(Z&.^ruw&e ~y//J///<;
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CAPTAIN JOHN DALTON.
Ff^om The Priginal Portrait, by Romney,
fr.T J^ANGTON j-fALL, ^VIaLTON.
MEMOIR
OF
CAPTAIN DALTON,
H.E.I.C.S.
DEFENDER OF TRICHINOPOLY, 1752-1753.
By
CHARLES I) ALTON, P.R.G.8.,
AUTHOR OF "LIFE AND TIMES OF GENERAL SIR EDWARD CECIL.'*
11 A gallant and able officer."
Malcolm's Life of Clive, i. 119.
LONDON:
W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATERLOO PLACE,
PALL MALL. S.W.
1886.
(All Bights reserved.)
t>.S470
PRINTED BY W. H. ALLEN AND CO., 13 WATERLOO PLACE, S.W.
HEJMRY MORlE STEPH«W»
cue
IN AFFECTIONATE MEMORY
OF
MY BELOVED AUNT AND FRIEND,
ISABELLA b ALTON.
a*
511728
PREFACE.
11 Facts are stubborn things."
The memoirs now offered to the reading public
were written some years ago, and a few copies
printed for private circulation. A revised
edition of these memoirs is now made public,
because I find that few, if any, outside the
immediate circle of Captain Dalton' s descend-
ants, are aware that Bobert Orme, the Indian
historian of the eighteenth century, transferred
a great part of the contents of the MS. journal
kept by Captain Dalton, during the last few years
of his service in India, to his History of the War
in India, which appeared in 1763. Much of the
credit that devolved upon Orme for his historical
production was really due to Dalton, and it is
because this fact still remains unknown that I
now publish the military memoirs of my great-
VI PREFACE.
grandfather, who supplied the historian with the
minute details which characterise a great part of
the first volume of a work which went through
four editions, and has supplied the foundation-
stone of all subsequent works relating to the
transactions of the British in India a hundred
and thirty odd years ago.
I have no wish to detract from the fame of the
mighty dead. I merely wish to do an act of
justice to the memory of a brave and single-
minded soldier, who, I am quite sure, desired no
public acknowledgment of the favour he con-
ferred upon the historian, by furnishing him
with the interesting chronicle of the stirring
military events which took place in Southern
India between 1750 and 1754.
Succeeding generations of biographers have
expressed their admiration of Orme's historical
powers. Here are two specimens : —
" Few historians," says Chalmers, "have
connected the events of their story with more
perspicuity or related them with more concise-
ness. "
" Orme, inferior to no English historian,' '
wrote Lord Macaulay, " in style and power of
PREFACE. VII
painting, is minute even to tediousness. In one
volume he allots on an average a closely printed
quarto page to the events of every forty-eight
hours. "
The lynx-eyed Macaulay saw, what other bio-
graphers failed to discover, the discrepancy in
style in parts of the Indian historian's work.
Had he known, what the reader now does, that
Orme had fitted in whole extracts from Captain
Dalton's Indian journal into his " History/'
weaving the whole together with the dexterity
and ingenuity of a first-class parlour-fire histo-
rian, he would not have wondered at the minute-
ness, which is more in keeping with a daily
journal than a history extending over many
years.
Again, Sir John Malcolm, who knew, from
Orme's own letters to Clive, that the historian
sent his proof-sheets to Lord Clive for correction,
and received maps and much valuable informa-
tion from that great soldier, does not appear to
have been aware of the existence of Dalton's
Journal, nor of Orme's wholesale extracts
from it.
" No apology," writes Malcolm in his Life of
V11J PEEFACE.
Clive, " is necessary for adopting his (Orme's)
narrative, which, in its very minuteness, is as
interesting as it is instructive.' '
During the last twelve months of Captain
Dalton's residence in India, Orme was absent
from that country, having returned to England ;
Clive was also in England ; so that Dalton's
journal, recording, as it did, the chief events in
Southern India during that stirring year, was
peculiarly valuable to a historian. If it be
thought unprecedented to disclose the secrets of
a historian who has been long dead, I may quote
a precisely similar case.
More than 250 years after Holinshed's
Chronicles appeared in print, a MS. journal
relating to the siege of Guisnes, and written by
Arthur Lord Grey de Wilton, was discovered in
an old box of deeds at Oulton Park, Cheshire,
and was found to coincide, nearly verbatim, with
the account given of that siege by Holinshed in
his Chronicles of England and Scotland. Holins-
hed never mentioned who furnished him with
this interesting journal, which he transferred
wholesale to his history ; and, on account of this
silence on his part, a member of the Grey de
PREFACE. IX
Wilton family, in 1847, published, in one of the
Camden Society's publications, the newly-dis-
covered journal of his ancestor, penned nearly
300 years before, and gave the parallel passages
from Holinshed, showing most clearly how the
old chronicler had copied entire passages from
the manuscript lent him by Lord Grey de
Wilton. Here, if it were wanted, is precedent
enough for my showing where Orme gleaned
some of his graphic descriptions. But in the
case of Captain Dalton's Journal, which contains
over 166 folio pages, there would be nothing
gained by publishing the entire MS. now, as the
pith of it is to be found in Orme's history. I
have given, in the following pages, more extracts
from Orme's history than from Dalton's journal,
as I feel, all the time I am quoting from Orme,
that my ancestor supplied the information,
although what he wrote in the bustle of camp
life, and in the few leisure moments at his dis-
posal, when commandant of the beleaguered town
of Trichinopoly, has, in some parts, been pruned
down to due historic proportions.
I am much indebted to my brother-in-law, the
Eev. C. B. Norcliffe, of Langton Hall, Malton,
X PREFACE.
for the extracts he has kindly copied for me from
Captain Dalton's journal — which valuable manu-
script is in his possession — as well as for the
tracings of the two military plans drawn by
Captain Dalton in his journal, and which I have
had lithographed, in a reduced size, for my
reprint.
I also am much indebted to my cousin Colonel
Yule, C.B., Member of the Indian Council, for
helping me to obtain access to the East India
Records in the India Office, from which records
I obtained much valuable information.
Finally, I have to acknowledge, with many
thanks, the courtesy and invariable civility I
have met with from the officials of the Public
Record Office, London, and the Record Office of
Ireland in Dublin.
C. DALTON.
32, West Cromwell Eoad,
London, S.W.
Sept. 15, 1886.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Introduction. — James Dalton appointed to the Sixth Regiment of
Foot. — Joins in Dublin. — The Archbishop's Visitation. — The Sixth
marches to Limerick, 1719. — Marriage of Lieut. James Dalton
— Birth of John Dalton, 1725. — The Sixth proceeds to Scotland,
1739. — War with Spain. — Ten new Regiments raised. — James
Dalton promoted Captain, 1740. — John Dalton obtains a Commis-
sion in Hanmer's Marine Regiment, 1741. — The Sixth embarks for
West Indies on Active Service. — Death of Captain James Dalton,
1742. — Remarks on the Climate of the West Indies, and of
Jamaica in particular.— The Old Marine Regiments - p. 1
CHAPTER II.
The Cruise of H.M.S. Preston, 1743-1748 - - - - p. 20
Xll CONTENTS,
CHAPTER III.
Retrospective Sketch of the East India Company's Affairs. — Strength
of their Army in 1748. — Peace signed between England and
France. — Reduction of the ten Marine Regiments. — Lieutenant
Dalton placed upon Half -pay. — He is appointed 1st Lieutenant of
an Independent Company by Admiral Boscawen. — Interesting
Letter from an Artillery Officer at Fort St. David to a Friend
at Woolwich. — Lieutenant Dalton joins the East India Company's
Service in 1749, and is made Captain of the Grenadier Company.
p. 41
CHAPTER IV.
The Rev. F Fordyce versus Lieutenant Clive and Captain Dalton.
p. 67
CHAPTEE V.
The First and Second Expeditions against Devi Cotah - p 65
CHAPTER VI.
Rival Princes. — War to the Knife p. 76
CONTENTS. X11J
CHAPTER VII.
(1751.)
Tho Nabob applies to tbe English for Assistance. — Troops sent to
Trichinopoly under Captain Cope. — Revolt at Madura. — Capture
of that City by Allum Khan. — Captain Cope offers to retake it. —
His Troops lay siege to tbe Place. — Failure of the Attack. — Their
Retreat. — Captain De Gingins sent with a large Force to assist
Mahommed AH. — Capture of Verdachelum. — Affair at Volcondah.
— Retreat of the Troops. — Remarks on the same. — French
Slanders. — Army retreats to Trichinopoly. — Captain Dalton com-
mands Advanced Post at Wootatoor and defeats the Enemy. —
Operations of the French. — Clive's Expedition to Arcot. — English
besieged at Trichinopoly by French and Chunda Saheb. — Nabob
asks Assistance from the Regent of Mysore. — Captain Dalton
defeats a Detachment of the Enemy. — Arrival of a Mahratta
Force. — Their Bravery and Success. — Disasters at Kistnavaram.
— Death of Captain Cope. — Captain Dalton ordered to proceed to
Kistnavaram to take the Command - p. 84
CHAPTER VIII.
(1752.)
Dalton arrives at Kistnavaram. — Interview with the Regent of Mysore.
— Operations against the Enemy. — The Mysorean army arrives
at Trichinopoly. — Clive's Successes in the Carnatic. — Discontent
of the Mysoreans and Mahrattas. — Lawrence arrives from
England, and marches with a Reinforcement to Trichinopoly. —
French try to intercept him. — Skirmishes with the Enemy. — Is
joined by Dalton with a large Detachment. — Encounters with
the Enemy. — Clive and Dalton gain an Advantage. — Dalton sent
with a Detachment to attack Chunda Saheb's Camp in the Night.
XIV CONTENTS.
— Is misled. — Captures Elmiserum. — Takes a Gun from the
Enemy on the other side of the Cavery. — Defeats D'Auteuil at
Wootatoor and captures Post. — Clive given Command of a large
Force. — Dalton joins Clive and serves under him as a Volunteer.
— Is wounded at the Reduction of Pitchandah by the Bursting of
a Gun. — Result of Clive's Operations against the Enemy. — Fate
of Chunda Saheb. — Dalton receives Surrender of the French at
Jumbakisna. — Is left Commandant of Trichinopoly by Lawrence.
p. 124
CHAPTER IX.
Dalton's Position as Commandant. — The Nabob's Secret Promises. —
State of Affairs in consequence. — Departure of the Nabob's and
Lawrence's Forces. — Plots against the Commandant. — His Life
in Danger. — Treachery and Bribery. — Counter-plot. — The Marplot
of Trichinopoly. — Precautions against Surprise. — Dalton's Letters
to the Governor and Council at Fort St. George - p. 146
CHAPTER X.
(1752-1753.)
The Regent's Starvation Scheme. — Dalton ordered to treat him as an
Enemy. — Marches in the Night and attacks Mysorean Camp. —
Action at Seringham. — Dalton's Despatches. — He turns the 700
Mysoreans out of the City. — Weakness of the Garrison. —
Famine p. 171
CONTENTS. XV
CHAPTER XI.
Lawrence's Despatch to the Governor and Council. — Startling Dis-
covery made by Dalton at Trichinopoly. — His Despatch to
Lawrence at Trivadi. — Lawrence marches with his whole Force
to Trichinopoly. — Dalton cannonades the Mysorean Camp and
captures Baggage and Grain. — Battle of the Golden Rock. —
Mahommed Ali insulted by his Troops in Trichinopoly, and not
allowed to leave his Palace. — Is rescued by Dalton and escorted
to Lawrence's Camp by the Grenadier Compan}\ — Famine Prices
in Trichinopoly. — The French Spy. — Is detected by Dalton, who
tries to entrap the French in their own Toils. — Lawrence arrives
with Provisions. — Second Battle of the Golden Rock. — Execution
of the French Spy. — Battle of the Sugar-Loaf Hill - p. 186
CHAPTER XII.
(1753-1754.)
Private Letters. — Dalton applies to be relieved from the Command
of Trichinopoly. — His Resignation not accepted. — Ill-health the
Cause of his Request. — His Letter to the Council at Fort St.
George. — Their Reply. — Dalton's own Account of his Departure
from Trichinopoly. — Volunteers to relieve Palam Cotah. — Night
Attack on Trichinopoly by the French. — Dalton's Battery de-
scribed. — Result of the Attack. — Dalton resigns his Commission
March 1st, 1754. — Is thanked by the Governor and Council for
his Services. — Sails for England March 10 - - - p. 209
XVI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XIII.
Conclusion ------- ..p 232
Appendix p. 241
Flarv of VolcondcuTort, & the actiorv that happened near il, June 19 r 1751.
A. Volconda
Citadel.
B. The Town.
C. Mud-walled
Village.
D. English
Guards.
E. English Bat-
talion.
F. French Bat-
talion in
march to gain
the Water-
course.
G. Chunda's
Army.
H. Advanced
party of the
Enemy march.
I. Our advanced
Guard before
the Action.
K. French
Camp.
L. Chunda's
Camp.
M. Our Bomb
Battery.
N. English
Camp.
O. Our Cofferys
advancing to
stop the Ene-
my's march.
P. Our Grena-
diers and
some Sipoys
supporting
the Cofferys.
Q. Nabob's
Horse.
B. His Camp.
S, Sipoys.
T. A Portugue
Company and
some Sipoys
with 3 Guns
belonging to
the Nabob.
U. Small ad-
vanced Party
from our Gre-
nadiers before
the Action.
W. Two of the
Enemy'sGuns
which, made
our Battalion
retreat while
our Coffreys
were engaged.
X. Encampment
of the Enemy
after the Ac-
tion.
Y. Our Retreat.
J\
\C
■*&
'Sipoys
J? mt hzrGrenadurs and
^before DurAmorv
: i !
3- S J3%= *±\\A
Plan, of the Action near Wootatoor, July 13^1751.
Note. -All those with- Blade Colcrurs
are belonging to ike Enemy
t
f7| Tost far the security of the.
fy^zri?*- Rear of our Camp.
the Enemy encamped aftiW^ iheArturrv
t.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON
CHAPTER I.
Introduction. — James Dalton appointed to the Sixth Regiment of
Foot. — Joins in Dublin. — The Archbishop's Visitation. — The Sixth
marches to Limerick, 1719. — Marriage of Lieut. James Dalton.
— Birth of John Dalton, 1725. — The Sixth proceeds to Scotland,
1739. — War with Spain. — Ten new Regiments raised. — James
Dalton promoted Captain, 1740. — John Dalton obtains a Commis-
sion in Hanmer's Marine Regiment, 1741. — The Sixth embarks for
West Indies on Active Service. — Death of Captain James Dalton,
1742. — Remarks on the Climate of the West Indies, and of
Jamaica in particular. — The Old Marine Regiments.
TN the Illustrated London News of September 16,
1854, there is a picture of a new railway bridge
across the Cavery, uniting Trichinopoly with the island
of Seringham, and the description of Trichinopoly
begins as follows : — " Trichinopoly, once the strong-
hold of British power in Southern India, and rendered
1
Y
% MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN ID ALTON,
famous by the deeds of Clive, Lawrence, Dalton, and
other heroes/' &c.
The successful defence of Trichinopoly against the
French and their allies in 1752-53 by Captain John
Dalton, the Commandant, is recorded in every history
of British India ; but the pleasant task of first making
public the memoirs of Captain Dalton's military life,
and giving some details of the family of Dalton, has
now fallen to my lot.
The father of the subject of these memoirs was
Captain James Dalton, of the 6th Regiment of Foot,
who came of an old Yorkshire family which had been
long settled in the East Riding prior to removing into
Richmond shire. James Dalton was great-grandson of
that Lieutenant- Colonel John Dalton of Caley Hall
near Otley, who, on the outbreak of the great Civil
War, served under his brother-in-law, the Lord Darcy,
in the Royalist army, and was dangerously wounded
•on July 5, 1643, on passing the bridge of Burton-
on-Trent # while conducting Queen Henrietta Mariaf
from Bridlington to Oxford. Colonel Dalton never
* Sir Thomas Tyldesley (as he soon after became) forced the
bridge of Burton-upon-Trent by a desperate charge of cavalry.
f On February 22, 1642-3, Queen Henrietta Maria landed at Brid-
lington, -was at York, March 30, at Newark, June 27, and met her
husband July 13. See Miss Strickland's Lives of the Queens of
England, vol. iv. pp. 217-227 ; edit. 1877.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 3
recovered from this wound, and, after twelve months
of ill-health, died at York on July 24, 1644, and
received honourable burial in York Minster. The
following touching entry was inscribed by Sir William
Dalton,* the deceased officer's father, on the fly-leaf
of a law-bookf where he had chronicled the births and
deaths of his children and grandchildren : —
" My only sonne John Dalton was wounded at
Burton upon Trente the fift of July 1643 and thereof
dyed the 24 or 25th of July 1644, who was A valiant
man and A duetyfull and lovinge sonne."
In 1627 Colonel Dalton had married Dorothy Darcy,
daughter of Conyers Lord Darcy, by Dorothy, daughter
of Sir Henry Bellasis, Knight and Baronet, whose wife
(Ursula) was daughter of that Sir Thomas Fairfax
of Denton who had served as a soldier of fortune
in Italy and Germany. Besides other issue, Colonel
Dalton left at his decease two sons, William and
Thomas. William, the eldest son, was knighted by
Charles II. for the services he and his father had
* Sir William Dalton, of Hauxwell, Knt., Attorney-General to the
Northern Court at York, was knighted at Whitehall, April 28, 1629.
He married Theophane Booth, of the ancient family of Booth of
Killingholm, Lincolnshire. He died in January 1649, and was buried
in York Minster.
t This interesting old book, with its quaint family registers, is in
the possession of the Rev. C. B. Norcliffe, Langton HalL
l *
4 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
rendered during the Civil Wars. The second son,.
Thomas, settled at Bedale, and, marrying Anne,
daughter of Sir Marmaduke Wyvill, Bart., of Con-
stable Burton, was father of John Dalton of Bedale,
who, dying in 1701, left an only child, James.
On May 2, 1718, in the nineteenth year of his age,
James Dalton was gazetted Ensign in the Royal War-
wickshire Regiment of Foot, then commanded by
Colonel Robert Dormer, being the 6th Line Regiment.
In the following month he joined in Dublin. A good
idea of the state of Ireland may be gathered from a
general order issued to the officers commanding Hi&
Majesty's Forces in that kingdom : —
" Whereas His Grace the Lord Archbishop of
Dublin, one of the Lords Justices of the Kingdom,
is going on his Visitation to Kilkenny, and that it will
be for His Grace's safety to have a guard to attend
him on some parts of his Road thither and back again,
where the country is infested with Tories, Robbers,
and Rapparees, these are to direct and require you to
send with His Grace the Lord Archbishop such a
number of men through such parts of the Road, lead-
ing to and from Kilkenny, as His Grace shall think fit
to attend him for his safety. Each party when relieved
are to return to their former Garrison. The Civil
Magistrates being to provide them with convenient
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 5
quarters on their march according to Law. Given,
&c, 28 May, 1718."*
In July 1719 Dormer's regiment marched from
Dublin to Limerick, where it was stationed some time.
James Dalton was made Lieutenant on August 29,
1721, and a year or two after was appointed subaltern
to the Grenadier Company of his regiment. There is
a tradition in his family that his sword and pistols were
by no means idle during his long service as a sub-
altern officer in Ireland, and that the duels he fought
earned him the sobriquet of " Fighting" Jem Dalton.
He married Miss Elizabeth Smith of Limerick, and
had an only child, John Dalton, the subject of this
memoir, who was born about the close of 1725 in
Dublin, or Dublin County, where Dormer's regiment
was then stationed.
In the summer of 1739 ten regiments on the Irish
establishment, of which Guise's, late Dormer's, was
one, were brought over to Britain. Stirring times
were at hand. Another war between Great Britain
and Spain having become inevitable, the army was
increased and the establishment of Guise's regiment
was augmented. This augmentation promoted James
Dalton to be captain, his commission being dated
* From a copy in the Record Office of Ireland, Dublin.
6 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTOK.
January 19, 1739-40; and John Guise, the colonel of
this regiment, was made a brigadier-general.
Early in 1740 six regiments of marines were raised
to serve under Admiral Vernon in the West Indies.
A war with Spain — a war in itself just and necessary,
and entered into by the repeated advice oE both
Houses of Parliament — was most popular. The
enthusiasm through the country was intense. Officers
on half -pay, and those civilians who desired commis-
sions, flocked up to London in large numbers to
try and get appointed to the new regiments. The
newspapers gave out that some considerable enterprise
would be undertaken as soon as the marine forces were
ready for service. Recruiting went on so merrily that
the six marine regiments of about one thousand men
each were speedily formed. George II., finding the war
so popular, ordered four more marine regiments to be
raised in the autumn of 1740. These additional regi-
ments were raised directly after the first embarkation
of the troops, in October 1740, who sailed under the
convoy of a naval force commanded by Sir Chaloner
Ogle — the troops being under the command of the
gallant Lord Cathcart.
One of the four new marine regiments was raised in
November 1740, and, in December, Colonel William
Hanmer, who came of the old Flintshire family of
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 7
that name, was appointed to be colonel and captain of
a company in the said regiment.* In those days
every regiment was called by the name of its then
colonel, and accordingly, this marine regiment, which
was really the 8th Marines, was called " Hanmer's "
Marines. Captain James Dalton applied for and ob-
tained a commission for his son, as second lieutenant
in Hanmer's Marines, and, on February 6, 1741, John
Dalton — then only fifteen — was appointed to Hanmer's
regiment. In those days the Gazettes took little or
no notice of subaltern officers, and, in looking through
volumes of the London Gazette, I find but few promo-
tions or appointments chronicled, under the rank of
captain. The information I received from the War
Office, fortunately provides me with the date of John
Dalton's first commission. I conclude that his first
commission was purchased, and a good sum paid for it
too, as I read in the London Daily Post for " February
19, 1742," that the marine officers who went out
with Admiral Vernon's expedition had paid such " vast
sums of money for their commissions to a certain
Secretary, that it was expected that there would be a
Parliamentary enquiry about it." I suppose this
* " Wm. Hanmer, Esq., to be colonel of a new raised regiment of
marines." — London Gazette, December 1740.
8 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
" extortion " was practised upon all the new regiments,
whether they went abroad or not.
Having started our young marine subaltern on his
military career, I must return for a brief time to his
father, who was with his regiment at Inverlochy in
Inverness-shire. Guise's regiment had received orders,
in July 1741, to hold itself in readiness to embark on
active service. " 'Tis said," wrote a Scotch correspon-
dent of the London Daily Post under date of August
25, 1741, "that Guise's regiment and some other
troops will immediately embark on board some trans-
ports from Clyde for Cork, which is reported will be
the place of rendezvous of the force designed for
America. His Excellency General Clayton* set out
yesterday for Inverlochy where that regiment is quar-
tered." Before this review, which was preliminary to
the immediate departure of the regiment, took place,
Captain James Dalton had set his affairs in order and
executed a deed which provided for his wife's main-
tenance during his absence abroad, and, in case of his
death, left her in sole possession of all his worldly
goods. This will, which is short and soldierly, begins
as follows : —
" Know all men by these presents I Captain James
* Major- General Jasper Clayton, Colonel of the 14th Regiment and
Commander-in-Chief in Scotland, 1741.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 9
Dalton of the Honble. Brigadier Guise's Regiment of
Foot to have made constituted and appointed and
by these presents to make constitute and appoint
and in my place depute Elizabeth Dalton my beloved
wife my true and lawfull attorney procuratrix for
me the said Captain James Dalton and in my
name stead and place to receive from Robert Mit-
chiner Esqre Paymaster to the said Brigadier
Guise's Regiment or any other paymaster who may
hereafter be appointed Paymaster to the said Regi-
ment the sum of four pounds sterling money to
be payd monthly to her out of my subsistence* during
all the days of my lifetime . . . and in the event of
my death and of her surviving me then and in that
case I hereby give convey and bequeath to the said
Elizabeth Dalton my wife all goods and sums of money
pertaining and belonging to me or that will be justly
due me by bills bonds ticketts accounts arrears of my
pay or any other manner or way whatsomever the time
of my decease hereby ordaining constituting and ap-
pointing the said Elizabeth Dalton my wife my sole
executrix of this my last Will and Testament. . . .
In testimony whereof I the said James Dalton have
hereunto sett my hand and seal at Inverness in North
* A captain's pay in 1740 was 10s. a day.
10 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Britain this thirteenth day of August in the year of
our Lord one thousand seven hundred and forty-one.
. . . James Dalton."*
It is noticeable in this will that James Dalton makes
no mention whatever of his only son. He left every-
thing to his beloved wife, and he had but little to leave
behind him. His son had been fairly started in life
and was expected to make his own way independent of
his mother. The son did not fall short of his father's
expectations.
Early in September 1741, the Scotch correspondent
of the London Evening Post sent the following bit of
news to that paper, relative to Guise's regiment —
Guise's " Geese," as they were jocularly termed by
military wags : —
" We hear from Glasgow that Guise's Regiment of
Foot is marched for Greenock, in order to be embarked
on board the transports for Jamaica ; that the officers
and soldiers were all well and in high spirits, and that,
of the whole regiment, not four private men had
deserted."
When it is remembered that nothing but misfortunes
and reverses had befallen the British troops since they
* From a copy of the original will at Somerset House, London.
Registered 156 Boycott.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 11
had left England in the previous autumn, the enthusiasm
of all the troops now about to be sent to reinforce the
British forces in the West Indies is highly to their
credit. The expedition against Carthagena in South
America had proved an utter failure, and, what was
worse, had cost many brave lives. Fever, dysentery,
and epidemics peculiar to the Spanish Main, had deci-
mated the troops. Officers and men suffered alike.
Lord Cathcart, the Commander-in-Chief of the land
forces, had died of dysentery at the Island of St.
Christopher at the very outset of the campaign. He
was badly replaced by Brigadier- General Went worth,
between whom and Admiral Vernon, the naval Com-
mander-in-Chief, there was not always the cordial co-
operation so necessary for success in a combined naval
and military expedition. The reports of the losses and
sufferings of the British troops before Carthagena,
and in the Island of Cuba, where they were stationed
for some months, were fully chronicled in the London
papers, and from them copied into other journals. So
popular was a Spanish war, however, that when volun-
teers were called for from other regiments, to raise the
regiments ordered on active service up to their war
strength, whole companies volunteered for the service,
and clamoured to go. Tommy Atkins, a hundred and
fifty years ago, looked with the same contempt on a
12 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON.
Spaniard as his sons and grandsons did on the French
at the commencement of the great Peninsular War, as
recorded in the doggerel : —
Two d d Frenchmen, one Portugee,
One jolly Englishman lick all three I
Nor were the officers any less enthusiastic than the
men. The 1st Royals was a two- battalion regiment,
and only a certain number of companies were ordered
on active service. One battalion was at Cork and the
other at Edinburgh. The captains of both battalions
agreed to draw lots as to which companies should go
abroad. In the Evening Post is this entry : —
" Cork, October 6, 1741 .—The Captains of the Royal
Regiment have drawn lots for the companies to go to
the West Indies, and the Lieutenants and Ensigns are
to draw lots to-morrow."
Those who drew lucky numbers, as they considered,
went with the expedition. Poor fellows ! Most of
them had drawn their death-warrants, as but few lived
to return home. Here is an extract from another
London paper showing the martial spirit evinced by
all ranks : —
"Cork, October 23, 1741. — All the troops are well
and in full spirits, and amount to between 3,000 and
4,000 men. Vast numbers of the men whose lot it
was to stay at home are greatly troubled. In one case,
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 13
where two men had cast lots to go, the one who had to
stay had but six shillings in the world, and he gave it
to his comrade to go in his stead."*
I find from the Evening Post that the fleet, having
on board the Royals, Blakeney's and Guise's regiments
(Guise's being under the command of Lieutenant-
Colonel Murray in the absence of its colonel, Brigadier
Guise, who had gone out with the troops in the previous
autumn as one of the four brigadiers), sailed from Cork,
October 24, 1741, with a convoy of fifty ships, bound
for the West Indies.
An epidemic having broken out at the British camp
in Cuba, the troops were re-embarked and conveyed to
Jamaica in November. The change does not seem to
have been profitable, and an English officer writing
from Jamaica, early in 1742, to a friend in England,
said there was no need for the Spaniards to attack
them, as they were dying off as fast as their enemy
could wish ! The same writer mentions a naval expe-
dition, with a few troops on board, being despatched
from Jamaica in the spring of 1742 to make a descent
upon some Spanish port ; but no good fortune attended
it. I believe it to have been in one of these futile
expeditions that Captain James Dalton lost his life, as
* London Daily Post, Nov. 5, 1741.
14 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
he was drowned when making a landing in the West
Indies in the spring of 1742. In the Gentleman's
Magazine for 1742 I find the following notice : —
" Died in the West Indies, from March 8 to May 18,
Guise's regiment, Captains Hunt, Bell, and Dalton, and
«ight lieutenants."
Thus, in less than three months, were half the officers
in one regiment swept away. Under date of August 27,
in this year, the London Daily Post has this sad
notice : —
" Various letters from Jamaica bring advice that the
last land forces that were sent over thither have been
so impaired by sickness that there are not half of them
capable to bear arms."
All through the winter months the transports came
staggering home, under-manned, ill-victualled, and
often without their commanders, who had perished
from disease in the West Indies."* These transports
brought the shattered remnants of a once fine army.
No regiments suffered more than the Marine regi-
ments, as is plainly, set forth in the London Evening
Post.
* " No less than forty of the commanders of the transports which
took out the troops to the West Indies in October, 1740, died there in
the space of a few months." — London Daily Post, 1741.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 15
" April 13, 1743. — Yesterday Brigadier- General
Blakeney's Regiment of Marines — which consists
only of 18 men out of 800, who either died or were
killed in the West Indies — landed from Jamaica."
Here is another extract regarding Colonel Robinson's
Marine regiment, which had been raised in Yorkshire
early in 1740, and had formerly consisted of " picked
Yorkshiremen " : —
" Some marines arrived from Jamaica say that the
unhealthiness of the climate is so great, that of
Cochran's and Robinson's marine regiments hardly
anything is left but the names."
Captain James Dalton's widow waited until the
return of her husband's regiment to Great Britain
before proceeding to prove his will, and it was not
until May 9, 1743, that the before-mentioned will
was proved in London by his widow.
There is no doubt that Captain Dalton left his widow
Tery badly provided for. Being of the younger branch
of his family, he had no property of his own, the
family property being then in the possession of Sir
Charles Dalton, Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod,
grandson of Colonel Dalton the Cavalier officer. The
pension for a captain's widow in those days was only
£26 a year, and I doubt if Mrs. Dalton had much
money of her own.
16 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
I must now return to "her son, and say something
about his regiment.
In September 1741, Colonel Hanmer died, and
the Colonelcy of the regiment remained vacant
till March 1743, when it was bestowed on Lieu-
tenant-Colonel John Duncomb of the Foot Guards.
London Gazette — " March 1743. Lieutenant-Colonel
John Duncomb., to be Colonel of Marines, late
Hanmer's, and Captain of a Company. " Where the
regiment was from 1741 to 1743 does not appear,
but I am very certain that it was not on active
service, as John Dalton was five years a second lieu-
tenant, which stagnation in promotion meant home
service.
Before proceeding to the next landmark in Lieu-
tenant Dalton' s career, I must say a few words about
the Marine regiments of that time, as they were on a
different footing to the present corps of Royal Marines,
which was not formed until 1755, and with which the
ten Marine regiments of 1740 must not be con-
founded.
It was the " Merry Monarch" who first introduced
Marines into the British service. By his orders six
companies of fi lande souldiers *' were raised as a regi-
ment to serve on board the fleet. This regiment,
which was numbered the Third, the Admiral's, or
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 17
Duke of York's Maritime Regiment, afterwards became
a land corps exclusively, and was eventually honoured
by being incorporated with General Monk's proud
Coldstream Guards. William III. improved on
Charles II. 's " Maritime Regiment/' and by his direc-
tion two Marine regiments were raised and placed on
the establishment of the Royal Navy. Grose, in his
Military Antiquities, records that, when required, the
rank and file were discharged from their regiments and
entered on a ship's books, as foremast men, as soon as
they became qualified for such duties. Several Marine
regiments were levied by Queen Anne to serve with
the Fleet and on land, when occasion required, but to
serve as soldiers, and not as sailors as in the previous
reign. The 30th, 31st, and 32nd regiments of the
Line were originally Marine regiments, and the two
latter were raised in 1702 to go with Sir George
Rooke's fleet to the Spanish coast. After the Peace of
Utrecht, in 1713, all the Marine regiments were dis-
banded, and it was not till the close of 1739, when
active preparations were being made for war with
Spain, that these popular regiments of " Jollies/' as
the sailors termed them, were again raised. We
have already seen, ten Marine regiments were raised
in 1740, and, as they were to go on active service,
members of the best families in England were glad to
2
18 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
obtain commissions in them. They were purchase
regiments and were officered from the Line. Promo-
tion was rapid, and exchanges to and from Line regi-
ments could be easily effected; but all this ceased
when the Corp3 of Royal Marines was raised in 1755.
History does not record whether these old Marine
regiments were credited with the inordinate amount
of tale-believing credulityt hat sailors are said to lay
to the charge of the Marines of this century ; but as
they were a good deal on land in those good old days,
they probably had to swallow some strange yarns from
" Jack M when they went afloat. Before leaving the
subject of the old Marine regiments, it is necessary
to state that they ranked after the 43rd regiment of
the Line. Thus the 44th was Churchill's 1st Marines,
which consisted of ten companies of 100 men each ;
the 45th was Frazer's 2nd Marines; the 46th was
Holmes's 3rd Marines ; the 47th was Byng's 4th
Marines ; the 48th was Cochran's 5th Marines ; the
49th was Robinson's 6th Marines ; the 50th was
Cornwall's 7th Marines; the 51st was Duncomb's
8th Marines; the 52nd was Powlett's 9th Marines;
and the 53rd was Sir Andrew Agnew's 10th Marines.
In 1747 there were sixty-six Line regiments, including
the above ten Marine regiments. When the ten
Marine regiments were reduced in 1748 and 1749, the
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 19
Line regiments below the ten Marine regiments
ranked after the 43rd regiment according to seniority,
but none of the regiments were called by their
seniority numbers till 1751 ; before that date each
regiment was called after its colonel for the time
being.
20 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
CHAPTEE II.
The Cruise of H.M.S. " Preston," 1743-1748.
On December 12, 1743, John Dalton was appointed
2nd Lieutenant of Marines to H.M.S. " Preston,"
of 50 guns — then at Spithead — commanded by Captain
the Earl of Northesk,* with a complement of 300 men.
The Marines only numbered twenty-four, including the
officer.
After a short cruise in the Downs the " Preston"
returned to Spithead, and in March, 1744, sailed from
Portsmouth with Commodore Barnet's squadron for
India, and the following extract from the London
Gazette gives us the object of the expedition : —
" In consequence of applications made by the East
India Company to the Lords of the Admiralty, Com-
modore Barnet, with the ships under his command,
* The Right Hon. George Carnegie, sixth Earl of Northesk, was
appointed to the " Preston " on September 14, 1742. — London Daily
Post.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
21
viz., the ' Deptford ' and ' Medway ' of 60 guns, the
1 Preston ' of 50, and one of 20, sailed from Ports-
mouth for India to protect settlements in those
parts."
From the muster books of the " Preston " at the
Public Record Office, I have been able to trace all the
movements of this ship, which, supplemented by
extracts from historical works, fill in the history of
the " Preston's " cruise and furnish us with mile-stones
and finger-posts, speaking metaphorically, in Lieu-
tenant Dalton's early career.
Feb. 20, 1744
The Downs.
March 30, 1744
May 2, 1744
May 29, 1744
June 5, 1744
Spithead.
At sea.
St. Jago.
At sea.
August 29, 1744
do.
Extract from the London Gazette, August 1744 : —
" Letters from Commodore Barnet who arrived at
Porto Pray a on the island of St. Jago, 26th of May
last, with a squadron of His Majesty's ships under his
command, gives an account that he found rideing in
the road a Spanish privateer called the ' Amiable
Maria' of 14 carriage and 12 swivel guns and 79
22
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
men, together with a Pink of about 250 Tons under
Spanish colours, which he at first took no notice of,
having no intention to violate the neutrality of the
King of Portugal's Port, but being afterwards informed
that Privateer had taken Pink together with a Brigan-
tine and burnt two other English ships which were all
at anchor in the Island of May, and whose men they
left on that island, the Commodore acquainted the
Governor that finding Privateer had so notoriously
violated Neutrality of Island of May, he did not think
himself obliged to observe any with regard to her, and
he accordingly summoned Privateer and Pink to sur-
render, which they did, and he took possession of
them.' ,
Sept. 4, 1744
Sept. 13, 1744
Sept. 21, 1744
Nov. 7, 1744
Nov. 14, 1744
Dec. 13, 1744
Feb. 4, 1745
Feb. 22, 1745
April 29, 1745
May 6, 1745
June 3, 1745
July 22, 1745
St. Augustine Bay.
Madagascar.
At sea.
At Prince's Island.
Batavia.
Anchored off Luceparas.
Straights of Sunda.
Batavia Road.
Sunda.
At sea.
Off Ceylon.
Fort St. David.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 23
The following extracts from Orme's History of India,
explain the above cruise of the " Preston w : —
M War was now declared between Great Britain and
France, in consequence of which a squadron of English
men of war appeared in the Indian seas. It consisted
of two 60-gun ships, one of 50 and a frigate of
20 guns : these ships did not come immediately to the
English settlements in Indostan, but passing beyond
them cruised in two divisions in the straights of
Sunda and Malacca. They took in these stations
three French ships returning from China to Europe,*
and one returning from Manilla to Pondicherry ; the
cargoes of which produced £180,000 sterling
After rendezvousing at Batavia, the squadron united
appeared on the Coast of Coromandel in the month of
July 1745, at which time the garrison of Pondicherry
consisted of no more than 436 Europeans \ its fortifica-
tions were not completed, and no French squadron
had hitherto appeared in India."
The French Governor of Pondicherry was so alarmed
for the safety of that place, that he asked the Nabob of
Arcot to insist with the English Company at Madras
that Commodore Barnet should confine his operations to
* Commodore Barnet took a French 50-gun ship and three prizes.
(Campbell's Naval History, vol. iv. page 54.)
24 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
the sea. The Nabob being won over to this one-sided
bargain, ordered the English Governor to inform the
Commodore that no hostilities must take place on land,
or he — the Nabob of the Carnatic — would make the
town of Madras suffer for it. "This threat," says
Orme, " made so much impression upon the government
of Madras, that they requested and prevailed on Com-
modore Barnet to confine his operations to the sea.
He therefore sent one of the 50-gun ships to cruise in
the road of Balasore at the entrance of the river
Ganges, where she took two or three French ships
returning from different parts of India to the French
settlements in Bengal/' The ship sent to Balasore
was the " Preston," as the following dates show : —
August 14, 1745 . . At sea.
Sept. 4, 1745 ... In Balasore road.
From the log-book of the " Preston " for 1745 (now
at the Public Record Office), I read that on August
22 she captured the French ship " Heureux," and
on September 15 she took a French and a Dutch
ship. From the short account given in the log book,
I gather that there was a sharp action between the
"Heureux" and the " Preston " before the former
struck her flag, but the (< Preston " only lost one boy in
the engagement. The capture of these ships — added
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 25
to those captured in the straits of Sunda — would give
a fair share of prize-money to the officers on board,
amongst whom was our Lieutenant of Marines. In
those good old days, officers got their full share of prize-
money, and had not to wait many years for it as they
have now-a-days, and sometimes never get it at all.
Now to return to the cruise of the " Preston " : —
Sept. 21, 1745 . Off the island Negrais.
Nov. 7, 1745
Nov. 30, 1745
Jan. 22, 1746
Jan. 29, 1746
Feb. 27, 1746
May 7, 1746
June 9, 1746
Do. King's Island.
At sea.
Fort St. George.
Off Pondicherrie.
Fort St. David.
Off Caricale.
Negapatam Road.
Extract from Orme's History of India, vol. i.
page 62 : —
" There was now certain intelligence that a French
squadron was preparing to come on the coast of Coro-
mandel, when that of the English was deprived of one
of its chief advantages by losing Commodore Barnet,
who died at Fort St. David in April. His death, hap-
pening at a time when the English affairs in India were
threatened with danger, was generally regretted as a
public loss; and, indeed, he was a man of great abilities
in sea affairs."
26 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
On June 25th the English squadron, cruising near
Negapatam, descried the French squadron, which con-
sisted of nine ships, and was commanded by De La
Bourdonnais, an experienced French admiral. Five of
them were 50-gun ships, and on board the ships were
3,300 men. The English squadron consisted o£ five
ships and a frigate, with only half the number of men
on board them that the French had. Captain Peyton
— as the senior officer — commanded. An engagement
took place between the two fleets, but at such a distance
that but little damage was done. The fight began at
four in the afternoon and finished that evening. The
English had 14 killed and 46 wounded. One of the
French ships was dismasted and much shattered. Not-
withstanding this, Captain Peyton, alarmed at the
superior strength of the enemy, called a Council of
War next morning, and it was resolved not to venture
a second engagement till they were better prepared to
meet the enemy.
"When a commander-in-chief," says Campbell, " in-
vested with full power to act by his sole authority, calls
a Council of War, it creates a strong suspicion that he
wants to divide the blame of an unjust action. . . .
Peyton disappeared, and sailed the Lord knows
whither."
After the English squadron had refitted in the
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON. 27
harbour of Trincomalee, they proceeded northward,
and on the 24th July sighted the French squadron.
" The English," says Orme, " perceiving the addi-
tion of cannon, with which the enemy had been sup-
plied at Pondicherry, avoided an engagement. The
two squadrons were three days in sight of each other,
after which, according to M. De La Bourdonnais*
account, the English ships, availing themselves of the
advantage of sailing better than the French, disap-
peared."
Such were the facts of the case, and it is useless
to make any remarks about the policy of the English
commander. Least said soonest mended. Where he
took his squadron will be seen below : —
July 21, 1746 . . Off Fryer's Hood.
Aug. 23, 1746 . . Pullicat Road.
Aug. 27, 1746 . . At Sea.
Sept. 8, 1746 . . Hughley River.
While the English ships were on their way to
Bengal, Admiral De La Bourdonnais prepared to lay
siege to Madras. The English Company were much
alarmed at these preparations, and applied to the
Nabob of Arcot to restrain the French from com-
mitting hostilities against them by land.
"But," says Orme, "they omitted to employ the
most certain means of obtaining his protection by
28 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
neglecting to accompany their application for his
assistance with a present of money. This ill-judged
parsimony left the Nabob so lukewarm in their
interests, that, although he did not give M. Dupleix
(Governor of Pondicherry) a positive permission, he
refrained from making any preparations, or even
from using menaces to prevent the French from
attacking Madras/'
Madras was doomed. The French troops landed
four leagues to the south of the town on September 3,
and the next day advanced within cannon-shot of the
place. After a week's siege, the town was delivered
up to the French, and the English surrendered them-
selves prisoners of war. The French admiral agreed
to allow the English to ransom the town, and promised
to settle the ransom on easy and moderate terms.*
While the siege was in progress, the Nabob of Arcot
sent a message to Dupleix, reproaching him for attack-
ing Madras, and threatening to send an army there if
the siege was not immediately raised. This message
arrived the day that Madras capitulated, and Dupleix,
in order to pacify the Nabob, sent him word that the
town should be given up to him, and he could make
his own terms with the English for their ransoming it.
* Ortne, vol. i., page 68.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 29
Bourdonnais, who was a man of high honour and
integrity, would not agree to this, and proceeded to
treat with the English for the ransom of the town.
Dupleix claimed the sole right of disposing of Madras
as being Governor-General of the French establish-
ments in India, and the Council of Pondicherry backed
him up. Disputes ensued between the two rivals, which,
in all probability, saved the English Company from total
destruction, as, on September 27, three French
ships of war arrived, with a large reinforcement of
troops, sufficient to have conquered all the English
settlements — which was the intention of Bourdon-
nais, if Dupleix had not thwarted him in all his
plans.
History repeats itself. From the most remote ages
down to the present time, that demon Discord and
that arch-fiend Jealousy have marred the greatest
achievements. Sceptres have fallen, kingdoms have
been lost, armies have been routed, the strongest
fortresses taken, simply and entirely because those set
in authority cannot agree amongst themselves, cannot
curb their ambition, and cannot set aside for a moment
their own individual interests, even though the enemy
be thundering at the city gates. Here is a case in
point. If Dupleix and Bourdonnais had only gone
hand in hand, they might have carried all before them ;
30 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
but they let the golden moment pass, and their chance
was lost. An enemy who never delays came upon them
— the northern monsoon. This terrific hurricane, which
rages along the coast every autumn, set in with unusual
violence the beginning of October, and six of the French
ships in the Madras roads were driven out to sea ; five
were dismasted and one foundered.
"The articles of the treaty of ransom had been
adjusted," says Orme, " the day before the storm
happened. It was agreed that the French should
evacuate the town by the 4th of October ; and by one
of the articles the artillery and warlike stores remain-
ing in the town were to be equally divided between the
French and English."
Dupleix, who had his own dishonourable schemes in
view, insisted on the French retaining Madras for
three months, and Bourdonnais was obliged to request
the English to accept these terms, which they did,
and the treaty was signed on October 10. The
ransom of the town was fixed at £440,000. Hardly
had Bourdonnais sailed away with his shattered fleet,
than the Nabob of Arcot made preparations for seizing
on Madras, which he saw Dupleix had no intention of
delivering up to him. The Nabob's army laid siege to
the town, but was speedily routed by a French detach-
ment sent against it, and the French remained undis-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 31
puted conquerors of the field. This victory gave
Dupleix the pretext he wanted ; he declared the treaty
of ransom to be null and void.
" The English were enjoined," says the historian
Orme, " to deliver up the keys of all magazines without
exception — all merchandises, plate, provisions, warlike
stores and horses were declared the property of the
French Company."
After this flagrant breach of faith the French troops
prepared to attack Fort St. David, the stronghold of
the English. The English applied to the Nabob for
assistance, and he — smarting with the memory of
defeat — sent a large force to assist them, and they
were thus able to repel the attacks of the French.
Thus ended the year 1746, and the beginning of 1747
found the French army before Fort St. David.
In 1746 Captain John Amherst (younger brother of
Jeffery, first Lord Amherst) succeeded Lord Northesk
as captain of H.M.S. "Preston/' Lord Northesk
had been long enough on board the " Preston " to
form the highest opinion of young John Dalton, and,
as will be shown hereafter, the kindness and good-will
that existed between the commander of the "Preston"
and the young subaltern of Marines was continued by
their children.
On December 18, 1746, Lieutenant Dalton was
32 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
promoted 1st Lieutenant.* In the winter of this year
the " Preston's " movements were as follows : —
Dec. 26, 1746 . . Ingerlee.
March 7, 1747
March 31, 1747
April 13, 1747
April 15, 1747
. Fort St. George.
. Fort St. David.
Do.
. Off Pondicherrie.
" The squadron," says Orme, " had been reinforced
in Bengal by the arrival of two ships, one of 60 guns
and the other of 40, sent from England with Admiral
Griffin/*
The fleet arrived off Fort St. David in March, and
Griflin landed with the Marines and sailors. The
following extract from the Evening Post refers to this
event : —
" October 1747. — The East India Company have
received advice by an express over land, with an
account that the French had been twice repulsed in
their siege of Fort St. David in February last, and
that, as they were preparing for a third attack, Com-
modore Griffin appeared before the place with men-of-
war, and landed 1,000 men, who obliged the French
to retreat with loss of cannon and baggage. After
which the Commodore, having been joined by two
* War Office Records.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 38
ships of war, had blocked up Pondicherrie, and, as
the Nabob with his Indians had done the same by-
land, it was thought the place, which is the only settle-
ment of importance that the French possess in the
East Indies, must soon surrender for want of provisions.
The squadron consists of the following ships : —
/York,
" 60 guns
"50 guns-
Princess Mary,
Exeter,
Medway;
Eltham,
Harwich,
Preston,
Winchester ;
(The Pearle,
" 40 guns J Medway's Prize,
(Lively."
The retreat of the French troops before the English
force was probably the first occasion on which Lieu-
tenant Dalton served with the land forces in India, and
his first experience of Fort St. David.
Now to return to the " Preston " : —
May 7, 1747 . . Fort St. David.
May 23, 1747 . . Pondicherrie.
Sept. 23, 1747 . . Madrass.
Oct. 31, 1747 . . Franquematta.
8
34 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Extracts from the Evening Post, 1747 : —
" It is said Commodore Griffin has taken 6 French
ships in the Road of Pondicherrie, and destroyed several
others, and that he has likewise taken the * St. Louis/
a French man-of-war of 40 guns. Another account
says it was not a man-of-war, but a large ship. Six
small trading ships are also said to have been taken
by him."
" By the Dutch ships arrived from the East Indies
we have an account that the ' Oxford/ Captain Stevens,
was arrived at Batavia from Fort St. David to take in
arrack for the use of the men of war under Commo-
dore Griffin."
In October most of the ships went to Ceylon to
escape the monsoon. In February, 1748, they returned
to Fort St. David, where they remained till September.
The Marines in all probability were on land most of
the time doing garrison duty.
On July 26, 1748, Admiral the Hon. E. Boscawen
arrived with a large fleet from Europe. He had been
sent out to take the command of the whole squadron
in the East Indies, vice Commodore Griffin* ordered
home. In sporting parlance, Boscawen had been sent
to u wipe " Griffin's eye.
* Commodore Griffin was promoted to the rank of Rear-Admiral.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 35
The " Preston " was one of the ships ordered home,
and while Boscawen was preparing for the expedition
to Pondicherry, the "Preston " was being dismantled of
her guns and stores for the use of the ships bound for
Pondicherry. I gather all this from the log-book of
that ship. Here is one of the short daily notices in
this book : —
"August 6th, 1748.— Weather . . . Wind . . .
Landed all our Marines by order of the Admiral.
Killed three bullocks which weighed," &c. &c.
Referring to the ship's muster-book, I find that on
August 5 the Marines on board the " Preston " mus-
tered 23, and on August 7 and every succeeding day
there was only one Marine borne on the ship's books.
This luckless man was the officer — Lieutenant Dalton.
He was ordered to return with Admiral Griffin, but
all his men were sent on shore to join the troops about
to march against Pondicherry. If the officers of the
ship thought their case a hard one in being ordered
home instead of being allowed to take part in the siege
of Pondicherry, what must the feelings of the Marine
officer have been on seeing himself thus deprived of his
men and not allowed to accompany them.
He counted them at break of day,
And when the sun set, where were they ?
The ship's officers still had their men and their duties
3 *
36 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
to attend to. They also could amuse themselves by-
whistling for the wind, and could d n it when it
came for being a foul one, but a marine had not even
this privilege. Referring to this ancient log-book ,
which was kept by the first lieutenant of the
"Preston/' I read that while the ships were " rideing
at anchor * off Fort St. David, the guns of Admiral
Boscawen's ships could be heard firing at Ariacopang,
which was being besieged by both land and sea forces.
This must have been very galling to the officers and
men left behind — sportsmen not allowed to join in the
battue. The log-book being an official journal, of
course says nothing about this. Indeed, it gives few
details of any kind excepting the state of the weather,
and affairs connected with the ship. For instance,
after mentioning the hearing of the reports of the guns
bombarding Ariacopang, the writer goes on to say that
" two bullocks were killed which weighed " so many
pounds. I can fancy the officers at dinner eating
their salt junk and bullock's liver, listening to the
boom of the distant guns — and cursing their bad luck
in not being there.
Early in September the " Preston " and other ships
left Fort St. David for Trincomalee Bay ; but, before
going any farther, I must mention a circumstance
which, I think, proves that Lieutenant Dalton had for
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 37
some months previous to Admiral Boscawen's arrival
been on garrison duty in Fort St. David, and was
known there. This circumstance is, my finding in the
East India Records for 1751 a copy of the last Will
and Testament of John Hallyburton, who died in 1751,
but whose Will bears the date of August 4, 1748,
and the first part of which is as follows : —
" I John Hallyburton late of Madrass, but at this
present of Fort St. David, being in Health of Body
and Mind do in case of my death make this my last
Will and Testament, hereby revoking all former Wills
by me made.
" Imprimis I give and bequeath the sum of seventy
pounds to my Moor servant Allie RAzzabeag, and to
my Christian servant Thomas Morse all my Linnen
and wearing apparrell of what kind soever.
" To Mr. Joseph Fowke, Capt. John Holland, Capt.
Rodolphus de Gingins, Lieutenant John Dalton, Lieut.
George Gardner, Mr. Andrew Munro and Mr. William
Belsches each ten pounds sterling for mourning." *
* From the fact of his Will being given in the East India Records, I
presume he held some Government appointment at Fort St. David.
A Mr. David Haliburton gave some valuable information about Lord
Clive and Indian affairs to Sir J. Malcolm, when the latter was
writing Olive's Memoirs.
38 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Who this John Hallyburton was I do not know,
but I infer from the above that Lieutenant Dalton was
well known at Fort St. David, and was expected there
again. T mention this as it may help to explain sub-
sequent actions of Lieutenant Dalton, and show they
were premeditated.
On September 15, 1748, the " Preston" arrived
in Trincomalee Bay, and on the 23rd of that month
the officers and most of the men were discharged by
order, as shown by the muster-book of the "Pres-
ton," and amongst the names of the officers discharged
is that of Lieutenant Dalton/* The last entry in
the log-book of the " Preston " explains this circum-
stance : —
" Discharged per order into the ' Princess Mary *
5 petty officers and 65 seamen.
" The Captain, Commission and Warrant officers
were to go on board different ships of the Squadron
where they have orders to receive them for their pas-
sage home. The boatswain was left in command of
the e Preston,' she being reduced to a hulk/'
Hard fate ! Reduced from a 50-gun ship to a hulk ;
* Number 78. Entry, December 12, 1743 ; discharged per order
September 23, 1748, in Trincomalee Bay. (Muster-book of H.M.S.
" Preston.")
. MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON. 39
once commanded by a belted Earl and now under the
command of a Bo'sun and a Bo'sun's mate. What
became of her after that I know not ; there was no one
to chronicle the state of the wind, the killing of bul-
locks and their weight, the broaching of casks of beef,
the setting the "sailes/' and other such events.
Admiral Griffin remained in Trincomalee Bay until he
sailed for Europe in January. Whether Lieutenant
Dalton returned home with the squadron, or not,
remains to be seen.
In October, Admiral Boscawen's fleet arrived in the
Bay. The siege of Pondicherry had been raised, and
the English lost 1,000 men during the siege, while the
French lost very few. Dupleix went so far as to say
that the only damage done by the guns from the fleet
was the killing of a poor old Malabar woman in the
streets of Pondicherry.
Before closing this chapter, I must chronicle the
death of Colonel John Duncomb of the 8th Marine
Regiment, and the appointment of Lord George
Beauclerk to be Colonel of the regiment. London
Gazette, December 1747 : " Lord George Beauclerk
to be Colonel of a Regiment of Marines in room of
Colonel Duncomb, deceased/' Lord George Beau-
clerk was appointed from the Foot Guards, and
in March 1748 he was transferred from the 8th
40 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Marines to a Foot regiment, and Colonel Jorden
was appointed Colonel of Marines. London Gazette,
March 1748: " Colonel John Jorden to be Colonel
of a Marine Regiment, vice Beauclerk, Colonel of
Foot."
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN I) ALTON. 41
CHAPTER III.
Retrospective Sketch of the East India Company's Affairs. — Strength
of their Army in 1748. — Peace signed between England and
France. — Reduction of the ten Marine Regiments. — Lieutenant
Dalton placed upon Half-pay. — He is appointed 1st Lieutenant
of an Independent Company by Admiral Boscawen. — Interesting
Letter from an Artillery Officer at Fort St. David to a Friend at
Woolwich. — Lieutenant Dalton joins the East India Company's
Service in 1749, and is made Captain of the Grenadier Company.
rPHE complete failure of the attack on Pondicherry
was a heavy blow to the East India Company.
Their foothold on the soil of India had never been
very secure, and now the very foundation of their
power seemed to be tottering.
Since the reign of Queen Elizabeth this Company
had been engaged in extensive commerce in India ;
but their settlements were few and far between, and
confined to the coast. These settlements had either
been purchased, or ceded to the Company by Native
Princes. Though there were at this time — as there
42 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
are now — three Presidencies, these Presidencies only-
consisted of a few factories and fortresses in Bombay,
Bengal, and Madras ; and, to show the little extent of
territory in these Presidencies belonging to the Com-
pany, Madras was considered the most important of
the three.
Many things had combined together to keep the
English so backward. For a hundred years the Por-
tuguese had had the monopoly of the East Indian
trade, and, from having the exclusive right of passage
to India by the Cape of Good Hope, they were able to
defy all other nations ; but when their fleet came in
contact with the English and Dutch fleets, and this
exclusive right was lost to them, their power in India
came to an end, and they had to give way before the
rising stars of Holland and England. In the 17th
century the Dutch were at the height of their commer-
cial prosperity, and the most successful traders in the
world. They acquired considerable possessions in the
Indian Seas, and their commercial enterprise was far
ahead of the English, who confined themselves to their
factories and small settlements on the coast of Hin-
dostan. The English also kept themselves aloof from
all the quarrels of the native princes, which was —
with their limited numbers — a safe policy, but not the
way to acquire fame and increased territory. When
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 43
the French established a trading Company in India,
they took a very different course, and proved more for-
midable rivals to the English than either the Portu-
guese or Dutch. Their settlements on the coast of
Coromandel were contiguous to the British, and whether
their countries were at peace or war made little
difference to the two rival Companies. " The native
powers," says Sir John Malcolm, "by engaging in
alliance, and inviting to interference in internal
politics, the subjects of one European state, leave to
the other, who may be in rivalry or hostility with it,
no option between certain ruin, and employing means
of self-defence and retaliation. This truth was never
more completely evinced than in 1744, when war was
declared between England and France. On receipt of
this intelligence, the forces under the control of the Com-
panies of the two nations on the coast of Coromandel,
prepared to prosecute hostilities by land and sea, upon
a scale which involved both in a scene of operations
more suited to empires than to commercial factories.
The results of these operations will appear wonderful
to him who only considers the handful of troops which
either party could bring into the field; but the im-
provements which within the last two centuries had
taken place in Europe, gave its soldiers an incalculable
advantage over those of Asia, before the latter were
44 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
taught by repeated defeats to make war upon more
equal terms with their European opponents. The supe-
riority of a well-constructed machine over manual
labour is not more extraordinary, than the advantages
which discipline and the improvements in fire-arms
and artillery afford to a regular body of troops over
an irregular and badly-armed force The well-
commanded and well-trained battalion moves amidst
ten thousand of its rabble opponents like a giant
with a thousand hands, which defend or strike,
according to the dictates of one mind, and to whom
an unconnected force, where every individual acts for
himself, can offer neither injury or resistance."
The great difference between Asiatic and European
troops will be easily understood fron this graphic
description, given by an experienced soldier and histo-
rian, and it will account for the eagerness with which
the native princes of Hindostan sought the alliance of
the English and French in the constant little wars
which at that time convulsed the empire.
The English had by far the best fleet in Indian
waters, but the French were the strongest on land, not
only in point of numbers, but from possessing well-
trained troops and competent engineers. The failure
of the attack on Pondicherry was attributed to the
want of good engineers more than anything else. At
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 45
that siege the French had the services of M. Paradis,
who was a host in himself and a second Vauban. It
was generally said at the time that the failure of the
attack on Carthagena, in 1741, was mainly due to the
want of engineers,* and it was proposed to remedy
this evil by organizing a body of military engineers ►
According to Clode's Military Forces of the Crown,
the scientific Corps of Engineers acquired its military
character so far back as 1683. But, until May 14,
1757, when they were commissioned by George II., the
Engineer officers were as much civilians as soldiers,
although by an Order in Council of August 22, 1717,
the Engineers became part of the military branch of
the Ordnance Department. The few engineers who
accompanied Admiral Boscawen's expedition were so
badly qualified for their duties that a good deal of the
work had to be done by the Artillery. f
Until Major Lawrence J arrived in India in 1748, to
take command of the Company's troops, there had
* London Daily Post, Feb. 17, 1742
f After Admiral Boscawen's despatches had appeared in the news-
papers a notice appeared in the Daily Advertiser of March 16,
1749, to the effect that the Artillery had no connection whatever with
the Engineers.
X Stringer Lawrence, a brevet major in the British army, was born
in 1697, and was many years an officer in Clayton's Foot Regiment
(now the 14th). He died a major-general in 1775.
46 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
been no officers of experience in that service, and but
few troops. There was such a difficulty in obtaining
good officers that in 1745 six sergeants of the Foot
Guards were offered lieutenants' commissions if they
would go out to India, which they did.* The recruits
sent out from England by the East India Directors
were often the lowest scum in London — the offscour-
ings of prisons and workhouses — and not trained
soldiers such as the French had. When Major Law-
rence arrived at Fort St. David he found but few
troops to command. The plan of training the natives
as soldiers had only just been adopted, and as yet but
few had been enrolled into the service. With the ex-
ception of the Marines on board the fleet, no English
regiment had been sent out to India to guard the
British settlements there. Since the wholesale destruc-
tion of regiments in the West Indies by disease, the
" Indies" had a bad name, and the regiments were
kept sufficiently employed on active service in Europe.
When Admiral Boscawen was ordered to the East
Indies in 1747 with a large force under his command,
twelve companies of soldiers were raised to accompany
the expedition. These companies were called " Inde-
* From the Evening Post, 1745.
MEMOIR, OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 47
pendent Companies," and were often raised in time of
war to go on foreign service.
I find the following notice about these companies in
the Evening Post of May 30, 1747 : —
"The twelve Independent Companies to be raised
are to be draughted six out of the regiments on the
Irish Establishment, and six out of the regiments in
England, and are to have each a captain, three lieute-
nants, and an ensign, and the officers, we hear, will be
appointed out of those regiments lately disbanded."
These companies each contained a hundred men,
and sailed with Admiral Boscawen to India. When
the Admiral arrived at Fort St. David, Major Lawrence
informed him of the great want of officers, and Admiral
Boscawen recommended for commissions two volunteers
who came out with him from England, and also James
Kilpatrick,"* a lieutenant of Marines. In the Company's
Records for 1748 I find mention made of only three
companies of foot of 100 men each, and a train of artil-
lery commanded by Lieutenant Merriman. From the
civil nature of these old records it is difficult to find
out the real state of military affairs at that time, but
* This officer succeeded Captain Dalton as Commandant of Trichi-
nopoly in September 1753. He saw much service under Clive, and
died a major in 1757.
48 MEMOIB OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
from a few letters and various odds and ends of mili-
tary intelligence interspersed amongst commercial
miscellanea, I may safely say that in 1748 there were
not 500 European soldiers in the i{ Presidency of
Madras/' Major Lawrence found no cavalry at all,
and it was not till the close of 1749 that, by his
advice, a troop of horse was raised, which was thought
a most important step. The command of the troop
was given to Captain de Gingins, the senior captain at
Fort St. David. Truly the Madras "army" of 1748
was a very small one ! It is difficult to imagine a
smaller army or one more deficiently officered — in
numbers. There appears to have been only one Engi-
neer officer in the Madras Presidency — Mr. George
Jones. He was succeeded, on June 13, 1748, by
Captain Alexander Delavaux, who was appointed Engi-
neer and captain of the train of artillery at Fort St.
David. Such was the "effective list" of the East
India Company's forces when Admiral Boscawen
arrived at Fort St. David with his fleet, on board
which were the twelve Independent Companies, a
large body of Marines, and one company of Royal
Artillery.
Having given a sketch of the Company's affairs, it
is necessary now to return to Admiral Griffin, who was
under orders for England.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 49
Griffin was in Trincomalee Bay with a few of his
ships, and thither came, after the raising of the siege
of Pondicherry, part of Admiral Boscawen's fleet, to
avoid the monsoon. In November came the news that
peace had been signed between England and France
in the preceding April, and, in consequence of this
peace, a number of regiments were ordered to be
Teduced, the ten Marine regiments being among the
number. Colonel Jorden's Marines were ordered to
be reduced November 8, 1748, and all the officers
placed upon half-pay. The news of this general re-
duction must have been a heavy blow for many of the
Marine officers in India, who saw their means of
livelihood taken away from them, and but very faint
hopes of ever getting on the full-pay list again.
Many an officer's life has been blasted by this com-
pulsory retirement, which, fortunately, in these days
is seldom resorted to in the case of efficient and
deserving subaltern officers. Lieutenant Dalton, ac-
cordingly, found himself placed on the shelf at the
age of twenty-three, with only two shillings and four-
pence per day. The pleasure of going home was quite
•effaced by this unexpected news, and he resolved to
apply to Admiral Boscawen — who was General of
Marines as well as Admiral of the Blue — and to
offer his services to that popular and kind-hearted
4
50 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
commander. As being placed on half-pay released
him from all duty, he returned to Fort St. David
where Admiral Boscawen had established himself,
and offered him his services. The following extract
from the official records at the War Office shows the
result of his application : —
" Placed upon Half Pay upon the reduction of the
Regiment, tho' made 1st Lieutenant in Captain John
Fletcher, sen/s, Independent Companies in the East
Indies by Admiral Boscawen/'
There must have been many Marine officers in India
who, like Lieutenant Dalton, were placed on the shelf,
nolens volens, and it speaks well for Lieutenant Dal-
ton's character and soldier-like qualities, that he was
at once appointed to an Independent Company by the
Commander of the sea and land forces. Admiral
Boscawen had orders to stay in India till further
orders, and he remained at Fort St. David with the
troops. The name of Edward Boscawen is a well-
known one in the Valhalla of naval heroes. Many
anecdotes of his coolness and firmness under the most
trying circumstances have been handed down to us,
and his H sayings " quoted by various writers. These
bons mots, like many of the " sayings " attributed to
the great Napoleon, are doubtless purely apocryphal,
but, as they are characteristic of the person to whom
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 51
they relate, I may be pardoned for repeating a speech
often fathered upon Admiral Boscawen.* It is related
of him that, when in command of a British vessel, he
was on one occasion hurriedly aroused from sleep by
the 1st Lieutenant, who reported that two large French
men-of-war were bearing down upon their ship, and
asked his commander what he was to do ? Boscawen
at once angrily replied, " Do ? why fight 'em ! d n
'em, to be sure ! "
An interesting letter from an officer of the Royal
Artillery to a friend at Woolwich was published in the
Evening Post, in 1749, and is interesting from the
graphic account given in it of the u deprivations "
of a soldier's life at Fort St. David — a place very often
to be mentioned in this narrative.
u Extract of a letter from an Artillery officer, dated
Fort St. David's, January 7, 1749 :—
" We have no Business here but looking after our
men, and no pleasure but waiting on the General ; for
by the Bye this is as d d a place as ever men were
troop'd in ; black women instead of white ; boiled
Bice instead of Bread, and the Punch Houses such
* Boscawen's biographer, in the Dictionary of National Biography,
now in course of publication, says this speech is imaginary, but at
this distance of time it is impossible to tell whether it is or not.
A. *
52 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
cut-throats that a man need have the Indies to pay
their bills. I warrant you think that we have Rack
Punch for nothing; but it is a confounded mistake;
for in ordering some they brought us so much to
pay, in saying it came from Goa or Batavia, that
we have been forced ever since to content ourselves
with a Drink made of Toddy ; a Liquor which would
not go down with you at Woolwich. However we
are all cheerful and I do not think there is a Man
amongst us that would wish to leave this or any
other place unless the General was with us. You
can't conceive what a Man he is, he is a Father to all
under his command, and the Artillery, Sailors, and
Independent Companies by his means love one another
as Brothers. I never heard them dispute which was
the best man, but I have often heard them vye with
one another which would do most for their Com-
mander, the Landsmen calling him General, the Sea-
men, Admiral ; the poorest creatures can go to him as
•easily at all hours as the Governour of the Fort can,
and he receives and hears all Petitions without their
going through a secretary.
" I must tell you a story of him ; Benjamin Walcot,
a Matross, who behaved remarkably brave at the taking
of the Fort Ariocopang received there many wounds,
and though all imaginary care was taken of him, yet
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 53
upon our return hither he died, and the General would
honour his corpse by accompanying it to the Grave
saying, 'there was no Honour too great for a man
who had fought well and died for the service of his
Country.' This was for a poor Matross. Had you
seen him on the death of Major Goodyear* your
heart would have bled. These are what have come
to my knowledge ; the Sailors and Independents can
speak of some instances of the like nature; in short
if Humanity and sweetness of disposition, if Bravery
and conduct, the rewarding of merit, the main-
taining Discipline, and the severe punishment of
vice, be virtues to speak a man, Boscawen is he.
We all adore him, and the merchants say they love
him."
This officer ended his letter by saying he would not
say who was to blame for the failure of the attack on
Pondicherry, but " neither General or troops animated
by his example could do more than they did against
such Engineers, such numbers, and such a Fortifica-
tion."
In one respect there was little or no difference
* Captain John Goodyear (with the local rank of Major in India),
was killed at the siege of Pondicherry. He was a gallant and
experienced Artillery officer.
54 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
between the old Marine regiments and the Royal
Marines of a later creation. This similarity was in their
being cast aside, when their services were no longer
required by their country, and utterly forgotten until
grim-visaged war had again to be faced. Most of us
have heard the well-known anecdote of William IV.
(then Duke of Clarence), who, at a dinner party,
threw an empty bottle behind his chair, saying, " There
goes a Marine," and, on being asked by an indignant
Marine officer who happened to be present what he
meant by that remark, the Duke readily replied it was
u because he was a good fellow who had done his duty
and was ready to do it again." When Lieutenant
Dalton was suddenly placed on half-pay and cast aside,
like an empty bottle, before he had even a chance of
distinguishing himself, he stood much in need of some
powerful friend ; and to Boscawen, who was as kind a
hearted man as ever lived, Dalton owed his future suc-
cess in life. It was Boscawen who appointed him to
Fletcher's Independent Company, and it was Boscawen
who, two months after making this appointment,
recommended John Dalton to the East India Company
at Fort St. David, who were, with the Admiral's help,
making an addition to their little army. The officers
of the Independent Companies knew that when they
returned to England they would be all placed upon
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 55
half-pay,* and Lieutenant Dalton, having a good know-
ledge of the Company's affairs from frequent sojourns
at Fort St. David, and seeing a fair chance of gaining
fame and fortune by staying in India, offered his ser-
vices to the Company. Again it speaks highly for
Lieutenant Dalton's character and abilities that he was
offered a captain's commission, and the command of
the Grenadier Company f newly formed. He must
have been recommended for this post both by the
Admiral and Major Lawrence, and when he accepted
it, it was on the agreement with Admiral Boscawen
that he should be allowed to receive his half-pay when
he returned to England for good, as a lieutenant of
His Majesty's Service, which he was then entitled to.
In the half-pay muster books at the Public Record
* The twelve Independent Companies were disbanded in 1750 and
the officers placed on half-pay.
t The first introduction of grenadiers into the British army is thus
noticed by Evelyn, in his Diary, in an account of a review of troops at
Hounslow by Charles II. on April 29, 1673 : " Now were brought into
service a new kind of soldiers called grenadiers, who were dexterous
in flinging hand granados, everyone having a pouch full ; they had
furred caps with coped crowns like Janizaries, which made them look
very fierce, and some had long hoods hanging down behind, as we
picture fools. Their clothing being likewise piebald, yellow and red."
—Vol. II. (Edit. 1854), p. 119.
56 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Office, I find the name of Lieutenant John Dalton of
Jorden's Marines with 2s. 4d. per diem for the years
1749 and 1750; but after that year, viz. after the
return of Admiral Boscawen, his name disappeared
from this list altogether.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 57
CHAPTEE IV.
The Kev. F. Fordyce versus Lieutenant dire and Captain Dalton.
Turning over the Fort St. David ledger for 1749 (now
at the India Office), which contains an omnium
gatherum of miscellaneous information, I came upon
the account of a Court of Inquiry held at Fort St.
David to inquire into the alleged assault upon the
Rev. Francis Fordyce, military chaplain at Cuddalore,
by Lieutenant Robert Clive; Captain Dalton and
Lieutenant John Worth being accused by Mr. Fordyce
of inciting Lieutenant Clive to commit the assault.
Any unpublished anecdote of Robert Clive is of
interest, and as the above incident bears direct evi-
dence to the friendship which already existed between
Clive and Dalton, and which was a life-long one, I
have no hesitation in making public an affair which
brought discredit on no one except the reverend (?)
gentleman who was the plaintiff in the case.
.58 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
It seems that the Rev. F. Fordyce lodged a com-
plaint againt Lieutenant Clive for having assaulted
him, and also accused Captain Dalton and Lieutenant
John Worth of being Clive' s accomplices, and inciting
Clive to assault him. Mr. Fordyce's complaint having
oome to the ears of the Governor, he was summoned
to appear before the Governor and Council at Fort St.
David, and to give an account of the affair. Knowing
very well what would happen if the true facts of the
<jase came to light, he protested against the inquiry
being held, and, on being closely questioned by the
Council, he returned very rude answers and abruptly
left the room. Lieutenant Clive, Captain Dalton,
Lieutenant Worth, and other officers were then sum-
moned, and Lieutenant Clive being asked to give an
account of the affair handed in a written statement,
which I have copied from the Records, and which is as
follows : —
" Mr. Clive's report —
" That being at dinner with Messrs. Dalton and
Worth on or about 16th Feb. at Bandipollam, they
told him Mr. Fordyce had said to a gentleman in
public company that he was a scoundrel and a coward,
and that he had shook his cane over him in the pre-
sence of Mr. Levy Moses. Mr. Clive further says
that some time before this he had been informed by
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 59
Captain Cope that Mr. Fordyce did in conversation
with him, threaten to break every bone in his skin;
and he says that these repeated abuses so irritated him
that he could not forbear on meeting Mr. Fordyce in
Cuddalore to reproach him with his behaviour, which
he told him was so injurious he could bear it no longer,
and thereupon struck him 2 or 3 times with his cane,
which at last Mr. Fordyce returned, and then closed
in with him, but they were presently parted by Capt.
Lucas who happened to be by. Mr. Clive further
observes he is not the only person who has been abused
and calumniated by Mr. Fordyce, who had also
aspersed the character of Mr. Joseph Fowke by saying
he was a dark, designing villain, that he would slit his
nose the first time he met him, and that he had
knocked him under the table at the Governor's. He
further says Mr. Fordyce had told Captain Dalton
at Mr. Belsches' that if everybody would discourse
the Governor in the manner he had done, it would
alter affairs greatly, that he had talked to him till
he had made him quake or shake in his shoes, or
wrords to that effect. Mr. Clive also says Mr. Lind-
say told him he had heard Mr. Fordyce say that
Mr. Bulkeley was a scoundrel and a coward and
that he had shook his cane at him, as he had done
at Mr. Clive. Mr. Clive further says he threatened
60 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
to thrash Mr. Bourchier, and that he had declared to
several people he had taken away gentlemen's swords
before now, and would pull off at any time his
canonicals to do himself justice; and lastly, Mr.
Clive says Mr. Lennox told him that Mr. Fordyce was
generally shunned and detested both at St. Helena and
the West Coast on account of his meddling Disposition
which rendered him disagreeable and obnoxious to
everyone.
" Signed,
"Robert Clive.
" Mr. Dalton's report —
" Captain Dalton being asked what he has to say in
answer to Mr. Fordyce's allegations against him, his
Protest replies : — * That Mr. Rait came to dine with
him at Bandipollam the day the affair happened, and
told him he had heard Mr. Fordyce say he had called
Mr. Clive a Scoundrel and Rascal, and had shook a
cane over him, which report he esteeming very inju-
rious to the character of an officer, he thought he
could do no less, as a friendship existed between Mr.
Clive and him, than acquaint him of it, in order to
give him an opportunity to vindicate his reputation,,
that accordingly he had told Mr. Clive, having first let
Mr. Rait know the use he intended to make of hia
information.' Captain Dalton further says, that Mr.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 61
Worth and he going that evening to Cuddalore in a
Chaise saw Mr. Fordyce and Mr. Clive cudgelling each
other in the street, whereupon they both jumped out
in order to part them, but that it was done before they
came up by Mr. Lucas who was in company with Mr.
Fordyce at the time, and this is all he knows of the
matter.
" Signed,
"John Dalton.
" Before Capt. Dalton withdrew, it being asked him
if he had ever heard Mr. Fordyce mention he had
spoke to the Governour in the manner so related by
Mr. Clive, he replied he had and would give it on his
oath ; whereupon being sworn he spoke as follows :
' That being one day at Mr. Belsches', though he
does not particularly recollect what day, he heard
Mr. Fordyce say that if everybody would talk to
Mr. Floyer in the manner he had done it would
alter the face of affairs greatly, for he had done it
till he had made him quake or shake in his shoes
•or something to that effect.'
" Signed,
" John Dalton.
" Sworn before me in Fort St. David this 3d day of
March 1749.
" Signed,
"Chas. Floyer."
62 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Lieutenant John Worth gave similar evidence.
Captain Cope also had heard Mr. Fordyce speak most
abusively of the Company's officers and of their con-
duct at Pondicherry. A letter from Captain Luca&
was then read which testified that Messrs. Dalton and
Worth were in no ways concerned in the assault.
After which Governor Floyer informed the Council
of the insolent conduct of Mr. Fordyce when dining
at the Governor's house, and how he had been obliged
to reprimand him for the insolent way he spoke of the
Company's troops. The Governor also indignantly
denied Mr. Fordyce's assertions that he had made him
quake or shake in his shoes.
It was unanimously resolved that Mr. Fordyce
should be dismissed the Company's service, and a new
chaplain was at once appointed to Cuddalore to succeed
him.
It has been said by Clive's enemies that he was
ever ready to pick a quarrel with anyone, but this is
not the case. He never willingly sought quarrels, but
was very jealous of his honour and character, which
he would suffer no one to speak lightly of. He made
very few friends, being naturally reserved and retiring
in society ; but those he did make he kept through
life. John Dalton made friends wherever he went,
increasing them like a snowball rolled along snow-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 63 1
covered ground. His frank and open disposition,
coupled with the keen sense of humour which distin-
guished him through life, made him very popular with
his brother officers. His friends were chosen with
wise discrimination. Lieutenant Worth, with whom
he is bracketed above, was a young artillery officer,
who had come out to India with Major Goodyear,
and had played his part in the unsuccessful attack on
Pondicherry. As a young subaltern, hardly out of
his teens,* Worth had fought at Fontenoyf — that
battle in which the British, unsupported by their
Dutch allies , were outnumbered, and had, after re-
peated gallant charges, to retreat, which so elated the
French, that, for many years after, French officers
used to encourage their men, when leading them
against British troops, by saying, " Come, let us give
the English another Fontenoy.'' It was doubtless
from this young Artillerist that Captain Dalton picked
up some gunnery instruction, which stood him in good
stead later on, when he had to act in the threefold
capacity of commander, artillery officer, and acting
engineer to the troops placed under his sole command.
From Robert Clive — whom Dalton styles in one of his
* Appointed a cadet in the Royal Artillery, November 1, 1742.
Kane's Artillery List.
f Duncan's History of the Royal Artillery, vol. i. p. 127.
-64 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
letters to his mother, ' ' a very intimate and worthy-
friend of mine" — he could not fail to learn much;
for though they were of the same age and neither had
so far seen much service, yet was Clive's inborn mili-
tary genius so great, that his friends and comrades
must perforce have seen, even at this early stage of
his career, that he was destined to outstrip the most
scientific and even the bravest officers in their little
army.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 65
OHAPTEE V.
The First and Second Expeditions against Devi Cotah.
TN March, 1749, the President and Council at Fort
St. David determined to send an expedition
against Devi Cotah, a strong fort in the Tanjore
country, situated on the coast at the mouth of the
Coleroon river.
There were two reasons for undertaking this expedi-
tion ; the principal one being the desire to obtain pos-
session of a place, so well adapted for commerce, as
was reported to the Company by Admiral Boscawen,
who had made a reconnaissance of the fort and adja-
cent country, and strongly advised its acquisition.
The other reason was that Sahajee, the deposed king of
Tanjore, had come to Fort St. David and craved the as-
sistance of the English, to recover for him the kingdom
which his brother Pretaupa Sing had seized. The
English had no business to interfere in the matter, but
5
66 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
they were very glad of such a good excuse for helping
Sahajee, who promised to defray the expense of the
expedition, and deliver up the Fort and territory to
the English, as soon as they had recovered his rights
for him. Accordingly, towards the end of March, the
troops under Captain Cope marched for Devi Cotah,
with the intention of capturing the Fort, and de-
throning Pretaupa Sing the King of Tanjore, notwith-
standing his being their old ally and having assisted
them against the French.
The force consisted of 430 Europeans with four field
pieces and four small mortars. The battering cannon
and provisions were sent in four ships.
This expedition, which was badly planned and still
worse carried out, was unsuccessful, and the troops had
to return, having effected nothing.
Although the President and Council saw that Saha-
jee's cause was a hopeless one, they were so ashamed
of the defeat of their troops, and so anxious for the
possession of the fort and territory of Devi Cotah, the
value of which had been greatly exaggerated,* that a
second expedition was immediately planned, and the
eommand given to Major Lawrence, who had com-
mand of all the Company's troops.
* Mill's British. India, vol. ii.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 67
The following despatch* from Major Lawrence to
the President and Council at Fort St. David, gives a
full account of this expedition, and is noticeable as
being the first occasion on which Captain Dalton's
name is associated with the Grenadier Company, which
company he commanded during his service in India,
and, as will be seen by subsequent events, the grena-
diers were generally to be found in the hottest parts
of the engagements with the enemy.
" An account of the Proceedings of the Forces
under the command of Major S. Lawrence from
their leaving Fort St. David to the taking of
Devi Cotah, and of some transactions after their
being in possession of that place.
" May 27th. Embarked the Company's troops at 5
this morning.
" May 29th. Anchored off Devicotah at half-an-hour
past 5 p.m. I ordered my own, Capt. Scrimsour's,
and Capt. Dalton's Companies with all the Lascars
that were in the ships " Exeter " and M Harwich/' to
disembark in the Roads that Captain Powlett appointed
for them, in order to land as soon as the Signal was
made with 2 Field Pieces, which were to follow the
Boats that landed the Soldiers.
* East India Records for 1749.
68 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
" May 30th. At 1 p.m. we put off from the Ships in
4 armed Long Boats and several Muscolas. Landed
on the Northern shore at 5 o'clock, and drew up about
70 yards from the River, with our front to the West-
ward, our left flank secured by the river and 1 Field
Piece, the right by some bushes and the other Field
Piece. We lay upon our arms all night, and sent out
small parties of Rangapah's Sepoys which came by
land, in front, and on our right flank advanced
between one and two hundred yards before the main
body, to give timely notice of the approach of the
enemy.
" May 31st. The remaining part of our soldiers with
some of the Sepoys, landed on the opposite shore at
8 a.m. and then sent their boats to carry over the men
I landed before, to join them, which we did about 12
o'clock the same day. I ordered Capt. Dalton with
his Company to attack a Redoubt of the enemy's, but
finding a deep River between it and him, and it not
appearing to be of any great advantage, I ordered him
back again, but at the same time sent 2 Field Pieces
to dislodge the enemy from thence, that they might not
disturb us on the ground we proposed encamping on.
We removed some distance from the river side and
encamped with our front to the Southward ; our flanks
secured, the Right by a thick wood and an unpassable
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 69
River, the Left by some high sand hills with parties
of Sepoys lodged behind them.
u June 2nd. Began to make fascines.
" June 5th. Began to open ground with all our
officers and men off duty, and a covering party of 1
Captain, 2 subs., 4 sergeants, 4 corporals, 2 drums,
and 60 private men, who were all ordered to observe
the greatest silence for fear of drawing the enemy's
fire upon them. Upon hearing our men at work, the
•enemy gave a general discharge round the whole gar-
rison without doing the least execution, the work going
slowly on. The covering party and Lascars volun-
tarily offered to work in the daytime, which I ordered
them to do, and had only 3 men wounded.
" June 8th. At daybreak we opened the battery,
and gave the enemy three rounds. I then ordered the
fire to cease, and beat the Chamade on the battery, at
the same time waved a white cloth (which is the
custom of the country), to engage them to stop the
fire and receive the following summons : —
" ' Sahajee Rajah, Lawfull King of Tanjour, having
applied to the King of England's Generals and
the Honourable East India Company to put
him in possession of his kingdom, they have
ordered me to lay siege to the Fort of Devi
Cotah. As my batteries are now ready to open
70 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
fire, I send this to let you know that if you will
open your gates and receive the troops under
my command into the Eort, and acknowledge
your lawful Sovereign, your persons and effects
shall be safe, and you yourselves well treated ;
but if on the contrary you obstinately hold out
the place, I will beat down your wall, enter
your town, and then no man is to expect
quarter.
" * Dated in the camp before Devi Cotah, 8th June,
1749.
"< (Signed),
" ' S. LAWRENCE.
" ' To the Governor of Devi Cotah.'
" I got the letter conveyed by two Bramins at 12
o'clock, but receiving no answer, and the Enemy con-
tinuing their fire, I sent orders to our Battery to renew
theirs with their Guns and Mortars as warmly as they
could, without over-heating the Metal, by which we
dismounted most of their Guns, and shattered the
wall a good deal with that day's fire.
" June 9th. Received the Governor of Devi Cotah's
answer, which was ' that he was upwards of 40 years of
age, and had lived hitherto without reproach, and as
he had 5,000 men in the place resolutely determined
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 71
to defend it to the last, he never would sully the small
remains of life [by surrendering a place he thought
impregnable/ The same day we made a considerable
breach, but found it repaired by the Enemy next
morning.
"June 11th. I applied to Capt. Powlett to land a
body of Marines for the security of our Camp while
we attacked the place. Accordingly he landed 3
officers and 100 Marines, and we marched at sun-sett
from our camp to the Battery and lay upon our arms,
expecting to pass the River that Night, but was pre-
vented by a heavy shower of rain which wetted all our
ammunition and rendered it impracticable. Mr.
Moore the Carpenter of the Train passed the River
the same Night, and made fast the rope on the other
side to pass our float ; as our battery was upon marshy
ground I was apprehensive that another day's rain
would have made it impossible to attempt anything, I
therefore determined to attack the place in the day,
which we did on the 12th at 10 o'clock p.m. and per-
formed it in the following order. As soon as we all
had passed the river to the number of 700 Sepoys and
400 Military upon the float made by Mr. Moore for
that purpose, I first ordered Lieut. Clive with a volun-
teer platoon of 30 men at the head of 400 Sepoys to
drive the enemy from an entrenchment which must
72 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
flank our left on storming the breach, and 300 more
Sepoys on the right to secure our right flank from a
large body of Horse, which were posted there for that
purpose. Lieutenant Clive accordingly set out for the
attack, and met with a deep slough, which we knew
nothing of; however, passed it with the major part of
his platoon, and attacked the entrenchment, but not
being seconded by the Sepoys, and being charged in
the rear by the Horse at the same time that he was
attacking the entrenchment in front, was obliged to
retreat to the slough again, upon which I ordered
Sergeant Brown* with the forlorn hope to attack the
entrenchment, and, in case of need, Captain Dalton at
head of Grenadier Company to support him, but there
being no occasion, I immediately ordered Captain
Dalton and his Company followed by the main body
to attack the breach, which he did, and being joined
by Lieutenant Clive and the remainder of his platoon
was in full possession by 5 o'clock, and I, at the head
of the main body, wheeled one platoon to the right
and faced the Horse in order to prevent them from
flanking Dalton's Company, and gave them a fire
which was so successful that it killed some and put the
* Sergeant Brown was promoted Ensign for his gallant conduct on
this occasion. — East India Records, 1749.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 73
rest in such disorder that they went off immediately.
We all of us lay that night upon our arms.
" June 20th. I ordered Captain Cope, with his
Company and two field pieces and some Sepoys, to
take possession of Atchavaram, which he did without
any opposition, but on the same night was attacked by
the enemy's whole force, and repulsed them with the
loss of only 4 men killed and 5 wounded. I marched
next morning with another field piece, 120 soldiers,
and some Sepoys to throw in provisions, which I did
without seeing or meeting with any Disturbance from
the enemy.
"The next morning arrived an Ambassador from
Camp who made an Apology and said it was a mis-
take,"* and requesting at the same time I would
restore them Atchavaram. Upon consideration, find-
ing it would not answer our purpose in opening a
•communication by land, and that it was much too
distant to be relieved from Devi Cotah, and in short
that it would not in any way answer our expectation ;
they at the same time very genteelly offering not to
molest or disturb any of our people and to supply us
with anything their Camp afforded. After such con-
* There is some obscurity here, most probably some words left
out in the copy of Lawrence's despatch.
74 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
cessions made on their side, I thought I could with
a very good grace deliver them up a place which
they with their whole force were not able to take."
The Government at Fort St. David were now able
to make their own terms with the King of Tanjore,
which they accordingly did, but with very little sense
of honour or humanity, as will be seen by the following
extract from a learned author : — *
" The reigning King of Tanjore agreed to concede
to the English the fort for which they contended with
a territory of the annual value of 9,000 Pagodas,f
and they renounced support of Sahajee and agreed to
secure him and deliver him up to Pretaupa Sing. But
for the humanity of Admiral Boscawen this would have
been done. He managed to make his escape from the
English."
******
The close of the year 1749 found the little army of
the East India Company remodelled and enlarged.
High pay, quick promotion, and the prospect of
gaining distinction in the field, as well as other in-
ducements to stay in India, had enabled the East
* Mill, vol. ii.
f The Madras pagoda was equal to about three and a half rupees v
or about 7s. 8d. in English money.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 75-
India Council to procure the services of some of
Admiral Boscawen's officers and men. Taken all in
all, they might be called a ''bobbery pack"; and if
they wore any distinctive uniform it was of the
(( undress n description ! For the first time probably
in the annals of military history that curious anomaly
a " Horse Marine " was to be seen and met with in
the precincts of Fort St. David. And he was not a
solitary specimen either of this new class of soldier,
for there were several Marine officers in the Madras
"army" who sometimes marched on foot with the
infantry and at other times rode at the head of the
dusky mounted followers of the native princes, whose
cause the East India Company had espoused for cer-
tain reasons which it would, perhaps, be invidious to»
investigate too closely.
76 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
CHAPTER VI.
Rival Princes. — War to the Knife.
TT is recorded of that high and mighty prince Nizam-
ul-Mulk, Subadar of the Deccan, that when
marching through the Carnatic with an immense
army, in 1743, to settle the country, his haughty spirit
was sorely troubled at the state of anarchy in which
he found this fine province. The great men of the
Carnatic — great, at least, in their own estimation —
flocked to the still greater Subadar's camp to pay
him homage, and had themselves announced to His
Mightiness as nabobs. This assumption of authority
so enraged Nizam -ul-Mulk, that he turned at last to
his officers and exclaimed : " I have seen this day
eighteen nabobs in a country where there should be
but one; scourge the next fellow who comes with
that title ! "
Five years after this the great Nizam-ul-Mulk de-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 77
parted for that bourn from which no traveller — not
even a Subadar of the Deccan— ever yet returned to
tell his experiences. His succession would in these
days have been termed a very strong one, as he left
six sons behind him ; but the sovereignty of the Deccan
was claimed by Murzafa-jing, a son of the late Su-
badar's favourite daughter. This young pretender
opposed the somewhat more righteous claims of hi&
uncle — Nazir-jing.* Both claimants flew to arms.
As a matter of course, this dispute led to others in
the provinces over which the Subadar of the Deccan
held sway.
Chunda Saheb laid claim to the nabobship of
Arcot, then held by Anwarodean Khan, the true and
lawful Nabob of the Carnatic. It was a natural
sequence that Murzafa-jing should espouse Chunda
Saheb's cause, and that Nazir-jing should support
Anwarodean Khan. It also goes without saying
that when the French cast in their lot with the
two pretenders, the English had no alternative but,
sooner or later, to take the opposite side to the
French.
The East India Company showed no disposition at
first to meddle in this struggle, and for some time
* One of the younger sons.
78 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
lield aloof, but when the Carnatic was invaded by the
combined forces of Murzafa-jing and Chunda Saheb
(who were joined by some French troops under the
command of M. d'Auteuil), it soon became evident
that British interests and British territory would be
much endangered if the side which the French had
espoused proved victorious. This dreaded contingency
came to pass.
A fierce engagement took place at Amur, fifty
miles west of Arcot, and on Anwarodean Khan being
shot through the heart, his troops fled, and a large
amount of stores and booty fell into the hands of the
victorious army. Murzafa-jing and Chunda Saheb
proceeded to Arcot, where the latter was proclaimed
Nabob of the Carnatic.
The English were alarmed at the success of the
French, and Major Lawrence with his troops were re-
called from Devi Cotah, after concluding a very satis-
factory treaty with the King of Tanjore, who was
opposed to Chunda Saheb.
Mahommed Ali, son of Anwarodean Khan, had fled
to Trichinopoly, the strongest fort in his dominions.
He wrote to the English from thence, asking them for
assistance against his rival, and assured them that
Chunda Saheb had no right to the title he had
assumed, and was a rebel, as well as Murzafa-jing, the
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 79
real Subadar of the Deccan being Nazir-jing who
had been appointed by the Great Mogul.
Soon after these striking events, Nazir-jing entered
the Carnatic, and summoned Mahommed Ali to join
him from Trichinopoly, and at the same time applied
to the English for troops. The English, seeing the
cause of Nazir-jing supported by many influential
people, and hearing he had an army of 300,000 fight-
ing men, of whom more than half were cavalry, were
convinced that he was the real Subadar of the
Deccan, and ordered the detachment at Trichinopoly
to march with Mahommed Ali to join Nazir-jing at
Waldore, fifteen miles from Pondicherry. A few days
after this, Major Lawrence arrived with some troops at
Nazir-jing' s camp. He was accompanied by Mr.
Westcott, a Member of Council, and Captain Dalton,
who were authorised to treat with Nazir-jing in the
interests of the East India Company.
The following extract from Lawrence's "Narrative,"
refers to this visit to Nazir-jing's camp : —
" Muzapherzing and Chunda Saheb marched out of
Pondicherry with their army and 2,000 Europeans,
commanded by M. d'Auteuil, with a large train of
artillery and a numerous body of Sepoys. They took
post within a few miles of Nazir-jing, at whose
earnest and repeated request, I marched with 600
80 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
men accompanied with Mr. "Westcott, one of the
Council, with a commission to treat with Nazir-jing,
in which we were assisted by Captain Dalton."*
Nazir-jing received the deputation with much polite-
ness, and offered the command of his whole army to
Major Lawrence, and wished to engage the enemy at
once. This prince's desire for the combat was, how-
ever, to be realised in a manner he had not foreseen.
Some French officers in the false Subadar's army,
discontented at not receiving some of the money
bestowed on their fortunate countrymen by the King
of Tan j ore, whom Chunda Saheb had lately reduced
to submission, resigned their commissions and left the
camp. M. d'Auteuil, afraid to risk a general engage-
ment with affairs in such a disorganized state, marched
back to Pondicherry in the night with his battalion.
Deserted by their French allies, the two " false pro-
phets " thought discretion the better part of valour.
Murzafa-jing surrendered to his uncle and Chunda
Saheb retreated with d'Auteuil, leaving his followers
to shift for themselves. The camp was attacked by
Nazir-jing, and, the troops being, quite unprepared for
resistance, many were slain.
Nazir-jing's star seemed now to be in the ascendant;
* See Memoirs of Colonel Lawrence, by Richard Owen Cambridge, p. 5 W
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 81
but, as the French proverb says, " Nothing is certain
but the unforeseen/' His prosperity was too much for
his weak mind. He offended many of his supporters,
particularly the Nabobs of Cudapore, Canoul, and
Savanore, who conspired against him, and were in
league with Dupleix,* the political wire-puller of the
situation. A refusal to confirm the grant of territory
near Madras to the English East India Company, made
to them by Mahommed Ali, induced Major Lawrence
to return with his troops to Fort St. David. Shortly
after this the French entirely routed Mahommed Ali's
army, and then proceeded to attack Nazir-jing, who
ordered his nephew's head to be cut off, but Nazir-
jing was himself killed by the Nabob of Cudapore, and
the troops joined Murzafa-jing. This event caused
great joy to Dupleix and Chunda Saheb. Mahommed
Ali fled to Trichinopoly, and Murzafa-jing was acknow-
ledged as Subadar of the Deccan.
This French turn of Fortune's wheel was very
unpalatable to the English, and filled them with con-
sternation. The Subadar of the Deccan was a very
great man in India, as more than one third of the
* The Marquis Dupleix, the able Governor of the French East
India Company, had married a native a woman of considerable
talent, and her knowledge of the Indian character and language was
of great assistance to her husband.
6
82 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
empire of the Great Mogul was under his control.
Dupleix was quite aware of the advantages to be gained
from the Subadar, and the glory that would reflect on
him and his nation, in having brought about this state
of things. Great rejoicings took place at Pondicherry.
Dupleix held a court, where he received the compli-
ments of the inhabitants. Murzafa-jing soon came to
Pondicherry, and received a great ovation. The day
after, the' three Patan Nabobs arrived, and demanded
the reward of their treachery. Their claims were
settled, but not with satisfaction to themselves, and they
secretly were resolved to revolt. Dupleix was appointed
to collect all the revenues from the countries ruled over
by the Subadar, and to account to him for the same,
and it was ordered that no money should be current
in the Carnatic but such as was coined at Pondi-
cherry. Chunda Saheb was declared Nabob of Arcot,
and its dependencies, under the authority of Dupleix.
The treasures of Nazir-jing were distributed amongst
the conquerors, but Dupleix got the lion's share, and
the three Nabobs did not get as much as they had
expected. This, added to other disappointments,
caused them to revolt on the first favourable occasion.
The French and Murzafa-jing marched against the
forces commanded by the rebel Nabobs, and so eager
was Murzafa-jing to punish them, that he outstripped
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 83
the French troops, and came up with the Nabob of
Canoul and his followers, who were in full flight.
Finding he could not escape, the Nabob of Canoul
turned round and charged his adversary. Murzafa-
jing had his sword uplifted to cut him down, but the
Nabob threw his javelin at the Subadar, which
struck him on bis forehead and penetrated to the
brain, killing him on the spot. Thus perished the
Subadar, and at the same time the three Patan
Nabobs, who were cut to pieces with many of their
followers.
The tide of fortune had turned once more, and the
victorious and powerful French were thrown into great
consternation, by the death of their great ally.
Salabat-jing, the eldest brother of Nazir-jing, was pro-
claimed Subadar of the Deccan, Murzafa-jing only
having left an infant son. The newly-elected Su-
badar agreed to confirm all the concessions made by
his predecessor, and to give still greater advantages to
the French nation.
84 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON,
CHAPTER VII.
(1751.)
The Nabob,, applies to the English for Assistance. — Troops sent te
Trichinopoly under Captain Cope. — Revolt at Madura. — Capture
of that City by Allum Khan. — Captain Cope offers to retake it. —
His Troops lay siege to the Place. — Failure of the Attack. — Their
Retreat. — Captain De Gingins sent with a large Force to assist
Mahommed Ali. — Capture of Verdachelum. — Affair at Volcondah.
— Retreat of the Troops. — Remarks on the same. — French
Slanders. — Army retreats to Trichinopoly. — Captain Dalton com-
mands Advanced Post at Wootatoor and defeats the Enemy. —
Operations of the French. — Clive's Expedition to Arcot. — English
besieged at Trichinopoly by French and Chunda Saheb. — Nabob
asks Assistance from the Regent of Mysore. — Captain Dalton
defeats a Detachment of the Enemy. — Arrival of a Mahratta
Force. — Their Bravery and Success. — Disasters at Kistnavaram.
— Death of Captain Cope. — Captain Dalton ordered to proceed to
Kistnavaram to take the Command.
TE the affairs of the English East India Company-
looked gloomy at the close of the year 1750, they
did not show any signs of improvement at the com-
mencement of the year 1751. The native Princes had
seen with surprise the success that attended the French
arms, and were equally surprised at the inactivity of
the British.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 85
Mahommed Ali wrote from his fortress of Trichi-
nopoly, imploring the English to assist him, and they
— fearing his making a treaty with Dupleix — deter-
mined to support him. Accordingly, 280 Europeans
and 300 sepoys were despatched to Trichinopoly under
the command of Captain Cope. The Nabob's affairs
were in a very critical state, most of the native chiefs
having acknowledged Chunda Saheb as Nabob of the
Carnatic, and joined the rebel army at Arcot. Ma-
hommed Ali sent a force of 2,500 horse and 3,000
peons,* with a detachment of 30 Europeans, under
the command of one of his brothers, to settle the
Government of Tinevelly, a city 160 miles south of
Trichinopoly, and capital of a territory. Lieutenant
Innis commanded the Europeans, and had great diffi-
culty in keeping the native troops from revolting.
A revolt had broken out at Madura, the capital of
a territory of the same name, which lies between Tri-
chinopoly and Tinevelly. The city had been taken by
Allum Khan, a soldier of fortune, who had corrupted
the garrison, and held the city for Chunda Saheb,
whom the troops acknowledged as their sovereign.
The loss of the territory of Madura deprived Mahom-
* A name for the infantry of the Deccan, who were armed with
broadswords and sometimes with matchlocks
86 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
med Ali of more than one-half of his dominions, and
was a most serious misfortune. Captain Cope offered
to retake the capital. He marched from Trichinopoly
with one siege- and three field-pieces, and a small body
of Europeans, accompanied by 600 of the Nabob's
cavalry, commanded by one of the Nabob's brothers.
On their march they were joined by the army from
Tinevelly. Arrived at Madura, the troops found the
outer wall of the city had several large breaches in it,
so that the fire from the siege- guns soon demolished a
part of the inner wall; but the shot being soon
expended, and the breach not accessible from want of
fascines, it was necessary to storm the place. The
sepoys, having been brought up to the mark by pre-
sents and promises of future rewards, went to the
attack \erj spiritedly. The troops passed the first
wall, but at the foot of the breach in the second were
met by three champions in armour, who defended the
pass with their swords, and were with difficulty killed.
The troops then mounted the breach and gained the
parapet, where the enemy had, on each side of the
entrance, flung up a mound of earth, on which they
had laid horizontally some palm-trees, through th&
interstices of which they thrust their pikes. At the
bottom of the rampart within the wall they had flung
up a strong intrenchment with a ditch, and 3,000 or
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 87
4,000 armed men were ready to defend this work.
The troops, wounded by the pikes, were obliged to
fall back, with a loss of 90 killed and wounded. The
following day Captain Cope prepared to return to
Trichinopoly. Mahommed Ali's troops took advantage
of this repulse to openly revolt, and 500 horse with
1,000 peons went over to Allum Khan, before the
English broke up their camp, and a few days after
2,000 horse deserted*
Mahommed Ali, having heard that Chunda Sahebwas
preparing to march from Arcot against Trichinopoly,
again appealed to the English, and promised them
considerable territory near Madras. The English were
roused to action by the constant insults they received
from the French. Dupleix had, at the commencement
of harvest, put the coping-stone to his insolence, by
planting white flags in all the fields which belonged to
the French ; these flags were plainly visible from Fort
St. David, and some were even planted in English
territory. This insult stung them to the quick, and
they determined to make a desperate attempt to
retrieve their fallen fortunes.
Major Lawrence had returned to England, in October
1750, for the benefit of his health, and Captain De
* Extracted from Orme, vol. i. pp. 169-70.
88 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Gingins was senior officer at Fort St. David. Early
in April he was sent in command of a force of 500
Europeans (the troop of horse being included), 100
Caffres,* 1,000 sepoys, and 8 field-pieces, and was
ordered to wait near Fort St. David till joined by the
Nabob's troops from Trichinopoly. After waiting six
weeks, he was joined by 600 horse and 1,000 peons.
He then proceeded westward, and came in sight of
Verdachelum, a large and strong pagoda garrisoned by
300 of Chunda Saheb's army. The garrison were
summoned by the Nabob's officers to give up the
place. On their refusal, the English troops opened
fire on them from the cover of a bank, and, in the
evening, prepared to make a general assault ; but at
sight of the scaling-ladders the enemy at once capitu-
lated.
We now come to the operations of the English
troops before Volcondah, which ended in the retreat
of the English and their allies, and was certainly an
unfortunate affair. Captain Dalton gives a full account,
in his Journal, of the proceedings of the troops, and,
as he was a prominent actor in the forthcoming scenes,
I feel justified in giving his version of what two
* Negroes who were brought to India from the Cape, Guinea, or
Madagascar.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 89
learned historians* speak of as " the disgraceful affair
at Volcondah 9i : —
" After the reduction of this place [Verdachelum],
we march'd to Volconda, a fort about 45 miles from
Tritchenopoly, and there the Nabob's forces join'd us,
under his brother Abdelbobcon (sic) ; there was alto-
gether above 700 horse and 400 sipoys badly arm'd,
the rest of his forces having all deserted him and
join'd Chunda-saib, since the massacre of the Nizam,
who could afford to pay ; em better, having all the
revenues of the country in his hands. Here we had
intelligence that Chunda was marching towards [us]
with an army of no less than 20,000 horse, in con-
junction with the French, under Mons. D'auteiil, who
were about 700 strong, and near 2,000 sipoys, with 15
pieces of cannon. We had about the same time a
reinforcement of 150 men from St. David's, and, as
we were resolv'd to wait in this place for the enemy,
possessing the fort of Volconda seemed to us a thing
of great consequence. The person who commanded it
was a relation to the Nabob. However, for the
greater security, we desir'd he would admit a detach-
ment, either of ours or the Nabob's people, into it, as
we propos'd to encamp under the walls to wait for the
* Colonel Wilks and Sir John Malcolm.
90 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
enemy, and put it out of their power to take it. He
gave us for answer that the fort was his family estate,
which we could not blame him for taking care of, and
that he could not admit one party in without giving
umbrage to the other. He declared he would observe
a strict neutrality, and favour neither side, but would
pay his revenues to the Nabob as he had always
hitherto done, without Chunda prov'd victorious, and
by force df arms prov'd himself Nabob of Arcot, in
which case self-preservation would oblige him to give
it to the conqueror. Could we have believ'd him
sincere, the answer was not unreasonable, for 't was
manifest enough that, if he favoured us, and we should
chance to be worsted and oblig'd to retreat, he must,
of course, have fallen a victim to Chunda's resentment.
But, as it did not answer our purpose at that time, we
did not think it satisfactory, and desir'd the Nabob
would give us leave to attack him while Chunda's army
was too far off to give him any assistance. But he
would never consent to it, always assuring us his
relation was not in any interest but his, till our
dragoons intercepted a letter from the Governor to
his Vaquil* in the enemy's camp, desiring him to
solicit Chunda to march as soon as possible to his
* " A sort of envoy."
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON 91
assistance, for he had intelligence we intended to
attack him. I actually believe, notwithstanding this,
that he was no further in Chunda's interest at that
time than that, as he thought him the strongest side,
policy obliged him to incline that way for his own
interest.
" The enemy was then arriv'd within 8 miles of us.
The fort was between both armies j but we lay nearest
it, and had guards placed at the outside of the gates
to give us intelligence if any party of the enemy
attempted to throw themselves into it. I lay in a tope
of trees close under the wall of the fort, with the
Grenadier Company, 60 Coffreys, and 100 Sipoys, with
2 field -pieces to support these parties till our main
body could come up, which was about a mile farther
off. The people of Yolconda never made any objec-
tion to our being so near and placing these guards,
protesting, as they had from the first, that they would
observe a strict neutrality and admit neither party
within their walls.
" The enemy came often in large bodies of Horse
and Sipoys to reconnoitre our camp, but we always
prevented 'em by marching out with the advanced
guard and repulsing 'em, which put it out of their
power to be any sort of judge of our situation. On.
the other hand they suffer'd us to reconnoitre theirs
92 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON.
every day and often ride with no more than 12 troopers
within musket shot of their tents. Our army made
but a very despicable figure in comparison with that of
the enemy, and there was 2 rivers to pass and a steep
hill to ascend to get at 'em.
"The Nabob's brother, notwithstanding, was very
anxious to attack 'em, but we thought that considering
our great superiority of force it would be imprudent to
march to 'em under these difficulties. Several con-
sultations were held to study what was best to be done
in our present circumstances, and it was at last agreed
to bombard the fort of Volconda. It was natural
enough to believe the Enemy would march to the relief
of the place, and by that means give us an opportunity
of having a fair field action with 'em, and if they did
not we were sure to reduce the fort, which would be a
great point gain'd in the present situation of affairs.
tc The citadel of Volconda is built on a high steep
rock. It has round towers and some small pieces of
cannon mounted on it ; the town below joins to it and
is surrounded with a pretty good stone wall of about
16 feet high, flank' d with round towers, but has no
ditch. In this place the Moors and all the people of
distinction reside, and without all is the petta, or vil-
lage, where the poorer sort have their habitations
inclos'd with a mud wall and a ditch.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 93
ft It was not very probable that the few shells we
could throw in a night would make the governor sur-
render the fort, particularly as Chunda's army lay so
very near, who, it was not to be doubted, would take
advantage of our having commenc'd hostilities to
march to its assistance and gain admittance, after
which we could no longer stay where we lay at that
time, but must unavoidably be oblig'd to retreat, and
our cause consequently suffer. These reasons induc'd
some of the officers to propose to Capt. De Gingin r
not to throw away bombs which would be visible to
the Enemy's army, but in the night to scalade the
lower town, where all the principle men liv'd. This
we were sure to carry with great ease and without
much alarm, and when we were in to let the Governor
know, we had no design to meddle with his Citadel,
nor would even suffer our people to plunder the town
provided he remain'd quiet above and did not interfere
in the battle that would shortly ensue.
u 'Tis very certain that the lower town once taken
he would have very gladly accepted these terms, not
to be molested in the Citadel and in all probability we
should have gained our point, and oblig'd the Enemy's
army to retire. But Capt. Gingin being much indis-
pos'd, unable to [march ?] to the place himself, and of
an unfortunately jealous temper which made him mis-
94 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
trust the good will of any who offered to give him
advice, would not consent to this proposal but per-
sisted in his first scheme of bombardment, and gave
me orders, as soon as the first shell was thrown, to
attack and burn the village surrounded with the mud
wall, in order to increase the confusion. This was
done about 8 o'clock at night with only the loss of
one man in forcing the barrier, and the whole village
which was a very fine one plunder'd and set in flames.
Numbers of poor inhabitants lost their lives in this
affair, for as they ran out of their houses to avoid
being burnt, they were expos'd both to our musketry,
and that of their own people from the Citadel and
Town walls firing down at us, and this piece of cruelty
answer'd no sort of purpose except that possibly it
frightened the Governor a little for a while.
u The Citadel after this was bombarded all night and
only now and then returned us a stone shot which did
us no sort of prejudice. However, as they show'd no
sort of inclination to surrender at daylight, we drew
off our mortars and join'd our army which was lying
on the plain drawn up out of cannonshot of the fort.
About 8 o'clock we perceiv'd the outscouts of Chunda's
army appear on the top of the hills that were between
our Camp and theirs, and soon after their whole army
with the French battallion of about 500 men in their
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 95
front marching pretty fast to gain a deep water course
that led directly to the gate of the fort. Nothing
was plainer than that it was now our business to
possess ourselves of this watercourse before 'em, which
we might easily have done as we were much nearer to
it than they were. This would have put us between
them and the fort. We should have been under cover
and they expos'd, and if they offered to advance on us
over the plain, they must have lost half their people
before they could possibly get near us, but we lay
still in a state of stupefaction and saw 'em all enter
the watercourse, and pushing hard along it to the
fort.
" We then stood to our arms and the Commanding
Officer ask'd the officers, whether it was their opinion
that we could prevent the Enemy from getting in, by
advancing upon 'em. I believe this beginning gave
none a very extraordinary idea of our success. Not-
withstanding which some gave it their opinion that a
brisk push might still doe it, as the fire of the fort
was very inconsiderable. In consequence of which
the officer of the Cofferys showing great readiness was
order'd to make what dispatch he could and engage
their front, and if possible stop 'em till our main body
could come up. I marched after him as fast as I could,
in any order, with the grenadiers, 3 companys of
96 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Sipoys from the right, and a company of Topasses
belonging to the Nabob. The Coffreys ran all the way
as fast as they could and attacked the French Grena-
diers and Sipoys who led their van in so daring a
manner, that (assisted by the fire of the artillery from
the left of the Battallion, and 3 guns of the Nabob's)
they made 'em give way, and abandon their two ad-
vanced guns, so precipitately, that they threw the
French main body into confusion and they all got for
shelter into the bottom of the watercourse firing from
thence up in the air, without doing us the least harm.
Never was there a finer prospect of a compleat victory,
and the French saw it so plainly themselves, that
giving over thoughts of relieving the fort, they suffer'd
us to stop 'em, and with much adoe got 2 field pieces
up on the bank to bear upon our battallion which was
marching down in all appearance with a great deal
of resolution, to support us, but on receiving about 20
shot which killed a Lieut, and 8 or 9 men the whole
went to the right about and march'd towards camp in
great disorder without giving us who were advanced
the least notice to retire in time.
" The officers say they could not find the Command-
ing officer to receive orders what they were to doe ;
and the men declar'd the officers bid 'em retreat. For
my part, being considerably advanced from 'em, I am
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 97
no sort of judge how it happen' d but was never more
astonish'd than when I saw 'em going off, and even the
Nabob's horse crying out to 'em and upbraiding 'em
with their shamefull behaviour.
" Had the French behav'd with spirit and improv'd
their advantage, 'twas next to an impossibility that our
advanced partys could have got off; but they remain'd
in the watercourse and suffer' d us to retreat very
leisurely, and carry off the officer who was kill'd and
all the wounded. Chunda's vast army too follow'd the
example of the French, and kept on the side of the
hills a vast way off. Had these made a charge when
our battaillon fell into confusion it might have proved
a fatal day to us ; but they were content with the ad-
vantage they had gain'd, and when we left the field
their whole army came and encamp'd under the walls
of the fort, little more than cannon shot from where
we lay. I never saw the Nabob's horse so animated as
they were that day. They kept close in the rear of
our battallion and, tho few, seem'd to despize Chunda's
numbers. Abdel Bobcon's horse was shot under him
but he immediately mounted another and headed his
people. In short we had no excuse for our bad beha-
viour. It was a scandalous affair, on our side, and
the French had nothing to boast of, for they behav'd
to the full as ill as we.
7
98 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
"The reader will easily imagine, after what has
been related, that on our return to camp, vigorous
councils did not prevail amongst us. The command-
ing officer, who should have exerted himself on the
occasion, and endeavoured to raise the drooping
spirits of the people, was sick, and the general
opinion of the situation of affairs was manifest on
every countenance. The Nabob's people too, either
affraid or disgusted at what had happen'd, were packing
up their baggage and preparing to leave us. As soon
as it grew dark we struck our tents and marched off
without any noise for Wootatoor, where we arriv'd
about 4 o'clock the next day. There was an 8-inch
mortar belonging to the Nabob left by the people on
the road which fell into the hands of the Enemy, the
carriage it was on having broke down. We lost
nothing but a few of our tents, and some hand-
grenadoes, which last we buried having no convenience
to carry 'em." *
The above graphic account of a very unfortunate
affair bears the unmistakeable stamp of truth, and is
borne out by the historian Orme, who adds, what
Dalton does not mention, that, when the battalion was
seized with a panic, the Captains, De Gingins, Dalton,
* Dalton's Journal, fol. 24-28.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON. 99
and Kilpatrick, and Lieutenant Clive, tried to rally
them, but in vain.*
Every little circumstance tends to show very clearly
that Captain De Gingins was too cautious, and not
possessed of enough ability, or self-reliance, to prove
a successful leader. The Council at Fort St. David
had been astonished by the dilatory action of the man
whom they had placed in command over their troops,
and fearing that if Volcondah was not taken, the French
and their allies would speedily possess themselves of
this important fortress, they sent, early in June, a
despatch to Captain De Gingins, the contents of which
are referred to in the following memorandum given in
the East India Company's Records : —
u June — ? 1751. Mr. Robinsf volunteers to go to
Volcondah, but is not allowed ; he and the Board concur
that Captain De Gingins be ordered to seek the
enemy, and use his utmost endeavour to bring to an
engagement, and this as soon as possible, their
strength increasing daily by the arrival of their
* Orme, vol. i. (edit. 1775), p. 174.
f Mr. Benjamin Robins, successor to Captain Alexander Delavaux,
had been appointed on December 8, 1749, Engineer-General and Com-
mander-in-Chief of Artillery in the East Indies. He died, ''pen in
hand," at Fort St. David, July 29, 1751.— Vibart's Military History of
the Madras Engineers.
7 *
100 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
supplies from Europe, and the President is now
ordered to write to Captain De Gingins to that pur-
On the receipt of the President's letter, De Gingins
determined to treat the governor of the fort as an
enemy, and he bestirred himself somewhat, but in so
hesitating and half-hearted a manner, that neither the
Europeans nor the native troops under his command
felt any confidence in their leader. As commander of
the troops, De Gingins was responsible for the unfor-
tunate result of his operations. The historian Orme
fully recognised this responsibility ; and from personal
acquaintance with the officer in question, who was a
Swiss by birth, his character of De Gingins deserves
to be given : —
" Captain Gingen was undoubtedly a man of courage,
and had seen much service in Europe ; but having had
no experience against an Indian army, fell into the
error of imagining that the cavalry of Chunda Saheb
would act with all the vigour of which their number
and appearance seemed capable/'
It is also only fair to add that this was almost the
first occasion on which De Gingins held the chief
command, and it must be remembered that, though he
had seen much service in Europe, it was as a young
subaltern, and that in 1747 he was only a second lieu-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 101
tenant* in one of the Independent Companies under
the command of Admiral Boscawen.
Captain Dal ton having been one of the senior
officers at Volcondah, I have searched into the matter,
and read the different historical accounts of this action.
The two historians who term it a " disgraceful " affair f
go into no particulars. They both agree, however, in
taking all share of blame from Lieutenant Clive,
because he was at that time acting as Commissary to
the troops, having resigned his commission in the
army, after the siege of Devi Cotah, and returned to
his former civil career. As he was present at Vol-
condah as a non-combatant, holding no military posi-
tion, he was of course quite exempt from blame. At
the same time, anyone who has read Clive's life, will,
I think, agree with me in thinking that, when a council
of war was held, he would give his advice to the other
officers. I should also think that an officer who had
distinguished himself at Pondicherry, and had led the
assault at Devi Cotah in the most gallant manner,
would have been readily listened to on an occasion
when so much was at stake. Sir John Malcolm
* In the Army List for 1754, 1 find the name of Rodolph de Gingen
(on the half-pay list) as second lieutenant of an Independent
Company.
102 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN I) ALTON.
naturally enough wishes to show that Clive had no
part in the councils which delayed the engaging with
the enemy, and helped to frighten the troops. I also
wish to show that Captain Dalton was in no way to
blame. He was not in command, therefore was not
answerable for the cautious policy of his commanding
officer. It is necessary to look fully into this affair,
because when Clive, some years afterwards — then at
the height of fame and fortune — visited Paris, one of
the many slanders told of him behind his back by the
envious and most low-minded of the Parisians, was
that " he had shared in Captain Dalton' s panic at Vol-
condah." This double falsehood came well from a
people who had allowed Arcot to be captured by a
handful of troops, commanded by only eight officers,
six of whom had never been in action before. The
writer who mentions this* was himself a foreigner, and
quite ready to throw any obloquy on the conqueror
of India, and any English officer. His Life of Lord
Clive is full of abuse of that great man, not allowing
him any virtues whatever, and trying to make out that
Clive' s victories were more due to good luck than
through any military talent. The above false asser-
tion does no harm to Captain Dalton's character, and
no one need be ashamed of having been accused along
* Caraccioli, Life of Lord Clive.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 103
with Clive — who, like Nelson, knew not fear — of
having been seized with a panic. I can quite under-
stand why the French hit upon Captain Dalton as the
cause of the panic. Captain De Gingins was a Swiss,
which at that time was the next thing to a Frenchman,
and accordingly they selected the officer whom they
had good reason to hate, he having often defeated
them, and baulked all their endeavours to obtain pos-
session of Trichinopoly. Anyone who reads this Life
of Clive must feel disgusted at the picture it draws of
one of England's greatest heroes, a rt heaven-born
general " as Pitt called him. I do not condemn the
book merely because of the assertion that "Clive
shared in Captain Dalton's panic," as I treat that lie
with the contempt it merits, but I do condemn the
author for raking up a number of stories of Lord
Clivers stay in France, whereof coarseness without wit
is the characteristic trait.
Now to return to more pleasant matters.
The English, retreating from Volcondah to Trichino-
poly, arrived at the valley of Wootatoor, and their
proceedings there are thus chronicled by Captain
Dalton in his journal : —
11 Wootatoor is a strong post for a Camp, between
Volconda and Tritchenopoly, about twenty miles
distant from either place. There is a Pagoda with a
104 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
stone wall and some round towers, but no rampart,
which makes it easily taken, and has been the reason
of its often changing masters during the war. At this
time there was a small garrison of the Nabob's people
in it. Our army encamp'd close to this place in a
sort of valley surrounded by very high rocks, which
made their situation very strong, particularly as the
road all round is so full of rocks and stones, that no
enemy could bring Artillery near it if the least resist-
ance was made. As this is the barrier to the Trit-
chenopoly country, we determin'd here to wait for the
enemy, and I was detach'd with the grenadiers,
Coffreys, and a plattoon of the battalion as an
advanced guard, to a pagoda (about two miles in
the front of the army), overlook'd by a great rocky
mountain, on the top of which I placed a strong guard,
both as a look-out and to prevent the enemy from
taking possession of it. "We lay in this situation
about a week, without seeing any appearance of the
enemy, till one evening a small party of their Horse
came down quite close to us, so near that we at first
took 'em for deserters, but on seeing 'em draw their
swords we made a company of sipoys give 'em a volley,
and advancing on 'em with these and the 12 dragoons
which I had with me to patrol, we repulsed 'em a con-
siderable distance beyond our advanced guard, and
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON. 105
were returning home when Capt. De Gingin hearing
some firing came up on horseback with our Capt. of
Dragoons, to see what was the matter, and was follow'd
by about 150 of the Nabob's horse. These gentlemen
rode a little further on, and seeing the same small
party of the Enemy's horse hovering at a distance,
the Capt. of Dragoons with the 12 troopers and the
Nabob's horse, gallop'd after 'em at full speed. I was
then very near my post returning with the sipoys,
when Capt. Gingin sent for 'em back, I suppose with a
view of supporting our horse, upon which I went with
'em to see what would be the event, and Capt. Maske-
lyne, who had just then met me, did the same. The
Enemy's horse flew before ours who continued pur-
suing 'em till they were fairly led into an ambuscade,
where a thousand horse, and full that number of
Sipoys with 2 guns, lay conceal'd. We had but just
got back to where Capt. Gingin stood, and brought
the company of sipoys with us as he desir'd, when we
saw our horse returning at full speed with four times
their number at their heels in full pursuit of 'em, and
their sipoys with above 20 stand of colours coming up
as fast as they could run in the rear of 'em. Our
horse halted when they join'd us and the Enemy'a
cavalry to make sure of us, gallop'd in between us and
my post, to put it out of our power to retreat. We
106 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
had not in all above 40 sipoys, with which we forc'd
our way full half a mile, and I really believe should
have got clear of the Horse alone, notwithstanding
their numbers, if the great body of Infantry which
eame up with us very fast had not dispirited our
sipoys. All our hopes was that the officer who com-
manded the advanced Guard in my absence, would
march out to our assistance, but a tope of trees which
was between us and him, prevented his seeing what
passed. Captain Gingin expressing a great inclina-
tion that some one well mounted would endeavour to
push through and bring out the Coffery company, I
offer'd my service, and Capt. Maskelyne's horse being
better than mine, we chang'd, and taking a pistol
cock'd in my hand, I watch'd an opportunity when the
road was clearest and set out at full speed for the
advanced guard. I was closely pursued, but being
extreamly well mounted, not more than 4 or 5 could
overtake me, and when any of these came near
enough to cut at me, presenting my pistol always
sav'd me. When I got near my party they gave over
pursuing me, and I met the Coffery company coming
out, with which I immediately turn'd back to the
relief of our sipoys, but unfortunately came too late.
Despairing of getting off they had thrown down their
arms and were all either cut to pieces or taken pri-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 107
soners. Captain Maskelyne* was in the number of
the latter, but was not hurt. Capt. Gingin and the
Capt. of Dragoons,f with the 12 men, were coming
away at full speed and pursued by a vast number of
the Enemy's horse when we met 'em. But on seeing
us the Enemy retreated, and we marched up to the
place the action had happen'd, and brought off the
kill'd and wounded men, some of the latter miserably
cut. Tho our loss in this affair was not very great, it
was, notwithstanding, attended with very bad conse-
quences. Our people already disheartened by the
affair of Volconda, were greatly discouraged at it, and
had conceiv'd a very bad opinion of the management of
affairs. Disagreement and caballs among the officers
(the usual consequences of bad success) ensued, and
never was a more unhappy set of people got together,
nor from whom less good could be expected/' J
The following memorandum in the East India
Records for 1751 is an interesting sequel to the
above : —
" Fort St. David, July 22, 1751. The President
* Edmund Maskelyne, the early friend and future brother-in-law
of Clive, served many years in the East India Company's service, but
never attained any high rank.
f This was Captain James Kilpatrick, the future commandant of
Trichinopoly.
X Dalton's Journal, fol. 29-31.
108 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
acquaints the Board that Lieut. Maskelyne, who came
in from Camp a few days ago, gives an account that
Captain De Gingins having advice that a Body of
the Enemy's Horse was moving towards our army,
then encamped at Wootatore, went out attended by
Captains Dalton and Kilpatrick and himself, with
about 100 Sepoys and a few troopers to reconnoitre,
but advancing too far, they were all surrounded by
a party of the Enemy's Horse that were lying in
Ambuscade. That Captains De Gingins, Dalton and
Kilpatrick thereupon mounting their horses made
their way thro' them by the assistance of the
troopers, and arrived safe in camp, but he (Lieut.
Maskelyne) not having a horse was obliged to sur-
render to the Sepoys, that he was carried prisoner to
Chunda Saib who gave him leave to come here on his
parole, but not till he had received an answer from
Mr. Dupleix to a letter he wrote on this subject.
The President further informs the Board that he has
advice that a few days after the above accident, the
Enemy made a great attack on our advanced guard
at Wootatore, which was so bravely defended by
Captain Dalton that they were obliged to retreat
with a considerable loss without effecting anything.
That our troops have nevertheless quitted that Post
and retreated across the river very near Trichinopoly,
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 109
whither the Enemy have followed them, and encamped
on the Banks. Captain De Gingins writes that the
reasons of his taking this step were the want of pro-
visions, and his apprehensions that the Nabob's people
would leave us."
The repulse of the enemy at Wootatoor,* by
Captain Dalton, is modestly detailed in his own soldierly
narrative, to which I now return : —
"The day after this happened [on July 13], the
Enemy's army marched from Volconda and encamp'd
within 5 miles of my Advanced Post. As it was not
to be doubted but I should be attack'd very shortly,
I desir'd the Commanding Officer would give me posi-
tive orders whether to make my disposition for a
vigourous defence of my post or to retire to our main
body on the approach of the Enemy. I look'd upon
this precaution as necessary in our situation, to put it
out of his, or any one's, power to censure my con-
duct. For since our affairs began to wear an indif-
ferent aspect, every one seem'd inclin'd to throw the
blame of any misconduct off himself, to the prejudice
of others. As I never could obtain these orders to
my satisfaction I asked the opinion of several of the
officers on the subject, and as I found 'em all in-
* Called Utatoor in Orme's History.
110 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
clin'd to think the post should be defended, I took my
resolutions accordingly. I was all along of the same
opinion myself that the post should be defended and
the army march up to support it, for it was very plain
that if the Enemy once got possession of it, our army
would be too much streighten'd and oblig'd to retreat
from Wootatoor, as we had been for the same reason
from Volconda. Besides as we had resolv'd to come
to a battle with the Enemy, we could never chuse a
more advantageous spot than at the Advanc'd Guard,
as we should have fought under cover of banks and
walls, which form'd natural intrenchments, and the
Enemy could not come at us but by marching over a
plain expos'd to their shoebuckles, a thing they are
by no means fond of. Two days after the Enemy had
encamp'd within sight of me, and sufficiently recon-
noitred my post. About 6 in the morning their whole
body of horse consisting of at least 20,000 men ap-
peared on the plains all round, and soon after a line of
4,000 Sipoys very regularly drawn up with 7 pieces of
cannon in their front and a company of about 100
Portugueze in the service of Chunda Saib, march'd
up slowly to the attack, the Cavalry bringing up the
rear, excepting a few squadrons which having detach'd
themselves from their main body gallop'd in between
us and camp. I immediately sent a dragoon well
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. Ill
mounted to give the Commanding Officer advice of
this, and having made my disposition in the best
manner I was capable, had just begun to fire my
Artillery on the advanced partys of the Enemy, that
were now come within reach, when I received orders
to draw my people off, and join the main body which
had advanced a little way from Camp to cover my
retreat. I confess I was never more embarass'd than
on this occasion. Had I been order'd before to retire
on the first approach of the Enemy, I might have done
it with much ease. But now that we were in a manner
ingag'd with such a multitude, who allways exert them-
selves most when any party retreats before 'em, I really
hardly thought the thing practicable, as we had full a
mile and a half to march to where our battallion was
drawn up to cover us. To conceal my intentions as
long as possible from the enemy, I first drew up my
main body in good order close behind the Village out
of their sight, and then order'd my advanced partys
first to send me the 2 guns and then to retreat slowly
in good order and form upon my left. The party on
the top of the rock was to come down and join at the
same time. The officers performed every part with
great exactness, and we were all join'd and drawn up
in good order behind the village, when the Enemy per-
ceiv'd we were going off. They came on at first like
112 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
a torrent in a very surprizing manner with great
shouts, their foot with above 50 stand of colours
were on the top of the hill, firing down at us before
we got clear of the corner of the village, and their
horse came round by the gate of the pagoda at full
speed. We retird just far enough to be out of the
reach of the musketry on the hill and then made a
halt. Their Horse by coming round the corner of
the village, were close upon us before they expected
it, and came swarming round us in front and on
both flanks, but as we expected no other, and were
ready prepar'd for 'em, we gave 'em such a reception
as effectually check 'd their first ardor, and was of
great service to us afterwards. They wheeled again
round the corner of the village to shelter themselves,
upon which we gave 'em 3 huzza's and continued
our march towards the battallion. They let us after
this goe a considerable way unmolested, before they
press'd on us any more, but at last return'd horse
and foot together and endeavour'd to surround us.
Our Coffreys and a few Topasses, with the Plattoon
of the Battallion, made a constant fire on 'em, while
the grenadiers march'd with recover'd arms as a
reserve, frequently facing about and presenting at
bodys of the Horse that press'd on us, and recovering
their arms when they halted and declined the charge.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON. 113
In reality our extraordinary retreat that day may be
principally ascrib'd to the gallantry and steady beha-
viour of that company, who have never faiPd to dis-
tinguish themselves in every action that happened
during the war.
" The ground most of the way between our advanced
guard and the camp was very favourable to us by
being rocky, which made it difficult for the Horse to
be so troublesome to us as they otherwise would have
been, and we were under no apprehensions from their
foot. We were met about half way by 2 plattoons of
the Dragoons dismounted under their Captain, who
came to our assistance, and covering our left flank
were of very great service. In short we arriv'd safe
to camp, and formed in upon the right of the battallion
which was drawn up at a little distance from the
tents. For when Captain Gingins saw we were out of
danger he return'd from where he had been drawn up
to cover our retreat. We lost in all but 15 kilPd and
wounded, most of which we brought with us." *
The enemy, in the excitement of the chase, had been
insensibly drawn on, and now found themselves face to
face with the whole British force. Their first thought
was to stand their ground and risk a general action,
Dalton's Journal, fol. 32-34.
8
114 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
but a heavy fire from the British artillery made them
waver, and a timely advance of the English and their
allies shook their resolution. They turned and fled,
losing nigh 300 men before they got out of cannon-
shot.
Notwithstanding this success, the cautious Captain
De Gingins continued his retreat. After a march of
eighteen hours, performed without refreshment in the
hottest season of this sultry climate,* the troops
arrived near Trichinopoly, and took possession of
Pitchandah, a fortified pagoda on the banks of the
Coleroon, about a mile to the east of Seringham.
Seringham is an island which lies between the Cole-
roon and Caveri, and contains a strong pagoda. This
pagoda, from its position and natural strength, would
have answered all the purposes of a strong fortress,
and from its being so near to Trichinopoly, would have
been a most important place to hold. De Gingins
neglected this grand opportunity, although the pagoda
had been virtually in his possession — his troops having
been admitted within the enclosure by the Brahmins —
and continued his march to Trichinopoly, leaving to
the French and their ally, Chunda Saheb, a strong-
hold which they had the good sense to at once occupy
— and hold.
* See Extract from Dalton's Journal in Appendix.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 115
The only post that still held out for the Nabob, out-
side of Trichinopoly, was Coilady, and that fort was
soon captured by a strong detachment sent against it,
notwithstanding the gallant efforts made to defend it
by Ensign Trusler. This success caused Chunda Saheb
to cross the Caveri, and encamp with part of his army
to the east of Trichinopoly. In July, a small rein-
forcement of Europeans and Sepoys were sent from
Fort St. David to Trichinopoly, under the command of
Mr. Pigot,* a Member of Council, and Lieutenant
Clive, who volunteered to accompany the detachment.
Soon after this, another detachment was sent to rein-
force the Trichinopoly troops. A captain's Commission
was given to Mr. Clive, and he was given the command
of the reinforcement which proceeded to Devi Cotah,
where they were joined by a few more Europeans
under the command of Captain Clarke, who took the
command of the whole, and they arrived at Trichino-
poly after a skirmish with a French detachment, which
was entirely routed.
"Notwithstanding," says Orme, " these reinforce-
ments, the English battalion at Trichinopoly did not
exceed 600 men, whereas the French had 900, and the
* Afterwards Sir George Pigot, Bart., Governor of Fort St. George,
Madras. He was created a baron in 1766, and died in illegal confine-
ment in India, 1777.
8 *
116 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
troops of Chunda Saheb outnumbered the Nabob's ten
to one. The strength of the city,"* indeed, rendered
the reduction of it very difficult ; but the Nabob's
army, at the same time that they were incapable of
retrieving his affairs, exhausted his treasures, and his
revenues were daily cut off by the enemy taking pos-
session of the countries which furnished them."
Captain Clive, having returned to Fort St. David,
made the President aware of this state of affairs, and
suggested that an expedition should be sent against
Arcot, the capital of Chunda SaheVs dominions.
This suggestion was adopted, and Clive was, at his
own request, nominated to the command. This expe-
dition was the turning-point of the Company's affairs,
* The town is thus described by Orme : — " The city of Tritcha-
nopoly lies about 90 miles inland from the coast, and is situated
within half a mile of the southern bank of the Caveri, and about a
mile and a half south-east from Seringham. It is a parallelogram,
of which the east and west sides extend near 2,000 yards, and the
north and south about 1,200. It has a double inclosure of walls, each
of which are flanked by round towers built at equal distances from
one another. The outward wall is 18 feet high and about 5 feet
thick, without rampart or parapet. The inward is much stronger,
being 30 feet high, with a rampart of stone decreasing by large steps
from the ground to the top, where it is 10 feet broad, and has a thin
parapet of stone about 7 feet high, in which are loop-holes to fire
through. There is an interval between the two walls of 25 feet, and
before the outward a ditch 30 feet wide and 12 deep. ... In the
northern part of the city stands a rock 150 feet high, from which the
adjacent country is discovered for many miles round."
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 117
as Arcot was captured, and the lost prestige of the
English was restored. There are few undertakings in
military history which show more boldness and skill
both in the planning and carrying out of the under-
taking. The inborn military genius that Clive dis-
played on this occasion filled everyone with wonder
and admiration, and paved the way to future high
posts, which left him at last on the topmost rung of
the ladder of fame, to which his abilities and courage
had brought him. As the siege and capture of Arcot
are not in any way connected with my narrative, I
pass it over, and return to the Nabob's army at Trichi-
nopoly.
The army of Chunda Saheb — assisted by the French
battalion — was besieging Trichinopoly. The principal
operations of the siege were carried on by the French,
who had sent to one of their settlements for a train of
battering artillery, and had raised a battery a little to
the south of the north-east angle of the town, and at a
distance of 1,200 yards from the city walls. Their
camp was two and a half miles from the east side of
the town, and Chunda Saheb's troops were encamped
close to them, and their unprotected flank was secured
by a redoubt containing two guns. Besides the above-
named battery — where the French had mounted three
18-pounders and three mortars — they had likewise
118 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN I) ALTON.
mounted two 18-pounders on a high rock/* situated
2,000 yards directly east of the town, and they also
raised a battery of two guns on the island of Seringham,
from which they fired across the river at the northern
gate of the city. The two last-named batteries were
at too great a distance to do any harm, and now that
it was too late, the troops began to be ashamed of
having retreated before an enemy who showed himself
so little capable of doing them harm.
"To save," says Orme, "that part of the wall
against which the enemy's principal battery fired, a
glacis was raised to such a height as left nothing but
the parapet exposed, and the Grenadiers, commanded
by Captain Dalton, were posted behind this glacis. An
entrenchment was flung up between the French rock
and the south-east angle of the town, in which the
Company of Caffres were posted to protect from sur-
prises the Nabob's cavalry, encamped to the south;
and to oppose the enemy's battery in the island, two
guns were mounted close to the southern bank of the
river. To infilade these, the French mounted two guns
on the same side of the river, but were one night driven
from this post by Captain Dalton. . . . The enemy's
* This rock was ever afterwards known as the " French Rock.' !
Orme, vol i. p. 200.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 119
batteries fired, indeed, constantly and smartly every
day, and damaged some houses, but made no impres-
sion on the defences of the town ; they supplied the
defenders with a great number of cannon-balls, all of
which had the English mark, being the same which
the ships had fired against Pondicherry, with as little
effect as they were now thrown away against Trichi-
nopoly."*
Mahommed Ali, finding himself in great straits for
troops, money, and provisions, applied for help to the
Dalloway of Mysore (uncle of the King of Mysore and
Regent of the kingdom), and promised to agree to the
Regent's terms. The Nabob having ratified the treaty
with his oath, the Dalloway agreed to assist him.
Accordingly he sent a party of 70 horsemen from
Seringapatam — the capital of Mysore — with 500,000
rupees. The day after their arrival, there was a skir-
mish with the enemy, which gave the Mysorean officers
a good opinion of the Nabob's English allies, and, as
Captain Dalton was in command of the detachment on
this occasion, I shall copy the account word for word
from Orme : —
" A platoon with two or three companies of Sepoys
were sent to cut down wood at a grove situated about
* Orme, vol. i. pp. 200, 201.
120 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
a mile and a half south-east from the city. The
enemy having intelligence of this detachment, sent a
large body of cavalry to cut off their retreat ; their
march being discovered from the rock in the city, the
Grenadiers with some Sepoys and one field-piece were
sent to support the first party, and the troop of My-
soreans accompanied them. Captain Dalton meeting
the wood-carts loaded, ordered them to proceed to the
town by a distant road, and forming the two parties
into one column, with the field-pieces in front, marched
towards the enemy, instead of proceeding directly to
the city. He first met the French dragoons, who halted
on a small eminence to reconnoitre, and waited there
till they received the fire of a platoon, on which they
retreated, to bring up the body of Chunda Saheb's
cavalry, who remained at some distance in the rear.
These came up some time after at full speed, flourish-
ing their swords, and made a halt within point-blank
shot, to draw the fire of the English troops before they
charged; but Captain Dalton ordered his men to
preserve it, and wait with fixed bayonets in close
order. The field-piece alone was fired, and the first
shot dismounted three Moors, and a few more dis-
charges put the whole body to flight. They left 22
horses killed on the plain, and the Mysoreans took
five prisoners, together with their horses, which at their
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 121
return a few days after, they carried in a kind of
triumph to their own country."
Towards the end of November, the army of the
King of Mysore began to arrive at Carour, situated
50 miles from Trichinopoly. A Mahratta force, under
Morarow,* had also been engaged by the Dalloway,
and in December 500 Mahrattas arrived at Trichi-
nopoly. A few days after their arrival, they rode out
into the plain, and finding a small detached camp near
the French rock, rode into it sword in hand, and
carried off everything they found .there, notwithstand-
ing the swarms of Chunda Saheb's cavalry who hovered
around them.
The Mahrattas showed themselves to be brave and
skilful soldiers, and by their spirited example they
roused the English and Nabob's troops to take more
active steps in attacking the enemy, and to forego
something of their cautious policy which had kept
* Colonel Lawrence gives the following description of this Indian
" soldier of fortune" in his Narrative: — "Morarow is a Mahratta,
who by supporting the divisions in the country has made himself
considerable from a small beginning, he sides with no party but as
he finds his advantage in it, and as easily changes sides ; he com-
mands about 3,000 very good horse. When he is not employed or
paid by any Prince, he scours the country for himself, and raises
contributions where he can get most and with least work. His real
master is the Nanah Shah Raja, but he obeys his orders just as they
are conducive to his own interest."
122 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
them back so long* Innis Khan, the commander of
the Mahrattas, formed the design of entrapping the
French soldiers into an ambuscade. Having commu-
nicated his plan to Captain De Gingins, he sent a
detachment of Europeans to assist the Mahrattas, and
the plan was so well carried out that 60 French dra-
goons were lured from their camp, and, falling into the
ambuscade prepared for them, 50 were cut to pieces.
The Mahrattas were so elated by their success, that
they tried to induce the English to give battle at once
to the enemy ; but the English declined to risk it till
the Mysorean army arrived, on which the Mahrattas
told them they were not the same kind of men
whom they had seen fighting so gallantly at Arcot.
The Regent of Mysore having arrived with his army
near Carour, and hearing that Chunda Saheb was
sending a large body of French troops and sepoys to
Kistnavaram, he wrote to Mahommed Ali, asking him
to send a strong party of English to his assistance, as
he was not accustomed to fight against Europeans.
Captain Cope proceeded to Kistnavaram with 140
Europeans, 100 sepoys, and 2 field-pieces. He was
instructed to dislodge the enemy at any hazard. They
had entrenched themselves very strongly, and were
greatly superior to the English in numbers ; neverthe-
less, Captain Cope resolved to attack them. The forlorn
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 123
hope, finding themselves in a perilous position, refused
to leave the shelter of a bank which hid them from the
enemy, and Lieutenant Felix, who stood on the top of
the bank trying to encourage them to proceed, was
shot through the heart, and, soon after, Captain Cope,
returning with a platoon from the reserve, was mortally
wounded, on which disasters the whole party retreated
in disorder.
At this critical state of affairs, Captain Dalton was
ordered to proceed to Kistnavaram, to take the com-
mand.
124 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
CHAPTER VIII.
(1752.)
Dalton arrives at Kistnavaram. — Interview with the Regent of Mysore.
— Operations against the Enemy. — The Mysorean army arrives
at Trichinopoly. — Olive's Successes in the Oarnatic. — Discontent
of the Mysoreans and Mahrattas. — Lawrence arrives from
England, and marches with a Reinforcement to Trichinopoly. —
French try to intercept him. — Skirmishes with the Enemy. — Is
joined by Dalton with a large Detachment. — Encounters with
the Enemy. — Olive and Dalton gain an Advantage. — Dalton sent
with a Detachment to attack Ohunda Saheb's Camp in the Night.
— Is misled. — Captures Elmiserum. — Takes a Gun from the
Enemy on the other side of the Cavery. — Defeats D'Auteuil at
Wootatoor and captures Post. — Clive given Command of a large
Force. — Dalton joins Clive and serves under him as a Volunteer.
— Is wounded at the Reduction of Pitchandah by the Bursting of
a Gun. — Result of Olive's Operations against the Enemy. — Fate
of Ohunda Saheb. — Dalton receives Surrender of the French at
Jumbakisna. — Is left Commandant of Trichinopoly by Lawrence.
TT7HEN Captain Dalton arrived at Kistnavaram, he
found the English detachment joined by the
van of the Mysorean army, and two days after, the
Regent arrived with the remainder of his troops. The
whole force numbered 20,000 men. "The Regent/ 9
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 125
says Orme, quoting from Dalton' s Journal, "imme-
diately desired a conference with Captain Dalton, whom
he received with great politeness, admiring, not with-
out astonishment, the martial appearance and regu-
larity of the English troops ; and forming naturally
the same high opinion of the French, he declared he
should neither expose his men nor lose time in attack-
ing them, but proceed at midnight with half the army
directly to Trichinopoly by another road, at some dis-
tance on the plain, leaving the rest with Captain
Dalton, whom he requested to divert the enemy's
attention by a false attack, until he was out of the
reach of danger ; and, not content with these precau-
tions, he desired that some Europeans might accom-
pany him as a safeguard to his person. These dispo-
sitions answering the purpose for which the detachment
was sent, Captain Dalton encouraged him in his reso-
lution, and at midnight began to skirmish against the
enemy's posts, which he kept alarmed until morning,
by which time the rear of the Regent's division was
out of sight. This service proved to be much more
necessary than it first appeared to be ; for such was
the military ignorance of the Mysoreans, that they
were discovered in the night passing over the plain
with ten thousand lights, as if they had been marching
in the procession of an Indian wedding.
126 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
" The next day, the rest of their army proceeded,
desiring Captain Dalton to remain before the village
until they were out of sight, and promised to halt and
wait for him, but they were no sooner out of danger
than they hurried away to join the Regent. Some
hours after, the English detachment decamped, and
passing by Kistnavaram without molestation from the
garrison, returned to Trichinopoly, where they arrived
on the 6th of February, and the French soon after
recalled their detachment." *
Such was the Mysorean army ! An undisciplined
rabble — a pack of rapacious wolves, eager for prey, but
afraid- to attack their enemy.
The King of Tanjore now declared for the Nabob,
and sent 3,000 horse and 2,000 foot to Trichinopoly,
under the command of Monack-jee. His example was
followed by several other native chiefs, who also sent
troops, so that the force of Mahommed Ali became on
a sudden superior to that of Chunda Saheb. The
Mysore Regent now pressed the English to fight, being
anxious to obtain possession of certain places promised
him by the Nabob ; but Captain De Gingins, knowing
well the little reliance to be placed on their allies,
* Orme, vol. i. pp. 207, 208.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN VALTON. 127
refused to risk an engagement till the arrival of an
English reinforcement.
While these events were transpiring, Captain Give
had followed up his brilliant success at Arcot, by-
defeating Raja Saheb at Ami, and two months after,
defeated both the French and Raja Saheb at Covre-
pauk.
" The defeat at Covrepauk," says Orme, " succeed-
ing to their former disgraces, entirely broke their
force as well as their spirits ; their horse either dis-
banded, or took service with the governors in the pro-
vinces who still acknowledged Chunda Saheb ; and the
French troops and Sepoys were recalled to Pondicherry,
where Mr. Dupleix was so incensed against Raja
Saheb, that he would not suffer him for several days to
appear in his presence. Thus the English successes
in the Carnatic recovered to Mahomedally an extent
of country 30 miles in breadth, and 60 in length, the
usual revenues of which, including that of the famous
pagoda at Tripaty, amounted to 400,000 pagodas.
" Three days after their arrival at Fort St. David,
the troops were ready to take the field again under
the command of Captain Clive, when, on the 15th of
March, Major Lawrence arrived from England, and,
two days after, put himself at the head of the detach-
ment. It consisted of 400 Europeans and 1,100
128 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Sepoys, with eight field-pieces, who, escorting a large
quantity of military stores, marched through the King
of Tanj ore's country towards Trichinopoly.
" Here the Mysoreans and Morattoes were so much
displeased with the precaution of Captain Gingen, who
constantly refused to attack the enemy's posts before
he was joined by the expected reinforcement, that the
Dalloway of Mysore, distressed by the great expenses
of his army, had more than once been on the point of
returning to his own country; however, him the
Nabob appeased by making over the revenues of all
the districts which had been recovered since his
arrival ; but Morarow was so exasperated by this in-
activity, which deprived his troops of opportunities to
get plunder, and removed the prospect of more impor-
tant acquisitions, which he expected from this war,
that he meditated defection and began to treat with
Ohunda Saheb." *
When Dupleix heard of the detachment being sent
to Trichinopoly, he immediately sent orders to M. Law
— the French commander — to intercept Major Law-
rence's party. The Major arrived on March 26 at a
fort belonging to the King of Tanj ore, 20 miles from
Trichinopoly, where they left part of their stores.
* Vol. i. pp. 213, 214.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 129
Hearing that the enemy had posted a large party with
artillery at the fort of Coilady, the Major determined
to take another road, but his guides, through some
mistake — or treachery — led him to the very place he
wished to avoid, and the troops were fired on by six
pieces of cannon from across the Cavery. This fire
was answered from the rear of the English division,
while the main body marched on, inclining to the left,
which soon took them out of the reach of the fire, but
not before 20 Europeans had been killed. The rear
division then joined the main body, and they arrived
within 10 miles of Trichinopoly that night. Captain
De Gin gins sent 100 Europeans and 50 dragoons to
join them, and at daybreak Captain Dalton was sent
with his company of grenadiers, and another company,
along with 400 sepoys and four field-pieces, to join
the reinforcement when it came in sight. The French
and their allies were drawn up in order of battle, be-
tween the fortified posts of Elmiserum and the French
Rock, while the rest of the army were in a line ex-
tending from the French Rock to Chuckleypollam, by
the river side ; thus the northern approach to Trichi-
nopoly was completely cut off. The Major, hearing of
this disposition made to surround him, marched to the
south of Elmiserum, and before he came in sight of
the enemy he was joined by the allies, which deterred
9
130 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN I) ALTON.
the enemy from attacking him, and at noon Captain
Dalton with his detachment, and some of the Nabob's
troops also arrived, whilst Morarow with the Mah-
rattas kept the enemy in check. The enemy's fire
soon put the Mahrattas to flight, and they rejoined the
allied army. What followed is best given in the exact
words of Or me, who, from the knowledge he derived
from the actors themselves in these scenes, was able to
give a most minute and consecutive account of all that
happened : —
" Captain Clive having reconnoitred the enemy,
reported that there was a large choultry,* with some
stone buildings, not far from the front of the French
battalion, which they, busied in forming their line,
had neglected to take possession of. On this advice,
he was ordered to proceed with the first division of
artillery, supported by the grenadiers, as fast as pos-
sible to the choultry, whilst the rest of the column
moved up slowly in regular order. The enemy, instead
of sending forward a detachment to prevent them, con-
tented themselves with cannonading as their battalion
advanced, which had approached within 800 yards of
the choultry by the time the English detachment
arrived there, and now made a push against their
* A building in India for the shelter of travellers, similar to the
Turkish caravanserai.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 131
artillery, which was so well pointed, that it kept them
at a distance until the rest of the battalion and Sepoys
came up. The Confederate troops, unwilling to expose
their horses to a cannonade, halted at a distance ; but
those of Chunda Saheb, commanded by Allum Khan,
the governor of Madura, kept close to the rear of the
French. A cannonade ensued, the hottest without
doubt, for the time it lasted, that had ever been seen
on the plains of Indostan ; for the French fired from
22 pieces of cannon, and the English from nine. Such
of the English troops as were not employed at the
guns, found shelter behind the choultry and the build-
ings near it, whilst the whole of the enemy's army
stood exposed on the open plain, suffering in propor-
tion to this disadvantage. The French battalion in
half an hour began to waver, and drew off their guns
to a greater distance, upon which the English advanced
their artillery, and the men of the battalion who sup-
ported them were ordered to sit down with their arms
grounded, by which precaution many lives were saved.
They still continued to retreat, but Chunda Saheb's
cavalry kept things sound for some time, and sustained
the cannonade with much more firmness than had ever
been observed in the troops of India ; they were spi-
rited by the example of their commander Allum Khan,
whose head was at length taken off by a cannon ball,
9 *
132 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
as he was encouraging them to advance ; on which
disaster they gave way and retreated likewise. The
Captains Clive and Dalton continuing to advance with
the first division of artillery, followed the French, who
flung themselves into a great watercourse near the
French rock, where they were on the point of being
enfiladed by a fire that would have made great havoc
amongst them ; when Major Lawrence, satisfied with
the advantage that had been gained, and unwilling to
expose the men to more fatigue under such a burning
sun, ordered the pursuit to cease. Seven men of the
battalion were struck dead by the heat, and 14 were
killed or disabled by the cannonade. The French lost
about 40 men, and 300 of Chunda SaheVs troops, with
285 horses and an elephant were found dead on the
plain. The success of this day might have been much
greater, had the Confederate troops behaved with
common activity, instead of which they remained at
a distance idle spectators, nor could they be prevailed
on to make a single charge, even when the enemy's
cavalry retreated."
The above will give the reader a good idea of the
bravery of the Native allies, and show that the stress
of the Indian warfare lay almost entirely on the Euro-
peans, which must account for the seemingly small
operations they were engaged in, as compared with
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 133
modern warfare, but none the less dangerous and
hazardous, as everything depended on the Europeans.
None knew this better than Major Lawrence, and
when he found that the Nabob's troops and the allies
would not at once proceed to attack the enemy, because
they judged certain days to be " unlucky/' he deter-
mined to attack the enemy with his own force. On
the 1st of April, Captain Dalton was ordered to march
with 400 men at night, and, by taking a large circuit,
to come in at the eastern extremity of the enemy's
camp, which he was to enter, beat up and set fire to.
This plan was frustrated by the troops having to trust
to native guides to lead them — not knowing the
country themselves — and the guides led them into the
very centre of the enemy's posts, two miles from
Chunda Saheb's camp. The approach of day rendered
it impossible to surprise the enemy, and, as they ran
great risk of being surrounded, they returned to Tri-
chinopoly as quickly as they could. The French dis-
covering them in their retreat, perceived the danger
they had themselves escaped from, and took the reso-
lution of retreating to the pagodas on the island of
Seringham. Chunda Saheb opposed this plan, but M.
Law would not change his mind, and when the French
troops had retreated to the island, those of Chunda
Saheb followed. All the French posts were abandoned
134 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
except Elmiserum. This important place was captured
a day or two after by Captain Dalton, and, as it reflects
credit on him, I prefer to give the account of its cap-
ture from the words of the historian : —
H The next day, Captain Dalton was sent with the
company of grenadiers, some Morattoes and Sepoys,,
to attack Elmiserum. The party had with them two
pieces of cannon and a mortar, the transporting of
which through bad roads prevented them from arriving
near the place before night, when Captain Dalton with
two others advanced to reconnoitre. Discovering no
centinels, and finding the gate of the wall which sur-
rounds the foot of the rock open, they concluded that
the place was abandoned, and entering, began to
ascend the steps which led to the pagoda on the sum-
mit ; but before they got there, the enemy alarmed by
the neighing of the horses, ran to their guns and fired
upon the detachment, which they discovered, first by
the light of their matches and soon after by the blaze
of some huts, to which the Morattoes, as is their
custom, had set fire. The smoke of the guns, and the
darkness of the night, enabled Captain Dalton and his-
companions to retreat unperceived ; and as soon as he
rejoined the detachment, he sent some men to lodge
themselves under cover of a bank, before the lower
gate, where they were directed to remain until morn-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 135
ing, in order to prevent the enemy from making their
escape. But this party, desirous o£ signalizing them-
selves, imprudently exceeded their orders, and entering
the lower gate, ran up the steps, and endeavoured to
force the doors of the pagoda above, where they were
received with a smart fire, which soon obliged them to
retreat with five Europeans and ten Sepoys wounded.
A reinforcement was immediately sent to take charge
of the bank, and all remained quiet until morning,
when the enemy seeing that preparations were being
made to bombard them, surrendered. Fifteen Euro-
peans, thirty Sepoys and two pieces of cannon, one of
them a fine 18-pounder, were found here ; the smaller
piece of cannon, with some Sepoys, were left to
garrison this post : the rest returned with the other
gun to Trichinopoly, which was presented to the Nabob
as the first which had been taken during the cam-
paign.* Two days after, the grenadiers, who had
always behaved with the spirit peculiar to this class of
soldiers, gained another advantage. The great men of
the allied army complained that they were much dis-
turbed in their daily ablutious in the Caveri, by a gun
* The Nabob presented Capt. Dalton with a horse worth £100 for
having captured this gun. See letter from Dalton to Captain Baugh
in Chap. XII.
136 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON.
which fired from a choultry lying half-way between
the pagoda of Seringham and the river. Captain
Dalton was sent to attack this post, who concealed his
men behind an old wall on the bank of the river,
where they waited till near noon, when the great heat
of the sun induced a part of the enemy's guard to
return to the camp, and the rest to retire into the
choultry to sleep ; the grenadiers then rushed across
the river, which was fordable, and entered the post
with so much rapidity that they took the gun, before
the enemy had time to fire it more than once ; it was
brought away without any opposition, for some field
pieces had been sent to the river side to cover their
retreat." *
The master mind of Clive hit upon an expedient for
gaining some decisive advantages over the enemy,
which would help to bring the war to a conclusion — a
war already very distasteful to the East India Company.
The following extracts from Malcolm's Life of Clive
show what Clive's plan was, and what was done : —
" Major Lawrence perfectly appreciating the character
of Clive, consulted him on all occasions. By his
advice he divided his small force. . . . While half of
his troops remained at Trichinopoly, the other half
* Vol. i. pp. 218, 219.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 137
was placed in a position between Seringham and Pon-
dicherry, in order to intercept that intercourse on
which the French depended for their support . . . but
Clive was the junior captain of his force, and it was
not easy to appoint him to such an important com-
mand over the heads of so many officers, some of whom
had acquired a just reputation. The difficulty Major
Lawrence apprehended on this head was, however, soon
put an end to, by the open declaration of the allies,
that they would not detach the portion of their troops
necessary to form this corps, under any other but him
who had defended Arcot/'
Clive marched from Trichinopoly on April 6. " He
passed," says Malcolm, " the Coleroon before daylight,
and occupied a pagoda called Samiaveram, seven miles
north of that river, and on the high road betwixt
Seringham and Utatore, a post of the French on their
line of communication with Pondicherry. His first
care was to strengthen this position, and to plant
cannon so as to command the road both to the north
and south. Dupleix on learning the situation of
affairs at Tritchinopoly, had detached a party of seven
hundred men under Monsieur D'Auteuil, who had
orders to proceed to Seringham and take the command
from M. Law, with whose conduct the French governor
was much dissatisfied. " As Clive's operations at
138 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Samiaveram do not concern my narrative, I pass on to
the 9th of May, when Major Lawrence sent Captain
Dalton with 150 Europeans, 400 Sepoys, 500 Mah-
rattas, and four field-pieces, to watch the movements
of M. D'Auteuil who still remained at Wootatoor.
Captain Dalton, having arrived near Wootatoor, found
that the French had taken possession of a village two
miles from that place, on which he sent a party of
Europeans and Sepoys to dislodge them, which they
effectually did. He then formed a stratagem to deceive
the French commander, and make him believe that the
whole of Clive's force had come to assail him. He
divided his force into two bodies, who marched to
attack each flank of the enemy's line. " The strata-
gem," says Malcolm, u succeeded. D'Auteuil not
only drew his troops within the walls of the village,,
but evacuated it next morning and retreated to Vol-
condah, leaving to Captain Dalton's corps the ammu-
nition and supplies he had brought for the troops at
Seringham. M. Law, who observed from the top of
this pagoda at Seringham the movement of Captain
Dalton's detachment, mistook it for that of Clive, and
marched upon Samiaveram; but when he found the
whole body of the English stationed there drawn up to
receive him, he fell back on his position. The detach-
ment from Trichinopoly had received orders to return,
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 13&
but a sudden swelling of the Coleroon rendered that,
impracticable. Clive determined to take advantage of
the state of the river to take the French post of Pit-
chandah, on its northern bank, which M. Law could
not now succour. Captain Dalton, being informed of
his resolution, and not wishing to interfere with his
command, immediately placed his corps under Clive's
orders, and requested to be employed as a volunteer ! "
Although Captain Dalton was senior in rank to
Clive, he was quite willing to serve under a man who
was recognised by all who knew him as having extra-
ordinary talent, and who was as successful as he was
daring. Added to this, a friendship existed between
the two officers. Sir John Malcolm, who was as
good a soldier as he was a learned historian, makes
special mention of this occurrence as reflecting great
honour on Clive's character. w A higher testimony,"
he says, " to acknowledged superiority of character
cannot be adduced than this temporary resignation
of the claims of senior rank by a gallant and able
officer, and that at the very moment when he was
flushed with the success of the service on which he
had been detached." *
Sir John Malcolm, " whose love passes the love of
* Malcolm's Life of Clive, vol. i. p. 119.
140 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
biographers/' * as Lord Macaulay wittily said of him,
is very chary of praise to anyone in his book, excepting
Clive, whom he lauds to the skies, so that his high
opinion of Captain Dalton, as an officer, is worth a
good deal.
"The camp of Chunda Saheb near Seringham,"
continues Malcolm, u was on the south bank of the
Coleroon, opposite to Pitchandah. Clive in order to
annoy the enemy and to cover his operations against
that place, converted into a six-gun battery a high
mound on the north bank of the river, which had been
raised to prevent its encroachment on the low land.
This mound completely commanded the enemy's camp,
and was at the same time protected from the guns at
Pitchandah. The disorder created by the opening of
this battery was great; men, women, children, ele-
phants, camels, horses and bullocks were instantly seen
in disordered flight from this unexpected danger,
hastening to the banks of the river, which they were
however forced to quit by the guns of Trichinopoly,
and at last found shelter by forming an encampment
out of reach of the English cannon, and at some
distance from the pagoda of Seringham.
" This operation upon the most defenceless part of
* Macaulay's Life of Clive, p. 3.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 141
the enemy's force, probably produced more effect upon
the minds of the allies of the French than any of the
more substantial successes of the war . . . the incon-
trovertible proof which an attack like that of Clive
gave of their prince and his allies not being able to
protect them, spread alarm through all ranks; and
that alarm was soon rendered irremediable by the
fall of Pitchandah."
In the operations against Pitchandah, one of the
English guns burst, killed three Europeans and
wounded Captain Dalton,* who was on crutches for a
month after.
It would occupy too much space to give a detailed
account of Clive's successful operations, but the fol-
lowing extracts will give the reader all the information
that is necessary : —
"The successful result of these operations was,"
says Malcolm , " the capture and death of Chunda
Saheb and the surrender of the French troops. . . ♦
Chunda Saheb's fate was unhappy. When M. Law,
reduced to distress in the pagoda of Seringham, told
him he could no longer afford him protection, Chunda
Saheb listened to a deceitful offer of Monackjee, the
general of the Tanjore forces, who, instead of that
* Orme, vol. i. p. 230 ; Dalton's Journal, f ol. 75-6.
142 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN JDALTON.
kindness with which he had sworn to treat him, placed
him in confinement, and hastened to inform those with
whom he was co-operating (the English, the Nabob
Mahomedally, the Mysoreans, and the Mahrattas) of
"the noble prize he had decoyed into his toils; but
Monackjee, instead of that applause and profit he
anticipated from his treachery, soon found that, while
all resolved he should not retain his prisoner, each party
was desirous of having him under their own charge.
On seeing that they were on the point of quarrelling
with his prince, and amongst each other, for the pos-
session of Chunda Saheb's person, he determined, with
a cruelty equal to his perfidy, to put that chief to
death. The purpose was no sooner formed than exe-
cuted ; and the head of Chunda Saheb was sent to his
rival and enemy, Mahomedally. , '
Before telling of the " generous " way in which
Mahommed Ali treated the bead of his enemy, I must
retrace my steps a little, and mention the surrender
of M. Law at Jumbakisna, on June 3, as Captain
Dalton had the honour of commanding the advanced
guards that day, and of receiving M. Law's sur-
render.
" It was agreed/' says Orme, t( that the pagoda of
Jumbakisna should be delivered up, with all the guns,
stores, and ammunition. . . . The troops with Captain
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 143
Clive were then ordered to rejoin the Major's division,
and the next morning before break of day, Captain
Dalton marched with 250 chosen men, who halted,
beating their drums, at an abandoned outpost, within
pistol-shot of the walls of Jumbakisna, whilst the
Major remained not far off with the rest of the troops
drawn up ready to prevent the effect of any treachery ;
but none was intended, for Mr. Law soon came out
with some of his officers, and conducted the detach-
ment into the pagoda, where they formed with their
backs to the gate, opposite to the French troops, who
immediately flung down their arms in a heap, and
surrendered prisoners* . . . Thus was this formidable
army, whose numbers two months before were nearly
equal to the Confederates, reduced without a battle,
more effectually than it probably could have been by
what is generally esteemed a total defeat in the
field."
Now to return to Chunda Saheb's head, which was
sent to Mahommed Ali directly after the above occur-
rence.
"The head/' says Orme, "was immediately sent
into Trichinopoly to the Nabob, who now for the first
* "Captain Dalton took possession of Seringam and the French
marched out, being about 600 Europeans and 300 Sepoys." — Law-
rence's Narrative, p. 29.
144 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
time saw the face of his rival. After he had gratified
his courtiers with a sight of it, they tied it to the neck
of a camel, and in this manner it was carried five times
round the walls of the city, attended by a hundred
thousand spectators, insulting it with all the obscene
and indecent invectives peculiar to the manners of
Indostan. It was afterwards carefully packed up in a
box, and delivered to an escort, who gave out that they
were to carry it to be viewed by the Great Mogul at
Delhi ; a practice generally observed to heighten the
reputation of the successful cause; but there is no
reason to believe that it was ever carried out of the
Carnatic."
However repulsive this conduct may seem, it must
be remembered that the actors in it were ignorant
heathens, and the conduct of Mahommed Ali was
much more excusable than that of His Most Christian
Majesty Charles the Second, who ordered the body of
his enemy Cromwell to be disinterred and hung in
chains, besides heaping every possible indignity on the
corpses of others of his enemies.
Before Major Lawrence left Trichinopoly, he se-
lected Captain Dalton as the officer to be left in com-
mand of that most important fortress. This was about
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 145
the middle of June, as I find by the following notice
in the East India Records for 1752 : —
« Fort St. George, June 29th, 1752.— Letters from
Major Lawrence read. He mentions first his having
left Captain Dalton in the command at Trichinopoly. ,,
10
146 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
CHAPTEE IX.
Dalton's Position as Commandant. — The Nabob's Secret Promises. —
State of Affairs in consequence. — Departure of the Nabob's and
Lawrence's Forces. — Plots against the Commandant. — His Life
in Danger. — Treachery and Bribery. — Counter-plot. — The Marplot
of Trichinopoly. — Precautions against Surprise. — Dalton's Letters
to the Governor and Council at Fort St. George.
"TTTE have now arrived at the most important period
" of Captain Dalton's military career. He was
left in command of the principal fortress in the Nabob's
dominions, on the possession of which fortress depended
the future of the Nabob, and the welfare of the East
India Company. As Commandant of Trichinopoly,
Captain Dalton was to all intents and purposes the
Governor of the city ; but the nominal Governor was
Kiroodin Khan, the Nabob's brother-in-law, a man of
a timorous disposition and very weak mind, who left
all the responsibility on Captain Dalton's shoulders.
It required the greatest tact on the part of the English
Commandant to keep the native element quiet, main-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 147
tain discipline, and take all necessary precautions for
the safety of the city, filled as it was with a numerous
rabble in the pay of the Nabob. There were many
French prisoners confined there also, and outside the
walls treachery and deceit reigned triumphant.
The death of Chunda Saheb and the defeat of the
French, had not, as might have been expected, finished
the war. The Regent of Mysore declared that the
Nabob had solemnly sworn to deliver up Trichinopoly
to him, in consideration of his alliance, and, now that
Chunda Saheb was dead, and the French defeated, he
claimed the fulfilment of the Nabob's promise. This
promise had been carefully kept from the English,
who were thunderstruck when they heard it. They
found themselves in the most awkward predicament,
as, on the one hand, the honour of their ally was at
stake, and, on the other hand, they saw their own
interests in great jeopardy. "The English/' says
Wilks,* " in discovering for the first time the state
of the discussion between Nunjerajf and Mahommed
Ali regarding the possession of Trichinopoly, had the
mortification to learn that the splendour of their
military achievements was associated with the cause
of fraud and dishonour. The treaty, attested with all
* Colonel Mark Wilks' History of Southern India, p. 178.
t The Regent of Mysore, also called the Dallovoay.
10 *
148 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
the accustomed formalities, precluded a recourse ta
the usual arts of prevarication, and Mahommed Ali,
when pressed by Major Lawrence, plainly avowed that
he executed that solemn instrument, and confirmed it
with the sanctity of a religious oath, without any inten-
tion of observing its engagements.
" The spirit of the negociations which ensued may
be described in a few words. Mahommed Ali endea-
voured to deceive Nunjeraj with new promises, and
this personage, who, in addition to his other follies,
had lent to his dear ally a sum now amounting to ten
lacs of Pagodas, was completely undeceived, and sought
with his inferior powers of simulation to retort the
deception of a master in the art. Morari Row, as an
impartial umpire, meditated to seize the object of dis-
cussion for himself."
" Morari-row," says Orme, quoting from Dalton's-
Journal, " conducted himself with so much seeming
impartiality, that he was chosen with equal confidence
on both sides to be the mediator between them ; and
the time being fixed for the conference, he came one
evening into the city in great state accompanied by two
commissaries deputed by the Regent. They proceeded
to the Nabob's palace, where Captain Dalton, as com-
mander of the English garrison, was present." This
wily diplomatist pointed out to the Nabob the obliga-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 149
tions he was under to the Regent who had so mate-
rially assisted him (the Nabob) to defeat his enemies ;
he then demanded in form the delivery of the city and
territory of Trichinopoly, according to the Nabob's
own agreement. " The Nabob/' says Colonel Wilks,
" engaged now to cede the fortress and dependencies
of Trichinopoly at the expiration of two months, when
lie should have acquired another place of safe deposit
for his family. "* " The Morattoe/' continues Orme,
"highly commended this resolution; and after some
other vague discourse he signified an inclination to speak
to him in private, and desired the commissaries to with-
draw. As soon as they and most of the audience,
excepting Captain Dalton, were retired, changing his
countenance from the solemnity of a negotiator to the
smile of a courtier, he told the Nabob that he believed
him endued with too much sense to mind what he said
before those two stupid fellows, meaning the Commis-
saries ; * You must likewise/ said he, ' think that I
have too much discernment to believe you have any
intention of fulfilling the promise you have now made.
How could you answer to the Great Mogul the giving
up of so considerable a part of his dominion to such
insignificant people ; it would be the highest absurdity
to think of it. These you may be assured are my real
* Vol. i.
150 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
sentiments whatever my private interest may induce
me to say to the contrary in public' The Nabob was
not a little delighted to find him in this disposition,
for it was his resentment more than the Regent's that
he dreaded, and immediately made him a present of a
draught on his treasury for 50,000 rupees, promising
much more if he could reconcile matters, and divert
the Regent from insisting on the letter of the treaty^
This the other assured him he would do, though
nothing was farther from his intentions. . . . His
views were, first by ingratiating himself with the
Nabob, to persuade him to admit a large body of
Morattoes into the city, as the best means of deceiving
the Regent into a belief that he really intended to give
it up according to his promise, and these military
umpires would have been instructed to seize on any
opportunity that might offer of seducing or over-
powering the rest of the garrison, and if this iniquitous
scheme succeeded, he intended to keep possession of
the city, which he had formerly governed, for himself.
.... The apprehensions of an immediate rupture
obliged the English troops who had proceeded on the
16th of June as far as Utatoor to return on the 18th
to Trichinopoly, for the Mysorean had even threatened
to attack the Nabob if he offered to march out of the
city in order to join his European allies, as he had
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 151
promised. Their appearance, more than their remon-
strances produced an accommodation for the present.
The Nabob made over to the Regent the revenues of
the island of Seringham, and of several other districts,
empowering him to collect them himself; promised
again to deliver up Trichinopoly at the end of two
months, and in the meantime agreed to receive 700
men, provided they were not Morattoes, into the city.
On these conditions the Mysorean agreed to assist
him with all his force to reduce the Arcot province.
Neither side gave any credit to the other, but both
expected advantages by gaining time .... and the
Regent wished for nothing so much as the departure
of the Nabob and the English battalion, that he might
carry on his scheme to surprise Trichinopoly, which
he knew their presence would render ineffectual. The
excuses he made when pressed to march, sufficiently
explained his intentions, and to frustrate them 200
Europeans with 1,500 sepoys were placed in garrison
in the city, under the command of Captain Dalton,
who was instructed to take every precaution against
a surprise.
u The battalion, now reduced to 500 men, together
with 2,500 sepoys, began their march on the 28th of
June, accompanied by the Nabob at the head of 2,000
horse."
152 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
In the meantime, Dupleix had been appointed Nabob
of the Carnatic by Salabat-jing, which title Dupleix
conferred on Rajah Saheb, the son of Chunda Saheb ;
but he turning out incapable, the title was given
to Mortizally, who paid Dupleix ^650,000. It is
not necessary for me to state here the successes
obtained by the gallant Lawrence and his able coad-
jutor Clive, over the French, after their leaving Tri-
chinopoly ; I need only say that the victory over the
French at Bahoor/* checked the resolution the Myso-
reans had taken of declaring openly for the French.
The critical position of the garrison of Trichinopoly,
after the departure of the English troops, is very plainly
set forth in the narrative of the gallant Lawrence : —
"Nanderauze, the Maisore general, still remained
before Trichinopoly, with Morarow, outwardly our
friend, but ready to seize the first opportunity to get pos-
session of the town ; they therefore kept Captain Dalton
continually on the watch, the more so as it was neces-
sary to seem as if we did not suspect them or know
anything of their treaty with the French. Mr. Dupleix
did not lose so fair an opportunity of endeavouring to
bring the Maisoreans to his interest. He therefore
promised Nanderauze not only Trichinopoly, but gave
* A village between Fort St. David and Pondicherry.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 153
him hopes that the Kingdom of Tanjore might also be
added to it/' *
Amongst the volumes of East India Records now at
the India Office, there is one labelled, " Extra Occur-
rences, 1751-1753." This contains copies of the most
important letters, written and received by the Presi-
dent and Council of the English Company. It contains
numerous letters from Captain Dalton during the year
and a half of his command at Trichinopoly ; and his
letters were considered so important, that the Presi-
dentf gave orders that any letters from Captain
Dalton should be opened at once, even if he (the
President) were absent when they came. I give
copies of some of the most important letters, which
have all been woven into history.
"June 29th, 1752. Fort St. George.
" Letter from Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly men-
tioning the steps he had taken for the security of the
place, and that the Mysore and Maratta armies re-
mained encamped under the walls, that all his endea-
vours to persuade them to join our forces have
been ineffectual, nothing less than their whole demand
will satisfy them. They have, however, promised, if the
* Lawrence's Narrative (in Cambridge's History of the War in
India, 1750-60), p. 37.
Mr. Saunders, Governor of Port St. David.
154 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Nabob will sign with his great Chop* to give them
what before promised, they will immediately send
4,000 Horse to join our army ; this the necessity of
the Nabob's affairs have obliged him to comply with,
but at the same time he declared to his friends that he
had neither design or right to give away this Fort and
Country, which belonged to the Mogul, and is under
the protection of the English. By this agreement the
King of Mysore is to be at liberty, when he goes away,
to send 700 Peons into the Fort, which he (Captain
Dalton) has consented to, but absolutely refused
signing to any other part of the Contract."
" Another letter from Captain Dalton informing the
Board of a conspiracy to arm the French prisoners.
As soon as he could discover the names of Jemidars
concerned, would disarm Sepoys, seize the Ringleaders,
turn Mysore Peons out of Fort, and secure Gopaul
Rauze,f the King's brother, who commanded them, till
further orders."
The Governor and Council at Fort St. George, in
their answer to Captain Dalton's last letter, advised
* Seal on which is engraved the name of the Mogul and the year of
the Hegira.
f Erroneously supposed to be brother to the Kegent of Mysore.
" The nations of India employ the term ' brother of attachment '
■when in the west we should say ' particular friend,' and this term
probably led to the mistake." — Wilks, vol. i.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 155
him "to make friends with Maratta Jemidar, but to
be extremely cautious he was not deceived under
specious pretences. Must not admit any of the troops
(Mysoreans) into fort except those already received by
agreement." Before this letter reached Trichinopoly
the various plots against the safety of the fortress, and
the life of the commandant, had come to a head and
burst.
The following extracts from Orme will show the
extreme difficulty of Captain Dalton's position, and
the network of treachery which surrounded both him
and the city. His life at this time was not worth a
day's pay, as he was the principal object of all the
treasonable plots that the crafty minds of his enemies
could think of. It required the hundred eyes of Argus
to detect the treachery that lurked around, and it was
entirely owing to Captain Dalton's precautions, pre-
sence of mind, and quick perception, that Trichinopoly
— the safety of which was much more to him than his
life — was preserved for the Nabob.
"The English battalion," says Orme, "no sooner
quitted Trichinopoly, than the regent set about accom-
plishing his scheme of surprizing the city, and, by dis-
bursing large sums of money, endeavoured to gain 500
of the Nabob's best Peons, armed with firelocks. The
Jemidars, or captains of these troops, received his
156 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
bribes, and promised to join the 700 Mysoreans in the
garrison whenever they should rise. Captain Dalton
receiving some hints of the conspiracy, kept ward in
the city with as much vigilance as if he had been in
an enemy's country, and caused the artillery on the
ramparts to be pointed every evening inwards on the
quarters of the Mysoreans, and of the suspected
Peons.
" These precautions naturally alarmed those who had
been treating with the regent, but still none of them
made any discovery, whereupon at a general review of
arms ordered for this purpose, he directed their flints
to be taken out of their firelocks, under pretence of
supplying them with some of a better sort. This con-
vincing them that their practices were discovered, the
Jemidars came and confessed all that had passed, im-
ploring forgiveness ; each brought the sum he had
received, and that of the principal man was 16,000
rupees. They protested they had no view in taking
the money, but to keep their troops from starving, who
had scarcely received any pay from the Nabob for nine
months, and as a proof that they had no intention of
assisting the Mysorean in his designs, they said that
not one of them had removed his wife and family out
of the city. Captain Dalton made them few reproaches,
but ordered them to march with their troops the next
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 15?
morning to join the Nabob's array at Trivadi. The
Regent finding this scheme frustrated, hired two fellows
to shoot Captain Dalton as he walked on the ramparts,
who, luckily receiving intelligence of their design a
few hours before they intended to put it in execution,
sent a detachment which took them prisoners in the
house where they had concealed themselves with their
arms. One was sullen and said little, but the other
confessed the whole and declared that three more were
engaged in the plot, who had undertaken to watch the
gate of the palace and shoot Kiroodin Khan, # the
Nabob's brother-in-law, when he should come out on
the tumult which the death of the English Commander
would naturally occasion ; but these, on seeing the
soldiers march to the house, had made their escape.
The Regent when reproached for this treachery denied
that he had any knowledge of it. He employed how-
ever Morari-row to sollicit the pardon of the assassins,
and the friendship of the Morattoe being at this time
thought very valuable, Kiroodin- Khan granted his
request, but did not reprieve the men before they had
gone through the ceremony of being fastened to the
muzzles of two field-pieces in sight of the whole garri-
* This name, like most of the Indian names, is spelt differently by
every historian. The reader will perceive that the names were gene-
rally written according to the pronunciation alone.
158 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
son drawn up under arms. Five days after, two other
Mysoreans came to another Jemidar who commanded
180 sepoys at one of the gates of the city, and
attempted to seduce him ; but this officer, an old and
faithful servant of the Company, secured the fellows
and carried them to Captain Dalton. The articles
signed by the regent were found on them, which
leaving no room for equivocation, they confessed the
act, and were the next morning blown from the
muzzles of two field- pieces. This execution struck
such a terror that the regent could not get any more
of his own people to undertake such commissions, and
having remained quiet for some days, he at length
pitched upon one Clement Poverio,* a Neapolitan, who
commanded a company of Topasses in the Nabob's
service, and had often the guard over the French pri-
soners in the city. This man trading a good deal,
went frequently into the camp of the Mysoreans, which
gave the regent an opportunity of making application
to him in person. He assured Poverio that he had,
besides the Mysoreans in garrison, a strong party in
the city, and offered great rewards if he would join
* This officer subsequently lost a leg in an action near Trichino-
poly, and by Major Lawrence's strong recommendation, was granted
a pension of fifteen pagodas per month by the East India Company. —
East India Records.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 159
them on the first commotion. The Neapolitan gave
him cause to believe he was to be wrought upon, but
said he must first sound the disposition of his officers,
and on his return he made a faithful report to Captain
Dalton of what had passed. He was ordered to return
to the camp the next morning with instructions how to
proceed, and conducted himself so dexterously, that a
few conferences intirely gained him the confidence of
the regent. Having settled the plan of operations, he
brought to Captain Dalton the agreement signed by
the regent and himself, sealed with the great seal of
Mysore ; it was specified that Captain Poverio should
receive 20,000 rupees for himself, and 3,000 more to
buy firelocks, in order to arm the French prisoners,
who were to be let out the first time his company took
the guard over them ; he was at the same time to
seize on the western gate of the city, near which the
Mysoreans were encamped, and to hoist a red flag, on
which signal the whole army were to move and enter
the town/' *
Captain Dalton's plan to catch the Mysoreans in the
trap which they had laid for him, would undoubtedly
have been successful, and saved the garrison a good
deal of after trouble and bloodshed, had not the
* Orme, vol. i.^pp. 257-59 ; Dalton's Journal, fol. 97-102.
160 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN I) ALTON.
Governor — Kiroodin Khan — with his usual timidity,
and weakness of mind, stopped the enterprise.
Lawrence's account of the " Marplot " of Trichino-
poly is worthy of notice : —
"The Governor of Trichinopoly acquainted Nan-
derauze of Dalton' s design. . . . When he had done
this he acquainted Captain Dalton with it, not a little
pleased with himself, and thinking he had acted with
uncommon discretion in the affair to prevent the
Mysoreans' design by such a prudent step. . . . Nan-
derauze wisely desisted from the attempt, but offered
large sums for Poverio, dead or alive. It was on the
discovery of this that I proposed Dalton should seize
on the Maisorean and Morarow, which he might easily
have done by a surprize, as he often had conferences
with them ; and I must own I thought in justice it
would have been right to have done it, but the Presi-
dency were of another opinion."*
Now to return to Captain Dalton.
" Fort St. George, July 27th, 1752.
"Letter from Captain Dalton telling he had not
been able to let the Mysore plot come to a head,
through the fears of the Nabob.f . . . The King lays
the plot on one of his Jemidars, though his own Chop
* Lawrence's Narrative, pp. 38, 39.
f Meaning Kiroodin Khan.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 161
proves the contrary. . . . The King wished to bribe
him (Captain Dalton) by the means of his Debash to
deliver up the fort for 2 lacs of rupees and offered
Debash 12,000 rupees if he could accomplish it." (A
lakh of rupees equals £12,500.)
The following extract from Orme shows what pre-
parations had been made by the Commandant to entrap
the Mysoreans, and how the Governor acted the part
of Marplot : —
" On the day fixed for the execution of this enter-
prize, all the cannon that could be brought to bear on
the Mysore camp were well manned, and above 700
musketeers, Europeans and Sepoys, were concealed in
the traverses and works near the western gateway with
a great number of hand grenades; the rest of the
garrison was under arms, and the Mysoreans would
certainly have suffered severely, but the fears of the
Nabob's brother-in-law put a stop to the enterprize.
He was apprehensive that the attempt might succeed,
and to avoid the risque, sent a messenger to upbraid
the regent and to acquaint him that the garrison was
prepared to receive him."
" The mutual distrust," continues Orme, u in-
creased daily, although the outward appearance of
friendship subsisted, for the regent sent every day
one of his principal officers to enquire after Captain
11
162 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Dalton's health, in order to have an opportunity
of discovering what he was doing. When the two
months stipulated for the delivery of the city were
expired, he sent four of his principal officers in
form to demand the surrender of it, but Kiroodin
Khan, a man haughty and insolent when no danger
was near, flew out into a passion, and reproaching the
commissaries with the treacherous and clandestine
practices of their prince, produced the agreement with
Captain Poverio, signed and sealed, and then told
them plainly that they had no city to expect, but
should be paid the money which the regent had dis-
bursed, as soon as the Nabob's finances were in a
better condition.
" The regent pretended to be much offended with
this answer ; however, after some consideration, he sent
his minister to lay the accounts before the Nabob,
declaring that he was willing to relinquish his claim to
Trichinopoly, provided the money was immediately
paid. This appearance of moderation was only
intended to lessen the Nabob's character with the pub-
lick, and to justify the measures he was determined to
take himself, for he was too well acquainted with his
circumstances to imagine him able to pay so large a
sum, which, by the accounts he produced, amounted to
8,500,000 rupees.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 163
" There now remained little hopes of reconciling the
difference, which Mr. Dupleix had from the beginning
diligently influenced ; knowing that it was the interest
of the Morratoes to protract a war, he addressed him-
self particularly to Morari-row, who continually
received presents and letters from him, as also from
his wife. In those letters the English were represented
as a plodding mercantile people, unacquainted with the
art of war, and not fit to appear in the field, opposed
to a nation of so martial a genius as the French, and
the success at Seringham was totally ascribed to the
valour and activity of the Morrattoe cavalry/'*
A good idea of the general state of affairs at Trichi-
nopoly at this time will be gained from Captain
Dalton's letters to the Governor and Council at Fort
St. George, the most important of which I have copied
from the East India Records.
" Fort St. George, July, 1752.
" A letter from Captain Dalton telling of Morarow's
double dealings, making up to both the Nabob and
Rajah, and getting large sums from both. He has
also offered his services to the French for 3 lacks of
rupees. . . . He wants to protract the war."
Orme, vol. i. pp. 259-60.
11
164 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
"August 3d, 1752.
" Captain Dalton writes that the differences between
the King"* of Mysore and Morarow have been settled,
the former giving the latter a consideration of a lac of
rupees, and 1,000 rupees per day to be paid by former
to latter. There is reason to believe treachery is on
foot between them and Mr. Dupleix/'
" August 10, 1752.
" Letter from Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly saying
that the Mysore King and Maratta have moved their
camp from under the Fort walls to a rising ground by
Warriore, which place they have demanded. Some of
their troops have passed the Coleroon, and it is said
with an intent to join the Nabob ; if so, it is to be
feared they have some treachery in view, for they are
certainly in treaty with Mr. Dupleix."
"August 17th, 1752.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes to say that
the King of Mysore says Morarow was in treaty with
Dupleix contrary to his inclination, but it is probable
that both are in treaty with Dupleix/'
* The King of Mysore constantly referred to in Captain Dalton's
letters, always means the Regent, also called Rajah and Dalloway.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 165
■f August 24th, 1752.
" Letter from the Governor and Council at Port St.
George to Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly, saying it is
confirmed that the King of Mysore has been in treaty
with M. Dupleix, whose affairs are not satisfactory,
that it is necessary to be on continual guard against
treachery in Trichinopoly and keep a good eye on
Gopaul Rauze. If attacked to defend fort to last
extremity, and in case of any emergency, to burst all
the guns and mortars, and destroy all warlike stores
rather than suffer them to fall into the enemy's
hands."
« August 31st, 1752.
" Letter from Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly saying
2,000 Morattoes under Innis Cawn were marching to
join Nabob, and Morarow sent message to say he was
very pleased Trichinopoly was not delivered up, and
should never be easy to see it in the hands of the
King of Mysore."
" October 9th, 1752.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that he had
lately received a letter from the Nabob who desired
him to give up the outposts, and the King having
intelligence of it, had offered a bribe to comply with
it, which he refused."
166 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
There are several letters from Mahommed Ali to the
Governor and Council at Fort St. George. Long
winded screeds explaining his past conduct and pro-
mising the English many things in the future. Every
letter ended with these words —
"WHAT CAN I SAY MORE?"
If he had only said less and acted more, the English
would have been better pleased !
" October 23rd, 1752.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that a very
treacherous design to murder him (Dalton) has been
discovered by the confessions of one of the Jemidars
whom a Bramin from the Rajah had attempted to
corrupt, on which some of the chief conspirators were
seized, and are to be publicly shot in terrorem"
Kiroodin Khan, the Governor of Trichinopoly, did
not give Captain Dalton full authority to punish
civil offenders, though he left him all the responsibility
of taking care of the fortress. As it was most
necessary that Captain Dalton should have full power
committed to him, and be able to punish civil as
well as military offenders, he wrote to his command-
ing officer — Major Lawrence — asking him to obtain
the desired permission from the Governor. Major
Lawrence at once saw the necessity of this authority
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 167
being granted, as the following passage in one of
his letters shows: —
" Trivady, Oct. 29th, 1752.
" I must beg you fall on some method of supplying
Captain Dalton with money, and please give him
leave to make some examples, otherwise it 's not un-
reasonable to imagine that the town will be lost and
our people murdered.
" Signed,
" S. Lawrence.
xt To the Governor and Council
at Fort St, George/'
« November 6th, 1752.
" A letter to Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly from
the President, approved by the Board, that in regard
to such criminals as come in his own command, to act
according to articles of war, as for others they come
under Nabob's (Kiroodin Khan's) office, however the
necessity of inflicting proper punishment should be
enforced to him/'
" November 13th, 1752.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that he is
informed by his spies the Dalloway has lately received
a letter from his brother advising him to return to his
168 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
own country, but he declares he is determined to die
rather than not return with Honour, that he will give
up his pretentions to the fort if the Nabob will repay
him the money he has expended ; this the latter thinks
unreasonable, as he requires to be paid for the expense
of an army which he always keeps in his own country
in peace or war. The Eajah however seems to be pre-
paring to move, 'tis said to Caroor, and has already
sent part of his baggage that way."
« November 20th, 1752.
' ' Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that Mora-
row continues to make great protestations of friend-
ship, and says 'tis true he was in hopes of getting a
sum of money from M. Dupleix, and therefore flattered
him a little, but in his Heart he is attached to the
Nabob's interests, and on being asked the reason of
Innis Cawn leaving the Nabob, he answered there had
happened a quarrel between his people and the English
at Trivady, which made it necessary for them to
part."
" November 27th, 1752.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that a
Bramin and Sepoy having been sent by the Dalloway
to endeavour to corrupt the Sepoys in that Fort, they
had been detected in the fact, which was further
MEMOIB OF CAPTAIN D ALTON 16£
proved by a writing under their hands, that Kireedi
Cawn had ordered them to be executed which was
accordingly done. . . . That the Rajah had lately
received a present from M. Dupleix of an artificial Fig
tree, the fruit of which is gold curiously wrought."
" December 8th, 1752.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that Mo-
rarow has taken leave of King and departed ; that
Kireedi Cawn says he has certain intelligence that the
agreement made and sworn to before their God at
Syringham, is that Morarow should not act with
Nabob, but is to have a Lac and a half of Rupees ta
join the French, which M. Dupleix is to double."
"December 8th, 1752.
" The President writes to Captain Dalton at Trichi-
nopoly that if Morarow (as is reported) has entered
into an alliance with the French it must soon appear,
and he has already written to the King of Tanjore
desiring him in that case to join forces at Trichinopoly,
which will disconcert their scheme, and in the mean-
time it is necessary to be very cautious, but on no
account to be the aggressor/'
No one can read the above letters without under-
standing the difficulty of Captain Dalton's position as
Commandant of this much-coveted fortress, and the
170 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
strain there must have been both on his mind and
body, in observing that caution which was so continu-
ally being impressed upon him by the English autho-
rities. It has been seen how the Regent of Mysore
tried successively to assassinate, to bribe, and to
surprise Captain Dalton by treachery. This treachery
quite justified Major Lawrence in advising Captain
Dalton to seize the persons of the Regent and Mo-
rarow, but the cautious civilian authorities at Fort
St. George discountenanced the idea. This conduct
on their part is thus criticised by Mr. Mill the
historian : —
" The danger which might have been averted by
securing the persons of those enemies was of consi-
derable amount." *
* Mill's History of British India, iii. p. 129.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 171
CHAPTEE X.
(1752-1753.)
The Regent's Starvation Scheme. — Dalton ordered to treat him as an
Enemy. — Marches in the Night and attacks Mysorean Camp. —
Action at Seringham. — Dalton's Despatches. — He turns the 700
Mysoreans out of the City. — Weakness of the Garrison. —
Famine.
fTIHE Regent's plan was to conquer the garrison by
starvation — that dread enemy which is more to
be feared than a host of armed men.
The following abstract from Captain Dalton's letter
to the Governor and Council at Fort St. George,
refers to the Regent's attempts to starve them out.
"Fort St. George, January 5th, 1753.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that the
Dalloway's people continue to collect all the grain
about Trichinopoly to the very walls, and frequently
appear in small parties with drawn swords to the
172 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN B ALTON.
great terror of the people, and even came to one of
the advanced outposts, but on the Sepoys there pre-
paring to receive them they moved off. . . . That
finding he could not obtain redress from the Dallo-
way, he ordered the Guards at the advanced posts
to fire on them if they attempted to cut the paddy,*
in consequence of which there had been a little skir-
mish at Wycondah with a party of the enemy, wherein
several of them were wounded."
The President at Fort St. George wrote in answer
to Captain Dalton's letter — " that as Gopaul Rauze
and 700 Peons are in Trichinopoly, if he (Captain
Dalton) think it convenient, he may disarm and turn
them out, which will be a good supply of spare arms,
but not to part with Gopaul Rauze.''
The Regent continuing to stop all provisions that
were coming to the city, it was necessary to take active
measures to alter this state of affairs. " The Presi-
dency of Madrass," says Orme, "who in consideration
of the Regent's pretensions to Trichinopoly, had
hitherto declined to take revenge of his treacherous
attempts to get possession of it, now thought it time
to treat him as a declared enemy.
" In consequence of this resolution, Captain Dalton
* Rice in the husk.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 173
on the 23rd of December, marched out of the city at
ten o'clock at night with the greatest part of the
Europeans and Sepoys to beat up his camp, which
extended under the northern wall of Seringham ; but
the Regent himself with a considerable guard remained
within the pagoda. An artillery officer with three
pieces of cannon was previously posted on the southern
bank of the Caveri, opposite the pagoda, with orders
to create what alarm he could by throwing shot into
the place as soon as he should hear the fire of the
musketry in the camp. The troops passed the Caveri
at Chuckley-pollam, and then crossing the island
marched along the bank of the Coleroon, until they
came within a quarter of a mile of the enemy's camp,
where they halted in order to refresh themselves and
to form for the attack; but on the review it was found
that no less than 500 of the Sepoys were absent, having,
as they afterwards affirmed, inadvertently missed the
line of march in the dark ; however, the rest not ap-
pearing discouraged it was determined to proceed. They
were divided into two distinct bodies, and they first
marched only four in front, being designed to penetrate
through the camp, firing two to the right and two to
the left ; whilst the others drawn up in a more compact
manner, were ordered to halt as soon as they came
amongst the tents, and there remain as a support to
174 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
the first party, who moving on found the enemy's ad-
vanced guard fast asleep, and stabbing them with their
bayonets entered the camp without opposition, and
to the right and left began a brisk fire from front to
rear. The alarm was instantly spread and produced
such consternation that nothing was heard but the
shrieks of men wounded, and the outcries of others
warning their friends to fly from their danger. The
enemy according to their senseless custom raised a
number of blue lights in the air, in order to discover
the motions of the column, but these lights served
much better to direct the fire against themselves ; in
the meantime those within the pagoda manned the
walls, but refrained from firing for fear of killing
their own people in the camp, who in less than an
hour were totally dispersed, and if the English had
brought with them a petard, they would probably
have forced into the pagoda, and have finished the
war by securing the person of the Regent. Every-
thing being now quiet, the Sepoys were permitted
to take as many horses as they could conveniently
lead away, and marching foremost out of the camp
were followed by the Europeans in good order ; but
by this time, the Mysoreans within the pagoda, find-
ing by the extinction of the lights that none of their
own army remained within reach, began to fire smartly
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 17&
from the walls, and killed and wounded twenty men,
of whom seven were Europeans.
"The troops reached the city by daybreak, when
they discovered the enemy returning to the island,
who immediately struck all their tents and retired into
the pagoda. This sufficiently showed their panic, but
nevertheless it was evident that their continuance in
the neighbourhood would prevent the inhabitants from
bringing in provisions, of which they began already to
feel the want. Captain Dalton therefore determined
to bombard the pagoda, not doubting that if he could
drive the enemy out of it, their fears would deter them
from encamping again within a night's march." *
The above events are chronicled in the East India
Records as follows : —
'< Fort St. George, Jan. 15, 1753.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly writes that in order
to keep his Sepoys in readiness — he having found it
necessary to encamp without the town — the Raja was
much alarmed, and sent Kireedi Cawn word he would
recall Morarirow, but when it came to the point he
decided he would do it only in case the Nabob would
give him the Fort or a Crore of Rupees, that there-
upon, and having at the same time received certain
* Vol. i. pp. 268-9
176 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON.
intelligence of the hostilities committed by Morarirow,
he, at Kireedi Cawn's request, determined to make an
attack on the Mysorean camp, and accordingly after
leaving a sufficient security for the garrison, marched
in the night, and although 500 of his Sepoys missed
their way in the dark, yet with the rest of his men
he attacked camp with such vigour and success, that
in less than three-quarters of an hour they were entire
masters of it, having lost but one European and 2
Sepoys wounded; that during the whole action his
military behaved with great coolness, and never
offered to plunder. . . . The Sepoys took a great
number of horses, firelocks, and as much plunder as
they could carry off. That upon this success he
resolved to bombard Syringham the following night,
the events of which he relates in the following
letter : —
" Trichinopoly,
"Jan. 5th, 1753.
« Sir,
" In my last I gave you an account of our havin^
routed the Raja and Morarirow's camp in the night,
and of their having sheltered themselves within the
walls, in consequence of which last night I resolved to
bombard 'em, and accordingly attacked a Choultry
within 600 yards of the place, which we easily carried,
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 177
and having Coolys, &c. ready, immediately intrenched
the part of it that was open, with a strong wall, and
put a company of Sepoys on the top of it.
" I think it was as strong a post as ever I saw, and
we all thought it as safe as Trichinopoly. When I had
regulated everything, I left Lieuts. Wilkey and Crow
there with 70 military and 300 Sepoys, and Lieut.
Wood with a 12-pounder and a half-pound gun. For
still the greater security I lodged myself with the
remains of my command and two field pieces within
point blank shot to support them.
" The enemy appeared out of the pagoda and made
a push with their Sepoys at the choultry, but were
repulsed with great ease and no small slaughter.
They came again however about 12 o'clock, with their
whole force horse and foot all round. The bloodiest
action ensued that I believe has ever been seen in this
part of the world, for they had intoxicated their
leople with bang, and they rode on very surprisingly ;
vever, as their horse made the boldest attack, and I
sure the post was in no danger from them, we kept
I very hot fire on them and repulsed 'em twice, leaving
the ground strewn with their dead. Notwithstanding
this they made a third charge, and our rascally Sepoys
ave way, which discouraged the Europeans so much
hat tho' they had but 2 or 3 wounded and close in-
12
178 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
trenched, they quitted their officers, and ran out of
the post, the natural consequence of which was that
the horse instantly charged 'em in their disorder, and
killed or wounded almost the whole, notwithstanding
the fire of my party.
" Encouraged by their success they made a vigorous
push at my party, but I had rally'd the Sepoys and
placed 'em behind a little wall to receive them, and we
sent them off in great confusion. They rally'd again,
and came up with great fury, calling us all the names
they could invent, but my grape shot annoyed 'em so
much, joined to our continual fire of musketry, that
they were obliged to retreat and we kept our ground.
The native horse of which we had about 40, galloped
a little way after them, and took the horses of those
that were killed. The Raja has just now sent word
that he desires a cessation of arms that both partys
may bury their dead, of which there 's more than ever
I saw in my life all put together.
" You easily perceive, Sir, that if my people had not
so imprudently quitted their post we had gained a com-
plete victory. These are accidents mankind can't
foresee. With regard to myself I leave the Nabob
who was a spectator from the wall, and public report,
to satisfy you of my management and what efforts I
made.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 179
" Lieuts. Wilkey and Crow with about 60 men as
near as I can compute are missing. When the enemy
retreated I brought off the wounded, in all about 19
men with Lieut. Wood/* who I hope will do well.
" I will send you particular returns to-morrow as
well of the military as Sepoys, of the latter in the
whole action I believe we have near a 100 missing.
The enemy themselves own 9 jemidars and 300 men
killed, besides numbers wounded. The Nabob says
they have lost above 800 men and I really can't see
how it could be otherwise.
" Since the action no hostilities have been com-
mitted on either side.
"The Dalloway has wrote the Nabob a sort of
palavering letter in which he says he had best] be
friends. I have turned out the Mysorean peons, and
the Killedar has a guard over Gopaul Rauze, so that
all is quite easy within ; I sent the peons out with
their arms, baggage, and everything that belonged to
them.
u I am, Sir,
" Yr very obedient servant,
"John Dalton.
"To the Hon. Thos. Saunders, Esq."
* Lieutenant Wood died shortly afterwards from his wounds, and
so great was the scarcity of officers at Trichinopoly, that a lieute-
12 *
180 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
No one can read Captain Dalton's despatches with-
out seeing how studiously he avoids the subject of
" self.'' This modesty is all the more to be admired
because it is rare. Public report was more likely to
do justice to Captain Dalton's good management
during the above spirited engagement, than the
Governor, who remained on the city walls, at a safe
distance during the fighting.
The real cause of the panic which ended so disas-
trously for the Europeans and Sepoys who were left to
guard the choultry, is explained by Orme in his account
of the engagement — "The Morattoes," says this
writer, " encouraged by this success* now galloped up
to the entrenchment of the great choultry, where they
were suffered to come so near, that several of them
made U3e of their sabres across the parapet before the
troops within gave fire, which then began, and seconded
by that of the four pieces of cannon on the other side
of the river, killed and wounded a great number of
men and horses and obliged the enemy to retire in
confusion ; in this instant an officer unadvisedly took
nant's commission was given to Sergeant Dickinson who had distin-
guished himself. — East India Records.
* Referring to a body of the Nabob's sepoys having been driven
from a small choultry of which they had taken possession, and put
to flight by a body of Mahrattas. — Orme, vol. i. p. 270.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 181
the resolution of quitting his post, and passed the
river in order to give Captain Dalton some informa-
tion concerning the artillery ; some of the soldiers
seeing this imagined he went away through fear, and
concluding that things were worse than appeared to
them, followed his example and ran out of the en-
trenchment, which the rest perceiving, a panic seized
the whole, and they left the po3t with the greatest
precipitation, notwithstanding they had the minute
before given three huzzas, on the retreat of the
Morattoes."
The unfortunate mistake that this officer made in
quitting his post caused this unforeseen catastrophe.
Captain Dalton was of too generous a nature to men-
tion this in his despatches, as the officer had only
acted in excessive zeal, as his commander was well
aware.
" This disaster/' continues Orme, " diminished the
strength of the garrison near one half, not by the
number, but by the quality of the troops that were
lost." *
The Governor at Fort St. George on receipt of
* Lieutenants Wilkey and Crow having vainly endeavoured to rally
their men, gallantly determined to stay in the entrenchment, where
they were cut to pieces. — Orme, vol. i. p. 271.
182 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Captain Dalton's despatch wrote at once to him, urging
him to be " most cautious in all his undertakings and
not run any risk." At the same time he blamed
Captain Dalton for having allowed the 700 Mysoreans-
to depart with their arms and baggage. It may be
thought that this generosity on the part of the Com-
mandant was ill-timed, but, setting aside the idea that
all is fair in war, the laws of honour seemed to forbid
the despoiling of these Mysoreans, who had been re-
ceived into the city as hostages, and could not be held
answerable for the bad faith and treacherous conduct
of the Regent.
The following extract from Orme informs us of the
events that followed the late engagements : —
" Lest the enemy should imagine that he was totally
dispirited if he should remain inactive, Captain Dalton
determined to make some attempt, which at the same
time that it might be executed without much risque,
might make them believe he was still in a capacity to
act in the field. They had a post about four miles
west of Trichinopoly at a pagoda called Velore, where
the guard prevented the country people from carrying
provisions into the city. The pagoda had a strong
stone wall, and they had choked up the great gate with
mud, leaving at the bottom a wicket, by which only
one man could enter at a time, and this they carefully
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 183
shut every evening. Thirty Europeans marched in a
dark night, and having concealed themselves in a
watercourse near the gate, a sergeant of artillery, car-
ing a barrel of gunpowder with a long sausage to it
went forward and digging, placed the barrel under the
wicket unobserved, although thecentinel was sitting at
the top of the gate singing a Moorish song. The
explosion not only brought down the mud work, but
also blew up the terrace of the gateway with the guard
asleep on it, so that the soldiers entered immediately
without difficulty, and, having fresh in their memory
the loss of their comrades at the choultry, put all the
Mysoreans they met to the sword.
" The Regent, convinced by this exploit that famine
would be the surest means of reducing the garrison,
ordered a party of 200 horse to lie on the plain every
night between the city and the country of the Polygor
Tondeman, from whence alone provisions were obtained.
They seized some of the people bringing in rice, and
according to their barbarous custom cut off their noses,
and sent them thus mangled to Trichinopoly. This
cruelty struck such a terror that for some days no one
would venture to bring in supplies. In order therefore
to dislodge this detachment 400 men, Sepoys and Euro-
peans, with two field-pieces, marched in the evening,
and took possession of the ground where they used to
184 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
pass the night ; the enemy coming up some time after,
did not discover their danger before they received the
fire of the troops, which immediately put them to flight,
and by their outcries it was imagined they suffered
considerably.
" Whatever might be their loss, the surprize struck
such a terror, that no more small detachments could
be prevailed on to remain within reach of the garrison
during the dark nights; and their refusal suggested
to the Regent the resolution of dividing his force, and
forming a considerable camp between the city and
Tonde man's country, whilst he remained with the rest
at Seringham. A multitude of people set to the work
finished in a few days an entrenchment, with a stout
mud wall, at a place called Facquire's Tope, or the
grove of the Facquire, situated four miles to the south,
and one to the west of the city, after which 5,000
horse and 3,000 foot, being nearly one-half of the army,
and the best troops in it, moved from the island with
their baggage, and pitched their tents within this for-
tification. The effect of this disposition was soon
severely felt; no more grain was brought to the
market, the shops were shut, and the inhabitants
began to cry famine, whilst the garrison had the
mortification to perceive themselves incapable of
removing the distress, being, since the loss at the
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 185
•choultry, too weak to cope with the enemy in either
of their camps.
" Such was the situation of affairs at Trichinopoly
at the end of March, 1753."*
At this crisis in the Company's affairs, Captain
Robert Clive was compelled, by ill-health, to return
to England. He sailed for England in March, on
board the " Bombay Castle," immediately after his
marriage at Madras to Miss Margaret Maskelyne —
sister of his friend Captain Edmund Maskelyne. One
of the homeward-bound passengers in the same ship
with the bride and bridegroom was Robert Orme, the
future Indian historian.
* Vol. i. pp. 272-73 ; Dalton's Journal, f os. 12G-28.
186 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
CHAPTEE XI.
Lawrence's Despatch to the Governor and Council. — Startling Dis-
covery made by Dalton at Trichinopoly. — His Despatch to
Lawrence at Trivadi — Lawrence marches with his whole Force
to Trichinopoly. — Dalton cannonades the Mysorean Camp and
captures Baggage and Grain. — Battle of the Golden Rock. —
Mahommed Ali insulted by his Troops in Trichinopoly, and not
allowed to leave his Palace. — Is rescued by Dalton and escorted
to Lawrence's Camp by the Grenadier Company. — Famine Prices
in Trichinopoly. — The French Spy — Is detected by Dalton, who
tries to entrap the French in their own Toils. — Lawrence arrives
with Provisions. — Second Battle of the Golden Rock. — Execution
of the French Spy. — Battle of the Sugar-Loaf Hill.
nnHE European garrison of Trichinopoly was reduced
to a mere handful of men, and the Commandant
was quite unable to risk any more sorties against the
enemy. The city was strongly blockaded by the
Regent's army, and all means of obtaining provisions
from the surrounding country were now cut off. The
Governor and Council at Fort St. George were quite
aware of the danger Trichinopoly was in, but they
took no immediate steps to send a relieving party
there.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 187
While these affairs were taking place at Trichino-
poly, Major Lawrence with the troops under his-
command were engaged in opposing the French on
the sea-coast.
° Mr. Dupleix," says Orme, " whose eye was always
on Trichinopoly, determined to protract the war on
the sea coast as long as possible, that the Myso-
reans might not be interrupted from blockading the
city."
Major Lawrence, with that promptness of action
which so often distinguishes the military from the
civil authority, saw the absolute necessity of sending
relief to Captain Dalton, and wrote to the Governor
and Council in the straightforward manner which was
characteristic of this gallant commander. The follow-
ing extract from his letter refers to Captain Dalton's
position : —
"Trivady Camp, April 19th, 1753.
"If Captain Dalton is to be reinforced, and his
situation seems to cry aloud for it, 'tis high time to
determine something, for the rising of the rivers (and
that season is approaching) will put it out of our
power to assist him."*
The date of this letter must be particularly noticed,
* East India Records.
188 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
as the day after, Major Lawrence received a despatch
from Captain Dalton, which made all further delay
impossible. Before giving a copy of this despatch, I
must relate what had taken place at Trichinopoly early
in April.
" Captain Dalton," says Colonel Wilks, " had fre-
quently communicated with Kheir a Been on the
subject of the question of the quantities (of pro-
visions) in store, and was always assured they were
abundant, but now that these stores were to be his
only resource, he prudently insisted on examining
them himself, and establish such arrangements for
their issue and expenditure, as should satisfy his mind
with regard to his actual situation and means of sus-
taining the blockade."
Captain Dalton had often been assured by the
Governor of Trichinopoly that there were enough
provisions for four months, instead of which there
were hardly any left at all.
" Captain Dalton," says Orme, " insisted on ex-
amining the magazines, when to his great surprize
Kiroodin Khan informed him that he had taken
advantage of the scarcity, to sell out the provisions
to the inhabitants at a high price, not doubting but
that opportunities of replacing them would offer, and
acknowledged that the stock remaining was no more
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 189
than sufficient for 15 days — in which time the army at
Trivadi could hardly receive the news, and march to
the relief of the city. Expostulations were vain, for
the mischief was real ; an express was therefore sent
with this alarming intelligence to Major Lawrence,
who received it at ten at night the 20th of April."*
Captain Dalton's despatch to Major Lawrence is
given at length in the East India Records for 1753,
and is as follows : —
" Trichinopoly, April 13th, 1753.
" Dear Major,
" I wrote you lately several letters that by the
present situation of the enemy, we are so blockaded
that not the least provisions of any sort can possibly
come into the fort. They keep likewise at such a vast
distance that there is no possibility of interrupting
them. They never now since they attacked our ad-
vanced post appear within cannon shot. Kiroodi
Cawn has been often pressing me to write to you to
come this way, which I imputed to his fears as he i&
a timorous man, but last night he sent for Mr. Har-
rison and me, and protested to us before God that
there was now but 20 days provisions for the garrison
within the walls, and that if you don't speedily march
* Vol. i. p. 280 ; Dalton's Journal, fo. 129.
190 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON.
this way all will be ruined. I have always been very
cautious of applying to you on that head, lest such a
movement might prejudice your affairs ; but as things
now stand, and Kiroodi Cawn having likewise apply'd
to me in writing, which is I suppose to throw the
blame of what may happen off himself, it is to be sure
my duty to acquaint you of it, particularly as it is an
affair of the utmost consequence. It is but a month
ago that I demanded of him in the Governor's name
what quantity of provisions were in the garrison, and
he assured me of 4 months at least ; what interest he
•could have in deceiving me I can't conceive. There is
so little time now to spare that your sending a detach-
ment would not answer. The enemy will inevitably
endeavour if not to stop them at least considerably
detain them on the road. I am persuaded that if on
the receipt of this you only make a couple of marches
this way, the Raja will instantly decamp, for he trembles
at your name, and should he stay till you arrive at
Semiveram, we can soon despatch him between two
fires, tho' I am very certain that before you arrive at
Volconda, he will be far from Caroor. The shortness
of our provisions which the Nabob* till now always
kept a secret to me is a thunderclap at this juncture,
* Meaning Kiroodin Khan.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 191
however it is exactly the state of affairs as he has
reported to us and under his seal, and I could not
avoid referring it to you as it is of the utmost conse-
quence, and I am persuaded you '1 take the necessary
steps to assist us. With regard to my Europeans, we
can make 40 shifts, but the black fellows will all decamp
the first day they want their rice.
" I am,
" Your most obedt. very humble servant,
" John Dalton.
" Since I wrote the above, the Nabob has been at
me again to solicit you to arrive here before 15 days
from the date of this. I have already said all he told
me on this subject, and can only assure you that what-
ever distress we are driven to, you'l find that while I
have life I will not render myself unworthy of my
charge.
" To Major Lawrence,
" Trivadi."
We already know when this despatch reached Major
Lawrence, and the thread of our narrative is now con-
tinued in that gallant commander's own words : — *
" Astonished at this intelligence we saw the neces-
* Lawrence's Narrative in Cambridge's History, p 43.
192 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
sity of an immediate march to Trichinopoly, which we
began the 22nd instant in the morning, leaving
Captain Chase with 150 Europeans and 500 Sepoys for
the defence of Trivady, and as I intended passing
thro' the Tanjore country, letters were despatched by
the Nabob and me to the King acquainting him with
our march, and inviting him to join us on our approach
to his capital. Tho' we proceeded as expeditiously as
possible we were obliged to halt every 3rd or 4th day
on account of the hot winds, which were so powerful at
this season that notwithstanding all our care our little
army was greatly diminished. We marched by Chil-
lambrum a strong pagoda in which we had a sergeant
and a few gunners. A place of so much consequence
for preserving our communication by land between St.
David's and the Tanjore country should have been re-
inforced; instead of that our men were withdrawn,
and it fell into the enemy's hands soon after our depar-
ture. On our entering the Tanjore country the King
sent his prime minister Succogee to compliment the
Nabob and his allies. He received our force and pro-
mised very fairly on the part of his master to whom
he soon afterwards returned. We pursued our march
to Condore the 3d of May. On our arrival the King
desired to meet the Nabob and me half way. I set out
the 4th in company with the Nabob and Mr. Palk, who
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 193
had been with me from my leaving Madras. The
King met us at the place appointed attended by his
whole court, who on the occasion made a very magni-
ficent and splendid appearance. He was escorted by
3,000 horse well mounted, and a great many elephants
in silver trappings. After ceremoniously passing each
other in our palankeens, we were conducted to a plea-
sant garden, and there received by the King under a
pavillion supported by pillars of silver elegantly covered
and furnished. There we renewed our assurances of
friendship and protection, and all our former engage-
ments, and it was determined that the King should
support the Nabob, and join him the next day with
3,000 horse, and a like number of Sepoys. After a
refreshment of fruits, a shower of rose water, and
being anointed with atter of roses, we were dismissed
with presents of elephants, horses, and sirpahs,* and
escorted to our camp by a brilliant party of the Raja's
cavalry.
" On the 5th the horse and Sepoys joined us accord-
ing to agreement, but, as we soon after experienced, only
to make a parade, for they left us the same day. We
arrived the 6th May at Trichinopoly."
* Garments presented sometimes by superiors in token of protec-
tion, and sometimes by inferiors in token of homage. — Orme, p. 159.
13
194 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON.
In the meantime Captain Dalton had not been idle
at Trichinopoly. What measures the Commandant
took to harass the enemy, are given in the following
extracts from the Records of the First Madras Euro-
pean Regiment,* which was the name afterwards given
to the English battalion at this time commanded by
Lawrence — this battalion then including the Artillery,
the troop of Cavalry, and the Grenadier company : —
" In the meantime Dalton, at Trichinopoly, had not
been inactive in annoying the enemy and procuring
small supplies of provisions for the daily consumption
of his garrison. Knowing the Mysore general, who
commanded the force in the intrenched camp at the
Faqueer's Tope, to be a very timid man in night
attacks, he determined by frequent annoyances, to
drive him from his position, and thus on one side of
the city, open the blockade. To effect this, a redoubt
near the city, and within random shot of the enemy,
was thrown up, and two pieces of heavy cannon
mounted in it. This post having been well secured,
the guard frequently sallied out at night with two field-
pieces and fired grape into the Mysore camp, return-
ing with their guns in the morning. The enemy never
* Historical Records of the First Madras European Regiment, by a
Staff Officer.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 195
once attempted to intercept them ; and encouraged by
their timidity, on the night of the 15th of April they
fired thirty rounds of grape, at a short range from each
of the field pieces into the camp. The execution was
so severe, that the enemy abandoned their camp in no
little hurry and confusion the following morning, and
joined the rest of the investing army at Seringam.
The country people were thus induced to supply the
garrison with abundance of provisions, and on enter-
ing the deserted camp a quantity of baggage and a
large quantity of grain was found and carried into the
city.
" On the 6th of May Lawrence entered Trichinopoly
with his convoy, but he had failed in procuring the
Tanjore cavalry, and the number of his Europeans
from the great heat had been sadly diminished by
deaths on the march ; desertions had also taken place
from the Swiss company, and 100 sick were carried
into the city. The effective state, therefore, of the
whole corps for field duty, including what the garrison
could spare, was only 500 Europeans, 80 artillerymen,
2,000 sepoys and 3,000 of the Nabob's rabble of
cavalry. The day after the English arrived, a rein-
forcement of 200 French, with four field-pieces, and 500
Sepoys joined the Mysoreans at Seringam."
Captain Dalton being left to keep guard over Trichi-
13 *
196 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
nopoly, did not share in Lawrence's actions with the
enemy, who had been further reinforced by 300 French
soldiers and 1,000 Sepoys. Lawrence's force was very
inferior in point of numbers, but knowing that the fate
of Trichinopoly depended on his gaining a victory over
the enemy, he determined to seek an engagement. On
June 26th was fought the battle of the Golden Rock
(a small post north-east of Trichinopoly), in which
Lawrence gained a most complete victory over the
French and their allies.
" Thus," says Orme, " was Trichinopoly saved by a
success which astonished even those who had gained it ;
nor was the attempt, however desperate it might seem,
justified by the success alone, for as the city would in-
evitably have fallen if the English had remained
inactive, so the loss of it would have been hastened
only a few days if they had been defeated, and Major
Lawrence acted with as much sagacity as spirit, in
risquing everything to gain a victory on which alone
depended the preservation of .the great object of the
war."
After this success Lawrence determined to avoid
another engagement, until he had been joined by
some troops just arrived from Europe. Being in want
of cavalry, he determined to march into the Tanjore
country and make renewed efforts to induce the King
MEMOIB 01 CAPTAIN DALTON. 197
of Tanjore to furnish him with some cavalry, which
had been before promised. "The presence of the
Nabob," says Orme, " being thought necessary to
facilitate the negotiation, he prepared to march with
the army, but on the evening that he intended to quit
the city, his discontented troops assembled in the outer
court of the palace, and clamouring declared they
would not suffer him to move, before he had paid their
arrears; in vain were arguments to convince this
rabble, more insolent because they had never rendered
any essential service, that his going to Tanjore was the
only measure for which they could hope for a chance
of receiving their pay ; they remained inflexible, and
threatened violence, upon which Captain Dalton sent
a message to the camp, from whence the grenadier
company immediately marched into the city, where
they were joined by a hundred of the garrison, and all
together forcing their way into the palace, they got the
Nabob into his palankeen, and escorted him to the
camp surrounded by 200 Europeans with fixed
bayonets/'
On July 2, Lawrence marched to Tanjore accom-
panied by the Nabob and fifty of his cavalry.
"The rest of the Nabob's cavalry," says Orme,
" remained encamped under the walls of Trichinopoly,
and a few days after the departure of the English army
198 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN I) ALTON.
went in a body, and informed Captain Dalton that they
intended to go over to the enemy, with whom they had
made their terms, desiring at the same time that he
would not fire upon them as they were marching off.
This, as he was very glad to get rid of such a dangerous
encumbrance, he readily promised, and they went away
unmolested at noonday.
" The enemy having now no other immediate object
gave their whole attention to blockade the city, which
they were in a condition to effect without much dif-
ficulty ; for their superiority in Europeans deterred the
garrison from venturing without the walls to interrupt
their night patroles, as was their custom when they
had only the Mysoreans and Morattoes to encounter.
However, Captain Dalton took the precaution of under-
mining in a dark night the posts of Warriore and Wey-
condah to the west of the city; the defences of
Warriore were ruined, but the explosion failed at
Weycondah.
" The late supplies of provisions being entirely
reserved for the use of the garrison, the inhabitants
were left to provide for themselves, and rice was now
sold in the market for half-a-crown the measure, about
an English quart, which was fifteen times dearer than
the common price, and firewood was scarcely to be
procured at any rate. This scarcity soon obliged them
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 199
to quit their habitations, and in less than a month this
spacious city, which had formerly contained 400,000
persons, was left almost desolate; for the military
people who remained in it, soldiers and artificers of
all denominations, did not exceed 2,000 men. Of these
the Nabob's Peans, as being capable of no other service
than to give an alarm, were posted between the outward
and inward wall ; their number was about 1,000 ; the
Sepoys, 600, were stationed round the ramparts, and
the Europeans, about 200, were appointed some to
guard the gates, whilst the rest lay on their arms every
night in readiness to march to any quarter where the
alarm might be given. "*
I said before that it required the hundred eyes of
Argus to detect all the schemes that were planned for
the capture of Trichinopoly, and I now make the
remark again with renewed assurance of its truth.
The Regent, with his dull brain, had concocted some
very well planned schemes; but a master mind had
now set to work to capture by strategy the coveted
fortress of the Carnatic. The master mind belonged
to Dupleix — that despot who astonished even the
Native Princes by his craftiness, unscrupulousness,
and bombastic love of display.
* Vol. i. pp. 296- 97 ; Dalton's Journal, fol. 142, &c.
200 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
" Mr. Dupleix," 3ays Orme, quoting from Dalton's
Journal, "strenuously importuned Mr. Brenier, who
had succeeded Mr. Astruc in the command, to attempt
an escalade at all events, aud suggested to him a
method of getting the information he wanted by
sending one De Cattans, an intelligent officer, as a
deserter into the town ; the man was promised the
command of a company and 30,000 rupees, for which
he not only undertook to find out the proper spot
where they should place their scaling-ladders, but also
to maintain a correspondence with the French priso-
ners, who were to break loose and seize the arms of
the guard, and attack the quarters of the English
whilst the assault was made on the walls. He waa
admitted into the city, and said that he came into the
city to offer his service to the English, being disgusted
by an unjust censure which had been cast on his con-
duct in the late battle at the Golden Rock ; an over-
strained affectation of frankness in his behaviour gave
Captain Dalton some suspicions, and two spies were
set to watch his actions, who at different times dis-
covered him measuring the calibre of the guns, taking
a survey of the works, and fathoming the height of the
wall with a lead and line, after which he threw notes
through the windows to the French prisoners. There
was in the garrison a French soldier whose fidelity to
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 201
the English might be depended on ; this man engaged
to detect his countryman still more effectually, and
suffered himself to be chastized in his sight by Captain
Dalton for some pretended neglect, after which he
affected such a resentment for this treatment, that
De Cattans gave him his entire confidence, offering
him a great reward if he would assist in the execution
of his plan. The soldier said he was not made for
great enterprizes, but offered to desert the first night
he should be on guard at the barrier, and to carry a
letter, provided De Cattans would assure him of a
pardon for having deserted from the French. This
the other readily agreed to, and gave him a pardon in
form signed with his name, to which he added the
title of f plenipotentiary of the Marquis Dupleix.' At
the same time he delivered to him a letter for Mr.
Brenier, which contained a full and exact description
of the defences of the place, and some commendations
on his own address in deceiving the English com-
mandant, whom he described as a very young man,
that placed more confidence in him than in any of his
own officers. The soldier carried the letter to Captain
Dalton, who immediately caused De Cattans to be
arrested ; at first he denied the fact, but on seeing his
own writing, desired that he might not suffer the dis-
grace of being hanged, but have the honour of being
202 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
shot by a file of musketeers. He was told his fate
could not be decided before Major Lawrence arrived ;
Captain Dalton, however, desirous of drawing the
enemy into a snare by the same means which they had
employed against himself, promised the criminal to
intercede for his pardon, provided he would write a
letter to Mr. Brenier and prevail upon him to attempt
an escalade at such a part as he, Captain Dalton,
should dictate. This De Cattans readily agreed to ;
the place fixed upon was Dalton's battery, on the west
side, not far from the northern angle, as being more
accessible than any other from without, but the de-
fences and entrenchments within were stronger than
anywhere else. A black fellow undertook to carry the
letter for eight rupees, and Mr. Brenier, giving him
twenty, sent him back with a letter to De Cattans,
promising to put his plan into execution, and desiring
him to write frequently. In vain did the garrison
watch several nights successively, hoping that the
enemy would make the assault ; but the various reports
which they received of Major Lawrence's arrival kept
them in such a continual bustle and alarm that they
could not spare a night for the execution of this enter-
prize, notwithstanding they appeared convinced of its
practicability.
u The Mysoreans, finding that the explosion made
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 203
at Weycondah had done little damage, took possession
of this post, and mounting two small pieces of cannon
on the rampart, encamped 300 horse and some Peans
tinder the walls, and as the garrison of Trichinopoly
had not lately ventured into the field, those troops
slept in perfect security without a single centinel.
Captain Dalton, receiving intelligence of their negli-
gence, resolved to beat up their quarters, and chusing
a time when it was very dark, a party of 400 men,
mostly Sepoys, marched up close to the tents, and
made a general discharge amongst them before they
were once challenged. The Sepoys got some horses
and arms, and the whole party retreated out of reach
before the enemy were sufficiently rouzed to do more
than fire a few shots at random. At length, after
remaining a month closely blockaded, and obliged to
be continually on their guard, the garrison received
advice that the Major was approaching. . . . On the
7th of August the army arrived at Dalaway's choultry
situated close to the southern bank of the Caveri, six
miles east of Trichinopoly."
The Major was bringing a convoy of some thousands
of bullocks laden with provisions, Trichinopoly being
in distress for food. The French and Mysoreans were
very anxious to prevent these provisions from reaching
the city, and prepared to engage Lawrence's force as
204 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
soon as it should appear. Captain Dalton was enabled
to inform the Major's force of the enemy's intentions
by means of signals from the observatory on the top of
Trichinopoly Rock. This rock is thus described in
Lawrence's narrative : —
" A most extraordinary rock stands in the middle of
the old town, and is about 300 feet high. On the top
of it is a pagoda, which was of singular use to us the
whole war, its height commanding even as far as
Tanjore, which is 40 miles. Here was constantly
stationed a man with a telescope, who gave us by
signals and writing an account of all the enemy's
motions."
Lawrence, continuing his march, discovered the
enemy drawn up in force in a strong position extend-
ing from the French to the Golden Rock. An action
was unavoidable, and what is known as the second
battle of the Golden Rock took place. The only part
that Captain Dalton was able to take in it was to sally
from the city with two field- pieces, and increase the
disorder of the enemy by attacking them in the rear.
This is made mention of by Orme, as follows : —
" The English battalion was drawn up in the open
plain without shelter, and in this situation suffered
considerably, whilst their artillery did little mischief
to the enemy j however the shot that flew over the
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 205
bank went amongst a large body of horse who were
drawn up in the rear of the advanced party, and flung
them into confusion, which Captain Dalton observing,
he sallied from the city with two field-pieces, and the
cavalry, finding themselves between two fires, hurried
out of reach, some to the east, and others to the
west/'
The Grenadiers — Captain Dalton's old Company —
particularly distinguished themselves in this battle.
They lost their Captain (Kirk^ during the fight, and
Captain Kilpatrick, putting himself at their head,
exhorted them to follow him and revenge their leader's
death, which they swore with an oath to do.*
" In this temper," says Orme, " they pushed on,
and in order to prevent the enemy from retreating to
their main body, marched to gain their right flank ;
the enemy had not the courage to stand the shock, but
quitted the bank in great precipitation, and leaving
three field-pieces behind them, ran away towards
Weycondah, exposed great part of the way to the fire
of the two field-pieces which Captain Dalton had
brought out of the city, every shot of which for
several discharges, took off two or three men."
The enemy being entirely routed, the much-needed
* Lawrence's Narrative, p. 50.
206 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
provisions were brought into the city, and two days
after Lawrence marched out with the English bat-
talion and the allies. Before he left he ordered De
Cattans to be hanged in sight of the enemy's advanced
guards.
" He died," says Orme, " with great resolution, but
showed much concern that he had endeavoured to
betray Captain Dalton, who had received him with so
much hospitality and kindness. As the English had
condescended to employ this delinquent against his
own countrymen, after he was detected, his life ought
to have been spared."
I am very sure his life would have been spared, if
the Commandant — " the very young man," as the spy
slightingly termed him — could have obtained his
pardon; but Lawrence saw the absolute necessity of
making an example, and putting a stop to those under-
hand plots which had so often endangered the safety
of the fortress and the lives of the garrison.
Dupleix, in his Memoirs, complains with great
bitterness that, excepting Bussy, he never had an
officer on whose ability he could place the smallest
reliance ; * but even supposing this to be true, the
French were much stronger in native and European
* Mill's History of British India, iii. p. 130.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 207
allies than the British, and two such men as Dupleix
and Bussy were, in their respective ways, worth a host
of armed men.
On September 21, Lawrence gained another decisive
victory over the French and their allies. This action
was called the battle of the Sugar Loaf Rock. The
following extracts from the Records of the First
Madras European Regiment show the decisive nature
of this victory. " The left wing of English Sepoys
having pushed on outside the entrenched works to the
right of the French regiment, attacked the Sugar Loaf
Hill, and carried it in gallant style, keeping up a heavy
fire on the masses running about the Mahratta and
Mysore camp. During this time the regiment had
formed a line to the front on its leading division, and
advanced briskly towards the French battalion. Cap-
tain Kilpatrick was on this occasion severely wounded.
. . . Captain Calliaud,* who had succeeded Kilpatrick
in command of the Grenadiers, observing the flank
of the French regiment exposed, from the flight
of their Sepoys, wheeled rapidly to his left, charged
in upon it, and after a very short melee drove them in
confusion upon their centre ; the other two divisions
* A future Commandant of Trichinopoly. He died a Major-
General.
208 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
advancing at the same time at the charge, completed
the rout, and the enemy broke and fled. . . . The
enemy were defeated at all points and abandoned their
camp, leaving their tents standing, and all their artil-
lery (eleven pieces), ammunition and baggage. . . .
In addition to the prisoners taken during the action,
about 200 of the French battalion were picked up or
killed wandering in Tondiman's and the Tanjore
country ; and after the action, whilst they were
passing towards Seringam, Dalton sallied out from
Trichinopoly and captured nearly thirty, making a
total loss in prisoners to the French regiment of about
300 men. . . . On the following day the force marched
and encamped at the French Rock, and an officer was
dispatched to the King of Tanjore to hasten the supply
of provisions, who succeeded in part, and a three
months' supply was laid up in Trichinopoly."
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN B ALTON. 209
CHAPTER XII.
(1753-1754.)
Private Letters. — Dalton applies to be relieved from the Command
of Trichinopoly. — His Resignation not accepted. — Ill-health the
Cause of his Request. — His Letter to the Council at Fort St.
George. — Their Reply. — Dalton's own Account of his Departure
from Trichinopoly. — Volunteers to relieve Palam Cotah. — Night
Attack on Trichinopoly by the French. — Dalton's Battery de-
scribed. — Result of the Attack. — Dalton resigns his Commission
March 1st, 1754. — Is thanked by the Governor and Council for
his Services. — Sails for England March 10.
fTlIME'S destroying hand has left only one or
two of Captain Dalton's private letters to throw
any additional light on his military career. There is,
however, one letter written from the camp near Trichi-
nopoly, in April 1752, which contains several items of
interest. This letter, the address of which is lost,
appears to have been written to Captain Lancelot
Baugh"^ of the 41st Regiment, or Invalids, who had
* This officer served many years in the 1st Foot Guards, and
attained the rank of captain April 18, 1743. On July 22, 1751, he
was transferred to the 41st Regiment, then styled " The Invalids,"
14
210 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
some connections, either on his own or on his wife's
side, at Limerick,* and was personally acquainted
with Mrs. James Dalton before her widowhood. He
had served for some years in the 6th Regiment as an
ensign. He was a most kind friend to the desolate
widow during her son's long absence in India, when she
was left stranded in England, far from her own rela-
tives and friends. The letter to Captain Baugh is as
follows : —
" Dear Sir,
(f Iam favoured with yours by ye Dorrington,
accompany'd with four letters from my mother ; you
realy, Sir, lay me continually under such a number of
repeated obligations that I am quite at a loss for words
to express my gratitude ; you have acted like a father
to both me and my mother. How greatly it shocks
me when I think how greatly that poor woman must
have been distressed at my long silence, but Providence
was most kind in granting her a friend of your honour
probably from being composed of old officers invalided from other
regiments. He resided at Portsmouth, and died senior captain of his
regiment in 1775.
* Lieut.-General Lancelot Baugh (eldest son of Captain Lancelot
Baugh), Colonel of the 6th Regiment of Foot, who died in ApriL
1792, and whose will was proved in the following June, left a legacy
to his cousin Mrs. Charles Hill of Limerick.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 211
and humanity. Believe me, Dear Sir, I shall to ye
last hour of my life retain a just sense of all your
friendly favours to her, and proclaim your disinterested
worth as long as I have breath to doe it. I am in-
finitely obliged to you for your paternal advice, in
consequence of which I shall not in a hurry quit ye
service I am in, which by all accounts is far preferable
to ye King's ; it is true we are always in Camp and
run some little risques, but I may venture to assure
you that I have at this time little less than forty shil-
lings per day, and had yesterday a prest. of a fine
horse worth 100 pounds at least, for taking one of ye
Enemy's field pieces with my Grenadiers. These
things you know seldom happen in Europe, notwith-
standing which I confess to you that I am so fond a
son, that I can hardly reconcile myself to staying longer
from my Dear Mother, and am not ashamed to own it
neither.
u I am now worth .£6,000 at least, and have a very
fair prospect of augmenting it considerably, and think
I may venture home with ten thousand pounds in my
pocket, for If I goe into ye army again, it shall be
into ye Horse Service, for I can't bear ye thought of
leaving England again suddenly after ye long time I
have been out of it. I have not seen Fort St. David's
these 14 months ; wee have been continually in camp
14 *
212 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
which has put it out of my power to execute Mrs.
Baugh's commission, but intend soon to quit ye field
for a month, when I shall take care to do it in ye best
manner I am capable of, and also send her whatever
I can meet with, that I think will be acceptable. I
have not as yet had ye pleasure of seeing Mr. Brook,
but have received from him ye Ruffles which Miss
Baugh* did me ye honour to send, which I set so great
a value on as determines me not to wear 'em till I
return to Europe, and have ye pleasure of kissing ye
fair hand that work'd 'em.
" I have ordered my attorney at Madrass to remit
you 100 pounds by bill on ye Jews which I 'm informed
is ye surest and best method, as ye Company don't
pay till three months after sight ; ye bill will accom-
pany this, and goe I believe by ye Swallow, Capt.
Spike, which triffle I beg my Dearest Mother will
accept to drink my health with such of her acquain-
tances as have merited her esteem, for such I shall
always deem my valuable friends. Fie write to her if
possible, however if I should not be able to accom-
plish it, I beg you '11 let her know I am very well, and
all things goes according to my desire, except ye
* General Lancelot Baugh left the bulk of his property to his
sister who had married a Captain George Maddison.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON. 213
wished for hapiness of seeing her. My best respects
to your Lady, and all ye rest of your agreeable family,
and believe me Dear Sir with ye highest gratitude for
all favours
u Your most sincere and obliged
" Humble servant,
ie John Dalton.
"English Camp,
" Near Trichinopoly,
"April 29th, 1752.
" I send this to my attourney at Madrass, in order
to get it conveyed per first ship, my present situation
being 150 miles up ye country/'
The foregoing letter was sent by the recipient to
Captain Dalton 's mother, who took a copy of it, and
added the following memorandum to her tran-
script : —
" Note. — His attourney's letter was dated ye 17th
of June 1752, with fresh assurance of his safety after
ye battle, which was not quite at an end when my son
wrote."
The two following short letters are undated, but
their contents help to approximate their dates very
closely.
214 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Captain Dalton to his mother : —
" My Dearest Mother,
" This goes by Captain Clive,* a very intimate
and worthy friend of mine, who I thought to have
accompanied home in ye same ship, but my post here
at present puts it out of my power, however you may
be sure it is my full intention to leave this country
next September, as my fortune is more than ever I
expected, and enough my dearest Mother to keep you
a chariot, and equipage in proportion, which is my
greatest ambition/'
The next — and unfortunately the last — letter from
Captain Dalton to his mother was evidently written
a few months later, when he had determined to resign
his commission and return to England : —
" I remain still commanding officer of this garrison,
and believe I shall continue so, as long as I stay in ye
country, indeed I can't be in a better situation. When
ye time comes for ye ships to sail for Europe I'll
resign my commission, but should I not arrive
exactly at ye time you'l by this expect me, I beg
* Olive's arrival in England is thus chronicled in the Public Adver-
tiser of Oct. 10, 1753 : — " We hear that Captain Olive who has behaved
so bravely in the East Indies is come home in the Bombay Castle
Indiaman arrived at Plymouth."
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 215
you '1 not be in ye least uneasy, for forty accidents
unforseen may retard me a little, while on so long
a tract, and comfort yourself with the reflection that
ye same all seeing Power which has hitherto been my
guide will inevitably return me safe to you with ye
fortune I have acquired by His blessing. At present
I have little to tell you, ye French will never be
quiet, tho' we often .thrash 'em heartily, so shall
only add that I am perfectly well and in good spirits,
in a very advantageous post, and longing for nothing
so much as to embrace my dearest-dearest Mother,
for I am ever and most unalterably,
" Your most affectionate
u and dutifull son,
"John Dalton."
Captain Dalton's request to be relieved from the
command of Trichinopoly is thus referred to in the
East India Records : —
41 Fort St. George, Sept. 10th, 1753.
" Captain Dalton at Trichinopoly requests to be re-
lieved from the command of that place. Encloses an
account current of the charges of that garrison for the
months of July and August, amounting to Arcot
Rupees 21,727-5, whereon a Ballance of upwards of
2,000 Arcot Rupees is due to him, and advises he is
216 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
under the necessity of drawing on us for more money
for the charges ot the next two months.
w Resolved — That Captain Dalton's draughts be
complied with, but in regard to his request to be
relieved, that Major Lawrence be desired to acquaint
him we cannot immediately grant it, as he is capable
from his knowledge of the country of being more
serviceable than any other officer, and we expect he
will continue to exert himself/ '
The closing remarks of the above show the high
opinion the Governor and Council had of Captain
Dalton's abilities and fitness for the arduous post he
occupied.
It has always been a matter of wonder to those who
did not know the real state of the case, that Captain
Dalton should voluntarily resign his commission at the
early age of twenty-eight, when he had made himself
a name in Indian history, and was on the high road to
rank and wealth. His letter to the Council at Fort St.
George gives his real reason. It is as follows : —
" Trichinopoly,
" Sept. 30th, 1753.
" HONBLE. GENTN.,
" Major Lawrence has communicated to me a
paragraph in your late letter to him, by which I find it
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTOX. 21'/
is not agreeable to you that I am relieved from the
command of this place.
"When I made application at first to Mr. Saunders
on this head, I flattered myself that you would have
kindly indulged me in it in consideration of the time
I have been in the field, however I find to the con-
trary, and it will give me the greatest concern to incur
the displeasure of your Honble. Board. I shall in
consequence of your directions continue to take the
same care I have always done of the place for two
months longer, and if you judge proper to nominate
the officer who is to succeed me, I shall in that time
make him thoroughly acquainted, as much as lies in
my power, with not only the Fort and Foible of the
garrison, but likewise the nature and different inte-
rests of the people round us. At the expiration of the
above-mentioned time I must request your permission
to resign the service and return to Europe in the
January ships, my constitution being so totally ruined
that nothing but a cold climate can reinstate me.
Many of my friends can inform you that it was
the situation of my post only that prevented me
from applying to you before for leave to go
home in the ships that sail this month, but at pre-
sent the great success of our arms has altered the
scene much for the better, and given me the oppor-
218 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
tunity I long wished for of addressing you on this
subject.
" I cannot conclude without observing to you, gen-
tlemen, that the number of European prisoners which
are now here are highly improper to be kept in this
garrison where underhand schemes are so subject to
be put in execution I am with the greatest
respect
" Honble. Gentlemen,
" Yr. most obedt. and very humble servant,
" John Dalton."
The Governor and Council sent the following
reply: —
" Fort St. George,
" Oct. 18th, 1753.
«? Sir,
l( We have received your letter of 30th Sept
setting forth a bad state of health which nothing but a
cold climate can reinstate, and your request of resigning
your Commission in January to return to Europe.
The service certainly stands greatly in need of officers,
but if you continue this resolution, we have desired
Major Lawrence who is on the spot to nominate such
officer as he judge proper to relieve you on your re-
signing the command. It will be necessary you have
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 219
your accounts from the time of your being there, and
get them signed by the Nabob, which will prevent any
disputes afterwards We are very sensible the
Nabob having so many prisoners at Trichinopoly must
be a great ill-convenience in respect to the garrison and
provisions, and we wish it could be removed. There
are almost treble the number of the Garrison at Fort
St. David already, you will therefore consult with
Major Lawrence that the Nabob take the most effective
measures to prevent mischief. We are, Sir,
" Your affectionate friends,
u Thomas Saunders.
" Charles Boddam.
" Henry Powney.
'• Alexander Wynch.
" John Smith.
" Charles Bourchier."
No one can have read this narrative without per-
ceiving what wear and tear of body and mind Captain
Dalton had gone through. Added to this that he had
been ten years on foreign service, five of which he had
been knocking about on board a man-of-war in the
Indian seas, and the last five years on continual active
service in one of the most unhealthy parts of India.
•Clive had gone home after ten years of Indian life,
220 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
with his health much shattered, and the seeds of
disease sown in his constitution, which in the end led
to that unhappy state of mind which caused the sad
event that terminated his brilliant career.
st Glory is priceless," but there is no glory in dying
of a broken down constitution or a diseased liver.
Happy are those who know when to stop, and not to
lose all by a too soaring ambition. It is most pro-
bable that Captain Dalton never told his mother in
his letters of his broken health, and I leave it to the
reader to imagine whether she ever urged him to con-
tinue in India, in order to win more renown, and
increase his fortune. I do not believe a good mother
would ever let ambition surmount her love for her son.
I cannot give a better illustration than the mother of
Lord Clive. She had a husband, six sons, and seven
daughters, all living. They were very poor, and all
their hopes centred on Robert Clive. When news
came of his distinguished gallantry and ability in cap-
turing Arcot with a mere handful of troops, his
friends all foresaw he would attain to a high position
if he continued in India, and they were anxious he
should do so. Not so his mother. This is the way
she speaks of it in her letter to her son, dated
December, 1752 : —
" I cannot express the joy yours to your father gave
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN BALTON. 221
to me. Your brave conduct and success which Provi-
dence has blessed you with is the talk and wonder of
the public, the great joy and satisfaction of your
friends, but more particularly so to me, as it gives me
hopes of seeing you much sooner than I could possibly
have expected. I find some of your friends wish your
longer stay in India ; but I earnestly entreat you will
let no motive induce you, except your honour and the
peace of the country require it." *
None of Mrs. Dalton's letters to her son are extant,
but think you she would write in any less affectionate
style than the above — she who was a widow, and had
been seperated from her only child for ten long years ?
What good would her son's renown and fortune bring
her in her old age, if he who won them was to return
no more ? There is still extant a letter, or part of a
letter, from Mrs. Dalton to a friend, which will give
the reader some idea of the depth of her love for her
son : —
" Since I wrote to you last, 1 received an account
from London that there was brought in ye Swallow f
sloop of war, a parcel of valuable things for me from
my son, but pursuant to my usual ill luck, they were
* Malcolm's Life of Chve, vol. L p. 129.
f H.M.S. Swallow, Captain Speke, sailed for England from Madras
in July, 1752. — East India Records.
222 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
all seized so supose I shall loose them as formerly.
Alas dr. Madam is it not very cruel that I must
always be deprived of these testimonys of affectionate
duty from that Darling of my soul, who is ye most
exemplary child that ever woman was blessed with,
but I am innur'd to crosses and disappointments wch
that all Gracious Power in wch. I put my trust can in
his good time relieve me from, and grant me a Glorious
recompense for all my sufferings, by a hapy meeting
with ye dr. cause of all my anxious cares."
# * # *
Captain Dalton's departure from Trichinopoly is
thus referred to by Or me : — " Captain Dalton seeing
this object of the general sollicitude provided for,* and
the city in all other respects out of danger, quitted
the command of Trichinopoly, and some time after
returned to Europe."
The following extract from Captain Dalton's Indian
Journal, gives his own account of his departure : —
" Having at last with much difficulty obtained the
long wished for leave to return to Madrass, I resigned
the command of the Garrison to Capt. James Kil-
patrick, who was ordered to succeed me, and November
* Referring to there being six months' provisions laid up in Trichi-
nopoly. Orme, vol. i. p. 316.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 223
14th, 1753, left the place with an escort of 30 soldiers
and 150 Sepoys and arrived the day following at
Coiladdy, where our army was in their winter quarters.
The Major being much indisposed, I stayed with him
5 or 6 days and then proceeded on my journey thro*
the Tanjour Dominions for the Coast. I received
great civility s in all the towns and villages of that
delightful country as I passed along, the long time I
had serv'd in a publick caracter having made me very
well known to 'em all, and in 6 days I arrived at Davy-
cota the southernmost settlement belonging to the
Company on the coast.
" I found on my arrival there, that the French from
the Garrison of Chilumbrum were besieging the fort
of Pollincota, which belongs to the Nabob of Carpy.
Their being masters of that place, would prove ex-
treamly prejudicial to both St. David's and Davycota,
as detachments from thence could easily intercept the
Company's cloath, as well as all sorts of provisions,
which we are supply'd with from the Worriarpollam
country.
"As we had perfect intelligence that they had
drained Chilumbrum of all their best men, in order
to carry on this siege, I advis'd Mr. Hopkins the
Chief of Davycota to write to the Governor of Fort
St. David's for 100 men and a few scaling-ladders,
224 MEMOIR OF OAPTAIN DALTON.
with which I offer'd my service, to take the advan-
tage the weakness of the garrison offer'd us. But
Mr. Starke sending for answer that he coud not
possibly spare such a detachment, on account of the
weakness of his garrison, we contented ourselves with
sending an officer with 30 soldiers and 200 Sipoys to
throw themselves into Pollincota.
" The French never staid for their getting in, which
they might easily have prevented, but on the first news
of their approach raised the siege and ran away, leaving
2 12-pounders behind 'em, and all their ammunition.
Lieut. Frazier who commanded our party, enter'd the
fort with colours flying and was received by the inhabi-
tants as their deliverer. After repairing the breach
he mounted the enemy's two guns on the ramparts,
and in several affairs which he has since had with the
Chilumbrum garrison has allways defeated 'em, tho'
three to one.
" While I staid at Davycota, we received the agree-
able news, that since my departure from Tritchenopoly
the French had made an attempt to take it by scalade,*
but without success. They got in possession of the
battery which goes by my name, without any oppo-
sition, owing to either the neglect or treachery of the
* <• The 28th of Novr. 1753."
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 225
Jemidar of Sipoys who commanded there, and enter'd
to the number of 600 French at 4 o'clock in the
morning before they were perceiv'd. When they had
all got up, they imagined the fort was their own, and
turning the artillery inwards which they found on the
battery they hVd grape into the town. But they soon
found they were egregiously deceived in their hopes.
The place they had got possession of was no more than
an old gateway on the outward wall, and had no com-
munication with the inner one, which overlook'd it by
a great many foot, and they had that still to scalade,
before they coud become masters of the place. The
reason of my having made a battery on the gateway
was in order to flank the fosse, for which purpose its
projecting from the body of the place made it very
convenient.
(t They had made 2 other false attacks on different
parts of the town, to draw the attention of the Euro-
pean force, while their main body made their grand
effort on this. But the noise they made with their
musketry, drums, and huzza's, when they had got
possession of this battery, soon convinced our people
that their real attack was on that side, and our Euro-
pean body, marching with all possible diligence, lin'd
the part of the inner wall which overlook'd the battery
the enemy were possessed of.
15
226 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
" The hot fire of musketry made by this party, join'd
to the fire of 4 pieces of cannon, which from the flanks
of other bastions greatly annoy'd the enemy, soon con-
vinc'd 'em of their mistake, and a few of the bravest of
'em had resolution enough to rear 3 ladders against
the inner wall. But those who first mounted being
immediatly kill'd, the rest gave over the affair as im-
practicable, and every one endeavourM to get himself
under some shelter from the fire, which every minute
became more terrible by the arrival of fresh musketeers
and matchlock men from all parts of the town. When
they first found their mistake, they had haul'd their
ladders after 'em up the first wall in order to plant
'em against the second, which now prov'd their ruin,
and left 'em no prospect of escape but by leaping a
wall 30 foot high into the ditch. Finding themselves,
therefore, fairly caught between the walls, they did
not chuse to wait till 'twas clear day, as the garrison
would then (they knew) not fire a shot in vain, but
begging quarter on their knees in the most piteous
manner.
" Just as the day began to dawn, 9 officers and
400 soldiers surrender'd themselves prisoners of war.
100 were found kill'd and wounded on and about the
battery. And the poor remains, at the hazard of their
lives, leap'd the wall and escap'd to their black army
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 227
and corps de reserve which was drawn up at some dis-
tance to wait the event of the enterprize. The prisoners
were immediately confin'd in the place with the rest
of their countrymen, and the arms being collected
amounted to 600, with one petard.
" It was with great difficulty the Sipoys and Nabob's
people were restrained from cutting 'em all to pieces,
and 'tis a pity that the humanity and mercifull dispo-
sition so natural to our nation, influenced 'em at that
time to take so much pains to prevent it. For the
French confess'd afterwards that they had orders to
give no quarters for 4 hours had they succeeded, and
had free liberty for that time to plunder the place.
" The commanding officer of the attack was exces-
sively drunk when he was taken, as were 2 or 3 others,
and their private men had no less than 9 drams each
given 'em from the time they left Syringam till they
planted their ladders against the fort wall. Besides
every man had a small loaf of bread steeped in arrack
in his pocket. The French allways use this method
with their people, tho' they won't allow that it is owing
to any suspicion of want of bravery to undertake any
enterprize. One quarter part of such a proportion of
liquor serv'd to a body of Englishmen before an action
would have render 'd 'em quite ungovernable." *
* Fol. 161-64.
15 *
228 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Thus ended, in signal defeat, this attempt of the
French to capture Trichinopoly. They knew that
Captain Kilpatrick, the new commandant, was badly
wounded, and so they hoped to take the garrison by
surprise.*
In the East India Records for 1754 I find the fol-
lowing : —
" Fort St. George, March 4th, 1754.
" Letter from Captain Dalton read as entered
hereafter, desiring leave to resign his commission and
proceed to Europe on the Durrington, having delivered
in all his accounts, signed by the Nabob, and request-
ing also a certificate of his behaviour to entitle him to
his half pay in the King's Service, having been left
here by Admiral Boscawen on those conditions.
"Agreed, that Captain John Dalton's resignation
be accepted, that he have leave to proceed to Europe
on the Durrington, and that a certificate be granted
him as desired."
* The attack on Dalton's battery is described by Colonel Lawrence
in his Narrative. A full account of it appeared in the Public Adver-
tiser of October 28, 1754. This historical battery still bears Captain
Dalton's name.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 229
Captain Dalton's letter was as follows : —
'< Fort St. David, 20th Feb. 1754.
" Honble. Sir and Sirs,
"As I informed you when I applyed to be
relieved from the command of the Garrison of Trichi-
nopoly that it was my intention to resign the Hon.
Co/s Service in order to return to Europe, I must
now desire your permission to do it, and that you will
please to give the necessary directions to the Captain
of the Durrington to receive me on board.
" I have delivered in to the Governour my account
with the Nabob Annaverde Cawn,* passed and signed
by him in the manner you were pleased to direct in
the letter I had the honour to receive from you on
that subject, and have delivered the Nabob's receipts
in full from all his people that served under my com-
mand.
" As it is expected by the Lords of the Regency
that the officers of His Majesty's Service left in India
by Mr. Boscawen produce certificates of their beha-
viour in order to obtain their half pay, I must request
Gentlemen that you will please to grant me such a one
from your Honble. Board, as you think my behaviour
* Meaning Mahommed Ali, son of Anwarodean Khan, or, as the
name is sometimes spelt, Annaverde Oawn.
230 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN JDALTON.
entitles me to during the time I have had the honour
to serve in your troops.
" I have now only to add my acknowledgments for
the genteel treatment I have always received in your
Service, and to assure you I shall always remain with
the most profound respect and consideration,
" Honourable Sir and Sirs,
« Yr most obedient
" And very Humble servant,
"J. Dalton."
" To the Honble. Thos. Saunders, Esq.,
" Presidt. and Govr., &c, Council of
" Fort St. George."
I find this entry among the accounts, under date of
March 9, 1754 :—
' ' The Secretary pays in 30 Pagodas on account of
Capt. John Dalton for permission of passage to Europe
on the Durrington."
The " Durrington " sailed for England on March 10,
as shown by this entry in the Records : —
" Hon. Co/s ship f Durrington/ Richard Drake, for
England."
Extract from Captain Dalton's Journal : —
" Having taken my passage on board the Durring-
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 231
ton, Indiaman, for Europe, I resigned my Commission
to the Governor and Council the 1st March, 1754,
who were pleased to return me thanks for my services,
and on the 10th of the same month we sailed from
Madrass Road."
232 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
CHAPTER XIII.
CONCLUSION.
And thus the dying veteran spake :
" My son ! I leave to thee a prize —
The sword of Banker Hill."
"TI/TADE the Scilly Isles off Land's End, 30th
September 1754. Total from the time of
our leaving St. David's in India to our making the
Scilly Islands off the Land's End of England, 14,520,
run by the logg, in miles. The true distance in miles,
13,917."
Thus ends Captain Dalton's Journal. The " Durring-
ton M arrived at Portsmouth on October 2,* and so,
after an absence of ten and a half eventful years, John
Dalton returned to the port he had sailed from in
H.M.S. "Preston." He had left Portsmouth as a
subaltern, with little, if anything, beyond his pay to
* Public Advertiser, Oct 3, 1754,
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 233
support him. He returned there with a fortune of
£10,000, and a very fair share of military fame. Ex-
cepting the " thanks " of the Governor and Members
of Council, Captain Dalton received no other honours
from the East India Company for his important ser-
vices. In that early stage of their existence the
Company did not generally give pensions, bonuses, or
decorations. In these days one quarter of Captain
Dalton's services would have been recognised by pro-
motion and other honours ; but as he amassed a good
fortune in India he may be said to have derived the
most solid advantages from his Indian service. The
Nabob of Arcot behaved very generously to the de-
fender of Trichinopoly, and, besides other presents,
presented Dalton with a sword* — a good cut-and-thrust
weapon, which would have cheered the heart of the
most stalwart Highland chieftain out on the war-path
in the "forty-five." This sword has been as much
* This sword, which has a red velvet covered scabbard with silver
mountings, is preserved at Langton Hall. The Dorsetshire Regiment
(old 39th) possess a remembrance of the Nabob of Arcot in the shape
of a handsome silver-mounted drum-major's cane which Mahommed
Ali presented to the corps in 1757, with the following device and
inscription thereon : —
Device — An Elephant, with motto, " Primus in Indis," Plassey,
1757.
Inscription — " Nabob of Bengal overturned by the 39th Regiment
and the Company's troops the 22nd September, 1757."
234 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
cherished by Captain Dalton's descendants as the
sword referred to in the American poem — the sword
of Bunker Hill !
A century and a quarter have passed since John
Dalton's return home, after an absence of nearly
eleven years, but it is pleasant to picture the joyful
meeting between the long-parted mother and son. It
is only a picture which a romantic fancy can depict,
as there is nothing left on record to tell us of it. I
believe his mother to have resided at Kendal since she
lost her husband. And her son's visits there are borne
testimony to by two original portraits of him by
George Romney, who resided some time at Kendal
before proceeding to London in 1762, and painted por-
traits at two and a half guineas per head, which price
he raised to five guineas when he went to London.
In the " Army List/' published by authority in
1755, the name of John Dalton appears, under the
following head : —
" Half-Pay. Twelve Independent Companies from
the East Indies under Admiral Boscawen."
" 1st Lieutenants : —
" Colin Campbell,
" Lauchlan McPherson,
"Dugald Campbell,
" John Dalton,
" Mathew Walker."
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 235
His half-pay as 1st Lieutenant was 2s. 4d. per day.
In the following year his name disappeared from the
above list. Whether he voluntarily resigned his half-
pay on his marriage, or commuted it, does not appear ;
but I think it most likely that he was allowed to com-
mute his pension for a sum o£ money down, as is often
done in the present day, and always gives satisfaction
to the recipient at the time, whatever it may do
afterwards.
We now come to what may be termed the most im-
portant domestic event in Captain Dalton's life. This
was his engagement, and subsequent marriage to, the
second daughter of Sir John Wray,* Bart., of Glent-
worth, Lincolnshire, and Sleningford Park, Yorkshire.
There is a tinge of romance about his meeting with
this lady which he himself used to love to tell to his
family in after years, and relate how Fortune gave
him the greatest prize which she could possibly have
bestowed. This was how it happened. Being one
evening at the village inn at Greenhammerton, near
York, there arrived late in the evening in their chariot
the widowed Lady Wray and her daughters. There
* Twelfth Bart, of Glentworth. He married, March 4, 1727-8,
Frances Norcliffe, daughter, and eventual heir, of Colonel Fairfax
Norcliffe, of Langton.
236 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
was no sitting-room free for them, so Captain Dalton
immediately sent them word he would vacate his, and
retire to his bedroom. They could do no less than
request him to stay and sup with them, which he did,,
and hence arose the attachment to Miss Isabella Wray,
the second daughter, which ended in their marriage
on March 7, 1756, in Ripon Minster*
# ■'"■"♦ # # #
In 1769 Mrs. James Dalton died at Kendal, and was
buried in the parish church, where is still to be seen a
small brass inscribed with the name of " Elizabeth
Dalton, widow of Captain James Dalton of the 6th
Regiment, who departed this life the 11 of July
1769." She lived to see her son surrounded by all
those blessings which tend to make a good man happy ;
and this happiness threw a bright reflection over the
declining years of one who had been sorely tried in
life's rough journey.
Six children were born to John and Isabella Dalton
— three sons and three daughters. Of these, five lived
to maturity; the other, a daughter, died an infant.
The eldest son entered the army at an early age,
* " March 7, 1756, John Dalton, Esq., of the parish of Hauxwell,
and Isabella Wray, of this parish." — Marriage registers, Ripon
Minster.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 237
and in 1780 attained the rank of captain in the 11th
Light Dragoons. When quartered in Scotland, as a
subaltern, Thomas Norcline Dalton received much
kindness from the Earl and Countess of Northesk.
The former had renewed his old acquaintance and
friendship with Captain Dalton, who had served three
years as a Marine officer on board the Earl's ship, the
<f Preston." There is a letter still extant from Anne
Countess of Northesk to the Lady Torpichen,'* Bristol
Street, Edinburgh, speaking of the great desire her
Lord and herself had to show some civility to Cap-
tain Dalton ; how little they could do to entertain
a young man ; that at Hopetoun House he would see
the best that Scotland affords; that Lord Hopef will
be very glad to see him. " I am sure," continues
her Ladyship, "it has hurt both my Lord and I
greatly that we cannot show Mr. Dalton how much
we esteem his parents in him, and the old kindness
and goodwill that was between his father and him
we would wish to be continued by generation between
their children and ours. I trust to your Ladyship's
* Widow of the 8th Baron Torpichen.
t James Lord Hope succeeded as 3rd Earl of Hopetoun in 1781.
He married, in 1766, Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Admiral the Earl
of Northesk.'
238 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
goodness to make this letter acceptable to Mr. Dalton;
and when next you write to Mrs. Dalton,, will
your Ladyship forgive me to beg you will take the
trouble of offering our best and most sincere good
wishes for their health and happiness and that of their
family. The fine little girl I saw with Lady Wrey
(sic) will now be a woman almost." *
The " fine little girl " referred to in Lady Northesk's
letter, was either Captain Dalton's elder daughter,
Frances Elizabeth, who married, in 1778, William
Garforth, Esq., of Wiganthorpe, Yorkshire, or his
equally handsome younger daughter, Isabella, who
married, in 1787, George Baker, Esq., of Elemore,
Durham. The latter daughter had the honour of
being Lord Olive's god-daughter, as the following
entry in the Dalton family Bible records : —
n Isabella, the third daughter,f born December 8,
1763, on Thursday at half an hour before two in the
afternoon. Gossips : Lady Vanburgh, Mrs. Ar-
thington and the Rt. Honble. Lord Clive."
In 1763 Lord Clive was in England, and the two old
friends and companions in arms doubtless met on
several occasions. Had Lord Clive been spared a few
* Undated, but written before 29th May, 1780.
f The second daughter died an infant.
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON. 23£
years longer to his friends, he would have had every
reason to feel proud of his god-daughter.
Were this not a biography, I would now close my
narrative with the Nabob of Arcot's exclamation of —
" WHAT CAN I SAY MORE ? "
but the laws of biography compel me to go on to the
very end.
After twenty-four years of happy married life,
Captain Dalton had the misfortune to lose his wife,
and after his daughter Isabella's marriage he, in 1787,
resided by himself at Sleningford, near Ripon, in the
old Wray mansion, which he had purchased from his
brother-in-law, Sir Cecil Wray. He lived to see his
eldest son — who made an advantageous marriage in
1784 — succeed to the NorclifFe estate in 1807 * on the
death of his maternal aunt, Lady Norcliffe of Langton.
He lived to see his second son and namesake attain
the rank of major and brevet lieutenant- colonel in the
4th Light Dragoons, after having served for a short
time in North America under his father-in-law General
Prescott, to whom the young John Dalton acted as
aide-de-camp. He lived to see his youngest son,
* On succeeding to the Norcliffe estates, Captain Thomas Dalton
assumed by royal license the name and arms of Norcliffe, — London
Gazette.
240 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
James,* enter the church, and make a very happy and
advantageous marriage. And in the happiness and
prosperity of his sons and daughters, the old veteran
enjoyed a bright and happy old age. His martial
spirit descended on his children to the third and fourth
generation. In the Peninsular war, the only son f of
the old veteran's eldest son highly distinguished him-
self as a lieutenant in the 4th Dragoons, at the battle
of Salamanca, where he was badly wounded; and
another grandson J (the eldest son of Lieutenant-
Colonel Dalton) also took part in several of the hard-
fought battles of that great war.
On July 11, 1811, the forty-second anniversary of
his beloved mother's death, the spirit of the single-
minded and brave old soldier passed
u From life across the sea of death — home."
* He was Rector of Croft, Yorkshire, for over thirty years.
t Afterwards Major-General Norcliffe Norcliffe, K.H., of Langton.
J Captain John Dalton of the 4th Dragoons, who eventually inhe-
rited Sleningford, and the Lincolnshire estates of the extinct Baronets
Wray. He was father of the gallant Major Thomas Norcliffe Dalton,
of the 49th Regiment, who was killed at the battle of Inkermann.
APPENDIX.
16
APPENDIX.
Commissions, 1716-20. Irish Establishment.
"A commission dated the 3rd day
of July 1718, and signed as
above (i.e. by the Irish
Council) to be Ensign of the
Company whereof John Mur-
ray, Esq., is Captain, in the
room of John Cottrell, in the
Eegiment of Foot commanded
by the Hon. Colouel Eobert
Dormer.
(From the Eecord Office, Dublin.)
James Dalton, Gent. *
Marching Orders.
An order dated July 11, 1719, for Colonel Dormer's
Eegiment of Foot to march from Dublin to Limerick
.... to reach Limerick barracks August 4.
(Eecord Office, Dublin.)
Miscellaneous Entries.
Several companies of Dormer's Eegiment at Kinsale
in November 1723. Four companies at Waterford in
February 1725. Head-quarters of the Eegiment in
Dublin in August 1725. One company at Palmerstown,
in County Dublin, autumn of 1725.
(Eecord Office, Dublin.)
242
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
List of Officers in Dormer's Regiment of Foot, Sep-
tember, 1727 :—
Field Officers and
Captains.
James Dormer,
Col.
John Murray,
Lt.-Col.
John Cotterell,
Major
Richard Miller,
Captain
Nathaniel Mitchell
Arthur Brereton
Robert Saunders
Frederick Gore
Edward Southwell
Philip Beard
Lieutenants.
Elias Landy,
Capt.-Lieut.
C. Nelson.
Albert De Brisay.
Abraham Hunt.
Wm. Goodricke.
George Bell.
John Swetenham.
James McGee.
John Gait.
James Dalton. ")
Henry Jolly. )
Staff Officers.
Ensigns.
Wm. Jenkins.
Ancketell Mou-
tray.
Thomas Freeman.
Francis Marcier.
Wm. Burrard.
Fras. Lestrange.
Oliver Walsh.
Lancelot Baugh.
Davis Bayley.
Grenadiers.
John Johnston, Chaplain.
Francis Marcier, Adjutant.
George Bell, Surgeon.
(Record Office, Dublin.)
Dublin Journal, May 7, 1726.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Cavan has disposed of the
Lieutenant- Colonelcy of Brigadier Dormer's Regiment to
Major Murray.
Embarkation Orders.
Colonel Guise's Regiment of Foot (late Dormer's) to
sail from Donaghadee, County Down, June 30, 1739.
(Record Office, Dublin.)
APPENDIX.
243
Army List, 1740, in the Koyal United Service Library,
Whitehall Yard, S.W., gives the following list of
Officers in Brigadier Guise's Eegiment of Foot : —
Brigadier- General —
John Guize,* as Colonel
Lieutenant-Colonel —
John Murray -
Major —
Nathaniel Mitchell -
Captains —
Eichard Miller -
Arthur Brereton
Frederick Gore
James Hamilton
Henry Southwell
Abraham Huntf
George Bellf -
Captain-Lieutenant —
James Daltonf-
Lieutenants —
John Swetenham
Abraham Hamilton -
Davis Baylief -
John Boitouxf -
Francis Mercierf
Ank. Mont ray -
Oliver Walshf -
John Lucasf -
George Holwell
Alex. Murray -
Date of present
commission.
- 1 Nov. 1738.
- 6 July, 1726.
- 19 Jan. 1739-40.
- 6 Feb. 1718-19.
- 29 Aug. 1721.
- 5 April, 1726.
- 11 Jan. 1728-9.
- 28 Jan. 1735-6.
- 14 Aug. 1738.
- 19 Jan. 1739-40.
Ditto.
- 29 Aug. 1721.
- 11 Jan. 1728-9.
- 25 Jan. 1729-30.
- 19 Aug. 1731.
- 16 April, 1753.
- 3 July, 1733.
- 26 Aug. 1737.
- 31 Jan. 1737-8.
- 14 Aug. 1738.
- 19 Jan. 1739-40.
* Many years Governor of Berwick ; he died a General in June,
1765.
f Died on active service in the West Indies between March 8 and
May 18, 1742. Administration of the effects of Captain Abraham
Hunt, " who died in Jamaica," formerly of Pontvine (?) N.B., was
granted October 26, 1743, to his widow, Margaret Hunt.
244
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN DALTON.
Ensigns —
James Murray -
Thomas Coote -
Thomas Garaway # -
George Willan
William Richardson -
Edward Wilson
Benjamin Foyster* -
Tomkins Powell*
Sir William Maxwell
Date of present
commission.
- 25 Jan. 1739-40.
- 16 April, 1733.
- 25 April, 1733.
- 3 July, 1733.
- 26 March, 1737.
- 27 Aug. 1737.
- 31 Jan. 1737-8.
- 4 Feb. 1738-9.
- 3 Feb. 1734-5.
Establishment op Pensions for Widows op
Officers.
List for July 1743 in the Public Eecord Office, London
Guise's Regiment.
Quality of their
Pension
Names of Widows.
husbands.
per ann.
Mary Collyer
Captain -
£26
Anne Duval
Lieutenant
20
Elizabeth Warner
Do.
20
Mary Goodricke -
Do.
20
Ellen Beard
Captain -
26
Ann Landy
Captain-Lieut. -
20
Elizabeth McGee -
Lieutenant
20 ■
Anne Saunders -
Captain -
26
Catherine Willan -
Ensign
16
Mary Mercier
Lieutenant
20
Ann Bailie -
Do.
20
Margaret Hunt -
Captain -
26
Elizabeth Dalton -
Do.
26f
* Died on active service in the West Indies between March 8 and
May 18, 1742.
t It will be seen from this pension that James Dalton was a
Captain and not a Captain-Lieutenant in tbe regiment when he died.
The pension for a captain-lieutenant's widow was only £20 a year. It
appears from a later list of pensions in the Public Record Office,
London, that John Boitoux was Captain-Lieutenant of Guise's Regi-
ment at his death in the spring of 1742, and his widow received a
pension of £20 per annum.
APPENDIX. 245
Captain Dalton's Manuscript at Langton Hall.
Year. Subject.
1743. Siege of Pondicherry
1749. Death of Nabob of Arcot -
1750. Trivadi
Dupleix
1750. April. Lawrence returns to Fort
St. David -
The Soubah to Arcot
Trivendiparam -
1750. Oct. Lawrence goes to England
Chunda Sahib
175^.. March 1. Embassy -
March 24. Commander, French
Deserters, and Retreat -
Marzafa Jung surrenders
Conspiracy. The Nabob -
1750. Dec. 20, 21. Would take no
warning -
1751. May 21. Verdachelem
1751. June 19. Volcondah
Plan of the Battlefield of Uta-
toor
Plan of the Battlefield.
1751. July 13. Advanced Guard - 32,34 175,176
[Compare this paragraph with
Orme.] '
Eetreat on Trichinopoly - - 34 177-189
1751. Aug. Coiladdy ... 38 180,181
Siege of Trichinopoly lasted
three months - ' - - 39 200
InnisKhan .... 48-51 204,205
Jackalls and Arcot - - - 206
Clive at Arcot - - - - 41, 45, 58
175|. Trusler and Cope's Expedition
and Captain Dalton's - - 52, 55, 58 206, 207
Trichinopoly 59 207
Page in
Page in
Orme, 3rd
the MS.
ed., vol. i.
1
79-81
2
127, 128
2
167
3
130-132
3
146
3
171
4-9
148-150
10
167
10
118,119
14
138
15,16
140
—
141
19
145
20,21
155, 156
23
171
24-29
171-74
30,31
174, 175
246 MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN I) ALTON.
Year. Subject.
1752. March 15. Lawrence arrives
1752. March 27. Coiladdy
Action. Lawrence and Dalton -
1752. April 1. Elmiserum-
Clive - -
Surprise
1752. May 10. Wootatoor-
1752. May 12. Captain Dalton serves
as a Volunteer under Clive
Pitchunda Pagoda -
Dalton is hurt by a gun
bursting, and is on crutches f
for a month )
Indian Horse came over -
D' Auteuil defeated at Volcondah
Surrender of Syringam - - 82, 82, 84 239, 240
Page in
the MS.
Page in
Orme, 3rd
ed., vol. i.
213
61
214
62-64
214-16
65,66
65,66
66,67,
71
218
220, 221
223, 224,
226
71,72
226,227
74
223
75,76
228, 229
230
77
231
78-80
233, 235
1752. June 15. Captain Dalton apO
pointed Commandant of |
Trichinopoly. The Nabob )- 86 244
about surrendering Trichi- |
nopoly ... J
1752. Interview with Morari Eow
Gringee. Major Kincer -
Action at Villanore -
1752. Dec. 1. Attempt to shoot Dalton
Poverio
Skirmish before Trivady -
1 752. Dec. 23. Night Attack -
Entrenchment and Disaster
Dismissal of 700 Mysoreans -
Yelore Pagoda - - -
Night Action -
Scarcity of Provisions
Scarcity of Provisions
Defeat of the Enemy and Re-
treat 129-32 282,283
88
245, 246
91-93
253, 254
94,95
255-57
97-100
258
100-102
. 258-60
110-15
120-22
123
270, 271
126
271
126
272
127
272
128
273
129
280
APPENDIX.
247
Year.
1753.
1753.
1753.
1753.
1753.
1753.
1753.
1753.
1754.
Subject.
April 29. Action -
Unsuccessful attempt to get
Provisions from Polygar
Statement of French and Eng-
lish Forces -
June 16. Action. Loss of the-
"FiveEocks" -
Fall of Trivady
The Nabob threatened by his
own Troops -
June 20. Lawrence leaves"
Trichinopoly
Dalton mines Weyconda and
Warriore -
Episode of De Cattans -
July 28. Sally
Aug. 25. Action. Lawrence
beats the French -
Morarow's army arrives, but the
French dared not attack
Sept. 17. Action -
Capt. Dalton wishes to return
to Europe. The Nabob is
unwilling. Lawrence refuses -
Capt. Dalton's successor, Capt.
James Kilpatrick, named
Nov. 14. Dalton leaves Trichi-
nopoly
Dalton volunteers to relieve
Pollincota - - - -
Nov. 28. News of the French
attack on Dalton's Battery -
Lawrence returned to Trichi-
nopoly- -
Feb. 26. Disastrous Action
Page in
Page in Orme, 3rd
the MS. ed., vol. i.
132,133 283-85
287
• 289-93
135-40 )
141 285-87
134
134
142
294
142-47 296-302
148, 149
149, 150
150-58
304-306
307-16
159 1
160 )
316
316
161
326
161-63
320-24
164 324
165,166 344,345
17
248
MEMOIR OF CAPTAIN D ALTON.
Extract from Captain D Alton's MS. Journal with
the parallel passage in Orme.
Dalton's Journal.
Fos. 34-5.
" The enemy's whole army by
following us so close all the way,
were led within a very little dis-
tance of the battalion drawn up
with 8 pieces of cannon in their
front, which they found them-
selves expos'd to as soon as we
formed in a line with the rest.
They for some time made a halt
and endeavour'd to keep their
ground sheltered by the rocks
and stones, but our artillery
officer ply'd them so warmly
with his guns that they found it
impossible to stay, and in quit-
ting their cover to run off suffer'd
very much as long as our cannon
could reach them, and left all their
dead on the spot. The French
never appear'd until the affair was
over, and then came and encamp'd
on the ground I had quitted with
the advanced guard. Their black
camp extending itself along the
foot of the mountains, the French
pitched their tents in the little
tope of green trees, mark'd on the
plan, by which means the ad-
vanc'd guard from our camp and
theirs were within musket shot of
each other.
"We had found in this late
action enough to do to repulse
their numerous black army, but
now that they were join'd by a
number of Europeans at least
equal to ours, and a regular train
of artillery, the sight of so supe-
rior a force now become so near
neighbours to us, made us resolve
not to wait the next day, when
Orme's History.
Edit. 1775, pp. 176-7.
" The enemy following them
were insensibly led within a small
distance of the whole force now
united with eight pieces of cannon
in front ; they at first appeared
determined to stand their ground
and bring on a general action ; but
finding themselves severely galled
by the artillery, which together
with the whole line advanced upon
them, they gave way and lost 300
men before they got out of cannon-
shot : their cannon were ill served
and did but little damage, and the
French battalion never appeared
until the firing ceased, when they
were discovered taking possession
of the village, in the rear of which
the rest of the army likewise
pitched their tents.
" Altho' the post in the streights
was deemed defensible, it was
feared from the great superiority
of Chunda Saheb's cavalry and
Sepoys that he would detach a
body of men, and post it between
the camp and Trichinopoly, from
which city the army drew all its
provisions across the two largest
rivers in the Carnatic. From this
APPENDIX.
249
Dalton's Journal — cont.
'twas probable they would renew
the attack with their united force,
so we decamp'd silently in the
night, and marching through
Wootatoor village, took the garri-
son out of the fort with us, as the
place was not tenable, and then
proceeded on our march for
Tritchenopoly. We never halted
till 2 o'clock the next day, when
we arriv'd on the banks of the
great Coleroon river about 3 or
4 miles from that place, with our
poor people almost jaded to death.
'Tis astonishing how they were
able to perform a march of 18
hours without refreshment, after
the fatigue they had undergone in
the action which kept them under
arms from morning to 4 in the
evening, and we march'd off at
8 o'clock at night, yet they did it
with great cheerfulness consider-
ing our situation at the time."
Orme's History — cont.
apprehension it was determined
to retreat without delay, and the
army decamped silently in the
night ; they never halted till two
the next day, fatigued to excess
with a march of eighteen hours,
performed without rest in the hot-
test season of this sultry climate,
and after the fatigue they had
endured in the action of the pre-
ceding day."
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