly 
 the letter in which you make a declaration to foreign pow- 
 ers, that you had freely accepted the constitution. Not- 
 witbstaading this, you made your escape by means of a 
 30 
 
350 * MEMOIRS OF 
 
 maintain his own innocence, and vindicate the dignify 
 of his character. He answered with the utmost frank 
 
 false passport, on the 21st of the month of June following, 
 leaving behind yon a declaration against this very consti- 
 tution. You ordered the ministers not to sign any act* 
 which came from the national assembly ; and you prohib- 
 ited the minister of justice from sealing them with the sea! 
 of the state ; the public money was lavished to ensure the 
 success of this treason ; and you ordered Bouille to assist 
 you wi.h an armed force ; that same officer who command- 
 ed at the massacres of Nantz, to whom you wrote on that 
 occasion, ' endeavour to preserve your popularity, it may 
 be useful.* These facts are founded on the memorial of 
 the 23d of February, verified by your own hand ; and on 
 the declaration of the 20th of June, entirely in your own 
 hand-writing ; on your letter of the 4th of September. 
 1790, to Bouille ; and on a note from him, giving you an 
 account of the employment of 993,000 livres which you 
 had given him, and which he had partly expended in cor- 
 rupting the troops that were to escort you. What have 
 you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. I know nothing of the memorial of the 23d of 
 February. With respect to my journey to Varennes, I 
 refer to the answer I at that time made to the constituent 
 assembly. 
 
 President. After you were stopped at Varennes, your 
 executive power was for some time suspended, but you 
 still conspired ; and on the 17th of July, the blood of the 
 citizens was shed in the Champ de Mars. A letter in your 
 own hand addressed to La Fayette, 1790, proves that a 
 criminal coalition existed between you and him, to which 
 Mirabeau had also agreed. All kinds of corruption were 
 employed by yon. You paid the expense of publishing 
 libels, pamphlets, and journals, which tended to pervert 
 the public opinion, to discredit assignats, and to support 
 the cause of the emigrants. The registers of Septueil 
 state what enormous sums were expended for these profli- 
 gate purposes. You affected to accept the constitution of 
 the 14th of September, you declared yourself willing to 
 
LA FAYETTE. 35 [ 
 
 iless, precision, and promptitude. He never lost his 
 composure, except when the President accused him 
 
 maintain it, yet you laboured to overthrow it before it was 
 completed. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. What passed on the 17th of July cannot be just- 
 ly attributed to me. As to the other charges I have no 
 knowledge of them. 
 
 President. A convention took place at Pilnitz, on the 
 24th of July, between Leopold of Austria, and Frederick 
 William of Brandenburg, for the purpose of re-establishing 
 absolute monarchy in France, with which you were ac- 
 quainted, yet you concealed it from the national assembly 
 until it was known to all Europe. What have you to an- 
 swer ? 
 
 Louis. I made it known as soon as I knew it myself; 
 besides, by the constitution, it was the business of the 
 ministers. 
 
 President. Aries raised the standard of revolt ; you fa- 
 voured it by sending commissioners, who, in place of en- 
 deavouring to check the counter-revolutionists, encoura- 
 ged them by justifying their attempt. What do you an- 
 swer ? 
 
 Louis. The commissioners' instructions will evince the 
 nature of the orders with which they were entrusted. I 
 knew none of the commissioners when my ministers pro- 
 posed them to me. 
 
 President. Aviguon and Venaissin had been reunited 
 to France ; but you did not execute the decree till a 
 month after ; during that interval, a civil war desolated 
 the country, and the commissioners you sent completed 
 the devastation. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. That charge cannot personally affect me. I 
 know not what delay attended the execution of the decree ; 
 but those who were entrusted with it, are alone respon- 
 sible. 
 
 President. Nismes, Montaubun, Mendes, and Jales, 
 experienced violent commotions in the commencement of 
 liberty. You did dothing to extinguish these sparks of 
 counter-revolution, till the moment when the conspiracy 
 of Saillan9 broke out. What do you answer ? 
 
352 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of having distributed money to the poor labourers of 
 the Fauxbourg St. Antoine, for the purpose of acqui 
 
 Louis. I gave the orders upon that occasion, which 
 were proposed to me by my minister. 
 
 President. You sent two battalions against the Mar- 
 seillois, who were marching to reduce the counter-revolu- 
 tionists of Aries. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. I must see the papers with regard to this affair 
 before I can answer to the charge. 
 
 President. You gave the command of the South tc 
 Weigtenstein, who wrote you on the 21st of April, after 
 he had been recalled, in these terms : ' A few moment* 
 longer, and I should have surrounded your Majesty'* 
 throne with millions of Frenchmen, rendered once more 
 worthy of the wishes you form for their happiness.' — 
 What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. This letter, by the statement of the charge, is 
 posterior to his recall. He has never been employed 
 since. 1 recollect nothing of the letter. 
 
 President. You paid your disbanded body-guard at 
 Coblentz, as the registers of Septueil testify ; and various 
 orders, signed by you, confirm your having remitted con 
 siderable sums to Bouille, la Vauguyon, Choiseul-Beau 
 pre, d'Hamilton, and the woman Polignac. 
 
 Louis. I no sooner received intelligence that my body 
 guards had assembled in the neighbourhood of the Rhine, 
 than I ordered their pay to be stopped, i remember no- 
 thing respecting the rest. 
 
 President. Your brothers, enemies of the state, have 
 called emigrants around their standard ; they have raised 
 regiments, borrowed money, and contracted alliances in 
 your name ; you did not disavow them till you were well 
 assured that you could not injure their plans. Your cor- 
 respondence with them is proved by a note in the hand- 
 tvriting of Louis Stanislaus Xavier, signed by both your 
 brothers, as follows : 
 
 «* I have written to you, but it was not by the post, so 1 
 could say nothing. We arc here two, but in mind only 
 one ; the same principles, the same sentimelts, the same 
 
LA FAYETTE. 353 
 
 ring popularity, and enslaving the nation. The per* 
 version of his benevolence into a crime, shocked the 
 
 ardour to serve you animates us both. We still keep si- 
 lence ; we should injure you by breaking it too soon, but 
 shall speak out when assured of general support, and that 
 moment is near. If they speak to us on the part of those 
 people, we will listen, but never alter our course ; if there- 
 fore, they should exact that you make some declaration to 
 us, make it without hesitation ; be easy with regard to your 
 safety ; we only exist to serve you : we shall ardently ex- 
 ert ourselves for that purpose, and every thing will go 
 well. Even your enemies have too much interest in your 
 preservation to commit an useless crime which would com- 
 plete their ruin. Adieu. 
 
 L. S. XAVIER, et 
 CHARLES PHILL1PPE.'* 5 
 
 What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. As soon as I heard of my brothers' proceedings, 
 I disavowed them as the constitution prescribes. I have 
 none of their letters. 
 
 President. The troops of the line, who ought to have 
 been kept up to the war establishment, amounted only to 
 one hundred thousand men at the end of December ; you 
 had thus neglected to guard the safety of the nation. Nar- 
 bonne, your agent, had required that fifty thousand addi- 
 tional troops should be raised ; but he stopped the levies 
 at twenty-six thousand, declaring that every necessary pro- 
 vision for national defence was made ; yet nothing was 
 prepared. Servan proposed to form a camp^ of twenty 
 thousand men near Paris ; the Legislative Assembly de* 
 creed this, but you refused to give your sanction to the 
 decree. A patriotic emotion prompted many citizens, in 
 the most distant provinces, to march to Paris : you issued 
 a proclamation, the tendency of which was to stop their 
 march : meanwhile our armies were deficient in soldiers ; 
 Dumouriez, who succeeded, declared that the nation was 
 not sufficiently provided in arms, ammunition, or subsist- 
 ence for the troops ; and that the frontier towns were net 
 in a state of defence. What have you to answer ? 
 35* 
 
354 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 monarch ; — he shed tears. A consciousness of his in- 
 tegrity, however, soon restored his calmness ; and 
 
 Louis. I gave to the minister the orders necessary for 
 the augmentation of the army ; the statements were laid 
 before the assembly ; if there were errors in them, it was 
 no fault of mine. 
 
 President. You gave directions to the commanders 
 of the troops to relax the discipline of the army, to ex- 
 cite whole regiments to desert, and to pass the Rhine in 
 order to join your brothers, and Leopold of Austria. 
 This fact is proved by a letter of Toulongeon's, comman 
 der in Franche Comte. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. There is not a word of truth in this accusation. 
 
 President. You commissioned your diplomatic agents 
 to encourage a coalition between your brothers and foreign 
 powers against France, particularly to strengthen the 
 peace between Turkey and Austria ; that the latter by 
 withdrawing her troops from the Turkish frontiers, might 
 be enabled to direct a greater force against France, as k 
 proved by a letter from Choiseul.Gouffier, ambassador of 
 Constantinople. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. M. Choiseul has not spoken the truth ; there 
 is no foundation for such an idea. 
 
 President. " You neglected to provide for the safety 
 of the nation at a most dangerous crisis ; you delayed till 
 the legislative assembly required of the minister Legard 
 to point out the means of defence, and then, but no soon- 
 er, you sent a message to the assembly, proposing a levy 
 of forty -two battalions. The Prussians were advancing 
 to our frontiers ; your minister was ordered on the 8th 
 of July, to give an account of our actual situation with 
 regard to Prussia ; you answered on the 10th, that fifty 
 thousand Prussians were on their march against us, and 
 that you gave that information to the assembly, as directed 
 by the constitution. What have you to answer ?" 
 
 Louis. I had no knowledge of the fact until the 10th ; 
 all diplomatic correspondence was carried on by the min- 
 ister*. 
 President. You placed Dabancourt, the nephew of 
 
LA FAYETTE. 355 
 
 his reply was a triumphant refutation : — " I knew no 
 pleasure equal to the power of relieving those who 
 
 Calonne, at the head of the war department ; and such 
 was the success of your treachery, that Longwy and Ver- 
 dun were delivered up as soon as the enemy appeared 
 before them. 
 
 Louis. I did not know that M. Dabancourt was the 
 nephew of Calonne ; it was not I who dismantled these 
 towns ; 1 never would have authorized it. 
 
 President. Who dismantled Longwy and Verdun ? 
 
 Louis. If such was their situation, I knew nothing of it. 
 
 President. You have destroyed our navy; so many 
 of its officers emigrated, that there nardly remains a suf- 
 ficient number for the service ; nevertheless, Bertrand 
 continued to grant passports, and when the legislative bo- 
 dy presented to you, on the 8th of March, his criminal 
 conduct, you answered that you were satisfied with his 
 services. 
 
 Louis. I did every thing in my power to retain the 
 officers in the service. The national assembly produced 
 no charge that appeared to me of a criminal nature a- 
 gainst Bertrand, therefore I did not think it just to dismiss 
 him. 
 
 President. You countenanced absolute government in 
 the colonies ; your agents fomented disturbances, and 
 the counter-revolution there, at the same time that it was 
 to have taken place in France. 
 
 Louis. If any persons called themselves my agents in 
 the colonies, they did it without authority from me. I 
 gave no countenance for any thing of the nature you men- 
 tion. 
 
 President. The national tranquillity was disturbed by 
 fanatics ; you shewed yourself their protector, and mani- 
 fested an evident intention of recovering your former 
 power by their means. What do you answer ? 
 
 Louis. I have no answer to make to this charge. 1 
 had no knowledge of any such design. 
 
 President. The legislative body, on the 29th of No- 
 vember, passed a decree against seditious priests, but you 
 
366 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were in want : there was nothing in that which indi- 
 cated a plot." To the interrogatory accusing him of 
 
 suspended the execution of it. What have you to an 
 swer ? 
 
 Louis. The constitution allowed me the free power 
 of sanctioning or rejecting decrees. 
 
 President. Disturbances increased ; the minister de- 
 clared, that he knew no existing laws by which the guilty 
 could be punished. The legislative body passed a new 
 decree ; you suspended the execution of that also. 
 
 Louis. The same reply. 
 
 President. The bad conduct of those guards which 
 the constitution had given to you, was such, that the as- 
 sembly was under the necessity of decreeing, that they 
 should be disbanded ; the day after, you wrote a letter 
 to the assembly, declaring your satisfaction, and you con- 
 tinued to pay them as is proved by the accounts of the 
 treasurer of the civil list. 
 
 Louis. I only continued their pay until they should 
 be re-established according as the decree required. 
 
 President. You retained your Swiss guards about your 
 person in contradiction to the constitution, and after the 
 legislative assembly had ordered their departure. What 
 do you answer ? 
 
 Louis. I conformed to the decree on that subject. 
 
 President. You authorized d'Augremont and Gilles 
 secretly to maintain private companies in Paris, for the 
 purpose of exciting commotions favourable to your plans 
 of counter-revolution. The receipts of Gilles who was 
 ordered to organize a company of sixty men, will be pre- 
 sented to you. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. I am quite ignorant of those schemes attributed 
 tome. The idea of a counter-revolution never entered 
 my head. 
 
 President. You endeavoured by considerable sums to 
 bribe several members of the constituent and legislative 
 assemblies. The fact is proved by letters from Dufresne, 
 Saint Leon, and many others which will be produced. 
 
 Louis. Such plans were frequently presented to flie. 
 but I rejected them. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 357 
 
 having caused blood to be shed on the 10th of August, 
 he replied, with marked emphasis, " No, sir, it wa- 
 
 President. Who were the members of the constituent 
 and legislative assemblies whom you corrupted ? 
 
 Louis. I never sought to corrupt any. I know of none. 
 
 President. Who were the persons that presented plans 
 to you ? 
 
 Louis. The plans were so absurd, that I don't re 
 collect. 
 
 President. To whom did you promise money ? 
 
 Louis. To none. 
 
 President. You suffered the French nation to be de- 
 graded in Germany, Italy, and Spain, by not exacting re 
 paration for the insults offered to the French in these 
 countries. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. The diplomatic correspondence proves the 
 contrary. At any rate that was the business of the min- 
 isters. 
 
 President. On the 10th of August, you reviewed the 
 Swiss guards at five o'clock in the morning, and they fired 
 first on the citizens. What have you to answer ? 
 
 Louis. I that day reviewed all the troops that were as- 
 sembled near me. The constituted authorities, the mayor 
 of Paris, kc. were present. I had even requested a de- 
 putation might be sent me from the national assembly, that 
 they might advise me how I should act in that emergency : 
 and I afterwards took refuge in the assembly, with my fa- 
 mily. 
 
 President. Why did you cause the Swiss guards to be 
 doubled, in the beginning of August 9 
 
 Louis. All the constituted authorities knew that the 
 palace was to he attacked. As I was one of the constitu- 
 ted authorities, ( had a right to defend myself. 
 
 President. Why did you send for the mayor of Paris on 
 the evening of the 9th of August ? 
 
 Louts. Because of the rumours which were spread. 
 
 President. You caused the blood of Frenchmen to be 
 <hed. 
 
 L ?' No, Sir. it was not I. 
 
358 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 not I." When the questions were ended, (he Presi- 
 dent said, ' ; Louis, have you any thing more to add ?" 
 
 President. Did not you authorize Septueil to under- 
 take a commercial speculation in grain, sugar, and coffee, 
 at Hamburgh, and in other towns? This is proved by 
 SeptueiPs own letters. 
 
 Louis. 1 know nothing about what you mention. 
 
 President. Why did you put a veto on the decree, 
 ordering a camp to be formed round Paris ? 
 
 Louis. The constitution gave me full powers to sanc- 
 tion decrees or not. At that time, I ordered a camp near- 
 er the frontiers at Soissons. 
 
 President. Louis, have you any thing to add in your 
 defence ? 
 
 Louis. I demand a copy of the act of accusation, and 
 that I may be allowed counsel to conduct my cause. 
 
 Valaze, who sat near the bar, presented and read to 
 Louis Capet the pieces, viz. The memoir of Laporte 
 andMirabeau, and some others, containing plans ofacoun- 
 ter- revolution. 
 
 Louis. I disown them. 
 
 Valaze next presented several other papers, on which 
 the act of accusation was founded, and asked the King if 
 he recognized them.— These papers were the following : 
 
 Valaze. Letter of Louis Capet, dated June 29, 1790, 
 settling his connections with Mirabeau and La Fayette, to 
 effect a revolution in the constitution. 
 
 Louis. I reserve to myself to answer the contents. 
 (Valaze read the letter) — It is only a plan, in which there 
 is no question about a counter-revolution ; the letter was 
 not to have been sent. 
 
 Valaze. Letter of Louis Capet ot the 22d of April, 
 relative to conversations about the jacobins, about the 
 president of the committee of finances, and the committee 
 of domains ; it is dated by the hand of Louis Capet. 
 
 Louis. I disown it. 
 
 Valaze. Letter of Laporte, of Thursday morning, 
 March 3, marked in the margin, in the hand- writing of 
 Louis Capet, with March 3, 1791, implying a pretended 
 rupture between Mirabeau and the jacobins. 
 
LA FAYETTE 359 
 
 • I demand," said the King, a copy of the act of ac- 
 cusation, and the communication of the papers on 
 
 Louis. I disown it. 
 
 Valaze. Letter of Laporte without date, in his hand- 
 writing, but marked in the margin by the hand of Louis 
 Capet, containing particulars respecting the last moments 
 of Mirabeau, and expressing the care that had been taken 
 to conceal from the knowledge of men, some papers of 
 great concern which had been deposited with Mirabeau, 
 
 Louis. I disown it as well as the rest. 
 
 Valaze. Flan of a constitution, or revision of the con- 
 stitution, signed La Fayette, addressed to Louis Capet, 
 April 6, 1790, marked in the margin with a line in his 
 own hand- writing. 
 
 Louis. These things have been blotted out by the con- 
 stitution. 
 
 Valaze. Do you know this writing ? 
 
 Louis. I do not. 
 
 Valaze. Your marginal comments ? 
 
 Louis. I do not. 
 
 Valaze. Letter of Laporte, of the 19th of April, 
 marked in the margin by Louis Capet, April 19, 1791, 
 mentioning a conversation with Rivarol. 
 
 Louis. I disown it. 
 
 Valaze. Letter ot Laporte, marked April 16, 1791, 
 in which it seems complaints are made of Mirabeau, the 
 Abbe Perigord, Andre, and Beautmetz, who do not seem 
 to acknowledge sacrifices made for their sake. 
 
 Louis. I disown it likewise. 
 
 Valaze. Letter of Laporte of the 23d of February, 
 1791, marked and dated in the hand-writing of Louis Ca- 
 pet ; a memorial annexed to it respecting the means of 
 his gaining popularity. 
 
 Louis. I know neither of these pieces. 
 
 Valaze. Several pieces without signature, found in 
 the castle of the Tuileries, in the gap which was shut 
 in the walls of the palace, relating to the expenses to gain 
 that popularity. 
 
 President. Previous to an examination on this subject, 
 
360 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 which it is founded, and that I may have counsel to 
 manage my defence." 
 
 I wish to ask a preliminary question : — Have you caused 
 a press with an iron door to be constructed in the castle 
 of the Tuileries, and had you your papers locked up 
 in that prees ? 
 
 Louis. I have no knowledge of it whatever. 
 
 Valaze. Here is a day-book written by Louis Capet 
 himself, containing the pensions he has granted out of his 
 coiferfrom 1776 till 1792, in which are observed some 
 douceurs granted to Acloque. 
 
 Louis. This I own, but it consists of charitable dona- 
 tions which I have made. 
 
 Valaze. Different lists of sums paid to the Scotch com- 
 panies of Noailles, Gramont, Montmorency, and Luxem- 
 burghonthe 9th of July, 1791. 
 
 Louis. This is prior to the epoch when I forbade them 
 to be paid. 
 
 President. Louis, where had you deposited those 
 pieces which you own ? 
 
 Louis. With my treasurer. 
 
 Valaze. Do you know these pension lists of the life 
 guards, the one hundred Swiss, and the King's guards for 
 1792 ? 
 
 Louis. I do not. 
 
 Valaze. Several pieces relative to the conspiracy o 
 the camp of Jales, the originals of which are deposited 
 among the records of the department of L'Ardeche. 
 
 Louis. I have not the smallest knowledge of them. 
 
 Valaze. Letter of Bouille, dated Mentz, bearing an 
 account of 993,000 livres received of Louis Capet. 
 
 Louis. I disown it. 
 
 Valaze. An order for payment of 168,000 livres, sign- 
 ed Louis, endorsed Le Bonneirs, with a letter and billet 
 of the same. 
 
 Louis. I disown it. 
 
 Valaze. Two pieces relative to a present made to the 
 wife of Polignac, and to Lavauguyon and Choiseul. 
 
 Louis. I disown them as well as the others. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 301 
 
 Valaze then took his place near the King, with the 
 papers, and reading the title put on each by the com- 
 mittee, presented them one by one to the King, and 
 asked, if he avowed it. From so momentary an in- 
 spection of so many papers, some pretended to be 
 written by himself, some in the writing of others, and 
 some printed, it might be supposed, some misappre- 
 hensions would have ensued. The King, however, 
 
 Valaze/ Here is a note signed by the two brothers of 
 the late King, mentioned in the declaratory act. 
 
 Louis. I know nothing of it. 
 
 Valaze. Here are pieces relating to the affair of Choi- 
 seul Gouffier, at Constantinople. 
 
 Louis. I have no knowledge of them. 
 
 Valaze. Here is a letter of the late King to the bishop 
 of Clermont, with the answer of the latter, of the 16th 
 of April, 1791. 
 
 Louis. 1 disown it. 
 
 President. Do you not acknowledge your writing and 
 your signet ? 
 
 Louis. I do not. 
 
 President. The seal bears the arms of France. 
 
 Louis. Several persons made use of that seal. 
 
 Valaze. Do you acknowledge this list of sums paid to 
 Gilles ? 
 
 Louis. I do not. 
 
 Valaze. Here is a memorandum for indemnifying the. 
 rivil list for th e military pensions ; a letter of Dufresne 
 St. Leon, which relates to it. 
 
 Louis. I know none of these pieces. 
 
 The President then addressing the King, said : — 
 
 I have no other question to propose, have you any thing 
 more to add in your defence ? 
 
 Louis. I wish to have a copy of the accusation, Rnd of 
 the papers on which it is founded. I also wish to have 
 counsel of my own nomination. 
 
 President. Your two first requests are already de- 
 creed, and the determination respecting the other will 
 be made known in due time. 
 31 
 
362 ; MEMOIRS OF 
 
 answered without hesitation, and disavowed the great- 
 er part. The examination being completed, he was 
 informed he might retire. 
 
 The dignified resignation of his manner, the admi- 
 rable candour of his answers, made such an impression 
 on the audience, that an enemy of loyalty, who was 
 present, declared he was afraid of hearing the cry of 
 •' Vive le Roi !" issue from the tribunes ; and added, 
 he was convinced, had the King remained ten minutes 
 longer, it would have happened. When he spoke of 
 his happiness in relieving the people, a woman in the 
 gallery, who had come to execrate him, sobbed out 
 * Oh ! my God ! how he makes me cry." 
 
 It was six in the evening when the king retired from 
 the convention into the chamhre des conferences. The 
 fatigue of his examination, the agitation of his mind, 
 and the length of his fast, then overcame him. " Give 
 me a bit of bread," said the fainting monarch, " for 
 I have eaten nothing all day." The comparison be- 
 tween his condition at that moment, and at former 
 periods, was so affecting : — 
 
 11 That had not God, for some strong purpose, steePd 
 The hearts of men, they must perforce have melted, 
 And barbarism itself have pitied him." 
 
 The king was carried back to the Temple in the 
 same coach, and with the same attendants. Some of 
 the mob exclaimed, " Vive la republique !" others, 
 " a la guillotine !" On the way, Louis asked Chau- 
 mette, if he thought counsel would be allowed him. 
 The brutal procureuer syndic answered, " It is my du- 
 ty to conduct you to and from the assembly, and not 
 to answer your questions." 
 
 Louis was then entirely separated from his family, 
 nor could his or their entreaties procure him the con- 
 solation of even seeing his son. 
 
 When the king left the convention, a violent debate 
 took place respecting his demands ; at length it was 
 
LA FAYETTE. 363 
 
 decided that counsel should be allowed, without lim- 
 iting the number. The king being informed of this, 
 named Tronchet and Target ; the former accepted 
 the office with pleasure, the latter refused the danger- 
 ous task, alleging that he was incapacitated by age. 
 M. Lamoignon de Malesherbes, though nearly eighty, 
 offered his services, which were gratefully accepted. 
 
 When Malesherbes and Tronchet were admitted t< 
 the king, they found none of the papers of his accusa- 
 tion had yet been sent him. He had, with great dif- 
 ficulty, been allowed till the 26th of December to 
 prepare his defence : these valuable moments were 
 in danger of being lost by this cruel delay. At length 
 they were delivered, and his counsel began to prepare 
 his defence, but their age preventing their making 
 such exertions as the importance of the case, and 
 shortness of time, required : they procured M. de 
 Seze, a young man, to assist them. . When the defence 
 was composed, it was read to the king, who approved 
 it in general, but ordered the omission of every ex- 
 pression relating to his virtues, or which seemed to ap- 
 peal to the commisseration of the public. 
 
 The next, being Christmas- day, he spent entirely 
 in the duties of religion, and in composing that cele- 
 brated will which reflects so much honour on his prin- 
 ciples and character. 
 
 His counsel were treated with great insult : one of 
 the commissioners told Malesherbes, he ought not to 
 have such freedom of ingress, as he might furnish the 
 king with poison, " If 1 should," he replied, " the 
 king is too sincere a Christian to make use of it." 
 His majesty felt the firmest persuasion that the proof 
 of his innocence would not procure his acquittal ; he 
 therefore prepared for the event with magnanimity. 
 
 Those who espoused the cause of the king in the 
 convention, had obtained a decree, that no person 
 should be admitted into the galleries, till a certain 
 hour in the morning. In contempt of this regulation. 
 
364 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the mob had taken possession the preceding evening : 
 and when Manual moved the decree should be enfor 
 ced — he was hooted ; and the convention forced to 
 pass to the order of the day. Besides those in the 
 galleries, a crowd beset the passages ; and groupe- 
 were formed in the different streets, who surrounded, 
 insulted, and threatened those deputies, who were 
 supposed to favour the king. 
 
 On the morning of the 26th, the king left the Tern- 
 pie, attended as before ; notwithstanding the impor- 
 tance of the occasion, he conversed with cheerfulness 
 all the way. General Berruyer announced his arri- 
 val ; and he was introduced in the following order : 
 Berruyer and Santerre walked first, the mayor and 
 procureur after them, and last, the king and his coun- 
 sel. 
 
 The president said, " Louis, the convention has de- 
 creed, that you shall be finally heard this day." The 
 king replied, " M. de Seze, one of my counsel, will 
 read my defence. De Seze then ascended the tri- 
 bune, and in a distinct tone read that well-known de- 
 fence, which placed the king's innocence beyond a 
 doubt. 
 
 While de Seze was speaking, the king maintained 
 his usual tranquillity. De Seze having finished, the 
 king arose, and in a calm manner said, " Citizens, 
 you have heard my defence ; I now speak to you per- 
 haps for the last time, and declare that my conscience 
 reproaches me with nothing, and that my counsel have 
 asserted nothing but the truth. I never was afraid of 
 having my conduct publicly investigated, but 1 am most 
 sensibly afflicted to find in the act of accusation, a 
 charge that I desired to shed the blood of the people : 
 and particularly, that I occasioned the misfortunes oi 
 (he tenth of August. I confess that the numerous in- 
 stances I have given on every occasion, of my love 
 of the people, and the manner in which I have con 
 ducted myself, appeared to me fully sufficient to 
 
LA FAYETTE. 365 
 
 prove how little I feared exposing my own safety, 
 in order to avoid bloodshed, and to have effectual- 
 ly prevented such an imputation." The king was 
 then ordered to retire. 
 
 While waiting in the chambre des conferences, the 
 king expressed the most anxious solicitude for M. de 
 Seze, fearing his violent exertions in the convention 
 would injure his health. 
 
 The king having retired, a violent debate took 
 place, on the motion of Manuel, to adjourn for three 
 days, and print the defence, and send it to the de- 
 partments. On the other side, it was urged, the con- 
 vention should pronounce sentence without delay. 
 At length it was decreed, that every member should 
 deliver his opinion from the tribune before the day 
 fixed for appel nominal, and that the convention should 
 occupy itself solely with this trial. 
 
 The decree for hearing the opinion of every mem- 
 ber threatened to be productive of so much delay, that 
 in a few days it was repealed ; and those who had 
 composed discourses for the occasion, were ordered 
 to lay them on the table, that they might be printed, 
 and read by those that wished it. The form and ar- 
 raignment of the questions then took up a whole day. 
 They were in substance : First, Is Louis guilty or 
 not ? Second, Shall the judgment to be pronounced be 
 submitted to the people in primary assemblies ? Third, 
 What punishment has he incurred? 
 
 On the first appel nominal (Is Louis guilty or not ?) 
 there was a general affirmative. 
 
 On the second appel nominal, (Shall the judgment 
 to be pronounced be submitted to the people in pri- 
 mary assemblies ?) which was put to the vote the 
 same day, the division was for the affirmative, 203 ; 
 for the negative, 424 ; — majority 147. 
 
 The third appel nominal, (What punishment has he 
 incurred ?) occasioned a discussion which lasted two 
 days, because almost every member accompanied h'is 
 31* 
 
366 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 vote with some reason or reflection. The number of 
 suffrages was reduced by refusals to vote to 721 ; of 
 these 361 would have formed a majority. On casting 
 up the votes, it appeared that 34 had given their opin- 
 ions for death, with various restrictions ; 2, for per- 
 petual imprisonment; and 319 for confinement or 
 banishment ; — total, 355. The number of votes for 
 death absolutely was 366 ; majority, 11. The presi- 
 dent, after enumerating the suifrages, said, " The pun- 
 ishment pronounced against Louis is, Death." 
 
 Whatever had been the hopes and wishes of Orleans, 
 it would be expected he should abstain from voting on 
 the question which decided the fate of his unfortunate 
 cousin. The murmurs excited by his votes on the 
 first and second appel nominal might have induced re- 
 flection before the third was proposed. But he exci- 
 ted the horror even of that assembly, and has entailed 
 on himself the execration of posterity, by the sentence 
 he read from the tribune : " Influenced by no consid- 
 eration, but that of performing my duty ; convinced 
 that all who have conspired, or who shall hereafter 
 conspire against the sovereignty of the people, de- 
 serve death, I vote for death !" This conduct, 
 which excited great indignation in the people, produ- 
 ced no other effect in the king's mind, than a sense of 
 the degraded state of his persecutor. " I do not 
 know," he said, " what I have done to my cousin, to 
 make him behave to me in the manner he has ; but he 
 is to be pitied. He is still more unfortunate than I 
 am. I certainly would not Ghange conditions with 
 him." 
 
 When the sentence had been pronounced, the king's 
 counsel were admitted. De Seze, after a short ex- 
 ordium, read the following letter from the king : 
 
 " I owe to my honour, to my family, not to sub- 
 scribe to a sentence which declares me guilty of a 
 crime with which I cannot reproach myself. I there- 
 Tore appeal to the nation at large from the decision of 
 
LA FAYETTE 367 
 
 its representatives ; and I do, by these presents, 
 charge my counsel, on their fidelity, by all means in 
 their power, to make this appeal known to the conven- 
 tion, and to require that it may be mentioned in the 
 minutes of their sittings. 
 
 "Done at Paris, the 16th of January, 1793. 
 
 (Signed) " Louis." 
 
 This paper having been read, each of the counsel 
 enforced its contents, with a few observations, repre- 
 senting the illegality and cruelty of the sentence. 
 The convention passed to the order of the day, and 
 on the morrow took into consideration the question of 
 delaying the sentence. 
 
 The convention then decreed, "That the executive 
 council should be summoned, and a copy of the de- 
 cree, which pronounces sentence of death against 
 Louis, delivered to them ; that the executive council 
 should notify the decree to Louis in the course of the 
 day, and cause it to be executed within twenty-four 
 hours after it had been notified to him ; that the mayor 
 and municipal officers should be enjoined to suffer 
 Louis to communicate freely with his family, and to 
 have with him such priests as he might desire in his last 
 moments. 
 
 When Garat attended with the decree, " Louis," 
 said he, in a faultering voice, "the executive council 
 is ordered to notify to you, the decree which the con- 
 vention passed last night," The secretary then read 
 the decree. At the words, conspired against the gen- 
 eral safety of the nation, the king was shocked, but 
 heard his sentence with unalterable calmness. He re- 
 plied, by making some demands he considered essen- 
 tial to his comfort in his last moments, and which were 
 contained in a paper he gave Garat to present to the 
 council. The contents were these : 
 
 " 1 demand a delay of three days to prepare myself 
 to appear in the presence of my God ; to see in private 
 M. de Fremont (Edge worth ;) to be freed from the un- 
 
308 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ceasing watchfulness which, for some days past, the 
 commune has constantly exercised ; to communicate, 
 in private, with my family. That the convention will 
 take into consideration the fate of my family) and per- 
 mit them to retire wherever they please. I recom- 
 mend to the nation those persons who were attached 
 to me, many of whom have no means of subsistence 
 but the pensions I allowed them; also those individu- 
 als who have expended their whole fortunes in procu- 
 ring situations about me." 
 
 Several of these requests had been anticipated by 
 the decree of the preceding day. On hearing the pa- 
 per read, the convention referred to that decree. With 
 respect to the king's family and servants, they gave an 
 evasive though flattering answer : " The national con- 
 vention authorizes the executive council to reply to 
 Louis, that the French nation, great in its beneficence 
 as it is rigorous in its justice, will take care of his fam- 
 ily, and provide for it a suitable fate." This was also 
 understood to extend to his servants. The delay was 
 peremptorily refused. 
 
 The Abbe Edgeworth had been apprised by Male- 
 sherbes, that the king would probably desire his servi- 
 ces, if he could obtain permission to attend. Garat 
 sent for him, and asked, " If he would go to Louis in 
 the temple ?" " Unquestionably I will," replied the 
 abbe ; " the king's request is to me an order." Garat 
 then took him in his carriage ; but struck with the dan- 
 ger to Edgeworth, frequently exclaimed, " What a 
 dreadful commission." 
 
 While on their way to the temple, the abbe reques- 
 ted he might be allowed to attend the king in priest's 
 vestments, but was refused. Before he was allowed 
 to ascend the staircase, he w r as strictly searched, and 
 his snuff-box taken away, lest it contained poison. 
 
 When Edgeworth was introduced to his majesty, the 
 sight of his calm dignity, contrasted with the horrid 
 
LA FAYETTE. 369 
 
 countenances of those who surrounded him, greatlv 
 affected him. The king expressed a wish to be left 
 alone with his confessor. As soon as the room was 
 cleared, the Abbe fell on his knees, kissed his majesty's 
 hand, which he bathed with tears. The king was so 
 affected wih this mark of respect, that he also wept. 
 w Excuse me, M. Edgeworth," said he ; " none but the 
 most unrelenting of men have been allowed to ap- 
 proach me of late. My eyes are accustomed to them ; 
 but the sight of a man of humanity, a faithful subject, 
 affects my whole soul, and melts me as you see." 
 
 The king then led the Abbe into his closet, and read 
 over to him his will, with a firm voice, except at those 
 places where mention is made of his queen, children, 
 and sister. He then inquired after several of his 
 friends, forgave and pitied his enemies, particularly 
 the Duke of Orleans, and deplored the fate of his de- 
 luded subjects. 
 
 When he finished conversing, he rose to make his 
 last visit to his family, saying, that would be his sever- 
 est trial ; but when it was over, he should fix his mind 
 solely on what concerned his salvation. 
 
 Leaving Edgeworth in his closet, the king went to 
 the apartment where his family assembled. The in- 
 terview lasted more than an hour. A scene more aw- 
 ful and affecting cannot be imagined. The king enter- 
 ed the room with calmness ; and as he was alone, freed 
 from his guards, his family enjoyed a momentary hope, 
 that better days were about to arise. The silence of 
 the king, his embraces, the tears which his efforts could 
 no longer restrain, produced cries of despair, which 
 were heard beyond the precincts of the temple. When 
 it became necessary to separate, he had occasion for 
 some exertions to tear himself away from their passion- 
 ate embraces, and convulsive grasps. He gave them 
 hopes of another meeting ; but his last expressive look 
 contradicted his words. His wife and sister fell sense- 
 less ; his daughter was in a state which, for sonre time, 
 
370 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rendered her recovery doubtful. The dauphin ran 
 after him, his voice lost in sobs, rapidly traversed the 
 outward apartments, descended the stairs, and reach- 
 ed the court-yard of the temple. He addressed the 
 guards in the most pathetic terms of supplication, his 
 hands clasped, and throwing himself on his knees, "Let 
 me pass, gentlemen, let me pass ! I want to speak to 
 the people — to entreat them not to kill my papa. Oh, 
 gentlemen, let me pass, in the name of God, pray do 
 not hinder me !" His entreaties were vain ; they com- 
 pelled him to return. 
 
 When the king returned, he was in a state of great 
 emotion. As he recovered himself he said to Edge- 
 worth, k * Alas ! why do I love with so much tender- 
 ness, and why am I so tenderly beloved f" After a few 
 minutes, he began a religious conversation, and aston> 
 ished his confessor by his exemplary piety. 
 
 At ten o'clock, Clere entreatedhim, with tears in his 
 eyes, to take some supper. In compliance t© the wish 
 of this faithful friend, the king took some refresh- 
 ment, and persuaded the abbe to do the same. • 
 
 Edgeworth then asked the king if he did not desire 
 to hear mass, and receive the sacraments. Louis ex- 
 pressed the most earnest inclination, but added, he 
 despaired of the commissioners allowing it. The 
 abbe, whose zeal was not damped by the insults he 
 had already endured, undertook to solicit permission. 
 On his application, the officer said, " There are ex- 
 amples in history, of priests who have mixed poison 
 with the hostie." Edgeworth calmly replied, " I 
 have been sufficiently searched to satisfy you, but to 
 obviate all doubts, you yourselves may furnish me 
 with the hostie." The council took some time to de- 
 liberate, and at length agreed, on condition the priest 
 should write the demand and sign it, and that alt 
 should be over before seven in the morning. The 
 king received these tidings with gratitude, and pros 
 trated himself in thanksgiving to God for his mercy, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 371 
 
 Edgeworth, seeing the king much exhausted, pre- 
 vailed on him to lie down, and himself lay in Clere's 
 bed. With a full consciousness that his last moments 
 were fast approaching, the king slept calmly, without 
 agitation. 
 
 At five in the morning, the king called up Clere : 
 He then heard mass, and received the communion 
 with the most profound devotion. A noise was heard: 
 Edgeworth apprehending the fatal moment had ar- 
 rived, shewed signs of terror ; the king maintained 
 bis usual serenity. — It was only the guard resuming 
 their posts. To some trifling request he made, they 
 answered, " That might do well enough, citizen, when 
 you were king, but that's not the case now." The 
 king turning to his confessor, said, " you see how I am 
 treated, but nothing can shock me now ;" footsteps 
 were now heard on the stairs ; " they are now com- 
 ing," he added. 
 
 The commissioners of the commune, with a con- 
 stitutional priest, named Jaques Roux, came to an- 
 nounce the hour was at hand. " It is enough," said 
 his majesty ; " I will join you immediately, but I wish 
 to pass a few moments alone with my confessor." He 
 then repeated his recommendation of his family, ad- 
 ding a request, that Clere might be allowed to remain 
 with the Queen ; but fearing that term might dis- 
 please, he hastily corrected hirriself, and said " my 
 wife." He offered a packet to Roux to give to the 
 commune, but he answered, " It is my duty to con- 
 vey you to the place of execution, and nothing more." 
 " You are right," said the king ; and presented it to 
 another, who accepted the charge, and delivered it 
 faithfully. 
 
 When he had retired with Edgeworth, he said, 
 " All is consummated ; give me yourlast benediction. " 
 His tenderness had prevented his requesting the ab- 
 be to accompany him ; but that worthy man volunta- 
 rily offered it, and professed his determination not to 
 
372 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 quit him. This cheered the king; he said he was 
 prepared to meet his last moment. 
 
 His majesty observing the commissioners were all 
 covered, ordered Clere to bring his hat. Jaques 
 Roux, and another constitutional priest, with two 
 fierce-looking gens dParmes entered the carriage with 
 the king and Edgeworth. 
 
 A profound silence prevailed among the people. 
 The escort consisted of twelve hundred men, and all 
 the streets were crowded with national guards. The 
 doors of most of the houses were shut, and the po- 
 lice had strictly forbidden any one to appear at the 
 windows. 
 
 As the progress was very slow, the king asked 
 Edgeworth for a prayer-book ; the abbe had none 
 but his breviary, which he gave him, pointing out 
 those psalms which were most proper in his situation. 
 His majesty continued reading with great devotion, 
 till he came to the foot of the guillotine, which was 
 erected between the pedestal which had supported the 
 statue of Louis the Fifteenth, and the Champs Elisees. 
 He arrived at twenty minutes after ten. 
 
 The executioners having opened the carriage door, 
 the king laying his hand on Edgeworth's knee, said to 
 the gens <T armes, " Gentlemen, I recommend M. 
 Edgeworth to your protection." As they made uo- 
 answer, he repeated the request with greater earnest- 
 ness : " I conjure you to take care that no harm befai 
 him after my death." At length one of them said, 
 '* Well, well, we shall take care of hirn." 
 
 The king having thrown off his coat, was going to 
 ascend the scaffold, when they seized his hands to 
 tie them behind his back. As he was unprepared for 
 this insult, his first movement was to repel the attempt 
 with indignation. But Edgeworth knowing resistance 
 was vain, and would only expose him to greater indig- 
 nities, said, " Sire, this new humiliation is another 
 circumstance in which your majesty's sufferings re- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 373 
 
 ^emble those of our Saviour, who will soon be your 
 reward." Instantly the king, with an air of dignified 
 resignation, presented his hands. The executioners 
 drawing the cords with the utmost violence, he mildly 
 said, " There is no need to pull so tight." 
 
 While heascendedthe scaffold, Edgeworth exclaim 
 ed aloud, " Louis, son of St. Louis, ascend to 
 Heaven." 
 
 As soon as the king came upon the scaffold, advan- 
 cing with a firm step to the part which faced the pal- 
 ace, he desired the drums to cease, and was obeyed^ 
 He then pronounced, loud enough to be heard, in the 
 garden of the Tuileries, " Frenchmen, I die innocent 
 of the crimes imputed to me, I forgive my enemies . 
 .1 implore God, from the bottom of my heart, to pardon 
 them, and not to take vengeance on the French nation 
 for the blood about to be sAerf," 
 
 He was continuing, when the brutal Santerre push- 
 ed furiously towards the drummers, and forced them 
 to beat without intermmission. The executioners 
 seized their victim, and placed him under the axe of 
 the guillotine. 
 
 Edgeworth remained kneeling on the scaffold in a 
 state of stupor, till roused by the cries of the pop- 
 ulace, when he retired to the house of Malesherbes. 
 
 As soon as the act was done, the mob exclaimed, 
 '' Vive la republique /" One man caught up the bleed- 
 ing head, and brandishing it with exultation, cried. 
 a Vive le nation /" Several persons dipped the points 
 of pikes, handkerchiefs, &c. &c. in the blood. The 
 king's hair had been cut off before he ascended the 
 scaffold, and was sold in small parcels for considerable 
 sums, to persons who still felt loyalty, veneration, or 
 pity. 
 
 On the day of this execution, le Due, an old ser 
 vant of the king's father, addressed a letter to the con 
 vention, praying for leave to inter the body at Lens ; 
 with the rest of his family. This request was refu- 
 
 32 
 
m MEMOIRS OF 
 
 seel. Chabotsaid, Louis oughttobe buried with oth- 
 er citizens in the place of the section where he last 
 resided. Legendre moved, that he might be permitted 
 to cut the body into eighty-four parts, and send one to 
 each of the departments, and the heart to the conven- 
 tion. The king's body was thrown without ceremony 
 into a hole in the church-yard of St. Mary fMagdalen, 
 which was filled with quicklime, and guarded till the 
 body was supposed to be quite consumed, and then 
 levelled, that every trace of the spot where the mo- 
 narch was deposited might be obliterated. 
 
 Thus fell Louis the Sixteenth, on January the 21st, 
 1793. His untimely end was honoured by a general 
 mourning, in all the countries of Europe.* 
 
 * Louis XVI. son of the dauphin, and of Mary Jose- 
 phine, of Saxony, the daughter of Frederic Augustus, 
 king of Poland, who was born 23d August 1754, and in 
 consequence of the death of his father, 1 765, he exchan- 
 ged the title of duke of Berry for that of dauphin, and 
 ascended the throne of France on the death of his grand- 
 father, 1774. His union with Marie Antoinette, of Aus- 
 tria, in 1770, was attended by the unfortunate death of 
 above 4000 persons, who had assembled to behold the 
 public rejoicings at Paris. On the day of his elevation to 
 the crown, the young monarch, as if foreboding the mise- 
 ries which awaited him, exclaimed, O my God, how unfor- 
 tunate for me ! Nevertheless, to repair the misconduct of 
 his predecessors, and to meet the exigencies of an ex- 
 hausted treasury, a ruined commerce, a shattered ma- 
 rine, and the discontents of a nation loaded with taxes, the 
 new king called around him ministers of credit and abili- 
 ty. Vergennes took the charge of foreign affairs, Turgot 
 presided over the finances, Malesherbes became counsel- 
 lor of state, Sartine directed the affairs of the marine, 
 and Maurepas was made prime minister. The first act 
 of his reign endeared Louis to his people, and he nobly 
 remitted the tribute which was expected on the accession 
 of a new monarch . Already abases t)egan to be redressed, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 376 
 
 After the death of the King, that of the Queen soon 
 followed. Barrere presented a decree to the Assem- 
 
 the exiled parliament was recalled, and commerce and in 
 dustry began to recover their usual activity, but unfortu- 
 nately the American war broke out. Eager to humble 
 England by assisting her revolted colonies, the ministers 
 of Louis pursued a course which was to prove fatal to their 
 master, and disastrous to Europe By supporting the 
 Americans, they kindled a dreadful war ngainst England, 
 which, while it separated the colonies from the mother 
 country, increased, in a more intolerable degree, the debts 
 of France, and the miseries of her subjects. To repair 
 the ruined finances, proved too mighty a labour for the 
 abilities of Oalonne ; and the cardinal de Brienne, wishing 
 to gain by violence what his predecessor sought by per- 
 suasion, laid severe imposts, which the poverty of the peo- 
 ple and the dissatisfaction of the great, could not discharge, 
 The parliament of Paris was exiled to Troyes, for refu- 
 sing to register these unpopular taxes ; and when recalled 
 by the fatal moderation of the monarch, they, instead of 
 complying, called for the meeting of the States General of 
 the kingdom, to assist in the difficulties of the govern- 
 ment. Obedient to the general voice of the people, Lou- 
 is convoked the States General, which met at Versailles, 
 5th May, 1789. But while the three orders, the nobles, 
 the clergy, and the commons, disputed which should be 
 exempted from contributing to the burdens of the state, 
 dissention arose between them, and instead of labouring 
 earnestly all for the public good, each sought for the ag- 
 grandizement of his own order, and listened to the voice 
 of the factious and the intriguing. The troops which sur- 
 rounded Paris gave offence to the deputies ; and at the 
 voice of the hypocritical democrat, Mirabeau, the people 
 of Paris arose, and on the 14th July, 1789, they seized 
 the Bastile, and after the most atrocious barbarities, bid 
 defiance to the government. Though the mild character 
 of the monarch, and the hesitating measures of his minis- 
 ters, seemed to promise every concession, the factious 
 leaders of the populace determined to attempt new crimes. 
 On the 5th of October following, an armed multitude, with 
 
3f6 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 bly, or Convention, " that Marie Antoinette should be 
 referred to the extraordinary tribunal, and instantly 
 conveyed to the prison of the Conciergerie." 
 
 women of the most abandoned and ferocious character, set 
 out from Paris for Versailles. The guards of the palace 
 were murdered, the doors of the apartments were broken 
 open, and the bed, from which the unhappy Qiieen scarce 
 could escape, was pierced with a thousand stabs. The 
 monarch, surrounded by his terrified family, was with dif- 
 ficulty spared, but it was to suffer new indignities. He waf. 
 immediately hurried to Paris, preceded by the insulting 
 cavalcade ; while around his carriage were presented on 
 pikes, with the grossest exclamations, the heads ofhis faith- 
 ful servants who had been murdered in defence of his per- 
 son. Placed as a prisoner in the palace of the Tuileries, 
 he made every sacrifice which could restore tranquillity ; 
 and the 14th of February 1790, he gave his assent to the 
 new constitution, which leduced his power to a mere shad- 
 ow. Notwithstanding these humiliating concessions, he 
 was still insulted ; murder and insurrection still continued, 
 or rather were encouraged ; and at the last, tired of a sit- 
 uation which left him no prospect of liberty, the monarch 
 escaped privately from Paris, 21st June, 1791, and nearly 
 reached the frontiers of France. His person, however, 
 was recognised at Varennes, and he was brought back to 
 Paris to endure fresh indignities. Though treated with 
 seeming respect by the National Assembly, the insults of 
 Ihe populace were not checked, and on the 20th of June, 
 1792, a ferocious mob forced its way to the palace, and 
 threatened the destruction of the royal family. Louis, un- 
 dismayed, presented himself to these barbarians, and for 
 two hours, disarmed them of their murderous fury, till 
 Petion, with hypocritical marks of respect, came to libe* 
 rate the monarch from this perilous situation. The events 
 of this day warned Louis ofhis approaching fate, and it is 
 said, that now he began to write his will, and to prepare 
 himself for death. The declaration of war by the Empe- 
 ror, and Prussia against France, and the threats of the 
 Duke of Brunswick, and his invasion of Champagne, roused 
 
LA FAYETTE, &V 
 
 On the night this decree passed, two municipal offi- 
 cers went to the temple to execute it. The Queen 
 
 more powerfully the resentment of the moh, as they were 
 taught, by their flagitious leaders, that these .oeasures 
 were dictated by their imprisoned monarch. In the midst 
 of these events, with a victorious enemy approaching the 
 capital, and an ungovernahle multitude thirsting for blood, 
 the 10th of August, still more terrible than all others, 
 came : the tocsin was sounded, the Tfciileries attacked, and 
 the faithful Swiss guards murdered in every avenue of the 
 palace. Already the cannon was pointed against the apart- 
 ments of the monarch, when he was persuaded to dy for 
 safety to the hall of the assembly, and though often in- 
 terrupted by the sight of heaps of slain, by the shrieks 
 of the dying, and by the outrageous insults of the mob, 
 he reached this spot, where he heard his name treated 
 with studied indignity, his power suspended, and his sen- 
 tence of imprisonment pronounced. Confined in one of 
 the towers of the Temple, he for some time was permit- 
 ted to enjoy the soothing company of his family ; but as 
 his tyrants increased in power, they decreased in compas- 
 sion and humanity. The convention succeeded the assem- 
 bly, and they not only decreed the abolition of roy dty in 
 France, but they proclaimed the necessity of trying their 
 fallen monarch. Depicted, in the speeches of this vile 
 assembly, as a tyrant and a traitor, Louis had no mercy 
 to expect from such perjured judge?. Though deprived 
 of pen and paper, and of every means by which he might 
 have prepared himself, he appeared with his usual seren- 
 ity before this murderous tribunal, and his answers to in- 
 terrogatories, he maintained the dignity of the monarch, 
 and the firmness of the Christian. Though thus insulted, 
 yet an apparent show of candor in the convention, per- 
 mitted his faithful ministers, Malesherbes, Tronchet, and 
 De Seze, to appear at their bar as his defenders ; but nei- 
 ther the tears nor the venerable appearance of these aged 
 and illustrious men, nor the present misfortunes, the past 
 greatness and well-known innocence of Louis, could avail. 
 On the 17th, Jan. 1793, he was condemned to death, but 
 
 32 * 
 
►78 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 was in bed. They insisted on her rising instantly. 
 They then searched her pockets, and took away their 
 contents. She earnestly, but in vain, begged to be 
 allowed to retain a small pocket-book. She took an 
 affecting farewell of her daughter and sister; her son 
 she was not allowed to see. In the court-yard, a 
 
 only by a majority of five voices. He heard of his fatte 
 with composure and resignation ; but his parting with the 
 queen and his family; was tender and affecting beyond the 
 power of description. On the 21st he was conveyed to 
 the scaffold, attended by M. Edgeworth, a catholic priest, 
 and on the fatal spot he attempted to address the multi- 
 tude which surrounded him, but the beating of drums 
 drowned his voice. As he placed himself on the machine, 
 his confessor fervently exclaimed, O son of St. Louis 
 ascend to heaven, and that moment his head was severed 
 from the body. His remains were conveyed to the 
 jhurch-yard of St. Magdalen, aud immediately consumed 
 in quick lime. He left a son, who in history bears the 
 name of Louis XVII. and as if to offer new indignity to a 
 ihrone that hrtd crumbled to the dust, this younjj prince, 
 aged eight, was intrusted to the care of Simon, a shoe- ma- 
 ker, .and died soon after from the rude treatment he receiv- 
 ed, or as some suppose, from poison. His daughter, after 
 seeing the murder of her parents, and of her aunt, was 
 exchanged with Austria for the deputies detained by the 
 imperialists, and she married her cousin, the duke of An- 
 gouleme. Louis, regarded as a monarch, but not contem- 
 plated with the misfortunes which closed his life, must be 
 acknowledged to be a virtuous and amiable man. His 
 letters display the goodness of a benevolent heart, attached 
 to religion, anxious to do good, and eager to maintain in- 
 tegrity and uprightness. If as a monarch he had posses- 
 sed greater resolution, and more firm consistency of char- 
 acter, he might have averted the miseries which awaited 
 him ; and instead of marching to a scaffold, he might have 
 upheld the honor of the throne, repressed insurrection, 
 and restored the kingdom to tranquillity, happiness, and 
 prosperity. — Lempriere's Biog. Die 
 
LA FAYETTE 37$ 
 
 hackney coach was waiting to receive her ; the officer 
 offered his hand to assist her into the carriage, but she 
 refused his assistance. 
 
 On her arrival at the Conciergerie, the barking of 
 two mastiffs threw her into convulsions, from which 
 she did not recover till next morning. Her cell, 
 which was half under ground, was but eight feet square, 
 with a straw mattrass in one corner. Soon after her 
 arrival, she petitioned the municipality for a few ne- 
 cessaries, which were refused. 
 
 Grief and agitation had brought on a premature old 
 age ; her beauty was gone. The officers of the po- 
 lice, to gratify a barbarous curiosity, and their own 
 avarice, daily introduced into her cell a number of 
 people, to gaze on the ruins of degraded royalty. 
 
 In this miserable abode, the Queen had been con* 
 fined two months, when the end of her sufferings ap- 
 proached. An act of accusation was drawn up, full of 
 absurd allegations, and outrageous calumnies. 
 
 Having been summoned before the revolutionary 
 tribunal, she was interrogated, respecting the facts al- 
 leged. In her examination, she displayed the utmost 
 firmness, answering with such force and precision, as 
 frequently retorted the accusation on her judges. 
 Counsel were then assigned her, and the next day 
 fixed for her trial. 
 
 On the 15th of October, she was again brought be- 
 fore the tribunal, and witnesses were called to support 
 the various charges. Most of these were brought 
 from the prisons, and knew their only chance of life 
 depended on their allegations against the Queen, who 
 displayed the greatest presence of mind, and frequent- 
 ly gave instances of that forcible style of laconic ex- 
 pression, suite a to insulted majesty. The following 
 will serve as examples : 
 
 Observation. " That it was she who taught Louis 
 Capet that art of profound dissimulation, by which he 
 had too long deceived the French nation, who did not 
 
380 MEMOIRS OP 
 
 Suppose that perfidy and villainy could be carried to 
 Such a degree." 
 
 Answer. " Yes, the people have been deceived, — most 
 truelly deceived; but not by me or my husband." 
 
 Q. By whom then has the people been deceived ? 
 
 A. By those who felt it their interest, but it never was' 
 ours. 
 
 Q. Not content with dilapidating the finances of 
 France for your intrigues and pleasures, you have sent 
 thousands of millions to the Emperor, to serve against 
 the nation that fostered you. 
 
 A. Never : I know this mean artifice has often been 
 employed to my prejudice, I loved my husband too 
 sincerely to dilapidate the treasures of his country. 
 My brother did not want money from F ranee ; and 
 from the same principle which attached me to France, 
 I would not have given him any. 
 
 The interrogatories being closed, Tainville moved 
 for judgment: the Queen was taken out of the hall; 
 and Herman, the president, summed up the evidence. 
 
 The jury retired about half an hour, and returned a 
 verdict of guilty. 
 
 The Queen was then brought back, and asked if she 
 had any objection to make to the sentence ; but con- 
 scious of having defended herself rather with a view 
 to manifest innocence, than avoid condemnation, she 
 bowed in token of submission. Her counsel declined 
 making any opposition. The president then pro- 
 nounced sentence of death, and immediate execution. 
 
 It was half past four o'clock, when the Queen was 
 remanded to prison, and put into the cell of condemned 
 criminals. At five, the generale was beat. At seven, 
 the whole armed force was drawn out, and cannon 
 placed on the bridges, and in the squares. At half 
 past eleven, the Queen was placed in a tumbril, with 
 her back to the horse, a mode of conveyance reckon- 
 ed peculiarly infamous 5 her neck and shoulders bare, 
 and her hands tied behind her. By her side was se&t 
 
LA FAYETTE. 3S* 
 
 ed the curate of St. Landrey, (a constitutional priest f 
 with whom she could not communicate,) and the ex- 
 ecutioner. She maintained her usual firmness and 
 Courage the whole way. When she ascended the 
 scaffold, she looked towards the garden of the Tuile- 
 ries with some appearance of agitation. The execu- 
 tioner performed his office. Her head was displayed 
 to the multitude, her corpse interred like that of her 
 husband, in the church-yard of la Madelaine, and the 
 grave filled up with quicklime.* 
 
 * Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, Arch-Duchess of 
 Austria, daughter of the Emperor Francis I. and of Maria 
 Theresa, was born at Vienna, 2d Nov. 1765. On the 16th 
 May, 1770, she married the Dauphin of France, afterwards 
 Louis XVI. and her arrival in France was celebrated with 
 every demonstration of public joy. On that remarkable oc- 
 casion, however, it was observed by those who seek for ca- 
 lamitous events in the fortuitous accidents of time, that the 
 two tempestuous storms of thunder and rain which prevailed, 
 forebode her future misfortunes, and on the festivities of the 
 city of Paris, on the 30th of the same month, more than 
 1200 persons were crushed to death by the falling of a tem- 
 porary building erected on the occasion, and numbers per- 
 ished in the waters of the Seine, by being precipitated from 
 the Pont Royal. These melancholy accidents were allevia- 
 ted as much as possible by the humanity of the foreign Prin- 
 cess, who sent all her money to the lieutenant of police, for 
 the relief of the unfortunate sufferers, and every where con- 
 ciliated the affection and the esteem of the people. Other 
 acts of charity have been recorded to her honour, and form 
 some of the most pleasing subjects, which employed the 
 pencil of Dagoti, and on the death of Louis XV., when ac* 
 cording to ancient usage, a tax is contributed by the people 
 for the girdle of the new Queen, as if is called, Maria nobly' 
 declined the compliment. In the severe frost of 1788, she 
 contributed much to the relief of the suffering poor, and her 
 munificence was acknowledged by the gratitude of the Paris* 
 ians, who erected a pyramid of snow in the street of St. Ho« 
 nore, to her honour. These marks of respect were nearly £fS 
 
382 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The life of the Princess Elizabeth had been so vir- 
 tuous, so beneficent, so exempt from reproach, that 
 
 Q-ansitory as the snowy pyramid ; Antoinette, unfortunately 
 surrounded by flatterers, who fanned her pleasures, and gra-* 
 tified her inclinations, wa* represented as voluptuous and 
 Criminal, and the celebrated trial concerning the necklace. 
 Served iu some degree to raise the indignation of the public 
 against her conduct. The poverty f the treasury was in- 
 vidiously attributed to her extravagance ; but though she 
 was too liberal in her expenses, nothing criminal could be 
 proved against her. As if foreseeing the calamities of the 
 State, she opposed with all her influence, the convocation of 
 the states, which was to lead her and her husband to the 
 Scaffold ; but though calumniated and insulted, she main- 
 (ained her dignity, and made the happiness of her husband 
 the first wish of her heart. The ferocious events of the 
 revolution brou.ht on the 6th of October, when the sangui- 
 nary cannibals of Paris appeared at Versailles, threatening 
 aloud that they would tear her to pieces. The doors of her 
 apartment were battered down and the bed from which she 
 had just escaped was pierced through with a thousand stabs j 
 yet in the midst of this dreadful attack, Antoinette exhibited 
 her usual serenity, and presenting herself alone on the bal- 
 cony, she changed, by her noble demeanor, the fury of the 
 populace into admiration and shouts of applause. Forced to 
 accompany the King to Paris, in a journey of six hours,, 
 while the heads of two of her murdered body guards were 
 raised on pikes by the side of her carriage, and while in- 
 sults, threats and blasphemies every moment rent the air, she 
 preserved die same undaunted courage. After the flight to 
 Varennes, her magnanimity did not desert her, and when 
 questioned by the insidious deputies, she replied with becom- 
 ing dignity. On the 20th June and the 1 0th August, 1792^ 
 those days of horror and anarchy, she again saw herself in- 
 sulted, and with difficulty saved from the hands of assassins, 
 and in the Assembly, she heard unmoved the decrees whicfi 
 robbed the monarch of his throne, and which called on the 
 roost worthless of his subjects to try him as a criminal. She 
 no sooner heard of the condemnation of her husband, than 
 she congratulated him on the termination of his sufferings,; 
 
LA FAYETTE. 383 
 
 even the infamous faction -of Robespierre found some 
 difficulty in framing her act of accusation. At lengthj 
 
 and after parting from him in an agony of grief, her only 
 request to his murderers was, to give her a suit of raourning r 
 which she wore till her own fate was decided. That she 
 might not feel the comforts of the afflicted, in sharing her 
 sorrows with her family, she was torn from her son, 4th 
 July, 1793, and a month after, an armed force entered her 
 cell in the middle of the night, and forced her from her bed 
 of straw to a low and damp dungeon. On the 3d of Octo^ 
 ber, she was carried before the revolutionary tribunal, and 
 accused of squandering the public money, and of exhausting 
 the treasury to enrich her brother the Emperor, and of hold- 
 ing a traitorous correspondence with the enemies of her 
 country ; but the crimination could not be proved, and her 
 sufferings failed not to excite interest in her favour, even 
 among her prejudiced judges. It was then that the miscre- 
 ants charged the unhappy Queen with attempts to corrupt 
 the morals of her own son ; a scandalous imputation, which 
 roused all her feelings ; I appeal, exclaimed she, in a burst 
 of noble indignation, I appeal to all mothers, whether an ac« 
 {ion so odious is possible. Nothing, however, could avail, 
 she retired fatigued to her dungeon, after being detained 18 
 hours before her cruel judges, and the following morning, at 
 11, she was summoned to ascend the cart, which was to 
 conduct her to the scaffold. She obeyed with dignity, and 
 in profound silence, and after viewing with unusual attention 
 as she passed, the palace of the Tuileries, the former scene 
 of her greatness and her pleasures, she mounted the scaffold 
 with precipitation, and falling on her knees, prayed for foi- 
 giveness on her murderers, and bidding adieu to her absent 
 children, to whose father she was again to be united, she laid 
 down her head on the fatal machine, and lifting up her eyes 
 to heaven, closed them in death, 16th Oct. 1793. She was 
 then near 38, but it is remarkable, that her misfortunes had 
 changed the colour of her hair to a silvery white, and her 
 countenance, which, with every feature of beauty, once 
 beamed benignity and love, had assumed an aspect of de- 
 jection and settled melancholy, and she had nearly lost the 
 use of one of her eyes, from the damp and unwholesome air 
 
384 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 she was accused of having dressed the wounds of some 
 federes, whom the Marcellois had wantonly attacked 
 on their arrival in Paris ; that she had sent her dia- 
 monds to the Count d'Artois ; and that since the 
 death of the King, she had treated the young Prince 
 with distinctions due to royalty. 
 
 Her answers to the interrogatories put to her, were 
 frank, and obviously true. As a last effort, she was 
 asked, " Whether she had not comforted her nephew 
 with the hopes of succeeding to his father's throne f M 
 She replied, " I have conversed familiarly with that 
 unfortunate child, who has many claims to my affec- 
 tion ; and I gave him all those consolations which ap- 
 peared to me likely to reconcile him to the loss of his 
 parents." This answer was construed into an ac- 
 knowledgment of a plot "to build up the wrecks of a 
 subverted throne, by deluging it with the blood of 
 the patriots." On this observation, the Princess was 
 condemned, without a single witness being examined. 
 
 Twenty-four persons were tried and condemned at 
 the same time, for the same conspiracy, and all were 
 executed the same day. The Princess suffered last. 
 
 to which she was exposed. Her body was thrown into the 
 Magdalen church-yard, and immediately consumed witli 
 quicklime. In the powers of her mind, Antoinette had been 
 carefully cultivated ; she spoke French with purity, and 
 the Italian as her native tongue, and she was so well acquain- 
 ted with Latin, that when twice addressed in that language, 
 she made an immediate extemporaneous reply in the same 
 language, and with elegance. She was well versed in geo- 
 graphy, and had bestowed also much time on the reading of 
 history, khe had four children, Maria Theresa Charlotte, 
 born 1 778, who married her cousin the Duke of Angouleme, 
 Louis, born 1781, who died 1789, Charles Louis, horn 1785, 
 who died 1793, and a daughter who died an infant. Mer 
 life has been published by various authors, bu: that of Mad, 
 Guenard, 3 vols. 12mo. is recommended by the French bi- 
 ographers. — Lempriere's Biog. Dictionary. 
 
LA FAYETTE. .,85 
 
 Her conduct on her trial and on the scaffold, till the 
 moment of her death, was calculated to prove the 
 tirmness and composure which religion can commu- 
 nicate to a mind naturally timid. 
 
 The young Prince, after the most brutal treatment. 
 and deprivation of every comfort, expired in prison, 
 not without strong suspicion of his fate having been 
 accelerated by poison. 
 
 From the time of the King's imprisonment to hi? 
 death, the faction self-styled National Convention, 
 constantly kept their sittings, for the purpose of pas- 
 sing and executing the most inhuman decrees. 
 
 Frorti the first sitting, two parties arose, whose in- 
 creasing violence towards each other, was the cause of 
 destruction to almost every member of this bloody 
 tribunal. Brissot, Petion, and Vergniaux were at the 
 head of the Gironde party : and Robespierre, Danton, 
 Marat, Chabot and Couthon headed that of the Moun- 
 tain. The latter party, by a system of intrigue, were 
 the most popular. By such men as these, France 
 was governed, and although they quarrelled among; 
 themselves, when the interest of an individual, or a 
 party belonging to their own body was concerned, yet, 
 when a decree was offered, touching the life or pro 
 perty of a royalist, or which affected the " interest of 
 the republic," as they termed it, they were generally 
 united. 
 
 This Convention, as it will now be called, passed a 
 decree of fraternity, by which assistance was offered 
 to any nation desirous of obtaining its freedom ; and ' 
 the Generals^ at the head of their armies, were em- 
 powered to protect such foreign citizens, as had suf- 
 fered, or might suffer, in the cause of freedom. 
 
 As this decree struck at the root of all European 
 governments, and tended to encourage treason, and 
 foment civil discord, England joined Prussia and 
 Austria, and declared war against France. On the 
 31st of May, the Mountain faction planned a d 
 
 33 
 
386 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of accusation against the Gironde party. The com- 
 mand of the national guard was given to Henriot, one 
 of the Mountain party, who surrounded the Conven- 
 tion with 60,000 men. The tocsin was sounded, the 
 generale beat, and the whole city of Paris was in the 
 most dreadful consternation. Meantime, the Moun- 
 tain sent a deputation to the Convention, demanding 
 the heads of twenty-two members of the Gironde. 
 The members named, were immediately seized and 
 sent to prison, to await their trial. 
 
 The imprisonment of these members gave Robes- 
 pierre and his party a decided ascendancy in the Con- 
 vention, and the will of this faction now became the 
 law of France. Many of the deputies of the Conven- 
 tion immediately escaped from Paris, and took refuge 
 in their own departments. But they were hunted 
 from place to place ; some fell into the hands of their 
 enemies, and suffered on the scaffold ; some perished 
 by famine ; some committed suicide, and few escaped, 
 after suffering the most dreadful privations. — A just 
 and speedy punishment, for having dipped their hands 
 into the blood of their King and Queen. 
 
 The despotism of France now divided itself into 
 two councils, one called the Committee of Public 
 Safety, and the other the Committee of General Safe- 
 ty' .. . 
 
 The object of this faction seemed to be, the extermi- 
 nation of every thing great or valuable in society. If a 
 father afforded any support to his exiled son ; if a 
 daughter, from her dungeon, wrote to her agonized 
 mother ; this bloody tribunal doomed them to the 
 scaffold, while rewards were given to those who be- 
 trayed their nearest connexions to death ! 
 
 The Jacobins required that terror should be the 
 order of the day ; and that the law ordaining that 
 members should be heard before passing an accusa- 
 tion against them, should be repealed. The forms of 
 trial were totally disregarded, and the victims whosf* 
 
LA FAYETTE. 387 
 
 lives were required, were insulted by a pretence of a 
 trial by jury. It was, in fact, a cruel mockery, to give 
 the name of jury to a number of men permanently 
 established in their situation ; not elected by the pris- 
 oner, or subject to be challenged ; deliberating in 
 public, and pronouncing, separately, their opinions 
 aloud. Their deliberations were a mere farce, for 
 some of the judges daily attended Robespierre, with 
 a list, from which he marked out a certain number 
 with a cross, and they were devoted to certain de- 
 struction. The powers of this tribunal were so ex- 
 tensive, that it was almost impossible for innocence to 
 escape. The only punishment they pronounced was 
 death, and that was applied to such indefinite crimes 
 as, favouring the immunity of aristocracy ; calumnia- 
 ting patriotism ; seeking to vilify the revolutionary 
 tribunal ; to corrupt the public mind and conscience ; 
 and stopping the progress of revolutionary principles. 
 No witnesses were heard. The rule of the sentence 
 was the conscience of the jurors. No person denoun- 
 cing another, was obliged to assign his motives, to 
 discover his name, or place of abode. The party 
 denounced, was arrested without proof, insulted by 
 the court, and condemned without mercy. 
 
 Who could describe the horrors which at this period 
 atained the soil of France ? What narration could 
 convey an adequate idea ? A recapitulation of the ca- 
 ses of the various sufferers, would fill volumes, with- 
 out exhibiting a clear picture of the horror, distraction, 
 and desolation that pervaded the country. 
 
 The external profession of religion, that corrector 
 of the heart, and consolation in affliction, was abolish- 
 ed by a public decree. The doctrine, that death is 
 an eternal sleep, was publicly avowed, and an attempt 
 made to substitute for Christianity a sort of metaphysi- 
 cal Paganism : thereason they had so abused, and the 
 liberty they had so outraged, were exalted as deities. 
 ibr the maddened populace to worship ! 
 
388 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Meantime, the Courts of London and Vienna took 
 measures to bring a large body of troops into the field, 
 for the purpose of crushing this terrible faction. 
 
 The French convention, although constantly passing 
 decrees against the lives of their own citizens, were 
 also making immense preparations to repel foreign in- 
 vasion. The expenses of government were incalcu- 
 lable. The committee of surveilance, (that host of 
 spies) was maintained at an expense of nearly thirty- 
 two millions sterling a year. Cities were crowded 
 with manufactories of saltpetre, towns were converted 
 into founderies, and palaces into arsenals, to supply the 
 elements of destruction. The people were robbed of 
 the necessaries of life, and their provisions taken un- 
 der the law of requisition, to supply the army. 
 
 At length, in the fall of 1 793, the allied armies, con- 
 sisting of Austrians, British, Dutch, Hanoverians. 
 Prussians and Hessians, assembled on the frontiers of 
 France, and began an invasion of her territories. But 
 notwithstanding the advantages at first gained by the 
 allies, it was evident that the immense numbers, and 
 systematic exertions of the republican armies would 
 finally preponderate, and after repeated losses, the 
 allied armies were compelled to retreat in every di- 
 rection. 
 
 At Paris, Robespierre having dipped his hand in 
 the blood of thousands of innocent victims, at last 
 came to the scaffold himself. On the 27th of July. 
 1794, Varennes had the courage to accuse Robes- 
 pierre openly before the convention, After having 
 recounted with energy his acts of oppression and 
 blood, he ended by moving " that Robespierre and 
 his creatures be immediately arrested." This motion 
 was passed amidst tumults of applause. Barrere. 
 chief of the committee of public safety, joined without 
 reserve in the invectives against the fallen tyrant. 
 Robespierre was petrified with horror and amazement, 
 thinking himself beyond the reach of the law. Hen- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 389 
 
 riot, one of his creatures, being commander of the na- 
 tional guards, and himself included in the decree of 
 accusation, attempted his rescue, but his soldiers for- 
 sook him. After a fruitless resistance, several of the 
 outlawed attempted to kill themselves. Two succeed- 
 ed, and Robespierre was found with a pistol in his 
 hand, which he discharged on the entrance of his pur- 
 suers. He was fired on, and one shot wounded him in 
 the head and the other broke his jaw. In this situation 
 he was carried to the revolutionary tribunal, with 
 twenty-one of his accomplices, and from thence to the 
 place of execution. He suffered last, but remained 
 speechless and stupified with the horrors of the scene. 
 
 His death occasioned the greatest rejoicings, among 
 the populace, who followed him to the place of exe- 
 cution. He died at the age of thirty-six ; and his 
 death afforded a most ample vindication of eternal 
 justice. He who had shed blood with such profusion, 
 went to the scaffold covered with his own blood ; he 
 who had banished from France the sentiment of human- 
 ity, was in his last moments overwhelmed with scorn, 
 derision, and cruelty ; he, whose life had been a scene 
 of perfidy and ingratitude, died renounced by all, and 
 was led to the execution without ceremony and with- 
 out trial. 
 
 After the death of this bloody tyrant and his asso- 
 ciates, an alteration and melioration took place in the 
 government of France. The Mountain party were 
 entirely abolished, and the jacobin club broken up. — 
 At the same time, thousands were released from pris- 
 on, who would have perished on the scaffold, had not 
 this terrible faction been abolished. The royal party 
 at La Vendee, who had taken arms against the repub- 
 licans, were now offered an amnesty. So terrible had 
 been the destruction of these people, that Henriot ex- 
 ultinglv declared before the convention, that of eighty 
 thousand who had taken arms against the republic, 
 not a single individual remained alive ! 
 
 33* 
 
390 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The war with the allies was attended with signal 
 successes to the French arms. At no period of the 
 history of France had so many conquests been made 
 as at the beginning of the revolution. A list of them 
 was hung in the hall of the Convention, from which it 
 appeared that the republic had taken, and were in 
 possession of, ten provinces in the Austrian Nether- 
 lands ; the Seven United Provinces ; the bishopries 
 of Liege, Worms, and Spires ; the electorates of 
 Treves, Cologne and Mentz ; the duchy of Deux 
 Ponts ; the Palatinate ; and the duchies of Juliers and 
 Cleves in the North, and in the South they had made 
 the conquest of the duchy of Savoy, with the Princi- 
 palities of Nice and Monaco in Italy. 
 
 The effect of such a series of successes, tended to 
 weaken the coalition, and discourage all hopes of 
 crushing the republic. The grand duke of Tuscany, 
 iherefore, acknowledged the new government of 
 France in 1795. He was soon followed by the King 
 of England, who, as elector of Hanover^ notified his 
 accession to the treaty between France and Prussia, 
 and ordered all armed emigrants to quit his Germanic 
 territory. 
 
 These successes over their foreign foes did not how- 
 ever tend to unite the internal dissensions with which 
 the capital was constantly torn. It was therefore mov- 
 ed in the convention that an executive power had be- 
 come necessary to the safety of the nation. After long 
 discussions the act was passed on the 23d of August, 
 1 795. By this act the legislative power was vested in 
 two councils. The Legislative Council, by whom the 
 laws were proposed, and the Senate, by whom they 
 were confirmed. One third of each council was to be 
 chosen every year. The executive power was dele- 
 gated to a directory of five members, one of which was 
 to go out, by rotation, every year, and be replaced by 
 a new one. Resistance was made, as usual, to this 
 r.cw constitution, and several sanguinary tumults en- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 39: 
 
 sued ; but the convention was triumphant, the govern- 
 ment was established, and the palace of Luxembourg 
 appointed for the residence of the executive power. 
 The convention then dissolved itself. 
 
 Meantime the Austrians gained several victories 
 over the arms of the Republic, and retook a consider- 
 able portion of their conquest at the North. The 
 French had also been unfortunate at sea, having lost 
 near fifty ships during the year. 
 
 In 1796, hostilities were doomed to take a wider 
 range, and the unoffending inhabitants of the Alps and 
 Tyrolese mountains, as well as those on the banks of 
 the Danube and Po, were destined to experience all 
 the horrors of war. 
 
 The armies of the allies were commanded by Gen- 
 eral Colli and Baron Beaulieu ; while the directory 
 of France placed at the head of their forces General 
 Buonaparte, who at this time was almost unknown in 
 the army, and who was entirely indebted to Barras ; 
 one of the directors, for this elevation. 
 
 As soon as the snow disappeared, Bonaparte pre- 
 pared to take the field, and hostilities began by an at- 
 tack of the Austrians on the French at Valtri, in which 
 they were successful. But Bonaparte having sent 
 General Massena to gain the rear of the enemy, this 
 circumstance threw the Austrians into the utmost con- 
 fusion. They fled and were pursued to Millesimo, 
 where a general engagement took place, attended 
 with great slaughter, and ended with a loss to the Aus- 
 trians of 8000 prisoners and 32 pieces of cannon. A 
 truce was then entered into, the conditions of which 
 tended to shew the advantage gained by the French, 
 and the fallen fortunes of the monarch. 
 
 The aristocracy of Venice now saw the necessity of 
 yielding to Gallic democracy ; and in pursuance of 
 this policy, the eldest brother of the late king, now 
 styled Louis XVIII. was commanded to quit the Ve- 
 netian territory. 
 
392 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 On the 7th of May, Bonaparte obtained the victory 
 of Fombio. The dukes of Parma and Modena were 
 compelled to sue for peace, which was granted on 
 condition of their paying ten millions of livres, and 
 giving up a certain number of the most valuable paint- 
 ings in the world, to adorn the museum which was now 
 begun in Paris. 
 
 Bonaparte then hastened to Lodi, on the river Ad- 
 da, where rinding the bridges defended by the Austri- 
 an artillery, in such a manner as to make it extremely 
 hazardous to attempt it, the army halted. Four hun- 
 dred grenadiers, however, in the face of death, at- 
 tempted to force the passage, and about one half were 
 instantly killed. Bonaparte then seized the standard, 
 and at the head of a number of volunteers, rushed for- 
 ward, and in a moment the fate of the day was deci- 
 ded. 
 
 In his despatches to the directory, Bonaparte says, 
 ■ ; of all the actions in which the troops under my com- 
 mand have been engaged, none has equalled the tre- 
 mendous passage of the bridge of Lodi." 
 
 In consequence of this success, Bonaparte obtained 
 possession of Pavia, Milan, and the principal part of 
 Lombardy. Soon after, Leghorn, Bologna, Urbins 
 and Ferrara, were added to the list of conquests. Both 
 the Pope Gt Rome and the King of Naples now sued 
 for an armistice with an enemy which carried con- 
 quest or destruction wherever they went. It was 
 granted on condition of his withdrawing all assistance 
 from the allied army. But the Pope was compelled 
 not only to cede the towns already in possession of the 
 French, but to add Ancona, together with a contribu- 
 tion of twenty-one millions of francs, and a present of 
 one hundred pictures, statues and vases, to be select- 
 ed from the galleries at Rome. 
 
 As a minute detail of all the campaigns of the revo- 
 lution cannot be entered into in this short account, 
 those under the immediate command of Bonaparte 
 
LA FAYETTE. 393 
 
 will be chiefly attended to, in order to mark the prin- 
 cipal events of his life. 
 
 In 1797, Bonaparte, at the opening of the campaign, 
 at several battles, took 20,000 Austrians, killed 6000. 
 took 50 pieces of cannon, 24 stands of colours, and all 
 the enemy's baggage ; together with the whole convoy 
 of grain and oxen, which it was the intention of the 
 Austrians to have thrown into Mantua. Mantua, it- 
 self, after having been defended by Gen. Wurmser, 
 until his troops, suffering with famine, had devoured 
 all their horses fell into the hands of the conquering 
 General. 
 
 Bonaparte now published a proclamation, reproach- 
 ing the Pope with perfidy, and declaring the armistice 
 at an end, threatening, at the same time, to take ven- 
 geance on all who should oppose the republican arms, 
 he marched forward with his army. After several 
 dreadful encounters, the papal forces were defeated, 
 and Rome being in the most alarming commotion, 
 the Pope sent him a letter, written with his own hand, 
 promising to subscribe to any reasonable conditions. 
 The victor, in renJy, expressed the most perfect es- 
 teem for his hoi; iess, and only insisted that he should 
 relinquish the cuies Bologna, Ferrara and Romagna, 
 and pay fifteen millions of livres, towards the expenses 
 he had been at to bring his holiness to terms. 
 
 On the 2nd of April, the French attacked the Aus- 
 trians at Newmark, within thirty-five leagues of Vien- 
 na, and as usual, overpowered them. The Emperor 
 now resolved to treat for peace, and a suspension of 
 hostilities for nine days was agreed on. On the 18th, 
 the treaty of peace between the Austrians and French, 
 was concluded. 
 
 After such successes, Bonaparte was received at 
 Paris with the most rapturous applause by the people, 
 and with every mark of consideration by the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 In the course of the year, Spain had become (ht 
 
394 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ally of France, and the only formidable power the re- 
 public had now to contend with was England. 
 
 As if determined to give terms to all Europe, the 
 French Directory now turned their eyes towards that 
 unsubdued Island, and having appointed Bonaparte 
 General of the ' army of England,' ordered troops to 
 assemble on the coast of the British channel. Wheth- 
 er an attempt on England was ever really intended or 
 not, is perhaps uncertain. If so, it was soon aban- 
 doned, and the General sought victory in some other 
 quarter. 
 
 The civil history of the Republic for this year, pre- 
 sents as formerly, little else but the violent collision of 
 parties ; faction supplanting faction for power, while 
 every principle of justice was sacrificed. The exec- 
 utive and legislative bodies were continually in a state 
 of open hostility, and a spirit of extravagance, intrigue 
 and corruption, pervaded every department. In 1 798, 
 the war in Italy was renewed, in consequence of the 
 assembling of a mob in front of the palace of Joseph 
 Bonaparte, the French Ambassador at Rome. They 
 came to beg the assistance of France to throw off the 
 Papal yoke, and to be erected into a Republic. Jo- 
 seph, not being disposed to countenance so hopeless 
 a project, sent Gen. Dusshot to disperse the rabble. 
 While engaged in this service, Dusshot was shot. 
 After a lapse of fourteen hours, the Ambassador, find- 
 ing that no measure had been taken to avenge this 
 outrage, or provide for his own security, retired into 
 Tuscany. 
 
 As soon as these transactions were known, the peo- 
 ple of Milan exclaimed, " Death to the assassin Pon- 
 tiff!" Troops were levied, artillery prepared, and 
 a declaration published, in which the odium of the. 
 murder was, very unjustly, and probably as an excuse, 
 cast upon the Pope. The Directory transmitted or- 
 ders to Gen. Berthier to march to Rome. The castle 
 of St. Angelo, in which his holiness and cardinals had 
 
LA FAYETTE. 395 
 
 taken refuge, surrendered on the first summons. 
 Meantime the inhabitants planted the tree of liberty in 
 front of the Capitol, proclaimed their independence, 
 and instituted the Roman Republic. The Pope was 
 conveyed to France, deposed and exiled ; and infirm 
 through age, he survived his disgrace only a short 
 time. He died the next year, aged 82. 
 
 A war was next declared against Switzerland, whose 
 peaceful inhabitants, in their turn, were made to ex- 
 perience all the horrors of the most rancorous hostili- 
 ty. Near the lake Zug, the French army being en- 
 ticed into an ambuscade, was completely defeated. 
 A treaty was then concluded, by which the smaller 
 cantons were to remain as before, and not be subject 
 to contributions. But the canton of Underwalden 
 refused to submit on any conditions. This aroused 
 the vengeance of the tyrannical Republic. Fire and 
 sword were sent to overwhelm all who disobeyed. 
 The inhabitants were nearly exterminated, and nei- 
 ther age nor sex escaped the fury of the soldiers. The 
 country was subdued, after the most unexampled re- 
 sistance, and Switzerland, after enjoying the sweets of 
 independence and liberty, for near 400 years, was 
 compelled to submit to the arms of France, and to 
 adopt the republican form of government. 
 
 It was now, that Bonaparte, having been at war, 
 and made peace with nearly all the nations of Europe, 
 and not being satisfied with his conquests, turned his 
 attention towards Africa. The grand objects of this 
 expedition were probably, 1st, to make the name of 
 Bonaparte equal in renown to that of Alexander ; 2d, 
 to deprive the British of their empire of the east ; and, 
 3d, to levy contributions, and establish tributary col®- 
 nies. 
 
 All preparations being made, Bonaparte set sail, 
 on the 20th of May, 1799, with a veteran army ot 
 40,000 men, immense quantities of military stores, 
 and a large train of artillery. After a passage of fif- 
 
39fi MEMOIRS OF 
 
 teen days, he came in sight of Malta, where, to the 
 astonishment of the inhabitants, he began to land his 
 troops, and on the 12th of June, he had command of 
 the whole Island. 
 
 Having appointed a provisional government, he 
 again proceeded to sea, and on the 30th of June, the 
 fleet anchored in the roads of Alexandria. 
 
 Here he immediately landed his army, and summon- 
 ed this once famous city to surrender : this being dis- 
 regarded, the city was taken by assault, and, in order 
 to strike terror into the inhabitants of the whole coun- 
 try at once, and preclude further resistance, a dread- 
 ful slaughter of the inhabitants took place after they 
 had surrendered. The French now pursued their 
 victories until they came in sight of the Pyramids of; 
 Egypt. Here they found six thousand Mamelukes 
 intrenched, and ready to oppose them. Bonaparte 
 immediately gave an order to charge, and after an 
 ineffectual resistance, they were routed, then surroun- 
 ded, and although they made a furious defence, every 
 man was put to the sword. 
 
 This action opened the way to Cairo for the rapa- 
 cious invaders. 
 
 Bonaparte, to conciliate the confidence of the peo- 
 ple, published proclamations, declaring that he " had 
 not come to destroy, but to restore the rights of the 
 Mahometans ;" and that he himself believed in the 
 Prophet and the Koran ; that the first article of his 
 faith was, " there is no God but God, and Mahomet is 
 his Prophet." The British government, as soon as it 
 was known, that the French were preparing a great 
 armament, issued orders to defeat the project, though 
 its destination was still a secret. 
 
 Rear Admiral Nelson was appointed to command 
 the British fleet, and ordered to follow, destroy or 
 capture that of the French, wherever it might be 
 found. Having obtained information of the course the 
 f»nemy had taken, he proceeded to the coast of Egypt. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 397 
 
 and on the 1 3th of August, he discovered the French 
 fleet, consisting of thirteen sail of ships of the line, 
 and a great number of smaller vessels, moored in bat- 
 tle array in the bay of Aboukir. On the then approach- 
 ing battle, depended the naval superiority of the two 
 rival nations, the renewal of the war in Europe, thee- 
 ventual possession of Egypt, and perhaps, of the Bri- 
 tish empire in India. 
 
 The battle commenced in the afternoon, and con- 
 tinued until 10 in the evening. The conflict was one 
 of the most obstinate that ever was fought on the sea. 
 The darkness was such, that the only guide to the 
 operations of the fleets was the flashes from the guns. 
 Admiral Brieux, the commander of the French fleet-, 
 after receiving three wounds without quitting his post 
 was shot dead, and Admiral Nelson was severely 
 wounded. The battle raged with the utmost fury, 
 until the L'Orient, being on fire, and having struck 
 her colours, blew up. To this dreadful explosion 
 succeeded the stillness of death. The firing ceased 
 on both sides. Many of the ships on both sides were 
 mere wrecks. Nelson was victorious ; and thus end- 
 ed the naval expedition of the Republic to Egypt. 
 
 After the battle of the Nile, the French army were 
 cut off from all communication with their native coun- 
 try, but they still persevered in the reduction of 
 Egypt, which they however, found infinitely more dif- 
 tkult than was expected. The Mamelukes exhibited 
 astonishing proofs of bravery and dexterity in oppo- 
 sing their invaders. But the most dreadful enemy 
 they had to oppose was the plague, from which there 
 was no retreating, and of which great numbers died. 
 
 Nothing can exceed the accounts which writers give 
 of the shocking barbarities authorized by Bonaparte 
 when in Egypt, and for no other crime than attempt- 
 ing to defend themselves from the ravages of a cruel 
 invader, who had come to erect the standard of tyraa* 
 34 
 
398 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ny over them, these wretched people were slaughtered 
 and plundered without mercy. 
 
 On one occasion, after taking Jaffa by assault, 3800 
 remained alive. Three days after, Bonaparte, to 
 save the expense of maintaining them, ordered the 
 whole to be taken a mile from the town, and there, in 
 cold blood, every man was shot. 
 
 At another time, it is said that, finding his hospitals 
 crowded with sick, he caused opium to be given to 
 580 of his own sick and dying soldiers, of which they 
 all died in one night. 
 
 A vast number of French soldiers fell at the siege 
 of Acre, which was continued sixty days. At one 
 time a breach was made, and a large body of soldiers, 
 at the command of Bonaparte, entered the town, but 
 the Turks made such dreadful havoc among them with 
 their sabres, that those who could, made safe their 
 retreat, and the siege was raised. 
 
 Bounaparte having nominated Gen. Kleber his suc^ 
 censor in command, now took his departure for 
 France, and having escaped the English cruizers, ar- 
 rived at home in the month of October. 
 
 During his absence, hostilities had again commen- 
 ced in Europe, and the Emperor of Russia had joined 
 the coalition against the French Republic. 
 
 He was received in the most flattering manner, and 
 a public festival decreed to his honour. 
 
 Soon after his arrival, it was proposed by the exe- 
 cutive committee, that a new constitution should be 
 formed, and that the supreme power should be vested 
 in three Consuls, The consuls first chosen, were 
 Buonaparte, Sieyes, and Duroc, but the constitution 
 was altered before it was carried into effect, so as to 
 rest the sovereignty in one person, to be styled Chief 
 Consul, and who was to hold his office for ten years. 
 Napoleon Buonaparte was then chosen Chief Consul. 
 
 Soon after this appointment, the First Consul, at 
 the head of 60,000 men, left Paris to pursue his con- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 399 
 
 quests in Italy ; and after having crossed the mountain 
 of Great St. Bernard, with incredible labour, he met 
 the Austrian army at Marengo. Here a most obsti- 
 nate and sanguinary conflict ensued, which ended in 
 the total defeat of the Imperial army, 8000 of whom 
 were killed, and 7000 made prisoners. A definitive 
 treaty was now signed at Luneville, between the Aus- 
 trian and French governments, by which France gain- 
 ed a large extent of territory. On the First Consul's 
 return to France, a plan was laid to murder him, but 
 it did not succeed ; the assassins were discovered and 
 brought to public execution. 
 
 The different states of Europe were now eager to 
 solicit a peace with France, and before the close of 
 the year 1801, Buonaparte was at peace with all the 
 world. 
 
 Thus ended one of the most bloody and important 
 contests of modern times — a contest in which not one 
 of the great objects originally aimed at by any of the 
 belligerent powers was obtained. 
 
 In 1803, France again declared war against Eng- 
 land. This rupture was occasioned by an alleged 
 breach of the treaty of Ameins, by both nations. — 
 " Soon after the signing of the treaty in 1801, the 
 First Consul sent. a General to Egypt, Syria, and the 
 Grecian Isles, for the purpose of persuading the inha- 
 bitants to throw off' the Turkish yoke, and to become 
 colonies of France. 
 
 The French also sent an armed force into Switzer- 
 land. 
 
 These acts the British cabinet declared were an in- 
 fringement of the treaty. 
 
 On the other hand, the First Consul accused Eng- 
 land of breaking the same treaty, by keeping a British 
 garrison at Malta. 
 
 On the declaration of war, all the subjects of Great 
 Britain then in France, were immediately considered 
 prisoners of war. 
 
400 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 One of the first hostile acts of the French was to take 
 possession of Hanover, and to convert to their own use 
 all the military stores, artillery &c. which could be 
 found. 
 
 About this period, a conspiracy was formed to pre- 
 vent Buonaparte's gaining unlimited power, and to 
 put an end to his authority. It was not proved thai 
 the designs were against his life. Gen. Moreau, one 
 of the conspirators, was banished to America, and 
 Gem Pichegru, another of them, it was pretended* 
 committed suicide in the temple of the tower, where 
 he had been confined. It is, however, most probable 
 that he was assassinated. 
 
 The unfortunate Duke d'Enghien suffered soon af- 
 ter. He resided in the territory of the Elector of Ba- 
 den, in privacy and peace. But he was a prince of 
 the blood-royal of France, and this was a warrant for 
 his condemnation. He was seized by a party of French 
 dragoons, put in irons, and forced to travel night and 
 day until they arrived at Vincennes. Here, after a 
 mock trial, he was immediately taken out and at one 
 o'clock in the morning shot by torch-light in the ditch 
 of the castle. 
 
 The First Consul had by this time acquired unlim- 
 ited power over the republic, but he was ambi- 
 tious to obtain something more. Not contented with 
 the Consular robes of republican dignity, he aspired 
 to exchange them for the emblems of Imperial au- 
 thority. Talleyrand prepared the way, and on the 
 20th of March* 1 804, the Senate directed a letter to 
 Buonaparte, urging the necessity of again filling the 
 vacant throne of France. 
 
 Soon after, the President of the Senate proposed 
 the following resolutions : 
 
 1. " That the government of France should be con- 
 fided to one person as Emperor. 
 
 2. " That the Imperial government of France 
 should be hereditary in the family of Napoleon Buon 
 aparte, the First Consul." 
 
LA FAYETTE. 401 
 
 These resolutions were passed unanimously, with 
 the exception of Carnot, who spoke, and voted against 
 them. 
 
 The coronation of Buonaparte took place on Sunday 
 the 2d of December, 1804, and thus the very people 
 who fourteen years before had murdered their King 
 and Queen ; who had in cold blood decreed death to 
 Princes and Princesses, for no other reason than be- 
 cause they detested all hereditary distinctions ; who 
 had determined if possible to exterminate royalty from 
 the face of the earth, and who had offered to assist all 
 the world in sacrificing Monarchs and Monarchies, to 
 the shrine of republicanism and liberty. — This people, 
 of their own accord, had now created one of the most 
 unbounded monarchies on earth, and placed on their 
 throne a man whom they knew to be the most ambi- 
 tious tyrant that ever the world beheld. 
 
 Not long after his coronation in Paris, the Empe- 
 ror went to Milan, and there was crowned King of It- 
 aly. On this occasion, when Napoleon had ascended 
 the steps of the altar, he took the iron crown of the 
 ancient Kings of Lombardy, and placing it on his head, 
 said with a loud voice — u God has given it me — let 
 them beware who touch it." He then took the crown 
 of Italy, and with the same speech placed it on his 
 head, amid the acclamations of the people. 
 
 The republic of Genoa now made a request that the 
 Emperor would consent to be their sovereign also, 
 and this was granted. 
 
 These transactions excited great indignation in all 
 the different courts of Europe. Russia had sent an 
 ambassador to Paris to treat of peace. But finding 
 that Napoleon was annexing whole kingdoms to his al- 
 ready immense territories, and this in direct violation 
 of a former treaty, Alexander recalled his minister. 
 
 A league was now formed between the Empires of 
 Russia, Austria, and England, the objects of which 
 were, 1. The expulsion of the French troops from 
 34* 
 
402 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Germany, 2. The establishment of the independence 
 of Switzerland and Holland. 3. There-establishment 
 of the king of Sardinia. 4. The future security of 
 the kingdom of Naples, and the evacuation of Italy 
 by the French troops. 
 
 All the different powers made vast preparations, and 
 a dreadful slaughter was about to commence, which 
 involved nearly all Europe in blood, horror, and 
 mourning. 
 
 The first battle was fought at Wertingen, where 
 4000 men were killed and made prisoners by the 
 French. The next at Gunsbugh, where the Austrian 
 army was defeated. 
 
 The next great object was, the investing of Ulm, 
 which was defended by the famous general Mack, with 
 30,000 men. This place, which was viewed as im- 
 pregnable, and of the utmost consequence, was sur- 
 rendered to Napoleon in person, on the 17th of Octo- 
 ber, 1805. 
 
 Bonaparte now advanced towards Vienna, and not- 
 withstanding the Russians assisted the Austrians, in 
 opposing him, he made his grand entrance to the capi- 
 tal of Austria, at the head of his army, on the 14th of 
 November. Here he found 2000 pieces of cannon, and 
 100,000 muskets. In a few days the allied army col- 
 lected in great force. It consisted of 80.000 Russians 
 commanded by Alexander in person, and 25,000 Aus- 
 trians under the command of the Emperor Joseph of 
 Austria. 
 
 The Emperor Napoleon's army consisted of 100,000 
 chosen men. 
 
 These armies, with the respective Emperors at their 
 heads, were posted near Austerlitz. On the 2d of 
 December the Russians commenced the attack with 
 great impetuosity, and in a few minutes the action be- 
 came general, and raged with horrid fury. After va- 
 rious successes on both sides, victory declared in fa- 
 vour of the French. The plains of Austerlitz were 
 
LA FAYETTE. 4(K 
 
 one continued gore, and enormous heaps of dead bo- 
 dies lay piled on each other. Of the Russians, 15,000 
 were slain, and near 20,000 made prisoners. The 
 Austrians lost 6000 killed, 180 pieces of ordnance, 
 and 40 stands of colours fell into the hands of the 
 French. 
 
 When this news reached Paris, the Senate voted a 
 triumphal monument to be erected to Napoleon the 
 Great. 
 
 This battle was followed by an armistice, and after- 
 wards a peace. 
 
 With a view to humble the king of Prussia, who had 
 been at peace with him. Bonaparte bestowed on his 
 brother-in-law, Murat, the duchies of Berg and Cleves, 
 contrary to treaty. \n consequence of this, Freder- 
 ic declared war against Napoleon, and entered the 
 field against him with 150.000 men. Napoleon met 
 the Prussians at Jena, and a most sanguinary battle 
 followed, in which the Prussians were entirely defeat- 
 ed. Near 20,000 of the royal army were left on the 
 field of battle, and an immense number taken prison- 
 ers, among whom there were twenty general officers. 
 Sixty standards and three hundred pieces of artillery 
 also fell into the hands of the French. The king him- 
 self escaped with difficulty, attended with a small bo- 
 dy of cavalry, and fled to Koningsburg. A few days 
 after, the Emperor of the French made his public en- 
 try into the capital of Prussia, with great pomp and 
 parade. 
 
 In the month of February, 1807, the Russians en- 
 camped at Eylau. Here another bloody engagement 
 took place, in which the Russians, after having dis- 
 played the most determined bravery, were finally 
 routed by the Napoleon army. On the following day 
 the battle ground presented a most awful spectacle. — 
 Within the space of one league, 10,000 dead bodies 
 lay prostrate on the field. Here were seen Russians 
 and French lying side by side, with their bodies pierc 
 
404 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ed and mangled, the sickening effects of each others' 
 vengeance. 
 
 Napoleon now directed his sole attention to the pos- 
 session of Dantzick ; and after a siege and bombard- 
 ment, during which the allied army defended the place 
 with undaunted bravery; the city was finally surren- 
 dered. 
 
 Here the French gained possession of 800 pieces of 
 artillery, an immense quantity of clothing, 500,000 
 quintals of grain, and several thousand aitiliery horses. 
 
 In the month of June, Napoleon took possession of 
 Koningsberg, where 20,000 wounded Russians and 
 Prussians, with 160,000 muskets, fell into his hands. 
 
 The Emperor of Russia now proposed a suspension 
 of hostilities, to which Napoleon consented, and as 
 soon as the terms were concluded, the two monarchs 
 met each other on a raft, placed in the middle of the 
 river Niemen. Here they embraced, and afterwards 
 signed articles of peace, by which Alexander agreed to 
 recognize the brothers of Napoleon in their new capa- 
 cities as the Kings of Holland, Naples and Westphalia. 
 By this treaty, which was signed at Tilsit, the King of 
 Prussia was deprived of a considerable portion of his 
 dominions, Prussian Poland being transferred to the 
 King of Saxony. 
 
 Napoleon now proceeded to Paris, where he was 
 received with every demonstration of joy. On the 
 next day the Senate assembled, before whom the Em- 
 peror gave a sketch of the glorious situation of France. 
 " By the confederation of the Rhine, w said the mon- 
 arch, " France is united to Germany, and by her own 
 peculiar system of federation she is also united with 
 Spain, Holland, Switzerland and Italy. Her relation 
 with Russia is founded on the mutual esteem of two 
 great nations." 
 
 After the treaty of Tilsit, Napoleon turned his ma- 
 chinations against Spain. His first step was to draw 
 from that kingdom 16,000 of her best troops, and place 
 
LA FAYETTE. 405 
 
 them where they could not interfere with his views. 
 Then Ferdinand, the King, was enticed out of the 
 kingdom, and a French army was sent to take posses- 
 sion of Madrid. The most horrible massacres were 
 committed, and the Spaniards, being overpowered, 
 were finally compelled to submit to their fate. Jo- 
 seph Bonaparte was to be King of Spain. Napoleon 
 had so decreed. 
 
 Thus did the Emperor of France, by dint of power 
 alone, precipitate from the throne of Spain its hered- 
 itary prince, and with a military force drive the inhab- 
 itants into submission, while he placed one of his own 
 family in his stead. 
 
 Joseph was crowned at Madrid on the 20th of July, 
 1808. 
 
 This conduct occasioned the utmost indignation at 
 all the courts in Europe, not in the French interest* 
 The Portuguese were roused, and determined to free 
 themselves from the French yoke. The English sent 
 an immense army to Spain, to assist the King in deliv- 
 ering his country from the power of the tyrant; and 
 thus began one of the most furious and bloody wars 
 which Bonaparte had ever occasioned. 
 
 The disposition of Napoleon to obtain universal, as* 
 well as unlimited power, was now apparent. The na- 
 tions of Europe became alarmed, and the neighbouring 
 princes saw that their crowns, perhaps their lives, 
 might soon depend on the will of him who was, not 
 long since, an obscure individual from Elba. 
 
 Although Napoleon had so lately marched in tri- 
 umph into their conquered capital, the court of Vien- 
 na again declared war against the tyrant. With his 
 usual success, the Emperor, after having killed and 
 taken prisoners sixty or seventy thousand of the Aus- 
 trian army, again presented himself before Vienna on 
 the 10th of May, 1809. Here he issued a proclama* 
 tion to the Hungarians, and then crossed the Danube, 
 in order to give battle to Archduke Charles. Ai\ en- 
 
40$ MEMOfltS OF 
 
 gagement took place at the village of Aspern, marked 
 by its fury and carnage. But here, almost for the first 
 time, Napoleon was defeated, and obliged to fly, after 
 having lost five Generals and a great number of men 
 killed, and 8000 prisoners. After several other san- 
 guinary engagements, a peace was settled between the 
 two Emperors, by which the whole of Tyrol was given 
 to France. 
 
 At the close of this year, Napoleon divorced his wife 
 Josephine, for the purpose of uniting himself with a 
 younger and more noble bride, and early in 1810, 
 overtures were made to the Emperor of Austria to 
 settle a treaty of marriage between his daughter Ma- 
 ria Louisa and his Imperial Majesty of France and its 
 dependencies. 
 
 This being agreed on, Napoleon solemnized his 
 marriage with royal magnificence at Paris on the first 
 day of April. 
 
 In 1811, the Emperor of Russia accused Napoleon 
 of having broken the treaty of Tilsit, in several re- 
 spects. But to the remonstrances of the Russian am- 
 bassador on this subject, no answer was given. 
 
 The Russian Court therefore solemnly declared 
 war against France. 
 
 The campaign was opened in April, 1812, but as the 
 principal events only, of this most destructive of all 
 Bonaparte's wars, can be given, the battle of Smolen- 
 sko will be the first we shall notice. On the 16th of 
 August, the French occupied the heights of this place, 
 the walls of which were 25 feet high, with towers, 
 armed with cannon. The town was defended by 
 30,000 Russians, and not far distant lay the main body 
 of the Russian army. 
 
 The attack was first made with 10 pieces of artil- 
 lery on the intrenched suburbs, which were finally 
 carried by assault. The howitzers were then directed 
 against the towers, and the Russians driven from them. 
 It wars now discovered, that the city was in flames* 
 
LA FAYETTE. 407 
 
 The battle continued during the night, and at 2 o'- 
 clock in the morning, the French grenadiers mounted 
 the breach they had made in the walls. To their as- 
 tonishment, no one resisted their approach. The town 
 was entirely evacuated, but the streets were covered 
 with the dead and dying. 
 
 The Russians continued to retreat, and lay the 
 country waste, while the French kept up the pursuit. 
 
 When they arrived at Viasma, they found that city, 
 which had contained 10,000 inhabitants, entirely eva- 
 cuated, and reduced to a heap of ruins. The retreat 
 and pursuit were continued to Moscow, and on the 
 14th of September, Napoleon appeared before that 
 city with his army. The discharge of 2000 cannon 
 began this dreadful conflict. A veil of smoke shut 
 out the light of the sun, and left the combatants to pur- 
 sue the work of death, only by the flashes of the can- 
 non and musquetry. The sabres of 40,000 dragoons 
 met each other, clashing in the horrid gloom ; and the 
 moving ramparts of half a million of bayonets, bursting 
 through the rolling vapour, strewed the earth with 
 heaps of dead men. Night only increased the horrors 
 of the scene. The city appeared in flames at dif- 
 ferent quarters. Two hundred and fifty thousand 
 human beings, of all ages and conditions, were driven 
 from their homes, without shelter or food. The hos-- 
 pitals, which contained more than 20,000 wounded 
 Russians, were consumed by the flames. The city 
 was taken, and given up to a general pillage. Sol- 
 diers, sutlers and galley-slaves were now seen breaking 
 into palaces, and seizing every article which could 
 gratify their appetites or avarice. Drunkenness in- 
 creased their fury, and the cries and shrieks of trie 
 miserable inhabitants, who fell in the way of these 
 murderers completed the horror of that scene. 
 
 Having caused the destruction of one of the most 
 magnificent cities in the world, Napoleon now began 
 his retreat ; but death and destruction now stared his 
 
408 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 whole army in the face. The Russians followed antl 
 harassed them. Thousands froze to death for want 
 of shelter. Other thousands starved to death. The 
 dreadful sufferings of the soldiers hardened their 
 hearts against each other, so that when a man fell 
 down, exhausted or frozen, he was immediately tram- 
 pled under foot by his passing comrades, and no no- 
 tice taken of his cries for help. The heartless mon- 
 ster, Napoleon, seeing the awful condition to which 
 he had brought so many of his faithful soldiers, instead 
 ef suffering with them, privately made his escape, left 
 all who remained alive to perish, or take care of them- 
 selves as they could, and in disguise arrived at Paris^ 
 in December. 
 
 From the evacuation of Moscow to the end of De- 
 cember, the French had left in the hands of their en- 
 emies 46 Generals, 1500 other officers, 100,000 sol- 
 diers, and 1350 pieces of artillery. 
 
 Of the number slain, or who perished in Russia, no 
 yeturn was ever made. But of 400,000 troops who 
 followed Bonaparte on this expedition, not 50,000 
 ever returned to France. On the 1 lth of January, 
 1813, Napoleon levied a new army of 350,000 men. 
 and in the course of a few weeks, they were raised by 
 conscription, and marched off to Germany, to be rea- 
 dy to act against the Russians and their allies. 
 
 Meantime the Russian government had raised large 
 reinforcements, and offered assistance to any nation 
 that wished to throw off the French yoke. 
 
 The first action of consequence took place at the 
 village of Gross-Gorsaken, where the allies attempted 
 to oppose Napoleon y s progress towards Leipsic. This 
 bloody conflict began at noon, and continued eight 
 hours with the utmost fury. The village was taken 
 and retaken six times by the bayonet. The carnage 
 on both sides was immense. Napoleon claimed the 
 victory, but it was dearly bought. 
 
 The Austrian cabinet took a deep interest in these 
 
LA FAYETTE. 409 
 
 events : the Emperor saw with disquietude the pro- 
 gress of the French arms, *and had prepared arma- 
 ments of great magnitude, to be used in case of neces- 
 sity. Through the mediation of the Austrian cabinet, 
 an armistice was agreed oif, and a Congress assembled 
 at Prague, where it was proposed to Napoleon to re- 
 store to Prussia the fortresses he had taken from her, 
 that Austria should be put in possession of the Illyrian 
 provinces, and that Hamburg and Lubec should be 
 restored to their independence. 
 
 These terms Napoleon rejected, on which the ar- 
 mistice was denounced, and war declared by Austria 
 against France. 
 
 All Europe, and a part of Asia was now at war, and 
 armies on the most gigantic scale were to be put in 
 motion. Qn one side was arrayed Russia, England, 
 Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Spain and Portugal, and on 
 the other, France, Holland, Denmark, Italy, Bavaria, 
 and Saxony. 
 
 The first engagement of consequence took place on 
 the 26th of August, near the river Neisse, and ended 
 with the loss of 18,000 of the allies, and 103 pieces of 
 cannon taken. 
 
 But the French were defeated in turn at the moun- 
 tain passes into Bohemia. Here, for two successive 
 days, Napoleon's army was attacked with such fury, 
 that his soldiers threw down their arms, and fled in 
 every direction. Six Generals, 60 pieces of cannon, 
 and 10,000 men were taken. At Interbook, the allies 
 again obtained a victory, six thousand of the French 
 being killed, and 5000 taken. On the 16th of Octo- 
 ber, the French were attacked at Leipsic, and after 
 prodigious efforts on both sides, Napoleon was com- 
 pelled to retreat. The allies took fifteen Generals, 
 250 cannon, and 15,000 prisoners, including the King 
 of Saxony and his court. Napoleon made a precipi- 
 tate retreat, and on his arrival at Paris immediately 
 raised 300,000 soldiers by conscription. 
 35 
 
410 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The allied armies now crossed the Rhine, and pro- 
 claimed, that they would not lay down their arms, un- 
 til Spain, Germany, Italy, and Holland were freed 
 from the French yoke. 
 
 Continuing their march, they invaded the whole 
 frontier of France from Lyons to Antwerp. Paris 
 was in dreadful alarm. Bonaparte took leave of the 
 national guard with emotion, and committed his wife 
 and child to their protection. He then joined his 
 army. Battle after battle ensued with various success, 
 On the 27th of January, 1814, the allies were forced 
 from their position. The French took possession of 
 the castle of Brienne, and a dreadful carnage succeed- 
 ed in an attempt to dispossess them. At La Rotherie, 
 the French were routed ; 5000 were killed, and 
 20,000 deserted. 
 
 Finally, the Emperor Alexander determined to as- 
 semble all the allied forces at Acris, and there decide 
 the contest. On the 19th of March, the two armies 
 were in sight of each other. The French moved to 
 the attack, but Napoleon found a barrier of 60 pieces 
 directed against him. All his efforts were in vain, and 
 after the most desperate acts of bravery, his army was 
 compelled to retreat. 
 
 The King of Prussia now gave orders to his army to 
 march directly for Paris. 
 
 On the 20th of March, immense masses of infantry 
 advanced from different routes ; a large body of caval- 
 ry covered the plains, and 600 pieces of artillery, and 
 200,000 soldiers approached the city of Paris. The 
 French determined on resistance, but were driven in 
 every direction to the barriers of the city, and the cap- 
 ital was about to be forced, when Marmont sent an of- 
 ficer to solicit a truce. Instantly hostilities ceased. 
 
 Meantime Napoleon followed close in the rear of 
 the grand army, moving with incredible celerity, with 
 a view of saving the capital, but all his exertions were 
 not able to prevent a catastrophe which he foresaw 
 
LA FAYETTE. 411 
 
 would end in his ruin. Having arrived at Fontain- 
 bleau with his whole Force, he announced to his army 
 his intention of making an attempt to repel the inva- 
 ders. But some of his marshals had sent in their ad- 
 herence to the provisional government, and others re- 
 fused to obey in so hopeless an enterprize. On the 
 3d of April, Berthier was sent to recommend to the 
 Emperor that he should peaceably abdicate the 
 throne. At first, the fallen monarch was angry, and 
 refused to act, or think on the subject. In the course 
 of The day, however, being informed' by a number of 
 his marshals that it would be the only means of saving 
 the country from ruin, and that there was no hope of 
 .my better alternative, he consented, and abdicated the 
 throne in favour of his infant son. 
 
 On the 20th of April, Napoleon set off for his native 
 island of Elba, followed by fourteen carriages. 
 
 Louis XVII I. having arrived from England on the 
 3d of May, made his solemn entry into his capital, 
 amid the acclamations of the people. On the 30th of 
 May, a definitive treaty of peace between all the allied 
 powers and Louis, v»-as ei^ned at Paris. The royal 
 persons congregated on this occasion, were the Em- 
 perors of Russia and Austria, the King? of Prussia, 
 Denmark, Wirtemberg and Bavaria, and ambassadors 
 from England, Russia, Austria, Prussia, France, Spain, 
 Portugal, Switzerland, Italy, and the minor States of 
 Germany. 
 
 All Europe was now at peace. A war of twenty- 
 five years had spread desolation and mourning over 
 near half the habitable globe, and millions of lives had 
 been sacrificed to the wills, the wrongs, or the ambi- 
 tion of princes. The day of peace was therefore hail- 
 ed as the era from whence the horrors of war were to 
 end, and prosperity and happiness again bless the na- 
 tions of the earth. But these prospects were soon to 
 be darkened, and Europe to experience greater com- 
 motions than ever. 
 
412 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 A plot was laid to seat Napolean once more on the 
 throne of France. Of the extent of this conspiracy, or 
 the names of those engaged in it, little is known. 
 
 On the first of March, 1815, Napoleon, with nine 
 hundred men, landed near Cannes, France. He im- 
 mediately published a proclamation, and in a few days 
 had a well appointed army of 10,000 men under hih 
 command. Marshal Ney was sent against him, but 
 instead of opposing his progress, he joined the stand- 
 ard of Napoleon with most of his army. 
 
 On the 20th, Bonaparte was at Fontainbleau, where 
 he had already assembled a large army. 
 The King, Louis, fled from Paris. 
 A body of troops were sent to oppose his approach 
 to the capital, but the ranks opened at his approach, 
 and shouting Vive Napoleon le Grande, let him pass 
 unmolested. 
 
 At nine o'clock in the evening, twenty days after 
 his landing, he reached Paris, and again seated him- 
 self on the throne of the French empire. On the 1 3th 
 of March the Allied Sovereigns, still assembled at the 
 Congress of Vienna^ agreed to r^e &fi army which 
 in tire whole amounted to more than a million of men, 
 to crush this conspiracy, and not to lay down their 
 arms until Bonaparte was completely deprived of the 
 power of exciting disturbances. 
 
 On the 1st of May, 1315, Napoleon had raised an 
 army of 520,000 men. On the 1st of June, u the ad- 
 ditional acts" to the Constitution of the Empire, made 
 by Napoleon, were sworn to, with great ceremony and 
 pomp, by the Emperor, the deputies from the differ- 
 ent departments, and the people. Qn the 3d, the 
 chamber of peers and deputies met, as the legislative 
 bodies of the Empire. 
 
 Meantime the combined armies were all in motion, 
 and on the 1 1th of June the Emperor left his capital 
 and proceeded to the army. 
 
 On the 16th the Prussians had proceeded as far as 
 
LA FAYETTE 413 
 
 the villages of St. Amand and Ligny. They were im- 
 mediately attacked by the Emperor in person. After 
 a vigorous resistance he took possession of St. Amand. 
 He next advanced against Ligny, where the combat 
 was of the most desperate and sanguinary description. 
 For five hours the battle raged with doubtful success ; 
 but finally the Prussians were repulsed and obliged to 
 retire, leaving an immense number of killed and 
 wounded on the field of battle. 
 
 Inconsequence of the retreat of the Prussians, the 
 Duke of Wellington retired to Waterloo. On the 1 8th 
 of June, Napoleon began to put his troops in motion ; 
 and each army prepared to decide the fate of Europe. 
 The lines were nearly parallel ; at the distance of from 
 twelve to fourteen hundred yards apart, and extending 
 about two miles in length. The eminences possessed 
 by each army were lined with 300 pieces of artillery. 
 
 This was the first time Bonaparte had met Welling- 
 ton. Both these commanders were in full view of the 
 field when the battle begun. The details of this 
 dreadful conflict are too well known to need a descrip- 
 tion here. Napoleon was completely defeated ; 300 
 pieces of artillery fell into the hands of the Allies, and 
 14,000 prisoners were taken. The number killed is 
 uncertain. But the loss to the French on the 16th 
 and 1 8th was estimated at 40,000 left on the field. On 
 the 16th the French killed 16,000 Prussians, and on 
 the 18th lord Wellington lost in killed, 13,000. 
 
 Napoleon made his escape to Paris, where his arri- 
 val spread universal consternation. He demanded 
 another army to oppose his enemies, but he was given 
 to understand that his abdication was expected. To 
 this he was obliged to consent, and accordingly issued 
 a declaration, in which he declared that his political 
 Itfe was terminated, and proclaimed his son as heir to 
 the throne, under the title of Napoleon II. 
 
 Having given this rapid sketch of the principal 
 
414 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 events of Bonaparte's life, without adverting to Gen- 
 eral La Fayette, we now return to show the connec- 
 tion he had with the government of France during 
 that period. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 415 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE CONDUCT OF GENERAL LA FAYETTE DURTNG THE REIGN OF 
 BONAPARTE, &C. 
 
 Soon after the return of La Fayette to France, the 
 question of electing Bonaparte First Consul for life, 
 became a subject of great interest to those who con- 
 sidered its consequences. La Fayette saw that the 
 liberties of France would be placed in jeopardy by 
 such a measure, and with that candour and patriotism 
 which always belonged to his character, he wrote Bo- 
 naparte as follows, on the subject. 
 
 " General, 
 
 " When a man, who is deeply impressed with a 
 sense of the gratitude he owes you, and who is too ar- 
 dent a lover of glory to be wholly indifferent to yours, 
 connects his suffrage with conditional restrictions, 
 those restrictions not only secure him from suspicion, 
 but prove amply, that no one will more gladly than 
 himself, behold in you, the Chief Magistrate for life, of 
 a free and independent Republic. 
 
 " The 1 8th of Brumaire saved France from (Jestruc- 
 tion ; and I felt myself reassured and recalled by the 
 liberal declarations to which you have connected the 
 sanction of your honour. In your Consular authority, 
 there was afterwards discerned that salutary dictato- 
 rial prerogative, which, under the auspices of a genius 
 like yours, accomplished such glorious purposes ; yet 
 less glorious, let me add, than the restoration of liberty 
 would prove. 
 
 " It is not possible, General, that you, the first 
 amidst that order of mankind, which surveys every 
 age and every country, before the stations of its mem- 
 bers in the scale can be determined, that you can de- 
 sire that a revolution, marked by an unexampled ffe- 
 
416 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 ries of stupendous victories, and unheard of sufferings, 
 shall give nothing to the world, but a renovated sys- 
 tem of arbitrary government. The people of this 
 country have been acquainted with their rights too 
 long to forget them forever ; but perhaps they may 
 recover and enjoy them better now, than during the 
 period of revolutionary effervescence. And you, by 
 the strength of your character, and the influence of 
 public confidence, by the superiority of your talents, 
 your power and your fortune, in re-establishing the 
 liberties of France, can allay all agitations, calm all 
 anxieties, and subdue all dangers. 
 
 " When I wish, then, to see the career of your glory 
 crowned by the honours of perpetual magistracy, I 
 but act in correspondence with my own private senti- 
 ments, and am influenced exclusively by patriotic con- 
 siderations. But all my political and moral obliga- 
 tions, the principles that have governed every action 
 of my life, call on me to pause, before I bestow on 
 you my suffrage, until I feel assured, that your author- 
 ity shall be erected on a basis worthy the nation and 
 yourself. 
 
 " I confidently trust, General, that you will recog- 
 nize here, as you have done on all other occasions, a 
 steady continuance of my political opinions, combined 
 with the sincerest prayers for your welfare, and the 
 deepest sense of all my obligations towards you." 
 
 The Frst Consul saw from this letter, that La Fay- 
 ette could neither recognize his principles as a secu- 
 rity to the liberties of France, nor promote his desire 
 of being confirmed as the Chief Magistrate of the king- 
 dom during life. 
 
 From this moment, all intercourse ceased between 
 the First Consul and La Fayette, nor did the latter 
 see him again until his return from Elba. This letter 
 never was answered, and although the quiet and re- 
 tired habits of La Fayette did not subject him to the 
 machinations of the times, Napoleon took care that he 
 
LA FAYETTE. 417 
 
 should feel that he had not been forgiven for his oppo- 
 sition, by his treatment towards his son. George 
 Washington La Fayette, only son of the General, ser- 
 ved from the commencement of the war in 1800. He 
 was attached to the guards of the First Consul ; and 
 afterwards General Grouchy appointed him one of his 
 aids. Grouchy was exceedingly attached to him as a 
 brave and intelligent officer, and besides, owed him a 
 debt of gratitude ; young La Fayette having, at a pe- 
 riod of great hazard and difficulty, saved the life of his 
 General. Grouchy made a report to Napoleon of the 
 meritorious conduct of young La Fayette, and reques- 
 ted as a favour, conferred on himself, as well as a re- 
 ward for his bravery and good conduct, that he might 
 be promoted. But Napoleon replied, " these La 
 Fayettes cross my path every where," and would not 
 permit his name to be mentioned in the bulletins. He 
 continued to serve, notwithstanding, until the ratifica- 
 tion of the treaty of Tilsit, and afterwards retired to 
 the family mansion at La Grange, where he remained 
 during the rei^Q of Napoleon. 
 
 " * The restoration of the Bourbons in 1814, made 
 no change in La Fayette's relations. He presented 
 himself once at court, and was kindly received; but 
 the government they had established was so different 
 from the representative government, which he had 
 assisted to form, and sworn to support in 1789, [1790] 
 that he did not again present himself at the palace. — 
 The Bourbons, by neglecting entirely to understand 
 or conciliate the nation, the end of the year brought 
 back Buonaparte, who (as we have already seen) 
 landed on the first of March, 1815, and reached the 
 capital on the 20th. His appearance in Paris was like 
 a theatrical illusion, and policy seemed to be to play 
 all men, of all parties, like the characters of a great 
 drama, around him, Immediately on his arrival upon 
 
 * N. A. Review, No. 46. 
 
4U MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the soil of France, he endeavoured to win the old 
 friends of French freedom ; and the same day that he 
 made his irruption into the ancient palace of the Tu- 
 ileries, he appointed Carnot his minister of war, and 
 Carnot was weak enough to accept the appointment. 
 In a similar way, he endeavoured to obtain the coun- 
 tenance and co-operation of La Fayette. Joseph 
 Buonaparte to whom La Fayette was personally 
 known, and for whom he entertained a personal re- 
 gard, was employed by the Emperor to consult and 
 conciliate him ; but La Fayette would hold no com- 
 munication with the new order of things. He even 
 refused, though most pressingly solicited to have an 
 interview with the Emperor. 
 
 On the 22d of April, Napoleon offered to the French 
 nation his Acte Additionel, or an addition as he chose 
 to consider it, to the constitution of 1799, 1802, and 
 1804, confirming thereby the principles of his former 
 despotism, but establishing, among other things, an 
 hereditary chamber of peers, and an elective chamber 
 of representatives. This act was accepted, or pre- 
 tended to be accepted, by the votes of the French 
 people : but La Fayette entered his solemn protest 
 against it, in the same spirit with which he had pro- 
 tested against the Consulship for life. The very col- 
 lege of electors however, who received his protest, 
 unanimously chose him for their President, and after- 
 wards to be their Representative; and the Emperor, 
 determining to obtain his influence, or at least his si- 
 lence, offered him the first peerage in the new cham- 
 ber he was forming. La Fayette was as true to his 
 principles, as he had been before under more difficult 
 circumstances. He accepted the place of representa- 
 tive, but declined the peerage." 
 
 As a representative of the people, La Fayette took 
 his seat at the opening of the Chambers, during the 
 hundred days reign of Napoleon. But he appears not 
 to have taken an active part in the debates, took great 
 
LA FAYETTE. 4l» 
 
 care not be implicated in any of the designs of the Em- 
 peror, and only voted for such measures as under (he 
 circumstances were in his judgment best calculated to 
 meliorate the dreadful situation of his country. 
 
 Twelve days after the assembling of the Chambers, 
 the battle of Waterloo decided the fate of Napoleon. 
 He returned to Paris, a ruined and desperate man. — 
 Not, however, destitute of all hopes, he determined to 
 make one mighty effort to retrieve his fortunes. — This 
 was to dissolve the Chambers, which he saw he could 
 not control ; assume the dictatorship ; raise an army 
 instantly, by conscription, and repel his invaders by an 
 overwhelming force. The Chambers well understood 
 this design, and having received intelligence that it 
 was the intention of Napoleon to dissolve them imme- 
 diately on their coming together on the morning of the 
 22d of June, the existence of the Chambers, as a le- 
 gislative body, or the finaldoom of the monarch was 
 instantly to be decided. The moment, therefore, the 
 Assembly had convened, La Fayette, in the face of 
 death, if his proposition was rejected, ascended the tri- 
 bune. With firm and cool deliberation, he prefaced 
 the resolutions he had to offer as follows : "When, af- 
 ter an interval of many years, I raise a voice, which 
 the friends of free institutions will still recognize, I feel 
 myself called upon to speak to you only of the dangers 
 of the country which you alone now have the power to 
 save. Sinister intimations ; they are unfortunately 
 confirmed. This, therefore, is the moment for us to 
 gather round the ancient tri-coloured standard ; the 
 standard of '89 ; the standard of freedom, of equal 
 rights, and of public order. Permit, then, gentlemen, 
 a veteran in this sacred cause, one who has always 
 been a stranger to the spirit of faction, to offer you a 
 few preparatory resolutions, whsse absolute necessity, 
 I trust, you will feel as I do." 
 
 These resolutions declared the Chamber to be in a 
 state of permanent sitting, and that any attempt to dis- 
 
420 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 solve it should be considered high treason. " Bonaparte 
 is said to have been much agitated when he heard that 
 La Fayette was in the tribune. He knew his influ- 
 ence and his principles, and was aware that neither 
 comported with his designs of ambiton. The discus- 
 sion of the Chamber not only fixed the fate of Napole- 
 on, but discouraged him from making any violent ef- 
 forts. He, however, hesitated during the day, what 
 course to pursue, and in the evening sent Lucien Bo- 
 naparte to the Assembly, hoping that his eloquence 
 might gain some terms of conciliation. It was cer- 
 tainly a most perilous crisis. Reports were abroad 
 that the populace of the Fauxbourgshad been excited, 
 and were arming themselves. It was believed, too, 
 with no little probability, that Bonaparte would march 
 against the Chamber and disperse the deputies with 
 the bayonet. Lucien rose, and in the doubtful and 
 gloomy light which two vast torches shed through the 
 hall and over the pale and anxious features of the mem- 
 bers, made a partial exposition of the state of affairs, 
 and the projects and hopes he still entertained."* 
 
 A debate ensued ; and one of the members, after a 
 vehement speech, showing the danger the country was 
 in, ended by demanding the abdication of the Empe- 
 ror. To this Lucien replied. His object was to con- 
 vince the Chamber that the nation wasJ still attached 
 to Napoleon, and that there were resources and men 
 at command, sufficient to expel the Allies from the 
 kingdom. "It is not Napoleon," he cried, "that is 
 attacked, it is the French people. And a proposition 
 is now made to this people to abandon their Emperor ; 
 to expose the French nation before the tribunal of the 
 world, to a severe judgment on its levity and incon- 
 stancy. No, Sir, the honour of this nation shall never 
 be compromised." La Fayette then arose from his 
 seat, and without going to the tribune, addressed La- 
 
 * North American Review. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 
 
 cien : " The assertion," said he, " which has just been 
 uttered is a calumny. Who shall dare to accuse the 
 French nation of inconstancy to the Emperor Napole- 
 on ? That nation has followed his bloody footsteps 
 through the sands of Egypt and through the wastes of 
 Russia; over fifty fields of battle ; in disaster as faith- 
 fully as in victory ; and it is for having thus devotedly 
 followed him, that we now mourn the blood of millions 
 of Frenchmen." 
 
 To this Lucien made no reply, but bowing respect 
 fully to La Fayette, resumed his seat. The next 
 morning Napoleon sent in his abdication, and La Fay- 
 ette was one of the committee sent to return him thanks 
 in behalf of the nation, for peaceably resigning the 
 crown. 
 
 A provisional government was now established by 
 the two Chambers, chiefly for the purpose of concilia- 
 ting the allied monarchs, and stopping the invasion of 
 the country. In this they were not successful, and the 
 capital of France was surrendered to them on the 
 third of July. On the 8th, the Chambers were dissolv- 
 ed, and the deputies returned quietly to their different 
 departments. 
 
 La Fayette immediately retired to La Grange, and 
 resumed his quiet and happy mode of life, being entire- 
 ly employed in agricultural pursuits. Since 1817, he 
 has been twice elected member of the Chamber of 
 Deputies, and it is Jiardly necessary to say, that on all 
 occasions he displayed the same disinterested zeal for 
 the welfare and liberty of the people, and the same 
 firmness in defending them that always characterized 
 him. 
 
 The happy retirement of La Fayette and his inter- 
 e sting family, cannot be better described than is done 
 by Lady Morgan. It is as follows : 
 
 " The Chateau of La Grange-Blessnau lies in the 
 fertile district of La Brie ; so remote from any high 
 road, s© lonely, so wood-embosomed, that a spot more 
 
 36 
 
m MEMOIRS OF 
 
 sequestered, more apparently distant from the bustling 
 world, and all its scenes of conflict and activity, can 
 scarcely be imagined, — Having left the public road 
 about thirty miles from Paris, and struck into an al- 
 most impassable chemin-dertravers, we trusted to the 
 hints and guidance of shepherds, wood-cutters and 
 gardes- champetres for a clue to the labyrinth we were 
 pursuing. They all knew the chateau la Grange : 
 and by their directions, we proceeded from one " deep- 
 entangled glen" to another ; jolting over stony brooks, 
 floundering through rapid mill-streams; sometimes 
 buried in forests of fruit-trees, and sometimes driving 
 through farm-yards, to the dismay of the poultry, and 
 the amusement of their owners; while our coachman 
 and a French servant, who accompanied us, had al- 
 ways some question to ask, or some courtesy to offer 
 and receive. 
 
 In crossing a chemin-pave, as it was called, we were 
 pointed out the remains of a Roman road ; and the 
 spot was marked where a battle was fought, in March, 
 1 814, between Buonaparte and the Austrians, called 
 the Battle of Mormans, in which the French arms 
 were victorious. This skirmish prefaced the great 
 engagement of Montreau. 
 
 In the midst of this fertile and luxuriant wilderness, 
 rising above prolific orchards and antiquated woods, 
 appeared the five towers of La-Grange-Blessneau, 
 tinged with the golden rays of the setting sun. 
 Through the boles of the trees, appeared the pretty 
 village of Aubepierre, once, perhaps, the dependency 
 of the castle, and clustering near the protection of its 
 walls. A remoter view of the village of D'Hieres, 
 with its gleaming river and romantic valley, was caught 
 and lost, alternately, in the serpentine mazes of the 
 rugged road ; which, accommodated to the groupings 
 of the' trees, wound amidst branches laden with 
 ripening fruit, till its rudeness sullenly subsided in the 
 velvet lawn that immediately surrounded the castle. 
 
LA FAYETTE. 42$ 
 
 The deep moat, the draw-bridge, the ivied tower, and 
 arched portals, opening into the square court, had a 
 feudal and picturesque character ; and, combined 
 with the reserved tints and fine repose of evening, 
 associated with that exaltation of feeling which belong- 
 ed to the moment preceeding a first interview with 
 those, on whom the mind has long dwelt with admira- 
 tion or interest. 
 
 We found General La Fayette surrounded by his 
 patriarchal family : — his excellent son and daughter- 
 in-law, his two daughters (the sharers of his dungeon 
 in Olmutz) and their husbands; eleven grand-children, 
 and a venerable grand- Uncle, the ex-grand prior of 
 Malta, with hair as white as snow, and his cross and 
 his order worn, as proudly as when he had issued forth 
 at the head of his pious troops, against the " paynim 
 ybe," or Christian enemy. Such was the groupe that 
 received us in the salon of La Grange ; such was the 
 close-knit circle that made our breakfast and our 
 dinner party ; accompanied us in our delightful ram- 
 bles through the grounds of La Grange, and constantly 
 presented the most perfect unity of family interests, 
 habits, taste, and affections. 
 
 We naturally expect to find strong traces of time in 
 the form of those, with whose name and deeds we have 
 long been acquainted ; of those who had obtained the 
 suffrages of the world, almost before we had entered it. 
 But, on the person of La Fayette, time has left no im- 
 pression ; nor a wrinkle furrows the ample brow, and 
 his unbent, and noble figure, is still as upright, bold, 
 and vigorous, as the mind that informs it. Grace, 
 strength, and dignity, still distinguish the fine person 
 of this extraordinary man ; who, though more than for- 
 ty years before the world, engaged in scenes of strange 
 and eventful conflict, does not yet appear to have 
 reached his climacteric. Bustling and active in his 
 farm, graceful and elegant in his salon, it is difficult to 
 • race, in one of the most successful agriculturists, and 
 
424 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 one of the most perfect fine gentlemen that France 
 has produced, a warrior and a legislator. The pat 
 riot, however, is always discernible. 
 
 In the full possesion of every faculty and talent he 
 ever possessed, the memory of M. La Fayette has all 
 the tenacity of unworn youthful recollection ; and, be 
 sides these, high views of all that is most elevated in 
 the mind's conception. His conversation is brilliantly 
 enriched with anecdotes of all that is celebrated, in 
 character and event, for the last fifty years. He still 
 talks with unwearied delight of his short visit to Eng- 
 land, to his friend Mr. Fox, and dwelt on the witchery 
 of the late Duchess of Devonshire, with almost boyish 
 enthusiasm. He speaks and writes English with the 
 same elegance he does his native tongue. He has 
 made himself master of all that is best worth knowing. 
 in English literature and philosophy. I observed thai 
 his library contained many of our most eminent au- 
 thors upon all subjects. His elegant, and well chosen, 
 collectien of books, occupies the highest apartments 
 in one of the towers of the chateau ; and, like the 
 study of Montaigne, hangs over the farm-yard of the 
 philosophical agriculturist — " It frequently happens," 
 said M. La Fayette, as we were looking out of 
 the window at some flocks, which were moving 
 beneath, "it frequently happens that my Merinos, 
 and my hay carts, dispute my attention with your 
 Hume, or our own Voltaire." 
 
 He spoke with great pleasure on the visit paid him 
 at La Grange some years ago, by Mr. Fox and Gen- 
 eral Fitzpatrick. He took me out, the morning after 
 my arrival, to shew me a tower, richly covered with 
 ivy : — " It was Fox," said he, " who planted that 
 ivy ! I have taught my grand-children to venerate it." 
 
 The chateau La Grange does not, however, want 
 other points of interest. — Founded by Louis LeGros, 
 and occupied by the princes of Lorraine, the mark 
 of a cannon ball is still visible in one of its towers, 
 
LA FAYETTE 425 
 
 which penetrated the masonry, when attacked by 
 Marechal Turenne. Here, in the plain, but spacious 
 salon-a-manger, the peasantry of the neighbourhood, 
 and the domestics of the castle, assemble every Sun- 
 day evening in winter, to dance to the violin of the 
 concierge, and are regaled with cakes, and eau-sucree. 
 The General is usually, and his family are always, 
 present, at these rustic balls. The young people oc- 
 casionally dance among the tenantry, a,nd set the ex- 
 amples of new steps, freshly imported by their Paris 
 dancing-master. 
 
 In the summer, this patriarchal re-union takes place 
 in the park, where a space is cleared for the purpose 
 shaded by the lofty trees which encircle it. A thou- 
 sand times in contemplating La Fayette, in the midst 
 ©f this charming family, the last years of the life of 
 the Chancellor de l'Hopital recurred to me, — he* 
 whom the naive Brantome likens to Cato ; and who, 
 loving liberty as he hated faction, retired from a court 
 unworthy of his virtues, to his little domain of Vignay, 
 which he cultivated himself. 
 
 In accompanying this " last of the Romans" through 
 his extensive farms, visiting his sheep-folds, his cow- 
 stalls, his dairies, (of all of which he was justly proud, 
 and occasionally asking me, whether it was not some- 
 thing in the English style,) I was struck with his gra- 
 cious manner to the peasantry, and to the workmen 
 engaged in the various rustic offices of his domains. 
 He almost always addressed them with " mon ami," 
 " mon bon ami," — mon cher garcon f) while " ma 
 bonne mere," and "ma chere fille" were invited to 
 display the delicacies of the cream-pans and cheese- 
 presses, or to parade their turkeys and ducklings for 
 our observation and amusement. And this conde- 
 scending kindness seems repaid by boundless affection, 
 and respect amounting to veneration. What was 
 once the verger of tne chateau, where anciently the 
 feudal seigneur regaled himself in the evening, with 
 
 36* 
 
426 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the officers of his household, and played chess wit!* 
 his chaplain, is now extended, behind the castle, into a 
 noble park, cut out of the luxuriant woods ; the trees 
 being so cleared away, and disposed of, as to sprinkle 
 its green and velvet lawn with innumerable clump? 
 of lofty oaks, and fantastic elms, "This is rather 
 English, too," said General La Fayette ; " but it owe? 
 the greater part of its beauty to the taste of our cele 
 brated landscape-painter, Robert, who assisted me in 
 laying out the grounds, and disposing of my wood 
 scenery." 
 
 It was whilst walking by a bright moon-light, in 
 these lovely grounds, that I have listened to their il 
 lustrious master, conversing upon almost every sub- 
 ject worthy to engage the mind of a great and good 
 man ; sometimes in French, sometimes in English ; 
 always with eloquence, fluency and spirit. 
 
 Our mid-day ramble was of a less serious character ; 
 for, as the young people were let loose from their stu- 
 dies to accompany us, we issued forth a party of twen- 
 ty strong. Upon these occasions, the Grand Prior 
 took a very distinguished part. He was evidently a 
 popular leader upon such expeditions, and having 
 given orders to a party to go in search of some pecu- 
 liarly beautiful corn-flowers, which were destined to 
 assist the dinner toilette, the veteran knight marshalled 
 his divisions, and commanded the expedition, with an 
 earnestness and a gravity, which evidently showed 
 him as much interested in this predatory warfare upon 
 blooms and odours, as his well disciplined little troops. 
 Some error, however, in their evolutions, just as the 
 word of command was given, struck the General La 
 Fayette himself, who commanded a halt, and suggested 
 the experience of his counsel to the science of the 
 Maltese tactics. It was curious to observe the rep- 
 resentative of the Grand Masters of the Knights of St. 
 John, of Jerusalem, and the General-commandant of 
 the. national army of France, manoeuvring this little 
 
LA FAYETTE. 42" 
 
 rifle corps, and turning powers that had once their in- 
 fluence over the fate of Europe, against corn-flowers, 
 and May-sweets. 
 
 I was desirous to learn how Bonaparte seemed affec- 
 ted at the moment that General La Fayette, at the 
 head of the deputation who came to thank him in the 
 name of the chamber, for his voluntary abdication, ap- 
 peared before him. " We found him," said General 
 La Fayette, " upon this occasion, as upon many oth- 
 ers, acting out of the ordinary rules of calculation ; 
 neither affecting the pathetic dignity of fallen great- 
 ness, nor evincing the uncontrollable dejection of dis- 
 appointed ambition, of hopes crushed, never to revive, 
 and of splendour quenched, never to rekindle. We 
 found him calm and serene : he received us with a 
 faint but gracious smile — he spoke with firmness and 
 precision. I think the parallel for this moment was 
 that when he presented his breast to the troops drawn 
 out against him, on his return from Elba, exclaiming, 
 " I am your Emperor, strike if you wil!." There 
 have been splendid traits in the life of this man, not 
 to be reconciled to his other modes of conduct : — his 
 character is out of all ordinary keeping, and to him 
 (he doctrine of probabilities could never, in any in- 
 stance, be applied. 5 
 
 A few days before this memorable interview, La 
 Fayette had said in the Assembly, in answer to Lucien 
 Bonaparte's reproaches, who accused the nation of 
 levity in its conduct towards the Emperor, u Go, tell 
 your brother, that we will trust him no longer ; we 
 will ourselves undertake the salvation of our country." 
 And Napoleon had Jearnt that, if his abdication was 
 not sent to the chamber within one hour, M. La Fay- 
 ette had resolved to move for his expulsion. Yet Bo- 
 naparte received this firm opposer of all his views with 
 graciousness and serenity ; and it was this resolute 
 and determined foe to his power, who, after this inter- 
 view, demanded that the liberty and life of Napoleon 
 
428 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 should be put under the protection of the French peo 
 pie. But Napoleon, always greater in adversity than 
 in prosperity, chose to trust to the generosity of the 
 English nation, and to seek safety and protection a 
 midst what he deemed a great and a free people'. This 
 voluntary trust, so confidingly placed, so sacredly re- 
 posed, was a splendid event in the history of England-.- 
 greatness — it was a bright reflection on the records ot 
 her virtues. It illuminated a page in her chronicles, 
 on which the eye of posterity might have dwelt with 
 transport ! It placed her pre-eminent among cotempo- 
 rary nations. Her powerful enemy, against whom she 
 had successfully armed and coalesced the civilized 
 world, chose his place of refuge, in the hour of adver- 
 sity, in her bosom, because he knew her brave, and 
 believed her magnanimous. 
 
 Alone, in his desolate dwelling ; deprived of every 
 solace of humanity ; torn from those ties, which alone, 
 throw a ray of brightness over the darkest shades ol 
 misfortune ; wanting all the comforts, and many of 
 the necessaries of life ; the victim of the caprice of 
 petty delegated power ; harassed by every day op- 
 pression ; mortified by mean, reiterated hourly priva- 
 tion ; chained to a solitary and inaccessible rock, with 
 no object on which to fix his attention, but the sky, to 
 whose inclemency he is exposed, or that little spot of 
 earth, within whose narrow bounds he is destined to 
 wear away the dreary hours of unvaried captivity, in 
 hopeless, cheerless, life-consuming misery. Where 
 now is his faith in the magnanimity of England ? his 
 trust in her generosity ? his hopes in her benefi- 
 cence ? 
 
 The regret we felt in leaving lLa Grange, was pro- 
 portioned to the expectations, with which we arrived 
 before its gates, to the pleasure we enjoyed under its 
 roof. It is a memorable event in the life of ordinary 
 beings, to be permitted a proximate view of a great 
 and good man ! It is a refreshment to the feelings, 
 
LA FAYETTE. 42 W 
 
 which the world may have withered ! — it is expansion 
 to the mind, which the world may have narrowed! — 
 It chases from the memory the traces of all the little- 
 ness, the low, mean, and sordid passions, by which the 
 multitudes of society are actuated ; the successes of 
 plodding mediocrity ; the triumphs of time-serving 
 obsequiousness ; and the selfish views of power and 
 ambition, for the destruction of the many, and the de- 
 basement of all! To have lived under the roof of La 
 Fayette 5 to have conversed with him, and listened 
 to him, was opening a splendid page in the history ot 
 man. It was perused with edification and delight, and 
 its impression can only fade with memory and 1 i f e » * ^ 
 
430 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF GENERAL LA FAYETTE IN THE UNITED STATES IN 
 1824. — GRATEFUL ACTS OF CONGRE8S TOWARDS HIM, &C. 
 
 It had long been the desire of the people of the 
 United States, that La Fayette, of whom every indivi 
 vidual knew something, should again visit the country 
 of his adoption. During his absence of forty years. 
 most of those, it is true, who had suffered the hard 
 ships of '78 with him, had passed away. But their 
 children and grand-children had been taught to asso- 
 ciate his name with that of Washington ; and there 
 still remained a remnant of revolutionary veterans, 
 whose strongest wish was to see their General before 
 they died. When, therefore, his intention of visiting 
 this country was known, a sensation of pleasure was 
 felt, throughout the nation. 
 
 In January, 1824, Congress passed a resolution, au- 
 thorising the President of the United States " to offer 
 him a public ship, for his accommodation ; and to as- 
 sure him, in the name of the people of this great Re 
 public, that they cherished for him a grateful and affec- 
 tionate attachment." 
 
 The Legislature of Massachusetts, in June, 1824, 
 passed a resolution, requesting the Governour to make 
 such arrangements as would secure to this distinguish 
 ed friend of our country, an honourable reception, on 
 the part of that state ; and authorising him to draw 
 from the treasury a sum sufficient to meet the expenses. 
 The society of Cincinnati, of which La Fayette is a 
 member, voted as follows, on the same subject : 
 
 " It being reported, that General La Fayette, an ori • 
 ginal member of the society of Cincinnati, intends vi- 
 siting the United States in the course of the present 
 year, voted, that a committee be appointed, to consid 
 er what measures it will be proper for this Society to 
 
LA FAYETTE. 431 
 
 idopt, on the arrival of our distinguished brother ; 
 whose meritorious and disinterested services to our 
 country, in the war of the revolution, cannot be too 
 highly appreciated ; and whose whole life has been 
 devoted to the vindication of the rights of man." 
 
 Before La Fayette left France, letters were written 
 him by the Mayors of New York and Boston, in be- 
 half of the corporation of each city ; expressive of the 
 sensation which a knowledge of his intended visit had 
 excited, and requesting the honour of receiving him 
 at their respective cities. 
 
 La Fayette declined accepting the invitation of 
 Government, to take his passage in a public ship. 
 On this subject he writes to the Mayor of Boston : — 
 * k But while I profoundly feel the honour intended by 
 the offer of a national ship, I hope I shall incur no 
 blame, by the determination I have taken, to embark, 
 as soon as it is in my power, on board a private ves- 
 sel," 
 
 It being uncertain in what part of the United States, 
 ihe vessel which conveyed him would first arrive, sev- 
 eral of the commercial cities made preparation to re- 
 ceive him in a manner which so great and joyful an 
 occasion required. 
 
 As the time approached, on which it was supposed 
 La Fayette would arrive, the whole nation was in a 
 state of anxious and inquiring expectation. In those 
 cities, particularly, where he might be expected to 
 land, and each of which anxiously desired the honour 
 of first entertaining him, the suspense produced strong 
 emotions. At length, the joyful intelligence spread 
 with inconceivable rapidity throughout the country, 
 •' La Fayette has arrived." 
 
 He came in the packet Cadmus, Capt. Allen, from 
 Havre, and arrived in the harbour of New York, ac- 
 companied by his son, and M. L. Vasseur, on the 
 15th of August. At the entrance of the harbour, the 
 three gentlemen were received on board a steam- 
 
432 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 boat, and the day being Sunday, they were conducted 
 to the house of Vice President Tompkins, on Staten 
 FsJand. On the next day, Gen. La Fayette was re- 
 ceived at the city of New York with a degree of splen- 
 dour and enthusiasm unknown in the country on any 
 former occasion. From New York, La Fayette pas- 
 sed through the country to Boston, constantly receiv- 
 ing the most enthusiastic congratulations of the people. 
 Not only at every place where he stopped, but as he 
 passed along the road, thousands came to catch a 
 glimpse of him, and bid " Welcome La Fayette." 
 Having visited most of the principal towns in Massa- 
 chusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Connect- 
 icut, he returned again to New York. During this 
 tour, it is impossible to convey in general terms an ad- 
 equate idea of the excitement into which the country 
 was thrown. Committees were constantly arriving 
 from distant towns at the places where he stopped, to 
 solicit the honour of receiving him, and to know on 
 what day and at what hour his arrival might be expect- 
 ed. In some instances, gentlemen residing at a dis- 
 tance from his route, directed the news of his approach 
 to be sent them by expresses. Meantime the General 
 was so obliging as to allow himself to be transported 
 with the utmost rapidity from place to place, often 
 travelling most of the night, so as not to disappoint the 
 anxious expectations of the people. From New York 
 the General went to Philadelphia, Baltimore, Wash- 
 ington, &c, constantly receiving from the people the 
 same cordial welcome, and witnessing the same de- 
 monstrations of joy wherever he went. 
 
 But the feelings of the nation demanded that some- 
 thing more should be done for General La Fayette, 
 than could be expressed by acclamations alone. This 
 love of liberty had been the means of depriving him of 
 a great proportion of his fortune. When, during our 
 revolution, the country was so exhausted as to be una- 
 ble to clothe or feed her little army, La Fayette Hot only 
 
LA FAYETTE. 433 
 
 j;ave all his pay to government, but advanced money 
 which never was refunded : so that, in addition to the 
 debt of gratitude, the nation owed him for advance- 
 ment made during her necessities. It was the exer- 
 cise of the same leading principle, (the love of liberty) 
 which occasioned the confiscation of his estates in 
 France, when the jacobin faction controlled the king- 
 dom. 
 
 Under every consideration, the nation was bound to 
 >hew La Fayette, and the world, that in the prosperi- 
 ty of his adopted country, his former services were re- 
 membered with too much gratitude to be passed over 
 without some permanent mark of national beneficence. 
 
 The President of the Uuited States, therefore, in his 
 message to Congress, at the opening of the last session, 
 recommended in appropriate terms, the consideration 
 of General La Fayette's eminent services to the coun- 
 try, and requested that the legislative body of the na- 
 tion would devise *ome means of making him at least a 
 partial remuneration. Agreeably to this recommend- 
 ation, Congress appointed a committee to deliberate 
 on the subject, and on the 20th of December, " Mr. 
 Hayne, from the committee appointed on so much of 
 the President's message as relates to making provision 
 for the services of General La Fayette, reported the 
 following bill : — 
 
 " Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represent- 
 atives of the United States in Congress assembled, That 
 the sum of two hundred thousand dollars be, and the 
 same is hereby granted to Major General La Fayette, 
 in compensation for his important services and expen- 
 ditures during the American Revolution ; and that for 
 this purpose a stock to that amount be issued in his 
 favour, dated the 4th of July, 1824, bearing an annual 
 interest of six per cent., payable quarter yearly, and 
 redeemable on the 31st of December, 1834. 
 
 M Sect. 2. And be it further enacted, That one com- 
 plete Township of land be, and the same is hereby 
 
 37 
 
434 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 granted to the said Major General La Fayette ; and 
 that the President of the United States be authorized 
 to cause the said township to be located on any of the 
 public lands which remain unsold ; and that patents 
 be issued to General La Fayette for the same." 
 
 On the 21st this bill was made the order of the day 
 »n the Senate, and the following debate on it, extract- 
 ed from the journals of Congress, will tend to shew 
 ■with how much reason the bill was passed : 
 Senate — Tuesday, December 21. 
 
 " The Senate proceeded, as in committee of the 
 whole, to the consideration o( the bill making provision 
 for the services and expenditures of General La Fay- 
 ette. 
 
 Mr. Hayne, (of S. C.) in reply to Messrs. Macon and 
 Brown who objected to the bill, remarked, that the 
 observations made by the honourable gentlemen, ren- 
 dered it his duty, though it was done with regret, as 
 he had hoped the bill would pass without opposition, 
 as chairman of the committee, to submit the principles 
 on which the committee had proceeded in presenting 
 the present bill. He trusted that he should be able to 
 satisfy the scruples of the Hon. gentlemen, and that 
 there would be no necessity of recommitting the bill. 
 
 With regard to the objections made by his friend on 
 his right, (Mr. Macon,) they affected the making any 
 compensation, under any circumstances whatever, to 
 individuals, either for services rendered or sacrifices 
 made. He understood he had said, it was immaterial 
 whether an individual should have spent his substance 
 in the service of his country — should have put his hand 
 in his purse and paid the expenses of the war, still that 
 for such services no compensation could be made. 
 
 He could show that this was the fact — that it was 
 precisely the case with regard to General La Fayette. 
 He had expended his fortune in our service, and he 
 should contend it was right, it was necessary— they 
 were called on by duty to themselves, at least to re- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 43; 
 
 fund the expenses to which he had been subjected. 
 Mr. Hayne proceeded to say, that he held documents 
 in his hand which it became his duty to submit to the 
 Senate — documents derived from the highest authori- 
 ty. The paper he held in his hand contained accounts 
 from the proper officers, showing the expenses of La 
 Fayette, and pointing out the manner in which his es- 
 tate had been dissipated in the service of liberty. In 
 the year 1777, he had an annual income of 146,000 
 francs, equal to 22,700 dollars. This had been almost 
 entirely expended in the services which he had render- 
 ed to liberty, in this and the other hemisphere. Du- 
 ring a period of six years, from the year 1777, to 1783, 
 he had expended, in the American service, 700,000 
 francs, equal to 1 40,000 dollars. This document, said 
 Mr. Hayne, is derived from the most authentic sources 
 in France, and has come into my hands from a respect- 
 able member of this House, without the knowledge or 
 consent of the General and his friends. 
 
 The fact to which he called their attention was, that 
 during the six years the General had been engaged in 
 the service, he had expended 140,000 dollars of his 
 fortune ; he was in a state of prosperity, and in the en- 
 joyment of a plentiful fortune in his own country, when 
 he resolved to come to this. He purchased a ship, 
 raised, equipped, armed and clothed a regiment at his 
 own expense, and when he landed on these coasts, he 
 came freighted with the munitions of war, which he 
 distributed gratuitously to our army. It is on record 
 that he clothed and put shoes on the feet of the naked, 
 suffering, soldiers of America, and that during six year.* 
 he sacrificed 140,000 dollars. He asked for no com 
 pensation — he made out no account — he received no 
 pay — he spent his fortune for this country, and not on 
 ly gave his services, but hazarded his life in its de- 
 fence, shed his blood in its service, and returned home 
 broken in his fortune. What did Government do? 
 After the war, in 1794. they gave him the full pay «■« 
 
436 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 a Major General, to which he was entitled twelve or 
 fourteen years before. If any American citizen had 
 done as much and had brought in an account stating 
 he had expended 140,000 dollars, and made application 
 for compensation, would it not have been granted '.' 
 Indeed if we were to make out an account current of 
 the expenses and sacrifices of the General, it would far 
 exceed the sum now proposed. But he never render- 
 ed a claim : he would have starved ere he would have 
 done it. 
 
 I have other documents, said Mr. Hayne, to which 
 1 shall briefly refer. There is one fact which show.- 
 how alive he was to every honourable sentiment. He 
 has made sacrifices that can never be repaid. Con- 
 gress, in their gratitude, made him a donation of 1 1,000 
 acres of land, which at the value of lands at that lime, 
 was not worth more than 11,000 dollars; and by an 
 act in 1304, they authorized him to locate this land on 
 any spot in the United States, that might be vacant : 
 and his agent accordingly located it in the neighbour- 
 hood of New Orleans. In 1807, Congress passed an 
 act, confirming the title to the city council of New Or- 
 leans of all lands within six hundred yards of i|f limits. 
 
 Part of the land belonging to General La Fayette 
 was included in this grant, and on the fact being com- 
 municated to him in France by his agent, accompanied 
 by legal advice of the validity of his title, he replied, 
 that it was not for him to inquire into the circumstan- 
 ces, but that he receiving bounty from the govern- 
 ment of the United States, could only receive it as 
 they chose to give it ; and directed his agent to enter 
 a relinquishment of the land in question. This land, 
 according to the estimate of gentlemen from Louisia- 
 na is now worth 500,000 dollars. But there is anoth- 
 er circumstance to be stated : having located the land, 
 he made a contract with an Irish Baronet for the sale 
 of a portion of it, and he afterwards made it his busi- 
 ness to find him out — he relinquished his own right. 
 
LA FAYETTE W 
 
 and, at his own expense, induced him to relinquish ev- 
 ery legal claim that he could have upon the United 
 States. This relinquishment was on file in the land 
 office, and Mr. Hayne submitted the documents to the 
 examination of the Senate. 
 
 These claims appear certainly in a very strong, and 
 he might say, irresistible shape before the Senate. 
 His honourable friend, on the right, had said that we 
 treat this gentleman better than we do our native sons, 
 but it appeared that they barely did him justice. Did 
 the gentleman doubt that this government were in the 
 habit of making remuneration for sacrifices and servi- 
 ces — he would refer to an act passed in 1700, granting 
 compensation to Frederick William Baron Steuben, 
 for sacrifices and services. 
 
 Mr. Hayne proceeded to refer to many instances 
 where the government had not only granted pecuniary 
 assistance, but had granted a whole township of land 
 for sacrifices and services. He was not one of those 
 who were afraid of making precedents — a good prece- 
 dent can never do evil; and when nations as well as 
 individuals, gave way to the noblest feelings of our na- 
 ture, they best promoted the glory of the country and 
 the welfare of the people ; but the case of La Fayette 
 could form no precedent — it stood alone. Could this 
 country be born again — could it assume a second child- 
 hood, and be placed in circumstances similar to those 
 in which it had formerly been ? If this were possible, 
 if it could be reduced again to equal distress, be strug- 
 gling for existence, about to perish, without funds, arms, 
 clothing, or ammunition, and looking around for help — 
 if, under such circumstances, a foreign nobleman 
 should step forth and devote his life and fortune toher 
 service, sacrificing every thing, and shedding his biood 
 in her behalf, and, while the scale was depressed, 
 throwing himself into the balance, and deciding its fate 
 — surely, such a man would be entitled to the traina* 
 <st gratitude of the country. 
 
 37 * 
 
433 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 He thought this a case of its own kind and could 
 never happen again — but, if it could, they would follow 
 the brilliant example which would this day be set. 
 With regard to the objection to the thing itself, the 
 honourable gentleman from Ohio wished it to be re- 
 committed for some emendations, but he had not pro- 
 posed any instructions to the committee, and they 
 were ignorant of what he desired. He knew there 
 was a very large majority in both Houses of Congress, 
 and an overwhelming majority among the people, who 
 desired that some such expression should be given of 
 the public feeling. The only difference was, as to the 
 mode of doing it, and the amount. And where so ma- 
 ny concur, it was necessary that individuals should sa- 
 crifice their private opinions on the subject. 
 
 It was impossible to devise a scheme which should 
 satisfy every one ; for there would always be found 
 some one to raise objections — whether the intended 
 donation should be in money, stock, or lands. He 
 could assure them that the committee had taken the 
 greatest pains, and had not been able to devise any 
 plan which could approach nearer to the general sen- 
 timent, than the one they had adopted. Their object 
 was to make such an appropriation as should comfort 
 his declining years, and smooth his path to the grave. 
 It would be besides, a perpetual monument of their 
 gratitude. The stock would remain on the books to 
 the last ; and when they had redeemed all other debts, 
 then they would redeem the debt of gratitude which 
 they owed to this distinguished soldier. A tract of 
 land would have a tendency to keep him amongst us, 
 and would be a portion for his children. It would al- 
 so add to the grace of the gift, and the impression it 
 would produce. It was his opinion that the public acts 
 ought to be done gracefully. It would make a favor- 
 able impression abroad. 
 
 Mr. Hayne said he would solicit his friends to re- 
 linquish their private opinions on this occasion. Such 
 
LA FAYETTE. 439 
 
 an act as this, to be well done, should be delicately and 
 promptly managed ; and he hoped, as this was the 
 general sense, they would yield. Something must be 
 done for national feeling. To send him back to 
 France, without making any provision for him, would 
 leave him to linger out his last days in poverty, and 
 make him a public spectacle for all Europe — you 
 leave him without means of obtaining those acts of 
 kindness and attention so useful and necessary in the 
 decline of life. 
 
 Mr. Macon said he did not like the President's xMes- 
 >age. He did not know the opinion of others on the 
 subject, he only spoke to satisfy himself. Whatever 
 ibey might choose to think, he conceived it a public 
 duty to speak as he did. He had had no conversation 
 with others on the subject. A man who risks all loses 
 all. He had no doubt about every word of the manu- 
 scripts his friend had in his hand, and there was no oc- 
 casion to tell him they did not come from La Fayette 
 himself. 
 
 At the suggestion of some friends, Mr. Brown said 
 he would withdraw his motion, and the bill was order- 
 ed to be engrossed for a third reading to-day : and on 
 the question — shall the bill pass ? Mr, Noble called for 
 the Ayes and Noes, not being able to give his sanction 
 to it. 
 
 The Ayes and Noes were demanded by one fifth of 
 the whole number present ; and those who voted in 
 the affirmative were, 
 
 Messrs. Barbour, Boligny, Chandler, Dickerson, 
 Eaton, Edwards, Elliot, Findlay, Gaillard, Hayne, 
 Holmes of Maine, Holmes of Mississippi, Johnson of 
 Kentucky, Johnson of Louisiana, Kelly, King of Ala- 
 bama, King of New York, Knight, Lanman, Lloyd of 
 Md. Lloyd of Mass. Lowrie, Jackson, McLean, Mills, 
 Palmer, Parrott, Seymor, Smith, Talbot, Taylor, 
 Thomas, Van Buren, Van Dyke, Williams. — 37. 
 
440 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Noes — Messrs. Barton, Bell, Brown, Cobb, Macon. 
 Noble, Ruggles. — 7. 
 
 The bill thus passed the Senate." 
 
 The bill having passed both Houses, a committee 
 was appointed from each to wait on the General and 
 present him with a copy of the act. The following 
 extract from (he journal of the House contains the ad- 
 dress and reply on that occasion : 
 
 Senate. — Monday , January 3. 
 
 Mr. Smith, from the joint committee of both Houses, 
 appointed to wait on General La Fayette, with a copy 
 of the act concerning him, reported that the Commit- 
 tee waited on him at 12 o'clock, and presented him 
 with a copy of the act, and with a copy of the res- 
 olutions of both Houses ; and that the General return- 
 ed an answer. 
 
 The address of the committee was read, and, with 
 the answer of the General, ordered to be noticed on 
 the journal. 
 
 General : We are a Committee of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives, charged with the office of 
 informing you of the passage of an act, a copy of 
 which we now present. You will perceive, from this 
 act, Sir, that the two Houses of Congress, aware of 
 the large pecuniary as well as other sacrifices which 
 your long and arduous devotion to the cause of free- 
 dom has cost you, have deemed it their privilege to 
 reimburse a portion of them as having been incurred 
 in part on account of the United States. The prin- 
 ciples which have marked your character will not 
 permit you to oppose any objection to the discharge 
 of so much of the national obligation to you as admits 
 of it. We are directed to express to you the confi- 
 dence as well as request of the two Houses of Congress, 
 that you will, by an acquiescence in their wishes in 
 this respect, add another to the many signal proofs you 
 have offered of your esteem for a people whose es- 
 
LA FAYETTE. 44 i 
 
 teem for you can never cease until they have ceased 
 to prize the liberty they enjoy, and to venerate the vir- 
 tues by which it was acquired. We have only to sub- 
 join an expression of our gratification in being the 
 organs of this communication, and of the distinguish- 
 ed personal respect with which we are, your obedient 
 servants, 
 
 S. SMITH, > Committee 
 
 ROBERT V. HAYNE, } of the 
 D. BOULIGNY, ) Senate. 
 
 W.S.ARCHER, > Committee 
 
 S. VAN RENSSELAER, } of the 
 PHILIP S. MARKLEY, ) H. of R. 
 Washington, January 1, 1825. 
 
 To this address of the Committee, the General re- 
 turned the following answer : 
 
 Gentlemen of the Committee of both Houses of Con- 
 gress : 
 
 The immense and unexpected gift, which, in ad- 
 dition to former and considerable bounties, it has 
 pleased Congress to confer upon me, calls for the 
 warmest acknowledgments of an old American sol- 
 dier, an adopted son of the United States, two titles 
 dearer to my heart than all the treasures in the world. 
 However proud I am of every sort of obligation 
 received from the people of the United States, and 
 their Representatives in Congress the large extent of 
 this benefaction might have created in my mind feel- 
 ing of hesitation, not inconsistent, I hope, with those 
 of the most grateful reverence. But the so very kind 
 resolutions of both Houses, delivered by you, gentle- 
 men, in terms of equal kindness, precludes all other 
 sentiments except those of (he lively and profound 
 gratitude of which, in respectfully accepting the mu- 
 nificent favor, I have the honour to beg you will be 
 the organs. 
 
 Permit me al?o, gentlemen, to join a tender of my 
 
442 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 affectionate personal thanks to the expression of the 
 highest respect, with which I have the honor to be. 
 your obedient servant, 
 
 LA FAYETTE. 
 
 The following anecdote of the General serves to 
 shew his modesty, candour, and attachment to repub- 
 lican economy : — 
 
 A member of Congress, conversing with the Gener- 
 al on the proceedings of Congress, and delicately apol- 
 ogising for the opposition which the appropriation in 
 his favor had experienced in that body, the Genera!, 
 with great naivette, and never-failing presence of mind, 
 interrupted him with this happy remark : " I, Sir, am 
 one of the opposition. The gift is so munificent, so far 
 exceeding the services of the individual, that had 1 been 
 a member of Congress, I must have voted against it." 
 
Account of General La Fayette's journey through the United 
 States, in 1824.* 
 
 There probably is not, in the records of history, an instance 
 where any individual, of whatever rank, ever received the uni- 
 ted, spontaneous, and universal applause, which the Americans 
 bestowed on La Fayette. Nor is it at all probable that there 
 ever again will be a similar instance. The circumstances of the 
 case are so peculiar as to form a chain of relations, altogether 
 without the bounds of probability. A young man of fortune, 
 leaves his wife, family and country, and crosses oceans at his 
 own expense, to subject himself to all the horrors and perils of 
 war, for the abstract love of liberty. He escaped not only the 
 hazards of the American revolution, but was preserved during 
 that, which deluged his own country in blood. During this time 
 a [nice was set on his head. He underwent for years all the 
 privations and exposures of a loathsome dungeon— and after his 
 release, he was exposed, as a known republican, to all the ma- 
 chinations of that reign of blood. 
 
 Meantime the Americans, instead of being tributary colnnies, 
 as he found us forty-five years since, had become, in territory, 
 riches, population, and commerce, one of the powerful nations 
 of the earth. 
 
 Taking all these circumstances together, an occasion similar 
 to the arrival of La Fayette in the United States, has never yet 
 occurred. 
 
 It has already been stated, that he came in the ship Cadmus, 
 Capt. Allen, and arrived in the harbour of New- York, on the 
 15th of August. On the next day, preparations having been 
 made to receive him at the city, 
 
 " At an early hour, the whole city was in motion ; almost ev- 
 ery man, woman and child was preparing to witness the landing 
 of their much respected guest. The shops and stores were clo- 
 sed, and all business was suspended for the day. The ringing 
 of bells, the roar of cannon, and the display of the national flag, 
 at all public places and on board the shipping, proclaimed that it 
 was a day of joy, in which all were anxious to partake. Before 
 12 o'clock, the battery, the adjoining wharves and every place 
 commanding a view of the passage from Staten Island, were 
 crowded to excess. It was supposed there were nearly 50,000 
 persons upon the battery, including the troops. This elegant 
 
 ^ * For this account, we must, of course, depend chiefly on the 
 Newspapers published at the time ; but it was unnecessary to 
 give the name of each paper from which extracts are made. 
 
144 APPENDIX. 
 
 promenade, since its enlargement, is said to be capable of hold- 
 ing- nearly the whole population of the city, (130,000,) but a large 
 portion of the front was occupied by the brigade of artillery and 
 other troops. The castle garden, almost contiguous to the 
 battery, and its gallery, were also crowded by the citizens. 
 
 Between 10 and II o'clock, a large steam ship, manned with 
 about 200 United States seamen, and decorated with the flags of 
 every nation, sailed for Staten Island. She was followed by six 
 large steam boats, all crowded with passengers, decorated with 
 flags, and enlivened by bands of music. In one of these, which 
 exhibited only flags of the United States and of the Stale of New 
 York, proceeded the committee of arrangements of ihe city, the 
 officers of the United States army and navy, the general officers 
 of the militia, the committee of the Society of Cincinnati, <SfC 
 On board this steam boat- General La Fayette embarked at 
 Staten Island, for the city, at about one o'clock. This was an- 
 nounced by a salute from the largest steam ship, manned by the 
 national troops, and from fort La Fayette. The procession then 
 moved for the city, and presented to its inhabitants a most beau- 
 tiful and magnificent scene. About two o'clock the General 
 landed at the battery, where he was received by a salute from 
 the troops, and the hearty and reiterated cheers of the immense 
 throng which had assembled to welcome him to our shores. 
 
 It is impossible fully to describe the enthusiasm of joy which 
 pervaded and was expressed by the whole multitude. Here the 
 General had a fair specimen of the affection and respect, which 
 is felt for him by every individual of this extended country. He 
 seemed much moved by these expressions of attachment, and 
 bowed continually to the people who pressed about him. After 
 resting a (cxv moments at the castle garden, he proceeded in an 
 elegant barouche drawn by four horses, escorted by the dragoons 
 and troops, through Broadway to the City Hall. The windows, 
 balconies, and even the roofs of the houses were filled with la- 
 dies, all welcoming the General as he passed, by their smiles 
 and waving of handkerchiefs. 
 
 At about 4 o'clock, the procession arrived at the City Hall, 
 where General La Fayette was received by the Mayor and 
 Common Council, and formally welcomed and congratulated on 
 his safe arrival in the country. After receiving the marching 
 salute of the troops in front of the City Hall, he was conducted 
 to the City Hotel, where he dined with the members of the cor- 
 poration. In the evening, the front of the City Hotel, and many 
 other adjoining buildings, were handsomely illuminated. The 
 theatres and public gardens displayed transparencies, fire- works 
 and rockets in honor of the occasion."— The committee of the 
 Cincinnati waited on General La Fayette, at Staten Island , and 
 were received by him with peculiar marks of affection and 
 friendship. The committee consisted of several field officers 
 of the revolutionary army, some of whom were upwards of 
 eighty years of age. 
 
APPENDIX. 445 
 
 The following is the address of the Mayor of New York, to 
 General La Fayette, when he arrived at the city Hall . 
 
 In the name of the municipal authority of the city, I bid you 
 a sincere welcome to the shores of a country, of whose freedom 
 and happiness you will ever be considered one of the most hon- 
 oured and beloved founders. Your contemporaries in arms, of 
 whom indeed but few remain, have not forgot, and their pros- 
 perity will never forget the young and gallant Frenchman, who 
 consecrated his youth, his talents, his fortune and his exertions 
 to their cause ; who exposed his life, who shed his blood, that 
 they might be free and happy. They will ' recollect with pro- 
 found emotions, so long as they remain worthy of the liberties 
 they enjoy, and of the exertions you made to obtain them, that 
 you came to them in the darkest period of their struggle; that 
 you linked yourfjortune with theirs, when it seemed almost hope- 
 less ; that you shared in the dangers, privations and sufferings 
 of that bitter struggle ; nor quitted them for a moment till it 
 was consummated on the glorious field of Yorktown. Haifa 
 century has elapsed since that great event, and in that time 
 your name has become as dear to the friends, as it is inseparably 
 connected with the cause of freedom, both in the old and in the 
 new world. 
 
 The people of the United States look up to you as to one of 
 their most honored parents — the country cherishes you as one 
 of the most beloved of her sons. I hope and trust, Sir, that 
 not only the present, but the future conduct of my countrymen, 
 to the latest period of time, will, among other slanders, refute 
 the unjust imputation, that republics are always ungrateful to 
 their benefactors. 
 
 In behalf of my fellow citizens of New York, and speaking 
 the warm and universal sentiments of the whole people of the 
 United States, I repeat their welcome, to our common country." % 
 
 To this address, General La Fayette made the following 
 reply. 
 
 "Sir, 
 
 " While I am so affectionately received by the citizens of 
 New York and their worthy representatives, I feel myself over- 
 whelmed with inexpressible emotions. The sight of the Ameri- 
 can shore, after so long an absence : the recollection of the 
 many respected friends and dear companions, no more to be 
 found on this land ; the pleasure to recognize those who sur- 
 vive ; the immense concourse of a free republican population, 
 who so kindly welcome me ; the admirable appearance of the 
 troops ; the presence of a corps of the national navy ; have 
 excited sentiments, to which no language is adequate. You 
 have been pleased, Sir, to allude to the happiest times, the un- 
 alloyed enjoyment of my public life. It is the pride of my heart 
 to have been one of the earliest adopted sons of America. 1 am 
 proud, also, to add, that upwards of forty years ago I was hon- 
 ored with the freedom of this city. I oeg you, Sir ; I beg you 
 38 
 
446 APPENDIX. 
 
 gentlemen, to accept yourselves, and to transmit to the citizen? 
 of New York, the homage of my profound and everlasting 
 gratitude, devotion and respect." 
 
 On the two following- days, a great number of the citizen? 
 of New-York and its vicinity, were introduced to the General. 
 He received also, addresses from the Society of the Cincinnati ; 
 from the Historical Society — visited the navy yard, and went on 
 board the Washington, 74. On Thursday, addresses from the 
 Frenchmen residing- in the city of New -York, and from the gen- 
 tlemen of the Bar were presented to him. 
 
 Having remained four days in New York, during which time 
 an immense number oi citizens, ladies as well as gentlemen, of 
 all ages and classes, were introduced to him, and had the plea- 
 sure of touching his hand. His reception of the veterans of the 
 revolution, with whom he had been associated, during their 
 struggle for freedom, was peculiarly touching. He embraced 
 them all with emotion, and in some instances in silence. Gen. 
 La Fayette left New- York for Boston on the 2 1st. While there, 
 he had received invitations from Philadelphia, Albany, New- 
 Haven, and Hartford, to visit those cities, but he had made his 
 Arrangements previously, to be in Boston at the commencement 
 of the Cambridge University, and therefore could not with pro- 
 priety delay his visit there. His route lay through New- Haven, 
 New-London, and Providence. The General's suite consisted 
 of George Washington La Fayette, his son ; M. Le Vasseur. 
 his friend, who came with him from France, and four Aldermen 
 of the city of New York. The corporation of the city provided 
 him with an elegant carriage, to convey him to Boston. The 
 inhabitants of New Haven expected that La Fayette would ar- 
 rive at that city on Friday afternoon ; but such was the immense 
 number of persons of all ranks, who came to congratulate him 
 at whatever place it was expected he would stop, that his arrival 
 was delayed until Saturday morning. At New Rochelle, where 
 he stopped to take refreshments, a salute of 19 guns was fired, 
 and a great crowd of citizens had collected to receive him. At 
 White Plains, a mast was erected on each side of the road, bear- 
 ing a striped pendant suspended between them, on which was 
 written La Fayette. Near the place where General Putnam 
 dashed down the rocks, an elegant arch was thrown over the 
 road, bearing this inscription k : 
 
 " This Arch, 
 On the hill rendered memo- 
 rable by the Brave Putnam, 
 is erected in honour of the illustrious 
 Marquis de La Fayette; 
 The early and distinguished Champion cf 
 American Liberty, and the tried 
 FRIEND OF WASHINGTON. 
 
 When the General arrived at the line of Connecticut, a troop 
 
APPENDIX. 44' 
 
 of horse was ready to receive and escort him, and the citizens 
 had assembled to welcome him to their state. 
 
 At every village, salutes, triumphal arches, or addresses were 
 prepared for bim. 
 
 Having arrived at Bridgeport, between 11 and 12 o'clock on 
 Friday evening, the General stopped for the night. At an early 
 hour on Saturday morning, he departed for New Haven amid 
 the discharge of artillery, the ringing of bells, and the accum- 
 ulation of the people. 
 
 On Saturday morning the General was met five miles from 
 New Haven, by a company of horse guards, and escorted to the 
 city where he arrived at 10 o'clock. On arriving at the inter- 
 section of George and Church Streets, he was received with 
 three hearty cheers by the citizens, which were re-echoed and 
 repeated by the people along the lines to Morse's Hotel, where 
 the General and his suite was received by the Mayor and other 
 public authorities. 
 
 Afler receiving the congratulations of a great number of citi- 
 zens, some of whom came forty miles to see him, visiting the 
 College, breakfasting with the Mayor, Aldermen aud Common 
 Council, reviewing the troops on the green, and calling on a 
 number of the distinguished citizens, the General took his de- 
 parture by the way of East Haven, Saybrook and Lyme, to 
 New London. At every town on the road he was received with 
 some new mark of kindness or distinction. Every place where 
 he was expected vied with that he had last left in the bestowment 
 of some varied honours. Having reached New London, it being 
 the Sabbath, he attended divine service at two different places 
 of public worship, and having called on the mother and family of 
 the late lamented Commodore Perry, he left that city for Provi- 
 dence, where he arrived on Monday the 23d at 12 o'clock. The 
 Governor of Rhode Island nad sent his aids to meet him at the 
 boundary of the state, and escort him to the capital. When he 
 arrived within the limits of Providence, he found the whole city 
 had come forward to meet and Congratulate him. Having mo- 
 ved forward amid the cheers of the multitude, with which the 
 streets were crowded, he alighted at the Court House. The 
 avenue leading to the building was lined with female youth, 
 dressed in while, holding in their hands branches of flowers, 
 which they strewed in his path, at the same time waving their 
 white handkerchiefs. La Fayette appeared much gratified and 
 affected by this simple but touching arrangement. In the senate 
 chamber he was received by the Governour, and many gentle- 
 men of distinction were introduced to him. Among others were 
 several officers who had served in the army of the Revolution, 
 and some of them were known to him. These he embraced 
 with great emotion. One of them, Capt. Olney, he knew in- 
 stantly, though be was among the crowd. This gentleman had 
 commanded a company under the General, at the siege of York- 
 town, and was the first to force the redoubts thrown up by the 
 
•148 . APPENDIX. 
 
 British troops, and which were taken by assault. (See the pre* 
 ceding- volume, p. 175.) 
 
 " At this interview so affecting and interesting, a thrill ran 
 through the whole assembly, and not a dry eye was to be found 
 among the throng of spectators; while the shouts of the multi 
 tude, at first suppressed, and then uttered in a manner temper 
 ed by the scene, evinced the deep feeling and proud associations 
 it had excited." Another aged veteran was introduced to the 
 General, who had passed his 85th year, and who had served un- 
 der him. The decrepit old gentleman was overjoyed once more 
 to behold his beloved General before he sunk info his grave. 
 
 La Fayette, to fulfil the expectations of the citizens of Boston. 
 was compelled to leave Providence on the afternoon of the same 
 day on which he arrived. 
 
 At Pautucket, six miles from Providence, and the frontier of 
 Massachusetts, he was met by the aids of Governor Eustis o* 
 that state. At Dedham, where he arrived at eleven o'clock at 
 night, he found the village handsomely illuminated, and the peo- 
 ple anxious for his approach. Here he staid a short time, and 
 was introduced to many of the inhabitants. At Roxbury, his ap- 
 proach was announced by the discharge of artillery, and the as- 
 cent of rockets. 
 
 At two o'clock on the morning of the 23d, he alighted at the 
 residence of Govemour Eustis in Boston. 
 
 The annunciation of his arrival at the seat of the Governour, 
 put every thing in activity, for the prompt execution of the ar- 
 rangements of the city council for his hearty welcome. The 
 various bodies designated to compose the procession, and per- 
 form the honours of the day, assembled at an early hour and at 
 the time appointed. 
 
 The General was met at the Roxbury line, by a cavalcade 
 consisting of the City authorities in carriages, preceded by the 
 Assistant City Marshal, where he was addressed by the Hon. 
 Mr. Quincy, Mayor of Boston, as follows : 
 
 " Sir — The Citizens of Boston welcome you on your return 
 to the United States ; mindful of your early zeal in the cause 
 of American Independence, grateful for your distinguished share 
 in the perils and glories of its achievment. — When urged by a 
 generous sympathy, you first landed on these shores, you found 
 a people engaged in an arduous and eventful struggle for liberty 
 with apparently inadequate means, and amidst dubious omens. 
 After a lapse of nearly half a century, you find the same people 
 prosperous beyond all hope and all precedent ; their liberty se- 
 cure ; sitting in its strength ; without fear and without reproach. 
 In your youth you joined the standard of three millions of 
 people, raised in an unequal and uncertain conflict. In your 
 advanced age you return and are met by ten millions of people, 
 their descendants, whose hearts throng hither to greet your ap 
 proach and rejoice in it. 
 This is mot the move'ment of a turbulent populace, excited 
 
APPENDIX. 449 
 
 by the fresh laurels of some recent conqueror. It is a grave, 
 moral, intellectual impulse. 
 
 A whole people in the enjoyment of freedom as perfect as the 
 condition of our nature permits, recur with gratitude, increasing 
 with the daily increasing sense of their blessings, to the mem- 
 ory of those, who, by their labors, and in their blood, laid the 
 foundation of our liberties. 
 
 Your name, Sir,— the name of La Fayette, is associated 
 with the most perilous, and most glorious periods of our Revo 
 lution: — with the imperishable names of Washington, and ot' 
 that numerous host of heroes which adorn the proudest archives 
 of American history, and are engraven in indellible traces on 
 the hearts of the whole American people. 
 
 Accept, then, Sir, in the sincere spirit in which it is offered, 
 this simple tribute to your virtues. 
 
 Again, Sir, the citizens of Boston bid you welcome to the 
 cradle of American Independence, and to scenes consecrated 
 with the blood shed by the earliest martyrs in its cause." 
 
 General La Fayette then rose in his carriage, and made the 
 following reply : 
 
 " The emotions of love and gratitude, which I have been ac- 
 customed to feel on my entering this city, have ever mingled 
 with a sense of religious reverence for the cradle of American, 
 and let me hope it will hereafter be said, of Universal Liberty. 
 " What must be, Sir, my feelings, at the blessed moment, 
 when, after so long an absence, I find myself again surrounded 
 by the good citizens of Boston — where! am so affectionately, 
 so honorably welcomed, not only by old friends, but by several 
 successive generations ; where I can witness the prosperity, the 
 immense improvements, that have been the just reward of a 
 noble struggle, virtuous morals and truly republican institutions.. 
 I beg of you, Mr. Mayor, Gentlemen of the City Council, 
 and all of you, beloved citizens of Boston, to accept the res- 
 pectfuland warm thanks of a heart, which has, for nearly half a 
 century, been particularly devoted to your illustrious city." 
 
 The different bodies which were to compose the procession 
 having arrived, they were formed in the following order. 
 Th.ee Marshals. 
 A corps of Light Dragoons, commanded by 
 
 Capt. Isaac Davis. 
 
 A Regiment of Light Infantry composed of 
 
 The Boston Fusilleers, Boston Light Infantry, 
 
 Winslow Blues, Washington Infantry, 
 
 New England Guards, Rangers, and 
 
 City Guards, commanded by Capt. 
 
 John S. Tyler, acting as Colonel ; 
 
 Afull band of music consisting of thirty-two performers. 
 
 Chief Marshal Harris. 
 
 Marshal Broeks, Marshal Sargent. 
 
 Members of the city council in carriage*. 
 
 38* 
 
MO APPENDIX. 
 
 Committee of Arrangement in carriages. 
 
 The President of the Common Council in a barouche. 
 
 Marshal Roulstone. 
 
 Gen. La Fayette. 
 
 In a barouche drawn by four white 
 
 horses accompanied by the Mayor. 
 
 G. W. La Fayette, 
 
 M. Le Vasseur and 
 
 Col. Colden. 
 
 Society of Cincinnati in ten carriages, 
 
 Strangers of distinction in carriages, 
 
 Two Marshals, 
 Field and Staff Officers of the Militia, 
 Two Marshals. 
 The mounted cavalcade, composed of the Carters, Woodwharfm* 
 gers and Citizens. 
 Two Marshals. 
 In this order the procession entered the city, and passed 
 hrough the principal streets. 
 
 The General, and City authorities, then passed through the 
 Common, on which were placed the pupils of the Public Schools, 
 extending its whole length. The misses were dressed in white, 
 and the boys in blue coats, and white pantaloons. All of them 
 ^ore heads of La Fayette stamped on ribbon as badges. The 
 number was about 2500. Meantime the bells rang and salutes 
 were firing in every direction. 
 
 Having visited the children, the General moved with the pro- 
 fession to the State House, where he was welcomed by his Ex- 
 cellency Governour Eustis, who pronounced a pathetic speech. 
 :o which the General returned a dignified and appropriate reply. 
 Arches were thrown across some of the principal streets 
 'i: rough which the procession passed. There were two acros? 
 Washington Street. On one of these was written «' 1776 — 
 Washington and La Fayette. — Welcome La Fayette.— A 
 Republic not ungrateful." On the other was written the follow • 
 ng lines. 
 
 " Welcome La Fayette." 
 " The Fathers in glory shall sleep, 
 Who g^ther'd with thee in the fight ; 
 But the sons will eternally keep, 
 The tablet of gratitude bright. 
 We bow not the neck, 
 And we bend not the knee, 
 But our hearts La Fayette, 
 We surrender to thee." 
 
 iJe was introduced to a great number of the citizens, among 
 whom were many who knew him. Among these wa§ the vener 
 *bie John Brooks, President of the "Society of Cincinnati-, auf 
 
APPENDIX. 451 
 
 late Governour of Massachusetts. These ancient friends, bad a 
 most interesting- and affectionate meeting. Many incidents 
 during this scene were calculated to touch the feelings of all who 
 beheld them, and some of them moistened the eye of every wit- 
 ness. One decrepit veteran, on crutches, was recognized by 
 the General as a companion in arms, at the memorable assault 
 at Yorktown. Others were recalled to remembrance by events 
 at Monmouth, at Brandywine, at West Point, &c. The hands 
 of all these he seized with the most affectionate cordiality, fre- 
 quently repeating, ;t O, my brave Light Infantry," " My gallant 
 soldiers" &c. One inquired " Is my old Colonel Gimat alive (" 
 "Alas no," replied the General. Another introduced himself 
 as one of the only two, who survived of the 2d Regiment of Light 
 Dragoons of the army. 
 
 On Friday the Society of Cincinnati waited on General La 
 Fayette, -and the President delivered him a very feeling and ap- 
 propriate address, and received from the General a reply suited 
 to so interesting an occasion. 
 
 The General had expressed a particular desire to visit Gam- 
 bridge, and attend its commencement ; and at the appointed 
 time he was escorted there by a company of cavalry, and at- 
 tended by the Governour and his executive council. On arri- 
 ving at the College he was addressed in a very appropriate speech 
 by the Reverend and learned President Kirtland. To this he 
 made a short, but complete and comprehensive reply. He was 
 then seated on a distinguished place, and attended the ceremo- 
 nies of the day. In their literary performances, several of the 
 young gentlemen of the college alluded to the- General, and 
 particularly to his early devotion to the cause of liberty, and the 
 part he had taken in achieving the independence of America, 
 lie also made a visit to Charlestown', and the navy yard, where 
 he was received with the usual honours and acclamations. 
 
 On Monday, agreeably to arrangements, a grand military pa- 
 rade took place in honour of La Fayette. u Monday was indeed 
 a proud day for the soldier-citizens of Bos! on and vicinity. The 
 orders of the commander in chief, for a review of a portion of 
 our militia in honour of the visit of the surviving Major General 
 of the revolutionary army, our distinguished guest, were exe- 
 cuted with promptness and uncommon effect. The day was 
 fine. At an early hour, a superb brigade, composed of five full 
 regiments of infantry, a regiment (six companies) of artillery, 
 and the Salem independent cadets, commanded by Brigadier 
 General Appleton, paraded on the common. Tents and mar- 
 quees had been pitched for their accommodation, which with the 
 '.'ommiasary's tent and those of the Suffolk brigade, and the 
 marquees attached to the head quarters, where the independent 
 cadets, commanded by Lieut. Col. Amory did guard duty, ex- 
 hibited an extensive encampment. At the time the Boston 
 brigade commanded by Brig. Gen. Lyman, and composed of 
 three full regiments of infantry, four companies of artillery, in- 
 
452 APPENDIX. 
 
 eluding the Sea Fencibles, and a troop of dragoons also paraded 
 and formed the order of battle at 8 o'clock. 
 
 The line nearly filled the borders of our spacious training 
 field, and exhibited a martial spectacle, unequalled in extent, 
 brilliancy and efficiency by any one within our recollection. 
 The corps of cavalry, artillery, and flank companies, were iu 
 complete and superb uniform ; and in the whole line of infantry, 
 the troops, with scarcely an exception were in blue coats, with 
 white underclothes, with knapsacks &c. complete. It is estima- 
 ted that the military force exceeded 6500. 
 
 Gen. La Fayette on foot, was escorted by the Cadets from his 
 residence, to the State House, where he was received by his Ex- 
 cellency the commander in chief, and suite, and escorted to the 
 Common. 
 
 La Fayette was received with loud shouts from the troops 
 along the whole line. He was then saluted by the brigades un- 
 der Generals Appleton and Lyman, in succession. He then took 
 a position in front of head quarters, and received the marching 
 salute" of the whole division. 
 
 Experienced judges, foreign as well as native, did justice to 
 the discipline and steadiness of the whole movements. The line 
 being reformed, the troops were dismissed for refreshment, which 
 had been amply provided by the commiesar} 7 general. 
 
 A spacious and well ornamented marquee had been ordered to 
 be erected by the governor on the rising ground of the common 
 for a collation to be given the officers and invited guests. 
 
 It exceeded any thing of the kind ever seen here. It was 17G 
 feet long by 66 wide, containing six taoles 170 feet long, two 
 plates for 1600 guests. The collation was prepared by Mr. 
 Bradstreet- In this marquee Gen. La Fayette, attended by the 
 Governour, together with the field officers, the executive council, 
 the officers of the Cincinnati, civil and judicial officers, foreign 
 consuls, officers of the army and navy, Governour Miller ; the 
 clergy, the city authorities and strangers of distinction, to the 
 number of 1600 partook of a sumptuous entertainment. 
 
 The General was escorted to Charlestown on Friday. Great 
 preparations had been made by the citizens for this visit. The 
 streets through which he was to pass were decorated with arch- 
 es, evergreen and variegated colours, and he was attended by 
 the Governour and suite, Governour Brooks, Boston committee of 
 arrangements, &c. On the bridge, and at the line dividing the 
 towns, he was met by the city authorities of Charlestown, and 
 escorted by a military brigade to Bunker Hill, where the Chair- 
 man of the Town Committee, in a very feeling and impressive 
 manner delivered an address, to which the General replied in 
 his usual affectionate manner. 
 
 Having received invitations by Committees appointed for this 
 purpose, from Portland, Newport, Haverhill, Newburyport, 
 Plymouth, and from Bowdoin College, to honor each of these 
 places with a visit, the General left Boston, on Tuesday morn- 
 
APPENDIX. 45:; 
 
 mg for Portsmouth, New Hampshire. His route lay through 
 Chelsea, Lynn, Marblehead, Salem, Newburyport, &c. He 
 was escorted to the northern limit of the city, by the aids of the 
 Governour, and Committee of the city council, distinguished cit 
 izens, &c. The Governours aids attended him to the borders oi 
 New Hampshire. 
 
 Having received the congratulations and addresses of the inhab- 
 itants of Chelsea and Lynn, he arrived at Marblehead to break 
 fast. Here he was introduced to a great proportion of the in- 
 habitants and among them several veterans, who had distinguish 
 ed themselves by their naval exploits during the revolution. 
 
 At Salem, his reception was such as might have been expect 
 ed from so populous, wealthy and patriotic a town. When be 
 arrived within its limits, he was met by the authorities, commit- 
 tee of arrangements, &c. and as he approached, an escort was 
 formed, among which was 200 sailors dressed in blue jackets and 
 white trowsers, with badges in their hats. Arches had been 
 prepared, salutes were fired, the bells rang and the whole pop 
 ulation assembled to do him honour. 
 
 An appropriate address was delivered him, to which he repli- 
 ed in his usual brief, affectionate and satisfactory manner. 
 
 To carry La Fayette through every place where he was re 
 ceived by escorts, salutes and addresses, would be to the reader, 
 but a repetition of similar scenes. Wherever he went, he was 
 received with the same glowing enthusiasm. The small towns 
 vied with each other in showing their gratitude, by erecting tri- 
 umphal arches, firing salutes and assembling together. While 
 the large ones, made immense and costly preparations to honour 
 the "Nation's Guest." With these attempts the General ap- 
 peared to be equally pleased. A little village which could do 
 no more than give him a gun, and a hearty cheer, or strew his 
 path with flowers, or erect him an arch of evergreens, had hon- 
 oured him equally with the great city, which had expended 
 thousands to make his entry imposing and magnificent, and from 
 the General received the same grateful acknowledgments. 
 
 From Salem La Fayette continued his journey to Portsmouth, 
 New Hampshire. Here a cavalcade two miles in length, met 
 and conducted him to Franklin Hall amid the shouts of thou 
 sands who had assembled to congratulate him. Several addres 
 ses were delivered to him, and a splendid ball was given in the 
 evening in honour of the occasion. He left Portsmouth at 1 J 
 o'clock, on Wednesday night, to return to Boston. From Bos- 
 ton he passed through Lexington, Concord, and Bolton, to Wor^ 
 cester. At all these places he was received in the most patriot- 
 ic and flattering manner, the whole country ringing with salutes 
 and applauses. At Leicester he was addressed by the Reverend 
 Clergyman of the village, from a platform erected for the pur- 
 pose. 
 
 Having remained at Worcester several hours and received 
 the most distinguished marks of gratitude and honour from the 
 
454 APPENDIX. 
 
 inhabitants of that populous and wealthy town, La Fayette con 
 tinuedhis rapid journey towards Hartford, Connecticut. 
 
 The inhabitants of that city had sent a deputation to Boston 
 to be informed when his arrival might be expected, and had pre- 
 pared to receive him on Friday evening. But his entry did not 
 take place until Saturday morning-. He was received at the 
 line of the state by a committee, and ten miles from the town, 
 by an escort of the GovernourV horse guards. At Ids entrance 
 into the city a large body of infantry and artiller) were ready to 
 salute him, and in the yard of the State House, 800 children wear- 
 ing badges with the motto, " Nous vous airnons La Fayette,' 1 
 had an opportunity of seeing the General. He was addressed 
 by the Governour, and Mayor, and introduced to nearly 100 rev- 
 olutionary veterans. 
 
 Late in the afternoon he took the steam boat for New York. 
 He landed at Middletown, where he was received with even 
 mark of distinction, which gratitude, patriotism, and enterprize 
 could bestow. As the boat passed down the river, every village 
 near its banks were ready, either to fire a salute, to throw up 
 rockets, give him cheers, or illuminate their houses, and some of 
 them to do all. At Lyme, which the boat passed at midnight, Ji 
 great number of the inhabitants, ladies as well as gentlemen 
 were waiting in anxious expectation of his arrival. 
 
 The General reached New York on Sunday the 5th of Sep- 
 tember. On the two or three following days he visited the 
 schools in the city, dined with the Cincinnati Society, and with 
 the French gentlemen, in the evening went to the theatre, &c 
 Meantime there was preparing for him at Castle garden, the 
 most magnificentyete, that probably was ever seen in America 
 The extent of ground occupied for this purpose, was 175 feet in 
 diameter, and of a circular form. A floor was laid, and a galle 
 ry encircled the whole. An awning of canvas, supported by 
 pillars 75 feet high, composed the roof of this vast edifice, and it 
 was lighted by an immense and splendid cut glass chandelier, 
 with thirteen smaller ones appended. Six thousand persons at- 
 tended tkis ball, and eighty sets of cotillions were frequently on 
 the floor at the same time. 
 
 At 10 o'clock the General made his appearance and at half 
 past one, he took his departure in the steam boat for Albany. 
 
 At New burgh where he landed for a short time, 20,000 peoplt 
 had assembled to greet him. AtCatskill, and Hudson, he was 
 received with every mark of distinction and joy. 
 
 Great preparations had been made for his reception at Albany. 
 The military met and escorted him to town. The city was illu- 
 minated He was welcomed and cheered by 40,000 people. \ 
 splendid ball was given in his honour, which he attended. On 
 the following day, a great number of the inhabitants had the sat 
 isfaction of being introduced to him. 
 
 Having visited Troy and the grand canal, he returned to New 
 
APPENDIX. 455 
 
 York, which place he left again on the 23d of September, for 
 i^hiladelpbia. 
 
 He passed through New Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, &c. 
 and it is hardly necessary to repeat that at all these places, the 
 people did not fail to show him the same enthusiastic marks of 
 gratitude and distinction which he had so often witnessed at the 
 north. 
 
 TheGovernour of Pennsylvania and suite, met him thirty miles 
 from the capital, with an escort and a splendid barouche drawn 
 by six cream coloured horses for his accommodation. On his 
 approach to Philadelphia, he was saluted with 100 rounds of ar- 
 tillery. Nearly 6000 troops were drawn up to pay him military 
 honours. An immense procession was formed, which consumed 
 six hours in passing from Frankfort to the State House. Only a 
 small number of the different bodies which composed this pro- 
 cession can be enumerated. Three cars of dimensions sufficient 
 to contain 120 revolutionary veterans. Then 400 young men. 
 A car containing a printing press, where the workmen struck 
 offand distributed an ode, on the occasion. Then 300 weavers ; 
 150 ropemakers ; 100 shipbuilders; 700 mechanics, professions 
 not enumerated; 150 coopers; 150 butchers mounted; 260 
 carmen mounted ; 300 farmers, &c. &c. 
 
 The General alighted at the old State House, and entered the 
 Hall where the declaration of Independence was signed. This 
 Hall contains the Statue of Washington, the portraits of Penn. 
 FrankVin, Morris, Hopkinson, Greene, Wayne, Montgomery, 
 Hamilton, Gates, Hancock, Adams, Rochambeau, Carrol, 
 iM'Kean, Jefferson, Charles Thompson, Madison, and Monroe. 
 
 Gen. La Fayette was addressed by the Mayor of the city, by 
 the Frenchmen residing there, &c. Having spent several days 
 in Philadelphia, the General proceeded south towards Baltimore, 
 where he arrived on the 7th of October. No city through which 
 he bad passed gave him a more splendid and cordial reception 
 than this. As usual the military were called out. Processions 
 were formed, the city illuminated, a splendid ball given, a gold 
 medal presented by the young gentlemen, &c. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to follow the " Nation's Guest" further. 
 With the same marks of affection, and joyous enthusiasm he 
 was received at Washington, Georgetown, Yorktown, &e. 
 
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