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(Eight Parts) .. ..2 8 2 7 2 18 6 VI. (Seven Parts) .. .. 1 18 2 2 2 8 6 Vll. ditto .. 1 18 2 2 2 8 6 VIII. (Ten Parts) .. .. 2 13 2 17 8 8 6 IX, (Seven Parts) .. .. 1 18 2 2 2 8 6 X. ditto .. 1 18 2 2 2 8 6 XI. (Six Parte) .. 1 13 1 17 2 8 6 Or, the Eleven Volumes, 221!. 8«. in cloth ; 24Z. 12«. in half-morooco ; and 28J. 8». 6d. whole morocco. A SMfyplementary Volume, oontnininci ferns and other cryptogami, with an Tndex to the whole work, is in preparation by Professor Boswell (formerly Syme). LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 14 MEMOIRS DUKE OF MABLBOROUGH, WITH HIS ORIGINAL CORRESPONDENCE : COLLECTED FKOM THE FAMILY RECORDS AT BLENHEIM, AND OTHER AUTHENTIC SOURCES. WILLIAM CPXE, M.A. F.R.S. F.S.A. 'Archdeacon of wilts. A NEW EDITION, REVISED BY JOHN WADE, Author of " British History. Chronologically Arranged, IN THREE VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON : GEOEGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1876. lONDON : PRIN'TRO RY WIU.TAM OLOWE> AND SONS aTAMFonn 9trkkt and iH»RrN<) cEoas. ADVERTISEMENT THE PRESENT EDITION. The "Memoirs" now republished comprise the history of one of the gi-eatest of P^ngland's captains. Marlborough, however, was not only a warrior of the highest class ; he was a very eminent statesman, an accom- plished courtier, and, above all his contemporaries, a success- ful and adroit diplomatists Nature had made him for great affairs : to govern men, win their esteem, and sway their councils. His character had only one drawback ; it was too concentrated in purpose, too exclusively intent on his own individual amplification by access of power, wealth, fame, and high connexions ; but, contrary to what is usually observed in the self-engrossed, he was capable of a noble friendship '% and of a constancy of domestic affection, almost unparalleled, towards onej whose wayward spirit often disturbed, and ultimately shipwrecked, his career of grandeur. The times in which the great Marlborough lived and acted a leading part were the most trying in our national progress. It was not a routine age, but a revolutionary era. Public men were placed in irksome dilemmas ; dynasties had been changed, or were in transition ; absolute and constitutional rule were at issue ; Protestantism and Popery in conflict ; and the great families of the realm had to make a painful election between the interests of the commonweal and hereditary rights, coupled with long-cherished personal ties and ancient associations. Amidst such perplexities of choice it was diffi- • To Prince Eugene and Lord Godolphin. •f Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough. 2 IV AOVICUTISKMKNT tult to escape erroi* and misdirection. The old landmarks had been swept away ; and, in the general flood, statesmen had little that was fixed, tried, and accredited, to guide them. To these distractions the Duke of Marlborough, under the influence of circumstances for which he was not wholly ac- countable, was more exposed than any of his contemporaries. By paternal example he was a Tory ; the claims of gratitude and personal connexion bound him to King James ; while religious convictions made him a firm member of the Churcli of England. The last determined his defection from his first royal patron, and his adherence to the Prince of Orange : the ibrmer was the source of his alleged duplicity and vacilla- tion. Whether he was selfish and treacherous in his prefer- ences the reader is left to form his own opinion. In text or editorial elucidations, the requisite evidence has been col- lected and faithfully submitted. But it is less the political than the military history of the Duke of Marlborough that forms the lustrous portion of his annals. His administrative abilities were vast, and what he did in a civil capacity is both important and interesting ; but it is as a general that the British hero stands proudly pre- eminent. He may have erred in his personal predilections, or in the intrigues of politicians ; but as the leader of armies lie made no mistakes. There he was unrivalled : always self- possessed, without weakness or oversight ; indefatigable in effort, unerring in conception, prompt, resistless, and inexor- able in execution. For proof of Marlborough's extraordinary genius in war, it is only necessary to study his brilliant campaign in Germany in 1704. History hardly offers a parallel to it in originality of design, vigour and success in execution ; unless it be Napoleon's first triumphant campaign in Italy : that, indeed, was a wonderful exhibition of skill and heroism, and displayed that rare union of civil and military science by whicli a great kingdom is suddenly overrun and organised. Miirl- TO TIIK PRESENT EDITION. T borough's career would not have suffered in com}>ai-ison, had he been left to the bent of his own daring and energetic combinations, unfettered by confederate councils, and the military usages of his time, that would only allow a country to be conquered by instalments. It is not, however, our purpose to detain the reader with a general comment either on the exploits or diversitied capabilities of Marlborough. All that is needful has been amply done by the biographer. Mr. Coxe is a clear, faithful, and pains-taking narrator ; and in descriptive details of battles and military transactions he is particularly full, lucid, and illustrative : occasionally the reader may think he has been too lavish in the introduction of elucidatory corresjiondence ; but the portion he has used forms only a selection from the immense mass of the Blenheim papers that was placed at his disposal.* During the influential and busy period of the Duke's career, he was a kind of universal letter-writer ; and there was hai-dly an individual of note in P^ui'ope, with whom he was not in active epistolary commu- nication. He had the eyes of Argus, and no movement in the field, in council, or in cabinet, however minute or im- portant, escaped his ever-watchful vision. Full justice to his subject, in consequence, imposed on the Archdeacon the duty of giving considerable scope to this division of his labours ; and tliough it has added to the bulk of his volumes, it has tended both to augment and divei'sify the topics of interest, as well as to give a more complete portraiture of the character and position of Marlborough. It must not be * The publication of the correspondence in sii^aller type will enable the more cursory reader to pass it over, it' he feel o|i])ressed or too much delayed by Mr. Coxe's difFuseness of epistolary and documentary ampli- fications. But it is rarely without interest of some kind, tending eiti)er to elucidate the subject of the " Memoirs," the public transactions of his time, or the characters of his contemporaries ; and to have omitted it would have been an infringement of the Publisher's compact with the Public. A 3 VI ADVERTISEMENT. forgotten that he was the great moving figure of his age, and, like Buonaparte, for a time entirely filled the European eye, not only as the generalissimo and leading statesman of the Grand Alliance, but as the virtual prime-minister of England, pending the brief but eventful and stirring period of Queen Anne's reign. Although Mr. Coxe must needs have laboured under an embarrassment of riches, there has been a great acces- sion of new materials since his time ; and our own task of revision, beyond the correction of a few careless expres- sions, has mainly consisted in supplying omissions and eluci- dations from more recent sources of information. Besides the general histories of Hallam, Lord John Russell, and Lord Mahon, together with the voluminous remains of Horace Walpole, several works have lately appeared, especially de- voted to the Duke of Marlborough, or his hardly less cele- brated duchess.* We have looked into all these ; but though some of them claim to be original discoveries in the forgotten archives of Woodstock, we are convinced, from a careful collation, that they had not escaped the industry of Archdeacon Coxe, and of his chief assistant, the Rev. George May. Nevertheless, we have, from these and other sources, gleaned some additional illustrations of public characters and events, that will help to render more accurate and complete the picture of the martial age in which the great general flourished. J. W. * The Letters and Dispatches of John Churchill, First Duke of Marl- borough, from 1702 to 1712. Edited by the late Sir George Murray. 5 voU. 8vo. Memoirs of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, and of the Court of Queen Anne. By Mrs. A. T. Thomson. 2 vols. 8vo. Private Correspondence of Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, illustrative of the Court and Times of Queen Anne. 2 vols 8vo. A series of articles, vigorously written, have also appeared in Black- wood's Magazine, ascribed to Professor Alison, AUTHOR'S PREFACE. It is a singular fact, that no authentic Life of John Duke of Marlborough has been given to the public, especially when we reflect on the abundance of original and interesting documents preserved in the family records. Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, indeed, collected and compiled nu- merous materials for the Life of her illustrious husband, and consigned the task to Messrs. Glover and Mallet, who were then conspicuous in the literary world. She intrusted to their care her valuable papers, and as- signed by will the sum of one thousand pounds, to the author or authors of a History of the Duke of Marlborough, but clogged the bequest with a condition, that the work should be approved by her executors, and even added the whimsical injunction, that it should not contain a single line of verse. Glover declined the undertaking, and Mallet never commenced the work. On his death, therefore, the papers, which had been intrusted to him, were restored to the family, and being, with others of no less value, deposited at Blenheim, were regularly arranged by order of the late duke. Although accident and caprice prevented the great actions of the Duke of Marlborough from being displayed in their proper light, he could not pass uncelebrated, either by his own or by subsequent ages. We have, accordingly, many narratives of his life, printed in the various languages of Europe, and differing in merit and authenticity. The earliest of these productions is a biographical sketcli, concluding with 1713, the year in which it was printed, and is accompanied with a Life of Prince Eugene. It is anonymous, but is dedicated to his son- in-law, the duke of Montague, and exhibits evident proofs that tiie author had served under the command of Marlborough, and shared his confidence. The next is that of Lediard, in three volumes octavo, printed in 1736'. The writer was patronised by the duke, attended him during his journey into Saxony, and appears to have been a diligent observer. This work, which is principally compiled from Gazettes and other periodical publi- cations, is minute in military details, and as authentic as the means of the author permitted. But although Lediard has introduced a few original letters, he was unable to obtain access to more private documents ; and therefore, is frequently mistaken in tracing the motives of action, even in the field, and still more in developing the secrets of the cabinet. A 4 VIU AUTHOR S PREFACE. In 1738, a Life of the Duke of Marlborough, in the Dutch language, was given to the public, by Abraham de Vryer, vliich was princi])ally drawn from Lediard, with some additions from the Dutch and French writers. It forms four volumes small octavo. In 174y appeared, in two volumes duodecimo, " The History of John Duke of Marlborough, and of Francis Eugene, Prince of Savoy," written with perspicuity and spirit, but containing few material facts, which had escaped the researches of preceding biographers. Another Life, in one volume, was published by a German writer, which is only a brief compilation from the foregoing works. We have, lastly, to mention a recent publication, which made a consi- derable sensation in France and England, because it was written by order of Bonaparte, and was supposed to contain several notes from his own pen. It is intituled " Histoire de Jean Churchill, Due de Marlhorouyh,^' and printed at the Imprimerie Imperiale, in 1805. This history is composed in a pleasing, lively, and perspicuous style, and the military operations are detailed with distinctness and precision. The author has drawn the substance of his narrative from Lediard. He has certainly spared no pains in consulting and comparing the writers of all countries, though he is not more fortunate than Lediard in tracing the motives of action, or in developing the intrigues of the cabinet ; and for the same reason, namely, that he had access to no unpublished docu- ments. He was fully sensible of this deficiency, and acknowledged it with laudable candour, when, in presenting a copy of his work to the late duke of Mailborough, he solicited information from the family papers. * Another work, intimately connected with the subject of these memoirs, must be particularly noticed : — " The Conduct of the Duchess of Marlborough ;" written by Hooke, the historian, under her inspection, from her own draughts and commu- nications, and published in 1742, when she had attained the advanced age of eighty-two. This work embraces the period, from her first introduc- tion at court, to the year 1710, and contains a curious, though often a partial detail, of the state of the court and parties, as well as of her long and intimate connexion with her royal mistress. A counter publication soon afterwards appeared, which was ascribed to Ralph, a violent Tory writer, under the title of " The other Side of the Question." But notwithstanding the acrimony with which he controverts the statements of the duchess, and the partiality with which * The writer of the work was M. Madgett, interpreter for the marine and colonies, who was assisted in the composition, though he conceals the fact, by the Abbe Dutems, who died in 1 811. In Madgett's letter of application to the Duke of Marlborough, he states that the history of his " illustrious ancestor" had been undertaken " by the express order of the Emperor Napoleon, a warm admirer of that great man •" and who was much surprised at the studied neglect with which " the hero of Blenheim had been hitherto treated by the French historians." — Ed. AUTHOKS TREFACE. IX "The Conduct" is written, it has formed a text-hr.ok tor subsequent historians. Several works on the military operations of our distinguished com- mander have at different times been given to the public. Among them the most remarkable are, '' Dumont's Military History of Eugene and Marlborough," with plans of l)attles and sieges; and "' Brodrick's History of the late War in the Netherlands." Also, the " Conduct of the Duke of Marlborough in the present War;" published in 1712, originally written in our own language, and translated into French. Nor should 1 omit to notice a regular, though meagre Journal of liis Campaigns, com- piled by Serjeant Milner, who served in the confederate army ; and which, though minute and explicit, with regard to the marches and mili- tary movements, exhibits no higher information than might have been expected from the rank of the writer. Another work of superior merit contains much military intelligence on the operations of Marlborough. It was published in 1747, from the posthumous papers of Brigadier -general Kane, an experienced tactician, and an eye-witness ; and has furnished much interesting matter on many transactions, particularly on the battle of Ramilies and the siege of Bouchain.* While employed in writing my historical works, I not only sought in vain for an authentic account of the Duke of Marlborough, but I la- mented, as an Englishman, that no biographical monument had been raised to the memory of so great a general and statesman ; and that his reputation had been left to the malice of party writers, and to the misre- presentations of ignorant or prejudiced historians. Under this impres- sion, an accidental conversation with Lord Charles Spencer led me to apply to the late Duke of Marlborough, for permission to examine the documents at Blenheim, some of which I had formerly seen, while attached to the family. The application was received with kindness and complacency ; and a nearer view of this rich collection strengthened my wish to become the biographer of his distinguished ancestor. Three successive visits to Blenheim enabled me to examine and me- thodise the numerous materials for a history, which may be considered as truly national. How far I have succeeded in rendering justice to the subject, must be left to the candid and unbiassed decision of the public. I shall, therefore, without farther apology, describe the plan of the work, and specify the principal authorities on wliich it is founded. My object was, not merely to exhibit the Duke of Marlborough as a general, but also as a statesman and negotiator. It was no less my wish to delineate his character as a man. and to exhibit those qualities of his * The title of this rare and curious work, for which I am indebted to the kindness of Lieutenant-colonel Kooke, is, " Campaigns of King William and the Duke of Marlborough ; with Remarks on the Strata- gems by which each battle was lost or won, from 1689 to 1712. Also, a New System of Military Discipline for Foot in Action ; with the most essential Exercise for Cavalry. By the late Brigadier-general Richard Kane, governor of Minorca." X AUTHORS PREFACE. mind and heart, which have citlier been misrepresented, or passed with- out notice. In fulfilling my task I have endeavoured to avoid an error, too com- mon with biographers, who often hold forth the subject of their memoirs as a perfect beinjr, like a hero of romance, witliout frailty or blemish. On the contrary, I have not hesitated to notice those failings, with which the virtues and talents of the Duke of Marlborough were blended. In particular, 1 have not attempted to conceal or jialliate his clandestine correspondence with his former sovereign and benefactor. This inter- course, although misrepresented and exaggerated in the garbled pages of Macpherson and Dalrymple, is an historical fact, too well authenticated, to be either controverted or denied. I have, however, scrutinised his views and motives, and 1 trust have shown that he never entertained a serious wish for the restoration of James II., or the Pretender; but that, in common with many other persons, of all ranks and conditions, he was merely anxious to secure a pardon, in case of a counter revolution. In fact, it is no more than justice to the memory of this great man to declare, that amidst the papers in the archives of Blenheim, which have been submitted to my inspection, without reserve or limitation, not a single hint occurs of any correspondence with the exiled family. Even in the numerous letters to Lord Godolphin and the duchess, which are written in the full confidence of friendship and affection, and portray every feeling of his mind, not the most distant allusion can be traced, which malice itself could construe into an evidence of infidelity towards his sovereign and country. This fact is a decisive proof that his overtures to the exiled family were never serious. Had he fostered a sincere, though latent attach- ment to the Stuart race, it must have displayed itself, either directly or indirectly, in his long and intimate correspondence with his friend and colleague Lord Treasurer Godolphin. On the contrary, we observe a jjerpetual anxiety for the maintenance of the Protestant succession, a steady attachment to the glory and welfare of England, and an undimin- ished zeal for the humiliation of the French monarch, on whom the de- throned family placed their sole hopes of restoration. In the materials to wliich I have had recourse, 1 may deem myself particularly fortunate. Nothing, perhaps, shows the character of an in- dividual, and his true motives of action, more than his confidential letters, which were neither expected nor intended to meet the public eye. Of this kind is the greater part of the duke's correspondence, consisting principally of his private communications with the duchess and the trea- surer. To assimilate, therefore, these memoirs, as nearly as po.ssible, with that species of biography which is at once the most interesting and instructive, I have endeavoured to render him his own historian, by adopting, on every important occasion, his unaffected and expressive language, and blending his correspondence with the narrative. The papers preserved at Blenheim form the foundation of the work, and consist of so great a mass of materials, that it would require a volume merely to enumerate the titles. I shall, therefore, specify only the most remarkable. AUTHORS PREFACE. XI 1. The letters of the Duke of Marlborough, written hi his own hand, to his duchess and to Lord Godolphin. This correspondence, for value, interest, and extent, is almost unparalleled ; and it seems scarcely credible, that a general charged with such a variety of occupations, political and military, should have found leisure to give so minute and frequent a de- tail of his sentiments, plans, operations, and arrangements. The series commences with the year 1701, when he accompanied King William to Holland, and ends in 1711. 2. The official, and other letters of a confidential kind, to different persons, both at home and abroad. 3. His letters to foreign sovereigns and ministers. 4. His correspondence with the queen, which contains the most valu- able information on the secrets of the cabinet, and throws a new light on their respective characters. It chiefly consists of copies and draughts, in his own hand, or in that of the duchess. 5. The letters of the prime minister. Lord Treasurer Godolphin, written also in his own hand, and equal in point of number and interest to those of his coadjutor. 6. Numerous letters from the different sovereigns of Europe, and their chief ministers, both of an official and private nature. Among these we may particularly point out to notice, those of the emperors Leopold, Joseph, and Charles, the king of Prussia, the duke of Savoy, the electoral family of Hanover, Prince Eugene, and the imperial, Prussian, Swedish, and Dutch ministers. 7. The diplomatic correspondence of Marlborough with the British ambassadors and agents in the different courts of Europe, containing an ample and original detail of public negotiations and private transactions. 8. Plans, projects, journals, and narratives relating to military affiiir.s, too numerous to particularise. To those from which information has been drawn, a reference is usually given in the work. 9. The papers of the duchess are last specified, as deserving particular attention. Of her letters to the duke, Lord Godolphin, and other friends, only a few have been preserved, because she appears to have rigorously exacted their destruction ; but we are enabled to trace the subjects and tone of her correspondence from the replies of the duke and the treasurer. She has, however, made amends for the loss of her own letters, by nu- merous narratives, remarks, and deductions, on many of the transactions in which she or her husband were interested. These compositions, although tinctured with her prejudices and passions, yet contain informa- tion which we might elsewhere seek in vain. Many were written for her own vindication, and are condensed in the Justification of her Con- duct, which she published towards the close of her life, and many for the information of her particular friends. Many, also, owe their existence to her solicitude for the fame of her husband, and were evidently intended for the use and information of the author to whom she consigned the task of writing his life. Besides these, there are two narratives on the do- mestic transactions of the family, which incidentally furnish several anecdotes relative to the Duke of Marlborough. Her confidential correspondence with her royal mistress forms a valu XII AUTHOK S PREl-ACL'. abk- ])i)rtion of lier ));i);eis. Tlie letters of tlie (|ucen aj)|)ear to liave lieeri prescrvL'il with peculiar care, and tliough (lie oiif^iiials of tlie ducliess are chiefly destroyed or lost, she made copies of ir.aiiy, winch relate to the most ititiiuate period of their intercourse. This correspondence has enabled us to trace the rise, projjress, and decline of that sin>;ular favour, which she so long enjoyed. Although imperfect, it has also afforded the means of detecting many inaccurate, partial, and garbled accounts, in her own vindication, as well as in our national historians, both contemporary and subsequent. 10. The letters of I^ord Godolphin to the duchess, though compara- tively few, are yet highly valuable, as proving the influence which she exercised over his mind, and the share she took in the ])olitical transactions of the day. The archives of Blenheim contain the collections of Charles earl of Sunderland, in whose posterity the title of Marlborough now remains. Their value may be estimated from the important part which he acted in the political drama, and his intimate connexion with the family of the duke. Other documents, which we have not room to specify, will he occasionally referred to in the course of tlie work. Amidst this vast mass of materials it was not possible to interweave even the greater part of the letters and papers which I found interesting. It was necessary to set some bounds to selection; and I have therefore confined myself to those which exhibit some peculiar characteristic, or were necessary to elucidate the narrative. For the same reason 1 have inserted only a few extracts from those letters of the duke which have ))een already published by the duchess, Dalrympie, Mac])herson, LediarcL and others. I have now to fulfil the grateful task of acknowledging my obligations to those who have kindly promoted and facilitated my labours. In this enumeration 1 must again testify my gratitude to the late Duke of Marlborough, for the liberal manner in which his grace committed the family records to mj' use, without the slightest control or reserve. I have likewise to acknowledge a similar obligation to the present duke, for continuing this indulgence, and for the interest which his grace has been pleased to manifest in my undertaking. To Lord Churchill, for his uinemitting attentions during my stay at Blenheim, for his zeal in pro- moting my researches, as well as for the communication of several pa]>ers, written by Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, which were consigned to him by his mother the late duchess. Among these 1 may particularly mention a manuscript volume in folio, written by a gentleman of the name of St. Priest, under the inspection of the duchess, while she re- mained abroad. It is an early draught of the work, afterwards published under tlie name of " The Conduct." To the honourable George Agar Ellis for his aid on many occasions, in illustrating tiie history of the hero from whom be is descended. To Earl Spencer, for some interesting communications relative to his noble family. do her grace the duchess of Buccleugh, for granting access to the Shrewsbury Papers, containing many valuable documents, which either directly or indirectly throw a light on the subject of this work. Besides a few original letters from AUTUOKS PKEFACE. XUl the Duke of Marlborough, they consist of the interesting correspondence of the duke of Shrewsbury with King William, Robert esirl of Sunder- land, Lord Somers, and the Whig leaders, and comprise a series of letters from Mr. Secretary Vernon to his patron, the duke of Shrewsbury, be- tween 1696 and 1706. Having testified my obligations to the immediate descendants of John Duke of Marlborough, I cannot in sufficient terms acknowledge the con- descension of their imperial highnesses the archdukes John and Louis. In their passage through Salisbury they honoured me with a visit, as the historian of the House of Austria; and not only testified the interest which they took in all my works, but offered nie their powerful aid, in procuring transcripts of such documents as might be found in the archives of \'ientia, or in other collections abroad. They graciously fulfilled their jjromise, by forwarding to me copies of numerous letters written by the Duke of Marlborough, to the emperors Leopold, Josepli, and Charles, as well as to Prince Eugene and to Counts Ziiizendorf and Wratislaw. These communications have essentially elucidated and enriched my narrative. To Lord Viscount Sidniouth, secretary of state for the home department, I have to express my thanks for granting me access to the valuable cor- respondence in the State Paper Office. From this collection I have drawn much information, particularly from the volumes containing the official correspondence of the Duke of JMarlborough with the secretaries of state, and the despatches from the British ambassadors and envoys, in foreign courts, to their own government. I have thus been enabled to supply occasional chasms in the correspondence of the duke, and to ex- plain many public transactions, which could have been elucidated from no other source. Also, to the late Right Honourable John Hiley Addington, under secretary of state for the home department, for his obliging interposition, and for repeated proofs of friendship, on this and many other occasions. I have again tiie satisfaction of repeating my obligations to my noble friend the Earl of Hardwicke, for the use of his valuable collection ; and jiarticularly for several letters from Mr. Secretary Harley, and the inte- resting diary of Lord Chancellor Cowper. To the Duke of Somerset, for same letters of Captain Bonnel, who served several campaigns under the Duke of Marlborough, and has given a specific account of the march through Germany, as well as some interesting facts relative to the battle of Oudenard. To Lord Dynevor, for favouring me with the inspection of the papers left by his lordship's ancestor, Adam de Cardonel, Esq., the confidential secretary to the Duke of Marlborough. As the duke was not in the habit of writing French, though he spoke it fluently, this intellijrent gentleman was intrusted with the principal management of the foreign correspondence, under the direction of his grace. He also prepared many of the English despatches, and frequently wrote the rough draughts of others, which the duke had not leisure to compose: he was, besides, the channel of the most secret communications. Hence this collection contains numerous and interesting materials, which it is need- less to particularise, because reference is made to such as have been consulted in the narratfve. XIV AUTIIOKS rUKFACE. I am imk'litcd to the late Louis Montolicti, l>s(j., for ihe voluntary transinission of two journals, kfjit by his p;rancirathL'r, Louis Haron ance ; and on the 3d of April, 1674, was appointed by Louis colonel of the English regiment, which was vacant by the resignation of Lord Peterborough. In this rank he appears to have served during the German campaign of Turenne, and to have been present at the battle of Sinzheiui, when the imperialists were worsted, and their defeat Avas followed by the memorable devastation of the Palatinate. There is little doubt also that he assisted in some of the military operations between 1675 and 1677, after the death of his patron Turenne. In these active campaigns, so intelligent an officer caught the spirit of his great commanders, matured and exercised his talents, and laid the foundation of that consummate skill which rendered him the wonder of his contemporaries, and the admiration of succeednig ages. During this interval Colonel Churchill occasioimlly ex- changed his military labours for attendance on his royal patron, the duke of York, who, in 1673, had appointed him gentleman of his bed-chamber, and afterwards raised him to the post of master of the robes. So handsome and accomplished an officer could not fail to be entangled in the gallantries of a dissipated court. But we spare the reader the detail of these irregularities, which are doubtless exaggerated by the licentious pens of that and sub- sequent times. We shall barely advert to an anecdote which has obtained credit relative to a connexion with the duchess of Cleveland, whom he is accused of treating afterwards with the basest ingratitude. The falsity of this tale will be sufficiently shown by the observation that it is originally drawn from so impure and questionable a source as the Neiv Atalantis.* Admitting, however, that Colonel Churchill • Mrs. Manley, from whom the scandal-mongers of the time drew tlieir information, was one of the most abandoned women of her age. She wrote the Neiu Atalantis under tlie auspices of the Tories, and in her licentious romances laboured to vilifj' the characters of those who were politically adverse to her protectors. Among these she has singled out 6 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. I. might have experienced the liberality of the duchess, we need not seek for the cause in an intercourse of gallantry, since he had a strong claim to her protection from affinity, being nearly related to her on the side of his mother, who was hei- cousin. Whatever may have been the conduct of Colonel Churchill during the fervour of youth, and amidst the temptations of a dissolute court, his irregularities soon yielded to the influence of a purer passion, which recalled him from licentious con- nexions, and gave a colour to his future life : we allude to his courtship and marriage with Miss Sarah Jennings, daughter of Richard Jennings, Esq., of Sandridge, near St. Alban's, a gentleman of an ancient and distinguished lineage. The family of Jennings, like that of Churchill, was de- voted to the royal cause, and consequently enjoyed consider- able favour at court after the Restoration ; for we find two daughters of Mr. Jennings at an early period filling honour- able situations in the royal household. Frances, the eldest, one of the most lovely women of the age, was placed about the person of the duchess of York. She espoused Sir George Hamilton, grandson of James second earl of Aber- corn, a marechal de camp in the French service.* Sarah, the younger sister, was also introduced into the court of the duchess of York, at the early age of twelve. She grew up under the protection of her royal patroness, and became the companion of the Princess Anne. Though not so trans- cendently lovely as her sister, her animated countenance and commanding figure attracted numerous admirers ; and even in the dawn of beauty she received advantageous offers of marriage from different persons of consideration, among the Duke of Marlborough, whom she designates under the name of Count Fortunatus ; and makes him an agent in the most improbable and romantic adventures. This woman was imprisoned for some of her lam- poons ; but Swift, in the true spirit of party, did not blush to recommend her for a remuneration as having suffered in the Tory cause. She was also employed by that party in writing the Examiner, after Swift had relinquished it, and he allows that he supplied her with some of his venom to asperse Marlborough, and other eminent statesmen. * For a particular account of this lady, see the entertaining memoirs of the Count Grammont, written by her brother-in-law, Anthony, Count Hamilton. [These "charming" memoirs, as the Edinburgh Review once termed them, have been reprinted as an extra volume of Bohn's Standard Library.] — Ed. 1650-1678.] 1U6 COURTSHIP. T whom we may reckon the earl of Lindsay, afterwards marquis of Ancaster. In the midst of a licentious court, she maintained an unspotted reputation, and was as much respected for her prudence and propriety of conduct, as she was admired for the charms of her person and tlie vivacity of her conversation. Of this young lady Colonel Cliurchill became enamoured wiien she had scarcely completed her sixteenth year ; and his person, politeness, and amenity of manners, joined with his reputation for bravery, made an early and deep impression on her heart. Nothing is perhaps more trivial than the general corre- spondence of lovers. Still however the minutest feelings of a great mind are not without interest, and it gratifies our natural curiosity to trace the sentiments of extraordinary characters in those situations into which they fall in common with the generality of mankind. The letters of the colonel and his future consort display tlie peculiar features of their respective characters ; and show the oi-igin and growth of that deep and ardent attachment to which he owed a higher degree both of happiness and disquietude than usually accompanies the nuptial union. His notes in particular breathe a romantic tenderness and keen sensibility, which appear foreign to the general sedateness of his character. Indeed this correspondence fully exemplifies the eulogium afterwards paid to him by King William, that to the coolest head he united the warmest heart. The letters of the lady evince, on the other hand, the vivacity and petulance of her temper ; and display that alternate haughtiness and courtesy which gave her so powerful a command over the passions of those to whom she was attached. The courtship passed through the usual forms of coyness and ardour, professions on the part of the lover, and reserve on the part of the lady ; and was attended with numberless complaints and apologies, bickerings and reconciliations. Several obslacles also gave strength to their mutual passion, as well as retarded their union. The first difficulty arose from the want of a competent establishment. Colonel Churchill could not expect any fortune from his father, who had several children, and was embarrassed in circumstances; and his own actual income consisted in places and emolu- ments at court, with an annuity of 500/. which he had pur- B 4 8 LIl' K OF MARLIJOROUGH. [CH. 1. chased from Lord Halifax in 1674.* The fjiinily property of the lady was more ample than that of her lover, but was considerabty encumbered, by the provision made for the esta- blishment of her grandfather's numerous issue.f Her portion therefore at this period was small ; and it was not till some time after the marriage that it was augmented, by the deatb. of her brothers without issue. Some pecuniaiy arrange- ment appears to have been proposed in their favour by the duchess of York, but at first it was rejected by the lady, in a fit of spleen and dissatisfaction. The next obstacle was derived from the opposition of Sir Winston and Lady Churchill, who were anxious to unite their son with a lady of considerable fortune, though less favoured with the gifts of nature than Miss Jennings. The report of this alliance being circulated, awakened her alarm and resentment, and she not only reproached him with selfish- ness and infidelity, but with affected disinterestedness urged him to renounce an attachment which militated against his worldly prospects. At the same time she declared that, to escape from his further importunities, she would accompany * Among the Blenheim papers is the original agreement, dated ia 1674, stating that Colonel Churchill had purchased from Lord Halifax an annuity of 5001. per annum, for the sum of 4500/. [Archdeacon Coxe has rather slurred over this period of the duke's his- tory. According to Lord Chesterfield, the gratuity Colonel Churchill received from the duchess of Cleveland, and vehich he so providently in- vested, was the foundation of his fortune ; it certainly encouraged him to marry, and live virtuously afterwards. Touching on this pecuniary obliga- tion to his patroness his lordship remarks, " He had most undoubtedly good plain understanding, with sound judgment. But these alone would probably have raised him but something higher than they found him, which was page to King James II. 's queen. Then the graces protected and promoted him ; for while he was an ensign in the guards, the duchess of Cleveland, then favourite mistress of the king, struck by these very graces, gave him 5000/., with which he immediately bought an annuity of 500/. a year of my grandfatlier, Halifax, which was the foundation of his subsequent fortune." ( Chesterfield's Letters, vo]. i. p. 136.) The purchase of the life annuity gave rise to the satirical remark of Swift, " that the same grain of caution which disposes a man to fill his coffers, will teach him how to preserve them at all events; and I dare hold a wager that the Duke of Marlborough, in all his campaigns, was never known to lose his baggage."] — Ed. •f He had twenty-four children. — Ed. 1650-1678.] ins marriage. 9 lier sister, the countess of Hamilton, on an intended journey to Paris. This reproach drew from the lover a warm remon- strance against her injustice .and cruelty, and a pathetic appeal to her affection, wliich was not made in vain. The reconciliation was soon followed by their marriage, but at what precise time it took place we have not been able t<^ ascertain, though it must have been in the beginning of 1678.* The ceremony was privately performed in the pre- sence of the duchess of York, who honoured the bride with gifts of considerable value, and was not declared for some months. From the time of his marriage, till 1683, Colonel Churchill had no settled home, but submitted to frequent separations from his beloved wife. Being attached to the service of the duke of York, he was hurried from place to place ; sometimes despatched on - missions of importance abroad, and sometimes following the emigrations of his royal patron during his banishment from court. Soon after his marriage, Colonel Churchill obtained a regiment of foot ; his commission bears date February 17. 1677-78. This appointment was the prelude to a mission of peculiar delicacy. Charles and his brother being incensed against the king of France for refusing to increase the pensions by which he had purchased their connivance at his ambitious designs, aifected a disposition to renew the triple alliance. Charles appealed to the parliament, made military preparations, and opened a communication with the Prince of Orange, who had recently espoused his niece the Princess Mary. Colonel Churchill was the agent selected on this * The biographers of the duke, as well as historians in general, place liis marriage as late as 1681, which cannot be correct, because Henrietta, the eldest daughter, was born July 20. 1681, which is proved by the entry of her baptism, in the register of St. Martin's in the Fields, com- municated by the vicar, archdeacon Pott, as well as by an entry of the duchess in the family Bible, now in possession of Earl Spencer. [It may be doubted whether the exact date of the marriage was known to any body, even to the bride herself Secret the nuptials certainly were; and a letter from Colonel Churchill, dated Brussels, April I'i. 1678, is directed to " Miss Jennings ; " this epistle was carefully pre- served by the present, or future, Mrs Churchill, who left in her own handwriting these words, on the back : " I believe I was married when this letter was writ ; but it was not known to any but the duchess " (of York.) — Ed. 10 LIFE Of MARLBOROUGH. [ciI. I. occasion to concert measures with the prince ; and is men- tioned in the letters of the duke of York as possessing the full confidence both of his brother and himself.* A letter from the colonel to his ladj ascertains the period of this mission, which has hitherto escaped the notice of his biographers. " Brussels, April 12. " I writ to you from Antwerp, which I hope you have received hefore now ; for I would he glad you should hear from me by every post. I met with some difficulties in my business with the Prince of Orange, so that I was forced to write to England, which will cause me to be two or three days longer abroad than I should have been. But because I would lose no time, I despatch all other things in the mean time, for I do with all my heart and soul long to be with you, you being dearer to me than my own life. On Sunday morning I shall leave this place, so that on Monday at night I shall be at Breda, where the Prince and Princess of Orange are ; and from thence you shall be sure to hear from me again. Till when, my soul's soul, farewell." On his return, the colonel found the English government actively employed in carrying his arrangements into effect, and was selected as one of the officers destined for this service. He spent part of the summer at Mintern with his jiarents, who were now reconciled to his lady. But, towards the beginning of August, he was suddenly summoned to join the expedition which was then ready to depart for the Con- tinent. He quitted with regret the society of his beloved wife and family, and repairing to London, received from the duke of York the notice of his destination. The forces being despatched from England, the allied armies prepared to act against the French. The duke of Monmouth, as British commander-in-chief, joined the Prince of Orange with a considerable reinforcement ; while a large body of troops, under the earl of Ossory, acted with the Spanish army. Lord Feversham, with the remainder, was on the point of his departure, and Colonel Churchill was among the officers who embarked in this division, in virtue of a warrant from the duke of Monmouth, authorising him, as eldest brigadier of foot, to command a brigade in Flan- ders, consisting of two battalions of guards, one Dutch regi« * Letters from the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange, April 2, ind 7. 1678. — Dalrymple, vol. i. p. 208. 8vo. 1674-1684.] CONNEXIONS WITH THE DUKE OF YORK. 11 ment, and the regiments of the prince and Colonel Legge. In his passage, being driven into Margate by contrary winds, he wrote to his wife at Mintern, announcing that he should not be called into the field, and predicting a speedy accommo- dation. This prediction was verified, for he had scarcely reached the Continent, before he heard that the Prince of Orange had signed a treaty with the French, which was the prelude to a general peace. The English troops were re- called, and the colonel hastened to England to rejoin the society in which all his affections were centered. Chap. II. — Connexions with the Duke of York. — 1674-1684. We must refer the reader to the histories of the times, for an account of the religious and party feuds which agitated the parliament and nation during the remaining part of the reign of Charles, together with the attempts made, either to exclude the duke of York from the throne, as a Papist, or to limit his authority, in case of his accession Nor shall we enter into the shameless cabals of the king, the duke of York, and many of the party in opposition with Louis XIV. Colonel Churchill took no public shai'e in the struggle of parties ; and it is probable that he did not accept a seat in the House of Commons, from a consciousness that the frankness of his temper would involve him in political broils. Yet, as he confided in the solemn promises of the duke of York not to interfere in the national religion, gratitude as well as interest prompted him to consider the conduct of the party in opposition as unjust, and unconstitu- tional. To a confidential friend, who has given the earliest account of his life, he observed, " Though I have an aversion to Popery, yet I am no less averse to persecution for con- science sake. I deem it the highest act of injustice to set any one aside from his inheritance, upon bare suppositions of intentional evils, when nothing that is actual appears to preclude him from the exercise of his just rights." But, although such were his sentiments, he was too firmly dc- 12 LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGH. [CH. H. voted to the Church of Enghind to suffer liis attachment and gratitude to outweigh the obligations of duty and conscience; and he continued to profess the Protestant religion, at a time when a real or pretended conversion was construed into an act of merit, by the prince on whom he depended. His attachment to his religion did not, however, diminish the confidence reposed in him by his royal patron ; for, in the continual negotiations of James with his brother and the king of France, we find him frequently charged with the most secret commissions. When the duke of York was compelled to quit England, in March 1679, he attended liim to the Hague and to Brussels, and v,^as accompanied by his wife, who then filled a place in the household of the duchess. James being soon afterwards summoned to England, by a secret order from the king, who was seriously indisposed, was accompanied in his journey by the colonel. On their arrival at Windsor, they found the king recovered, but the presence of the duke of York produced a favourable effect ; and though he could not obtain permission to remain at court, he was allowed to transfer his residence to Scotland. During the short interval of this visit, the colonel was despatched to Paris, to accelerate a treaty between Charles and Louis. He was charged with a letter of recommendation from James, who designates him as the master of his ward- robe, to whom entire credit might be given. He returned with the duke to Brussels ; and when James established his residence in Scotland, he was, as on other occasions, his constant attendant. During the journey, as well as after his arrival at Edinburgh, on December 4. 1679, we find a few affectionate letters addressed to his wife, whom he had left in London. James was too deeply interested in the succession to the crown to remain tranquil in Scotland ; for in February. 1680, he returned to the capital. After a residence of a few months, during which the colonel was again employed in some honourable missions, he was driven back into Scotland by the efforts of the popular party ; Churchill was again his attendant, and enjoyed the happiness of his wife's society, who was in the suite of the duchess of York. In January, 1681, he was despatched by James to London. 1674-1684.] BIKTH OF A DAUGHTER. 13 The first object of this mission was, to press the king not to assemble tlie parliament, which, in the agitated state of the public mind, the duke Avas apprehensive might propose measures calculated for his exclusion from the throne, or at least might establish such restrictions, as would greatly limit his power, in case of his accession. The second object was to dissuade the king from forming such alliances with Spain and Holland, as would involve him in a war with France, and consequently, in the language of James, " render him a slave to liis parliament." To this was added a third, namely, a direct alliance with France, which he was charged to represent as the only expedient for the support of the king, and the preservation of the prerogative, without which the country must again fall under the government of a common- wealth. The last point Avas to solicit permission for the duke to return, at least for a li^nited period; or, if this could not be effected, to obtain for him additional powers, and the command of the forces in Scotland. The extreme delicacy of this commission is proved by the- strict injunction given to Colonel Churchill not to communi- cate it to the ministers, especially to Lord Halifax. By additional directions he was enjoined to press the king to the adoption of resolute counsels, which, as James con- tended, the experience of the preceding year had proved to be safest. Arriving at court, Colonel Churchill found the king too much alarmed to embrace the violent counsels of his brother ; yet the dexterous negotiator acquired a new title to the confidence of his patron by the extreme address with which lie executed his commission, and the impression which his representations made on the mind of the king. On his return he gave James a satisfactory account of the state of parties, and of the ministry ; and prevailed on him not to re- appear at court, during the bustle of the new elections, lest his presence should awaken suspicion, and exasperate his enemies. In the course of the year his lady was delivered in London of her first daughter, Henrietta, on the 19th of July, 1681. Several of his letters prove that the pleasing hopes of a parent beguiled the pain of his frequent absences. A single 14 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. II. extract will prove that the professions of the husband were scarcely less ardent than those of the lover : — " Jan. 3. 1679 I writ to you last night by tlie express, and since that 1 have no good news to send you. The yachts are not yet come, nor do we know when tliey will, for the wind is directly against them, so that you may believe that I am not in a very good humour, since T desire nothing so much as being with you. The only comfort I had here was hearing from you, and now if we should be stopped by contrary winds, and not hear from you, you may guess with what satisfaction I shall then pass my time; therefore as you love me, you will pray for fair winds, so that we may not stay here, nor be long at sea. 1 hope all the red spots of our child will be gone, against I see her, and her nose strait, so that I may fancy it to be like the mother ; for as she has your coloured hair, I would have her be like you in all things else. Till next post day farewell. By that time I hope we shall hear of the yachts, for till I do I shall have no kind of patience." We shall here insert another letter, though written after the birth of Anne, his second daughter, because it exhibits a picture equally pleasing, of parental and conjugal af- fection : — " Tunhridge. — You cannot imagine how I am pleased with the children ; for they having nobody but their maid, they are so fond of me, that when I am at home they will be always with me, kissing and hugging me. Their heats are quite gone, so that against you come home they will be in beauty. If there be room I will come on Monday, so that you need not write on Sunday. Miss is pulling me by the arm, that she may write to her dear mamma; so that I shall say no more, only beg that you will love me always as well as I love you, and then we cannot but be happy." To gratify the playful importunities of the child, he con- cludes the letter with a postsci'ipt in her name : — " I kiss your hands, my dear mamma. — Harriet." When the popular party, and those called the exclu- sionists were defeated, and Charles had attained the power of giving his brother a permanent establishment at court. Colonel Churchill accompanied his patron on his triumphant return, in 1682. He also attended him on board the^ Gloucester yaclit, when that ship was wrecked near the Lemon and Ore in Yarmouth roads, and so many persons of consideration perished. The colonel was one among the for- tunate few who escaped, being invited by James himself to take his place in the boat, which put off to shore, as soon as the loss of the vessel was found to be inevitable. 1674-1684.] THE PRINCESS ANNE. 15 On this return of prosperity, James did not suffer the ser- vices of his faithful attendant to pass unrewarded. He was soon created Baron Churchill of Aymouth, in Scothxnd, and in 1683 was appointed colonel of the royal regiment of horse-guards, then about to be raised. It was at this period the intention of Lord Churchill that his wife should with- draw from the court ; but the marriage of the Princess Anne afforded an opportunity of placing her in a post, which was no less honourable than gratifying to her feelings, that of lady of her royal highness's bed-chambei*. When Miss Jennings was first introduced into the house- /lold of the duchess of York, she was noticed by the Princess Anne, then about three years younger than herself. An affectionate disposition on the part of the princess, and on that of her youthful associate the most captivating vivacity, soon rendered them inseparable companions. Habitual in- tercourse ripened their mutual partiality into the most tender friendship, and at this early period we trace the rise of that romantic affection which long reigned between them. To her friend and confidant the princess recurred in all the momentous, as well as in the trifling incidents of her life ; and at the time when the zeal of James for Popery spread the utmost alarm throughout the nation, the princess drew from the counsel and encouragement of her friend additional motives of attachment to that system of worship in which she was educated, and which she considered as endangered by the avowed principles of her father. The princess pressed the appointment of her favourite with affectionate zeal, and an- nounced it to her in a letter fidl of satisfaction and tenderness. In this situation, and amidst the momentous incidents which marked the period, their intimacy gained new strength, until it rose to a degree of confidence and affection seldom wit- nessed. One of the many letters, written at this time, will show the style they reciprocally adopted, and the anxiety of the princess to set aside the restraints of high rank and etiquette : — " Winchester, Sept. 20. — I writ to you last Wednesday from on board the yacht, and left my letter on Thursday morning at Portsmouth, to go by the post, to be as good as my word in writing to my dear Ladv Churchill by the first opportunity. I was in so great haste when I Arit,, that I fear what I said was nonsense, but I hope you have so muoli kindness for me as to forgive it • * * 16 LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGH, [CH. 111. " If you will not let me have the satisfaction of hearing from you again before I see you, let me beg of you not to call me your hi;rhness at every word, but to be as free with me as one friend ought to be with another; and you can never give me any greater proof of your friendship than in telling me your mind freely in all things, which I do beg you to do ; and if ever it were in my power to serve you, nobody would be more ready than myself. I am all impatient for Wednesday, till when farewell. " This correspondence became daily more confidential, till at length, to set aside the restraints of rank and custom, the princess offered her friend the choice of two feigned names, under which she proposed to continue their intercourse : — " I," says the duchess, " chose the name of Freeman, as more conformable to the frankness of my disposition, and the princess adopted that of Morley." Their style soon ac- sumed the tone which this expedient was calculated to give ; and their letters displayed a degree of fjimiliarity and ten- derness which seldom exists, even between equals in the higher ranks of society. Chap. III. — Abdication of King James. — 1684-1688. From the marriage of the Princess Anne till the death of Charles II., Lord Churchill does not appear on the theatre of public affairs. The accession of James, by whose favour he had been so long distinguished, naturally opened to his view the prospect of higher honours and a more exalted fortune. Indeed, the first act of the new sovereign was to charge his tried and confidential servant with a mission to Paris, for the purpose of notifying his accession, and gratefully ac- knowledging the largesses which he had recently received from the French monarch. Hitherto Lord Churchill had regarded with indulgence the failings of a prince, to whom he was bound by so many ties of respect and gratitude. But he was not so far biassed by gratitude or ambition as to forget his duty to his religion and country ; and in a conversation with Lord Galway, during his embassy at Paris, he observed, " If the king should attemftt to change our religion and constitution, I will 1684-168S.] BATTLE OF SEDGEMOOR. 17 instantly quit liis service." Like many others, however, lie at tirst gave credit to the solemn declarations of James, and waited with patience, though not without apprehension, to discover whether the conduct of the monarch would accord with his professions. Lord Churchill attended at the coronation of James ; and on the 14th of May he was raised to the English peerage, by the title of Baron Churchill, of Sandridge, in the county of Hertford. Soon afterwards, the invasion of the duke of Monmouth gave him an opportunity to signalise both his loyalty and military talents. He was appointed to command the forces then assembled at Salisbury, consisting of six troops of horse and nine companies of foot ; and to this charge was added the rank of brigadier. With this small corps he per- formed essential service by his vigilance and activity ; he kept his troops in continual motion, scouring the countiy, collecting intelligence, and dispei-sing the scattered bands of the rebels, though superior in number. These frequent and well-timed expeditions spread dismay among the disaffected, awed the secret partisans of Monmouth, and repressed that zeal for his cause which was manifested by the lower classes in Somersetshire. During this short struggle he was pro- moted to the rank of major-general, by a commission dated July 1. 1685. While Lord Churchill was at Chard, at the head of his own corps and the regiment of Dorsetshire militia, he re- ceived a summons from the duke of Monmouth, claiming his allegiance as king of England, and enjoining him to desist from hostilities. Lord Churchill dismissed the trumpeter, and sent the letter to James as a ridiculous bravado. The only answer which lie gave was, to continue his exertions in harassing the rebels ; and it is generally allowed that his skill and activity compelled Monmouth to concentrate his forces, and precipitate an engagement. In the battle of Sedgemoor, which decided the fate of Monmouth, the vigilance of Lord Chux'chill prevented the mischiefs which were likely to result from the negligence of the commander-in-chief. Lord Feversham. He not only saved the royal army from a surprise, on the eve of that me- VOL. L C IS Lll'Ii OF MAKLBOUOLGH. [cH. HI. morable engagement, but, by his courage and decision, greatly contributed to the success of the day. For his services In this battle he was appointed colonel of the third troop ot liorse-guards. From the time of this expedition \vc find no particular mention of Lord Churchill, till tlm closing scene of James's reign ; a remarkable circumstance, when we consider the favour and confidence he had hitherto enjoyed. Possibly the discordance of his principles, political and religious, with those of the sovereign, may have produced some coolness : and, at all events, he continued to profess his attachment to the Protestant church, at a time when James did not dis- dain to employ both persuasion and influence to make con- verts among those who were more immediately attached to his person. Whatever was the cause, Lord Churchill was not raised to any office of state ; and the short reign of James otfered no farther scope to military talents. Indeed, when we consider the bigoted and arbitrary character of the mo- narch, we ought rather to wonder that Churchill escaped disgrace, than that he was not distinguished by any accession of honour. In proportion as the arbitrary designs of James were de- veloped, we find his confidential adherents, and even the members of his own family, expressing their alarm at the consequences of his fanatic zeal for the Roman Catholic reli- gion. A letter from the Princess Anne to Lady Churchill shows the impression made by the introduction of four Popish peers, lords Powis, Arundel, Bellasis, and Dover, into the privy council, in 1686. " I was very much surprised when I heard of the four new privy counsellors, and am very sorry for it ; for it will give great countenance to those sort of people, and methinks it has a very dismal prospect. Whatever changes there are in the world, I hope you vrill never forsake me, and I shall be happy." When such were the feelings of a daughter, we cannot be surprised to find Lord Churchill adhering to the resolution which he had announced to Lord Galway. The arbitrary declaration of indulgence seems at length to have awakened his alarm for the civil and religious liberties of his country ; and the proceedings in favour of the Papists, which imme- diately foUovved, gave additional strength to his apprehen- 1684-1688.] REMONSTRATES V«TITH KING JAMES. 19 sions. He was therefore among the first who made overtures to the Prince of Orange : he conveyed assurances of his attachment to the Protestant cause, through Dykvelt, the agent of the prince, and Mr. Russel and Mr. Sidney, tlie two great movers of the subsequent revolution. At the same time he announced, in a letter to the Prince of Orange, tht determination of the Princess Anne rather to abandon her misguided father than to sacrifice her religion, a resolution to which his exhortations, as well as those of his lady, h;:(l essentially contributed. "May 17. 1687. — The princess of Denmark having ordered me to discourse with Monsieur Dykvelt, and to let him know her resolutions, so that he might let your highness and the princess her sister know thot she was resolved, by the assistance of God, to suifer all extremities, even to death itself, rather than be brought to change her religion, I thoujihi it my duty to your highness and the princess royal, by this opportunity of Monsieur Dykvelt, to give you assurances under my own hand, that my places and the king's favour I set at nought, in comparison of being true to my religion. In all things but this the king may command me ; and I call God to witness, that even with joy I should expose my life ior his service, so sensible am I of his favours. I know the troubling yo:i. sir, with thus much of myself, I being of so little use to your highnesf, is very impertinent, but 1 think it may be a great ease to your highness and the princess to be satisfied that the princess of Denmark is safe m the trusting of me ; I being resolved, although 1 cannot live the life of a saint, if there be ever occasion for it, to show the resolution of a martyr. — I am, with all respect, sir," &c. Lord Cluirchill, hoAvever, was not among the number of tliose who dissembled their real sentiments, or flattered the bigotry and infatuation of the king. On the contrary, to the last moment, he laboured to rouse the inconsiderate mo- narch to a sense of his danger before it was too late, and seized every opportunity to remonstrate, in strong thougli respectful terms, against his attacks on the religious esta- blishment, and the arbitrary system of government which he was endeavouring to introduce. Lord Churchill waited on the king, in the progress whici; he made during the summer of 1687, with the view of re- conciling the people to the recent innovations. At Win- chester James touched in the cathedral several persons ior the king's evil, and two Roman Catholic priests officiated as chaplains. After the ceremony Lord Churchill attended his c 2 20 LIFIC OF MAULHOKOnGII, [uH. 111. majesty to the deanery, and being alone with him in the •iarden, before dinner, the king said, " "Weil, Churcliill, what do my subjects say about this ceremony of touching in the church?" "Truly," replied Lord Churchill, "they do not approve it ; and it is the general opinion that your ma- jesty is paving the way ibr the introduction of Popery." " How !" exclaimed the king. " Have I not given my royal word, and will they not believe their king ? I have given liberty of conscience to others ; I was always of opinion that toleration was necessary for all Christian people ; and most certainly I will not be abridged of that liberty myself, nor suffer those of my own religion to be prevented from pay- ing their devotions to God in their own way." His ma- jesty having uttered these words with gi-eat warmth. Lord Churchill ventured to observe, " What I spoke, sir, pro- ceeded partly from my zeal for your majesty's service, which I prefer above all things next to that of God ; and I humbly beseech your majesty to believe that no subject in the three kingdoms will venture farther than I will to purchase your favour and good liking. But as I have been bred a Protest- ant, and intend to live and die in that communion, as above nine parts in ten of the whole people are of that persuasion, and I fear (which I say from excess of duty) from the genius of the English, and their natural aversion to the Roman Catholic worship, some consequences, which I dare not so much as name, and which I cannot contemjjlate without horror " "I tell you, Churchill," said the king, inter- rupting him, " I will exercise my own religion in such a manner as I shall think fitting ; I will show favour to my Catholic subjects, and be a common father to all my Pro- testants of what religion soever ; but I am to remember that I am a king, and to be obeyed by them. As for the conse- quences, I shall leave them to Providence, and make use of tlie power God has put into my hands, to prevent any thing that shall be injurious to my honour, or derogatory to the duty that is owing to me." At the conclusion of these woi'ds the king abruptly broke off the conversation, and returned to the deanery. During the dinner his manner proved how much he resented this freedom, for he principally addressed himself to the dean 1684-1688.] UKASONS for deserting the king. 21 who stood behind his chair, and discoursed the whole time on passive obedience. Tlie communication which Lord Churchill had already opened with the Prince of Orange was doubtless maintained during the winter of 1687, when the violent acts of the king against the Protestant establishment excited daily new sentiments of alarm and indignation. At the moment when the prince was preparing that expedition, which was to de- liver the country from Popery and arbitrary power, we find Lord Churchill conveying to him the most positive declara- tions of his zeal and attachment. " August 4. 1688 Mr. Sidney will let you know how I intend to behave myself: I think it is what I owe to God and my country. My honour I take leave to put into your highness's hands, in which I think it safe. If you think there is any thing else that I ought to do, you have but to command me ; I shall pay an entire obedience to it, being resolved to die in that religion that it has pleased God to give you boUi the will and power to protect. I am, with all respect, sir," &c. This letter, with the foregoing messages and confidential communications, coming from a nobleman so closely attached to James, both by gratitude and interest, and so beloved by the army, must have greatly strengthened the resolution of the Prince of Orange, for it proved that the misguided zeal of the monarch had even alienated his devoted adherents. The events of the Revolution are too well known to need recapitulation. It will be sufiicient to observe, that after the, landing of William, James did not withdraw his confidence from Lord Churchill, but intrusted him with the command of a brigade in the army, which he himself led as far as Salisbury, to repel the invasion, and even raised him to the rank of lieutenant-general. Some suspicion, however, seems to have been conceived against him ; for Lord Fevershani advised the king to arrest him, as an officer whose defection might produce the most alarming impression. James, from fear, policy, or affection, refused to listen to the proposal ; but it could not be concealed from the person whom it su nearly regarded, and on the ensuing day Lord Churchill, went over to the prince Avith the duke of Grafton, Colonel Berkley, and other officers of his own regiment. If we review the preceding conduct and declarations of Lord Churchill, we shall need no argument to be convinced c 3 22 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CIL HI. that a sense of patriotism and religion outweighed in his mind tlie obligations of gratitude and interest ; and that he chose the party which he embraced, from a conviction that no other alternative remained to save the constitution and church establishment, and that the only design of William was, to fulfil his declaration of restraining the arbitrary spirit of James, and restoring the parliament to its functions and authority. In departing from Salisbury, he left a letter t) tlie king, explaining and vindicating his conduct. " Sir, — Since men are seldom suspected of sincerity, when they act contrary to their interests ; and though my dutiful behaviour to your majesty in the worst of times (for which I acknowledge my poor services much overpaid) may not be sufficient to incline you to a charitable inter- pretation of my actions; yet I hope the great advantage I enjoy under your majesty, which I can never expect in any other cliange of govern- ment, may reasonably convince your majesty and the world that I am actuated by a higher principle, when I offer that violence to my inclina- tion and interest, as to desert your majesty at a time when your affairs seem to challenge the strictest obedience from all your subjects, much more from one who lies under the greatest obligations to your majesty. This, sir, could proceed from nothing but the inviolable dictates of my conscience, and a necessary concern for my religion (which no good man can oppose), and with which I am instructed nothing can come in com- petition. Heaven knows with what partiality my dutiful opinion of your majesty has hitherto represented those unhappy designs, which incon- siderate and self-interested men have framed against your majesty's true interest and the Protestant religion; but as I can no longer join with such to give a pretence by conquest to bring them to effect, so I will always, with the hazard of my life and fortune (so much your majesty's due) endeavour to preserve your royal person and lawful rights, with all the tender concern and dutiful respect that becomes," &c. In great revolutions it is common to find the most upright characters maligned, and the purest principles misrepre- sented. From this fate Lord Churchill did not escape ; for he has been accused of a design to seize or assassinate the king at the time of his departure. Such tales may find a :nomentary credit when the passions of men are heated ; but at present to mention is to refute it. After retiring from the army of James, his lordship took liis route towards the west, and joining the Prince of Orange at Axminster, was received with distinguished marks of at- tention and regard. His departure was the signal for a more general defection, not only of those who were openly hostile 16y4-l683.] THE THRONE DECLARED ABDICATED. 23 to James, but even of those who were connected with him by blood. Prince George of Denmark quitted the king at Andover, and repaired to Sherborn, whither the prince had advanced. At nearly the same time, the Princess Anne secretly withdrew from the palace at midnight, in company with Lady Churchill and Mrs. Berkley, and repaired to the lodgings of the bishop of London, with whom her withdrawal was concerted. Then, directing lier course to Northampton, she was escorted by a party of horse to Oxford, where she was met by the prince her husband, with a body of troops from the army of the Prince of Orange. On the approach of William to the capital, and the flight of James to Feversham, Lord Churchill was sent forward to reassemble his own troop of horse-guards, and to "bring over the soldiers quartered in and about the metropolis. He executed his commission with equal prudence and activity ; and carried back so favourable a report conceiming the dis- positions of the people and army, as induced the prince to hasten to the capital. After the departure of James, Lord Churchill assisted in the convention parliament. He was also one of the peers who associated in support of the prince's declaration, and in defence of his person. But when the design was disclosed of placing the prince on the throne, either alone, or in con- junction with his consort. Lord Churchill was among the peers who voted for a regency. At length, however, when the struggle of contending parties rose to such a height as to portend a counter-revolution, and there appeared no alterna- tive but to recall James, or confer the crown on William ; his lordship, from motives of delicacy, absented himself from the House of Peers during the discussion which tei'rainated in the memorable vote declaring the vacancy of the throne. His absence, with that of some other peers, who likewise ad- hered to the rule of hereditary descent, contributed to the decision of this important question, by a majority of seven voices. Tlie vacancy being thus legally declared, Lord Churchill took an active part in the subsequent arrangements. In conjunction with his lady, he persuaded the Princess Anne to postpone her own succession to the throne, and to consent to that of the Prince and Princess of Orange, and thus 24 LiriC OF MAllLIJOUOUGH [CH. HI. removed one great obstacle to tlie settlement of the nation. The change of government was annonnced on the 6th of February, and William and Mary declared king and queen. The administration was .solely vested in the king; while the princess of Denmark and her heirs wei'e declared next in tin; succession, in preference to the issue of William by any future marriage. On the 14th of February Lord Churchill was sworn a member of the privy council, and made a lord of the bed- chamber ; and two days before the coronation was raised to the dignity of Earl of Marlborough. As his paternal seat at Mintern was assigned to his brother Charles, he fixed his principal residence at Sandridge, near St. Albans, a manor belonging to the family of his wife. This estate, by the death of Richard Jennings, Esq., had de- volved on his three sisters and coheiresses, Frances, Sarah, and Bai-bara. As Lady Marlborough was partial to her birthplace, her husband gratified her by purchasing the share of the two other sisters, and soon after built a mansion on the spot, which was called Holywell House. This resi- dence and property gave him an interest in the borough of St. Albans, for which place, by his influence with James IL, he obtained a new charter of incorporation. He was chosen the first high steward under the new charter ; a post which had always been filled by persons of distinction. Tiie mansion of Holywell is described by local writers as a building of great magnificence ; and was the favourite resi- dence both of Lord Marlborough and his lady, till the con- struction of Blenheim gave him a new intei'est in a place which presented the most striking monument.^ both of his own and the national glory.* ♦ Although Mr. Coxe distinctly implies in the preceding paragraph that Sandridge was the birthplace of the future duchess, later inquiries throw some doubt on the correctness of this statement. It would appear from Mrs. Thomson's researches (Memoirs of Sarah Duchess of Marl- borough) that the parish registers make no mention of that fact, nor indeed is the birth of any of the Jennings' family found in them ; nor are there in the church, as it now stands, any monuments inscribed with that name. Sandridge is a straggling, and by no means picturesque, village in the vicinity of St. Albans, and the real Ijirthplace is said to have been at Holywell, a suburb of St. Albans, and in a small house near the site of the spacious mansion afterwards erected there by her husband, the first 1688-1690.] GRANT TO THE PRINCESS ANNE. 25 Chap. IV Wavering Conduct of Marlborough. — 1688-1690. After the conclusion of the arrangements arising out of the Revolution, Marlborough appears to have taken little share in public business, except in the settlement of a revenue on the Princess Anne. The princess having announced her acquiescence in the new order of succession, expected that a permanent and independent revenue would have been secured to her for life, as the king had been allowed no less a sum than 600,000/. a year for the civil list. Instead, however, of gratifying her expectations, he even showed some reluctance to continue the allowance of 30,000/. a year, which she had enjoyed under her father. She was highly incensed at this disappointment, and testified her resolution to appeal to par- liament ; while the king and queen were no less offended l)y her wish to acquire an independent establishment. The Duke of Marlborough. The house has been since pulled down, and its site was lately occupied by a summer-house between what is called Holy- well-street and Sopwell-lane, in St. Albans, and within the space after- wards occupied by the pleasure-grounds of the great liouse at Holywell. It is a traditional fact corroborated by the testimony of the Rev. Henry Nicholson, rector of the Abbey of St. Albans, whose predecessor had a relative who distinctly recollected that it used to be the boast of her aunt, an old lady of eighty, not long since deceased, that she had herself been removed, when ill of the small-pox, to the very room in the house where the renowned Sarah Jennings first saw tlie light. Whether this tradition is more trustworthy than the intimation of the text we shall not decide ; but it is a curious biographical incident that a particle of doubt should exist either about the birthplace or deathplace of so celebrated an historical personage, comparatively so recently deceased. Yet such is the case. Neither the place where the first duchess of Marl- borough was born nor where she died is beyond dispute. The present descendants appear to have no certain knowledge where tlie duchess died, but conjecture it to have been at Holywell. This is certainly erroneous, lier death taking place in London, October 1 8th, 1744, at Marlborough House, or, as her early and till recently her only biographer expresses it, " at her house at the Friery, St. James's." Friery Passage was formerly close to Marlborough House. The estate and mansion at Holywell, being left at the disposal of the Duchess of Marlborough, were by her bequeathed to her grandson John, second son of Charles earl of Sunderland. From him it descended to his son, the first Earl Spencer. — En. 26 LIKE OF MARLROKOUGH. [CH. IV. subject occasioned the most indecorous altercations between the two royal sisters, and became the .source of the subsequent quarrel which divided the royal family. Irritated by these disputes, Anne pursued her purpose with redoubled zeal, and her cause was earnestly {)romoted by the Earl and Countess of ^larlborough. Her pretensions were warmly supported by the Tories and disattected, while the king would rely only on liis own personal friends and the zealous AVhigs. A con- siderable majority of the parliament was therefore enlisted on the side of the princess, and her claims became gejierally popular among the great body of the nation. In this state of the public mind, her friends in the House of Commons proposed to grant her an independent revenue of 70,000/. a year. To prevent the decision of the question, the king adjourned the parliament. But the princess was of too tenacious a character to relinquish her object, particularly as her pai'ty was increased by many who were alienated by the reserve of the king. In this crisis lures and threats were alternately held forth to the Countess of Marlborough, with the hope of inducing the princess to desist through her influence. The countess continued firm, and the question was revived in the House of Commons soon after the com- mencement of the session. The court now found that o[)po- sition was fruitless. With the consent of both parties the debate was adjourned ; and, in the interval, a compromise was effected, by which an annual allowance of 50,000/. was settled in parliament as the civil list of the princess. The success of this measure being principally ascribed by Anne to the exertions of the Earl and Countess of Marl- borough, contributed still more to endear them to hei', while it rendered them in an equal degree obnoxious to the king and queen. Anne was not tardy in testifying her gratitude for so acceptable a service ; and, in an affectionate letter, offered her favourite an additional salary of 1000/. a year. The countess at first declined the generous proposal from motives of delicacy, but her scruples were overruled by the representations of Lord Godolphin. Though dissatisfied with Marlborough's conduct respecting the settlement of the princess, William was unwilling to lose the services of so able an officer. As his presence was deemed necessary in England for the regulation of public 1688-l()90.j E.ni'LOYEu by king ■^^^LLIAM. 27 business, Marlboi'ough was intrusted with the command of the British forces acting against the French in the Nether- lands. On the 27th of May he handed at Rotterdam, and, repairing to Maestricht, joined the confederate army, then commanded by the prince of Waldeck. Being inferior to the enemy, they were reduced to act on the defensive. But Marlborough soon found an opportunity to signalise his courage and skill. The hostile armies being separated only by the petty town of Walcourt, the French commander, Marshal d'Humieres, formed the design of surprising his an- tagonists by an unexpected attack. Fortunately the post of Walcourt was confided to Marlborough, with a force com- posed of British and foreign troops. He not only checked the advance of the enemy till the commander-in-chief could move with the main army, but by a vigorous and well- directed attack on the flank, discomfited the assailants, and forced them to retreat with a serious loss. To this action the army owed their safety ; and the prince of Waldeck did ample justice to the skill and promptitude of his younger associate, by declaring that he had manifested greater mili- tary talents in a single battle than generals of longer experience had shown in many years.* Returning to England at the close of the campaign, Marl- borough was received with a degree of cordiality which was seldom shown by so reserved a monarch as William. It seemed natural to expect that he would have been again em- ployed on the theatre where he had acquitted himself with such unqualified approbation ; but from some cause, which we are unable to trace, he was not sent to the Continent the ensuing campaign. It is, indeed, surmised, and with great probability, that William pressed Marlborough to accompany * In several letters, which are still extant, the king testified his satis- faction at the conduct of Marlborough. They also proved that he performed this exploit, not with troops in high spirit and order, but ill- disciplined, defective in zeal, and labouring under the usual maladies attendant on a long campaign. On the combat of Walcourt, in particu- lar, the king observes: "I am very happy that my troops behaved so well in the affair of Walcourt. It is to you that this advantage is prin- cipally owing. You will please accordingly to accept my thanks, and rest assured that your conduct will induce me to confer on you still farther marks of my esteem and friendship, on which you may always rely." 28 MFE OF MAULBOUOUGII. [CII. IV. liim to Ireland, whither he was called to contend for the crown with the abdicated monarch himself; but that the earl frankly declined acting against his former sovereign and benefactor. Indeed this supposition is not improbable from his subsequent conduct ; for, after the defeat at the Boyne had compelled James to retire to France, he volun- tarily tendered his services to reduce Cork and Kinsale, at the time when the presence of William was become necessary in England. Notwithstanding the obvious necessity of such a vigorous prosecution of the war, before the rebels could again obtain succours from France, it was warmly opposed by several of the ministers in England. Of these the most vehement was the marquis of Caermarthen, who endeavoured to alarm the queen with the prospect of an invasion, at the moment when so large a force as was required for this enterprise should be drawn out of the kingdom. A reference was made to William, who was still in Ireland ; and the timid counsels of the minister being overruled, Marlborough, with a body of 5000 men, embarked at Portsmouth for the scene of action. The departure of the king at this juncture created general exultation among the partisans of James in Ii-eland. They flattered themselves that it would enable them to regain the advantage they had lost ; but their hopes were damped by the sudden appearance of Marlborough. They were still farther discouraged by the desertion of the duke de Lauzun, with the French auxiliaries, who, being panic-struck at the arrival of the reinforcement, abandoned Galway and returned to France. Marlborough landed near Cork on the 21st of September, and united with the German and Danish troops, whom King William had left under the command of the duke of Wirtem- berg. At this moment he experienced those vexatious squabbles, which often arise when high birth and military talents are brought into competition. But by the interposi- tion of Brigadier La Mellonerie, a French refugee, a compro- mise was effected, and the two generals agreed to exercise the command alternately. The first day Marlborough gave Wirtemberg as the word ; and the compliment was returned by his colleague. The vigour and enterprising spirit of the British general excited equal surprise and satisfaction. Diir- 1688-1690.] COMMANDS in Ireland. 29 ing his short stay in Ireland, wliicli did not exceed thirty- seven days, lie reduced Coi'k and Kinsale, straitened the joramunications of the insurgents with France, and confined them to the province of Ulster, where they could not subsist without the utmost difficulty. After this short but brilliant expedition, Marlborough returned with his prisoners to England, in the latter end of October. He was welcomed with the most flattering recep- tion by the king, who said of him, " I know no man who has served so few campaigns equally fit for command." The English nation also, long accustomed to see the execution of the most important enterprises confided to foreigners, exulted to find that a native officer had gained more advantages in a single month than many of the foi'eign generals in several campaigns. As the services of Marlborough were still deemed neces- sary in Ireland, he made but a short stay in England. Having reported the state of affiiirs, he immediately returned, and resumed his command. Till the close of the year he kept the greater part of the island in perfect tranquillity ; and conciliated the affections of the inhabitants by his mode- ration, as well as by the rigid discipline which he established in the army. Pie checked the incursions of the rebels, who still remained in arms, and secured the advantage he had gained, by constructing forts in several of the provinces. Having thus restored order, he was summoned to England, prepai'atory to his nomination to a new command on the Continent. The estimation in which he was now held by his sovereign is proved from a confidential correspondence, in which it appeal's that he was employed to soothe his friend Godolphin, who threatened to relinquish the management of the treasury. In this negotiation he at length succeeded, no less to his own gratification than to that of the king. Nothing perhaps can be more singular, if there be any thing singular in times of revolution, than to find two noble- men who had so essentially contributed to the stability of William's throne, as Marlborough and Godolphin, at this very period, engaged in a clandestine correspondence with the exiled monarch. But such is the inconsistency of human nature ; and such is the fact which has been disclosed by the publication of papers from the pens of James and his confi- 30 LIFE OF MAKLliOUOUGU. [CH. IV. dential adherents. This conduct, which it is impossible to justify, yet admits of some palliation, if -we consider the cir- cumstances of tlie times, and the influence of example. The minds of men were not yet become fixed, nor their affections attached to a government of recent origin, founded on prin- ciples which wei'e far from being generally acknowledged. Besides, among the higher orders there were few who did not deem their services undervalued, their zeal ill rewarded, their hopes disappointed, or their pretensions overlooked ; while among the great mass of the people, a vast number either became indifferent to the advantages attending the change of government, or were no less dissatisfied with the reigning sovereign than they had been with bis predecessor. Hence we find an intercourse with the exiled family main- tained by persons of all ranks and parties, not excepting even some of the active partisans of the Revolution. In treachery so extensive, which is the prevailing vice of a revolutionary period, it is matter rather of regret than of surprise to find Marlborough implicated. For this conduct various causes may be assigned. Deeply indebted to the favour of James, it was not till after an anxious struggle between duty and gratitude, that he resolved to abandon his benefactor. The preceding pages will show his feelings at that interesting crisis ; and prove that he was not actuated by personal interest or ambition. Though dissatisfied with the arrangements introduced at the Revolution, he yet ac- quiesced in the change when accomplished ; and by accept- ing honours and employments under the new sovereign, he gave an unqualified assent to the established government. Soon afterwards, however, he, as well as many others of all denominations, was alienated by the endeavoui-s of the king to break down the barriers devised for the security of the national church, and to I'acilitate the admission of dissenters into the oflBces of government ; a measure scarcely less ob- noxious to the Tories than the introduction of Catholics to the Whigs. He was also offended by the cold and repulsive deportment of William towards those who had assisted in the Revolution, and the imprudent preference which he uni- formly displayed towards his foreign favourites. But the motive which seems more particularly to have actuated Marlborough, as well as many of those who entered into 1688-1690.] HIS CORKKSPONDENCE VTlTll JAMES 11. 31 communications with the court of St. Germains, was, the apprehension that a change of public sentiment might even- tually restore King James to the throne of his ancestors. Under the apparent influence of these considerations Marlborough listened to the overtures of the exiled monarch as early as the commencement of 1691, and through Colonel Sackville and Mr. Bulkeley, two of the Jacobite ogents, he testified in the most unqualified terms his contrition for his past conduct, and anxiety to make amends for his defection. From this period both he and his friend Godolphin occasion- ally maintained a clandestine intercourse with the court of St. Germains, and even made many communications on the state of public affairs and domestic transactions. On this intercourse we do not mean to throw the slightest doubt. Still, however, we can admit as the genuine language of Marlborough, only the few letters which he wrote to James, and which are either preserved or specifically mentioned, in the biographical narrative of that monarch ; for the reports of spies naturally assume the tinctui*e of tlieir character and views ; and such agents are invariably led to exaggeration, either to give interest to their intelligence, or to magnify their zeal and services. In fact, we have the candid avowal of James himself, that INIarlborough, when pressed to fulfil the promises he was said to have made, constantly evaded compliance. We must therefore draw the obvious conclusion, not only that the Jacobite agents deceived their employer, but that these professions and communications were merely illusory, and intended to secure an indemnity in case of a counter-revolution. This inference has been so clearly drawn by the monarch himself, that we cannot better express our opinion than in the w ords of his biographer. After advert- ing to the very communication in question, he observes : "Nevertheless the king found no effects from these mighty promises, for his majesty insisting upon his offer of bringing over the English troops in Flanders, as the greatest service lie could do him, he excused himself under pretence that there ivas some mistake in the message ; that it would ruin all to make the troops come over by parcels; that his busi- ness w^as to gain an absolute power over them, then to do all the business at once." Having related the mode in which Marlborough obtained 32 Ml K or MAi:i,i;onouGii. [en. iv. a promise of pardon for himself, his lady, Lord Godolphin, and others, he adds : " So that, in fine, they were to be i)ar- doned and in security, in case the king returned, and yet to suiFer nothing in tlie interim, nor to give any other proofs of their sincerity, than bare words and empty promises, which, under pretence of being suspected, or doing greater service afterwards, there was never ibund a suitable time to put th(i least of them in execution. However, the king thought fit to bear with this sort of double dealing," 8cc.* This intercourse was either not suspected, or not re- garded ; for the success of Marlborough in Ireland was the prelude to his establishment in an honourable and confiden- tial post under William himself. In May, 1691, he accom- panied the king to the Continent ; and was employed in accelerating the military preparations, and assembling the troops for the ensuing campaign. On this occasion he ex- perienced that jealous opposition from the States General and their officers, which afterwards defeated his mox*e im- portant undertakings. Among other suggestions he strongly recommended measures for the security of Mons, the barrier of Flanders ; but his advice was rejected, and the place was lost. During this campaign his merit attracted particular notice; and induced discerning judges to prognosticate his future celebrity. Among others, the prince of Vaudemont, being asked by the king to give his opinion on the characters of the English generals, replied, " Kirk has fire, Laneir thought, Mackay skill, and Colchester bravery ; but there is something inexpressible in the Earl of Marlborough. AH their virtues seem to be united in his single person. I have lost," he emphatically added, " my wonted skill in physiog- nomy, if any subject of your majesty can ever attain such a height of military glory, as that to which this combination of sublime perfections must raise him." William acknow- ledged the propriety of the observation by replying, with a smile, " Cousin, you have done your part in answering my question ; and I believe the Earl of Marlborough will do his to verify your prediction." At the conclusion of the campaign Marlborough returned to England, appax-ently high in the confidence and esteem of the sovereign, for he was one of the generals appointed to * See Appendix, note A. 1692. J COURT DISSENSIONS. 33 serve the ensuing year. Indeed, tlie manil'est preference which he enjoyed, excited the envy of many among the mi- nisters. We find the marquis of Caermarthen, in particular, designating him, even to the queen, as the "general of favour," and interfering so invidiously in military business as to draw from Marlborough an indignant appeal to the king. The countenance of the monarch, however, supported him amidst these petty vexations ; and the year closed with the same flattering prospects which had marked its com- mencement. Chap. V. — Cabals against the Duke. — 1 692. Notwithstanding this apparent favour, Marlborough soon felt the natural effects of his delicate connexion with the actual possessor, and the presumptive heiress to the crown. We have already traced the commencement of the conten- tions between the king and the Princess Anne, which succes- sive incidents continued to increase. Among other causes of dissatisfaction, she was offended at the rejection of an offer made by the prince her husband, to serve on board of the fleet, and still more by the mode in which it was conveyed. Such bickerings could not have failed to recoil on Marlbo- rough and his countess, even had he not rendered himself particularly obnoxious by his indiscreet remonstrances against the king's bounty to his foreign adherents, and by his contemptuous treatment of the earl of Portland, whom he publicly stigmatised as a wooden fellow.* The odium which he thus incurred was manifested by the refusal of the king to confer on him the order of the Garter, though it was earnestly solicited both by the prince and princess of Denmark. Such mutual irritation could not long continue without producing an open rupture. Accordingly, on the evening of January 9th, 1692, an indecorous altercation took place * In one of Lord Godolphin's letters to Marlborough, he designates; Portland as " bim whom you used to call ' un homme de bois. '" The duchess also, in one of her narratives, says, her husband used to call the oar! of Portland " a wooden fellow." VOL. I. D 34 Ml'K OK MAllLnolIOUGII. [cil. V. between the two royal sisters, aiul the queen did not hesitate to tlu'eaten the princess witli a reduction of lier revenue to one half of the actual amount. Whether Marlborough and Ids lady were implicated in this uncourtly scene is uncertain; but he felt the first public effect of the royal dispieaswr.-. On the ensuing morning, afti-r fulfilling his usual duties as lord of the bed-chamber, lie received an onler from the king, through Lord Nottingham, secretary of state, announcing his dismission from all his offices, both civil and military, and prohibiting his appearance at court This affront towards a faithful servant rankled in the mind of the princess, and a gloomy reserve prevailed in the royal family, which portended a new commotion. At this moment, also, the enemies whom jNEarlborough had provoked by hi.s remonstrances and sarcasms, omitted no effort to widen the breach. A powerful cabal was formed by the earl of Port- land and the family of Villiers*, whose intrigues were ren- dered more dangerous by their intimate access to the king. To this cabal belonged Lady Fitzharding, a sister of the countess of Portland, who availed hei'self of her situation in the household of the princess, and the confidence of Lady Marlborough, to act as a spy on the conduct of the princess and her favourite ; and to report, in aggravated terms, the indecorous and insulting language which they habitually used in speaking of the king.f * Edward Villiers, afterwards successively created Baron Villiers, and earl of Jersey, was in high favour with King William, to whom his sister Elizabeth was mistress, and at the same time his lady enjoyed the con- fidence of Queen Mary. Viscountess Fitzharding was his third sister; and the fourth was married to the earl of Portland. During the wholi- reign of William this family exercised prodigious influence; a circum- stance which was the more extraordinary because lie liimself was con- sidered as a Jacobite, and liis wife was a bigoted Catliolie. f In tlie indorsement of a letter from Lady Fitzharding, the ducliess admits the indiscretion of her language, and says, it was reported to the king and queen. In similar indorsements to letters from Mrs. Elizabeth Villiers, afterwards Lady Orkney, she states, that this lady overheard much of this im])rudent language, and that she was in the cabal against the Earl of Marlborough. In fact, when we find, even in the letters of the princess, such epithets a]iplied to William as " the monster," " Calibiin." and "the Dutch abortion,'' we cannot suppose that the style of her favour- ite was more decorous, or their ordinary conversation more guarded. These offensive terms the duchess has carefully expunged from all thd 1692.] DISGltACKU AT CQUUT. 35 Early in January an anonymous letter was conveyed to the princess, indicating this cabal, and announcing that the disgrace of Marlborough would not terminate witli liis dis- mission ; but that, on the pi-orogation of parliament, he would be imprisoned. This correspondent also stated that the tears which she had been seen to shed since the disgrace of Marlborough had provoked the king and queen, and that the meeting which he held with Godolphin and Russel on the evening of his dismission had excited great jealousy at court. It concluded with apprising the princess that slie would be compelled to dismiss Lady Marlborough. This informant was not widely mistaken. The countess, who had absented herself from court since the disgrace of her lord, was at length persuaded by her friends to attend the princess at the levee of the queen, on the 4th of Feb- ruary. Such an imprudent step, which was far from being prompted by motives of respect, was considered as a preme- ditated insult. On the ensuing morning a harsh letter was conveyed from the queen, commanding the princess to dis- miss Lady Marlborough without delay. Instead, however, of complying, she still farther provoked tlie queen by a jus- tification of her favourite, and an order was transmitted by the lord chamberlain, enjoining the countess to remove froni the palace of Whitehall. The order was the prelude to an utter breach. Anne, disdaining to remain in a place from whence her friend and confidante was excluded, quitted her own apartments, and, after a temporary stay at Sion Hill, tiie seat of the duke of Somerset, established her residence at Berkley House. Common resentment and common mortification gave new strength to the romantic affection which subsisted between the princess and her favourite. To an offer made by the countess, of withdrawing from her service, Anne replied with the most tender expostulations, asseverating that she was not the cause of the rupture which had occurred. In one of her notes she observes, " I really long to know how my dear jNIrs. Freeman got home ; and now I have this oppoitii- nity of writing, she must give me leave to tell her, if slie should ever be so cruel to leave her faithful Mrs. Morley, she letters of the princess, which she has printed in her " Conduct." and has even erased them in the originals. u 2 36 LIFE^ipF MAKLIJOROUGII. [CH. V. will rob her of the joy of her lite ; for if that day should come, I should never enjoy another happy minute; and 1 taper being found, measures were immediately adopted to secure the supposed delinquents. As peers could not be arrested except on an alBdavit, Young made the customary deposition for drawing up the several warrants. When that against Marlborough was pre- sented to the cabinet council for approbation, three of th« 1692.] PRISONER IN THE TOWER. 37 members, the earls of Devonshire and Bradford, and Lord Montagu, appear to have been struck by the infamous cha- racter of the accuser ; and, instead of affixing their signa- tures, contemptuously handed it to those sitting next. It was, however, sanctioned by the majority, and was carried into execution. In the language of conscious innocence, Marlborough made an immediate appeal to those members of the administration in whose integrity he confided. To the earl of Devonshire, lord high steAvard, he wrote : — "I am so confident of my innocence, and so convinced, if there be any such letter, that it must appear to be forged and made use of only to keep me in prison, that 1 cannot doubt but your lordship Avill be so kind as to let me find your protection against such a proceeding, which will be a reproach to the government, as well as an injury to yours," &c. He made a similar appeal to the marquis of Caerinarthen, president of the council, whose judgment, he was convinced, would not be biassed by the remembrance of their former contentions. " Having been informed that it is now publicly discoursed in Westminster Hall to-day, that a letter under my hand was to be produced to the grand jury, to induce them to find a bill against me, I beg leave to assure your lordship, upon my honour and credit, that, if any such letter be pretended, it must and will, upon examination, appear so plainly to have been forged, that as it can be of no credit or advantage to the government, so I doubt not but your lordship's justice will be ready to protect me from so injurious a proceeding, who am," &c. The arrest of Marlborough, though not unforeseen, struck a panic into the court of Berkley House. We find a letter of condolence, written by the princess to her favourite, as soon as the news had transpired : " I hear Lord Marlborough is sent to the Tower ; and though 1 am certain they have nothing against hitn, and expected by your letter it would be so, yet I was struck when I was told it ; for methinks it is a dismal thing to have one's friends sent to that place. I have a thousand melanclioly thoughts, and cannot lielp fearing they should hinder you from coming to me ; though how they can do that, without making you a prisoner, I cannot imagine. I am just told by pretty good hands, that as soon as the wind turns westerly there will be a guard set upon tho o S ?"i LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGH. [oH. V. prince and me. If you hear then' is any such tiling designed, and that 'tis easy to you, pray let me see vou hefoic the wind changes; for after- wnrds one docs not know whether they will let one have opportunities of speaking to one another. But let them do what they please, nothing shall ever vex me, so I can have the satisfaction of seeing dear Mrs. Free- man; and I swear I would live on bread and water, between four walls, with her, without repining ; for as long as you continue kind nothing can ever l)e a real mortification to your faithful Mrs. Morlcy •, who wishes she may never enjoy a moment's happiness, in this world or the next, if ever she proves false to you." Whether the hint which the princess conveys, of a de.sign to place her and her consort under restraint, was an effect of mere rinnour ; or whether William was unwilling to hazard so decisive a measure, we cannot ascertain. But the princess suffered no other mortification than the imprison- ment of" her zealous adherent, and the loss of the honour attached to her high station. In endeavouring to trace the causes of this mysterious transaction, Ave must distinguish between the disgrace and arrest, and the subsequent detention of Marlborough. Some who were well acquainted with his early history, especially the duchess, ascribe his disgrace to the zeal he displayed in promoting the grant of a permanent revenue to the prin- cess of Denmark. Others have imputed his mortifications to the jealousy which his popularity and military talents raised in the mind of William ; to an accusation that he at- tempted to sow divisions in the army ; and to his disclosure of a design formed for the surprise of Dunkirk. Finally, the cause has been sought in the bickerings between the two courts, and the imprudent remonstrances which Marl- ])orough presumed to make against the partiality of the king towards his Dutch adherents, and his reserve towards tiie English. Of all these' different conjectures, the last alone is suffi- cient to account for the dismission of Marlborough : for the magnanimous character of William exempts him from the slightest imputation of personal jealou.sy; the charge of * The origin of this nomenclature has been already explained, (at page 16.) as a suggestion of the kind-hearted princess, who thought by these familiar names to bring all parties into a more free and unre- served communion. Lord Godolphin, who formed another confidential member of the circle, was termed Mr. Monfpomery. — En. 1692.] CAUSES OF HIS IMPRISONMENT. 39 endeavouring to sow divisions in the army was a more vague rumour of tlie day ; the design against Dunkirk did not take place till the ensuing August ; and the earl was confidentially employed by the king, more than two years after the dis- cussion relative to the revenue of the princess. For Marlborough's subsequent detention, we must seek another cause, namely, his clandestine intercourse with the exiled family. We have already adverted to the commence- ment of that intercourse : and whether the motive which induced him to listen to the overtures of the Stuart agents, arose from disgust with William, or the fear of a counter- revolution, we cannot doubt that it must have operated with double force, during the course of the preceding winter, when he was personally implicated in the dispute between the princess and the king ; and when a powerful expedition was preparing in the French ports, to restore the exiled monarch. So general was the panic felt on this occasion, that even the pnncess of Denmark herself made overtures to her father, towards the close of 1691. Such a corre- spondence could not have entirely escaped the vigilance of William ; and he might naturally have ascribed the overture of the princess to the advice of Marlborough and his countess, who possessed her full confidence. But whatever were his suspicions, the evidence on which they were founded was too slender to justify severer measures ; for otherwise the powerful cabal, whom Marlborough had so grievously of- fended, would scarcely have failed to push their vengeance farther than mere detention. The atrocious forgery of Young was detected the instant he was confronted with the bishop of Rochester. Accord- ingly the prelate, and all those implicated in the same charge, except Marlborough, were released without delay. Even the arrested Jacobites were liberated, when the defeat of the French fleet off La Hogue had dissipated the alarm of in- vasion. But although the guilt of Young and his associate was legally substantiated*, and although they suffered a * The duchess asserts that wlien Young was about to suffer death, for another crime, he confessed with great contrition that he had obtained the Earl of Marlborough's seal and signature by writing to him under the name of a country gentleman, requesting the character of a domestic who had lived in his service. Marlborough acknowledged, wheu the forged D 4 40 LIl'E OF MARLBOROUGH. [ClI. VI. severe punishment for tlu'ir offence, Miirlborough was df;- tained in custody till the last day of tlie term. He was then admitted to bail in the court of King's Bench, on the surety of the earl of Shrewsbur}', the marquis of Halifax, the earl of Carbury, and Mr. Boyle. Still, liovvever, some suspicion was entertained of liis fidelity, or his enemies did not deem him sufficiently morti- fied ; for on the 23d of June his own name, and those of his two sureties, the marquis of Halifax and the earl of Shrews- bury were erased fi-om the list of privy counsellors. Such severe measures created much dissatisfaction. Admiral Rus- sel in particular, who had acquired additional consideration from his recent victory off La Hogue, strongly remonstrated with the king on the harshness shown towards a nobleman who had contributed to place the crown on his head. At the commencement of Michaelmas term, Marlborough, with his sureties, applied to be discharged from their re- cognisance. Their demand being rejected, they, on the meeting of Parliament, appealed to the House of Peers, as well against his detention without any specific charge, as against the subsequent refusal to release his bail. The appeal was warmly supported by Shrewsbury, who repre- sented Marlborough as ungratefully and unjustly treated ; and the question gave rise to several vehement debates. At length the king terminated the discussion by discharging the recognisance, and the House of Peers vindicated their pri- vileges, by a declaration against such arrests and detention of their members in future. The ministers were exonerated by a bill of indemnity. Chap. VI. — Marlborough's Restoration to Power. — 1692-1697. ^.FTER his liberation, the Earl of Marlborough was estranged rom the court. His income being reduced by the loss of his lucrative employments, he alternately resided at his mansion papers were shown him, tliat the hand-writing was so exactly imitated as to have deceived even himself, had he not been conscious that he had never signed such instrument. 1692-1697.] DKATII OF QUEEN MARY. 41 of SandritL , and in the apartments which his hidy occupied at Berkley House. The Princess Anne, indeed, considered liim as the victim of her cause, and proposed to create in her household a new place in his favour, with a salary of 1000/. a year ; but the oS'er was declined. Soon alter this period, attempts were made to soothe tlie resentment of the king. The duke of Shrewsbury, who had recently been appointed secretary of state, and placed at tlie head of a new administration, availed himself of the complaints, arising from the ill success of the war on the Continent, to recommend Marlborough to notice. But to his urgent representations in INIarlborough's fiivour, William coldly replied, " I do not think it for the good of my service to intrust the command of my troops to him." Towards the close of the year, a melancholy event oc- curi'ed, which produced a change in the situation of the royal family. This was, the death of Queen Mary, which happened on the 28th of December, 1694. Since the un- fortunate rupture, which followed the disgrace of Marl- borough, various attempts had been made to mediate a re- conciliation between the queen and princess, but without effect ; because the offended dignity of Mary vanquished her affection as a sister, and in her last moments her disorder was too malignant, and her dissolution too sudden for her to 'eceive the overtures made by the princess. The death of the queen placed William in a new and cri- tical situation. Many had begun to suggest doubts of his right to the crown, and some even argued, that as the par- liament had been summoned in the joint names of the king and queen, it was dissolved by the death of either. Had the princess abetted these objections, she might doubtless have created much confusion in the state, and formed a party dangerous to the authority of the king. But instead of testifying the slightest wish to question his right, she made an affectionate appeal to his feelings, in a letter of con- dolence, expressing extreme concern at having incurred the displeasure of the deceased queen, and declaring her readiness to wait on him, and give proofs of respect for his person, and zeal for his interest. At the moment when this spontaneous overture had pro- duced its effect, Lord Somers, who had long regretted the 42 MFK OK MAKM50i:0i;(iII. [on. VI. iVuds in the royal fiimily, repaired to the puhice of Ken- sington. He found the king sitting at the end of his closet, in an agony of grief, more acute than seemed consonant to his phlegmatic temper. Ahsorbed in reflection, William took no notice of the intrusion, till Somers himself broke silence, by proposing to terminate the unhappy difference with the princess. The king replied, " My lord, do what you will ; I can think of no business!" To a repetition of the proposal, the same answer was returned. By the agency of Somers an interview was accordingly arranged, in which the king received the princess with cordiality, and in- formed her that the palace of St. James's should be appro- priated for her future residence. During the interval between the liberation of Marl- borough and the death of Queen Mary, we find him, in conjunction with Godolphin, and many others, continuing a clandestine intercourse with the exiled family. On the 2d of May, 1694, only a few days before he offered his services to King William through Lord Shrewsbury, he communicated to James, by Colonel Sackville, intelligence of an expedition, then fitted out, for the purpose of destroying the fleet in Brest harbour. Godolphin, though a minister, is even said to have made the same disclosure on the preceding day. We are far from attempting to palliate this act of infidelity; yet from the time and circumstances of the communication, we are inclined to regard it in no other light than as one of the various expedients adopted by Marlborough and others, to regain the good will of their former sovereign, that their demerits might be overlooked in the event of a restoration. This inference may fairly be drawn fi'om all the circum- stances attending the expedition. The communication is said to have been made by Godolphin on the first of May ; and on the second by Marlborough, through Colonel Sack- ville. This was only the day before the Etiglish fleet put to sea. Allowing for the time requisite to convey the infor- mation to St. Germains, it evidently could not have been the cause that the Brest fleet escaped, and joined that of Toulon ; for it had sailed even before Admiral Russel reached Ports- mouth to assume the command. As little could it have been the cause of the ultimate failure ; for the magnitude and nature of the preparations must have indicated to the enemy 1692-1697.] HIS COUlJiCSPONDKNCE WITH JAMKS. 43 the object of attack, long before such information could reach the Frencli court. In fact, some letters which passed be- tween Admiral Russel and Shrewsbury, prove that they considered the expedition as hopeless so early as the begin- ning of May. They concur in ascribing the failure to the delays wliich arose, and the inadequacy of the land force employed, and they admit that these delays gave the enemy an: pie time to mature all his measures of defence. But whatever were the real motives of Marlborough, in lliis and similar communications to the exiled monarch, his intercourse with the Stuart agents could not be concealed ; ;ind a proof of the danger to which he exposed himself, was p.rtbrded in the case of wSir John Fenwick.* * Fenwick was one of the most notorious Jacobites, and deeply inripli- cated in the plot to assassinate King William. Being arrested in his attempt to escape, his guilt was proved by an intercepted letter, which he had addressed to his wife. After strongly denying the charges against him, in his examination before the lords justices, he was confounded by the production of this letter, and offered to purchase his pardon by an ample disclosure, provided he was excused from appearing as an evidence. His request being denied, he threw himself on the royal mercy. To prove his contrition, he delivered to the duke of Devonshire, lord liigh steward, who, by tlie king's order, visited him in the Tower, a written confession, containing vague accounts of the plots and projects of the Jacobites, and obscure allusions to certain persons, who were stated to be intrusted with the management of King James's affairs in England. Being required to specify these persons, he delivered other papers, in which he named the duke of Shrewsbury, the Earls of Marlborough and Hath, Lord Godolphin, Admiral Russel, and others of less note. He also indicated the services which they were respectively to perform ; stating in particular that King James deemed himself secure of the army by means of Lord Marlborough. He added, that Shrewsbury, Marlborough, and Russel had accepted pardons from their former sovereign. As these accusations were too ill defined, and ill supported, to obtain credit, Fenwick was ordered for trial. But from the absence of the duke of Devonshire, in the country, and the expectation of the king's return from the Continent, the prosecution was deferred. The delay afforded his friends an opportunity of tampering with Goodman, a principal wit- ness against him, who was bribed to escape beyond sea. Captain Porter, the second witness, affected to listen to similar proposals; but betrayed the attempt to government, and contrived that his conversation with Lady Mary Fenwick should be overheard, and the fact substantiated. Still, however, as Porter alone remained, Fenwick hoped to escape, because I he law of treason requires the crime to be proved by t^^o competent w itnesses. The accusations against persons so high in rank and confidence pro- 44 LIFE OK MAKl.IJOROUGH. [OH. VI We have no document to prove the feelings of Marl- borough during this investigation, except a single letter to een maintained with the exiled family, arose, in most in- stances, rather from fear, selfishness, or gratitude, than from disaftection ; and that in proportion as his throne became more stable, his subjects appeared less hesitating in their allegiance. Hence at different times, he employed many of those whom he knew to have been implicated in such an with the Stuart Papers, published by Macpherson, and t!ie Life of James 11., edited by Clarke, that Marlborough was fully justified in his declaration, that he had held no communication whatever with Fenwick atler the commencement of the war. It is, however, remarkable, that not only the accusations of Fenwick, but also the suggestions of Lord Monmouth, were grounded on the information which was conveyed to the court of St. Germains by the Stuart agents and spies. We mav tiierefore conclude, that the substance was furnished by the loquacity of these agents; that in the moment of alarm these hints were thrown out by the criminal, with a view to avert or suspend his fate, by operating on the fears of those who had reason to dread farther disclosures; and that 7.-hen put t.) the test he w:is either unable to substantiate them, for want of evidence, or was unwilling to injure the cause for which he suffered, by revealing the sources of his information. 48 LIFK 01" MARLBOKOLGH. [cil. VI. intercourse, and found no cause to repent of liis confidence. It was probably from the same motive that he at length con- signed to Marlborough an employment of the highest trust. As it was now deemed proper to form a separate esta- blishment for the young duke of Gloucester, presumptive heir to the throne, the princess, his mother, was anxious that the charge of his person sliould be confided to a nobleman so high in her esteem, and so accomplished, as the Earl of JNIarlborough. Her inclinations wei'e perfectly in unison with the public voice. But the king was at first averse to the appointment, and at one time purposed to fill the offices in the new establishment, without consulting her wishes. With a view of excluding Marlborough, he offered the post of governor to the duke of Slirewsbury, who, from ill health was then soliciting permission to relinquish the fatiguing office of secretary of state. The duke declining the appointment, William remained in suspense, from dislike of Marlborough, and the difficulty of selecting a person who, with equal merit, was less obnoxious. At length his repug- nance was overcome by the representations of Lord Sunder- land, the suggestions of the new favourite, Lord Albemarle, who had recently supplanted Portland, the recommendation of the Tories, who were rising in influence, and the dread of being obliged to consign the prince to a nobleman of so froward a temper as I;ord Rochester, whose cause was espoused by the violent members of his party. Having taken his resolution, he conferred the office on JMarlborough in the most gracious manner ; and delivered the young prince into his care with a compliment of unusual warmth : " Teach liim," he said, " to be like yourself, and he will not want accomplishments." The coadjutor of Marlborough in the office of preceptor was the celebrated Dr. Burnet, bishop of Salisbury, whose learning, fi-ankness, and integrity, entitled him to the confi- dence of the king. The governor and preceptor indeed differed widely in political principles, for the bishop was distinguished by his attachment to the Whig cause ; but this diversity of sentiment created no discordance in the fulfil- ment of their important duties. Their esteem and respect were mutual, and their public connexion became the foun- dation of a friendship, which lasted through life. 1692-1697.] PRECEPTOR TO DUKE OF GLOUCESTER. 49 After making so great a sacrifice in the choice of a £rovernor, William became less scrupulous in inferior regu- lations. Except the nomination of Burnet, as the preceptor, against the wish of the princess, who disliked his political principles, the king seems to have left to her, or rather to Marlborough, the selection of the dilFerent attendants who were placed about the person of his nephew. The very evening of his appointment, Marlborough was restoi-ed to his place in the privy council, and to his military rank and employments. In the course of the two succeeding years he was also named one of the lords justices, who were intrusted with the government during the absence of the king. The appointment of Bishop Burnet gave great offence to the violent Tories, and they were little more satisfied with that of Marlborough, in whose post they were anxious to place the earl of Rochester, uncle of the young prince. Accordingly a motion was made in parliament, for an address to remove Bishop Burnet, in consequence of the censure passed by the House of Commons on his Country and Pas- toral Letter, which had been ordered to be burnt by the common executioner. This invidious attack was, however, repelled by a great majority. Marlborough supported his colleague with all his interest, having even prevailed on his brother, George Churchill, who was a zealous Tory, to absent himself from the house on the day the motion was decided. Considering the known bias of the princess, and the diversity of their political sentiments, this conduct reflects honour on his candour and impartiality. Trained up under a governor so accomplished, and under so learned and skilful a preceptor, the young prince rapidly improved in personal and mental acquirements ; and gave the most promising indications of virtues and qualities, which were likely to adorn a crown. But like the Marcellus of Rome, he was shown to an anxious country, only to be admired and regretted. In the dawn of youth, amidst the vows and prayers of his destined subjects, he was hurried to a premature grave. Lord and Lady Marlborough were at Althorpe when he was fii'st seized ; but the progress of the fatal disorder was 30 rapid, that the afflicted governor arrived at Windsor only VOL. I. E 50 LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGn. [cn. VII. in time to receive the dyinj^j breath of his royal charge, who expired on the 30th of July, 1700, aged eleven years aii 1 five days.* Chap. VII. — Characters of Godolpuin and Sunderland. 1698-1700. At this period the family of Marlborough consisted of one son, John, Marcjuis of Blandford, and four daughters, Hen- rietta, Anne, Elizabeth, and Mary. The two eldest daugh- ters, Henrietta and Anne, being now marriageable, their beauty and accomplishments attracted many admirers of rank and fortune. But in the choice of an alliance, the parents did not lay the slightest restraint on the inclinations of their children ; and preferred to every other advantage the ties of friendship, and the characters of the individuals to whom they confided their beloved pledges. From an early period of the reign of Charles II. an inti- mate connexion had subsisted between Marlborough and Godolphin, which took its rise from their intercourse in public employments, and was afterwards cemented by simi- larity in political principles, both being Tories and high churchmen, but without the rancour and prejudice which marked the distinctions of party. Their union was ren- dered more cordial by the diversity of their talents and pur- suits, Marlborough being attached to th, and the animosity of both parties proved their resolution to make the conduct and result of the expedition a subject of parliamentary inquiry. Marlborough was aware that such an investigation could 1702.] GRATITUDE OF HIS COUNTRY. 101 neither remedy the past, nor produce advantage for the future ; vvliile he was conscious that it would give rise to party feuds, which could not tail to pi'ove highly detrimental to the common cause in general, and to p]ngland in particular. He therelbre laboured to soothe the irritation of the re- spective chiefs, who appear to have been swayed by the prudent admonitions of Marll^orough. They desisted from their mutual accusations ; and the public, overlooking their failure at Cadiz, acknowledged their unexpected success at Vigo, with higher applause than it deserved. Chap. XIV. — . Returns to England. — 1702. Before the return of Marlborough to England, the queen had summoned a new parliament. The Tories, by the in- fluence of the crown and their own exertions, secured a con- siderable majority ; Harley was re-chosen speaker without opposition, and the decisions of contested elections unequi- vocally manifested their ascendency. It Avas natural that a parliament so constituted should not be sparing in its praise of a general, who had hitherto distinguished himself by at- tachment to Tory principles. Yet the intrinsic value of his exploits was not so much regarded, as the contrast they pre- sented to the less fortunate operations of King William. In the address of the Commons this sentiment was shown by the expression, " The wonderful success of your majesty's arms, under the conduct of the Earl of Marlborough, has signally retrieved the ancient honour of this nation." The Whigs made a vigorous eifort to change this invidious term ; but after a warm debate, they lost their amendment by a majo- rity of a hundred voices. The public joy was testified by a thanksgiving at St. Paul's, which was attended by the queen and both houses of parliament. It has been generally imagined that the ducal title, with which Marlborough was soon afterwards honoured, was ob- tained solely by the intluence of his countess ; it was, however, on the contrary, the spontaneous act of the queen, suggested by the warmest sentiments of friendship and gratitude. Lady H 3 102 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XIV. Marll)orough wrote in earnest terms to her husband, urging liim to decline this accession of honour ; and although it ap- j>ears that he was not averse to so distinguished a mark ot favour, her remonstrances at least suspended liis decision. " Hague, Nov. 4. — You know ," he observes, " I am very ill at com- pliments, but I have a heart full of gratitude: therefore pray say all you can to the queen for her extraordinary goodness to me. As you have let me have your thoughts as to the dukedom, you shall have mine in short, since I shall have the happiness of being with you so soon, when I may advise with you more at large on this matter. But i)e assured that 1 shall have a mind to nothing, but as it may be easy to you. I do agree with you tiiat we ought not to wish for a greater title, till we have a better estate. Your other objection is also very just, that this promotion might bring great solicitations upon the queen, which I am sure I would not give occasion for. The queen's goodness in being desirous to establish my family, answers the first, since that may be done this winter; for 1 agree with you, that it should be done before the title." The solicitations of the queen, and the importunities of Lord Godolphin, as well as the representations of Pensionary Heinsius, at length vanquished the reluctance of the countess. The earl was accordingly created Marquis of Blandford and Duke of Marlborough, by letters patent, dated December 14. 1702. The queen, fully sensible that his property was in- sufficient to maintain so high a dignity, sent a message to the House of Commons, stating that she had created him a duke, and conferred on him 5000/. per annum out of the post-office for her own life. She concluded with requesting the house to devise a proper mode for settling this grant on himself and his successors in the title. Contrary to her ex- pectation, the proposal occasioned violent debates ; and in- vidious insinuations were thrown out that Marlborough was endeavouring to monopolise the royal favour. Sir Christo- pher Musgrave, in particular, said, he did not wish to de- tract from the duke's eminent services, but he must insist that they had been well rewarded. He concluded with ex- patiating on the profitable employments which he and his family enjoyed. In consequence of the spirit manifested by the Commons, the duke solicited the queen to recall her mes- sage, lest he should be the cause of obstruction to the public service. She accordingly communicated his request to the house, and withdrew her application ; but the predominant party did not omit to make a strong remonstrance against 1702.] GRANT TO PRINCE OF DENMARK. 103 the proposed grant, fraught with the most acrimonious re- tlections on the memory of King William, and on his profu- sion towards his foreign favourites. This disappointment only rendered the queen more anxious to display her grati- tude and esteem. The very day in which the remonstrance of the Commons was presented, she imparted to the duchess her design of adding 2000/, a year out of the privy purse, to the grant of the 5000/. already made during her own life, from the revenue cf the post-office. Notwithstanding the earnest solicitations of the queen, this liberal offer was respectfully but firmly declined. * From gi-atitude for the kindness of the queen, Marlbo- rough and his friends zealously exerted themselves in par- liament, to promote a measure in which she was personally interested. The first wish of Anne on her accession was, to associate her husband in the regal dignity ; but her design being overruled, as unconstitutional, she became more anxious to secure to him a permanent revenue. The proposal was communicated to parliament by a message, requesting the settlement of a farther provision on the prince of Denmark, in case of his survival. Mr Howe, member for Gloucester- shire, a zealous Toi'y, moved, on the 21st of November, for a grant of 100,000/. yearly. As the Tories, who formed the majority, were decidedly favourable to this measure, no op- position was made to the gi'ant itself; but objections were urged against a clause annexed to the bill, intended to con- tinue to the prince the offices already conferred on him during the life of the queen, by exempting him from the effect of that clause in the act of settlement, by which foreigners w^ere forbidden to hold offices of state, on the ac- cession of the Hanover line. After a trifling debate the bill passed the Commons, but in the House of Lords encountered the most violent op- position. The friends of the queen strenuously exerted themselves, though they did not prevail without extreme difficulty, and by a majority of only one voice. The grati- * This disinterestedness would be entitled to high applause, if the duchess had consistently maintained the same spirit ; but in a subse- quent part of these memoirs (ch. 98. ), we shall find that on her disgrace ghe claimed and received the whole pension for the preceding nino year<4 H 4 104 MK1-: OF MAKI.BOUOUGH. [ciI. XIV. tude of tlie quefn for tln^ exertions of Miirlborougli appears in one of her letters to tlu; dueliess. "lam sure tlie jirince's hill passing after so much struggle, is wholly owing to the pains you and IMr. Treeinan have t.ikun, and 1 ought to say a great deal to botli of you in return, but neither words nor actions can ever exj)ress the true sense Mr. Moriey and I have of your sincere kind ness on this and all other occasions; and therefore I will not say any more on this subject, but that to my last moment, your dear luifortunate faithful Morley will l)e most ])assionately and tenderly yours." The Duke and Duche.ss of Marlborough were deeply cha- grined to find among the most zealous opponents of this measure their son-in-law, Lord Sunderland, wlio had recently taken his seat in the House of Peers, on the death of his father. He not only spoke against the grant, but signed the protests. The impetuous spirit of the duchess was peculiarly irritated by this mark of disrespect. In her zeal for the gratification of the queen, she forgot her attachment to Wliig principles, and it was not without the utmost difficulty that her amiable daughter, Lady Sunderland, effected a reconci- liation. This incident was among the earliest of that series of mortifications which Mtirlborough experienced from the party spirit of his son-in-law, and may be considered as one of the causes of the rooted antipathy Avhich the queen fos- tered against Lord Sunderland. During this session of parliament, Marlborough took an active share in promoting a bill, which in appeai'ance was calculated to add to the security of the national church, but in reality to increase tlie strength of the Tories, by depriving the Whig party of the support dra\vn from the moderate dissenters. Since the passing of the corporation and test acts, the antipathy against the dissenters had gradually diminished. In consequence of the zeal which they had manifested at the Revolution, and the countenance they had received from William, many of the less rigid had ob- tained admission into corporations and offices under govern- ment, by receiving the communion, though without con- forming I'egularly to the worshii:) of the church of England. They naturally joined the Whigs, and were zealous sup- porters of the wai', which they deemed necessary to consoli- date the Revolution, and secure both civil and religious liberty. Hence they became obnoxious to the Tory or high 1702.] PKEPAKATI0N3 RENEWED. 105 church party. Accordingly, soon after the accession of Anne, the adherents of" tlie court evinced a strong inclination to revive the penal statutes against occasional conformity ; and Marlborough interested himself so warmly in the mea- sure, that the author of a violent pamphlet, entitled " The Case of Toleration Recognised," which was intended to pre- pare the public mind, dedicated it to him, as a person of unsuspected zeal for the principles of the high church. At this period the partisans of the high church, deeming themselves sufficiently powerful to execute their design, a bill was introduced into the House of Commons for the pur- pose of preventing occasional conformity. It passed the commons by a large majority; but although supported in the upper house by the whole interest of the court and ministry, it was attacked with unusual vigour and perseverance. Even I he bench of bishops treated it as a mere party measure, and several either spoke or voted against it. Many amendments were proposed, and some of the clauses were carried only by a single voice, though the queen so far interested herself in the measure as to induce her husband himself, an occasional conformist, to give it his personal support. Amended or modified in many essential points, the bill was returned to the Commons. But after a long conference between the two houses, it was finally lost, by the refusal of the Commons to agree in the alterations made by the Lords.* Chap. XV. — Death of the Marquess of Blandford. — 1702. Notwithstanding the mortifications which Marlborough had endured from his Tory friends, he was gratified by their promptitude in granting the suppli(?s, both for the army and navy, as well as the subsidies for the pay of the foreign aux- iliaries. The parliament also voted a supply for an aug- mentation of 10,000 additional troops, under the condition that the States-general should prohibit all commerce and cor- respondence with France and Spain. The States were thus * Burnet. — Tindal, vol. xv. p. 452. 106 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XV. compelled to relinquish an intereourse against wliich Marl- borough liad remonstrated in vain ; and the king of France was deprived of the facility, which he had hitherto enjoyed, of remitting money to the elector of Bavaria and the Italian army, as well as his subjects of the profitable commerce which they carried on under the protection of the Dutch flag. While Marlborough was actively employed in maturing the military preparations, he was visited by a domestic ca- lamity of the severest kind, the death of his only son, the marquis of Blandford. His wife had borne him two sons, John and Charles, and four daughters. The daughters all survived ; but the second son, Charles, died at an early age. The elder, a promising youth, still remained, and had now reached his seventeenth year. He was amiable in disposi- tion, and united a solid understanding and lively parts with the most captivating mildness and docility. After receiving a careful education at Eton, where he dis- tinguished himself by his classical attainments, he was des- tined to fill the place of master of the horse to the young duke of Gloucester, that he might grow up in intimacy with the future sovereign. But on the death of the prince he was sent to King's College in the university of Cambridge, and placed under the tuition of Mr. Hare, afterwards well known as chaplain to the duke, and bishop of Chichester. Not- withstanding his high birth, splendid prospects, and courtly education, he set an example of aifability, regularity, and steadiness, above his years ; and in one of his letters to Lord Godolphin, he expresses the warmest approbation both of the studies and discipline of the place. He was regular also in the performance of his religious duties, and a punc- tual attendant at the administration of the holy sacrament. The turn of his character was displayed by the choice of his associates. His steady, affectionate, and studious disposition, led him to form an intimate friendship with Horace, after- wards Lord AValpole, who was then a fellow of the same col- lege, and who not only spoke of his qualities as singularly excellent and amiable, but at later times never mentioned his name without expressions of regret. In this early period of his life, the fame of his illustrious father inspired the young nobleman with a strong passion for a military life, and in the midst of the campaign in 1702 1703.] DEATH OF HIS SON. 107 v/e find him earnestly soliciting permission to serve in the Netherlands. Marll)orough was too much gratified with this indication of youthful spirit to reject his request ; but on re- ferring the proposal to the decision of his lady, the anxious mother shrunk from the prospect of the danger and hardship to which her darling son must necessarily be exposed in a military life. The youth, however, was not discouraged by this repulse, for he persisted in his resolution to enter the army, and promised to procure for his friend, Horace Wal- j)ole, a commission in the cavalr}^ that they might both serve together. On this promising youth the fond father placed his hopes of transmitting his name and honours to posterity, and the mother loved him with the enthusiastic warmth of her tem- per. Among the Blenheim Papers are several letters, which exhibit striking proofs of their parental solicitude. Two let- ters from ]\Iarlborough to the duchess display his bitter grief on this afflicting occasion. " Thursday, 9 in the morning. — I have this minute received Mr. Godolphin's letter, and have sent to Mr. Horto's, and do hope for what is desired, which tliis messenger will bring. I hope Dr. Haines and Dr. Coladon got to you early this morning. I am so troubled at the sad condition this jioor child seems to be in, that I know not what I do. I pray God to give you some comfort in this great affliction. If you think any thing under heaven can be done, pray let me know it, or if you think my coming can be of the least use, let me know it. 1 beg I may hear as often as possible, for I have no thought but what is at Cambridge. Medicines are sent by the doctors. 1 shall be impatient to the last degree till I hear fiom you." " Thursday night. — I writ to you this morning, and was in hopes I should have heard again before this time, for I hope the doctors were with you early this morning. If we must be so unhappy as to lose this poor child, I ]ir:iy God to enable us both to behave ourselves with that resig- nation which we ought to do. If this uneasiness which I now lie under siiould last long, I think I could not live. For God's sake, if there be any hope of recovery let me know it." The disorder, which was an attack of small-pox of the most malignant kind, rapidly increasing, the disconsolate father hurried to Cambridge, within a few hours after he had written this letter, and arrived only in time to close tlie eyes of his beloved son, who died on the morning of Satur- day, the 20th of February. His remains were interred in the cha[)el of King's College, where a monument is dedicated to his memory, with an appropriate inscription, expressive^ 108 LIFE OP MARLUOROUGII. [CH. XV. of his amiable qualities, both of person and mind, and the inconsolable affliction of his parents. No youth ever sunk into the grave amidst a more general expression of regret, or in circumstances more afflicting to his I'amily. From the numerous letters of condolence which testify the sympathy of tlie queen and the sorrow of friends and connexions, we select tiie most interesting. The Queen to the Duchess of Murlhorotigh. " St. James's. — It would have been a great satisfiiction to your poor unfortunate faithful Morley, if you would have given me leave to come to St. Alhau's, for the unfortunate ought to come to the unfortunate. But since you will not Ijave me, 1 must content myself as well as I can, till I have the happiness of seeing you here. I know nothing worth writing ; but if I did, I should not trouble you with it, being sure no sort of news can be agreeable to your dear heavy heart. God Almighty bless and comfort my dear Mrs. Freeman, and be assured, I will live and die sincerely yours." Mrs. Burnet to the Duchess of Marlborough. " Feb. 26. — Since from the first moment's fear of your present afflic- tion, I have borne a very painful and sensible share in it, forgive me if I err in presuming too much on the liberties you have formerly allowed me. I can say nothing to lessen the misfortune. It was as great as it could well be, because the person was as excellent, and perliaps has there- fore got an early dismission from the certain infelicities and almost unavoidable irregularities of a long life. Why should we wish those we love to be long tossed in storms, and in danger of an eternal shipwreck, rather than that they should make a short, secure and pleasant voyage to an everlasting state of joy and satisfaction, where lliey want us not, and gain an advantage, though we suffer by a short ahsfuce? I know your grace wants not the feeble helps I ain capable to bring, yet permit me to recommend one very reasonable reflection, and to beg you to recall it often, which is the many, very many blessings you have still remaining. To be yet one of the most fortunate persons in the world, is a subject for great thankfulness to God, thougli you were once possessed of a greater degree of happiness. To have not only the favour, but so far as the dis- tance permits, the friendship of a most excellent queen ; a husband you love, and worthy of it ; cliildren so remarkably good and amiable, and whose alliances and posterity give such just hopes of all that is desirable for the future, are such uncommon bounties of Providence, that great as your loss is, it will be a degree of ingratitude to God to let your thoughts so dwell on that, as not to take satisfaction in the large portion of bless- ings you still enjoy. I am persuaded you know how much submissioii to God is a duty, as well as the proper use of all afflictions. I have therefore only presumed to remind you of your remaining mercies, having generally observed that persons under present griefs are apt to slight and overlook their present advantages, which they would have found full satisfaction in, had they never possessed what they lament 1703.] HIS WILL. 109 when withdrawn. May God support you under this jrreat trial, and preserve you from all future eausts of sorrow, bless the remains of your gracious family, and f^ive the duke the best success, and a sate and glorious return ! This is the hope and constant prayer of your grace's," &c. Lord Peterborough to the Duke of Marlborough. " One cannot judge, my lord, what time is necessary to moderate so just a grief, or when one may venture to trouble your grace upon this occasion, but certainly interruption is necessary to melancholy thoughts ; and that affliction which cannot be overcome, must be diverted by the necessity of afiairs, or some other objects. Being alone, and not admit- ting friends, must necessarily increase and feed that affliction, which you are obliged to struggle with, since the misfortune is irreparable. " I know not whether it be a mitigation that every body bears a share in your loss, and that the concern is universal. It shows the value of what you no more enjoy ; but such is the state of human affairs, that what we possessed with much satisfaction, we are always in danger of losing with the greatest extremity of regret. " I heartily wish your grace may find ease in this affliction. Give me leave to say you must seek it, and what satisfaction this world can afford on other occasions." Ladif Sunderland to the Duke of Marlborough. " The share I have myself in this sad affliction makes it impossible for me to have a thought of comfort, which is the reason I do not trouble my dear mamma ; and indeed the feeling I have for the dearest father and mother that ever was, is inexpressible. I am sure if wishing my life might be a ransom for your never having trouble would hinder it, my dear dear papa and mamma would never feel any. If you think I should not be a troulile to mamma, I should be glad to go down to her ; though it will be a melancholy comfort, it will still be one to me, that am, with all passionate tenderness and duty, yours, A. S. •' Lord Sunderland does not write, because he thinks it would be only troublesome, but wishes at any rate he cimld give you ease in this afflic- tion, in which he has a great share." The death of so promising a youth was not merely a sub- ject of sorrow to the friends and connexions of the family, but became the theme of public condolence, and awakened the genius of the contemporary poets. Among others, Con- greve exercised his muse, in a pastoral called the " Tears of Amaryllis for Amyntas," wliich was presented to the Duches.s of Marlbtjrough by his patron Lord Halifax. A {k^-w days after Marlborough made a new disposition of his property, wliich was very considerable. He left his wife sole execu- trix, Avith all his plate, jewels, and i'urniture, and an addi- tional jointure of 2000/. a year, and the estate of St. Albau's, v/ith tlie manor of Sandridge, which belonged to her family, IJO LIFK OF MARLBOROUGH. [cil, XV. to descend to one of liei- children or gi'and-children. Should he, to use his own expression, be blessed with a son, he left him the bulk of his fortune ; but if not, he entreated the (jueen to create his son-in-law, Mr. Godolphin, earl of Marlborough, on the condition that he assumed the name and arms of Churchill. To him and to his heirs male by Lady Harriet, he bequeathed the greater part of his pro- perty, with remainder in tail male, to the second son of his second daughter by Lord Sunderland, and to the second son of his third daughter, Elizabeth, by the earl of Bridgewater, and finally to the second son of his fourth daughter, Mary, should she marry. He made some additions to the respec- tive portions of his daughters, and assigned jointures to his daughters and grand-daughters, in failure of male issue to himself, or other contingencies which were specified. The death of the marquess of Blandford suspended the duke's journey ; but after the first paroxysm of grief had subsided, the important occupations in which he was en- gnged contributed to divert, though they could not soothe tlie agony of his mind. In the beginning of March he de- parted for the Continent, where his presence was anxiously expected, with a heavy heart, though with undiminished zeal for the public service. During the progress of the campaign, the tender recollec- tion of his lost son frequently intruded itself on his mind, and the feelings of a father continually break forth in his correspondence. In several of his letters he expresses the warmest exultation at the prospect of male issue. " I have just now," he writes, "received your letters of the 6th. What you say to me of yourself gave me so much joy, that if any company had been by, when I read your letter, they must have observed a great alteration in me." The uncertain state of the duchess's health, however, frustrated these ex- pectations, and drew from him the tenderest expressions of sympathy and concern. " Val noire Dame. — I am so very uneasy since I received yours of the 23d of the last month, that I shall have no rest till 1 hear again from you, for your health is much dearer to me than my own. It is impos- sible for me to express what I feel, having seen by my lord treasurer of the same post, that he thought you very far from being well. For God's sake let me know exactly how you are; and if you think my being with you can do you any good, you shall quickly see you are much dearer to 1703.] MARRIAGE OF HIS THIRD DAUGHTER. Ill me than fame, or whatever the world can say ; for, should yoi do other- wise than well, I were the unhappiest man living." " Op-heeren, August 2. — I have received yours of the 23d, which has given me, as you may easily believe, a good deal of trouble. I beg you will be so kind and just to me, as to believe the truth of my heart, that my greatest concern is for that of your own dear liealth. It was a great pleasure to me when I thought that we should be blessed with more children ; but as all my happiness centers in living quietly with you, I do conjure you, by all the kindness I have for you, which is as much as ever man had for woman, that you will take the best advice you can for your health, and then follow exactly what shall be prescribed for you, and I do hope you will be so good as to let me have an exact account of it, and what the physicians' opinions are. If I were with you I would endeavour to persuade you to think as little as is possible of worldly business, and to be very regular in your diet, wliich I should hope would set you right in a very little time, for you have naturally a very good constitution. You and I have great reason to bless God for all we liave, so that we must not repine at his taking our poor child from us, but bless and praise him for what his goodness leaves us; and I do beseech him, with ail my heart and soul, that he would comfort and strengthen both you and me, not only to bear this, but any other correc- tion that he shall think fit to lay on us. The use I tlnnk we should make of this his correction is, that our chiefest time should be spent in ruconciling ourselves to him, and having in our minds always that we may not have long to live in this world. I do not mean by this that we should live retired from the world ; for I am persuaded that, by living in the world, one may do much more good than by being out of it, but at the same time to live so as that one should cheerfully die when it shall be his pleasure to call for us. I am very sensible of my own frail- ties; but if I can be ever so happy as to be always with you, and that you comfort and assist me in these my thoughts, I am then persuaded I should be as happy and contented as it is possible to be in this world ; for I know we should botii agree, next to our duty to God, to do what we ought for the queen's service." Not long before the period of tliis domestic calamity, he had united his third daughter, Lady Elizabetli, then in her seventeenth year, with Scroop Egerton, earl of Bridgewater. This alliance gave the queen an opportunity of testifying her regard to tlie family ; and in a letter to the duchess, she oiFers to confer on the bride a portion of 10,000/. " Friday morning. — My Lord Bridgewater being in haste to be mar- ried, I cannot any longer delay telling my dear Mrs. Freeman what 1 have intended a great while, tiiat I hope she will now give me leave to do what I had a mind to do when dear Lady Harriet was married ; and let me speak to lord treasurer about it, when I see him, that your y>oot unfor- tunate faithful Morley may not be any occasion of delay to other people's liappiness." 112 LIFE OF MAULHOUOUGH. LCH. ZVT. The only daugliter remaining unmarried was Lady Mary, who had now reached her sixteenth year. Slie was exqui- sitely beaiitit'ul, lively in temper, and no less amiable in mind than elegant in person. " She enjoyed, in a peculiar degree, the aifection of" her parents, to whom she was doublv endeared by their recent loss, and is frequently mentioned by the duke in his letters, in the warmest terms of parental tenderness. Already she had attracted many admirers, among the rest, the Earl of Huntingdon and Lord. Tully- bardine, son of the Earl of Cromartie ; but their suit was fruitless. Her hand was also sought by the eccentric Earl of Peterborough, for his son Lord Mordaunt ; but the duke objected to the licentious character and iri'egular habits of the young nobleman. Shortly after a similar proposal was made by the family of Montagu, in favour of Viscount Mounthermer, son of Ralph, Earl of Montagu. But although this con- nexion was not disapproved, yet, from the youth of the parties, and the hesitation of the lady herself, the match did not take place till the ensuing year. The queen endowed the bride with the same portion as her sister Elizabeth, and soon after the father was created Duke of Montagu, by the interest of Marlborough, and the son obtained the reversion of the place of great master of the wardrobe, held by his father. Chap. XVI. — Opening of the Campaign. — 1703. Before we commence the narrative of this campaign, it v.'ill be proper to advert to some events, which affected the in- terests and influenced the conduct of the allies. The king of Portugal, after acknowledging Philip as king of Spain, had seized the first opportunity to resume his natural connexions, and secretly concluded a treaty with England, which was the groundwork of a general alliance with the con- federate powers. He recognised tlie rights of the archduke Charles to the Spanish throne, and not only agreed to receive a combined army of English and Dutch, to support his preten- sions, but concluded a subsidiary treaty, for bringing into the field 28,000 Portuguese. This alliance opened the most 1703.]] HIS ACTIVE EXERTIONS. 113 vulnerable part of the frontier to an attack by land ; and afforded the means of weakening the efforts of France in other quarters, b}-^ drawing off a considerable portion of her troops to maintain the contest for the Spanish crown on Spanish gi'ound. This valuable acquisition to the con- federacy, however, increased the difficulties and labours of Marlborough, by whom the military arrangements were principally directed, and who was charged with the vexatious office of obtaining troops from the Dutch, the emperor, and the German states, at the time when his own plans occupied so much of his attention, and the operations in the Nether- lands required so great a proportion of force. It proved also the source of other embarrassments, because it furnished tlie discontented of both parties in England with new argu- ments for a defensive system in the Netherlands, and for a vigorous effort in the country which was the primary object of the war. Nor were the subordinate arrangements less perplexing ; for he was exposed to endless importunities in the choice of generals and officers, and was perpetually harassed by the cnptious spirit of the Portuguese court. His correspondence during the whole campaign shows the extreme attention which he paid to the transactions with Portugal, the efforts he made to give energy to this distant branch of the war, and the odium he encountered in settling the appointment of officers. After long importunities from Lord Rivers and other claimants, the command of the British troops, at his recommendation, was conferred on the duke of Schomberg, whose military talents, knowledge of lan- guages, and conciliating temper seemed to fit him for the office. Marlborough consented also to furnish a considerable detachment from the army in the Netherlands, to complete the expedition which was destined to act in Portugal. Another event, of some moment to the allies, was an in- surrection of the Protestants in the Cevennes, who were driven to desperation by the intolerance of the French go- vernment. The importance of this commotion, in a moun- tainous country, bordering on the frontier of Catalonia, and where regular troops could scarcely act, was duly appre- ciated, and Marlborough took an active share in devising means to foment and support the insurrection. He exja**- VOL. I. I 1 1 4 hlFE OF iMARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVI. rienced, however, much opposition from Nottingliam and the other partisans of passive obedience, who expatiated on the injustice and impolicy of assisting rebel subjects against their legitimate sovereign. This opposition was overruled by the more liberal part of the cabinet, and not only were supplies of arms and ammunition forwarded by a combined fleet, which was despatched to the Mediterranean, but mea- sures were adopted for establishing a direct communication with these persecuted people, whose example appeared likely to spread, and whose efforts diverted a considerable body of the enemy's troops from the principal theatre of action. The grand operations of the war now claim attention. "We have already observed, that the elector of Bavaria had declared in favour of Fi-ance, and by surprising Ulm, had opened a com- munication with the armies on the Upper Rhine. To favour his efforts. Marshal Villars, on the 14tli of October, defeated the margrave of Baden at Friedlingen, and cleared the pas- sages leading to the Black Forest ; while, on the other hand, Tallard extended his force along the Rhine and Moselle, and in the course of a few days reduced Treves and Traer- bach. The German troops were thus not only precluded from profiting by the reduction of Landau, but being cir- cumscribed on both flanks, took up an exposed and danger- ous position, behind the lines of Stolhoffen. In Italy, the campaign of 1702 had also closed to the dis- advantage of the allies. Eugene, after failing in an attempt to surprise Cremona, the headquarters of the French army, had blockaded Mantua. But at this moment the duke of Savoy, who had incurred the suspicion of the French monarch, was superseded in the supreme command by the duke of Vendorae. The new general changed the character of the war. On the 26th of July he defeated a detachment of Austrians at Santa Vittoria, and foiled the efforts of Eugene to establish himself south of the Po. The dubious battle of Luzzara terminated to the disadvantage of the Austrians ; for it led to the loss of Luzzara and Guastalla, and rendered the situation of Eugene scarcely less critical than that of the Margrave of Baden. Besides the difficulty and uncertainty of his communication with the Austrian ter- ritories, be was confined between t^& Secchia and the Po, a 1703.] MEASURES OF THE ENEMY. 115 narrow and broken tract of country, which was nearly ex- hausted by the preceding operations. In 1703 the war accordingly assumed a new aspect and direction. The French monarch formed the design of re- pairing his losses in the preceding year, by offensive opera- tions of the most vigorous kind in all quarters. Marshal Villeroy, who commanded in Flanders, was to open the campaign early in the spring by reducing the places on the Meuse, and again threatening the Dutch frontier. While the attention of the maritime powers was engaged by this aggression, a great and decisive effort was to be made against the emperor. As the Bourbon troops on one hand com- manded the greater part of Italy, and on the other were sup- ported by the co-operation of the electors of Cologne and Bavaria in the very heart of the empire, it was intended to penetrate from the Upper Rhine, through the defiles of the Black Forest, and to join the Bavarians ; while the united forces of France and Savoy opened a way through the mountains of the Tyrol. These combined forces, thus col- lected between the Inn and the Danube, were to direct iheir march to Vienna, and being supported by the Hungarian insurgents, to obliterate by a single effort the glory of the Austrian name. In pursuance of this great design, Villars drew the army of the Upper Rhine from their cantonments in winter, passed under the cannon of Friburg, broke up the quarters of the Germans, and on the 9th of March reduced Kehl, after a siege of thirteen days. Having secured this important pas- sage, he returned across the Rhine to recruit and refresh his troops. On the approach of spring, the French in this quarter were divided into two bodies ; one under Tallard threatened the lines of Stolhoffen, and kept the prince of Baden in check ; while the other was led by Villars through the Black Forest, and descended into the plains of Bavaria. At the same time the elector defeated and drove the Austrian troops beyond the Inn and the Danube, reduced Neuburg and Ratisbon, and then drawing towards the mountains, which border his country on the west, effected on the 12th of May, a junction with Villars, at Dutlingen. The enterprise against Austria was to be seconded by efforts no less bold and vi":orous on the side of the Nether- 116 LIFE OF MAULBOROUGII, [cil. XVI. lands. Trusting in the usual dilatoriness of the Dutch, and calculating on the tardiness which generally marks the operations of an army collected from dilferent countries, Villeroy had matured the requisite preparations, and hoped to reduce Liege before the allies could take the field. The recovery of the other fortresses on the Meuse was consi- dered as the natural result of this primary advantage, and before the close of the campaign it was confidently expected that the commander, who in the preceding had compelled a French army to retrace its steps, would find his efforts limited to the protection of the Dutch frontier. At the moment when the operations on the Upper Rhine announced the developement of this vast design, Marl- borough departed from England and reached the Hague on the 17th of March. The death of the prince of Saarbruck and of the earl of Athlone, relieved him from the conten- tions of two rivals ; but other competitors arose, though of inferior rank and influence. These were Overkirk, Opdam, and Slangenberg. In the first, age had tempered, but not extinguished the fire of youth ; the second was distinguished neither by talents nor activity ; and the third was brave and skilful, but of so captious and overbearing a spirit, that he remained unemployed during the latter part of William's reign. "We may therefore ascribe the appointment of Over- kirk as chief in command of the Dutch troops to the in- fluence of Marlborough, who considered him not only as the most able, but as the most tractable coadjutor. To prevent .the effects of rivalry, Slangenberg was to be left on the side of the Scheld, Opdam to be employed in the siege of Bonn, and Overkirk to act with the main army. This necessary arrangement being accomplished, Marl- box'ough visited the troops quartered in the different places of Dutch Brabant, to examine their condition, and accelerate their equipment. Returning to the Hague, he exerted him- .self in maturing the ulterior preparations, and successfully concluded a negotiation for retaining the Prussian auxiliaries in the service. By his advice Rheinberg had been reduced by the Prussians during the winter, and the capture of this fortress was followed by the blockade of Gui4der, the only place still held by the enemy in Spanish Guelderland. His arrival at the Hague infused activity into the Dutch 1703.] CAPTURE OF BONN. 117 government. He had formed an extensive plan for the in- vasion of French Flanders and Brabant ; but in this, as in other designs, his genius was shackled by the timidity of the States. To soothe their alarms he reluctantly consented to open the campaign with the siege of Bonn. Having completed his arrangements he repaired to Nimeguen, to concert with Cohorn the plan and preparations for the in- tended siege. Then passing by Venloo, Ruremond, and Maestricht, to ascertain the state of the places on the Meuse, he inspected Liege, and held a conferenco with the imperial minister, Count Sinzindorf, on the affairs of Germany. Crossing the country to Cologne, he was bitterly disappointed at the backwardness of the preparations for the reduction of Bonn, and no less chagrined at the proposal of Cohorn to defer it till the close of the year. Notwithstanding the obstructions with which he had to struggle. Marlborough drew his troops from their quarters with his usual diligence ; and, to the surprise of the enemy, before the 2d of April, he assembled an army, not only of sufficient foree to protect Liege, but also to execute the in- tended enterprise on Bonn. Having consigned to Overkirk the command of a corps of observation distributed along the Meuse, between Liege and Maestricht, he proceeded towards Bonn, with a force of 40 battalions and 60 squadrons, and a train of 100 pieces of artillery. He himself arranged the quarters of the troops ; and to accelerate the reduction of the place by a vigorous effort, formed the plan of three dif- ferent attacks. The first, under Cohorn, was to be directed against the fort on the other side of the Rhine, and the second and third against the city and outworks, under the hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel and General Fagel. The preparations were so rapidly matured, that the trenches were opened on the 3rd of May. Meanwhile the French, unwilling to remain on the defen- sive, resorted to the usual expedients for obstructing the operations of the siege. They assembled their troops in the utmost haste, and advanced against the army of Overkirk. But they were not sufficiently prompt to effect their pui- pose; for the approaches against Bonn were pushed with such rapidity, that the fort was taken on the 9th, The capture of this important work hastened the reduction of 1 3 118 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cil. XVn. the place. Although the Marquis d'Allegre, who was in- trusted with the defence, made as vigorous a resistance as his means permitted, lie was reduced to propose a capitula- tion on the 15th of May. "I have this minute," writes the duke to Godolphin, " signed the capitulation of Bonn ; and I think if we had not been so uneasy as we are at what is doing on the Meuse, we might in four or five days more have made this garrison prisoners of war ; but as it is, we have only stopped a Ger- man regiment and two independent companies. I stay this afternoon to give such orders as are absolutely necessary, and hope to be early on Friday with the army on the Meuse. The garrison here is to march out on the same day, so that I shall not see them. Having been a good deal disturbed these two last nights, my head aches very much, so that you will excuse me if I say no more, but refer you to the capi- tulation sent to Mr. Secretary." Chap. XVII. — Progress of the Campaign. — 1703. Leaving a detachment to take possession of Bonn, Marl- borough hastened to the succour of Overkirk, threatened by a superior force. On the 17th of May he effected the junc- tion, and established his headquarters at Hoechst, a monas- tery in the vicinity of Maestricht. He now resumed with redoubled zeal the plan he had formed, before he was com- pelled to undertake the siege of Bonn, which was, by a well- combined and rapid movement, to transfer the war into the heart of Brabant and West Flanders. Indeed, before the termination of the siege, the Dutch generals, Cohorn, Spaar, and Opdam, had been despatched to assume the com- mand in the district of Bergen -op-Zoom, and accelerate the necessary preparations. Collaterally with this design a scheme was formed in England, and approved by the general, to alarm the French coast by a descent near Dieppe ; for which pui'pose troops were collected at Portsmouth, and were to be joined by a reinforcement from Holland. This was what the duke called the ffreat design. Mean- 1703.] PROSRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN. 119 while, he endeavoured to engross the attention of the French commanders, and by offensive movements to prevent then: from detaching succours to the intended point of attack. After revieAving and organising tlie army, which amounted to 59 battalions, and 129 squadrons, he broke up his camp, traversed the Yaar under the walls of Maestricht, and directing his march towards the heights of Hautain, which stretch between that river and the Meuse, he nearly sur- prised a considerable part of the enemy's army, who were foraging on the spot. His unexpected approach alarmed the French. Leaving two battalions to destroy the gates and works of Tongres, they made so precipitate a retreat, that when the conlederates reached the camp of Thys, they had already gained an advance of two leagues. His laudable zeal was not, however, seconded by those with whom he was obliged to act. Instead of fulfilling his orders for the invasion of West Flanders, Cohorn, to whom the superintendence of the previous arrangements was con- signed, obtained the consent of the States to employ the troops on that frontier in making an irruption into the country of the Waes, where he hoped to levy large contri- butions. Marlborough, whose plan had embraced the reduc- tion of Antwerp and Ostend, saw with regret that all his views would be frustrated, if this imprudent change was suffered to take effect. " Camp of Thys, May 20 — 31. I am afraid the diversion M. Coliorn Is gone to make in Flanders, will not oblige them to make any great detachment ; for his design is not on Ostend, as I desired, but to force their lines, by which he will settle a good deal of contribution, which these people like but too well, for it is certain if they had taken Ostend it would have been of great use to the common cause, and they might easily afterwards have settled the contributions : so that, had I been at the Hague, I am very confident they would have preferred the taking of Ostend before that of forcing the lines. " It is no wonder that Cohorn is for forcing the lines, for as he is governor of West Flanders he has the tenths of all the contributions. He is also afraid that if we should besiege Huy, the French would take that opportunity of sending so many men as would hinder him from executing his design, so that he has begged of me to undertake nothing, but keeping as near to the French army as is possible till his expedition is over. After wtiich we are to endeavour to take post, so as that we may have it in our power to make the siege of Antwerp. " At this time the strength of the French army is 1 18 squadrons an:. I 4 120 LIFE OF MAItLBOROUGH. [CH. XVII 61 liattalioiis; ours consists of 12.5 sqiuiclrons and 59 battalions : but our battalions are stronger tlian theirs, so that I think we have a good deal the superiority, which is very plainly the opinion of the French, since they always decamp when we come near them." On the Upper Rhine, affairs were not in a more encou- rasjing posture, as from the success of the French and Ba- varians, the most pressing demands for succours were made both in England and Holland. Marlborough himself was too well acquainted with the inefficiency of the German troops, and the tardiness of German generals, to acquiesce in this application. He strongly remonstrated against any reduction of his oAvn army, which he observed " would only answer the purpose of bringing things here into the same condition as they are there :" and he insisted with great warmth on the impolicy of granting any farther reinforcement than 20 battalions and eight squadrons, which had been al- ready detached for that quarter. Notwithstanding these discouragements he did not relax in his design ; but directing his views to Antwerp and Ostend, he communicated new instructions to Cohorn. Meanwhile the preparations for the grand attack had been matured, the troops which were to co-operate being collected at their respective posts. Besides the lines already described as extending from Antwerp south-eastward to the Mehaigne, the French had formed another series of fortifications on the verge of the frontier, stretching from Antwerp towards Ostend, and passing to the south of Hulst. To maintain these defences tliey had established two flying camps, one under the marquis of Bedmar near Antwerp, the other under the count de la Motte, in the vicinity of Bruges. According to the plan of attack, Spaar advanced into the district of Hulst, to occupy the attention of the enemy in that quarter, and hold la Motte in check. Cohorn was es- tablished near Stabroek, east of the Scheld, to maintain a communication on one hand with Spaar, and on the other to support a body of troops collected under Opdam at Bergen- op-Zoom, who were suddenly to advance and surprise Antwerp, or at least to take up a position within the line by which it was covered. Marlborough himself was to harass and detain the main army, and having gained the advance by a rapid movement, to enter the lines between Lierre and 1703.] PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN. 121 Antwerp. He would thus have effected a junction with the Dutch, interposed his army between the different bodies of the enemy, and after the reduction of Antwerp would have crowned the enterprise by an attack on Ostend. As he had announced in his letter from Hanef, he broke up his camp during the night of the 26th, passed the Yaar, near the castle of Oleye, and advanced to Opheer. This movement, which was no less rapid than secret, threw the enemy into the utmost consternation. In momentary ex- pectation of an attack, they remained the whole night under arms, and having ascertained the direction of Marlborough's march, they drew in the utmost haste to the strong ground near Landen. On the 28th the confederates proceeded to Borchloen, and on the 29th to Hasselt ; the enemy at the same time moving by Landen to Diest. Meanwhile the troops destined to co-operate in the design against Antwerp hurried prematurely into action, contrary to their express orders, and the views of the generalissimo. In the afternoon of the 26th the troops of Cohorn traversed the Scheld to Liefkenshoek, and on the ensuing morning he and Spaar made a combined attack on the enemy's lines. Spaar penetrated to the village of Stecken and Steenbroek, though with considerable loss ; and Cohorn, forcing the works at the point of Callo, reduced the fort of St. Antony. The same evening Opdam broke up from Bergen-op-Zoom, and on the 29th took up his position at the village of Ekeren, a little to the north of Antwerp. As the most sanguine hopes had been excited by the ex- tensive preparations for this enterprise, the petty successes of Spaar and Cohorn raised a general exultation in Holland ; and the public eagerly expected that the next messenger would announce the fall of Antwerp. But the event proved that the most profound and accurate combinations are easily frustrated by the slightest want of concert in the subordinate agents ; the enemy being too well supplied with intelligence to be ignorant of the force and movements of the Dutch. Perceiving that the ill-judged irruptions of Cohorn and Spaar had broke the connexion between the different bodies, they seized the opportunity to form an enterprise against that of Opdam, which was left without support, and executed it with equal skill and promptitude. Bedmar, instead of 122 LIFE OK MARLBOROUGH. [CII. XVIL sufFei'ing himself to be diverted by incursions wliich lie was aware could produce no permanent effect, maintained his position, while Boufiiers was detached on the 29th from the camp at Diest, with a force of 20,000 men, principally cavalry, and m'arehed in all haste to Antwerp. In the interim Marlborough redoubled his exertions to gain the advance on the enemy. To accelerate his march, he had detached his artillery and baggage from Tongres through Borchloen with orders to rejoin liim at Beringhen, and traversing the Ilersch and the Demer over several bridges, he encamped on the 30th, between Beringhen and Coursel. Here he halted on the 1st of July, and his correspondence attests his anxiety and exertions. Writing to the duchess during this pause, he observes : — "Sunday, June 20 — July \, I have been in so perpetual a hurry, having marched five days together, and sometimes not coming into the camp till eleven or twelve at night, tliat I have not been able to answer so particularly your two last letters, as I shall always be desirous of doing. We have been obliged for many reasons to rest this day. However, it gives me very little rest, being obliged to have the general officers with me for regulating the next three days' march, so that I am obliged to take this time of writing, although I have several officers in my room talking about me ; but as I love you above my life, so my greatest plea- sure is writing to you, or hearing from you." As the enemy broke up to foUow their detachments, he again marched on the 2d of July, and encamped between Moll and Balen. In the course ot these movements he was apprised of the irruptions of Cohorn and Spaar, and the advance of Opdam to Ekei'en. Chagrined at such imprudent attempts, and alarmed for the safety of Opdam, he sent him pressing orders to exert the utmost vigilance, and take up a more secure post till he could be sustained by the main army. From the camp of Moll and Balen, he writes to Godolphin : — July 2. 1703. — You will find by my last and this, that we have been in continual motion, the duke of Villeroy having marched with his whole army towards Brabant, so that we are obliged to do the same. He being within his lines, has no want of forage, but our march being over the heaths we have not that plenty. Nor do I believe that when we shall come near the lines that go from Antwerp to Lierre we shall find. forage for any long continuance. " I am afraid the lucre of having a little contribution from the Pais de Waes has spoiled the whole design ; for I am very sure if we do not 1703.] OPDAM SURPRISED. 123 force the lines, which I am afraid will he pretty difficult, since all the French army will be there to defend if However, this must be done, or the siege of Antwerp will be no more thought on * * * If M. Opdam be not upon his guard, he may be beat before we can help him, which will always be the consequence when troops are divided, so as that the enemy can post themselves between them. But we have given liim such timely notice, that if he has not taken a safe camp. he will be very much to blame. The French are very cautious, and the Dutch will venture nothing ; so that, unless it happens by chance, I think there will be no battle. " * * Since I sealed my letter, we have a report come from Breda that Opdam is beaten. I pray God it be not so, for he is very capable of having it happen to him." His worst apprehensions were confirmed. Boufflers I'eached Antwerp on the 30th, and immediately united with Bedmar. Their combined forces filed through the northern gates of the city, and advancing with equal silence and celerity towards Ekeren, they detached a corps to seize Stabroek, the post which Cohorn had imprudently quitted, and cut off the road to Lillo. Although the preced- ing day Opdam had received warning from Marlborough, and was apprised by his own spies, that a considerable de- tachment was on its march from the French army, he con- tented himself with sending his baggage to Bergen-op-Zoom, and preparing for the removal of his camp. He supinely remained till it was too late to obviate the effects of his negligence. Being apprised that the enemies were advancing in force, he mounted his horse, accompanied by a few atten- dants, and rode towards a cloud of dust, which was raised by the movement of the hostile columns. Discovering his danger, he endeavoured to regain his camp ; but finding all the avenues occupied, he left his troops to their fate, and after wandering the whole day through remote and solitary paths, reached Breda, conveying the disastrous intelligence that his whole force was cut off, and that he himself and his companions had escaped only by accident. The utmost panic was excited at the Hague by the news of this great and unexpected disaster, and an extraordinary meeting of the States was held at midnight, to deliberate on means for securing Bergen-op-Zoom, and the other places on the frontier. But before the deputies charged with this com- mission could reach their place of destination, intelligence arrived that after the disgraceful flight of Opdam general • Something is omitted in the original. 124 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVH. Slangenberg had assumed the command ; and, by availing himself of the dikes and natural defences of the country, had repulsed the enemy, and effected his retreat to Lillo, with a loss comparatively trifling. This untoward accident frustrated the whole design, and the only plausible accusation which has ever been advanced against the well-grounded fame of Marlborough has been made on this occasion. Not only his enemies, but even his friends, considered his line of operation too extensive, and that he ought either to have succoured Opdam, or to have attacked that part of the enemy's army to which he was opposed, while weakened by so considerable a detachment. It would appear, however, that the duke's plan of attack was formed with his characteristic ability and judgment; but the other generals acted in direct contradiction to his orders, and after their imprudence had disconcerted the design, Opdam him- self neglected the most urgent injunctions to provide for his own safety till the main army could advance to give him support. Marlborough was not discouraged by these disappoint- ments, but resumed with new zeal his design of attacking the French lines and reducing Antwerp. With this view he moved his camp to Thielen on the 5th of July. From thence, accompanied by his principal officers, he repaired to Breda, to concert arrangements with the deputies of the States, and then proceeded to Bergen-op-Zoom, to hold a conference with Cohorn, who was indisposed. Here it was settled that an attack should be made on the lines, and a hundred pieces of artillery were to be furnished from the neighbouring fortresses of Holland. Meanwhile three engineers in dis- guise were to reconnoitre the state of the enemy's works, and procure information for making the proper dispositions. Notwithstanding this arrangement, he anticipated new objections ; for the deputies and generals belonging to the army which had failed, thought the enterprise too hazardous, and expatiated on the superior force of the enemy. To obviate the effects of these representations with the States, Marlborough wrote to his friend, the pensionary, indicating the intended plan of attack, and urging such arguments as were calculated to show the probability of complete success. He observed : — " I cannot but be of opinion, if we will venture, now that our armies 1703.] HEARTBURNINGS OF THE GENERALS. 125 are so near as to be able to help each other, we should not fail of succeed* ing. My thoughts on this matter are that Baron Spaar should post him- self so in Flanders as might be most advantageous for the carrying on this great design, and that Monsieur Cohorn, with such troops as can be spared from thence, should join the army at Lillo, and then both armies should approach each other, so as we might take just measures for the attacking the lines at the same time. If you have a mind to have Ant- werp, and a speedy end of the war, you must venture something for it. I have not consulted the generals, so that you must consider this as my single opinion ; but if this should be approved by others, and be thought fit to be put in execution, you must then act as the French do, by draw- ing out of your garrisons all the battalions that are possible ; for those that can make the greatest fire will carry this matter. And I think all officers will agree with me, that if they opiniatre the defence of the lines between Antwerp and Lierre, and we should force them, they having a river behind them, it will \ie next to impossible for them to get off. On the other side, if they should take the resolution not to defend the lines, then the siege may be made with all the ease imaginable. Upon the whole matter, I take the good or bad success of this campaign depends upon the resolution that shall now be taken. " We have resolved to stay in this camp two or three days, till mea- sures can be taken, so that we may do our best to hinder the enemy from seeing our design till we are ready to act. I cannot end this letter with- out assuring you that I verily believe when the French shall see you are positively resolved to attack the lines they will not dare to defend them ; for, should they be forced between Antwerp and Lierre, their army must be lost ; and how fatal that must be to France you can best judge. I am confident if you miss this occasion you will repent it when it is too late."* New obstructions, however, resulted from the recent fai- lure. A vehement dispute arose among the Dutch generals, who strove to throw on each other the blame of their ill suc- cess. Opdam laboured to extenuate his own culpable negligence and want of spirit ; while Slangenberg, proud of his gallantry and good fortune, redoubled his invectives against all who had incurred his envy ; and even presumed to accuse Marl- borough of having exposed the Dutch troops to defeat, from the mean and selfish motive of jealousy. A quarrel equally violent arose also between Slangenberg and Cohorn, while employed in arrangements for the march of the troops from Lillo. Cohorn, in a fit of resentment, again quitted the army, and the command devolved on Slangenberg. At this period Marlborough returned to his army, to watch the motions of Villeroy, who, being joined by Boufflers * Camp at Thitlen, July 4 — 15. 1703. I 126 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVII. and a reinforcement under Bedinar, had quitted his lines, and advanced to Sandhof'en. To maintain the communica- tion with tlie forces about Lillo, which was in some degree affected by tliis movement, the Britisli commander, on the 7th, transferred his camp to Vorstelar ; and the French, drawing still nearer to Antwerp, established themselves in the strong position of St. Job. While Marlborougli was labouring to soothe the resent- ment of Cohorn, new dithculties arose in another quarter ; for instead of the encouragement and support which he ex- pected from the pensionary, he received from him a letter, testifying his fears respecting the intended attack on the lines, and his unwillingness to incur the responsibility attached to the attempt. On this epistle Marlborough ob- serves, " The factions are so great in Holland that the pen- sionary dares not take any thing upon himself, so that I fear at last things will go wrong for want of a government." He was too tenacious of his purpose to yield either to the alarms of his friends, or the contentions and jealousies of those on whom he was obliged to depend. By importunity, he at length extorted the consent of the Dutch government for the two armies to unite, and attack the enemy in the position of St. Job. With this view he moved on the 22d of July from Vorstelar to Brecht. On the 23d of July at three in the morning, he advanced at the head of the cavalry, and reached the great heath of Antwerp, where signals were made for the junction of Slangenberg with the troops from Lillo. But at this mo- ment a heavy smoke rising from the camp of the enemy, announced their retreat behind their lines. At ten, Slan- genberg appeared, and Marlborough riding forward with an escort of six squadrons, held a conference with him, to settle the disposition of the forces. The junction being effected, the two armies encamped, that of Marlborough be- tween Campthout and Westdown, and that of Slangenberg at Capelle. As the enemy had declined a battle in the open ground, it was now necessary to adopt a resolution for an attack on their lines. For this purpose a council of war was held at Campthout, the headquarters: all the former objections and difficulties were revived and again discussed ; and after a 1703.] PROGRESS OF MOSTILITIES. 127 warm debate of five hours, no conclusion was adopted. " I was forced to end it," says the commander, " by desiring that each of them would put their opinions in writing, against nine to-morrow morning. I see enough, I think, to be sure the lines will not be attacked, and that we shall return to the Meuse. I intend to go out to-morrow morn- ing, with a body of horse, in hopes to get near enough to view the lines." The result of all these deliberations and delays, when it was necessary to act,will be naturally anticipated. The timid and cautious spirits, who had terrified themselves with imaginary diflaculties, were not tempted to encounter real obstacles, even by the prospect of decisive success. We describe the event of all these movements and deliberations, in his own words : — " On Friday I went with 4000 horse to see the lines. They let us come so near, that we beat their out-guard home to their barrier, which gave us an opportunity of seeing the lines; which had a fosse of twenty- seven feet broad before them, and the water in it nine feet deep ; so that it is resolved that the army return to the Meuse, and in the first place take Huy. Upon the whole matter, if we cannot bring the French to a battle we shall not do any thing worth being commended. My letter of the 8th, which began with Sir, and was directed by Cardonnel, was in- tended for you, but was writ by candle light, as this is ; and my eyes are so bad that I do not see what I do, so that I hope you will excuse me, that [ do not answer all in your two letters of the 9th and 13th. We shall begin to march from hence on Thursday." Marlborough now measured back his steps to the Meuse, to effect the reduction of Huy, which, though small, was considered as a post of some importance, because it covered Liege, opened the navigation of the Meuse, and facilitated an attack on Namur. He returned nearly in the same direc- tion as he had advanced, bewailing at every halt the disap- pointments which he had undergone, and forming new hopes of more decisive operations. From Honthalen he wrote, July 26. to Godolphin : — " 1 am but too much of your mind, that the going back to the Meuse is, as the French expression is, a pis aller. But as Cohorn has managed his business for these last six weeks, we had nothing else to do. I know that Huy will make very little noise in the world : however, if we will make the war in this country, it is very convenient for us to have that place. Our superiority is not so great, but that the French may reason- ably expect to make us uneasy, when we shall be obliged to divide oui 128 LIFE OF MAUI.BOKOUGII. [CII. XVIIT. forces, as we must do when we make the siefije. If they give occasion, 1 hope we shall venture, by which God may give us more success in three or four hours' time than we dare promise ourselves. " Tiiat of Antwerp and Ostend liave succeeded so ill, that I am afraid of promising, even for Huy ; but I shall let you know my thoughts for the remaining part of the campaign, and desire you will let me have your opinion how far I ought to endeavour the executing it ; for what I would do cannot he compassed without continuing the campaign as long as ever the season will permit, we have already lost so much time." He then states his design, after the reduction of Huy, to force the enemy's lines, or pass the Mehaigne. If they should still decline a battle, he purposed to besiege Limburg, and finally to march with a sufficient number of men for the capture of Treves and Traerbach, preparatory to a camjiaign on the Moselle, which he designed to commence with the attack of Thionville. Pursuing his march towards the Meuse, Marlborough, on the 15th of August, took up his camp at Val-notre-Dame, while the enemy moving in a parallel direction behind their lines, established themselves in the position of Wasseige. Chap. XVHI. — Party Struggles. — 1703. While the British commander was agitated by the contend- ing factions in Holland and the endless jealousies of the Dutch generals, which, to use his own expression, " made his life a burden," his attention was no less distracted with the feuds in the cabinet of England, and the violence of the two hostile parties who divided the parliament and nation, and vied in their censure of his conduct and principles. We have already shown that Marlborough and Godolphin, both from habit and principle, had hitherto identified them- selves with the Tories, and had not cordially favoured the Whigs, notwithstanding the support given to the vigorous prosecution of the war. The two friends had indeed mani- fested a wish to act independently of all party connexions, and to intrust the offices of government to moderate, upright, and able men of both denominations ; yet in every part of their conduct we trace a bias towards those with whom they 1703. J PARTT DISSENSIONS. 129 had so long been connected. To this tendency, as well as to the inclinations of the queen, we may atti'ibute the formation of the ministry on a Tory basis, with the intermixture of a few Whigs, the least distinguished for party zeal and in- fluence. The majority of the Tories on their admission to power had warmly professed tlieir attachment to the system of foreign policy adopted by Marlborough, and in particular had pledged themselves to support his vigorous efforts for the diminution of the French power. Their party principles, however, soon regained the ascendency ; and if they did not openly o]:([)ose, they secretly thwarted, or, at least, coldly supported his views. Even in the late session some of their zealous leaders began to manifest so refractory a spirit, that it was found impossible to carry on the public business without some alteration of the ministry. During the preceding winter Marlborough and Godolphin had deliberated on the most advisable mode of effecting this change. Their principal object was to obtain the dismission of the earl of Rochester, the great leader of the Tories, and the most strenuous opponent of offensive operations, who had assumed a tone of superiority over the other ministers, and attempted to supplant Godolphin at the head of the treasury. The plan which they devised to liberate themselves from so troublesome a colleague was carried into execution soon after Marlborough returned to the army. As the near relationship of Rochester to the queen did not pennit them to insist on his dismission, they procured an order for him to repair to his government in Ireland. If he complied, his absence would naturally lessen his means of annoyance ; if he disobeyed, they expected that the wounded pride of the queen would prompt her to remove him from his office. I'he plan succeeded according to their wishes. Rochester at first haughtily refused to quit the political theatre of London, where he was so prominent a figure ; and the order being peremptorily repeated, he resigned in disgust. Tlie government of Ireland was conferred on the duke of Ormond, who to the advantage of high birth united great popularity, who was acceptable to the queen, and had gained the esteem of his Tory friends by compromising the dispute with Sir VOL. I. K 130 LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGU. [CH. XVIII. George Rooke, on the failure of Cadiz. From this moment Rochester became the leader of the discontented Tories and the principal mover of opposition, though several of his ad- herents still retained their places, with a view more effec- tually to embroil the measures of government. Notwithstanding the disgrace of Rochester, a similar spirit was manifested by the earl of Nottingham, secretary of state. He was a nobleman of high honour and unimpeached in- tegrity, as well as of great diligence and capacity, but deeply imbued with Tory principles, both in religion and politics. He was at the same time aspiring, presumptuous, and over- bearing. Conscious of his influence with the queen and his political credit, he hoped to become the leader of the admi- nistration, and secretly laboured for the removal of Godol- phin. Though connected with Marlborougli by the habits of long intimacy, Nottingham was no less hostile than Roches- ter to his grand system of foreign policy, and depi-ecated with equal zeal the connexions which were formed on the Conti- nent, as well as the vigorous efforts to which those con- nexions gave rise. Hence, though he held the office of secretary of state, he became the head of an opposition in the ministry. His zeal was stimulated by Rochester, whose natural impetuosity of temper was heightened by a sense of mortified pride, and he found waim adherents in the duke of Buckingham and the earl of Jersey, who were actuated by congenial principles. The views of Nottingham were also warmly seconded by a strong phalanx in the house of com- mons, at the head of which were his friend and dependent. Secretary Hedges and Sir Edward Seymour, comptroller of the household, member for Somersetshire ; a gentleman who, from family interest and landed property, as well as party zeal and vehemence in debate, had acquired an extraordinary share of influence. A schism was thus imperceptibly formed in the adminis- tration. Clashing interests and discordant views embar- rassed the measures of government ; Mai'lborough became the object of invidious reflection or open censure, and a crisis was evidently approaching which must terminate in the ex- clusion or preponderance of Nottingham and his partisans. Indeed, at an early period in the spring, his conduct had 1703.] PARTY DISSENSIONS. 131 given such dissatisfaction that Marlborough, in a letter to Godolphin, strongly urges the necessity of his removal. "If," he observes, "Lord Nottingliam continues being so impertinent as to join with Sir Edward Seymour and others to obstruct business, I tliink it were much better to be plain with him than to suffer him to go on in that way ; for by tiiat he will be much abler to do mischief than if he were out : and I am very much mistaken if he will care to part with this place.'" Other perplexities, however, arose from this unfortunate feud ; Marlborough more deeply felt the defection of his former friends and associates, because it exposed him to the alternative, which he never contemplated without regret, of being thrown into the power of the opposite party. Nor were his apprehensions unfounded ; for the Whigs, deeming the opportunity too favourable to be neglected, assailed him with importunities, and strongly resented the unwillingness ■which he manifested to admit more of them into power. Some even adopted the language of their political opponents, clamoured for a defensive system in the Netherlands, and accused him of purposely prolonging the war for the sake of his own advantage. He thus became the common mark f'oi the obloquy of both parties ; and while his measures were arraigned, and his exploits decried by the Tories, his name was associated with that of Harley in the Whig satires and lampoons of the day. Even at the army he was not beyond the sphere of conten- tion. Godolphin, his constant correspondent, incessantly ex- patiated on the divisions in the cabinet and the clamours of party, and overwhelmed his friend with complaints on his own irksome situation and his unpleasant intercourse with the queen, who assailed him with reproaches whenever he presumed to convey the slightest hint on the necessity of conciliating the AVhigs. Wearied with censure and contra- diction, he at length repeatedly declared his resolution of retiring from a situation in which he could not obtain the support, or even indulgence of either party. Amidst such contentions it was impossible for the duchess to remain indifferent. She not only renewed her efforts to engage her husband in a more cordial union with the Whigs, K 2 132 LIFE OF MARLIJOKOUGII. [cil. XVIII. but importuned the queen with lier censure of one party and l)raise of the other, and thus involved him in a new series of embarrassments. Availing herself of the peevish complaints which he incessantly made against the Tories, she revived the unpleasant discussion which had already arisen on this subject with the queen, by communicating extracts of his letters, accompanied with remarks of the most acrimonious kind. One letter in particular, in which he had announced liis wish to resign, was made the sub'ect of such a comment- ary, and accompanied with the hint of a similar resolution by Lord Godolphin and herself. The effect which these appeals produced on the queen appears from one of her answers to the duchess. " IVindsor, Saturday. — The thoughts that both my clear Mrs. Freeman and Mr. Freeman seem to have of retiring give me no small uneasiness, and tlierefore I must say something on that subject. It is no wonder at all that people in your posts should be weary of the world, who are so continually troubled with all the hurry and impertinences of it ; but give me leave to say you should a little consider your faithful friends and poor country, which must be ruined if ever you put your melancholy thoughts in execution. As for your poor unfortunate faithful Morley, she could not bear it ; for if ever you should forsake me, I would have nothing more to do with the world, but make another abdication ; for what is a crown when the support of it is gone ? I never will forsake your dear self, Mr. Freeman, nor Mr. Rlontgomery *, but always be your constant and faithful friend ; and we four must never part till death mows U3 down witli his impartial hand." The affectionate language of this letter produced very different effects on the minds of the duke and duchess. He expressed a grateful sense of the queen's goodness, and testi- fied his resolution to encounter the vexations of public life as long as she deemed his services necessary. At the same time, in his correspondence with the duchess, he renewed his declaration that he would never submit to the entanglements of either party. " Camp at Hanef,June 3 — 14. By my last I had not time to give any answer to your two letters of the 23d and 25th of this last month. There is nothing more certain than what you say, that either of the parties would l>e tyrants if they were let alone ; and I am afraid it is as • The familiar appellation, as before noticed, given to Godolphin in tiieir private correspondence. 1703.] PARTY DISSENSIONS. 133 true that It will be very hard for the queen to prevent it. 1 think nothing should be omitted to do justice, and then God's will be done. What you say of Lord Nottingham concerning the park is very scandalous, but very natural to that person. I wish with all my heart the queen were rid of him, so that she had a good man in his place, which I am afraid is pretty difficult. "We are bound not to wish for any body's death, but if 14 (Sir Edward Seymour) should die, I am convinced it would be no great loss to the queen nor the nation ; and you may be sure the visit intended by 19 Lord Rochester) and his friend could be for no other end than to flatter 14 (Sir Edward Seymour) to do such mischief as they dare not openly own." The sanguine temper of the duchess was much affected by this mark of the queen's affection, and she flattered herself that little exertion was now wanting to gain a complete vic- tory over the political prejudices of her royal mistress. She therefore teased the queen with her eulogies of the Whigs and her censures of the Tories, whom she involved in one common accusation of Jacobitism. Deeming also the bias of her husband towards his former friends much lessened by their petulant opposition, she again urged him to coalesce with the Whigs, who alone concurred in his views, and to discard an ungrateful faction, equally enemies to his glory, and to his great designs for the good of his country. She even pointed out seven of the Tory chiefs, whose con- tinuance in ofiice she declared incompatible with the public welfare.* * Six of the seven persons here designated were the earls of Notting- ham (42) and Jersey (15), Sir Charles Hedges (10), Sir Edward Sey- mour (14), the duke of Buckingham, and Sir Natham Wright, the lord keeper. [The necessity of using figures and other ciphers, as in this instance, in the epistolary communications of public characters, shows to what a detestable height had been carried the strife and jealousies of the political factions. Next to a man's private thoughts, his private letters ought to be held sacred from violation ; the precincts of tlie General Post Office ought to be hermetically sealed against every intruder, beyond the official agency indiFpensable to the management of its business, and it evinced a good spirit in the House of Commons two or three sessions past, when it manifested a disposition to limit, if not entirely withdraw, from the home-secretary his privilege of opening letters in the service of the state. Under Queen Anne, the practice of rifling individual correspond. eoce appears to have been an outrage of ordinary occurrence, and what 4 K 3 134 LIFE OV MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XVIIt. Her attempts were, however, far from producing the ex- pected effect. From the queen, thoui^h offended with the Tories, it drew a justilication of their loyalty and a recrimina- tion of the Whigs, whom she charged with hokling tenets no less dangerous to the monarchy than to the church. The duke also combated her arguments with his usual tenderness, hut testified a decided resolution not to abandon the inde- pendent principle on which he had hitherto acted. In a letter to the duchess from the camp of llanef, June 10th, he dwells with peculiar emphasis on this determination. " I did yesterday receive yours of the :5d, and do agree with you that the seven persons you mention in that letter do not do the queen that service they ought to do ; but I can't but be of the oijinion, tliat if they were out of their phices, they would be more capable of doing her liurt. Some of them might, in my opinion, be removed, as 15 (Lord Jersey) and 42 (Lord Nottingham) ; but who is there fit for their places? I do protest before God I know of none. I am of your mind, that if the queen spoke to Lord Rochester in the manner you mention in your letter, I !)elieve it would make him very cautious : not that I think it would make him honest, but he would be afraid. The conversation that was between Lord Rochester and the speaker is no doubt the language that he entertains the whole party with ; and if they can once l>e strong enough to declare which way the war shall be managed, they may ruin England and Holland at their pleasure, and I am afraid may do it in such a manner as may not at first be unpopular ; so that the ])eople may be undone before they can see it. I can't say a word for the excusing the Dutch for the backwardness of their sea preparations this year; but if that, or any thing else, should produce a coldness between England and Holland, France would then gain their point, which I hope in God I shall never live to see ; for our poor country would then be the miser- ablest part of all Christendom ; for we should not only lose our liberty, but oiu- rt-'ligion also must be forced, and those gentlemen that would be helping to this, would then be as miserable as others ; for the French, when they are the masters, make no distinctions. I could say a great deal upon this sul)ject, but I dare not, for fear of accidents. In short, I think the two parties are so angry, that, to ruin each other, they will make no scruple of venturing the whole." shameful state of espionage and corruption does this imply in the servants and others connected with the Post Office, who could thus become accessory to such a scandalous betrayal of their public duties 1 Mr. Coxe has rendered a useful service, as he promised in his preface, by giving, when able to do so, the real name or expression, in lieu of troubling hii readers with unintelligible symbols Ed.] 1703.] I'AUTV DISSENSIONS. 135 The officious zeal of the duchess was not, howevei*, discou- raged by this repulse. She renewed her importunities with her husband, ottered her mediation with the Whigs, and urged that their petulance would easily be restrained by popular representations. But Marlborough disdained an appeal which he knew would be construed into an application for support, and followed by counter demands. In reply, he testified his concern with unusual feeling, renewed his foi-mer declarations with greater warmth, and concluded with expa- tiating on the fatal consequences which must result from the factious attempts of both parties to thwart and frustrate his military designs. " Alderhcesten, Sept. 30. 1703. I see by this la-t letter, that you have mistaken my meaning in some of my letters ; for though I may have complained of some you call your friends, yet it never entered into my thoughts that they should be spoke to in order to have a better thought of me; for I know they would be as unreasonable as the others in their expectations, it' I should seek their friendsliip : for all parties are alike. And as I have taken my resolution of never doing any hardship to any man whatsoever, I shall by it have a quiet in my own mind ; not valuing nor desiring to be a favourite to either of them. For, in the humour I am now in, and that 1 hope in God I shall ever be of, I think both parties unreasonable and unjust. I am very sensible of several errors I have committed ; but I must not endeavour to mend them by running into greater : so that I shall make complaints to neither, but endeavour to recommend myself to the world by my sincere intentions of governing all my actions by what I shall think is for the interest of my queen and country. I hope in God this will agree with what you desire, and then I can have no uneasiness." In addition to the information conveyed by Godolphin and the duchess, Marlborough received private intelligence from Harley, whose sentiments were congenial to his own. Equally trusted by the moderate Whigs and Tories, he was enabled to develope their views and wishes. He communicated to the duke the result of his conversations with ISottingham on one side, and with some of the Whigs on the other. He stated their respective complaints to turn principally on the misma- nagement of the fleet and on the impolicy of an ofiensive war in Flanders, and conveyed an intimation which equally marks the spleen and resentment of both, namely, that they concurred in accusing Marlborough and Godolphin of foster- ing designs hostile to the interests of the house of Hanover. To the opinion of Harley, which bore the appearance of can- K 4 136 LiFK OF jiAKij'.(.i:((i;i;ii. [cm. x\in. (lour and im[);irtiality, ^r;iili)()roiiji!i paid the utmost defer- ence, and by his representations was encouraged to persist in the resolution of yielding to the Whigs as little as to the Tories. The intelligence, however, made a deep impression ; for in sending the letter of Ilarley to the duchess, he observes, " If both parties agree that tlie war must not be offensive in tliis country, I am very mucli afraid the Dutch will not think tliemselves very safe in our iViendship. However, I cannot but be much concerned ; for if this country is ruined, we are undone, and then 10 (Sir Charles Hedges) and his friends may succeed, which otlierwise is next to impossible. There are a thousand reasons for preserving our friendship with the Dutch; ibr as we save them, so they must preserve us from the arbitrary power of 19 and 1, which must be entirely governed by 3 (Lord Rochester).* " Mai/ God preserve me and /«// dearest love from seehig this come to pass ! f but if we should quarrel witli '24 (the Dutcli) I fear it niiglit happen " The party feuds which agitated the British parliament and nation spread with a still more detrimental effect into Scot- land. Soon after the accession of Anne, overtures had been made for an union between the two kingdoms, and commis- sioners had been finally named to carry the design into exe- cution. But an arrangement which was so likely to pi'oduce domestic tranquillity and public benefit was violently opposed by the Jacobites and many of the discontented, because Tories, it tended to weaken the interest of the Stuart family ; and their opposition was fomented by the declamations of the same party in the English parliament. Among the various expedients to which the enemies of the Eevolution resorted for the purpose of embroiling the two kingdoms, was the proposal of a bill in the legislature of Scotland, which, under the title of the Act of Security, Avas calculated to abridge the established prerogatives of the crown, to limit the choice of a successor, and to thruw a vast additional * These ciphers cannot all be discovered but they evidently convty the meaning that the ascendency of the violent Tories would lead to the restoration of the Pretender, and consequently to a dependence on Frfince. j The lines in italics are scra'chcd out with the pen. 1703.] MILITARY OPERATIONP. 137 power into tlie hands of the parliament. The discussions v/hich took place on this act were marked l)y the utmost virulence ; and wiien the royal assent was withheld by the queen's commissioner, the commotion almost rose to open rebellion. An act for settling the succession in the House of Hanover was rejected with contempt, and some of the more violent even threatened to move for committing the earl of Marchmont, who liad proposed it, to tlie castle. The insti- gators of these feuds appeared resolved to extort the assent of the crown to the act of security, by withholding the sup- plies, and the commissioner with difficulty succeeded in paci- fying them, by relinquishing the right of the crown to make peace or war, and promising that they should resume the question in the ensuing session. These feuds contributed to aggravate the embarrassments which the treasurer and Marlborough encountered from the machinations of contending parties in England ; and their correspondence is filled not only with complaints of the difficulties which consequently occurred in the manage- ment of domestic affairs, but of the injurious effects which resulted to the confederacy abroad, and particularly of the alarm, jealousy, and lukewarmness which were produced in Holland. Chap. XIX. — Military Operations. — The Duke RETURNS TO ENGLAND. 1 703. After this detail of the political feuds in which Marlbo- rough was involved during the labours of an arduous campaign, we resume the narrative of military operations. On the failure of his brilliant designs to accelerate the termination of the war, nothing remained but the compara- tively inglorious task of reducing the petty garrisons which clogged the navigation of the Meuse. Accordingly Huy was invested on the 16th of August, and the trenches opened the ensuing night. In a few days, the foi'ts surrounding the place were reduced ; and batteries being raised against the 138 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [ciI. XIX. castle, the governor, was constrained to surrender, on condi- tion that the garrison should be exchanged. After the capture of Iluy, some hesitation prevailed iu regard to ulterior operations. In a grand counsel of war held at the confederate camp of Yal notre Dame, the com- mander-in-chief resumed his plan, and urged the policy of profiting by the superiority of the allies, to force the weakest part of the Frencli lines, consisting of an accessible space of ground, two leagues and a half in extent, between the source of the Mehaigne and the Meuse. His opinion was warmly supported by the English generals, and those com- manding the auxiliary troops of Denmark, Luneburg and Hesse. But he was again opposed by the Dutch deputies and generals, who expatiated on the risk and danger of an enterprise, which they termed dubious and desperate ; as well as on the little advantage which could be derived even from success ; they contended that the enemy would still find ample resources for defence in the nature of the ground, particularly by occupying the strong position of Ramilies.* Finally, they dwelt with peculiar emphasis on the utility which would arise from the possession of Limburg. In this conflict of opinions, an appeal was made to the States ; but their decision only produced new deliberations, which ended in the usual result. These vexations were only a portion of what Marlborough had to endure at this pez'iod. Writing to Godolphin he says, " My eyes are so extremely sore with the dust and the want of rest for these two days, that it is a very great trouble to me to write." In another letter he adds, " I am going to the siege of Limburg ; so that I believe I shall be a fortnight from this army, in which time I hope to recover my health ; for the unreasonable opposition I have met with has so heated my blood, that I am almost mad with the head-ache." Notwithstanding a series of heavy rains which deluged the ground, the army was set in motion on the 5th of September, and on the 10th, Limburg was invested. The trenches were opened with all diligence, the batteries began to play on the 25th, and a wide breach being soon effected, on the 27th, the governor, with a garrison of 1400 men, surrendered at discretion. With this success the active operations of the * The very position on which the French were defeated in 1706. 1703.] POLIC'i OF THK DUKE OF SAVOY. 139 year were closed. Guelder, which had sustained a bloc^kade since the spring, speedily followed the example of Liniburg. Thus the campaign, though less brilliant than Marlborough had expected from the spirit and condition of his army, and the grand designs which he had formed, was not without advantage ; for the territories of Cologne and Liege were secured ; and by the reduction of all Spanish Guelderland, the States were relieved from that dread of invasion which had so long held them in suspense. By these acquisitions the way was prepared for more important and extensive enterprises. By the correspondence, it appears that Marlborough was impatient to hasten from this scene of mortification and chi- canery, that he might divert his chagrin in the society of his family and friends, and assist at the opening of the parlia- ment, which was summoned to meet on the 4th of November. But a new and unexpected change of affairs rendered his presence still necessary on the continent. The grand plan of the French to unite their Italian and German armies, and penetrate into the Austrian dominions, was obstructed by the disputes between Villars and the elector of Bavaria, the patriotic resistance of the Tyrolese, and finally frustrated by the sudden defection of the duke of Savoy. Victor Amadeus had apparently embraced the Bourbon cause with zeal and sincerity, and had been rewarded for his attachment by the marriage of his daughters, one with the duke of Burgundy, presumptive heir to the French crown, and the other with the duke of Anjou, the successful pre- tender to that of Spain. He was, however, too sagacious a statesman not to perceive, that in contributing to the ruin of Austria, he was facilitating his own reduction to a state of dependence on France. Urged by this motive, and stimulated by the hope of selling his assistance to advantage, he made several overtures to the court of Vienna as early as the month of May. To facilitate the negotiation. Count Auersperg was deputed on the part of the emperor, and reached Turin on the 14th of July. A treaty was commenced the same day with the duke in person, the secret being confided only to the marquis de Prie, his first minister. To evade the suspicious eyes of 140 LIFE OF MAULISOUOUGH. [CII. XIX. the French party, the imperial agent was clandestinely con- veyed to Castiglio, a royal seat about two leagues from Turin, where the duke occasionnlly visited him under the pretence of hunting. But the dilliculty of reconciling the jarring pretensions of the two parties ; the demand made by the duke, of a guaranty from the maritime powers ; and, above all, his dread of France, kept the arrangement in suspense, though such hopes were entertained of its conclusion, that Mr. Hill, a confidential agent of JMurlborough, was appointed envoy to Turin, on tlie part of England, and reached the frontier of Italy as early as August. With a mixture of mystery and duplicity, the duke of Savoy declined receiving the English envoy, and remanded the imperial agent to the ca})ital, where he was lodged, to use his own expres- sion, like a political hermit, in an apartment of the palace. The difficulties and objections successively advanced by the duke irritated the emperor ; and to secure a Proteus, who assumed every shape to elude his grasp, a hint of the nego- tiation was suffered to transpire through the German papers Still, however, Count Auerspei'g was allowed to remain ; for the duke of Savoy was unwilling to relinquish the nego- tiation, though his fears were awakened by the reverses which attended the imperial cause, and the inefficiency of the Italian army, to which he could alone look for support. The courts of England and Holland at length interfered to bring the discussion to a successful issue : and Marlborough, in particular, endeavoured to hasten an arrangement, w^hich appeared likely to produce such advantage to the cause of the allies. But Victor Amadeus yet fluctuated between hope and fear, and might perhaps have delayed his final resolution till it Avas too late to be effectual, had not the French court precipitated his defection by an impolitic act of severity. Acquainted with the secret intrigue, no less by the artful disclosure of the court of Vienna, than by the discoveries of their own agents, they hoped to terrify the wily prince by a decisive blow. Vendome, wlio was then advanced to the borders of the Tyrol, arrested and disarmed 5000 Piemontese, who formed part of his army. This unexpected and public affront roused the indignation of a prince who prided himself on his cunning ; and on this occasion his promptitude was strongly contrasted with his former indecision. The news 1703.] CHANGE OF PLANS OF THE ALLIES. Ill reached him on the 3d of October, and the following day, indignantly throwing off the mask, he rejected the offer of the Mihinese, in exchange for Savoy and Nice, which was made through the channel of the French commander, acceded to the grand alliance, and concluded subsidiary treaties with the Maritime Powex's. In return for his co-operation he was to be assisted by the emperor witli a force of 20,000 men, to enjoy the supreme command in Italy, and to receive, in addition to that part of the Montferrat, which belonged to the house of Mantua, Alessandria, Valenza, and Lumellina, with the Val de Sesia, and other districts. These terms wei'e guaranteed by the Maritime Powers, who agreed to aid him with a monthly subsidy of 80,000 crowns. In consequence of this change in Italy, the grand attack on Austria was suspended. The elector of Bavaria, after again defeating general Stirum at Hochstedt, employed him- self in reducing the frontier fortresses, in order to resume the design with more certain effect in the ensuing year. The militaiy movements on the Upper Rhine were influenced by the same cause. After Villars had penetrated into Bavaria, the army of Tallard was reinforced, ;tnd the duke of Bur- gundy nominated to the command. In September he reduced Old Brisach, and closed the campaign with the recovery of Landau, which secured the communication with the forces collected beyond the Black Forest. The revolution in Italy, and the accession of Portugal to the grand alliance having opened new scenes of action, an important change took place in the system of the allies. In consequence of the discontent which was manifested towards the Bourbon government in many parts of Spain, Leopold hesitated no longer in announcing and enforcing the rights of his family. To obviate the objection against uniting under one head the extensive dominions of Charles V., he and his son Joseph solemnly relinquished their claims on the Spanish succession, in favour of his second son the Archduke Charles. The young prince was accordingly proclaimed king of Spain at Vienna, and formally acknowledged by all the allied powers. He was treated at the imperial court with the formalities of a crowned head, and exercised his authority by creating several grandees of Spain. On the 19th of Sep- tember he quitted Vienna, and traversed Oermany in his 142 LIFE OF MARLDOUOUGU. [CH. XIX. v/ay to England, where he was to join the armament pre- pared to realise his pretensions. Marlborough was employed in arranging the winter quarters of his troops, when Charles arrived at Dusseldort" on the 16th of October. He therefore hastened to pay his respects, and convey to the young monarch the congratula- tions of the queen. Reaching Dusseldorf the same evening, he was admitted to a private audience, and treated with marks of the higliest gratitude and regard. He concluded his address with observing, " I have just had the honour of putting your majesty in possession of Limburg." The king replied, " I hope to be yet more indebted to your valour for the reduction of other places to my obedience." An animated conversation ensued, and Charles finally taking from his side a sword richly set with diamonds, said, " I am not ashamed to own that I am a poor prince, having no other inheritance than my cloak and my sword. My sword may be serviceable to your grace, and I hope you will not esteem it the less because I have worn it a day. I hoped to present it to you at the head of that gallant army with which you have performed such great actions." The duke respectfully kissed the hilt, and rejoined, " It acquires an additional value in my eyes, because your majesty has condescended to wear it ; for it will always remind me of your just right to the Spanish crown, and of my obligation to hazard my life and all that is dear to me, in rendering you the greatest prince of Christen- dom." As the duke had settled the disposition of winter quarters, and left the command of the troops to his brother General Churchill, he accompanied Charles to the Hague. Arriving on the 2d of November, he shared the honours which were paid to the young monarch, and was welcomed by every class with respect and applause. During his short stay he presented letters of congratulation from the queen ; and in his audience of leave received from the king his portrait richly set in diamonds, accompanied with the most flattering ex- pressions of kindness and regard. These honours and distinctions were, however, far from being without alloy. The weakness and inconsistency of the Dutch government, which had shackled his enterprising spirit, proved the source of new mortifications. Opdani, 1703.] LANDS IN ENGLAND. 113 instead of being punished for his negligence, was, by private influence, reinstated in his command, and again sent to serve with the army, which had suffered by his misconduct. Slan- genberg also renewed his clamours with redoubled violence, and found a party ready to second his cause, and re-echo his complaints. The multiplied embarrassments which Marlborough had encountered in the course of the campaign, the malicious imputations with which he was assailed in Holland, the increasing violence of both parties in England, and the pros- pect of still greater contentions, seem at length to have exhausted his patience. At this moment he had the addi- tional mortification to find his army diminished by a draught of 2000 men for the war in Portugal, which was ordered without his knowledge at the instigation of Nottingham. This measure drew on him a strong remonstrance from the Dutch government, who considered such a breach of treaties as preparatory to a larger draught, if not the adoption of a defensive system in the Netherlands The incident made a deep impression on his mind, from the mischiefs it was cal- culated to produce. In a letter to Godolphin he observes, " I cannot but say that the Dutch argue very justly. If the queen can without their consent take these men, she may by the same reason recall the rest ; and by the same reasoning they are at liberty to reduce as many as they please of their army." In the midst of this perplexity he found, to his surprise and vexation, that his friend Godolphin was alarmed by the incessant clamours against the system of war in the Nether- lands, and became an advocate for defensive operations. These multiplied causes of disgust, confirmed him in a resolution, which he had before announced, of retiring from the command. Quitting Holland, he landed in England on the 10th of No- vember. He had scarcely time to receive the Avelcome of his family, before he was despatched to Portsmouth to com- pliment the king of Spain, and conduct him to Windsor, where he was to be introduced to the queen. Two days only were dedicated to courtly ceremonies, during which Marlbo- rough had twice the honour to receive the future monarch as his guest, and the entertainment was graced with the presence of his royal mistress. On these occasions Cliarles 144 LIFK OF JlAIlLBOKOUGir. [CU. XIX. treated the duchess with the same distinctions which he had already sliown to her husband. When she ottered liim the basin and ewer, he took it i'roni her iiaiid and iiehl it for the queen. On returning it to the (hichess, he presented her with a ring of great vahie, which he had worn on his own finger. Having conchided tliese formalities, Charles returned to Portsmouth, accompanied by the dulce of Somerset, and without delay embarked on board the Royal Catherine, which Avas to conv<'y him to Lisbon. Marlborough had scarcely reached England before the discontented Tories resorted to one of the usual machinations of party, which was calculated to sow dissension in the court and shackle the o]>erations of government. This was the revival of the bill against occasional conformity. As the queen was known to be zealously inclined to the measure, and as both Marlborough and Godolphin had hitherto given it their strenuous support, their enemies naturally concluded that they could not oppose it withoqt sacrificing their own principles, or offending th ;ir royal mistress ; nor permit it to pass without depriving themselves of the aid which they drew from the Wliigs and moderate dissenters. Another mischief which this measure was likely to produce, had also probably not escajied the penetration of the movers ; for as the Whig zeal of the duchess was well known, a discussion, which must infallibly excite all the acrimony of party, could scarcely take place without creating irritation between her and the queen. The situation and iniiuence of the Tories enabled them to revive this obnoxious act with peculiar effect. By the con- nivance of Nottingham, it was announced in the Gazette without the knowledge of Godolphin. Under this apparent sanction of the government, it was received in the House of Commons at the motion of Mr. Bromley. Being zealously supported, not only by the Tories, but by the Non-jurors and Jacobites, it was carried by a large majority, and transmitted to the Lords. The correspondence which occurred while the bill was pending, sufficiently shows the delicate predicament in which Marlborough and the treasurer were placed. Although the queen had been induced in her speech at the opening of parliament, to deprecate discussions which were likely to 1703.] OCCASIONAL CONFOiiJUXy EILL. 145 excite divisions and animosity, she was not the less favour- ably disposed towards a measure which appeared to give additional strength and security to the church. The duchess tried to combat the secret inclinations of the queen, and did not spare the feelings of her husband, but importuned him to make an open and direct opposition to a bill which would weaken the interest of the party on whom the perverseness of the Tories had compelled him to rely. He was himsell fully sensible of the injurious consequences which it would produce; yet he too highly respected the prejudices of his sovereign, and was too anxious to preserve his own con- sistency, to follow her advice. He adopted, however, the most prudent resolution which circumstances would permit, and thus apprised her of his design : — " I do own a great deal of wliat you say is right ; but I can by no means allow that all the Tory party are for King James, and conse- quently against the queen, but the contrary; I think it is in her power to make use of almost all, but some of the heads, to the true interests of England, which I take to be the Protestant succession, to the supporting of which, by the help of Almighty God, I will venture my last drop of blood. As you are the only body that could have given me happiness, I am the more concerned we should differ so much in opinion. But as I am firmly resolved never to assist any Jacobite whatsoever, or anv Tory that is for persecution, I must be careful not to do the thing in the world which my Lord Rochester would most desire to have me do, which is to give my vote ag;unst this bill : but I do most solemnly promise that I will speak to nobody living to be for it ; and to show you that I would do anv thing that were not a ruin to the queen, and an absolute destruction to myself to make you easy, at this time by what has been told me, the bill will certainly be thrown out, unless my lord treasurer and I will both speak to people and speak in the House, which I do assure you for myself 1 will not do." In consequence of the lukewarmness manifested by the two ministers, and the example of the prince of Denmark, to whom the queen gave leave to absent himself from the House rather than vote for a measure to which he was opposed, the party against the bill in the House of Peers exerted themselves with a decisive effect. The attack was commenced by Dr. Burnet, bishop of Salisbuiy, in an able speech, and he was zealously seconded by the Whig chiefs. After a long and warm debate, it was lost by a majority of only twelve voices. Twenty-three peers of the Tory party signed a protest, and among them we find the names of ilarlborough VOL. I. L 146 LIFE 01' MARLBOROUGH. [cU. XX. and Godolphin, who evidently made this sacrifice of their feelings for the sake of preserving their consistency, and conciliating their former i'riends. They did not, however, gain their ohject ; lor in the pamphlets of the day we find them accused of du[)licity, and charged with defeating the measure by their lukewannness and indirect solicitations. Chap. XX. — Grand Plan of the Campaign, 1704. In the preceding chapter we have seen that Marlborough quitted the Continent with a determination to withdraw from the command ; but on a calm and dispassionate consideration, the temporary ebullitions of spleen and vexation gave way to nobler sentiments ; and the full conviction that his own pre- sence and exertions could alone obviate the dangers which threatened the civilised world, induced him to sacrifice all personal feelings to the public cause. Marlborough saw the year close with the most gloomy aspect. The change, occasioned by the accession of Portugal and Savoy, had suspended, not averted, the peril. The French monarch looked eagerly forward to the return of the season, in the full confidence that a single campaign would reduce the emperor to submission, and break the bonds of that confederacy which had 23resumed to set bounds to his domination. In Hungary the insurrection assumed strength and consistency. Prince Ragotski, the leader of the mal- contents, was joined by several powerful magnates, forced the imperial general, Sehlick, to retire to Presburg, and pouring his desultory hordes beyond the Mark, levied con- tributions in Moravia and Silesia, and spread alarm to the very gates of Vienna. By the possession of Landau and Brisach, the French had opened a passage over the Rhine, and secured the means of pushing an army through the Black Forest into, the heart of the empire. The elector of Bavaria was master of Ratisbon, Kempten, Kaufleuren, and Gravenbach, which commanded the country between the Iller and the Inn ; and of Augsburg, which afforded a 1704.1 DIFFIOUT^TIES OF THE ALLIES. 147 passage over the Leek. He also occupied Ulm Avitli a strong garrison, took Passau and Lintz, the keys of Upper Austria, and was prevented from reducing Nordlingen and Nurem- berg, only by the advance of winter. He thus held the course of the Danube from its source to tlie frontier of Austria, established a communication with the French armies on the Rhine, and the rebels in Hungary, and by these advantages, joined to his centra.1 position, was enabled to awe the princes of the empire, and to penetrate almost without obstruction to the walls of Vienna. With an army of 45,000 men, he fixed his quarters in the vicinity of Ulm ; from whence he could readily effect a junction with the French reinforcement, which early in the spring was to penetrate tlirough the rugged country bordering the sources of the Danube. The French court had exerted their customary activity in collecting means for the accomplishment of this decisive enterprise. Besides the army in the Netherlands under Villeroy, Tallard with 45,000 men was posted on the Upper Rhine, in a situation which enabled him at once to menace the circles of Swabia, Franconia, and the Rhine, and open a passage into Bavaria. The Tyrol was exposed to the aggres- sions of the Italian army ; and the most vigorous efforts were made to terminate the contest with the duke of Savoy, and clear the whole country between the frontier of Dauphine and the Trentine Alps. On the eve of so awful a crisis, the defensive system of Germany was in the most deplorable state. Every exertion had been made to raise levies, and prepare Vienna for a siege ; but with an impoverished country and an exhausted treasury every exertion was fruitless. Means and time were equally wanting to collect an army for the security of the Austrian frontier ; while the force which could be opposed to the elector of Bavaria scarcely amounted to 20,000 men ; and the army of the empire, which, under, the command of the Margrave of Baden, was employed to guard the lines of StolhoSen, was equally incompetent to maintain so important a barrier of the empire. The avenues of the Black Forest were principally confided to militia and peasantry, supported by a few regulars under General Stirum. A small body of Dutch troops, amounting only to twelve battalions, was quartered at Rothweil. to cover Wirtemburg. and a few - 2 148 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XX. Hessians and Prussians were posted on the borders of the Rhine below Pliilipsburg. Scarcely any hope remained of opposing the designs of France and Bavaria, and the fate of Europe appeared to depend on the first movement of their combined forces. Indeed we may with confidence assert, that if our great com- mander had executed his resolution of retiring from his irk- some situation, the subversion of public and private liberty was inevitable. Marlborough had duly appreciated the peril of the time, and before the close of the preceding campaign, had entered into a secret correspondence with Eugene, for the purpose of devising a remedy. He considered this as a crisis, which equally baffled the combinations of regular warfare, and the calculations of ordinary prudence ; he was convinced that nothing but an effort bordering on rashness could save the emperor, and with him the members of the grand alliance, from inevitable ruin. Sensible that all which is dear to man was at stake, he not only vanquished his own ii'ritated feel- ings, but infused a bolder spirit into the timid mind of Godolphin, and awakened the Whigs to the dangerous con- sequences of their impolitic clamours for a defensive system. Having thus weakened the vexatious opposition with which he had been so long harassed, he formed the bold design of trusting tlie protection of Holland and Flanders to the Dutch army, and leaving in his rear the numerous fortresses and forces of the enemy, to hasten with all the disposable troops he could collect, to the quarter where the most pi'essing dangers were hourly accumulating. In executing this extensive plan he had difficulties of no ordinary magnitude to encounter. He had not only to baffle the penetration of a 'vigilant enemy, who by a vigorous effort miglit have arrested his course, but to extort the consent of a divided cabinet to an enterprise of imminent peril and indefinite extent. He had also to vanquish the opposition of the Dutch, and persuade them to confide in their own resources ; while so large a part of the army, which had hitherto formed their protection, was detached on a perilous, a distant, and perhaps a fatal expedition. His plan, however, was matured and carried into effect with astonishing celerity, address, and secrecy. Having 1704.] ATTEMPTS TO ROUSE THE CONFEDERACT. 149 completed his arrangements with Eugene, he persuaded Godolphin to forward his views without disclosing their whole extent, and trusted to the chance of events for the sanction of the queen, and the acquiescence of the cabinet. The primary object was, to obtain from parliament the aids Avhich would enable him to profit by the recent changes in Italy and Portugal, and above all to procure an augmentation of forces sufficient for the relief of Austria and the empire. In this object, by his own exertions and those of his friends, he fully succeeded. The Commons, in compliance with the recommendation of the queen, not only granted subsidies to carry the alliances with Portugal and Savoy into effect, but also consented to an augmentation of 10,000 men in the Netherlands, thus raising the force under the immediate command of Marlborough to 50,000. Adequate supplies were furnished for equipment, and to accelerate recruiting, the magistrates were armed with unusual powers. It was next necessary to give a similar impulse to the most sluggish member of the confederacy. Accordingly, at the instigation of Pensionary Hiensius, Marlborough was invited to Holland in the name of the States, that they might have the advantage of his advice in deliberating on the means of averting the dangers which threatened the common cause. He therefore quitted England on the loth January, in a season of such intense cold and tempestuous weather, that his yacht was the first vessel, which for six weeks had ventured to navigate the German sea. He landed at Rot- terdam on the evening of the 18th, and profiting by the earliest tide, reached the Hague the ensuing day. To the pensionary he perhaps made the same communication as to Godolphin ; but to the States he suggested a plan equally calculated to conceal and promote his design, by proposing to open a campaign on the Moselle, with the British troops, and part of the foreign auxiliaries ; while General Overkirk, with the Dutch and the remainder of the auxiliaries, main- tained a defensive system in the Netherlands. He did not at first succeed in obtaining their sanction, even to this modified proposal, but he was ably seconded by the pen- sionary, who promised to employ his own influence and that of his confidential friends in procuring the concurrence of the government, as soon as the intended plan should be I. 3 150 LIFE OF MAni.BOROUGH. [CH. XX. developed. At the same time Marlborou;?h induced the States to grant a subsidy of 200,000 crowns for enabling the margrave of Baden to keep tlie field, and a similar supply to the circle of Suabia, which was about to become the scene c^f hostilities. He induced tliem also to take into their pay 4000 Wirtemburg troops, in the place of those who had been detached for the sei'vice of Portugal. Sensible also of the critical situation to which tlie duke of Savoy was reduced, he obtained a [)romise for the payment of the arrears due under the subsidiary treaty, and conveyed to him the assurance of so early and vigorous a campaign in Germany, as should prevent the French from increasing their forces in Italy. Similar encouragement was held forth to the Elector Pa- latine, who claimed large arrears from the Dutch ; and no expedient was neglected to satisfy the punctilious and grasp- ing spirit of the king of Prussia, who seized every opportu- nity to enhance the price of his assistance. Marlborough warmly commended the zeal which his majesty had displayed for the common cause, flattei'ed him with the title of deliverer of the empire, obtained an increase of his troops, and adroitly engaged him in a negotiation to detach the elector of Bavaria. He even aiFected to make a confidential communication of his designs, by specifying the intended disposition of the forces on the Moselle and the Meuse, and indicating the mode and time of operation. Marlborough next hastened his return to England, where his presence was necessary to give motion to the whole ma- chine of state. Arriving at Rotterdam on the 22d of Feb- ruary, he embarked e;irly the next morning with the first tide. But before he descended to the Brill, the yacht ran aground, and was left by the ebb. Being, however, unwill- ing to lose the favourable wind, he leaped into the first boat which appeared, and made to the Brill. He there re-em- barked in the Dolphin, and after lying to at the mouth of the Meuse, to observe the transports, which were setting sail from Helvoet with the troops for Portugal, he continued his course to the English shore, landed at Gravesend about eight in the evening, and reached London early in the morn- ing. He immediately waited on the queen, to communicate liis arrangements. He not only obtained her approbation^ 1704.] CHANGES IN THE CABINET. 151 but persuaded her to remit, without delay, 100,000 crowns, as the proportion of England to the circle of Suabia, and fi'om the privy purse to advance the amount of the contingent which he had promised the margrave of Baden, and which was not comprised in the provisions of parliament. His attention was also directed to the domestic arrange- ments which the state of affairs required. It was not merely necessary to collect the means of action, but also to obviate the embari-assments which could not fail to arise, from the divided state of the cabinet, and the opposition of the high Tories. Although Nottingham and his adherents did not openlyjoin Rochester in his violent measures, and although they suffered the supplies to pass, they yet manifested their hostility by thwarting the bill for recruiting the army, and announced their dissatisfaction by a vehement protest. In consequence of this proceeding, and the refractory spirit they liad shown in the preceding year, a resolution was taken to remove the obnoxious secretary and some of his immediate dependants. By adroit management Nottingham was got out, and replaced in his office of secretary by Mr. Harley, the speaker. The duke was influenced in this promotion by a knowledge of Harley's financial talents, by the confidence derived from long habits of intimacy, and similarity of poli- tical principle ; and, finally, by a sense of gratitude for dis- closing the secret cabals of Nottingham. Another motive for his introduction to so important an office, was derived from numerous adherents in the House of Commons, who professed to act on the principles of moderation and inde- pendence, as well as to reg:L.d no other object than the public service ; and who from patriotism, pique, or love of change, withdrew from the two great contending parties. Such in- deed was the address of Harley in making proselytes, that although he was himself connected with the dissenters, yet he acquired the confidence of churchmen ; and frequently united at liis hospitable board the ministers and members of both persuasions. Though a man so industrious in acquiring influence could not regard tho honours of office with an in- different eye, he at first decl'ned the offer of the secretary- ship, declaring tliat he was unwilling to fill a place, to the duties of which he had not been accustomed. With difficulty he even accepted a situation in the privy council. Aftt r L 4 152 LIKE OF MART.BOIiOfGH. [CII. XX, some hfsitation, cither real or affected, lie yielded to the im- portunities of Marlborough and Godolphin, and the solicita- tions of the queen; and on the 18th of May, his promotion was announced in the " Gazette."* During this negotiation the other vacant places were filled. The earl of Kent, who ranked as a moderate Whig, was ap- pointed lord charabei-lain ; and Sir Thomas Mansell, an ardent Tory, as well as the friend of the speaker, was made comptroller of the household. Another promotion which took place at the s;ime time was, the transfer of the secretary- ship of war from Blatlnvayte to Henry St. John. This youthful statesman, who now commenced his public career, was the friend of Harley, and by him appears to have been introduced to the notice of the duke. His splendid and pre- mature talents soon strengthened the impressio»^ made by his captivating amenity of manners, and he rapidly ingratiated himself witli his noble patron, by an aifectation of the most zealous attachment. Marlborough took the warniest interest in his promotion, and recommended him to Godolphin as one on whose integrity he might securely rely. •' I am very glad," he says, " you are so well pleased with Mr. St. John's diligence, and I am very confident he will never deceive you." Many of the zealous Whigs were highly offended at these appointments, which they regarded as a slight to their party ; and their complaints were imparted to Marlborough by his son-in-law, Lord vSunderland. But he had still more vehe- ment expostulations to encounter from his duchess. She depicted the attachment and zeal professed by Harley, as mere artifices to clothe his consummate subtlety ; and her keen sagacity equally discovered the insatiable ambition and party zeal, which in St. John were cloaked with the appear- ance of unaffected candour, and careless vivacity. She con- jured her husband to moderate his confidence towards two persons, whom she regarded as doubtful friends, if not dan- gerous enemies. Marlborough, however, neglected these warnings, from the honourable motive of regarding merit and abilities in the choice of his confidants, and from a native * Godolpliin's private letters to the duchess, — Marlborough's private correspondence. — Conduct, p. 144. — Other side of the question, p. 215. 1704.] OrENIXG OF THE GRAND CAMPAIGN. 153 magnanimity of character, above suspicion. He thus uncon- sciously prepared the way for his subsequent mortification and final disgrace. Chap. XXI. — Opening of the Grand Campaign, 1704. During his short stay in England, Marlborougli exerted himself in despatching the recruits and reinforcements to the Continent, and maturing the military arrangements. Con- scious how much his future success depended on secrecy, he professed in England, as in Holland, his design of acting on the Moselle ; and even to the queen and Lord Godolphin, he appears to have made only a partial disclosure of his views. Through the agency of Prince Eugene, with whom he had secretly arranged the whole plan of the campaign, he induced the emperor to write a confidential letter to the queen, claiming assistance proportionate to the magnitude of his danger ; and on the 2d of April the imperial minister pri- vately made a similar appeal in the name of his master. On this ground Marlborough procured a general instruction from the cabinet, empowering him to repair to Holland, and concert with the States such measures as should be deemed proper for relieving the emperor, and reducing the elector of Bavaria. On the 19th of April he embarked at Harwich with his brother. General Churchill, the earl of Orkney, and other ofiicers ; landed at Maeslandsluys, and reached the Hague on the 21st. His first care was to combat the constitutional tardiness of the margrave of Baden. He affected to adopt a plan, which tliat prince had furnished for a campaign on the Moselle, communicated the arrangements which were then pending with the States, and urged the necessity of an early and vigorous efiTort against the elector of Bavaria, because he should himself be obliged to return to the Netherlands towards the end of July. The next object was, to complete the dispositions which he had left unfinished in his recent lo4 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXI. visit to the Hague. Still, however, he found extreme diffi- culty in prompting a timid and commercial people, whose whole views were confined to temporary safety, to engage even in the modified plan which he iiad hitherto suggested for an expedition to the Moselle. After passing several days in combating the alarms of some, and the factious oppo- sition of others, he resolved to extort that aid from their fears which he could not obtain from their pnl>lic spirit, by declaring his intention to lead the linglish troops alone to the Moselle. The event answered his expec- tations. His declaration silenced tlie clamours of faction, and operated on the fears of the timid ; and in a formal con- ference with the States-general, on the 4th of May, he ob- tained powers which he deemed sufficient for the accom- plishment of his design. At the same time he had success- fully negotiated with the court of Prussia, and procured the necessary facilities for transporting his magazines to Cob- lentz. With that indefatigable activity of mind, which can pursue the most extensive combinations without neglecting subordinate details, he superintended in person the collection and embarkation of tiiese necessary requisites. He saw also there inforcements which had recently arrived from England commence their march for the general rendezvous, under the command of his brother. General Churchill. Thus did this able negotiator and profound statesman, as well as great commander, wield all the jarring interests of a heterogeneous confederacy : thus did he turn even the alarms of the timid, the clamours of the factious, and the views of the interested, to the accomplishment of the boldest and most adventurous project, which in modern times had ever been conceived by a general who was responsible for his actions, and limited in his authority. He had departed from Eng- land under the pressure of domestic chagrin, derived from some petty bickerings with the duchess. At this period a reconciliation not only seems to have taken place, but in the warmth of returning tenderness, she even testified a wish to accompany him during the campaign, and to soothe his anxi- ety by her presence. His reply shows how intimately the affections of the man were, in his bosom, blended with the virtues of the hero. " Hague, April 24.— May 5 Your dear letter of the 15th came to me 1704.] QUITS THE HAGUE. 155 hut this minute. My lord treasurer's letter in which it was inclosed, by some mistake was sent to Amstcrd;im. I would not fur any thing in my power it had been lost ; f t it is so very kind, that I would in return lose a thousand lives if I had them to make you happy. Before I sat down to write this letter, I took yours tiiat you wrote at Harwich out of my strong box and have burnt it ; and if you will give me leave it will be a great pleasure to me to have it in my power to read this dear dear letti-r often, and that it may be found in my strong box when I am dead. I do this minute love you better than ever I did before. This letter of yours has made me so happy, that I do from my soul wish we could re- tire and not be blamed. What you propose as to coming over, I should be extremely pleased with ; for your letter has so transported me, that I think you would be happier in being here than where you are ; although T should not be able to see you often. But you will see by my last letter, as well as this, that what you desire is impossible ; fur I am going up into Germany, where it would be impossible for you to follow me ; but love me as you now do, and no hurt can come to ine. You have by this kindness preserved my quiet, and I believe my life ; for till I had this letter, I have been very indifferent of what should become of myself I have pressed this business of carrying an army into Germany, in order to leave a good name behind me, wishing for nothing else but good suc- cess. I sliall now add, that of having a long life, that I may be liappy with you." To prevent the restraints derived from the presence of the field deputies, Marlboroiigli had confined his demand of re- inforcements to the auxiliaries in the pay of the States. To obviate also the obstructions which might arise from the pretensions of foreign officers, he obtained for his brother the rank of general, with the command of the British in- fantry ; and Overkirk, who had been involved in some dis- pute with General Churchill, relative to precedence, was left with the Dutch troops, and the remainder of the auxili- aries, to guard the frontier, and secure the conquests of the former campaign. Having completed all his preparations, he quitted the Hague in the evening of the 5th of May, and proceeded in a yacht to Utrecht. In his progress to the army, he spent a social day at Vorst, the seat of the earl of Albemarle. Here we find that while the fate of Europe hung on his projected expedition, the internal politics of England did not the less occupy his attention. We observe also that the spleen and querulousness which had hitlierto marked his correspondence, began to give way to elevated hopes and renewed con- fidence. He quitted this hospitable mansion at break of day, 156 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXL on the 7th of May, and hastening his journey by Rureniond, reached Maestricht on the 10th. Here he continued till the 14th, actively employed in assembling and organising the army, superintending the formation of magazines, and press- ing the march of the troops to the place of rendezvous. The labours of a single day will suffice to show his activity, both of body and mind. At Rureniond he inspected the construc- tion of a bridge for the passage of the troops over the INIeuse ; in the morning he reviewed the first line of his army, and the second in the alternoon ; in the intervals he not only gave the necessary orders for the troops under his imme- diate command, but despatched instructions directing the generals posted at ]\Ientz, Rothweil, and the distant parts of Germany, to hold themselves in readiness for taking the field. Having set the different columns in motion, and left a garrison of six regiments of British infantry and four squadrons of cavalry to secure Maestricht, Marlborough de- parted on the 16th, and on the 18th reached Bedburg, which had been fixed as the place of rendezvous. Here he. found the army assembled under General Churchill, amount- ing to fifty-one battalions and ninety-two squadrons, in- cluding 16,000 English. To these were to be united, in the course of the march, the troops of Prussia, Luneburg, and Hesse, quartered on the Rhine, and the eleven Dutch bat- talions stationed at Rothweil.* On the 19th he commenced that celebrated expedition, which was pregnant with such stupendous events. Encamp- ing on the 20th at Kerpen, he received an express from Overkirk, pressing him to halt, because Villeroy, with thirty- six battalions and forty-five squadrons, had quitted the line ; crossed the Meuse on the preceding day at Namur, and threatened Huy. At the same moment letters arrived from * In addition to the letters of the duke, and the printed authorities, we have been aided in describing the operations of this campaign by a verj- interesting journal, kept by the duke's chaplain, Mr. Hare, after- wards bishop of Chichester. This journal was compiled from personal observations and official documents, and submitted to the inspection of the duke himself, as we learn from a letter written towards the close of the campaign by his secretary, Mr. Cardonel, to secretary Harley, which js preserved in the State Paper Office. 1704.] CONTINUES HIS FAJIOUS EXPEDITION. 157 the margrave of Baden and Count Wratislaw, stating that Tallard had made a movement, as if intending to cross the Rhine, and urging him to hasten his march towards tlae lines of Stolhoffen. Marlborough was not diverted by these ap- plications from the prosecution of his grand design. Con- scious that the army of Villeroy would be too much reduced to undertake offensive operations, by the detachments which had already been made towards the Rhine, and those which must follow his own march, he halted only a day to quiet the alarms of Overkirk. To satisfy also the margrave, he ordered the troops of Hompesch and Bulow to draw towards Philipsburg, though with private injanctions not to proceed beyond a certain distance. He even exacted a promise to the same effect from Count Wratislaw, who at this juncture arrived at the camp to attend him during the whole cam- paign. On the following day he reached Kalsecken, and began to develop a part of his plan. He wrote to the States ex- pressing his conviction that no danger was to be appre- hended on the side of the Netherlands, while his own march so strongly engaged the attention of the enemy. Drawing an argument from the strength of Villeroy, and the proba- bility of his advance to the Moselle, he also pressed for further reinforcements, to save his own army from being overwhelmed by superior numbers, and represented that Overkirk could readily supply the deficiency by drafts from the neighbouring garrisons. The troops having proceeded in their march through Merkheim to Sinzig, where they arrived on the 23d, Marlboi'ough departed to inspect the fortifications of Bonn, as if he designed to establish a place of arms for a campaign on the Moselle. Here he received intelligence that Tallard had passed the Rhine near Brisach on the 12th of IMay, and after pushing a reinforcement of 10,000 men with a considerable supply of ammunition and stores, through the defiles near Freyburg to join the elector of Bavaria, had resumed his former position in the vicinity of Strasburg. He was apprised also that Villeroy, with the best of his troops, was hastening towards the Moselle. This intelligence induced Marlborough to renew his ap- peal to the States for succour, and to accelerate his march to the Danube. On the 2oth he advanced with the cavalry, 158 LIFE OF MARLUOKOUGH. [CH. XXI. in the direction of Coblentz, leaving his brother to follow with tlie int'iuitry and artillery. In his letters we trace the promptitude of his intellif::ence and the i-apidity and combi- nation of his movements. We find him also confidently anti- cipating success, and testifying the utmost satisfaction, in having already suspended the advance of the elector of Bavaria to Vienna. At Coblentz his army travei'sed the Moselle and the Rhine on tlie 26th of May, while he paid a visit to the elector of Treves at Ehrenbi'eitstein. Here, as elsewhere, he was received with respect and admiration ; every class, from the subject to the sovereign, vied in expressions of gratitude and joy, and his march resembled rather a triumphal procession, than the movement of an army to the conflict. From Coblentz he sent his baggage and artillery up the Rhine to Mentz, and again led the advance with his cavalry. His arrangements were equally adapted to gain time and spare his troops. He moved at the first dawn of the morn- ing, and reached his intended camp before the heat became oppressive, so that the men were as much refreshed by a rest of sevei-al hours as by the halt of a day. From Broubach on the 27th of May he acquainted the king of Prussia with his progress, announced the junction of the French reinforcement with the elector of Bavaria, and earnestly requested a further aid of Prussian troops, to whose bravei-y he paid a distinguished compliment. He had here the satisfaction of receiving the warmest testimony of gratitude from the imperial court, and of finding that his appeal to the States was zealously seconded by the Dutch generals. Reaching Cassel, a suburb of Mentz, on the 29th, he halted a day to refresh the cavalry, who were much fatigued by their constant march. In this interval, he was hospitably received at Mentz by the elector, in whose presence the troops were reviewed. The elector was particularly struck with their cleatdy and neat appearance, and alluding to an entertainment which was to be given to the officers, ob- served, " these gentlemen seem to be all dressed for the ball." Before he marched, Marlborough received information that the States had consented to reinforce his army with 1704-.] ATTACK ON THE ELECTOR FRUSTRATED. lo9 twenty squadrons and eight battalions of Danish auxiliaries. But his satisfaction at this news was counterbalanced by in- telligence, that the margrave of Baden had not only suffered the French succours to join the elector of Bavaria witliout obstruction, but had also neglected a favourable opportunity of defeating the enemy even after the junction. The elector and Marsin had broken up from their camp at Ulm with 35,000 men, and on the 17th of May drew towards the head of the Danube to receive the expected succours. On their approach, General Thungen, who commanded the German troops between the Danube and the Lake of Con- stance, withdrew towards Rothweil, where he was joined by the Dutch and a body of Wirtemburg cavaliy. On the 14th he was reinforced by the margrave of Bareith and General Stirum, with 1 4,000 men, from the circle of Franconia. These generals being thus at the head of 30,000 men. pro- posed to attack the elector, who was then posted behind Villingen, and would doubtless have prevented the junction of the reinforcements wliicli were then filing through the defiles to the east of Fi-eyburg. At this moment, however, their design was suspended by an order from the margrave of Baden, enjoining them to wait his arrival. Apprised of the enemy's motions, he quitted the lines of Stolhotfen on the 1 7th, and hastening to the camp at Rothweil, was followed by seven regiments of infantry and one of cavalry. The junction being effected, he on the evening of the 19th approached the electoral camp at Villingen. Unfortunately, the time which had been lost in waiting his arrival, had enabled the French reinforcements to accomplish their passage ; and on the 20th the enemy, hastily decamping, withdrew thi'ough Huflingen towards Engen. The enemy being burdened with a long line of carriages, an active general might yet have remedied the mischief of the delay, by seizing the pass of Stochach, which would have cut oiF their retreat ; and as they were totally in want of bread, would have left them no resource except to surrender at discretion. The margrave, indeed, wanted not skill and vigilance to perceive, but activity to seize the advantage. He crossed the Danube at Dutlingen, and advanced to Lep- tingen at the same time that the enemy readied Engen, yet in this situation he suffered them to anticipate Lim at the 160 LIFE OF MAKLBORODGH. [CH. XXK. pass of Stochach, and after a brisk cannonade they Hied off without obstruction to Sauli^en. Having thus permitted his prey to escape, the margrave fell back to Mosskirk, and on the 2Sth of May took up his position at Rietlingen. * While he remained at Mentz, Marlborougii acquainted the landgrave of Hesse with his intention of j)roceeding farther into Germany to the relief of the emperor, and pur- suaded that priniH; to send the artillery which he had pro- vided for the expected operations on the Moselle to Man- heim, that it might be ready for the siege of Landau, or anj-- other enterprise of advantage to the conmion cause. He also summoned the prince of Hesse, Bulow, and Honipesch to Mentz, to receive the necessary directions for the junction of the forces under their command with the main army. He took measures also for the regular payment of his troops. " I send to-morrow to Francfbrt," he writes to Godolphin, " to see if I can take up a month's pay for the English, and shall draw the bills on Mr. Sweet ; for notwithstanding the continual marching, the men are extremel)-^ pleased with this expedition, so that I am sure you will take all the care pos- sible that they may not want." Chap. XXII. — Commencement of Operations, 1 704. The next point to which IMarlborough directed his march was Ladenburg, where he had previously ordered bridges to be constructed for the passage of the Neckar. Here he arrived on the 3d of June. Notwithstanding all the cares which weighed on his mind, and the pomp with which he was surrounded, his thoughts still dwelt on the endearments of home and the society of his family and friends. The duchess having earnestly repeated her request to join him, he re- plied : — '• Wciiiheim. May 22. -June 2. — I take it extreme kindly that you per- sist in desiring to come to me ; but I am sure when you consider that three days hence will be a month that the troops have been in a continual • Hare's Journal. — Memoircs de Tallaid, uassim. 1704.] HIS PROFOUND STRATEGY. 161 inarch to get hither ; and we shall be a fortnight longer before we shall be able to get to the Danube, so that you could hardlv get to me and back again to Holland, before it would be time to return into England. Besides, m)' dear soul, how could I be at any ease? for if we should not have good success, I could not put you into any place where you would be safe. " I am now in a house of the elector palatine, that has a prospect over the finest country that is possible to be seen. I see out of my chamber window the Rhine and the Neckar, and his two principal towns of Man- heiin and Heidelberg ; but would be much better pleased with the prospect of St. Alban's, which is not very famous for seeing far." To Godolphin he briefly communicates his situation and ulterior views ; in a letter also written from Ladendurg on the 4th of June : — " The cannon and infantry being six days' march behind me, and the troops of Luneburg, Holland, and Hesse being in several quarters, I shall halt here to-morrow, to give the necessary orders, and then shall advance towards the Danube, with what troops I have here, leaving the English and cannon to be brought up by my brother, and the Danes bv the duke of Wirtemberg. I hope in eight days to meet with Prince Louis and Prince Eugene. I am afraid the first will not go to the Rhine, he being, as I am told, desirous to stay on the Danube. When I see them, you shall be sure to know what we have concerted . Hitherto his progress had held all Europe in awful anxiety, and had not only suspended the movements of the elector of Bavaria, but had perplexed and confounded the French com- manders. As his arrival at Coblentz had spread apprehen- sion of an attack by the Moselle, so his advance to Mentz had seemed to threaten Alsace. His subsequent progress afforded no precise indication of his design ; while the con- struction of a bridge over the Rhine at Philipsburg, and the advance of the Hessian artillery to Manheim, seemed pre- paratory to the siege of Landau. Villeroy, who had followed him from the Meuse, drew an additional reinforcement from Flanders ; while Tallard descended to the Lauter, that they might readily unite their forces to protect Alsace, or create a diversion by an offensive movement into the empire. Their penetration was however baffled, and Tallard, hitherto fertile in projects, was bewildered amidst doubt, difficulty, and con- jecture. With such skill and science had this enterprise been con- certed, that at the very moment when it assumed a specific direction, the enemy was no longer enabled to render it abor- VOL. I. M 162 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH, [CII. XX IT. live. As the march was now to be bent towards the Danube, notice was given for tlie Prussians, Palatines, and Hessians, who were stationed on the Rhine, to order tlieir march so as to join the main body in its progress. At the same time directions were sent to accelerate the advance of the Danish auxiliaries, who were marching from the Netherlands. After traversing the Neckar, Marlborough again moved on tlie 6th of June, and passing througli Wisloch, encamped on the 7th at Erpingen, liaving been joined in the route by several bodies of auxiliaries. At this, as at other periods, he was particularly solicitous to spare the people whom he came to defend. Contrary to the custom of the French and Germans, who subsisted their armies at the expense of the country, he took effectual care that the troops should be regularly paid, and enjoined the treasurer to secure a month's subsistence, and establish ample credit in advance. Similar orders were forwarded to the Danes, who were more likely to commit excesses than the forces under his own im- mediate inspection. By these precautions he conciliated the inhabitants, and obtained a more regular supply of provisions than could have been extorted by any measure of severity. Sensible also how deeply the soldier feels the attention and sympathy of his general, he wrote to his brother, who had then reached Heidelberg, expressing his concern for the sufferings which the infantry had undergone ; and directing the commanding officers of each regiment to make an early provision of shoes and other necessaries, which could not be readily obtained in a hostile country. "With that consummate vigilance which is equally attentive to every point within the sphere of action, he omitted no pj'ecaution to baffle the efforts which the French commanders might be prompted to make on the disclosure of his real de- sign. To Godolphin he writes : — " May 28. -June 8. — Having received intelligence yesterday that in three or four days the duke of Villeroy, witli his army, would join that of the marshal de Tallard about Landau, in order to force the passage of the Rhine, I prevailed with Count Wratislaw to make all the haste he could to Prince Louis of Baden's army, where he will be this night, that he might make him sensible of the great consequence it is to hinder the French from passing that river, while we are acting against the elector of Bavaria. I have also desired him to press, and not to be refused, that either Prince Louis or Prince Eugene go immediately to the Rhine. I 1704.] FIRST MEETS PRINCE EUGENE. 163 am in hopes to know to-morrow what resolution they have taken. If I could decide it by my wishes, Prince Eugene should stay on the Danube, although Prince Louis has assured me, by the count dc Frise, that he will not make the least motion with his army but as we shall concert. At this time it is agreed tliat Prince Louis shall act on the lller, and I on the Danube. If the marshal de Villeroy can be kept on the other side of the Rhine, we must be contented to suffer him to do what he pleases there, whilst we are acting in Bavaria. If we can hinder the junction of more troops to the elector, I hope six weeks after we begin may be sufficient for the reducing of him, or the entire ruining of his country. It will be the 10th of June our style, before the English foot and cannon can join me on the Danube; and if the cannon, which Prince Louis has promised, can be ready, which I much doubt, I shall in two days after the junction march directly to Donawerth. If I can take that place I shall there settle a magazine for the army, at the same time that the other army is to force their passage over the lller, •which Prince Louis thinks himself sure of, that river having several fords." On the 8th Marlborough moved to Gross Gartach, and the 9th passing the Neckar a second time at LaufFen, ad- vanced the next day to Mondelsheim, where he had the satisfaction to find that Prince Eugene and Count Wratis- law were on their way to visit him. Here tliese two great generals met for the first time, and conceived for each other that esteem and confidence wlaich afterwards rendered them partners in glory. The next day tliey marched to Hippach, where Marlborougli reviewed his cavalry, in the presence of Eugene. The prince expressed his surprise to find the troops in so excellent a condition, after their long and harass- ing march. •' I have heard much," he said, "of the En- lish cavalry, and find it indeed to be the best appointed and finest I have ever seen. Money, of which you have no want in England, can buy clothes and accoutrements, but nothing can purchase the spirit which I see in the looks of your men. It is an earnest of victory. " To so judicious a com- pliment, Marlborough made a no less flattering reply. '• My troops," he observed, " are always animated with zeal for the common cause, but they are now inspired by your presence. To you we owe that spirit which awakens your admiration." In this camp they halted three days, to give time for the infantry to approach, and settle the future operations. The Margrave of Baden having detached 9000 Prussians, and three regiments of cavalry, to secure the passage of the X 2 164 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [oil, XXH. lUiino, joined them on the 13th. On his an'ival he said to I\I:ii-lborougii, with perhaps more courtesy than sincerit}-, '• I am come to meet the deliverer of the empire." Alluding to his own recent failure, he added, " You will assist me in vindicating my lionour, which has been lowered in the pub- lic opinion." Marlborough, on his part, was not deficient in attention to so proud and punctilious a prince : he replied, "■ I am come to learn of your highness how to save the empire. None but those who are deficient in judgment, can depreciate the merits of the prince of Baden, who has not only preserved the empire, but enlarged its boundaries." Many conferences were held by the three generals, to settle their respective commands and future plans. In vain Marlborough laboured, both directly and indirectly, to induce the margrave to head the army on the Rhine, and leave Eugene as his colleague on the Danube. The margrave, un- willing to be removed from the most brilliant scene of operation, insisted on the privilege of choice as elder in rank ; and it was not without the utmost diflSculty, that he consented to share the command by alternate days with the English general. To the mortification both of Eugene .and Marlborough, this arrangement was adopted, and the com- mand on the Rhine assigned to Eugene. The troops again moved early on the 14th, to the small village of P^bersbach ; and the three generals, after partak- ing of an hospitable repast at Great Gartach, repaired to their respective commands. On reaching his camp in the evening, Marlborough found the prince of Hesse, with generals Bulow and Hompesch, attending to apprise him that their respective corps were in the neighbourhood, and ready to march to the appointed rendezvous. During the course of this arduous expedition, the failures which occurred in distant quarters were suflicient to have diverted a commander less decisive and persevering than Marlborough from his purpose. Scarcely had he ceased to regret the tardiness of the margrave of Baden, in suffering the French reinforcements to join the elector of Bavaria, before intelligence equally unpleasant arrived from the army on the Meuse. On the departure of the last detachment for Germany, Overkii'k was ambitious to signalise his command by an im- 1704.] ADVANCE UPON THE DANUBE. 165 portant enterprise. Being informed that the enemy were moving to Tongres, he broke up from Loon, and gaining tiie advance by a rapid march, effected an entrance into their deserted lines, on the side of Mierdorp and Wasseige. The enemy were utterly disconcerted by this unexpected move- ment ; but the same opposition which had already defeated the laudable designs of ^larlborough, proved no less fatal to those of tlie Dutch commander. After losing a considerable part of the day in fruitless deliberation, the appearance of a small French detachment was sufficient to alarm his timid colleagues ; and he was compelled to relinquish his advan- tage, at the very moment when his enterprise was likely to be crowned with complete success. However deeply Marlborough felt this disappointment, he could not but be gratified on comparing his actual situation with that of the preceding year, when he was shackled by the control of Dutch deputies, and harassed by the jealousies of Dutch generals. He, however, announced the failure in terms of regret to secretary Harley, in a few hasty lines dated from Ebersbach, June 15. "I send now to my lord treasurer a relation I have received of the proceedings of our army on the Meuse, by which you will see our friends there have lost a very great opportunity. If they had made a good use of it, we might have found the effects in these parts, and every where else. They are sensible of their error, and I hope will be the more intent to retrieve it." Measures had been taken to form an army of 30,000 men on the Upper Ehine ; but Marlborough was far from being satisfied with the dispositions in that quarter ; for, by some mismanagement of Prince Louis, the Prussians, who were to compose part of that force, had been drawn to the Danube, and the Suabian troops, who were destined for the Danube, had been left on the Rhine. Accordingly no less than ten days were wasted in counter-marching at a most critical period of time. From Ebersbach, which was his headquarters on the Htli and 15th of June, we find an interesting letter to the duchess. He acquaints her with the flattering marks of attention which he had received from the emperor, and communicates an offer, which was now first made, of investing him with a principality of the empire. M 3 166 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIL " June 4 — 15. — Since my last," he observes to the thichcss, "I have iiiid Prince Louis with me, so that we liave taken the necessary measures for our first motions. Prince Eugene was witli me from Monday till Friday, and has in his conversation a preat deal of my Lord Shrewshury, with the advantage of seeming franker. lie has been very free with me, in giving me the character of the prince of Baden, by which I find I must be much more on my guard than if I was to act with Prince Eu- " When I had writ thus far. Count Wratislaw came to me, having just received an express from his master. Alter very great expressions it ended in saying that liis master was desirous to write to tlie queen, that he might have her consent to makeme a prince of the empire, which he would do by creating some land he has in the empire into a princi- pality, which would give me the privilege of being in the college, or diet, with the sovereign princes of the empire. You know I am not good at compliments; liowever, I did assure him that I was very sensible of the honour his master intended me, but in niy opinion nothing of this ought to be thought on till we saw wliat would be the fate of the war. He re- plied, tliat what already had been done, had laid obligations on his mas- ter above what he could express, and that if the queen would not allow him to do this, he must appear ungrateful to the world, for he had no- thing else in his power worth giving, or my taking. What is offered will in history for ever remain an honour to iny family. But I wish my- self so M'ell that I hope I shall never want the income of the land, which no doubt will be but little, nor enjoy the privilege of German assemlilies. However, this is the utmost expression that they can make, and therefore ought to be taken as it is meant. " I know you wish the queen and me so well, that you would be glad that nothing should be done that might do either of us hurt. Therefore my opinion of this matter is, that there can be no inconvenience in allow- ing Count Wratislaw's master to write to the queen to ask her consent for the doing this, and then to bring the letter to the cabinet council. In the mean time I shall take care with Count Wratislaw, that no fur- ther step be made till I know the queen's pleasure, and the opinion of lord treasurer." He had now reached the most critical point, as well as the most anxious period, of his long and difficult march. Before him stretched the range of mountains skirting the country watered by the Danube, which was intersected by the nar- row pass of Gieslingen. This defile, which extended two miles in length, could scarcely be traversed by a large body of troops in less than a day, during the most favourable season of the year. At this moment the operation was ren- dered still more difficult by a series of heavy rains, which had broken up the roads and swollen the rivulets into tor- rents. New cares and more extensive combinations were 1704.] PREPARES FOR BATTLE. 1G7 required on entering the real scene of action, and measures were to be taken for securing the junction with Prince Louis, as soon as the army should descend into the phiins. To add to the disquietude of the commander, the States- general were alarmed by reports that Vilieroy was returning to the Netherlands, and earnestly reclaimed a part of the auxiliary forces. News also arrived that Vilieroy and Tal- lard had held a conference at Landau, on the 13th, which seemed to portend some enterprise of moment, and that the elector of Bavaria, after sending his baggage to Ulm, was pushing his army across the Danube, as if meditating an attack on Prince Louis. But the powerful mind of Marlborough seemed to gather strength and resources even from ditRculty and peril. To tran- quillise the States, he sent orders for the collection of a sutfi- cient number of boats to facilitate the return of a large body of troops down the Rhine. He employed the interval of his halt in directing the formation of magazines at Heidelsheim and Nordlingen. He also enjoined the Danish foot, who had reached Frankfort, to direct their march towards Stolhoffen, and place themselves at the disposition of Eugene ; and hav- ing pressed his brother, who had arrived with the infantry at Blockingen, to hasten his progress, he prepared to lead forward the cavalry and auxiliaries to the aid of Prince Louis. On the 20tli he received the long-expected intelligence that the German army was on the point of advancing to Westerstetten. The heavy baggage was instantly directed to move, under a strong escort, that it might not embarrass the passage of the troops. The whole army gradually tra- versed the defile Avithout obstruction, and on the 22d thn camp was established, between Launsheim and Ursprung, the right joining the left of prince Louis, who, in the interim, had taken his position near Westerstetten. The following day was spent in reviewing the troops and forming a new line of battle. On the 24th, the confederates advancing to Elchingen and Langenau, in the vicinity of the Danube, the elector of Bavaria withdrew from his post at Ulm, and retired to the strong intrenched camp betAveen Lawingen and Dillingen. The 2oth the headquai'ters of Marlborough were established at Langenau. On the 26th M 4 168 LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGU. [cil. XXII. the confederates asain moved and took post between Her- brecliten and Giengen, with tlie Brentz in front, two leagues from the enemy. On tlic following day General Churchill arrived with tiie foot and artillery, and two battalions of P^'iissian infimtry, who had joined him in his march. Marl- borough reviewed them as tliey passed to take their post in the lines, and was highly gratified to observe that their recent fatigues had not affected their gallant air and healthy ap- |)earance. The junction of all the forces being now complete, exce})t that of the Danish horse, under the duke of Wirtem- l>erg, the combined army amounted to 96 battalions and 202 squadrons, with a train of 48 pieces of artillery, and 24 pontoons. We here insert a letter to his wife, which not only displays the feelings of our great commander at this trying crisis, but indicates that ardent conjugal affection, and keen sensibility to public censure, which pervades his correspondence. It sliows also that singular facility with which he could bend his attention to trifles even in the midst of the most serious occupations. " Gienyen,June 18-29. — Since my last, I have had the happiness of re- ceiving yours of the 30th of the last month, and the 1st and 2d of this. It is not only by yours, but by others, that I find that there are several people, who would be glad of my not having success in this undertaking. I am very confident, without flattering myself, that it is the only thing that was capable of saving us from ruin, so that whatever the success may be, I shall have the inward satisfaction to know that I have done all that was in my power, and that none can be angry with me for the under- taking, but such as wish ill to their country and their religion, and with such I am not desirous of their friendship. " The English foot and cannon joined me two days ago, but I do not expect the Danish horse till six or seven days hence, till which time we shall not be able to act against the elector of Bavaria, as I could wish. You will easily believe that I act with all my heart and soul, since good success will in all likelihood give me the happiness of ending my days with you. The queen's allowing you to say something from her is very obliging. I shall endeavour to deserve it ; for I serve her with all my heart, and I am very confident she will always have the prayers and good wishes of this country. " You have forgot to order Hodges to send me a draught of a stable, ns I directed him, for the lodge ; for it ought not to be made use of till the year after it is built ; and as I see you set your heart on that place, I should be glad all conveniences were about it." 1704.] RESOLVES ON BATTLE. 169 Chap. XXIII. — Battle of the Schellenberg. — 1704. The advance of the confederates towards the camp of the enemy indicated the development of the plan to secure Donawerth as a place of arms for the invasion of Bavaria. The Gallo-Bavarian army occupied a formidable position between Lawingen and Dillingen, with the Danube in the rear, and the front strongly fortified and covered with inun- dations. To secure the passage leading through Donawerth, the elector detached General d'Arco, with 10,000 infantry and 2500 cavalry, to occupy the Schellenberg, a commanding height north of the Danube. By this skilful disposition, he hoped to cover his own dominions, and hold the confederates in check, till he could receive the additional reinforcements which he expected from France. Marlborough penetrated the design, and became doubly anxious to realise his plan. After a conference with the margrave, he extorted his consent to advance with the army, and resolved to profit by the alternation of the command on the ensuing day, to attack the troops on the Schellenberg, before they could be still farther strengthened. On the first of July, therefore, the whole army, under the direction of the margrave, defiled before the electoral camp, the avenues of which were watched by General Bulow, with a body ot cavalry. Directing their march towards Donawerth, the confederates encamped in the evening, between Amerdingen and Onderingen, about fourteen miles from the foot of the Schellenberg. So bold an enterprise as that which Marlborough prepared to execute might have daunted a spirit less determined and persevering. He had yet a long march to make, encumbered with a heavy train of artillery, and over roads drenched by incessant rains. With these disadvantages, he was to attack a position of formidable strength, and defended by an ample force. He was conscious, however, that if he failed to accomplish his purpose, while invested with the temporary command, the ensuing day would be wasted by his colleague in deliberation, and that a delay of twenty-four hours would enable the enemy to receive reinforcements and mature 170 I-IFE OF MAIILUOROUGH. [cil. XXIII. their measures of defence. To those who suggested their fears or doubts, he replied, " Eitlier the enemy will escape or will have time to finish their works. In tlie latter case, the delay of every single hour will cost the loss of a thousand men."' After another conference with the margrave, Marlborough with his usual humanity gave orders to establish an hospital for the wounded at Nordlingen. He also selected a detach- ment of 130 men from each battalion, amounting to 6000 foot and thirty squadrons of horse, to which were added three regiments of imperial grenadiers, furnished by Prince Louis. This detachment was to precede the army, and commence the attack. Measures were also taken for opening the roads and throwing bridges across the Wernitz, a deep and rapid stream which flows into the Danube about a mile from the foot of the Schellenberg. Such being the preparatory arrangements of the evening, the detachment moved at three in the morning on the 2d of July, under the direction of the duke himself, and at five was followed by the army, Avhich filed by the left in two columns along the main road, leading through Roerbach towards a height between Obermorgen and Weinstein. At the same time the baggage and artillery, in two columns, took the route through Monachdeckingen to Harburg on the "Wernitz, where it was to wait for farther orders. About eight the advance with the quarter-master-general came in sight of the Schellenberg. They halted at Ober- morgen, and immediately began to mark out a camp for the army on the left bank of the Wernitz. At nine Marlborough himself reached the spot ; accom- panied by the officers who were to command in the attack, he proceeded to reconnoitre the enemy's position, and being observed, was saluted with a heavy cannonade from different points of their works. The Schellenberg is a height overhanging Donawerth and the left bank of the Danube. It rises in a gradual though unequal ascent, which at the intended point of attack was about a quarter of a mile. The summit forms a flat space, half a mile wide, on which the enemy were encamped in several lines. Their left was supported on the covert way of Donawerth, and their order being adapted to the figure of 1704.] RECONNOITRES THE ENEMY. 171 the ground, their right was thrown back on one of the channels into which the Danube is divided. Along the front was an intrenchinent, which ran from the covert way of Donawerth, was connected with an old fort on the brow of the hill above, and embracing the summit descended on the opposite flank to the very bank of the river. Of this work the central part alone was in a state of defence, but the re- mainder was in a rapid progress of advancement. In front of the position to the right and left was open ground, that on the side of Donawerth being mostly uneven, broken by a ravine, and washed by a rivulet, which after skirting the foot of the hill, flows through the exterior works of Dona- werth into the Danube. Opposite the centre, the Boschberg, a thick wood stretched from the verge of the intrenchment, and gradually expanded itself to the border of a stream rising above Monheim. To the west of the Sehellenberg ran the great road leading from Nordlingen, through Donawerth, to Augsburg. The enemy had planted two batteries, one near the old fort, the other near the point of the Boschberg. On the ap- proach of the allied detachment, their out-posts set fire to the hamlet of Berg, situated on a gentle elevation beyond the rivulet, and drew back towards the main body. Marlborough attentively noted the disposition of the ene- my as well as the local peculiarities, and directing his view across the Danube, descried a camp marked out, with tents pitched on each wing. It was occupied by a detachment of cavalry from the elec- toral army, and he afterwards found that the interval was reserved for a body of foot then on their march. Their ob- ject was to support and reinforce the troops on the Sehellen- berg. Having completed his survbon, the dispatch in his right hand, and the battle in the back- ground 1704.] VICTORY OF THE ALLIES. 207 with the order had been prevented from reaching the village by the last fatal charge. Finding themselves insulated by the defeat of the cavalry, they used the utmost exertion to maintain their post to the last extremity. The commander, Monsieur de Clerambault, being lost in the Danube, they were left without a chief, and Avithout orders, but awaited their destiny with a firmness which merited a better fate. As soon as the plain was cleared, General Churchill led his infantry towards the rear of the village, and extended his right flank to the Danube; while General Meredith, with the queen's regiment, took possession of a small barrier which had been formed to preserve a communication along the bank with Hochstadt. These movements roused the enemy from a state of sullen desperation. They first attempted to escape by tlte rear of the village, and being repulsed, rushed towards the road leading to Sonderheim. Here they were again checked by the Scotch Greys, who were led for- ward to the crest of the acclivity by General Lumley. They finally attempted to emerge by the opening towards Ober- glauh, when eight squadrons of horse, under General Ross, compelled them again to take refuge behind the houses and inclosures. Though encompassed by inevitable perils, they obstinately maintained their post, and it became necessary to recur to a general attack on every accessible point of the village. Lord Cutts was ordered to occupy their attention on the side of the Nebel, while Lord Orkney, with eight battalions, attacked the churchyard, and General Ingoldsby, with four more, supported by the dragoons of Ross, endeavoured to penetrate on the side of the opening towards Oberglauh. Several batteries, planted within musket-shot, co-operated in these attacks, and one of the howitzers set fire to several houses and barns. A vigorous conflict appeared likely to ensue. But on one side the prospect of a sanguinary though successful attack, and on the other, of a fruitless though destructive defence, induced the contending parties to spare the effusion of blood. A parley took place, and the French proposed a capitulation; but General Churchill, riding forward, insisted on an uncon- ditional surrender. No resource remained : to resist was hopeless, to escape impossible. With despair and indigna- 208 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CIL XXVI. tion, the troops submitted to their fate, and the regiment of Navarre, in particuhir, burnt their colours and buried tiieir arms, that such trophies might not remain to grace the tri- umph of an enemy. Twenty-lour battalions and twelve squadrons, with all their ollicers, surrendered themselves pri- soners of war, and thus closed the mighty struggle of this eventful day. The field being cleared of the enemy, and night approach- ing, the duke ordered the army to be drawn up, w^ith the left extending to Sonderen, the right towards Morselingen, and the soldiers to lie all night under arms on the field of battle. T'hey quickly possessed themselves of the enemy's tents, with great quantities of vegetables. Nearer the- Danube lay about a hundred oxen, which were to have been distributed to the hostile troops. These were no unwelcome booty to the vic- torious soldiers after their long and hard service. After this, his grace gave orders for dressing the wounded and putting them under cover. Then he made a repartition of the prisoners, who amounted to eleven or tw^ve thousand men. The enemy had at least as many more killed and wounded. These prisoners, with their generals, being di- vided and disarmed, were ordered to the adjacent villages, in the rear of our army, guarded by several squadrons of horse and dragoon.'^. During the whole of this tremendous conflict the Duke of Marlborough exerted himself with his characteristic coolness, vigilance, and energy, superintending the manoeuvres in every part, and appearing in every point where the presence of the general was necessary, to revive the courage, to restore the order, or to direct the attacks of his troops. The author of the Campaign has caught the spirit of his hero and described the effect of his superintending direction in lan- guage equal to the subject : * — * For the account of the battle we have consulted the private letters of the duke, in the Blenheim Collection and State Paper Office — Hare's Journal of the Campaign, IMS. — and the official documents and correspondence in the Gazette — the History of Europe — and Lamberti — ■ also the different Lives of Marlborough in English, French, German, and Dutch — -as well as the Lives of Eugene and Marlborough, and the Histoire du Prince Eugene — Dumont's ^Military History — Campagnes de Tallard et de Marsin — Quincy — Milner's Journal of Marlborough 1704.] BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 209 'Twas then great Marlborough's mighty soul was Drov'd, That in the shock of charging hosts unmov'd, Amidst confusion, horror, and despair, - Examin'd all the dreadful scenes of war : In peaceful thought the field of death survey'd, To fainting squadrons sent the timely aid ; Inspir'd rejjuls'd battalions to engage, And taught the doubtful battle wiiere to rage. So when an angel by divine command, With rising tempests shakes a guilty land ; Such as of late o'er pale Britannia past. Calm and serene he drives the furious blast ; And, pleas'd the Almighty's orders to perform, Rides in the whirlwind, and directs the storm. Addison's Campaign. A List of tile principal Generals and Officers of the Confederate Army, who were engaged in the Battle of Blenheim. — (^From the Order of Battle. ) ARMY OF MARLBOROUGH. His Grace the Duke of Marlborough, Captain- General of the Queen of Great Britain's Forces, &c. &c. Generals ; — Cavalry of the right wing ; Prince Maximilian of Hanover. Infantry ; Anhalt, Dessau, and Churchill. Cavalry of the left; Prince of Hesse. Lieutenant Generals : — Cavalry of the right wing; Prince of Durlach. Infantry; Hoorn, Ingoldsbv, Lord Cutts. Cavalry of the left ; Duke of Wirtemberg, Hompesch, and Lumley. Major Generals : — Cavalry of the right wing; Fugger, and Natzmer. Infantry; Fink, Holstenbeck, Withers, Herbeville, and Wilks. Cavalry of the left ; Rantzau, Notelles, Erbach, Schulemberg, Aurochs, and Wood. Brigadier Generals : — Infantry; Bielk, Heidenbrecht, Wulfen, Hulsen, Rowe, and Ferguson. Cavalry of the left wing; Rantzau, Baldwin, and Ross. Campaigns — Boyer's History of Queen Anne — Cunningham — Tindal — and Daniel's Histoire de France — Historical Account of some British Regiments, published by Grose, and improved in the British Military Library — Grimoard and Feuquieres — with the Dictionnaire des Bat- tailles, &c. For the plan of the battle of Blenheim, the reader is referred to the Atlas, published separately, as an accompaniment to this edition of Coxe's Memoirs of Marlborough. — Ed. VOL. I. P 210 LirE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cn. XXVIL ARMY OF PRINCE EUGENE. Prince Eugene, Field Marshal of the Emperor. Generals : — Cavalry of the riglit wing ; his Highness the reigning Duke of WURTEMBERG. Cavalry of the left; Count de la Tour. Lieutenavt Generals : — Cavalry of the right wing ; Marquis de Cuzani, and Prince of Bareutii. Infantry ; Schoi.ten, and Lord Orkney. Cavalry of the left; Count Oost Frieze, and Bulow. Major Generals : — Cavalry of the right wing; Caraffa, and Bibra. Infantry; Rantzau, St. Paul, and Luc. Cavalry of the left; Vittinghoff, Prince of Hesse Hombitrg, and ViLLiERs. Brigadier Generals : — Infantry ; Rebsdorff, Canitz, Bernsdorff, Steckenuorff, Hul- SEN, and Webb. Cavalry of the left ; Brockdobff, Grcevendorff, and Bothmar. Chap. XXVIL — Results op the Battle of Blenheim. — 1704. At the conclusion of the battle, the Duke of Marlborough took up his head-quarters in a little water-mill near Hoch- stadt, and snatched a short interval of repose. The garrison of Hochstadt having surrendered, he entered that town at the dawn, in company with his illustrious colleague, and after visiting the stores and magazines, issued the necessary orders for the day. We cannot terminate our description of this memorable event without introducing some incidents from the Journal of Hare, who was present on the occasion. " Afterwards the two commanders, accompanied by counts Wratislaw and Maffei, and several general officers, visited Marshal Tallard, at the quarters of the prince of Hesse. In their way, they ordered all the standards, colours, cannon, &c. taken from the enemy to be committed to the care of Colonel Blood. Reaching the marshal's quarters, they found him very much dejected, and wounded in one of his hands. His grace Liumanely inquired how far it was in his power to make him easy under 1704.] LOSS OF THE ENEMY. 211 his misfortune, offering him the convenience of his quarters, and the use of his coach. The marshal thankfully declined the offer, saying, he did not desire to move, till he could liave his own equipage. His grace ac- cordingly despatched one of his own trumpets to the electoral army, with a passport for bringing it to the marslial. During the interview the marshal directed the conversation to the events of the preceding day, which Marlborough would fain have avoided from motives of delicacy. He told the duke, that if his grace had deferred his visit, meaning his attack, a day longer, the elector and he would have waited on him first. "The duke asking why they did it not on the 1 2th, when they were expected, the marslial answered, they would liave done it before, had they not been informed that Prince Louis of Baden had joined his grace, with his army from Ingoldstadt ; and that four prisoners, whom their squadrons had taken that day from our army, had given the information, and had agreed in their intelligence, though questioned separately.* " At this interview many of the French generals crowded about his grace, admiring his person, as well as his tender and generous behaviour. Each had something to say for himself, which his grace and Prince Eugene heard with the greatest modesty and compassion. Prince Eugene much commended the conduct of the elector of Bavaria, as well as the behaviour of his troops, and frankly told how often and how bravely he had been repulsed by them. When he spoke of his own troops, he said, ' I have not a squadron or battalion, which did not charge four times at least.' " After staying with the marshal above an hour, the duke and all his company returned to the army, which he ordered to march beyond Hochstadt, as far as Steinheim, while he rode over the field of battle, from the right to the left, the dead of both armies lying stripped on the ground, and sympa- thised for the loss of so many brave companions in arms. About noon he came to the camp, the left of which stretched towards Lawingen, through which the remainder of the elector's army had retreated to Borselingen, near Ulm, burn- ing the bridge to check the pursuit. As soon as his grace reached his quarters at Steinheim, he commanded two de- tachments to take possession of Lawingen and Dillengen, and ordered the bridges to be repaii'ed. Here he remained to take an account and dispose of the prisoners, who amounted to 15,000 men, and 1200 officers, exclusive of generals. We may add, that from the subsequent letters of Marl- borough, we find the total loss of the enemy to have been no less than 40,000 men, including deserters and those who were • It has been supposed that these four prisoners had instructions tu ■ Buffer themselves to be taken, in order to make this report. p 2 212 LIFE OF MARLBOKOUGH. [CH. XXVH. killed in the retreat. The loss on the side of the confederates was also very considerable, being 4500 killed, and 7500 wounded, but few officers of note, except the prince of Holstein-Beck and Brigadier Rowe, who were killed ; and Lord North and Grey, and Lord Mordaunt, wounded. The void whicli these casualties left in the ranks of the confede- rates was not ill supplied by the number of deserters and prisoners who enlisted under the banners of victory. Among these were the two German regiments of Gueder and Zur- laul)en, amounting to 3000 men. The harmony and union of the two illustrious chiefs in this memorable engagement, were no less remarkable than advan- tageous to the common cause. Marlborough, in his private letters, dwells with peculiar pleasure on the frankness and liberality of Eugene, and praises ids candour and conciliating manners with no less warmth tiian his military talents. In jiis official letter to Secretary Harley, he also bore public testimony to his merits, by declaring, that he could not suffi- ciently praise his conduct ; and in a private letter to Lord Godolphin he expresses the same sentiment in still stronger terms. " If Prince Eugene," says he, " could have succeeded equal to his great merit, we should in that day have gone a great way in making an end of the war ; but the elector was so posted, that it was seven o'clock at night before he could break into his line, which gave the elector time to draw off the greater part of his army." Eugene rendered equal justice to the temper and talents of his colleague; and by ascribing to him the principal share of the victory, contri- buted to exalt and diffuse his fame. In vain, perhaps, may we seek in the pages of military history for a similar example of two generals, united in opinion as in views, emulous wdthout rivalry, equal in com- mand and in honours, yet not contending for pre-eminence. Contemporary writers justly describe them as two bodies animated by one soul ; and a Dutch medallist commemorated their union with peculiar felicity of thought, by exhibiting on one side of a medal the busts of the two heroes in profile, and on the other the field of Blenheim, with the figure of Fame floating in the air and sounding their praises. Above is the motto, — •' Heroum concordia victrix." 1704.] HIS LETTER TO HIS DUCHESS, 213 In the bottom of the exergue, om each side, is a Latin dis- tich, more consonant to truth than poetry, comparing them to Castor and Pollux, the two demi-gods of antiquity, who were no less distinguished for their fraternal affection than for their love of glory. This singular concord was equally conspicuous amidst all the trying events of the war, and mav be reckoned as one of the principal causes which produced such astonishing success.* The candour and liberality of Marlborough in this instance are more laudable, because he was highly dissatislied with the misconduct of the imperial cavalry, whose want of spirit not only rendered the victory less decisive, but might have occasioned the ruin of the whole army had not his own attack been eminently successful. But he carefully discriminated between the merits of the genei'al and the faults of the troops ; and though he prudently refrained from giving publicly the least hint which might havo been construed into a reflection on Eugene, or have offended the imperial court, he did not suppress his complaints in his private correspondence. He even avoided giving a written reply to the compliments which he received from the Emperor and the king of the Romans, because he would not bestow on the imperial troops the praise which they had ill deserved. We shall not introduce any of the official letters from the duke, which have been already published, but shall confine our extracts to his private correspondence in the hour of triumph, and during his march from the field of battle to the camp of Sefelingen, in the vicinity of Ulni, where he remained stationary till the latter end of August. To the Duchess. "Aug, 14. — Before the battle was quite done yesterday, I writ to my dearest soul to let her know that I was well, and that God had blessed her majesty's arms with as great a victory as has ever been known; for prisoners I have the Marshal de Tallard, and the greatest part of his general officers, above 8000 men, and near 1500 officers. In short, the army of M. de Tallard, which was that whicli I fought with, is quite ruined ; that of the elector of Bavaria and the Marshal de Marsin, which Prince Eu- gene fought against, I am afraid, has not had much loss, for I cannot find that he has many prisoners. As soon as the elector knew that Monsieur de Tallard was like to be beaten, he marched off", so that I came only time enough to see him retire. As all these prisoners are taken by the troops I command, it is in ray power to send as many of them to Eng- * See Appendix, C. r 3 214 LIFE OF MAKLBOnOUGn. [ciI. XXVU. land as her majesty shall think for her honour and service. My own opinion in this niiittLr is, that tlie IMarslial dc Tallard, and the <:eneral officers, should be sent or hrou^jht to her n)ajesty wlien I come to Eng- land ; but should all the officers be l)rouj);ht, it would be a very great expense, and I tliink the honour is in having the marshal and such otlier officers as her majesty pleases. But I shall do in this, as in all things, tliat which shall be most agreeable to her. I am so very much out of order with having been seventeen liours on horseback yesterday, and not having been able to sleep above three hours last night, that I can write to none of my friends. However 1 am so pleased with this action, that 1 can't end my letter without being so vain as to tell my dearest soul, that within the memory of man tiiere has been no victory so great as tills ; and as I am sure you love me entirely well, you will be infinitely pleased with what has been done, upon my account as well as the great benefit the public will have. For had the success of Prince Eugene bjen equal to his merit, we should in that day's action have made an end of the war." " Steinheim, August 18. — I have been so very much out of order for these four or five days, that I have been obliged this morning to be let blood, which I hope will set me right ; for I should be very much trou- bled not to be able to follow the blow we have given, which appears greater every day than another, for we have now above 11,000 prisoners. I iiave also tiiis day a deputation from the town of Augsburg, to let me know that the French were marched out of it yesterday morning, by which they have abandoned the country of Bavaria, so that the orders are already given for the putting a garrison into it. If we can be so lucky as to force them from Ulm, where they are now altogether, we shall certainly then drive them to the other side of the Rhine. After which we flatter ourselves that the world will think we have done all that could have been expected from us. This day the whole army has returned their thanks to Almighty God for the late success, and I have done it with all my heart; for never victory was so complete, notwith- standing that they were stronger than we, and very advantageously posted. But believe me, my dear soul, there was an absolute necessity tor the good of tiie common cause to make this venture, which God lias so blessed. I am told the elector has sent for his wife and children to come to Ulm. Tf it be true, he will not then quit the French interest, which I had much rather he should do, if it might be upon reasonable terms ; but the Imperialists are for his entire ruin. My dearest life, if we could have another such a day as Wednesday last, I should then hope we might have such a peace as that 1 might enjoy the remaining part of my life with you. The elector has this minute sent a gentleman to me, I think only to amuse us ; we shall see the truth in a day or two, for we march to-morrow. The blood they have taken from me has done me a great deal of good, which is very necessary, for I have not time to be sick." To Lord Godolphin. " Sefelingen, Avg. 28. — The troops under my command are advanced three days on their march towards th-' Rhine, but I have been obliged to stay here to finish, if possible, the treaty with the electress, who has 1704.] EFFECTS OF THE VICTORY. 2 15 assured me by letter that one of her ministers shall be here this day with full powers. If he comes before I am obliged to seal this letter, you shall have an account of it. By the letters we have intercepted of the enemy's, going to Paris from their camp at Diitlingen, they all own to have lost above 40,000 mun. If we have not Ulm by treaty, we shall leave Monsieur Thungen with the troops that should have had the siege of Ingoldstadt. We are endeavouring all we can to get sixty pieces of cannon for the siege of Landau, which place would be of great advantage to our winter quarters. Although we have had a very great loss of officers and soldiers, our army is in so good heart, and so entirely united, that if the enemy gives us an occasion, I do not doubt but God will bless us with a farther success." The good effects of this victory were speedily experienced. The first and most important was the dissipation of that alarm which the French arms had long inspired. From the complete development of the vast military system, which principally owed its splendour and consistency to Louis XIV., his troops had suffered no considerable defeat ; and not onlv regarded themselves, but had taught other countries to regard them, as invincible. But this victory over the flower of those armies, who had hitherto marched from conquest to conquest, broke the charm, and transferred the wreath, of fame from the French standard to that of the allies, "f he court of Versailles indeed attempted to palliate the defeat, by ascribing it to the incapacity of the generals, and by publish- ing false and partial accounts of the battle ; but although they found even in England factious partisans to repeat and exaggerate their misrepresentations, the impression was deep and permanent. In France despondency succeeded presump- tion : while the other nations of Europe reflected on their former alarms with shame and indignation. The recollection of the field of Blenheim depressed the courage of the French soldiery, as much as it warmed the bosoms and roused the zeal of the troops, who were inspired by the guidance of the successful commanders. The name of Marlborough became in France a watchword of fear ; and, like the appellations of those beings whom fancy has invested with imaginary terrors, was even employed by parents to operate on the ap- prehensions of their children. The shock produced by so tremendous a conflict was evi- dent in all the operations of the war. Encumbered with crowds of prisoners and wounded, and at a distance from their supplies, the confederate generals could not pursue the p 4 216 LIFE or MAKLIJOHOUGII. [CII. XXVII. broken army under tlie iniiiiciliiite impulse of defeat, but they omitted no exertion to render their vietorj' effectual. By the intervention of Count Wratislaw, the margrave of Baden was induced to desist from the siege of Ingoldstadt, in which he had made a considerable progress ; and leaving a sufficient force for the Itlockade, liemai-clied with the rest of his army to concur in more important and active operations. The day after the battle, Marlborough and Eugene made ii short march, and encamped between Wittislilig and Stein- heim. Here tliey remained four days, to rest and refresh the troops, and make a division of their prisoners. The Bri- tish conmiander generously yielded to his illustrious colleague an equal siiare in all the honours of victory, and reserved no other distinction for his sovereign than tlie disj)Osal of Mar- shal Tallard and a few of the superior officers. Accordingly on the 18th, Tallard and most of the other generals Avere sent from Hochstadt towards Hanau and Frankfort, under an escort of English horse. Of those who were taken on the field of battle, 5678 were assigned to Marlborough and 5514 to Eugene, making a total of 11,192 men, besides the two German regiments who enlisted in the confederate army. On the 19th the confederates, again moving, advanced in the direction of Ulm, where the elector had halted to collect his scattered forces and withdraw his garrisons. Proceeding by Gundelfingen and Languenau, they reached Sefelingen on the 21st, finding in every village fresh indications of the loss which the enemy had sustained by the hostilities of the peasantry and the harassing pursuit of the light troops, as we learn from the duke's own correspondence. " August, 1704. — The French own that of their whole army they have not 250 officers but what are killed, wounded, or taken prisoners; we reckon they could not have less than 4500 officers." "Camp of Sefelingen, August 21 On Tuesday we marched from Steinheim to Gundelfingen, yesterday we came to Ober-Elkingen, and to-day advanced to this place, within an English mile of Ulm. We heard of many French officers that had been buried in the several villages we marched through ; and by letters from one of the burghers at Ulm, we are told that when the enemy marched from thence they carried with them upwards of 7000 wounded, whereof near lOOO were officers; that they burnt many of their waggons to make use of their horses for bran- cards, for more easily conveying the wounded officers." *' August 28 We have intercepted several letters of the 19th, going 1704.] DISTRESS OK THE ELECTRESS. 217 from Dutlingen to the French court, by which the enemy own to have lost 40,000 men killed, taken prisoners, and deserted, since the battle. At Sefelingen Marlborough remained till the latter end of August. From fatigue and want of rest he appears to have become unwell, but he speedily recovered. His attention was directed to the forlorn situation of the electress of Bavaria. He was too susceptible of domestic affections not to sympa- thise in the distress of this unfortunate princess, who, after proceeding beyond Memmingen to console lier husband by her presence, had found the roads beset by the allied troops, and returned in despair to Munich. He readily listened to an overture made by her confessor, and prevailed on Eugene and Wratislaw to offer her and her family a safe residence at Munich, with a certain guard and regular allowance from the revenues of her husband, on the condition of surrendering Ulm and the other fortresses held by the Gallo-bavarian garrisons. In his correspondence with the duchess, we discover many gratifying proofs of the interest which he took in her fate, as well as in that of her husband. " Sefelingen, August 21 The poor electress has taken five of her children with her, and is following her husband, who seems to be aban- doned to the French interest. Prince Eugene and I have offered him by a gentleman that is not yet returned, that if he will join in the common cause against France, he shall be put in possession of his whole country, and receive from the queen and Holland 400,000 crowns yearly, for which he should only furnish the allies with 8000 men ; but I take it for granted he is determined to go for France and abandon his own country to the rage of the Germans." " August 25. — The elector of Bavaria has sent his wife and children back to Munich, and this morning by a trumpet has writ to me, and in it a letter to the electress open. It has made my heart ache, being very sensible how cruel it is to be separated from what one loves. I have sent it to her by a trumpet of my own, with assurances that her answer shall be carefully delivered to the elector, for I take pleasure in being easy when the service does not suffer by it." " August 28. — Although the troops be marched I shall stay here a day or two longer, to finish a treaty with the electress of Bavaria, which 1 own would be a great satisfaction to me ; for when the public are served I should be glad the family were not quite ruined." During the halt of five days at Sefelingen, the margrave of Baden repaired to the camp, to confer with Marlborough and Eugeue on the plan of future operations. As the elector 213 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXVIU. and Marsin had already effected their retreat througli the passes leading from Donaschingen to Friburg, a resolution was taken to leave the troops drawn from Ingoldstadt under the command of General Thungen, for the reduction of Ulm; while the remainder of the ibrces hastened to carry the war into the country beyond the Rhine. Chap. XXVIII. — Allies pass the Rhine. — 1704. On the 28th the army broke up and marched in different columns through the circle of Suabia, towards the general rendezvous in the vicinity of Philipsburg. The troops of Marlborough, divided into three columns, returned by their former route through Launsheim, Gross Seinssen, Ebers- bach, Great Hippach, and Mondelsheim, and in six days approached the Rhine. After waiting three days for an answ^er from the electress of Bavaria, Marlborough left Count Wratislaw to continue the negotiation, and on the evening of August 31. rejoined his troops at Mondelsheim. During a halt of one day he repaired to Stutgard, at the invitation of the duke of Wir- temberg, and was received with all the honours which a grateful people could pay to their deliverer. The next morning he passed the Neckar at Lauffen, and on the 3rd advanced to Eppingen. As the views of the confederate generals were directed to Landau, they so calculated their march as to anticipate the enemy in the position of Spirebach. Eugene hastened to Rastadt, to collect the forces left in the lines of Stolhoffen, and in the beginning of September the different columns were all concentrated in the vicinity of Philipsburg. Having pushed forward the English and Danes to Steffeld and Odenheim, Marlborough on the 5th repaired to Philips- burg, and went to the head-quarters of Eugene at Waghaus. In the afternoon they passed the Rhine to survey the coun- try ; and on the next morning the palatine troops, who were nearest at hand, were sent across by Eugene to occupy the position of Spirebach. In the interval Marlborough returned 1704.] ADVANCE UPON LANDAU. 219 to his camp ; and being apprised that tlie advance of the enemy's cavalry had appeared on the high ground near Philipsburg, he detached the English and Danish horse to support the palatines. On the 7th the English and Danish foot, with the Dutch, Luneburgers, and Hessians, succes- sively filed over ; and the ensuing day the reunion of the whole army was completed by the junction of the imperial horse. At the same time the margrave, who had taken the route of Aschaffenburg, arrived at the camp. Writing to Godolphin from Spire, September 8th, Marl- borough details these operations, and declares his resolution to give the enemy battle if they should venture to oppose his advance : — " Fearing the French might take this camp, we were obliged to pass the Rhine and take it yesterday, although we had not above half our troops with us, which made us be all the day on horseback, as also the greatest part of this day, the French being within three leagues of us. But this afternoon we are joined by the rest of our troops, so that we shall march to-morrow, in hopes to pass the river Queich the next day. If the enemy will let us pass that river, we have it in our power to be- siege Landau. I hope and think they will not defend it, though they have drawn all their forces together, in order to hinder our passage. We shall have 92 battalions and 181 squadrons; but above one-half of our battalions are extremely weak, so that if we come to action I intend to make the 14 English battalions but 7, and to do the same thing to the Danes and Hessians, which will bring our battalions to 78." As Villeroy, with the remains of the Gallo-bavarian army, had established himself on the Queich, and was actively employed in fortifying a position so advantageous for the defence of Landau, the allied generals concluded that he had taken the resolution of opposing their progress. They there- fore broke up on the 9th, and advanced towards the pass of Belheim. The enemy were, however, too discouraged to await an attack, and hastily fell back to Langencandel. The bridges which they had partly broken down, were repaired for the passage of the infantry, and the horse traversing the stream by the fords, the confederates encamped the same evening between Offenbach and Belheim, on the very ground previously occupied by Villeroy. Marlborough and Eugene resuming their march on the 10th, the enemy, who had lain all night under arms, with- drew in confusion behind the Lauter, and finally continued 220 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CU. XXVIll. their retreat to the Mottor, wliere they deemed themselves secure from aggression during the expected siege of Landau. After halting on the 11th at Jiangeneandel, the confederates advanced on tlie 12th to the camp of Cron-Weissemburg. In the correspondence of Marll)orough we find him ex- pressing his surprise at the timidity of the French com- mander. To Godolphin he observes, in a letter from Weissemburg, September 12th: — "When I writ hi.>t, 1 was of opinion that M. de Villeroy would have defended the river Queich ; but he no sooner knew of our marcli, than he quitted in very great haste and marched to the camp of Lan- gencandel, which has been in all times famous for being a strong post, it being covered with tliick woods and marshy grounds. However, upon our approach he retired, and passed that day the Lauter, so that now we are not only mas- ters of making the siege of Landau, but also of taking what post we please for covering it. If they had not been the most frightened people in the world, they would never have quitted these two posts. Prince Louis is this morning marched to invest Landau, and Prince Eugene and your humble servant are to cover the siege." The splendid events of the campaign, as well as the fiitigues which the troops had undergone, induced many of the officers to flatter themselves that the operations of the year would have closed as soon as the enemy were expelled from Germany. But Marlborough and Eugene were too enterprising to confine their views to mere present advan- tages. On the contrary, contemplating the prospect of open- ing the ensuing campaign on the French territory, they not only deemed it necessary to reduce Landau, but also to secure the principal posts on the line of the Moselle. iSuch long and strenuous exertions were, however, disapproved by many, and even Godolphin himself remonstrated against the continuance of the army in the field at the time when the presence of the general was deemed necessary in England. To his objections Marlborough thus replied : — " Sept. 19. — I find by yours of the 22d it is necessary that I should give you my reason why I was for attacking Landau ; and if it had not been in my opinion absolutely necessary, I should have complied with the greatest part of the army, who thought they had done enough in clearing the Rhine on that side, and so were desirous we should take up our quar- 1704.1 SIEGE OF LANDAU. 221 ters in Wirteinbeig, and part of the Palatinate, and the imperialists in Bavaria and Suabia. This would have rendered it very easy for the troops, but would have been very prejudicial to the common cause ; for we should have made it impossible for Suabia to have furnished their quota, which is 10,000 men, which they have promised to do if tliey are not charged with winter quarters. By the taking of I^andau we shall not only quarter the greatest part of the army on this side of the Rhine, but we shall do that now which would have spent half our campaign the next year. Besides, if this siege ends in any reasonable time, I hope to take quarters at Treves, and all along the Moselle to Coblentz, which will oblige the p'rench to leave the greatest part of their troops on the frontier, wliich will be chargeable, and a great hindrance to their recruit- ing. But hitherto every thing goes on very slowly at Landau, and forage is so very difficult to be got for this army that I have a good deal 111 spleen. However, we are assured, by this time in October we shall he masters of the place." Although the siege of Landau had been approved by the imperial court ; yet either from negligence or poverty, or both, artillery, ammunition, and money were wanting, as well as proper officers to direct the attack. But the foresight and activity of Marlborough supplied all deficiencies. The artillery which be had obtained at the commencement of the campaign from the landgrave of Hesse was brought up from Manheim, the necessary requisites were provided, and the margrave of Baden was enabled to open the trenches within the space of a few days after the passage of the Rhine- Prompt and eflfectual measures were adopted for the subsist- ence of the army, by throwing a garrison into Lauterburg and bringing up ofie of the floating bridges from Philips- burg, to maintain a communication with the country border- ing the opposite bank of the Rhine. Care was also taken lor the security of the numerous prisoners, by detaching General Ferguson with five English battalions to embark witli them on the Rhine at Mentz, and escort them into Holland. At this period the conlederate generals were gratified by the news of the capture of Ulm, which surrendered on the Ilth. Their disposable force was thus not only increased, but the stores and artillery found in the place proved a valu- able supply for the siege of Landau. During his march from the banks of the Danube to those of the Rhine, Marlborough received the first indications of the effect produced by his victory at the court of Vienna. 222 LIFE OF MARLBOROUOn. [CH. XXVIU. Mr. Stepney having congratulated the emperor in the name of his grace, his imperial majesty very heartily testified the obligations of his family and the empire to the queen for her extensive care, to the duke for his readiness and conduct, and to the Englisli troops for their bravery ; nor did these expressions convey a mere diplomatic compliment. Since the former negotiation on the subject of tlie principality, Leopold had made a new application to the queen through his agent. Baron Hoffman, and had obtained her consent to the grant of this distinguished honour. Without farther delay he announced to Marlborough his elevation to the princely dignity, in a letter full of admiration and gratitude. " To the most illustrious Prince of Us, and the Holy Roman Empire, John Duke of Marlborou(/h, 8fc. — I salute with pleasure your dilection by these titles, who so justly deserve a place among the princes of the empire, as well from your own merits as the honour of your noble family, and for your signal services to me and my august house, and the holy Roman empire, being desirous to give you this public monument of honour, the greatest there is in Germany, and which is so justly conferred on you. And to make still more public the great obligations I have to her Britan- nic majesty, for sending so great a succour so far to assist me, and the empire, when our affairs were in so ill a posture, by the base revolt of Bavaria to France, and to your dilection, to whose prudence and courage, and the bravery of the English and other troops under your command, my own generals, as well as fame, ascribe chiefly under God, our late successes ; I shall use my endeavours to procure your dilection a place and vote in the diet, among the princes of the empire. These -victories are so great, especially that near Hochstadt, over the French, which no ages can parallel, that we may not only congratulate you on having broken the pride of France, defeated their pernicious attempts, and settled again the affairs of Germany, or rather of all Europe, after so great a shock ; but have hopes of seeing the full and entire liberty of Europe in a short time happily restored from the power of France. To which end as I am sure nothing will be wanting on the part of your dilection, nothing re- mains but to wish you farther successes, and give you fresh assurances of my readiness to embrace any opportunity of showing you with how much affection I am, Leopold. " Given in my city of Vienna, 28th August, 1704."* In consequence, however, of some objections raised by Godolphin and Harley, and the unwillingness of Marlbo- rough himself to accept a mere empty title, the grant was suspended at his own request. His motives for declining the protfered honour are thus stated in his correspondence. * Official translation from the original Latin preserved in the archives of Blenheim. 1704.] THE KING OF THE ROMAJsS. 223 To the Duchess. " Seftlingen, August 25. 1704. — I find by Mr. Secretary Harley's and Lord Treasurer's letters that they think it might be best to keep the emperor from doing any thing in what he proposes, till towards the end of the campaign. I should have done my part in that, and farther, that it might have remained as it now is, without any thing more being done in it ; but I find by the answer of the queen, sent by M. de Hoffman to the emperor, they think it is no more in my power to refuse. I send the copy of it to lord treasurer, as the Count de Wratislaw has given it me. However, I shall do what I can to have it delayed, since you think that is best; for I think the only consideration now is, that the emperor may not take it ill." To Lord Godolphin. " Weissemberg, September 22 Two days ago the Count de Wratislaw gave me a letter from the emperor, in which he acquaints me with having made me a prince of the empire. I am very much surprised, and so I told him, that such a step should be taken before I had the least notice. Besides this was not the method in which it ought to be done, for the notice ought to be sent to the several princes of the empire ; and the lands from whence I was to take my title to be named to them ; for that I could not have a seat in the diet till I was master of an imperial fief in the empire. He said it was right, and that he would write to the em- peror, and not own to any body that he has given me the letter. How- ever, I send you a copy, but desire nobody may see it but Mr. Secretary ; for I believe the emperor must write another to me." As the splendid victory of Blenheim produced an unusual sentiment of joy and gratitude in the cold and phlegmatic bosom of Leopold, we cannot wonder that it excited a trans- port of enthusiasm in his ardent and generous son, the king of the Romans. When the English minister conveyed to him the compliments of tlie duke, Joseph testified the utmost eagerness to contract a personal acquaintance with so illus- trious a commander, and, above all, to enjoy the advantage of his counsel and conduct during the remainder of the cam- paign. Indeed, during his proa;ress in Bavaria, Marlborough had received a confidential letter from one of the imperial ministers, testifying the earnest desire of the king of the Romans to repair to the army and serve under his auspices. Some objections which were made to the proposal by the margrave of Baden, were overruled, and Joseph was accele- rating the preparations for his departure, when the news of the victory reached Vienna. The intelligence rendered him doubly anxious to join the army ; and in a letter which 224 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXIX. reached Marlborough at Sefdingen, the young monarch noti- fied his intention. Not satisfied, however, with tlie formal language of the chancery, he added a postscript in tlie French tongue in his own hand, ol which we present a translation to the reader, as indicative of his character, and as a proof of his gratitude to the general who had rescued his family from ruin. " I cannot refrain from expressing my joy at the desire you testify to see me at the head of the army, which 1 hope will soon be fulfilled ; and I shall feel the more satisfaction, because I shall have the pleasure of knowing you personally, and of showing you the estimation in which I hold your merit." In conformity with this resolution, Joseph arrived at the camp before Landau on the 21st of Septembei', and assumed the command. Xhe next day Marlborough paid his respects to the young monarch, in company witli Eugene and other superior officers, and was received with the most flattering marks of cordiality and regard. After the interview, Joseph accompanied the British commander to inspect the ap- proaches against the place, and on the 2d of October, he returned his visit in great state. The army was drawn up in two lines, and General Cadogan had the honour to con- duct his majesty to the left. Marlborough received him at the head of Lord John Hay's regiment of dragoons, and accompanied him along the lines, under a triple discharge of artillery and small arms. Joseph expressed extreme satis- faction at the warlike apj^earance of the troops and the regularity of their movements, honoured Marlborough with his company at dinner, and in the evening returned to his own quarters before Landau, where he retained the nominal command, till the reduction of the fortress. Chap. XXIX. — Expedition to the Moselle. — 1704. Refi,ecting on the magnitude and variety of the events which had occurred since the commencement of the cam- paign, we should naturally conclude thit such stupendous operations had been directed by a general in the possession 1704.] JIARLEOROUGII FALLS ILL 225 of perfect health and spirits. It is therefore surprising to find such activity of body and energy of mind exerted under the pressure of indisposition. Tlioiigh naturally robust, Marlborough was subject at an early period to fits of head- ache and fever, which were rendered more frequent by the fatigues of a military life, the labour of an extensive and incessant correspondence, and the anxiety of a mind harassed by the party feuds and intrigues both in England and abroad. By a complaint of this kind he was affected soon after his passage of the Danube, and the disorder was greatly increased by the care and labour he underwent, before and during the battle of Blenheim, in which he was no less than seventeen hours on horseback. The sense of pain was for a moment banished by the exultation of victory ; but during his march towards the Rhine, we find in his correspondence repeated indications of his bodily suiFerings. To Lord Godolphin. " Camp at Steinheim, Aug. 17. 1704. — Ever since the battle I have been so employed about our own wounded men and the prisoners, that I have not one hour's quiet, which has so disordered me, that if I were in London I should be in my bed in a high fever." ^'■August 23. — I am suHTered to have so little time to myself, that I have a continual fever on my spirits, which makes me very weak ; but when I go from hence, I am resolved to go in my coach till I come to the Rhine, which I do not doubt will restore me to perfect health. Nothing but my zeal for her majesty's service could have enabled me to have gone through the fatigues I have had for the last three months ; and I am but too sure when 1 shall have the happiness of seeing you, you will find me ten years older than when I left England. I do not say this to complain, for T esteem myself very happy if I can make any return for her majesty's goodness to me and mine." Arriving thus debilitated in the low marshy country bordering the Rhine, he was attacked with an ague, which for several days suspended his attention to military duties. Writing to Godolphin, Sept. 19., he obsei'ves : — " T had the favour of yours of the 22d and of the 2,5th of last month, when I came last Monday from Landau ; but I was so uneasy with a cold fit of au ague, that I could neither read yours nor write to you by the post." The usual remedies produced the desired effect ; but left him for some time in a state of languor and weakness, VOL. I. Q " 226 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cil. XXIX. which discovers itself in his corresponrlence with the duchess. ' October 10. — I came this afternoon from Landau, wlicrc 1 have been ever since Tuesday. Tliat siejje goes on so very slowly, that I can give no guess when it is likely to end. I am f;lad you have poor Lady Sun- derland with you, lor I am very sure you will jiersuade her to take every thing that may do her good. For thousands of reasons 1 wish myself with you. Besides, I think if I were with you quietly at the lodge, I should have more health, for I am at this time so very lean, that it is extremely uneasy to me, so that your care must nurse me this winter, or I shall certainly be in a consumption. I am very sorry to hear you have so often returns of your illness, and I do with all my heart thank you for the resolution you have taken of letting the physicians try to cure you, which I hope in God they will, and that you may live many years after me, which both by my age and constitution you must do." The duchess was alarmed at these unfavourable accounts of his health, and urged him to withdraw from his irksome situation. But the hope of recovery, and the consciousness of the important consequences which depended on his exer- tions, inspired him with new energy. In his reply he ob- serves : — " What you say of St. Alban's is what from my soul I wish, that there or somewhere else we might end our days in quietness together; and if I considered only myself, I agree with you, I can never quit the world in a better time ; but I have too many obligations to the queen to take any resolution, but such as her service must be first considered. I hope, however, in a little time all this business may be so well settled, as I may be very easily spared, and then I shall retire with great satisfaction, and with you and my children end my days most happily ; for I would not quit the world, but be eased of business, in order to enjoy your dear company." Indeed no bodily indisposition nor mental chagrin could damp his zeal, or divert his attention from the public cause ; and he had scarcely recovered his wonted health before he prepared for fresh exertions. Wearied with the siege of Landau, which had lasted nearly a month, and entertaining no hope of a speedy reduction, he was unwilling to remain inactive. While the enemy yet laboured under the effects of their defeat, he was impatient to forward the design of opening the next campaign on the Moselle, which was the most vulnerable part of the French frontier. In this oper- ation he expected to reap considerable advantage from the assistance of the duke of Lorraine, whom he represents iu 1704.] MARCHES TO THE MOSELLE. 22" one of his letters as " heart and soul with the allies." Ht hoped also that the German princes would zealously co- operate in an attack, which was intended for their speedy deliverance from the danger of French oppression. With anxiety and impatience he marked the preparations of the enemy to collect a body of troops on the Moselle, by drawinicj detachments both from the Netherlands and the Upper Rhine. Perceiving, therefore, that tlie siege of Landau was not likely to be brought to a speedy conclusion, he resolved to leave the command of the covering army to Eugene, and secure the posts of Treves and Traerbach, which were neces- sary for his future operations, by a rapid and daring enter- prise. This scheme, however, required the same resources and activity as he had displayed in his march through Ger- many. The country which he had to traverse was a mere desert, wild and mountainous ; and the roads, even in the most favourable season, scarcely practicable for baggage and artiUery. The troops, as well as the requisites for the enter- prise, were to be collected from distant quarters ; as a suffi- cient force could not be spared from the covering army ; and the utmost celerity, combination, and secresy, were necessary to prevent a vigilant enemy from availing them- selves of the natural obstacles which their situation pre- sented. The great commander accomplished his purpose with his usual skill and felicity. He justly calculated that the French would be rendered more remiss by the persuasion that he would not venture to move before the reduction of Landau, and that the force which he could draw from the besieging army was inadequate to the execution of the design. He accordingly ordered fourteen battalions, which the Dutch had engaged to furnish from the army in the Netherlands, to direct their march on the 14th towards Traerbach. At the same time he obtained from the elector of Treves, the elector palatine, and the landgrave of Hesse, the necessary supplies of artillery and ammunition for a siege, which were to be transported to such points as were privately indicated. On the 13th he sent a small body of horse and foot to fortify Homburg, a place which commanded the passes through the woody country, north of Weissemburg. This detachment 223 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cil. XXIX. was followed in a few days by two others, making a total of 12,000 men, and on the 24th, Marlborough himself reached Homburg. Accelerating his march through the woody country towards the Moselle, he arrived on the 26th at the camp of St. Wendel, within a short distance of Treves, where ho received information that a garrison of 300 men in the fort of St. Martin overawed and threatened to burn the town, which he was anxious to save. The difficulties of this bold and perilous enterprise are best described in his own words froiu a confidential letter to Lord Godolphin, bearing date Camp at St. Wendel, October 26.* " Since iny last, I liave gone through the terriblest country that can be imagined for the march of an army with cannon. Had it rained, we must have left our baggage and cannon behind us. " The intelligence 1 have from the Saar is, that Monsieur Laumarie expects to be joined by a detachment of 10,000 men from the army at Haguenau. If it proves true, I shall be obliged to take a strong camp, by which I may be able to give the necessary orders for attacking Traerbach and to be reinforced for attempting Treves ; for the twenty- seven battalions and forty-eight squadrons which are with me make about 12,000 men; and I should be very unwilling to be beaten at the end of this campaign. However, I am advanced to this place with the horse, in hopes to get to Treves before this detachment can join Mon- sieur Laumarie, the foot being only one day behind me. Another reason which makes me press nmy march is, that if they will not venture to put themselves between me and the town, they may have thoughts of burning it, whicli I would, if possible, prevent ; for my intentions are, to leave sixteen battalions and ten squadrons in garrison there all this winter, it being much the best place on the Moselle for our magazines. Another thing which gives me great trouble is, that I can get no meal to make bread but what I brought with me ; but if I can make myself master of Treves, I shall then want for nothing. " If the siege of Landau had been ended, I should then have marched with all the troops under my command ; so that I might have been almost sure of success in this expedition. But as I have been obliged to leave one half of the Hessians, all the Hanoverians, and the English with Prince Eugene, I am now exposed to the enemy if they will venture, which I hope they will not. I should not have ventured to march with these troops, but I think the taking our winter quarters on the Moselle is as necessary for the good of the common cause as any thing that has been done this campaign ; and I am persuaded that if I had stayed till the siege was ended, the season would have been so far ad- vanced, that it would have been impossible to attempt it. These diffi- culties make me sensible that if I did not consider the good of the whole, * Correspondence, in the State Paper Office. 1704.] LETTERS TO THE DUCHESS. 229 before my private concern, I ought not to be here. This might be better said by another than myself, but it is truth ; and I am very sen- sible that if I should have ill success, the greatest part of mankind will censure me for it. However, 1 shall have the satisfaction to know that I have acted fur the best."' Similar reflections occur in a letter of the same date to the duchess. " I am got thus far in my way to the Moselle, after having marched through very terrible mountains. Had we any rain it would have been impossible to have got forward the cannon ; and it is certain if the enemy are able to hinder us from taking winter quarters in this country, we must throw our cannon into some river, for to carry tiiem back is impos- sible. I have been so desirous to make use of this fair weather, that I am here only with the hoise ; but as my march to-morrow will bring me within eight leagues of Treves, and the enemy's troops being but five leagues from me, I must be obliged to stay for the foot, which will join me the next day. " This march and my own spleen have given me occasion to think how very unaccountable a creature man is, to be seeking for honour in so barren a country as this, when he is very sure that the greater part of mankind, and may justly fear, that even his best friends, would be apt to think ill of him should he have ill success. But I am endeavouring all I can to persuade myself that my happiness ought to depend upon my knowledge, that I do what I think is for the best. If I can succeed in the taking of Treves, I shall not then stay above ten days longer in this country ; for when 1 shall have given the necessary orders for the siege of Traerbach, I shall leave the execution of it to the prince of Hesse, having promised the king of the Romans to be with him before the siege of Landau is ended." Marlborough obtained the success which he so much merited bj his vigilance, skill, and activity. We continue to relate, in his own words, the result of these masterly operations, in two letters to Secretary Harley, from the Camp at St. WendeL " October 26. — Since my last I quitted the camp of Weissemburg on Thursday at break of day. I am advancing with twenty-seven battalions, forty-nine squadrons, fourteen cannon, and four howitzers, towards tlie IMoselle, to settle the winter quarters, and order the attack against Traerbach. I am favoured by good weather, and not without appre- hensions that the enemy may pre-occupy Treves; but I will endeavour to arrive there before the French detachment." " Camp at Treves, October 29. — I thank God we have prevented them. Last night three deputies from Treves came to the camp at Her- menskel, six leagues oft", to acquaint me that the French garrison of 300 men were stiil in the fort, who might insult the town on our approach, if not prevented. Whereupon I marched before break of day this mcrning, Q 3 230 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. \_Cn. XXIX, with all the horse and four hnttalions ; and as soon as our vanguard a]J- peared the enemy quitted the fort, and retired over the Moselle, after throwlnjj much provisions and ammunition into the river. An advanced corps took some prisoners, and prevented any mischief which they intended to execute, liad they not heen surprised by the celerity of this march." From a letter of Cardonnel we loarn also that the enemy were not inattentive to this movement, and would undoubt- edly have baffled a less active and vigilant commander.* •' October 3\. — It was very lucky that my lord duke hastened his inarch, for on the same day Monsieur D'Allegre came with a detachment of horse within two leagues of Treves, having ordered a good body of troops to follow him, but on notice of our being here, he immediately retired." Possessed of so important a place as Treves, the duke collected 6000 of the neighbouring peasantry to repair and strengthen the fortifications, and posted the cavalry at Con- saarbruck to cover the operation. Having settled the dis- tribution of winter quarters in the vicinity, he proceeded towards Traerbach, which Avas occupied by a French garrison of 600 men. Arriving at Berncastel the 3d of November, he was joined by the twelve Dutch battalions drawn from the Meuse. After surveying the environs of Traerbach, and giving the necessary directions to the prince of Hesse for the siege of the place, he returned with equal expedition to the camp at Cron Weissemburg. Thus, in the short space of twenty-one days, he accomplished an arduous and highly important undertaking, the result of which may be best described in his own simple though expressive language : " I reckon," he writes to Godolphin, " this campaign is well over, since the winter quarters are settled on the Moselle, which I think will give France as much uneasiness as any thing that has been done this summer." In fact, the original view of Marlborough was to have be- sieged Saar Louis, which Avould have materially facilitated bis intended invasion of France ; but as the protracted defence of Landau frustrated this design, he adopted the most efficient measures to secure the a Ivantages he had gained. He placed a garrison in Treves, under the com- mand of the Count de Noyalles, occupied Saarbruck, and * These three last letters are extracted from the originals in the State Paper Office. 1704.] EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE OF BLENHEIM. 231 after the surrender of Traerbach, quartered a strong corps of auxiliary troops near the confluence of the Saar and the Moselle. Chap. XXX. — Influence in England of the Vigtoky OF Blenheim. — 1704. Having traced the grand events of this extraordinary cam- paign and their effects abroad, we turn our attention to the impression which they produced in England. It would be difficult to describe the burst of exultation which arose on the first news of the glorious victory in the field of Blenheim. The Queen repaired to St. Paul's in state, to offer up a solemn thanksgiving for the success of her arms ; and every class of her subjects seemed to vie with each other in the expression of their homage to the Lord God of Hosts, and gratitude to the commander who had been the instrument of the divine blessing. Addresses and letters of congratulation flowed in from all quarters, of which we shall select only two, one from the queen, as indicative of her own feelings, and another from Mrs. Burnett, wife of the bishop of Salisbury, as equally indicative of the public sentiment. Answer to the note announcing the victory. The Queen to the Duchess. " Windsor, August 21. — Since I sent my letter away by the messenger, I have had the happiness of receiving my dear I\Irs. Freeman's, by Co- lonel Parke, with the good news of this glorious victory, which, next to God Almighty, is wholly owing to dear Mr. Freeman, on whose safety I congratulate you with all my soul. May the same Providence that has hitherto preserved, still watch over, and send him well home to you. We can never thank God Almighty enough for these great blessings, but must make it our endeavour to deserve them ; and I hope he will conti- nue his goodness to us, in delivering us from the attempts of all our other enemies. I have nothing to add at present, but my being sincerely," &c. Mrs. Burnett to the Duchess. " August 12. o. s. — Though your grace's moments are so valuable that I should fear to trouble you with my nidst humble thanks, till you had more leisure to receive such worthless tributes, yet I cannot defer letting your grace know the joy I see in every one I meet. The common people, who I feared were grown stupid, have and do now show greater Q 4 232 LIKE OF MAULBOROUGir. [CII. XXX. signs of satisfaction and triumph, than I think I uvcr saw before on any j^ood success wliatever; and after the first tribute of ])raise to God, the lirst cause of all that is good, every one studies who shall most exalt the Duke of IMarlborough's fame, l)y admiring the great secrecy, excellent conduct in the design, and wonderful resolution and courage in the exe- cution. The emi)eror can give no title * half so glorious as such an action. How much l)lood and treasure has been spent to reduce tiie ex- orbitant power of I'rance, and to give a balance to Europe; and when, after so long a struggle, the event remained under great uncertainty, to have the glory to break the chain, give the greatest blow to that ty- ranny that it ever had, have an emperor to owe liis empire to the queen's armies, as conducted by his grace, are splendours that outshine any re- ward they can receive. " I do not '•yonder you are all joj'. You have ju"!! cause for it, and to recount every day with the utmost thankfulness the atnazing blessings God has heaped upon you. The bishop heartily prays for the continuance of the duke's success, so that the queen may have the greatest glory tliat is possible, that is, tlie restoring peace and liberty to Europe, and, what is greater, the free profession of the Protestant religion, wherever it has been persecuted or oppressed ; and that after her, her ministers, who are the instruments, may share in the lasting blessings and glory due to such benefactors to mankind. Sure no honest man can refuse to unite in such noble designs. I am really giddy with joy, and, if I rave, you must forgive me. I can lament for no private loss, since God has given such a general mercy. In death it would be a matter of joy to me to have lived so long as to hear it. " The bishop said he could not sleep, his heart was so charged with joy. He desires your grace would carefully lay up that little letter t, as a relic that cannot be valued enough. Some wiser people than myself think the nation is in so good a humour with this great success, and the plentiful harvest, that better circumstances can hardly meet for a new parliament ; and, with a little care, it may be as good a one as the de- praved manners of this nation is capable of. I pray God direct and prosper all her majesty's counsels and resolutions in this, and every thing else, and make her the universal protectress of truth and charity. And may your grace be ever a happy favourite, happy in all your ad- vices and services, and liappy in her majesty's kind approbation and esteem ; and may every honest heart love you as well, and endeavour to serve you as faithfully, as does your grace's most obedient,'" &c. While Marlborough was thus raising the glory of his country to a height greater than it had ever before reached, while its victoi'ies were fixing the religion and constitution on a firm basis, he Avas exposed to the petty cavils of the discontented among both parties in England, whom he equally offended by his desire of preserving himself in a state of in- dependence. * Alluding to the title of Prince. f Private letter from the duke, ante, p. 206. 1704.] CAVILS OF THE FACTIONS. 233 During the march through Germany, and while the plans of Marlborough were not yet developed, the violent Tories, as well as the enemies to the Protestant establishment, had openly declared that they would attack him in parliament. They complained that the troops were led on a distant and perilous expedition ; that the territory of the Dutch was left exposed to the superior forces of the enemy ; and that the general had exceeded the limits of his instructions, and the responsibility of a subject, with a view to promote his own private interest. Rochester and Nottingham in the Lords, and Sir Edward Seymour in the Commons, gave the signal to their party. Sir Edward Seymour even declared, in the language of a sportsman, that he and his friends would pounce upon the adventurous commander at his return, as hounds pounce on a hare ; and threats were even thrown out, that his rash expedition, if unsuccessful, would probably bring his head to the block. But when a decisive victory was gained, when the empire and England were rescued I'rom the impending peril, and the glory of Marlborough shone forth with transcendant lustre, his enemies were confounded, though not silenced. The shame of their frustrated prophecies rankled in their memory; their pride was wounded by the downfal of that colossus which had so long been the subject of their eulogy ; and they saw that the same hand which had disproved the invincibility of France, had sealed their own exclusion fi*om jjower. In the heartfelt agony of disappointed ambition and mortified vanity, they had no alternative but to decry that success which they had declared to be unattainable, and to hold forth the yet inexhaustible resources and unconquered spirit of the enemy. They represented the victory as an useless waste of blood, and the first of an endless series of conflicts, with a power which rose, like the hydra, with new vigour from every defeat. These clamours and invectives were transmitted in exaggerated terms by the duchess to her husband. Though her letters are lost, some written by her correspondent, Mrs. Burnett, still remain, which were communicated to the duke, and furnish a new proof of the implacable spirit of party. " August 5. — I know that the people you mention generally lessen the victory, nntl, what is more strange to me, they will hardly ever believe any news that lessens France, but swallow up any to its advantage. This 234 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH [CII. XXX. is true of my own knowledge, and that of some who are not of tlie worst sort of Toiies, l)iit give credit to what others set about." '■ September 9. — I am very much of your grace's mind about the lady's discovery ; for though I know these people are full of hopes on slight grounds, and can hardly keep in what lies uppermost on their heart, yet from many observations, I am persuaded their expectations have not been liigher of a long time, than before the late glorious vic- tory ; and, indeed, tiiey had a great foundation from abroad, though nothing had been designed at home. One of these said, not long ago, it was true a great many men were killed and taken, but that to the French king was no more than to take a bucket of water out of a river ; and they seem so possessed with what his flatterers say of his greatness, that they almost deem him omnipotent." We feel regret in observing frequent proofs in the corre- spondence of Marlborough, that these bitter effusions of party rancour made a deep impression on his sensitive mind. To the Duchess. " Sefelingen, August 25. — Since my last I have received four letters of my dearest soul's, of the IGth, 21st, and 23th, for which I return her a thousand thanks. I find by some of your's that I am very much obliged to 22 *, and some of his iriends, that take the action of Donawerth not to be a victory. I wish that and our last battle could have been obtained without the hazard of any but myself ; his lordship then would not have complained ; for this last action I will be answerable his friend, the king of France, will own the victory. It is not to be imagined with what precipitation they have quitted this country, '■'■Camp at Gross- Gartach, Sept. 2. 1704. — I must beg, my dearest soul, to make my acknowledgments to the queen for her very obliging letter, believing it much easier than to trouble her with a letter of mine. I hope the elector of Bavaria and the remainder of the French army (who, notwithstanding they were joined by the duke of Villeroy and his army, did not think themselves strong enough to stay for us, but are glad to put the Rhine between us), will be able to convince 17 that the French think themselves beaten. I am sure we can never bless God enough for the success he has given us, it being much above our own expectations. But if those sort of gentlemen think there has not been enough done, I hope he will bless us with a farther success, which at last must bring us to happiness in spite of them, which shall be the prayers and endeavours of him that loves you dearly." Alluding to tlie reflection mentioned in the letter of Mrs. Burnett, he afterwards observes : — " What 92 says of a bucket of water, if they will allow us to draw one or two such buckets more, I should think we might then let the river run quietly, and not much apprehend its overflowing and destroying its * Probably Lord Rochester. 1704. J POLITICAL FEUDS. 235 neighbours, or be much concerned whether 17 and 21 were in or out of humour." Howevei" vexed with the machinations and malicious clamours of the Tories, Marlborough was not less indignant at the censures of the violent Whigs, who endeavoured to avenge his coldness towards their party by re-echoing the declamations of their political antagonists. His disgust was increased by the incessant importunities of the duchess, who exclaimed against his neglect of such meritorious supporters, and his attachment to an ungrateful faction. He frequently gives vent to these feelings in his corre- spondence. • * * " October 20th, 1 704. — I have just now received your's of tf e 23d from the Lodge, and am a good deal concerned to find by it that ■2)7* is still of the opinion that 16 and 86 play a game that must be fatal, if the designs of 92 do not prove successful. I was in hopes that 86 had done so much towards the hindering 92 succeeding, that his greatest enemies would not deem him so weak and foolish as to think they could ever forgive him. I do assure you as for myself, my pretending to be of no party, is not designed to get favour, or to deceive any body, for I am very little concerned what any party thinks of me ; I know them both so well, that if my quiet depended upon either of them I should be most miserable, as I find happiness is not to be had in this world, which I did flatter myself might have been enjoyed in a retired life. I will endea- vour to leave a good name behind me in countries that have hardly any blessing but that of not knowing the detested names of Whig and Tory." "We have already observed, that when Lord Nottingham retired, he left a strong party of his adherents in the offices of government, whose continuance was tolerated by the minister, from respect to the partialities of the Queen. The principal of these were the duke of Buckingham, privy seal, and Sir Nathan Wright, lord keeper. These ministers imitated the example of their disgraced leader, in caballing against the general and treasurer, joining in the clamours of their party, and obstructing the measures of government. In the correspondence of the year, we find some vague hints thrown out relative to the removal of the lord keeper ; but the chief battery was levelled against the duke of Bucking- * The ciphers in this and the following letters to the duchess are difl^- cult to explain ; and the difficulty is increased by several mistakes in the originnls, which were evidently written in haste. It is certain, however, that 17 means the earl of Nottingham, and 19 and 25 the dukes oi Buckingham and Newcastle. 236 LIFE OV MARLBOnOUGII. ' Cn. XXX. ham, whose high rank and favour with the queen rendered him an object of more serious apprehension. The duehess took an active share in this political i'eud, and not only im- portuned her liusband to discard such insidious colleagues, but vehemently reproached Lord Godolpliin for his impolicy and pusillanimity in suffering them to continue in a situation where they could tliwart his views. One of tlie few letters written by this singular woman, which have escaped destruc- tion, will display the high tone she assumed in political trans- actions. The Duchess to Lord Godolphin. " I am glad yoii don't think me in the wrong as to \\hat I wrote con- cerning 43 ; and I find I might have won a good wager, when I said 17 would keep his winter quarters in tlie queen's house, to cahal with all her enemies. Indeed, it is a very certain case that these gentlemen who have been so much favoured, will never serve tlie queen thoroughly, though they will be very unwilling to part with their employments. And why the queen should accept ot such services from people that have no reputation, Lord Marlborough and you will find it a pretty hard thing to give a good reason, when the whole world knows that there has not been upon the throne a person with more virtue and good qualities for the public, nor more surely in their interest." In this predicament Godolphin appealed to the duke for advice and consolation. The duchess also did not omit an opportunity of inveighing against the misconduct of a Tory ; and, yielding to her usual bias, recommended the duke of Newcastle, a zealous Whig, as a lit person to supply the place of Buckingham. These applications reached IMarlborough in his toilsome march through Germany ; but he declined interfering, on the plea that his military business required his whole attention, and left the decision to Lord Godolphin, who, being on the spot, was more competent to form an accurate judgment. So petty a cabal was forgotten amidst the grand events which ensued ; but in his progress from Landau to Treves he was assailed with new importunities. During his stay before Landau, and in his march to Treves, we find him venting his spleen against all parties. To the Dvchess. " Camp at St. Wendel, October 20. - — That you may never feel the un- easiness I endure, and that every thing may go to your own heart's de- sire, is the earnest wishes of him that is much yours. In return I hope 1704.] POLITICAL FEUDS. 237 1 shall never be desired to recommend any body into a place of trust, being what I have resolved positively never to do. I shall serve the queen with all my soul, even to the hazard of a thousand lives if 1 had them. But while I live I will meddle with no business but what be- longs to the army. And this I shall beg of the queen on my knees, if there be anv occasion fir it ; and from henceforward shall never more use the expression of being of no party, but shall certainly not care what any party thinks of me, being resolved to recommend myself to the peo- ple of England, by being to the best of my understanding, in the true interest of my country." To Lord Godol/j/iin. " Camp near Traerbach, Nov. 3. — If I do not succeed at Berlin, it will not be necessary for me to stay at either of these courts above two or three days. However, it will make my coming into England very late this year, so that I can't forbear writing to you about 19, for I have it from other letters as well as your's, that he is in measures with 17 (probably Nottingham) and 18*, to give all the obstruction that is in their power to the carrying on of the public business with vigour this sessions, on whicii I think not only the queen's honour, but her safety depends ; for France is now in that condition, that if her majesty's arms have good success this next year, she will have it in her power to make such a peace as may make Christendom quiet as long as it may please God to bless us with her life. I do not think that 19 has any personal interest ; but should he be left in the employment he is now in, it would be a great encouragement to others to do like him, which might be very prejudicial. I write very freely to you on this occasion, knowing his natural to be such, that his whole malice will be employed against your- self and me. I know not what her majesty's thoughts may be as to filling of that place ; but I must put you in mind of what Mr. Guidot has many times said to me, that 55 (the duke of Newcastle) was the most desirous in the world of coming into her majesty's service. My objection was, he was too much a party man ; he always replied, that he was sure that he would be every thing that the queen would have him. If her majesty could be assured of this, and that he would live at court, his estate is so very great that he would certainly be of use. You on the place are mucii more capable of judging what is right in this matter than I can possibly be at this distance; but I shall venture to say posi- tively, that after the success of this summer, the more her majesty takes upon her to discountenance such as are not zealous in the common cause, tiie more her glory will increase both at home and abroad. I shall be at Landau on Thursday, from w'nence you shall have an account of that siege, which has lasted much longer than it ought to have done. T am ever yours." But he was unable to repel their repeated instances, and at length yielded to new solicitations, though with un- feigned reluctance. In a letter to Godolphin, from the camp * Probably Rochester. 238 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH [CH. XXXT. near Traerbach, Nov. 3., he states, that as he was likely to be detained abroad longer than he expected, he could not avoid recommending the dismissal of tlie duke of Bucking- ham, and the transfer of the privy seal to the duke of New- castle. He also acknowledges tliat his former hesitation on this point rose from his objections to Newcastle as a party man. In a letter of the same date to the duchess, he con- fesses that he had yiehled to her importunities. " I did in a former K'ttcr tell you I did desire I might never have any hand in recommendin"; any body to a place of trust ; I am still of the same opinion, and I sliall take it as a great mark of your kindness your indulging me in this. And unless you resolve not to ask me, I find I can't keep my resolution. I have writ to my lord treasurer as you de- sired concerning 19 and 55. I can refuse you nothing ; and I beg you will give me that quiet of mind, as to tell me you approve of my resolu- tion, and then I am sure I shall keep it. My troublesome journey to Berlin will be much easier to me by your thinking I ought to do it, because it may prove of service to the public. But I almost despair of success, though I do serve the queen and common cause with all my heart; but it is you only can give me much trouble, or make me very happy." Chap. XXXI. — Journey to Berlin. — 1704. DuRDfG his continuance before Landau, Marlborough had the satisfaction of promoting the conclusion of the treaty which had been pending with the electress of Bavaria since the battle of Blenheim. By arguments and remonstrances he conquered the repugnance of the emperor, whose inve- teracy against the Bavarian family was extreme, and who was strongly inclined to visit on the electress and her children the political delinquency of her husband. After an arduous struggle between resentment on one hand, and wounded pride on the other, the electress agreed to surrender all the fortresses and magazines in Bavaria, to disband the army and militia, and to restore the conquests of her husband in the Tyroh In return she was permitted to reside at Munich with a guard of 400 men, and to receive an adequate revenue for her support. The states of Bavaria were to retain their 1704.] EMBARRASSING NEGOTIATIONS. 239 privilerres, but the whole country was placed under an Austrian administration.* From the time of" his arrival on the Ehine, Marlborough, though occupied with the military operations immediately under his direction, anxiously looked to the more distant scenes of the w^ar, which, though extending to the remotest jiarts of Europe, yet rested on his decision and superin- tendence. lie had been long and seriously occupied in mediating a reconciliation between the court of Vienna and the Hunga- rian insurgents, an arrangement which was rendered ex- tremely difficult by the jarring pretensions of the contending parties. The insurgents endeavoured to extort, not only a full confirmation of the religious liberties, but also of all the civil rights which their ancestors had ever enjoyed ; while the emperor was equall}' averse to concessions which he deemed no less contrary to the interests of the Catholic church, than to the prerogatives of his crown. New difficul- ties also arose from the existing circumstances. The victory of Blenheim having removed the imminent danger which threatened the house of Austria, the emperor felt less anxiety for reconciliation with his contumacious subjects ; while the Hungarians, considering the influence of Marl- l)orough as rendered paramount by his late success, endea- voured to avail themselves of the anxiety which he had uniformly testified for an accommodation. Indeed he had already emj)loyed his mediation, through the agency of i\Ir. Stepney, British envoy at Vienna, but without effect. Finding, however, that no progress could be made by an indirect correspondence, he summoned Mr, Stepney to the camp at Weissemburg, that he might obtain a more accurate knowledge of the question, and accelerate an arrangement by his personal instances with the king of the Romans, Prince Eugene, and the ministers who had attended the heir apparent to the army. Repeated conferences were held in vain ; the affair was prolonged by continual appeals to the court of Vienna ; and the dispute was aggravated by new persecutions at the instigation of the Jesuits, against which the insurgents indignantly appealed to the feelings of Marlborough. After a long discussion, no specific arrange- * Falkenstein, p. 813. 240 LIFE OF MARLBOKOUGH. [clI. XXXI. ment could be adjusted, and he with regret was obliged to defer the accomplishment of this important negotiation to an indefinite period. He experienced great difficulty also in arranging the com- plicated affairs of Portugal ; and from his correspondence we trace the germ of those unfortunate disputes which after- wards contributed to dissipate tlie well-founded hopes formed of the war in the Peninsula. The Britisli fleet under the command of Sir George Rooke, which had conveyed Charles to Lisbon, had transported also a considerable auxiliary force of English and Dutch. The king of Portugal had pledged himself to hold in readiness a subsidiary army of 28,000 men, and it was proposed to open thje campaign early in May, before the Spaniards could he prepared for defence. But these expectations were far from being realised. A long peace had enervated the Portuguese ; their fortresses were dilapidated, their magazines unprovided ; their troops, without pay or clothing, deserted in great num- bers ; horses were wanting for the conveyance of stores and baggage ; the generals were inexperienced, and the captious spirit of Das Minas, the commander-in-chief, added continual obstructions to all active operations. The king himself, afflicted with a hypochondriac malady, had lost his wonted vigour of mind and body ; the tardy forms of the govern- ment were a source of continual obstruction ; the chief ministers were in the interest of France, and the indisposition of the sovereign furnished continual pretexts or occasions for delay. Under such disadvantages the projected invasion of Spain could not be carried into effect ; but Portugal itself became the first scene of this long and sanguinary war. An army of 40,000 Spaniards, assisted by a body of 12,000 French, under the command of the duke of Berwick, burst over the frontiers early in April, captured several petty fortresses, and reduced Castel Branco, the key of the Tagus. In this alarming state of affairs, the disputes which arose between Schomberg and Fagel, the English and Dutch com- manders, increased the confusion, and a similar spirit of con- tention broke ibrth with the Portuguese. After a repose of a few weeks, during the summer heats, a new arrangement of the command was found necessary. By the advice of 1704.] THE WAR IN POKTUGAL. 241 Marlborough, the earl of Galway was chosen to suiiersede Schoraberg, and landed at Lisbon on the 3d of July, with a reinforcement of 4000 men. The army being rei'reshed and reorganised, Charles and the king of Portugal, who had par- tially recovered from his malady, took the field in person, with the design of penetrating to Madrid ; but the usual bickerings and discordance arising, they were unable to con- tend with the skill and ability of Berwick, and deemed them- selves sufficiently fortunate in delivering the country from the insults of a hostile army. On the eastern coast of Spain an attempt by the prince of Hesse Darmstadt, assisted with the English fleet, to surprise Barcelona, failed of success. A comj^ensation was, however, made for the disappointment by the capture of Gibraltar, which being ill guarded, was surprised by a small body of English sailors, as the fleet was returning to Lisbon, dis- couraged and discontented. This valuable acquisition, thougii afterwards of such essential advantage in the operations of the war, and of such permanent utility to England, was now rather a burden than a benefit ; because the cares required for its security divided the attention of the commanders, diverted the fleet from other services, and weakened an army already too reduced for a vigorous effort. From this brief survey of the campaign, we may readily conceive the anxiety which agitated the mind of Marlborough, who was made arbiter and mediator of every dispute, and the director of every operation, and whose attention was incessantly employed in soothing the captious spirit of the Portuguese, in modifying the contending pretensions of the English and Dutch, and in combating the importunities of all parties in England for appointments and commands. Marlborough also interested himself with the greatest zeal in the arrangement for granting relief to the duke of Savoy. In Italy the superiority of the French forces had overborne all opposition. Victor Amadeus, unable to withstand the enemy in the field, had witnessed the reduction of Vercelli and Ivrea, and the investment of Verrua, the key of his capital ; and posting his little army at Crescentino, had con- fined his efibrts to the supply of troops and provisions, in order to protract as long as possible the crisis of his fate. He bore" his reverses with the most laudable magnanimity, VOL. I. R " 242 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGn. [CH. XXXI. and on the zeal and activity of tlie British commander placed his only hopes of relief. Mi-. Hill, wlio was an eye-witness of his distress, spoke his sentiments in a letter to Marl- borough ; and after enumerating a long catalogue of disasters, added, " We expect salvation from no side but from your grace, but fi*ora thence we do expect it." On this subject Leopold also interested himself with unusual warmth. Anxious to expel the French from Italy, he sent a letter to the British commander, apprising him that the Mar- quis de Pi"ie, minister of the duke of Savoy, had solicited assistance, and was deputed to make a similar appeal to him and Eugene. After stating the deplorable situation of the duke of Savoy, the emperor strongly supported his demand, and urged that the reduction of Ivrea would involve the loss of the capital, and leave the unfortunate prince no alterna- tive but to submit to the terms dictated by France. He argued that the conquest of Piedmont would be followed by a more strenuous effort in Spain, whither the enemy would then turn their victorious arms. After stating that he would himself have furnished the succours required, had not liis whole disposable force been employed, and Hungary in an unsettled state, he concludes by requesting that Marlborough would not dismiss the minister, at least without consolation ; but that he would devise with his colleagues the means of detaching a powerful succour. He then expatiated on the impolicy of suffering so useful an ally to be overwhelmed ; and added, that his son and his generals were authorised to confer on the subject with the minister of Savoy.* Marlborough did not need such pressing instances to stimu- late his zeal. In the course of his correspondence we find that his thoughts had been long and seriously employed in discovering a remedy. Such a remedy was however by no means easily devised. The auxiliary troops, in the pay of the maritime powers, could not be drafted for a winter cam- paign into Italy, because it was expressly stipulated that they should not serve out of Germany. It was equally imprac- ticable to make a draft from the army in the Netherlands, and even money could elicit no farther aid from the petty princes in Germany. As little could he rely on any assist- ance from the imperial court, notwithstanding their magnifi- • Letter from the Emperor Leopold to the Duke of Marlborough. 1704.] LEAVES FOiv BERLIN. 243 cent promises ; for he observes, in a letter to Godolphin, " Should the emperor send into Italy all the troops he can supply, they would not amount to more than 3000 men." Even for so small a detachment no magazines were provided ; and it was the observation of Eugene, that if sent, they must perish for want of subsistence. In this pi-edicament, no resource was left but to apply to the king of Prussia for a subsidiary corps of 8000 men, and endeavour to obtain his consent by a new appeal to his vanity. On this subject Marlborough secretly disclosed his views to the lord treasurer, and offered, though with undis- guised reluctance, to solicit the aid in person. He found, however, great objections to the proposal, from the anxiety of Godolphin and the queen for his speedy return to England, as well as from the importunities of the duchess, who dreaded the effects of so toilsome a journey in the heart of winter, after his late severe indisposition.* His own letters also announce his extreme aversion to this fatiguing expedition ; but he could not withstand the instances of the emperor, the heartfelt appeals of the duke of Savoy, the solicitations of the king of the Romans, and above all the conviction of its necessity. October 3d, he observes to the duchess : — " After I have disposed of every thing for the taking such winter quarters as I wish to have, I shall not stay a day longer with the troops than what is absolutely necessary ; for if the service should require my going to Berlin, that will cost me at least a fortnight. I am very much afraid that my going may do no good ; but if I should not go, the emperor and the States may think the eight thousand men might have been had, if I could have taken the pains of going: so that you see if they insist upon it, I must undertake that trouble." Finding the siege of Landau still prolonged beyond his expectations, he left the command of the covering army to Eugene, and took his departure for Berlin on the 15th of November, with a heavy heart, and expresses his chagrin at the prospect of his irksome journey. " I think," says he, " to begin my journey on Friday or Saturday next. I own that my heart aches at the thought of it, since I shall be forced to go above eight hundred miles before I get to the Hague, in the very worst time of the year ; and that which * Letters from Marlborough to Godolphin and the Duchess, in Sep- tember and October. R 2 241 LIFE OF MAllLBORODGII. [cll. A\Kl. is worst of all, with very littl" hopes of succeeding." Durius his journey he had the satisiaclion of hearing that Landau liad surrendered. The intelligence was communicated from the royal can)p at Ibbesville, November 23d, by Joseph him- self. The notiiication was written, as is usual, in the diplo- matic style, and in the Latin tongue, and signed " Benevolus Consanguineus eJosephus.'" But the young monarch, instead of confining himself to the mere form of the chancery, added in his own hand expressions of his gratitude : — " To you I owe the success of this enterprise. I hope it will not be the last we shall obtain together. I shall never forget the services which you have renderd to the common cause, as well as to my house ; and I siiall always derive great pleasure in giving you marks of ray esteem and affection." Marlborough reached Berlin in the evening of the 22d of November, and without a moment's delay waited on the king and queen, who received him with great kindness, and testified their gratitude to his sovereign. He superseded the formalities of a punctilious court, and after two audiences of the king, entered into the details of the negotiation with the ministers. The greatest difiiculty which he had to combat was derived from the dread of the king lest the conflict between Sweden and Poland would spi-ead into his own dominions, during the absence of his troops. The difficulty was increased by the arrival of the grand treasurer of Poland, who was despatched by Augustus for the purpose of forming a common cause with Prussia against the attacks of Sweden. This envoy even recurred to the duke for the support of the queen and States. But Marlborough dexterously eluded the application ; and carefully abstaining from exti-aneous dis- cussions, he directed his whole efforts to allay the fears which the king felt at the designs of Sweden. At length he suc- ceeded in gaining his assent, by pledging his sovereign and the States, not only to secure the tranquillity of the Prus- sian territories duinng the absence of the troops, but also to employ their concurrence in preventing the extension of the troubles which threatened the German empire. He thus not only obtained the auxiliary succour, but he also performed great service to the common cause, by prevailing on the capricious monai'ch to suspend his claims to the inheritance of King William, which had already produced a serious 1704.] VISITS THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 245 misunderstanding with tlie Dutch. We close this subject by the insertion of some letters to tlie ducliess from Berlin and Hanover. " Nov. 23. — I writ to you from Cassel, and since have had no oppi r- tunity of writing till now. The ways have been so bad 1 have been obliged to be every day fourteen or fifteen hours on the road, which has made my side very sore ; but the three or four days I shall stay here will make me able to go on. Besides, I intend remaining two days at Hanover, and after that shall make all the haste I can to the Hague, when 1 hope to despatch every thing, so as to embark in eiyht days if the wind prove fair. I have not time to open the letters that are come from England, and must answer them by the next post. I am with heart and soul yours." " Nov. 25. — I am very sorry that poor Lady Sunderland's boy is not well, for I am sensible how great a troul)le such a loss would be. As to what she writes concerning the city, I shall like whatever you and 16 shall think proper. I have been invited by the burgomaster of Amster- dam ; and if that town continues to be of the opinion to see me there when I come into Holland, I intend to go for one day, as I shall do at London, if my friends think proper, without considering what party governs; for by the help of God I shall endeavour to govern myself by what I think is right, and not because it may be desired by a party ; for I am so little fond of any party that I no ways envy what is done to 64. Were the affairs of the queen and Europe in such a condition that one might sleep quietly and safely in his own house, I had much rather any body were at the head of the army than myself; for parties are grown so very imreasonahle that one ought not to expect any other than hardships, though without faults, when success is not with us." " Nov. 27. — I have been forced to stay here three days longer than I intended ; but at last I have finished so far that they have promised to sign the treaty for 8000 men, for the duke of Savoy, at twelve o'clock this day, at which time 1 shall have my coach ready ; but shall not be able to get to Hanover till Monday night, and hope to finish what I have to do there by Wednesday night, so that I may set forward to Holland on Thursday. I am very well contented at the pains I have taken in coming hither, since it has obtained 8000 men for the speedy relief of the duke of Savoy, this being the only prince of the empire in condition to send any men. I hope Holland, as well as her majesty, will approve of what I have done, it being the only thing that in probability can save Savoy. It is not to be expressed the civilities and honours they have done me here, the ministers assuring me that no other body could have prevailed with the king. My next will be from Hanover, and then you must not expect to hear from me till I come to Holland. I am with all my heart entirely yours. My most humble duty to the queen." At his last audience, the king of Prussia, after having testified great satisfaction for the kind visit, and after many warm expressions of esteem and friendship, honoured him K 3 246 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXlt with presents of considerable value. In his way from Berlin to the Hague, he made a short stay at Hanover to pay his respects to the elector, and was received with those demon- strations of respect and esteem which were due to the glorious commander who had secured the liberties of Ger- many. " Hanover, Dec. 2. — On my arrival here I found two of your dear letters ; and could you know the true satisfaction I have when they are kind, you will ever make me happy. I shall go from hence on Thursday, so that on this day se'nnight I hope to write from tlie Hague, where I will make as little stay as the business will allow of. I have so much respect shown me here that I liave hardly time to write. The king of Prussia did me all the honour he could ; and indeed I have met with more kindness and respect everywhere than I could have imagined. But by my letters from England I find that zeal and success is only capable of protecting me from the malice of villanous faction; so that if it were not for the great obligation I owe to the queen, nothing should persuade me evermore to stir out of England. We have the news here that Landau and Traerbach are taken, so that thanks be to God this campaign is ended, to the greatest advantage for the allies that has been for a great while. I long extremely to be with you and the children, so that you may be sure I shall lose no time when the wind is fair." Having attained the object for which he took this tedious journey in so late a season, Marlborough returned to the Hague in order to embark for England with the first fair wind, as soon as he had arranged the measures for opening the next campaign as early and as vigorously as possible.* Chap. XXXII. — Marlborough arrives in England. — 1704. During the continuance of Marlborough at the Hague, he received many communications from his correspondents in England, on the proceedings in parliament and the state and temper of parties. In the speech from the throne, the quee& noticed the unanimous joy and satisfaction of all her good subjects at the great and remarkable success with which God had blessed her arms ; and observed, that a timely im- provement of the present advantages would enable her to establish a lasting foundation of peace for England, and a * See Appendix, note D. 1704.] PROCEEDINGS OF PARLIAMENT. 247 firm support for the liberty of Europe. After requiring the necessary sui)plies from the Commons, and urging a speedy despatch of business, she concluded with recommending un- animity at home as the surest means of baffling the hopes of her enemies, who placed their principal reliance on the feuds and divisions of her people. Congratulatory addresses were voted by both houses, though in a different style. The Commons, among whom the Tory interest predominated, expressed their satisfaction at the glorious success of her arms under the command of the Duke of Marlborough ; but still, with a bias to their prin- ciples and party, they did not hesitate to bestow similar praise on the indecisive engagement of Sir George Rooke with the French fleet off Malaga, thus depreciating the great event which had given liberty to Germany, to a level with an action which produced neither honour nor advantage. The Lords, on the contrary, expressed the national sentiment by passing over in silence an engagement unworthy of public thanks, and confining their praises to the exploits of the illustrious commander. In a strain of spirited eulogium, they added, " We can never enough admire your majesty's wisdom and courage in sending that reasonable and neces- sary assistance to the empire, and we cannot too much com- mend the secrecy and bravery with which your orders were executed."* But whatever were the feelings of party, or the prejudices of individuals, the splendid successes of the campaign over- bore all opposition, and confounded all attempts to prevent the vigorous prosecution of the war. The queen was re- quested by the legislature to bestow her bounty on the soldiers and sailors who had deserved so well of the country ; the supplies were voted without a dissenti ng voice ; the ways and means were settled without diflSculty; and the land-tax bill, which formed the principal branc h, received the royal assent on the 9th of December, only six weeks after the commencement of the session. But though unable to withstand the current of popular opinion, the violent Tories seized the earliest opportunity to thwart the measures of government, by reviving the bill * Journals of both houses, and Chandler's Debates of Lords and Commons. R 4 248 JAFE OK .MAULISOROUGH. [CH. XXXII. against Occasional Conformity. Notwithstanding their de- i'eat in the preceding year, they were too desirous of reducing tlie influence of their political opponents to relinquish this favourite scheme. By adopting such changes as were calcu- lated to obviate the former objections, they hoped to render it more palatable ; and therel'ore they now again brought it forward with some amcindments in the preamble, and similar modifications in the penalties. But since the last struggle a considerable change had taken place on this subject in the mind of the queen and in the sentiments of the ministry. However inclined to the high-church doctrines, she was not ignorant of the selfish and interested motives which actuated the movers of this obnoxious law. Both INIarlborough and the lord treasurer, though imbued with the same opinions, Avere still more conscious that the bill was not intended as a security to the church, but as a covert attack against themselves and the Whigs by Avhom they were supported. Nothing, however, could restrain the animosity of the zealous Tories ; and knowing the secret inclinations of the queen to be at variance with her public declaration, they persisted more strenuously in their design, the more it was deprecated by the ministers. To give strength and con- sistency to their efforts, they formed clubs and societies, and appeared determined to sacrifice the principles of the consti- tution and the honour of the country, rather than relinquish their darling object. As they expected the most vigorous opposition in the House of Lords, they resolved to make the grant of the supply depend on the fate of the bill. After these preparatory measures, the act was again brought into the House of Commons by Mr. Bromley, and Avas ordered for a second reading. To A'anquish the oppo- sition of the peers, the authors of the measure proposed to tack it to the bill for the land tax, the only branch of the supply which had not been voted ; although on the credit of that grant, IMarlborough had concluded the treaty with Prussia, for a succour of 8000 men, Avho Avere noAv marching to relieve the duke of Savoy. This unconstitutional attempt furnished still stronger objections against the measure than even its undisguised spirit of persecution. The moderate Tories, with Harley at 1704.] OCCASIONAL CONFORMITY BTLT,. 249 their head, were deeply offended by the factious conduct of those with Avhom they were hitherto identified, and lieartily joined with the Whigs and court-party to thwart the obnoxi- ous act. Lord Cutts and Sir Charles Hedges, though Tories, dwelt with peculiar energy on the discouragement which any division between the two houses on this contested point would spread through tlie Avhole confederacy, as Avell as on the mischief which must ensue to the common cause, if the treaty Avith the king of Prussia, which the Duke of Marlborough had concluded on the faith of parliament, should be suspended. To the honour of a large body among the Tories, these cogent arguments outweighed the prejudices of party. The movers of the bill were deserted by 120 of their friends, and the tack was negatived by a majority of 251 against 134, among whom we distinguish Harley and his adherents.* Although foiled in this effort, the bill without the tack was carried through the house by the Tory interest, and transmitted to the Lords. In the upper house it would have been negatived almost without a division, had not the queen herself appeared in the gallery, with the view of allaying dissensions by her presence. The expedient, however, pro- duced a contrary effect ; for the hope of making an impres- sion on the mind of the sovereign called forth all the elo- quence of the contending parties. It was at length rejected by a majority of twenty-one voices more than on the last occasion. Lord Godolphin and the Duke of JMarlborough, who had just returned from abroad, gave each a silent vote * The Duke of Marlborough was abroad when this effort was made in the House of Commons; but we are acquainted with his sentiments by a letter which he wrote from the Hague to Harley, to wliom he prin- cipally ascribed tlie defeat of the bill. " Dec. 16. — I must confess by what was sent the former post I could not help being under some apprehensions from the proceedings of the House of Commons, with relation to the Occasional Bill ; so that the account you now send me was so much the more welcome. And when 1 reflect on the dangerous consequences the obstinacy of some people might have produced, I cannot but think this happy turn is as great a victory with reference to England as any advantages we have had since I saw you ; and I hope every body will do you the justice to attribute the greatest share of it to your prudent management and zeal for the public." 250 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cil. XXXII. against tlie bill. The protest was si/^iied only by Notting- ham, Rochester, and the most zealovis Tories.* The violence of the high Tories j)roduced the deepest mjury to their cause. Their defeat increased the schism in the party, and contributed to alienate still more the treasurer and the commander. In adverting to this subject, the lan- guage of Marlborough assumes an unwonted lone of hosti- lity, which proves his increasing aversion to a party with whom he had once cordially acted. In a letter afterwards addressed to Lord Godolphin, dated April 14., he observes, " As to what you say of the tackers, I think the answer and method that should be taken is what is practised in all armies, that is, if the enemy give no quarter, they should have none given to them." Godolphin also adopted a similar tone in his correspondence with the duchess. " Al- though," he says, "there must be no present resentment shown, nor so much as threatened, yet I assure you, when the session is over, I shall never think any man lit to con- tinue in his employment who gave his vote for the tack." In the midst of tliis political struggle, Marlborough arrived in England. He quitted the Hague on the 11th of December, and embarked on board one of the royal yachts, in company with IMarshal Tallard and other prisoners of distinction, bringing with him the standards and other trophies of his victory. He landed on the 14th, and the same morning experienced a cordial reception from the queen, to whom he paid his respects at the palace of St. James. On the following day he took his seat in the House of Peers, and was welcomed by the lord keeper with an address of congratulation, and the same day a committee of the Com- mons attended him to express their thanks for his great and glorious services. His answers to both evinced the modest dignity of a great mind ; for, next to the blessing of God, he ascribed his success to the extraordinary courage of the officers and soldiers under his command. Every honour and reward which could be conferred on a subject was lavished on the able and fortunate commander. On the 3d of January the trophies of the victory were removed from the Tower, where they were first deposited, * Journals of the Lords and Commons — Chandler's Debates — Tindal — Oldmixon — Mrs. Burnet's Letters to the Duchess of Marlborough. 1705.] TRIUMPHANT PROCESSION. 251 to Westminster Hall. The cavalcade consisted of companies of horse and foot guards, intermixed with persons of dis- tinction, who attended to do honour to the occasion, and was closed by one hundred and twenty-eight pike men, each bearing an uplifted standard. Amidst the thunder of artil- lery, and the shouts of an exulting multitude, the pi-ocession moved through the streets of London and Westminster in solemn pomp, and traversing the Green Park, was viewed by the queen from one of the windows of the palace. Since tiie defeat of the Spanish Armada, so triumphant a spec- tacle had never gladdened the eyes of a British public ; nor was the eifect unworthy of the occasion ; the pulse of the nation beat high with joy, and the names of. Anne and Marlborough were mingled amidst the testimonies of tumul- tuous exultation, which burst from all ranks and orders.* On the 6th the duke attended a grand entertainment, which was given in Goldsmiths' Hall, by the lord mayor and heads of the city. He was conveyed in one of the royal carriages, and accompanied by the lord treasurer, the duke of Somerset, master of the horse, and the prince of Hesse, who bad so well distinguished himself in the same field of honour ; and attended by a numerous cavalcade of carriages, filled with foreign ministers, generals, and persons of the most exalted rank. At Temple Bar he was received in the usual state by the city marshals ; and the multitude, who thronged the streets, and crowded the roofs and windows of every house, to catch a glance of their illustrious country- man, evinced the general interest taken in his success, and the heartfelt gratitude which it awakened in every bosom.| The queen was eager to testify her regard to the fortunate commander ; but recollecting the disappointment of her proposal the preceding yeai", it was thought more proper, that the usual recompence attached to great actions should be given by the spontaneous voice of the national repre- sentatives. In her speech to parliament, she therefore simply alluded to the late glorious victory, without even mentioning the name of the duke, or alluding to any remu- neration. Indeed any appeal to public feeling was needless; for the party who had so contemptuously rejected the former * History of Europe, .January 1705 — Tindal — Lediard. ■)■ History of Europe, for January iVOj 252 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXU. proposal, was silenced by the national voice. The Commons accordingly j)resented an address, soliciting her majesty to consider of proper means for perpetuating tiie memory of the great services performed by the Duke of IMarlborough. Anne rejoiced that she could at length indulge the senti- ments of her gratitude towards the duke and affection towards the duchess. On the 17th of February she informed the house, that in conformity with their application, she purposed to convey to the Duke of jNIarlborough and his heirs the interest of the crown in the manor and honour of Woodstock, with the hundred of AVootton, and requested supplies for clearing off tlie incumbrances on that domain. A bill for the i)urpose being immediately introduced, passed both houses without opposition, and received the royal sanction on the 14th of March. The preamble contained a recapitulation of the unparalleled services perfoi'med by Marlboi'ough, not only to his own sovereign and fellow- subjects, but to all Europe ; and that the gift itself should remain as a perpetual memorial, it was made a condition of the tenure, that the possessor should present to the queen and her successors, on the anniversary of the victory, a standard emblazoned with three fleurs-de-lis on a field argent, the achievement of France. Not satisfied that the nation alone should testify its gratitude, the queen accompanied the grant with an order to the Board of Works to erect, at the royal expense, a splendid palace, which, in memory of the victory, was to be called the Castle of Blenheim. A model was immediately con- structed for the approbation of the queen, and the work was commenced without delay, under the direction of Mr. (after- wards Sir John) Vanbrugh, who was then regarded as one of the first architects of the age.* * Of the affable manner and personal appearance of the duke at this brilliant epoch of his history we have the testimony of Evelyn. In his Diary, for February 9. 1705, he gives the following account of an acci- dental meeting he had with the great general : — "I went to wait on my lord treasurer, where was the victorious Duke of Marlborough, who came to me and took me by the hand with extraordinary familiarity and civility, as formerly he used to do, without any alteration of liis good nature. He had a most rich George in a sardonyx, set with diamonds of very great value ; for the rest very plain. I had not seen him for some years, and believed he might have forgotten me." — .En. 1705.] POLITICAL MOVEMENTS. 253 Chap. XXXIII. — Characters of the Whig Junta. — 1705. The factious conduct of the high Tories in general, and par- ticularly their recent attempt to extort the acquiescence of the peers in the bill against occasional conformity, by means of the tack, produced an essential change in the sentiments and political system of Marlborough and Godol|)hin. Notwithstanding repeated insults and mortifications, they had hitherto adhered to the party with whom they had been long identified ; and even when compelled to break with the more violent, they still preserved their connexion with the moderate, and laboured to retain, in the oflices of government, a majority of those who professed congenial sentiments. But they now felt from experience that nothing would conciliate the spirit of faction ; and they saw in the example of Buck- ingham and his adherents the impossibility of continuing to act on the same independent system. The unpopularity of the violent Tories, who became notoi-ious under the name of tackers, gave an additional bias to their sentiments, and fur- nished new motives for a change of domestic policy. During the winter, Marlborough and Godolphin had seriously deliberated on their future conduct towards the two contending parties, and on the measures to be pursued in the elections for the new parliament, which, according to the triennial act, was to meet in the ensuing April. They con- curred in a resolution to conciliate the confidence of the moderate and liberal on both sides. Hence Marlborough had introduced Harley and St. John into the ministry, tole- rated Secretary Hedges, and though he contributed to the exclusion of Rochester, Nottingham, Sir E. Seymour, and Jersey, yet he was unwilling to reduce the strength of his own party by admitting the Whigs to a greater share of power. But even his discerning mind was deceived in his opinion on party politics ; or rather he miscalculated when he supposed that the leaders of the Whigs would continue to support the government while they were held in a state of proscription, and excluded from all offices of trust ; and he as little estimated their strength and resources. For 254 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIII. while the Tories were divided, the great body of the "VVliigs formed a complete phalanx, impelled by tlie same spirit, and dii'ected to the same end. As the constant supporters of the war, and increasing in consequence from its success, they looked forward to an augmentation of their numbers in the approaching election, and a gradual introduction of their chiefs into power. The leaders of this body were five peei's, who are distinguished in the histories of the times by the name of the .Junta, and who were all men of superior talents, and had performed essential services to the nation, by their exertions in promoting the Protestant succession, and their public services during the reign of William. These five peers were Somers, Wharton, Halifax, Orford, and Sunder- land. In his public capacity, Lord Somers was a true patriot, if a true patriot ever existed. Hitherto he had not swerved a tittle from the principles of that revolution of Avhicli he was one of the great movers, and to which he sacrificed his private interests and that honourable ambition of which no one is devoid. Of the real Whigs, he was the only one who possessed the favour and affection of William, as was proved by the extreme reluctance with which the king consented to his removal. He highly deserved this confidence by an at- tachment to the royal person peculiarly disinterested, an unshaken probity, and a devotion to the true principles of the constitution. In the great struggle which agitated the last year of William's reign, he proved his firmness and patriotism by assisting the king with his zealous advice and support ; though he refused to accept an ostensible ofiice, because he would not associate himself with the Tories who were retained in the administration. On the accession of Anne, tlie mortification of being excluded from the privy council, and the unmerited slights which would have driven a man of less firmness and integrity into petulant opposition, produced no effect on his magnanimous mind ; and he gave his zealous support to the measures which he deemed neces- sary for the welfare and independence of England. Though constitutionally impetuous and irritable, he had so far con- quered the frailties of nature, as to master the movenients of his ardent spirit at the time that his mind was agitated with contending passions. But while he repressed the ebullitions 1705.] LORD SOMERS. 255 of his natural temper, he retained all its warmth in his at- tachments to his friends and countiy ; and he commanded the respect and esteem even of those wlio were most hostile to his principles. His elocution was flowing, perspicuous, and manly ; his reasoning close and powerful. As a lawyer, he attentively studied the principles of the constitution ; not with the confined views of professional research, but with the extensive comprehension and accurate discernment of a statesman. Nor were his acquirements confined to internal regulations ; he was a master of foreign aifairs, and pro- foundly versed in diplomatic business, as well as in the political interests of Europe. The respectable traits of his character were blended and softened down with those amiable propensities and pursuits which are calculated to adorn life and illustrate high station. He possessed an exquisite taste for polite literature and the fine arts ; and for his attachment to science he was chosen president of the Royal Society. He carried his humility and reserve almost to an extreme ; for he was easy and flexible, and too often suffered his own better judgment to be biassed by the violent counsels of his col- leagues, who were far his inferiors in patriotism, disin- terestedness, and information. Somers entertained the highest respect for the great talents and services of Marlborough, whose military plans he sup- ported with all liis eloquence and interest. He rendered justice also to the financial talents and ti'ied integrity of Godolphin ; but regarded his want of firmness and decision with a feeling almost bordering on contempt. He was dis- gusted also with the domineering and captious spirit of the duchess, and while he approved her zeal in the Whig cause, he lamented her imprudent and intemperate conduct towards her royal mistress, of which he foresaw the fatal effects.* * The late Lord Eldon once remarked that he was a " Whig," upon the model of this eminent statesman and patron of literature. In the public history of both was this defect, that the love of power made them too compliant to the predilections of their respective sovereigns. However, Lord Somers was greatly superior to the favourite Lord Chancellor of George III. in his public services, varied attainments, and intellectual grasp. He had been the steady opponent of the mistaken course of the Stuarts, and the chief organiser and director of the Revo- lution of 1688. Another great national measure of his time was pro- jected and mainly consummated by him, namely, the legislative union 256 LIFE OP MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXin. Charles Montagu, Lord Halifax, being descended in a direct line from the earl of Manchester, tlie distinction of his family brought him first into notice, and he increased this distinction by his literary talents, amiable manners, and social qualities. With tliese he united an accurate knowledge of finance, to which he directed his studies as a source of advancement, after he had obtained a seat in the House of Commons. To his labours the country was indebted for the stability of paper credit, and the improvement of the coin. Having raised himself to the office of first commissioner of the treasury, he was exposed to the incessant hostilities of the Tories, and persecuted by them in the House of Com- mons with unrelenting severity ; but he was the Samson of his party, and repelled with unabated vigour the multiplied attacks of his political adversaries. Though firm and manly in debate, he was interested, timid, and versatile as a poli- tician ; and was not without reason accused of occasionally sacrificing his political tenets to selfishness or fear. From this motive he exchanged his place at the treasury board for the lucrative and permanent otfice of auditor of the ex- chequer, and he accepted a peerage to escape from the per- petual warfare of the House of Commons. But in this hope he was disappointed, for he was impeached as a peer ; and though he parried the attack, he was still exposed to inces- sant warfare. In the Upper House he found a more con- genial situation, and a fitter theati-e for the brilliance and elegance of his oratory. After relinquishing a responsible office for the sake of tranquillity or gain, his restless spirit was not satisfied. He was incessantly caballing with those who possessed the private favour of the queen ; he was always craving for some situation which he could hold with his post in the exchequer, and particularly anxious to obtain a diplomatic mission abroad. He carried his importunities to such a degree as to disgust Marlborough, who in his private letters complains of his restless and captious temper. This occasioned frequent bickerings, and indeed laid the with Scotland. Somers was born in 1652, and was the son of a re- spectable attorney of Worcester. He was never married ; but, according to the testimony of the Duchess of Marlborough, who at a later period had quarrelled with him, he " lived with another man's wife as publicly as if she had been his own." — Ed. 1705.] LORD WHARTON. 257 foundation of a secret dislike in the mind of Halifax, which afterwards instigated the versatile peer to injure him by in- sidious accusations at the court of Hanover. He courted with unceasing assiduity the Duchess of Marlborough, and regaled her with concerts and entertainments ; but although his attentions were grateful to her vanity, and although he at first was admitted to her confidence, he soon irritated her jealous temper, and lost her esteem.* Lord AVharton has shared the fate of the most illustrious characters who have identified themselves with a particular party. He is eulogised by the Whigs as one of the principal instruments of the Revolution, and the paragon of political perfection. By the Tories he is decried as a turbulent and restless demagogue, inbued with republicanism and infidelity; as hostile to the true principles of the monarchy, and no less hostile to the established church. Descended from an illus- trious family in the north, he was eldest son and heir to Philip Lord Wharton. He was born and bred a dissenter, but conformed to the national worship, although he was still friendly to his former sect, and partial to its principles. His wife continued a rigid presbyterian, and a disciple" of the celebrated ]VIr. Howe, a dissenting minister, who was dis- tinguished for his eloquence, enthusiasm, and piety. In his early career Wharton was a companion of Charles II., and was led by the royal example and influence to share in the orgies of a licentious court. Still, however, his political principles remained uncontaminated, and amidst all the blandishments of pleasure, he evinced such a decided attach- ment to constitutional freedom, that in 1677 he was sent with Buckingham and Shaftesbury to the Tower, for questioning the legality of the sitting parliament. Under James II. he * Like Lord Somers, Lord Halifax took a leading part in effecting the union with Scotland, and was, like him, an active patron of letters. He was the first public man to call attention to the state of the national records in the Tower, which were then in great disorder and visible de- cay ; he also interested himself in preserving the Cottonian manuscripts, and in making them accessible to the public. He pleaded strongly for a public library, upon the plan of that we now possess in the British Museum. Pope has left a well-known quotation to commemorate hb grateful recollections of him as his first patron, in the translation of the Iliad. On the accession of George L, Halifax again became a lord of the Treasury, but died a few months after, in 1715. — Ed. VOL, I. S 258 I.IKE OF MAULBOUL'CGIl. [CU. XXXUT. became a still more strenuous opponent of Popery iind arbitrary power, and was one of the first gentlemen wlio joined the Prince of Orange. Next to Somers, he was the most distinguished of that party which placed William and Mary on the throne. He was rewarded by the new sovereign with the place of comp- ti'oller of the household, but was never advanced to any political office ; because William, however grateful for his services, and however conscious of his talents and consistency, was yet disgusted with his overbearing temper, and offended by his uniform antipathy to Kobert earl of Sunderland, whom he persecuted with unceasing acrimony, till he forced him from office. Wharton was disappointed in various attempts to obtain the seals of secretary of state ; but in spite of repeated slights and mortifications, he still retained his office in the household. He was a bold, fluent, and manly debater, yet better cal- culated for the meridian of the lower, than for that of the upper house. His eloquence was coarse and popular ; his attacks merciless, and his wit ready and poignant, but often degenerating into ribaldry, which induced Bolingbroke, in language equally coarse, to call him the scavenger of his party.* In his aversion to high-church principles, he went beyond the free-thinkers of the age ; for he scoffed at religion itself, and made no concealment of his infidelity. Though bold, ardent, and overbearing, he was skilled in the manage- ment of the passions, and calculated to shine in the tumult of elections and popular assemblies. On such occasions he could control or conceal his natural impetuosity, and with a wonderful address accommodate himself to the interests, feelings, and prejudices of those whom he wished to com- mand. At the accession of Anne, being ejected from his office as head of the household, and his place in the privy council, he did not imitate the disinterestedness of Somers, but sought to satisfy his disappointed ambition and avidity, by an oppo- sition of the most violent kind. Indeed, it is difficult to judge to what extremities his disgust and vengeance might have prompted him, had he not been restrained by the advice and representations of Somers, and the more consider- * Correspondence. 1T05.] EARL OF ORFORD. 259 able members of the party. Still, however, his natural temper continually broke forth ; and we find him depicted in the letters of Marlborough, as well as in those from Mayn- waring to the duchess, as insatiable in his demands, irascible in temper, turbulent and unmanageable in his political capa- city, and even secretly caballing with the new favourites of the queen. These defects were more dangerous, because he possessed the confidence of the AVhigs, for his strenuous exertions in favour of the Protestant succession, and his uniform opposition to the restoration of the Stuarts. He was now looking forward to the rank of an earl ; but no increase of honours could sate his avidity, and he was no less craving for an ofiice of profit and dignity. Knowing the queen's aversion to him in particular, and the reluctance of Marl- borough and Godolphin to his promotion, he was determined to extort by force what he could not obtain by persuasion ; he was anxious to break through the barriers of the cabinet, by obtruding some less obnoxious Whig into office, that he with the other leaders might secure an opening for them- selves.* Edward Russel, earl of Orford, the brother of the celebrated John Lord Russel, was originally groom of the chamber to the duke of York, and in that situation seems to have formed an early friendship with Marlborough. He owed his rise and reputation more to the sufi>5rings and merits of his illus- trious family, to his professional skill, and to the share he took in the Revolution, than to his superior talents as an orator or statesman. In private life he was irritable and impetuous, blunt and overbearing ; in public he was inter- ested, and ambitious of distinction. Disgusted with the king for his neglect of the Whigs, his resentment threw him into the opposite extreme. He remonstrated with William for his severe treatment of Marlborough, and, like him, he entered into a correspondence with the exiled family, which proved a source of perpetual embarrassment. Not- withstanding this secret infidelity, he exalted his character * The character of this member of the junta calls to miiid the first Richard Brinsley Sheridan, exhibiting a singular union of cleverness and laxity of private conduct, with great lirmness and integrity in public life. Lord Wharton died in 1715, leaving a son more remarkable than himself for talent, eccentric'ty and dissipation. — Ed. 260 r.IFE OF »L4.ULB0R0UGri. [CH. XXXIII by the victory off La Hogue ; and was justly regarded aa tho person who most contributed to effect and maintain the Revo- lution. F'or this and subsequent services he was created earl of Orford. As he offended and alienated all parties by his grasping and impetuous spirit, he had been repeatedly raised to office and as repeatedly dismissed ; but these partial possessions of power only contributed to increase his appetite for rule, and to give new force to his disgust with the government. Of all the junta, Orford was perhaps at this time the most obnoxious to the queen ; because, in common with her aversion to his party, she regarded with peculiar jealousy a nobleman whose professional talents, popularity, and personal views, rendered him the rival, and often the censor of the prince of Denmark in the management of th^e admiralty. Notwithstanding his friendship and connexions with Marlborough, his roughness and impetuosity occasionally alienated a nobleman who was distinguished by contrary qualities ; and in the correspondence between the two ministers, he is often depicted in the same unfavourable colours as Halifax and Wharton. The character of Sunderland, the youngest of the junta, has been sufficiently delineated. We shall therefore only observe, that he was zealously attached to Somers, whose opinions he regarded as the dictates of an oracle. These were the five chiefs who wielded the strength of the Whig party. They were supported by the dukes of Devon- shire, Somerset, and Newcastle, in the upper house, where they possessed a considerable majority ; and in the lower house they found zealous advocates in Boyle, chancellor of the exchequer, Cowper, attorney-general. Smith, whom they afterwards raised to the office of speaker, and Walpole, who now began his long public cai'eer. Indignant at the political anathema under which they had long laboured, the Whigs now began to exact that attention which they considered as due to their influence and services, and by dexterously availing themselves of the schism which had taken place among the Tories, and the necessity which the ministers felt for their support, they at length forced the general and treasurer into a change of system. Accordingly, at the very moment w^hen addresses were heaped on Sir George Rooke, equalling him with the Duke of Marlborough, 170o.] STATE OF PARTIES. 261 his disfavour with the court was announced by his removal from his post at the head of the fleet. He was succeeded by Sir Cloudesley Shovel, a popular officer and a Whig, and Sir John Leake, with Sir George Byng, who had both distin- guished themselves, as well in the Whig cause as by their professional talents, were promoted to commands. Several Whigs were introduced into the subordinate offices of govern- ment : among them we notice Mr. Walpole, who was ap- pointed one of the council to Prince George of Denmark, at the particular recommendation of Marlborough. Soon after- wards more of the party were nominated lord-lieutenants of counties, and others were admitted into the privy council. But the greatest triumph was the removal of Buckingham, which had been approved by Marlborough in the preceding year, and had ]:)een retarded only by the resistance of the queen. The Whigs had even extorted from the ministers a promise of dismissing Sir Nathan Wright from the office of lord keeper, and transferring the great seal to Mr. Cowper, a lawyer of tried integrity, and one of the ablest champions in the House of Commons. Inspired with new confidence by this success, they looked forward to the gradual introduction of their leaders into the higher offices of government. They did not therefore fail to take advantage of the troubled state of afiairs in Scotland, and the anxiety which Godolphin felt to effect an union of the two countries as the only expedient which could obviate the dangers likely to arise from the act of security. This measure, being naturally opposed by the numerous adherents of the exiled family, as well as by the high Tories, its accom- plishment could not be effected by the efforts of the moderate party alone, in whom Marlborough and Godolphin had hitherto placed their chief confidence. Godolphin therefore had no alternative but to purchase the support of the Whigs by yielding to their demands, or to relinquish a measure on which the welware of the country depended. They exulted in the critical predicament to which he was reduced, and Wharton coarsely declared that they held the head of the lord treasurer in a bag.* The peer whose advancement they were most anxious to promote was Lord Sunderland, whose connexion with Marl- • Boyer's Reign of Queen Anne, p. 177. s 3 262 LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGH. [cn. XXXin. borough they considered as a peculiar claim to favour. They placed great reliance on the support of the duchess, whose zeal for her son-in-law was well known. With this view they had proposed him for the place of comptroller of the household* in the preceding year ; and failing in their ap- plication, from the antipatliy which the queen fostered against his person, they eagerly seized the first opportunity to bring him ibrward as a candidate for some other depart- ment. They soon however discovered that they had calculated erroneously on the effect which they expected the ties of relationship and the importunities of the duchess would produce on the mind of Marlborough ; for he was not only unwilling to shock the prejudices of the queen, but was fully convinced that his son-in-law would prove an unfit member for that moderate system of government on which he and Godolphin were anxious to act. Hence he firmly opposed his appointment to any high office of state, though assailed by the reproaches of the duchess, and pressed by the impor- tunities of a party whom he was so much interested to con- ciliate. In this determination he quitted England. But soon after his departure the death of the Emperor Leopold rendered it necessary to depute an ambassador of rank and consequence to Vienna, to cement the political relations of the two countries. The Whigs instantly redoubled their efforts to procure an office for Sunderland, which, though no way con- nected with the home administration, they hoped to render a preparatory step to the secretaryship of state. They were warmly seconded by the duchess, and at length even by Godolphin, who considered such a concession as a proper recompence for their support ; and Marlborough was finally obliged to yield to a claim which he could no longer combat * Mrs. Burnet, who on this as on other occasions, was the interpreter of their wishes, thus wrote to the duchess; — " Nov. 10 1 cannot forbear to wish Lord Sunderland was remembered, and wonder why it is thought a wise conduct to gain men who have been enemies to government all along, and neglect to gain others, of ten times their sense and honesty ; and allowing them to have been a little warm, it is more pardonable in a good cause than a bad, and when it is done for the sake of the public, and not for privateinterests or resentments." 1705.] STATE OF PARTIES. 26.J without incurring the imputation of an ill-founded and ur natural prejudice. These feuds of the contending parties and the cabals of their agents continued to perplex the duke in the midst of his military operations ; for to him an appeal was made, generally and individually, from the sovereign herself to the meanest candidate for office. The moderate Tories, tlirough the medium of Ilarley, deprecated the gradual encroachments of the Whigs ; while the latter recriminated through the agency of Sunderland and the duchess. Godolphin also re- curred to Marlborough for consolation and advice in his con- tentions with the rival chiefs, as well as in his frequent struggles against the antipathies of the sovereign. The queen herself also resorted to him as to a servant of congenial sen- timents and approved fidelity, and solicited his interposition to defend her prerogative and rtjscue her from what she deemed personal degx'adation.. Above all, the duchess expa- tiated on the ill-rewarded zeal and steady patriotism of the Whigs, and lavished her sarcastic i*eflections on his political infatuation and imprudent partiality to his Tory friends. In these circumstances we find him constantly employed in parrying the suggestions of Sunderland, soothing the com- plaints of Harley, encouraging and tranquillising Godolphin, exhorting the queen to submit to the necessity of her affairs, and, above all, in combating the arguments and repelling the acrimonious taunts of the duchess. In fact, the sarcastic reflections of his wife made a deeper impression on his sensitive mind than all his other embar- rassments ; and in his correspondence with her we trace a perpetual struggle between his irritability and conjugal ten- derness. Two extracts will sufficiently indicate the tone which occasionally prevailed in their epistolary intercourse. " Meldert, August 3. — I received yours of the 17th ^ isterday, in which you complain of my having writ a cold letter, •vL.Cii you think may be occasioned by one I had then received from you. It is most certain that upon many occasions I have the spleen, and am weary of my life ; for my friends give me much more uneasiness than my enemies, as you may guess by a copy of a letter I have sent to my lord treasurer. But for you, my dearest life, I love you so well, and have placed all my happi- ness in ending my days with you, that I would venture ten thousand lives to preserve your good opinion. You sometimes use the expression of my Tory friends. As I never will enter into party and faction, I beg s 4 264 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. ["ciI. XXXIII. jou will be so kind and just to me, as to believe tliat I will have no friends but sucli as will support the queen and government. Yours of the 13th, which liad the draucil of war, with such powers as gave him the control of all military operations.* This salutary change was, however, too late to be felt at the opening of the campaign ; and Marlborough soon expe- rienced the fatal effect of that lethargy which prevailed in the cabinet of Vienna, as well as of the jealousy which the princes of the empire now began to foster against the house of Austria. An additional cause of disquietude was derived from a misunderstanding between Count Wratislaw and Mr. Stepney, which rose to so great a height, that the former withdrew his confidential communications from the duke, whom he suspected of betraying the secret of their private correspon- dence. Eugene, who was the friend of Wratislaw, warmly interfered in the dispute. During the frequent conferences at the siege of Landau, he repeatedly urged the propriety of recalling a minister so unwelcome at the court of Vienna, * Letters from Mr. Stepney to Secretary Harley ; State Paper Office, February and March ; and letter from Count Wratislaw to the duke, Miirch 18. ITOo.] MARGRAVE OF BADEN. 269 and now renewed the demand, accompanied with a forma! complaint from the emperor, against his supposed partiality to the cause of the Hungarian insurgents. As Marlborough placed the fullest confidence in Mr. Stepney, and as he was at the same time desirous to conciliate Wratislaw, from whose communications he had drawn the utmost advantage, he laboured anxiously to soothe both parties ; and though he could not effect a perl'ect reconciliation, he succeeded in softening their mutual jealousies, and ^;revailed on Eugene to withdraw his demand for the immediate recall of the ob- noxious envoy. A more difficult task yet remained, namely to conciliate the margrave of Baden, on whose zealous co-operation st) much depended. But the anguish of wounded pride still rankled in the mind of this high-spirited and captious prince, who was indignant at the superior confidence which was placed in Eugene, and deemed his fame eclipsed by the lustre which attended the successful career of Marlborough ; and who conceived that he should himself incur the blame of failure, while his more fortunate colleague would monopolise the honour of success. In consequence of the unequivocal reluctance which he manifested in forwarding the projected plan, Marlborough sent General Dopf, an officer high in the estimation of the States, to communicate his views, and obtain a specific pro- mise of co-operation. The margrave, however, objecting to act with Marlborc'igh, and proposing to head a separate army on the Rhine, Count Lecheraine, the minister of the elector palatine, undertook the office of mediator ; but his mission proved equally fruitless. On this disappointment Marlborough applied to the court of Vienna for a specific order, requiring the margrave to co-operate in the intended invasion of France, and at the same time brigadier Cadogan was employed on the delicate mission. In consequence of the injunctions given by the imperial court, Cadogan so far succeeded, that he brought back a promise froa the mar- grave to act on the Saar or the Moselle, to bring with hini * Letter from Prince Eujjene to Marlborough, January 11. 1705- — Also, letters from Count Wratislaw to the duke, in one of which nt candidly confesses that his unusual reserve proceeded from the duk^'i partiality to the British envoy. 270 LIFE OF MARLBOKOUGH. [CH. XXXIV. 17 battalions and 34 squadrons, and a proposal for an inter view at Creutznach to settle the operations of the campaign. Meanwhile the British commander had proceeded on his route to Maestricht, and after assisting to organise the Dutch army which had taken the field, he sent forward the troops* who Avere to act on the Moselle, and himself took the route to Coblentz. Here he employed a short interval, in accele- rating the preparations for the intended campaign, and in stimulating the zeal of the German princes. While he was magnificently entertained by the elector of Cologne, at Ehrenbreitstein, Baron Forstner, counsellor of state to the margrave of Baden, arrived to announce that in consequence of inflammation, derived from the wound in his leg, which he had received at the battle of Schellenberg^ his master could not attend the promised interview. He was at the same time charged with heavy complaints on the imper- fect state of the military preparations, and the delay of the succours from Vienna. The duke was too well acquainted with tb^^ temper of the margrave to mistake the nature of this message, and testifies his disappointment with a heavy heart to the duchess ana Godolpliin, in his con-espondence from Coblentz, dated May 6-17. " i\Iy dearest soul, till I come to live with you I shall have iiollui.f,'' but vexation ; for at my coming here, I received a letter from Priiite Louis that he is not well, so that he is afraid he shall not he able to meet me so soon as the 20th, and that it will be impossible f r his troops to march so soon as he bad promised me. This and other things make me wish myself a much priviiter man than I am, so that I might depend upon myself, without being plagued with other people's humours. I liave neither time nor words to express how tenderly I love you." " I have but just time," he says to Lord Godolphin, " to acknowledge the favour of yours of the 27th of the last month, and to return yon thanks for your triendly and kind expression for the forwarding the building of Woodstock ; for 1 own my heart is very much set upon the ending my days tjuietly in that place. I was to have met Prince Louis llie 20th, at Creutznach. but at my arrival here, I received a letter to lee me know he was not very well, and to beg that I vl|>iild not come t( Creutznach till I heard from him, which makes me very uneasy ; for I intended to have been at Treves by the 24lh at farthest. I shall stay here till the I9tb, in hopes by that time to bear from Prince Louis v/ho I am afraid is angry at some orders he has received from Vienna. if there be no other way of speaking with him, I shall be necessitatei. 1705.] DEATH OF LEOPOLD. 271 to go to hi' house at Rastadt ; for let it cost me what pains it wil', i.e must be piif in humour if possible." lo this perplexity he received intelligence from Vienna of the death of Leopold, on the 5th of May, which was an- nounced to him by Joseph, his son and successor. After mentioning his concern at the loss of his father, he alludes to his great esteem for the merits, and his affection for the person of Marlborough ; and in the anxiety which he testi- fied to give his deliverer a proof of his gratitude, he adds. " whatever your excellency has lost by his death, you will find fully compensated by me, for you have a double title to my regard ; first, from your services ; and secondly, I suc- ceed by hereditary right to his throne and his regard for you." To this letter, written in the language and style of the chancery, a flattering postscript in the French tongue was added by the emperor, in his own hand : — " If my affairs permitted me, I would do myself the pleasure of joining you at the army, to testify in person the sentiments of my esteem and friendship. I have, nevertheless, ordered the prince of Baden to act in concert with you on the Moselle, and I wish you a campaign as gloi'ious as that of last year. Moreover I recommend to you my interests and those of the king of Spain, my brother, not doubting but you will always show that zeal for the welfare of my house, which you have hl'.herto displayed."* The death of the emperor appeared likely to relieve the duke from much difficulty in his transactions with the court of Vienna. The change from an aged, phlegmatic, and formal emperor, to a young and high-spirited prince, who had ap- preciated the merits of the duke at the siege of Landau, was naturally felt in every department of the state. The super- annuated and formal ministers of the deceased monarch lost their influence, and the interest of Prince Eugene became predominant. The hopes which Marlborough drew fro.ii this change were, however, damped by the lukewarmness of the German princes, and by the froward spirit of his intended colleague the margrave. On visiting him he received, indeed, the * Original letter of the Emperor Joseph, dated Vienna, 9th May 1705 and signed Josephus. Letter also from Prince Eugene. 272 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGn. [CH. XXXIV duke with outward marks of esteem and respect, and with all the honours due to his rank and celebrity. At the same time his behaviour proved that the complaint of his indispo- sition was much exaggerated ; for the inflammation of his wound did not prevent him from attending his guest in a survey of the new palace and gardens, which he was prepar- ing for his future residence, and he was gratified with the praises which Marlborough did not fail to bestow on the architecture of the building, and tiie disposition of the grounds. In a private conference, which they held to settle their military arrangements, the margrave promised the British commander to join him on the Saar, with the whole of his disposable force, and to begin his march without delay. But in a letter to Godolphin, Marlborough augured ill of the result, from his repeated and heavy complaints of the deficiency of his army, and the anxiety which he mani- fested to devise pretexts for delay. Rastadt, May 11-22. — The prince of Baden not being well has given me the trouble of coming to this place. 1 am very much disappointed by the very little number of troops they can from hence send to the Moselle. All that Prince Louis will promise is 20 battalions and 40 squadrons. But even of those I must expect for some time only 12 battalions and 28 squadrons, wliich are to be at Treves by the 10th of the next month. This is so great a disappointment, that I have writ very pressingly to the emperor upon it. I think the less noise this makes is best, for it would too much encourage the French. When I come to Treves, where I shall be in four days, you shall know what posture we shall be in there. Having been on horseback all day, I am so tired that I can say no more. By the inclosed letter from the emperor, I hope he intends me more troops. You will be pleased to give the letter to Lady Marlborough to keep for me." Marlborough had also the mortification to learn that the Austrian regiments were incomplete, because the most effi- cient corps had been despatched to Italy or Hungary, and those destined to act on the Moselle wanted more than one- third of their complement, though represented as complete on the musters. Having, however, made the best arrange- ments which circumstances would permit, and extorted from the margrave a new promise to begin his march on the 27th, he made an excursion to examine the lines of StolhofFen. Ou * Letter from Cardonel to Mr. Secretary Harley, May 22. — Stat^- paper Office. 170o.] ARRIVAL AT TREVES. 273 his return he took his departure from Rastadt, and hastened to meet his troops, who were on their march to Treves. These forces encountered in their progress unusual hard- ships. An eye-witness observes : " After we had quitted Juliers, you never saw so wretched a country. The soil barren, mountainous, fruitful in nothing but iron, and the air strangely cold, as if it had been in the midst of winter. The towns have all the marks of poverty that French oppres- sion or government can give ; and to make the little accom- modation an army could meet with in so wretched a country still less, there was not a soul to be seen in the villages, the peasants flying as we came, either into places of defence or to the woods, and conveying what they could, of the little they had, along with them ; which left us in want of every thing, and made both officers and soldiers pass their time ill enough. I will only add, that the Scots think an army in their highlands could shift better." * Chap. XXXV. — Investment of Liege. — 1705. After the unsatisfactory interview with the margrave, Marlborough repaired to Treves, where he expected to receive intelligence of the artillery, draught horses, and part of the contingents, which were to be furnished by the Ger- man states. He arrived on the 26th, at the moment when his troops were filing into their destined camp near Triers- w^iler. He found the auxiliaries who had wintered on the Moselle posted in the vicinity of Consaarbruck ; and after spending two days in reviewing the different corps, he ordered the troops who had marched from the Netherlands to advance to Igel. His army was there collected in two divisions, which were separated by the Moselle. To his chagrin and mortification, however, even the limited liopes which he had conceived of the co-operation of the German princes and states were totally frustrated. Not a single draught horse appeared ; and instead of an army amounting at least to 80,000 men, he could scarcely muster * Hare's MS. Account of the Campaign in a series of Letters. YOL. I. ' T 274 LU'E OF MARLBOROUGH. [cH. XXXV. 30,000, and tliese only Britisli troops, or subsidiaries in tlie pay of the maritime powers. As the season was extremely backward, and the scanty resources of the country had been exhausted by the enemy, he caused an accui-ate scrutiny to be made into the state of the magazines; but to his addi- tional mortification, the superintendant, instead of rendering an account, fled to the enemy, and he discovered that not half the quantity of the expected supplies had been collected. His letters written during this period of suspense and anxiety need no comment. To Lord Godolphin. " Tuesday, May 16-27. 1705. — At my arrival here yesterday, I had the favour of two of your->. I am to he on horseback all thi? day, so that I shall not be able to answer by this post the particulars of yours, believing you will be more desirous to know the posture our army is in. I gave you an account from Manheim, that the army of Prince Louis was in so miserable a condition that he could not spare more troops to act on the Moselle than 12 battalions and 28 squadrons at this time, and that they could not march till the 28th, so that they cannot join me until the 10th or 12th of next month. The troops of Prussia cannot be here much sooner, and the 7000 Palatines in the English and Dutch pay are to be here by the 6th. By all this you will see we want a third of our foot, and almost half our horse, which makes it impossible for me as yet to march. However, for want of forage and provisions, I shall be necessitated to march before all these troops can join me, so that I have sent orders to the several commanders to hasten their march all that is possible. " The unreasonable heats of the parties make me pity you with all my heart ; but you must, as I do, in spite of all the vexations we meet, serve her majesty, and when this war is well ended, we then may think of enjoying some quiet. In all conditions I shall be ever most sincerely yours," &c. " Treves, May 22.— June 2. 1705. — The detachment that is on its march from Alsace will make the Marshal de Villars have a great many more battalions and squadrons than I shall have. However, I do not appre- hend his venturing a battle ; but it will put him in a condition to act in such a manner as may make us want all sorts of provisions, which we ought to he more afraid of than fighting ; for our men are in great heart, so that with the blessing of God we might expect good success. We have another contre-temps, for upon my giving orders to Vanderkaa, who is marched with the English from Holland, to tuke care of .ill that con- cerns Machado, to inform himself of the strength of our magazines for bread and forage, one sentry, who has had the care of it all this winter, instead of giving him an account, is run away last Sunday, and we fear he is gone to the enemy. But I am but too sure that there is not near half tne quantit"' in the stores that should have been, so that we are 1705.] SUCCESS OF THE FRENCH. 275 much more afraid of starving than of the enemy. But we have yester- day sent away expresses both to Coblentz and Mentz, to hasten with all speed corn or flour for one month, which we hope will give us time to replenisii our magazines." "I shall be obliged to-morrow to pass the Saar, notwithstanding the number of troops that are not yet come to me ; for we have no more hay, and on this side the river there is very little corn in the fields, and the season here is so backward that we can cut no grass. All these mis- fortunes make me very uneasy, but we must struggle as long as we can. This condition of ours is fit to be known but by very few ; but in a short time it would be very happy for us if the Marshal de Villars would venture a battle, for in all likelihood that would put us at ease." Unfortunately the preparations of the enemy were as mature and prompt as those of the allies were tardy and imperfect. The king of France, instead of being astounded by the fatal blow which he received in the field of Blenheim, made unusual efforts to repair the disaster. During the close of the preceding year no means of redress or rigour had been neglected to tranquillise the Cevennes, and to suppress a commotion which not only threatened to spread into the very heart of the kingdom, but afforded an opening to favour the aggressions of its foreign enemies. The agent employed on this occasion was no less a person than Marshal Villars. Such measures were also adopted to intercept the communication with the sea-coast, that the endeavours of tlie English fleet to furnish succours to the insurgents from the shore of the Mediterranean were frustrated : and even Marlborough, who was highly anxious to foment a commotion which diverted so large a portion of the enemy's force, considered all farther attempts as hopeless. The insurgents, thus left to their fate, were unable to resist disciplined troops, led by so able a general ; and partly by foi ce, partly by address, the desultory hordes were dissipated, and the chiefs either reduced to accept the pardon of their sovereign, or to seek an asylum in foreign countries. Relieved from these internal commotions, the king w<•l7^ enabled to redouble his efforts against his external enemies and to bring efficient armies into the field, in every quarter of the theatre of war. The elector of Bavaria, assisted by Villeroy, was to act offensively in the Low Countries, with 75,000 men, as soon as Marlborough had marched to the Moselle ; and in case of a reverse, the country was intersef led •376 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH, [CH. XXXV With formidible lines, to check an invasion between the Scheldt and the Mehaigne. On the Upper Rhine, Marsin, with 30,000 men, was stationed to maintain the defensive, and to aid the efforts of the other armies, as either might be exposed to a superior force. As the operations of the allies at the close of the preceding campaign, and the formation of magazines at Treves, indi- cated tliat the princi])al effort would be made on the Moselle, Villars, after his successful career in the Cevennes, was appointed to cover the frontier on tliat side, and to obstruct the siege of Saar Louis ; but with positive orders not to risk an engagemcint, as a defeat would open so defenceless a part of the kingdom to an invading army. He had already taken the field, and engaged in some active skirmishes with the allied troops quartered near Treves ; particularly in an attempt to obtain possession of Saarbruck ; but failing in this object, he collected his troops at Sirk, as a strong defensive position for covering the broken country between the Moselle and the Saar. Accordingly, on the 3d of July, at two in the morning, the English and Dutch troops moved without beat of drum, and traversed the Moselle, on bridges already prepared at Igel. Having effected a junction with the auxiliaries, the whole combined army passed the Saar at Consaarbruck, in two colunms, the infantry leading the march. Marlborough him- self advanced at the head of the right wing, which was prin- cipally composed of British troops. With this column he rapidly cleared the defiles of Tavernen and Onsdorf, follow- ing the course of the Roman causeway over the heights; while the second column passed through the valley watered by the Appach. Contrary, however, to his expectation, the enemy made no attempt to obstruct his advance, and on emerg- ing into the more open ground towards Tettingen, he learned that a corps, which had been pushed in front of Sirk, was rapidly retreating. He reached his intended position about six in the evening, after an arduous march of eighteen miles, and drew up the advance of his cavalry behind the Appach, the enemy having some dismounted dragoons in the neigh- bouring village, and Villars himself, with a considerable corps, being posted in the plain on the opposite side near Kirsch. While the French detachment fell back to their 1705.] POSITION OF SIRK. 211 main army, the allies took up their position, with thu'i- ''sht at Perle, and their left at Ellendortf" where they bivoua^'ked during the night, the duke establisliing his quarters at r'erle. The ensuing morning they made a slight advance in pitching their camp, the British troops being moved more to the right, in an oblique line facing the Moselle ; and the duke changing liis quarters to Elft, as a less exposed and more convenient situation. The army now occupied the same position which the French general had reconnoitred two days before, and with his characteristic presumption had observed to his generals, " Here is a fine place to meet an enemy ; the best ground in the world to fight on a good opportunity." The movements of Marlborough leaving no doubt of his resolution to risk an engagement, even with his inferior force, Villars withdrew to the celebrated position formed by the heights of Sirk * on the right of the Moselle, where his front was covered by a hollow-way, and the abrupt banks of the rivulet which there falls into the Moselle. Plis centre was placed on the heights of Konigsberg ; his left extended to the abbey of Rhetel, on the bank of the Moselle, and his right was flanked by an almost impervious wood. In his rear was broken ground, intersected by ravines and rivulets. Here he made such preparations, and formed such a division of his force, as seemed calculated to protect Luxembourg, Thionville, and Saar Louis. While by his position he covered Thionville, he opened communications through the broken country beyond the Moselle, to prevent an attempt on Luxembourg ; and to secure Saar Louis, he formed abbatis and cut roads through the woods of Haute Sirk, and detached advanced corps to Bourgesche and Bouzonville. He made also arrangements for taking up a position behind the Nied, where the woods had been cleared, and an in- trenched camp formed during the preceding winter, and he * The camp of Villars is well known in military history, by the ap- pellation of the position of Sirk, from the neighbouring town. Marl- borough calls it the camp of Rhetel, from the abbey of that name, near the Moselle, towards the left flank, and Villars that of Froiiisberg or Konisberg, from the eminence of that name, which formed the centre. It lies on the south-west of Sirk, and its strength may be estimated from the plan. However impregnable this position is in itself, the movements of Marlborough proved that it would not cover Saar Louis without the risk of a battle. T 3 278 Lll'K OF MARLBOnODGH. [cil. XXXV. threw a aarrison of 6000 men into Saar Louis, whioli was thf princ'i|)al object of attack. But these dispositions, however able, would not have sufficed to prevent the siege of Saar Louis, had Marlborougli been promptly seconded by his German allies. For his last bold and masterly movement had placed him in a position to anticipate tlie enemy on the Nied, as soon as the reinforce- ments and draught horses should arrive for the siege. In this situation he was joined by 4000 horse, under the duke of Wirtemberg, and 7000 palatines, in the British and Dutch pay, making his army amount to 42,000 men. But as Villars had at the same time been strengthened by detachments of horse and foot, the French troops amounted to 55,000 men, and the relative proportion of both armies remained the same.* Between his departure from Eastadt and his arrival on the Moselle, the duke daily received letters from the mar- grave, concerning the proposed march of the German auxili- aries, and his resolution to join the army without delay. But every letter contradicted the former : some troops had not quitted their cantonments ; others had not taken the field ; and his own departure was always suspended, in consequence of indisposition or other unavoidable causes. At length he * Nothing can be more false and exaggerated than the accounts of this part of the campaign given by the French writers. Nor is this ex- traordinary, when we consider that their information is principally drawn from the Memoirs of INIarshal Villars, whose letters abound in extra- vagant representations and empty vaunts. If it were necessary to ente." into a refutation of the numerous falsities and gasconades of this able, though vain-glorious general, we should find ample materials in this part of liis narrative. We shall, therefore, only notice a few of the most glaring misrepresentations. He estimates the army of Marlborough at 9.),000 instead of 42,000 men; and states, with the most piTfect confi- dence, that it was composed of English, and Dutch, and Germans, of all the provinces, commanded by their princes in person, and in chief by the Duke of Marlborough and Prince Louis. He declares that he threw up no intrenchments ; and after leaving us to suppose that he repeatedly offered battle, which was declined by his antagonist, he dwells with the utmost complacency on the silence with which the allies decamped, as if fearing his pursuit. He concludes these gasconades witli a remark in his customary style, to which no language can render justice but his own: " Ces gens la ont voulu m'avaler comme un grain de sel. lis ont fini par nous eroire de trop dure digestion." — Memoircs de Villars, torn. i. p.372. ; Histoire de Marlborough, tom. ii. p. 83. 1705.] ins DISAI'l'OINTMENTS AND BAD HEALTH. 279 announced his intention to march, and stated that he should reach Birkenfield on the 13th. Brigadier Cadogan was accordingly despatched to meet him on the road ; but on reaching Birkenfield, information arrived that the margrave had consigned the command to tiie Count de Frise, and departed to Schlangenbad only a few hours before, for the purpose of drinking the waters. A similar disappointment arose from the neglect of the neighbouring princes to furnish the draught horses. They indeed sent commissaries to Co- blentz, to regulate the number and conditions ; but after a long discussion the business was still left in suspense. To use the words of the journalist, "two things, on which all depended, were the artillery horses, and the junction of Prince Louis, things that were continually coming, but never came, and after a fortnight's expectation, seemed to be as far off, as if they never had been thought of." * The cor- respondence of Marlborough will spare the necessity of a less animated and interesting narrative. To Lord Godolphin. " Camp at Elft, June 4. — I marched so early yesterday morning that the right of the army camped tliat night in less tlian a quarter of a mile of Sirk. I believe our march was a surprise to the French ; for upon our first appearing they drew their troops that were camped near Sirk, to their camp of Rhetel. If they would have made use of their su- periority, they should have had all their troops together, and opposed us at our first coming out of the mountains. But I believe they did not ex- pect the march, believing I would stay at Treves till I should be joined by more troops, which was so reasonable, tliat if there had been forage I should have stayed for the 7000 palatines that are to join me to-morrow, I don't expect Prince Louis, with the 9000 men he brings, till about ten days hence, and I have no certainty when the Prussians will be with us. The French retiring upon our appearing has given great heart to our soldiers ; but I think it would have been much happier for us if they had taken the resolution of venturing a battle, for we struggle here under many difficulties " To the Duchess. '■'June 1-12. — We have two posts due from England, which makes me very impatient to hear from my dear soul, it being the greatest plea- sure I have Since my last I have not been very well, but I thank God I am better, so that I shall go on horseback to-day. I own to you that my sickness comes from fretting ; for I have been disappointed in every thing that was promised me. T have had letters from all the children ; * Hare's Letters from Treves, on the Campaign of 1705. T 4 12S0 i.iKi; OF maulborou(;h. [cii. xxxv. but till I am in a little better humour I cannot write to them, so that you will be so good as to say sonu-thing to tliem that are with you very kind from me, and that you will excuse me that I write no more this time, and I do from my heart and soul assure you that I am entirely yours." To Prince. Eugene. "■JuneW. — I have received the letter which your highness did me the honour to write to me on the 22d, and am much afflicted on finding that troops and otlior preparations are wanting for tlie commencement of your operations. We, I am concerned to say, are scarcely in a better state. I took all the precautions in my power that the troops should be assembled at the end of May ; yet I am here without a single soldier, except those who are in the pay of England and the States-general. The few troops to be supplied by the prince of Baden, who do not ex- ceed ten battalions, will not arrive here in less than ten days, and some of the Prussians will be still later. Nevertheless I was constrained for want of forage to decamj) from Treves on the 3d. As soon as the greater part of the troops had crossed the Moselle and Saar, I made i. forced march of seven leagues, and offered battle to Marshal \i)lai« mi the same day. Not being inclined to engage, lie retired between Siik and Thionville, where he was joined in the ensuing morning by the cavalry, and the 5th by the infantry of Alsace, and has since continued to intrench himself in his camp. I am so posted that by a slight move- ment, and without difficulty, 1 can place myself between the enemy and Saar Louis, the siege of which we propose to make as soon as we shall be ready. But I am in the same embarrassments as your highness for want of waggons, and horses to draw the heavy artillery and ammuni- tion from Traerbach ; the neighbouring princes and states, who are most interested to supply them, making many difficulties. From this disap- pointment the enemy have leisure to commence their operations on the Meuse. They accordingly are attacking Huy, and they will be soon before Liege. These movements have spread such a panic in Holland, that I am apprehensive lest the States should adopt resolutions that will mar our designs on this side, which must be attributed to the delays in the arrival of the German troops. Had they joined me in time, the enemy must have made a considerable detachment from the Netherlands to secure their army."* While the duke was detained in liis intended operations by the tardiness of the Germans, and the want of means to besiege Saar Louis, the French army, under Villeroy, made a sudden effort on the Meuse, captured Huy on the 1st of June, took Liege and invested the citadel. A general panic prevailed throughout the United Provinces: the French • The original of this letter, which is principally in cipher, is pre- served in the archives at Vienna, and was communicated by his imperial highness the Archduke John. 1705.] 31ARCH TO THE NETHERLANDS. 281 partisans began to clamour for peace, and the friends oi England despatched the most pressing instances, requestii.g Marlborough immediately to quit the Moselle, and prevent the enemy from recovering the places on the Meuse. The clamour was instantly re-echoed by the disaffected in England ; and there was ample cause to fear tliat so weak and popular a government as Holland, pressed on one side by the enemy, and on the other alarmed by the prospect of desertion, should be driven into an accommodation with France. In con- sequence of this application, he took the immediate reso- lution of pushing towards the scene of action in the Netherlands. His presence indeed was higlily necessary ; for the situ- ation of Overkirk was perilous in the extreme. Cooped up in the intrenched camp of St. Peter's Hill, near Maestricht, with a force more than tripled by the enemy, he was reduced to witness the i*eduction of Huy, and the investment of the citadel of Liege, which was slenderly garrisoned, antl in a weak state of defence. If the enemy succeeded in their enterprise, he had no alternative but to risk the consequences of an attack, which might have proved fatal to his little army, or abandon the line of the Meuse, and leave them at liberty to extend their conquests. The delicate predicament in which his colleague was j.laced only served to give energy to the resolutions of the British commander, and to call into action the resources of his vigorous and fertile genius. He therefore prepared to decamp from Sirk, with such precautions that the enemy should neither be enabled to obstruct his march, or anti- cipate his design by pushing reinforcements to the Nether- lands. He announces his intention to the duchess and Godolphin, at the moment of his departure from Eift. * June 16. — I think every minute that I have a thousand things to ■say, but I am so disturbed by being disappointed of every thing that has -een promised me, and that I should have, before I am able to do any t'.ing considerable, that my head turns, so that when I sit down to write, the business of the army hinders me. But you may be assured that you are dearer to me than all the world besides. You will see, by my letter to lord treasurer, the reasons I have for undertaking the march I shall I ogin to-morrow. I want sleep and quiet ; for till 1 have that, I cannot s ly I am well, nor do I believe I ever shall be at ease till I am with my jear life. If I had known beforehand what 1 must have endured by 282 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CIL XXXV. relyin;^ on tlic people of this country, no reasons should liave per- suadeil nie to have undertaken tiiis eainpai^^n. I will, by tlie lulp of God, do my best, and then I must submit to what may liajjpen. 15ut it is impossible to be quiet and not complain, wlien there is all the pro- bability imaginable for a glorious campaign, to see it all put in doubt by the negligence of princes whose interest it is to hel]) us with all they have. " This moment is come Lieutenant-general Ilompesch, from Monsieur d'Ovt-rkii k, to let me know, that if I do not inmiediately help them they are undone, wiiich only serves to show the great apprehensions thev are in ; for it is impossible for me to send troops to them sooner than I have already resolved ; but since they have so much fear at the army, I dread the consequences of it at the Hague. I wish my letters that I writ yester- day were with them, for I then assured them I would venture every thing for their security. I\Iy dearest soul, pity me and love me." To Lord Godolphin. " June 16. — T^e post does not go away till to-morrow, but my head and heart are so full, that I would ease myself by letting you know what IS resolved. The deputies of the States in the army on the Meuse have sent an express to me to desire that 30 battalions of theirs may be im- mediately sent to them. 'J'his joined with the want of forage, and no hopes of having the horses and carts in less than six weeks, for the draw- ing every thing to the siege, we have taken the resolution of leaving a sufficient number of troops at Treves, and marching with the rest to assist them on the Meuse. We shall leave the cannon and all other ammunition at Traerbach aud Coblentz ; so that if the German princes will enable us to make a siege, we may return after we have put our friends on the Meuse at ease. I think this resolution was the only thing left for us to take, both for the saving of this army, as well as for the hindering the Dutch from being frighted into a negotiation for peace. The true reasons of the whole matter cannot appear to the public, so that I do not doubtbut there will be great numbers of censurers. I do in- tend to send to Vienna to acquaint the emperor with the truth of this whole matter. I shall also write to the king of Prussia, in hopes he will not make a difficulty of letting his troops serve with Prince Louis. " I have for these last ten days been so troubled by the many disap- pointments I have had, that I think if it were possible to vex me so for a fortnight longer, it would make an end of me. In short, I am weary of my life."* • For the account of the military operations on the Moselle, and the march to the Meuse, I have consulted the Duke's Letters ; Hare's Epis- tolary Narrative, May 13. June 5. and July 30.; Relation des Raisons du Due de Marlborough pour quitter la Moselle et retourner a la Meuse, Lamberti, t. iii. p. 469. ; Milner's Journal of the Campaigns of Marl- borough; Gazette; History of Europe, for May and June, 1705; Lediard, vol. i., and the other biographers of Marlborough; Memoires de Villars, t. i. pp. 336. 375. 1705.] HIS TKESENCE OVERAWES THE ENEMY. 283 On the 17th of June, at midnight, the allied army de- camped from Eltt, without beat of drum, in the midst of heavy rain. A strong guard of cavalry was posted to pro- tect the rear ; but the enemy made no movement to molest their march, and at ten in the morning, after a night of t-xcessive exertion, they reached their former position, near Cxjnsaarbruck. Here the commander halted a day to concert measures for the future operations Avith the Count de Frise, i\-fto, like his master, the margrave of Baden, moved in a •contrary direction, and declined an interview. On the following day, Marlborough again broke up his camp, leaving eleven battalions and eleven squadrons of Palatines and Westphalians, under the Palatine general D'Aubach, to protect Treves and Saarbruck. He at the same time despatched orders for tlie German contingents to join Prince Louis. To relieve the anxiety of Overkirk, he sent General llompesch express, to announce his approach, and prepare the arrangements for their junction. To facilitate the march, he formed his army into three columns. The first consisted of the artillery, with a strong escort ; the second, of the foot, under his brother, General Churchill, which marched through Steffeld and Aln ; and tlie third, of horse, which was led by himself through Bibrich, Pruyne, and Dryborn. The whole were to re-unite in the vicinity of Duren, a town in the duchy of Juliers. On the second day, being apprised that Villars had sent a considerable detachment to the Netherlands, he slackened his march, to alarm the Frencli commander with the apprehen- sion of his return to the Moselle, and ordered his brother to detach Lord Orkney wnth 12,000 men to watch the move- ments of the enemy. Having thus succeeded in suspending the progress of the French detachment, he was no sooner apprised that Villeroy had been retarded in pushing the attack of Liege for want of artillery, than he hastened his own progress to save the place, and ordered Lord Orkney to push forward Avith the utmost celerity. By this expedition ills different columns united in the vicinity of Duren on the !25th. Here he had the satisfaction to learn, that his rapid advance had struck a panic into the enemy, wiio had relin- quished their design on the citadel of Liege, withdrawn their artillery, and were falling back to Tongres. He therefore 2S4 1,1 FK OF MARLBOROUGH. [cil. XXXV. quitted his army early in the morning of the 26th, and reached Maestricht at noon, to concert with Overkirk ar offensive movement against the enemy in their retreal Efficient arrangements were instantly nade for a speedy advance and junction of all the confederate forces. On the '2d of July, while the troops of Marlborough traversed tiie Meuse near Viset, Overkirk decamped, and both armies directing their route to the same point, united in the vicinity of Haneff. But the presence of one maii had changed the scene. The enemy, so recently elate with the hopes of con- quest, were no sooner apprised of tlie arrival of Marlborough at Maestricht, than they broke uit from Torgres ; and though superior in numbers, withdrew towards Mjntenacken, north of the Mehaigne. On the 4tli, therefore, the confederates advanced from Haneff; but the enemy, instead of awaiting their approach, again precipitately retreated, and sought the protection of their lines, Villeroy establishing his head- (juarters at Mierdrop, and the elector drawing farther to the left, in the direction of Tirlemont. Accordingly, Marl- borough posted his army between Fresin and Lens les Beguines, where he fixed his head-quarters, and Overkirk encamped near Brett, on the northern bank of the Mehaigne. After this unavailing attempt to bring his antagonists to an engagement, the first object of the British commander was to recover Huy, which interrupted the navigation of the Meuse. On the 6th, therefore, as soon as the artillery was ready, he detached General Schultz with a sufficient force for the siege ; and to cover the operation, Overkirk the same day removed his camp to Vignamont.* During the siege, Marlborough had time to reflect on his various disappointments. Indeed, to complete the series, he received the intelligence that d'Aubach had been terrified by the approach of a small French detachment, cind retired from Treves and Saarbruck, without the slightest opposition. He thus abandoned the conquests, of which the capture formed .so brilliant a feature at the close of the last campaign, and the magazines which had been collected with so much anxiety. We cannot, therefore, wonder that from the time of Marlborough's departure from the Moselle to the present * Correspondence — Hare's Narrative — Milner — Lediard. — Brodriok — and the different biographers. i.TOo.J niS CHAGRIN. iBf* Tiioraent, his correspondence still breathes a tone of ano;uisii and despondency. His letters to the lord treasurer and tht; duchess prove the acuteness of his feelings, and announce his resolution to withdraw from a command, in which hid great services were marred by envy, cowardice, or treachery, and where he saw no other prospect than fruitless care and immerited disgrace. To add to his chagrin, he felt more deeply than they deserved the censures which both parties in England lavished on tlie conduct of the campaign. To the Duchess. " Treves, June "-18. 1705. — I would not let this express go to Hol- land without writing two words to my dearest soul, though I am titter to go to bed than to write. The foot begin their march to-morrow, ami I shall follow witli the horse the next day. The alarm is so great in Hol- land, that I am apprehensive they may be frightened, so as to hearken to a proposition of peace before I get thither, so that I make all the diligence imaginable. I received two days ago a letter from Prince Louis, to excuse his not coming to the army, his health not pfrmittlng it, so that he i.> gone to the waters. If we could have had wliat was absolutely necessary, I could have borne this disappointment. Pray press on my house and gardens ; for I think I shall never stir from my own home, being very sensible that it is impossible to serve with any satisfaction, where it it in so many people's povy-er to do mischief." " Bibrich, June 21. — My head and heart are so full of the disappoint- ments I have met with in this country, that I do from my soul wish to be out of this troublesome business ; for I see but too plainly that the jealousy of Prince Louis, and the backwardness of the German prince^- will always hinder us from succeeding here, which is the most sensiblo part in which we might do the most hurt to France." To Lord Godolphin. '■^ Dryhorn, June 13-24. — * * » [ [jeg you will give my hu'.nok duty to the queen, and assure her that nothing but my gratitude to her could oblige me to serve her after the disappointments I have met with i.>. Germany, for nothing has been performed that was promised ; and to add to this, they write to me from England, that the tackers and all thei. friends are glad of the disappointments I meet with, saying that if I had success this year like the last, the constitution of England would be ruined. As I have no other ambition but that of serving well her majesty, and being thought what I am, a good Englishman, this vile, enormous faction of theirs vexes me so much, that I hope the queen will after this campaign give me leave to retire, and end my days in praying for her prosperity, and making my own peace with God. At the same time, I beg you will assure her majesty, that if she shorild ever have occasion for my service, I should, even at a moment's warning, not only sacrifice my own quiet, but all that I have in this world. I beg you will not oppose this, thinking it may proceed at this time froiir the spleen; 2i>6 LIKE ot MARLBOROUGH. [eii. xx::v. I do assure you it does not, but is from the base ingratitude of ni/ countrymen. I am doing all I can to get time enough to save the citadel of Liege, having marched 9 leagues this day. To the Duchess. " Maestricht, Jiaie 18-29 I had the happiness this morning of re- ceiving your kind letter of the 8th, and in return would venture my life ■with pleasure to make you happy. For myself 1 am extremely uneasy at the disappointments I have met with; for it is most certain the Moselle is '.lie place where we might have done the Frencli most hurt. I could wish, with .ill my heart, that 'i05 ( Prince Eugene) were in 20f) ( Prince Louis ."^ employment, but not by any act of mine. I am at this moment so re- signed, I leave all punishment to God ; and I shall, as soon as I can, retire, assuring you I have no aml)ition so great as that of deserving your love, and th.it the queen would be persuaded no other consideration should make me desire her leave to retire, but that I see very plainly the negligence here abroad, and the malice of parties at home, make me in- capable of doing her any service. 1 am sure you are so just and kind to me as to believe, that during tliis campaign I shall take all occasion of doing service to the queen and public, and after that you will not blame me if I am desirous to live in quiet ; for if I shall be obliged to continue as I am, my days must be very short, I am wasted to nothing, having perpetual vexations, fearing the world may blame me for other people's faults." "Maestricht, July 1 * * * I march to-morrow, and hope the cannon will go from hence the next day. When we have Huy, the Lord knows what we shall do next ; for I am afraid the French will avoid all occasions of letting us be of the same side of the lines with them." His friends in England, who knew that his influence could alone preserve the confederacy against France, that his efforts alone could produce a stable peace, and that his high reputation could alone overawe the contending factions at home, urged him to struggle with his difficulties, and not, from a momentary disgust or disappointment, to mar the great work of which he had already laid the foundations, for establishing the independence of Europe and the Protestant succession in England. From every court of Europe the duke received sincere testimonies of condolence for liis numerous disappointments, accompanied with marks of indignation against the margrave of Baden, to whose supineness or jealousy the failure was prin- cipivly attributed. But from none was he greeted witli stronger expressions of regret, and higher confidence in his skill, zeal, and abilities, than from the court of Vienna. His friends in Er.gland were not wanting in offices of consolation, 1705.] li:ttek 1-kom the queen. 281 and the queen in particular testified her sympathy and con- cern, in a manner no less gracious than atFectionate. " Windsor, June 12-21. 1705. — I am very sorry to find by your three last letters to my lord treasurer, that you have met with so much vexa- tion and uneasiness; but I hope by this time it is all over. I believe the last resolution you have taken is best, and if you should not succeed in what you are now going about, I do not doubt but something or other will happen to make you very well satisfied with yourself before this campaign is at an end, and I fancy all reasonable people will be so too. Whatever fortune may attend you, at least I shall, being very sure nothing will be wanting on your part. I do not doubt but you will have an account of all the di'^agreeable things that happen every day in Scotland, and therefore will not mention any particulars, only complain of my misfortune to be obliged, by the circumstances of the times we live in, to do all the unjust, unreasonable things those strange people desire, which gives me more uneasiness than you can imagine. As for what passes 1 will not give you an account, knowing you have it from other hands. I wish you may find the restless spirits of both parties quiet when you come back, but I mightily fear it ; every thing, in my opinion, having a melancholy prospect. 1 pray God send you good success, make you easy in every thing, and continue you under his gracious pro- tection, as he has hitherto done, that your friends may have the satisfac- tion of seeing you in England again in health, which nobody I am sure will desire more sincerely than your humble servant. " The prince desires me to give his service to you, and assure you that he is extremely concerned that you have been in so much uneasiness. " I am ashamed to send such a strange scrawl, but 1 have not time to write it over again, wliich I hope will make my excuse." Even this consolatory letter made but little impression ; and he still maintained the resolution, which he so often expressed, of withdrawing from the embarrassments of his great, but uneasy situation. Repiy to the Queen. ''Lens les Beguines, July 16-27. — Madam, your majesty's letter of the 12th is a fresh instance of your goodness and partiality for your duti- ful servant, who would with pleasure venture ten thousand lives, if he had them, to make you easy and happy. " Your majesty will have known my desire by lord treasurer, that after this campaign ] might, with your good liking, end my days with some quiet. 1 beg your majesty will believe that in what condition soever I may be, I shall be ready at all times to sacrifice all that is dear to me for your service ; but I think this retirement of mine is not only necessary for me, but also good for you ; for as my principle is, that I would not have your majesty in either of the parties' hands, so I have them both my enemies, which must be a weight to your business. When I shall live under your protection and not meddL', neither party will then have 288 LIFE OF MARLBOROUOr \m. XXXVl. envy or malice to me, so that I shall be able to servt y lu in parliament, which I shall do with all my heart. Since I left England, I have had no account of the affairs of" Scotland ; but by what I know of those people, I can easily believe they are very unreasonable. " I had by the last post from lord treasurer, a list of the new parlia- ment ; by which I find there are enougii of the tackers and tlieir adherents to stir every thing that inay be uneasy to your majesty and government. To prevent which, I think your majesty should advise witii lord trta- surer what encouragement may be proper to give the Whigs, that they may look upon it as their own concern early to beat down and oppose all proposals of that sort before they cuiiie to any height ; for I am afraid your nearest allies on this side are so desirous of getting out of this war, that if they can have any handle to say that the sessions is like to meet with any difficulties, tiiey will be sure to make use of tliat argument to oblige England to such a peace as may be desirable for them, though it will be inconvenient or unsafe for your majesty. " By the vexation and trouble I undergo, I find a daily decay, which may deprive me of the honour of seeing your majesty any more, which thought makes me take the liberty to beg of your majesty, that for your own sake and the happiness of your kingdoms, you will never suffer any body to do lord treasurer an ill office. For besides his integrity for your service, his temper and abilities are such, that he is the only man in England capable of giving such advice as may keep you out of the hands of both parties, which may at last make you happy, if quietness can be had in a country where there is so much faction. I am, with the great- est respect," &c. His concern and vexation, however, did not, in the end, damp his ardent zeal for the cause of England and of Europe, nor repress his wonted energies. On the contrary, he re- doubled his efforts to restore the lustre of the confederate arms, which had been sullied by the faults and misconduct of others. He found the greatest consolation, as well in the bustle of action, as in the arrangement of his great designs, and in the hope that he should vindicate his military fame from unmerited obloquy. Chap. XXXVI. — Attack op the French Lines. — 1705. On the 11th Huy capitulated, and on the ensuing day the garrison surrendering prisoners of war, were conducted to Maestricht. The troops of General Schultz were immediately employed in levelling the approaches and repairing the works 1705.] FORMIDABLE LINES OF THE FRENCH. 289 of the place, under the direction of Overkirk. Conscious that the enemy would not venture to risk an engagement, and disdaining to spend the season of action in defensive warfare, Marlborough formed the design of forcing the lines, on which they confidently placed their reliance, and carrying the war into the heart of the Brabant. The construction of this formidable barrier, which was partly natural and partly artificial, had employed the space of no less than three years. It commenced at Marche aux Dames, on the Meuse, to the east of Namur, passed by Ger- bise to Wasseigue on the Mehaigne, and from thence stretch- ing to the Little Gheet, followed the left bank to Leuwe, leaving Hanut on the east and Tirlemont on the west. Be- tween Leuwe and Aerschot, the Great Gheet and the Demer formed a natural defence, and from Aerschot ran a new series of intrenchments to Antwerp. On the flanks were the two fortresses of Namur and Antwerp, and in the interval were numerous fortified posts, particularly Leuwe, Diest, Sichem, Aerschot, and Lierre. The French army, amounting to 70,000 men, was posted in such a manner as to draw the utmost advantage from this extraordinary effort of skill and labour. ViUeroy, with the main body, continued his head- quarters at Mierdorp, and the rest of the troops were dis- posed on different parts of the line, between the Great and Little Gheet, in situations from which they could most rea- dily assemble in force on the points threatened with an attack. To pass a barrier, strengthened with all the resources of art, covered by rivers and marshes, and defended by an army superior in numbers, was an enterprise of the boldest and most critical kind ; and Marlborough, therefore, employed all the powers of his inventive genius to distract the atten- tion and baffle the combinations of the enemy. The point which he selected for his intended attack was between Leuwe and Heilisheim, where the abrupt and slip- pery banks of the Little Gheet, combined with the artificial defences, seemed to present a double obstacle to the enter- prises of an enemy. During the short siege of Huy, he em- ployed the most effectual means to ascertain the state of the lines, and the disposition of the hostile army. But though superior to the military prejudices of the age, which regarded VOL. 1. V 290 LJFE OF MA.nLIJOROUGH. [cH. XXXVI. these defences as impregnable, his enterprising spirit was shackled by the nature of liis command and the perverseness of those with whom he was associated. He was to preserve that secrecy which is the soul of action, and yet to obtain the consent of a jealous and timid government, to an enterprise of which he could not disclose the circumstances or extent. But the confidence placed in his military skill obviated the difficulties which would have frustrated the designs of a general less able to command respect. As early as the 1 st of July, he sent Baron Hompesch to the Hague, and obtained such powers as he deemed necessary for the execution of the enterprise. Having thus succeeded in his application to the government, he imparted his plan in confidence to Overkirk alone, and entreated him to concur in the design, by leading the Dutch across the Mehaigne.* The object of this move- ment was twofold, to relieve himself from the cavils of the factious generals till the blow Avas struck, and to draw the attention of the enemy to the south of the Mehaigne, which being the weakest part of the lines was supposed to be most liable to attack. Overkirk, however desirous to follow these instructions, could not venture to take upon himself the re- sponsibility of so dangerous a movement as the passage of the Mehaigne, which might have exposed him to the attack of a superior force before Marlborough could advance to his aid. Hence a council of war was held, and the proposal was submitted to the generals. It was, however, violently cen- sui'ed by Slangenberg and his party ; but being as warmly supported by Overkirk, Noyelles, and others, all objections were overruled, and a resolution taken to hazard the attempt. During these arrangements the solicitude of the com- mander was remarked by the troops ; but though all antici- pated some great design, none could divine the object. Rumours were circulated of a march to the Rhine or the Moselle, and the troops employed at the siege of Huy were not ordered to join till the last moment. The preparations being matured, Overkirk, early in the morning of the 17th, crossed the Mehaigne, and advanced ou Bourdine ; and while he sent forth detachments to the very trench of the lines between the Meffle and Namur, Marlbo- rough made a slight movement to the left, as if to co-operate • Propositions sent to Overkirk, July 13th, with his replies. 1705.] PREPARATIONS FOR AN ATTACK. 291 in the threatened attack. This feint produced a due effect ; Villeroy drew the troops from the other pai'ts of the lines towards his head-quarters, and no less than 40,000 men were collected in the vicinity of Mierdorp and round the sources of the Little Gheet. At the moment when these different movements baffled conjecture, the troops who had been employed in the siege of Huy rejoined the army. To these others were added, form- ing a vanguard of twenty battalions and thirty-eight squad- rons, which were privately ordered to assemble before the cavalry of the right wing, and placed under the command of the Count de Noyelles, whose local knowledge and enterpris- ing spirit rendered him the fittest instrument for so daring a design. With him were associated Generals Schultz and Ingoldsby, and the cavalry was commanded by General Lumley, who had signalised his skill and bravery at the battle of Blenheim. In this disposition the same precautions were observed as in all the preceding. The troops were ac- quainted with their march only a few hours beforehand. The different corps composing the detachment were unknown to each other ; and as the collection of fascines would have pointed out the object of attack, every trooper was ordered to provide himself with a small truss of forage, as if the design was merely a rapid march. The tools and other in- struments were provided, and the heavy baggage sent to the rear. All the preparations being matured, the signal was given at eight, and the detachment began its march, leaving Cortes, Montenachen, and Tron on the right, and Avernas, Ratshoven, and Neer-Winden to the left, towards the villages of Helixem and Neer-Hespen, on the Little Gheet, which the vigilant commander had found to be most weakly guarded, and where the angle, formed by the Great and Little Gheet, afforded an excellent defensive position subsequent to the passage. An hour afterwards the army of Marlborough fol- lowed in two columns. At the same instant Overkirk re- passed the Mehaigne over twelve pontoon bridges, which had been prepared in the interval, and connected his vanguard with the rear of Marlborough's army. During the darkness a momentary confusion prevailed ; but on the approach of dawn the troops regained their order, and at four the heads of the columns approached the French u 2 292 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVI. works. At this moment a thick fog arose and concealed their movements. Favoured by this temporary obscurity, General Schultz cleared tlie two villages of Neer-Winden and Neer- Hespen ; another body of three battalions obtained possession of the bridge and village of Elixheim ; and a third carried the castle of Wange, which commanded a passage over the Little Gheet. They instantly began to construct bridges across the stream ; but the ardour of advancing troops could not brook this necessary delay. Rushing through the enclo- sures and marshy grounds, they traversed the Gheet in spite of its steep and slippery banks, and traversed across the line, though covered by a deep trench. In a few minutes their numbers so rapidly increased, that a French detachment of dragoons posted at Oostmal, were struck with a panic and retired. The alarm was now spread, and while the allied troops were forcing their way over all obstacles, a detachment of the enemy, commanded by the Marquis d'Allegre, consisting of twenty battalions and fifty squadrons, appeared on the higher grounds near Oostmal, and stretching into order of battle, opened a heavy cannonade from eight pieces of artil- lery. Fortunately the hollow way leading from Elixheim to Tirlemont lay in their front, and retarded their advance. Marlborough, who had passed with the first squadrons, saw the necessity of an immediate effort, and with his character- istic decision led forward a part of the horse, and broke the enemy by an impetuous charge. They, however, again ral- lied, and renewing the contest with increasing ardour, drove back the allied cavalry. In this momentous struggle the duke himself was exposed to the utmost danger. Being on the flank, he was separated from his troops with only a trum- peter and a servant, and surrounded by the enemy. A French or Bavarian officer struck at him with his sword, but in the effort fell from his horse, and was instantly seized by the trumpeter. The allied forces were exasperated by this mo- mentai'y repulse ; but still more animated by the peril of their beloved chief, they recovered their order, and returned to the charge with irresistible force. The French cavalry were routed and dispersed ; the infantry made a hasty retreat, and the allies were left undisputed masters of the lines. Meanwhile the Dutch troops approached and united with 1705.] FORCES THE FRENCH LINES. 293 those of Marlborough, though too late to take a share in the enterprise. Villeroy and the elector were disconcerted by the retro- grade movement of Overkirk, and spent an anxious night in momentary expectation of an attack. Apprised in the morn- ing that the storm had burst on the very point which they had almost denuded of troops, from a confidence in its strength and distance, they mounted on horseback, and giving orders for the foot to move, hurried forward with all the cavalry they could collect. Arriving near the scene of con- flict, they saw that the fatal blow was struck, and no resource remained but a precipitate retreat. They availed themselves of the defiles with which the country is intersected to witli- draw their scattered troops, traversed the Great Gheet in confusion, near Judoigne, and making a forced march, their vanguard reached the suburbs of Louvain at eight in the evening. Unwilling to expose themselves to the attacks of an antagonist whose enterprising spirit they had learnt to dread, they gave no repose to their harassed troops, but spent the whole night in passing the Dyle, and did not deem them- selves in safety till they had broken down the bridges and established themselves behind that river, with their left pro- tected by the cannon of Louvain. The duke was anxious to press on the enemy, to profit by their confusion and dismay, and by anticipating them in the position of Pare near Louvain, to frustrate their design of taking refuge behind the Dyle. To those who complimented him on his exploit he replied, with a smile, " All is well, but much is yet to be done." He was however thwarted by the opposition of the Dutch generals, who expatiated on the fatigue of the troops after so long and toilsome a march. At length, with much reluctance, he yielded to their instances, and es- tablished his camp in the vicinity of Tirlemont, which being garrisoned by no more than a single regiment, surrendered on the first summons, and the example was followed by Diest and Aerschot. The next day Marlborough approached Louvain, and encamped between Corbeck Overloo and the abbey of Vlierbeck, where he fixed his head-quarters. As this conflict was rather a skirmish than a regular battle, the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was in- considerable ; but many officers of distinction were captured, u 3 :<94 LIFE OF MAULBOROUOn. [CH. XXXVI. and 1200 prisoners surprised the ensuing day. Many trophies fell into the hands of the confederates, among which were several standards belonging to the troops of Bavaria and Cologne, inscribed with the most pompous mottoes.* Suc- cess brought with it the usual attendants, exultation, health, and confidence ; and the gratifying attachment which the veterans, whom the British general had before led to victory, manifested to his person in the very heat of battle, appears to have made a deep impression on his feeling and magnani- mous mind. We cannot express his change of sentiment in warmer language than his own. To Secretary Hurley. " Camp at Tirlemont, July 1 8. 1705. — Ever since I found myself obliged to quit the Moselle, 1 have spared no pains to lay a scheme for attacking the lines. " Being informed that the posts of Hespen and Helixem were the most neglected, I ordered I\I. Overkirk to pass the Mehaigne yesterday with his army, and to advance towards the lines, to give the enemy some jealousy, that they might draw their troops that way ; and as soon as the day began to shut in, I ordered a detachment of twenty battalions and thirty squadrons, under the command of Monsieur Schultz and Lieutenant- general Ingolsby, to advance towards those parts, which were three great leagues from our camp. At ten at night I followed with the army, having given orders to Overkirk to march likewise in order to join us. By break of day the detachment forced the passage with little opposition, and ad- vanced with so much diligence that three regiments of dragoons, who were not encamped, were not in time to oppose them. Immediately Monsieur d'AUegre appearing with a great army of horse, computed at fifty squadrons and twenty battalions, advanced with great resolution, hut 1 * » * • • » we attacked them, and after a short dispute of ten hours, he was obliged to retire." To the Duchess. " Tirlemont, J uiy 7 --IS. 1705. — My dearest soul, this bearer, Durel, will acquaint you with the blessing God has been pleased to give me ; for I have this morning forced the enemy's lines, and beaten a good part of their army, taken their cannon, two lieutenant-generals, and two major- generals, and a great many of their officers, besides standards and colours, of all which I shall have a perfect account to-morrow. It is impossible to say too much good of the troops that were with me, for never men fought better. Having marched all night, and taken a good deal of pains * On this subject the French biographer justly remarks : " It is easier to in%'ent tine mottoes than to perform great actions ; to mark inscriptions on banners than to defend them." — T. ii. p. 106. ' Erased or torn off in the orisruial. 1705,] LETTERS TO GODOLPHIN. 295 this day, my blood is so hot that I can hardly hold my pen ; so that you will, my dearest life, excuse me if I say no more, but that I would not let you know my design of attacking the lines by the last post, fearing it might give you uneasiness; and now, my dearest soul, my heart is so full of joy for this good success, that should I write more I should say a great many follies." After congratulating him on the successful attack against the French lines, he proceeds : — To Lord Godolphin. " Tirlemont, Jxdy 7—18. 1705 As I had in this action no troops with me but such as I brought from the Moselle, I believe the French will not care to Kght with them again. This bearer will tell you that Mon- sieur Overkirk's army was not in the lines till the whole action was over, and that I was forced to cheat them into this action ; for they did not believe I would attack the lines, they being positive that the enemy were stronger than they were. But this is what must not be spoke of, for it would anger the Dutch, with whom, I think, at this time, I am very well, for their deputies made me the compliment this afternoon, that if I had not been here the lines would not have been forced. I intend to march to- morrow towards Louvain, by which march I shall see what Monsieur de Villeroy will do. This day has given me a great deal of pleasure ; how- ever, I think 500 pounds is enough for the bearer. " I beg you will make my compliments to the queen, and assure her that I have infinite pleasure in thinking this action may do good to her service." " Camp near Louvain, July 9-20. — Before this comes, I hope Colonel Durel is got safe to you with the good news of the success we had last Saturday. The French made such haste to get over this river yesterday that I took above 1000 prisoners, which I have this day sent towards Maestricht. I have no account as yet what number M. d'Overkirk's army has taken, they coming very late into their camp. I think it is for the service to continue in two armies ; for mine, that is much the biggest, does whatever I will have them ; and the others have got the ill custom of doing nothing but by a council of war. " The Marshal de Villeroy is camped on the other side of Louvain, so that till we can make him march from thence we cannot have the con- veniency of this town, which we must have to make our magazines ; for we are yet obliged to have all our bread from Liege, which is fourteen leagues from hence. This action will certainly oblige the French to send ruore troops hither from Alsace ; so that if Prince Louis can be persuaded to act offensively he has a very fair opportunity. We hope to have our bread to-morrow, and then the next day attempt the passage of this river ; and if we get on the same side with the enemy, I do not doubt but we shall oblige them to quit this place, where we must make our magazines for bread. Our affairs here are so changed that we now talk of nothing but forcing the enemy wherever we meet them. V. 4 296 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CII. XXXVI. " I have this minute received the inclosed.* By the superscription you will see he owns her majesty : it is the first time he has done it, which makes me think he would be glad of any occasion to make his court," To the Duchess. " Camp near Louvain, July 9-20. — My Lord Sunderland intended to have left the Hague as this day, but our advancing into this country as we do I believe will make him stay some days longer, to know where he may join us. I was so pleased when I writ my last, that if I had writ on I should have used expressions which afterwards I should have been ashamed of. The kindness of the troops to me had transported me, for I had none in this last action but such as were with me last year ; for M. Overkirk's army did not come till an hour after all was over This was not their fault, for they could not come sooner ; but this gave occa- sion to the troops with me to make me very kind expressions, even in the heat of the action, which I own to you gives me great pleasure, and makes me resolve to endure any thing for their sakes. One great good of this action is, that I am very confident it will encourage the Dutch to that degree that they will go on cheerfully with the war, now that they see the lines are no bar to them, and that they may hope for farther conquests. You may be sure, my dearest soul, that I shall endeavour to carry this as far as it is possible, in hopes to make a speedy end of the war, so that I might enjoy your dear company in quietness." "We present another letter written to the queen, in reply to one from her majesty, deprecating his resolution of retiring. It displays the same tone of reviving confidence, and the warmest expressions of gratitude for her kindness and con- descension. " July 23. 1705. — Madam, I have had the honour of your majesty's letter of the 3d, in which you are so extremely good that I want words to express the sense I have of it ; and as I am sure I would not only venture my life, but also sacrifice my quiet for you, so I beg you will believe that I shall never think myself master of taking any resolution till I have first obtained your majesty's leave. By my letters I have had from Holland I find the Dutch are so pleased with the success we have had that I believe they will not now hearken to any proposals of peace without first acquainting your majesty. I do also hope that it may have some effect on the parties in England, for the advantage of your affairs, which I pray God may prosper as your own heart can desire, and then I am sure England must be happy." Like Cassar, and all other illustrious commanders, Marl- borough disdained to spare his own person while he exposed the lives of his troops. His recent escape had awakened * This refers to a letter from the king of France, or from his minister, Torcy. 1705. J harley's adulatory letters. 297 the alarms of the duchess ; and we give his manly reply to one of her letters, in which she had manifested the natural feeling of a wife. " Meldert, August 6. 1705. — My dearest soul, 1 love you so well, and have set my heart so entirely on ending my days in quiet with you, that you may be so far at ease as to be assured that I never venture my- self but when I think the service of my queen and country requires it. Besides, I am now at an age when I find no heat in my blood that gives me temptation to expose myself out of vanity ; but as I would deserve and keep the kindness of this army I must let them see that when I ex- pose them I would not exempt myself. " I have heard what you write, that Prince Louis had some thoughts of putting out a manifesto for justifying his proceedings, but I think he will not do it. If he should by his letters to me, as well as in justice, he will not be able, nor will he endeavour to lay any fault on me ; for he is very desirous 1 should not be angry with him." Among the correspondence on this occasion, we find a letter from Harley which merits attention, as coming from a minister who could afterwards sanction the base insinuations of Swift and Mrs. Manley, the authoress of the New Ata- lantis, against Marlborough's want of courage.* We present it with no other comment than the infamous passage of Swift. "July 28. 1705. — My Lord, Saturday Colonel Durel brought the good news of your grace's glorious action ; the same night I received another by the post, and yesterday a third letter from your grace. " You have, my lord, exceeded our very hopes or expectations, and no person could have done it but yourself. What I took the liberty to say to the queen upon this occasion is, what I believe in my soul, that no sub- jects in the world have such a prince as the queen, and that no prince in the world hath such a subject as your grace. " Your friends and servants here cannot be without concern upon your grace's account, when we hear how much you expose that precious life of yours upon all occasions, and that you are not contented to do the part of a great general, but you condescend to take your share as a common * " 1 shall say nothing of his military accomplishments, which the opposite reports of his frtends and enemies among the soldiers have rendered problematical ; but if he be among those who delight in war, it is agreed to be, not for the reasons common with other generals. Those maligners who deny him personal valour seem not to consider that this accusation is charged at a venture, since the person of a wise general is too seldom exposed to form any judgment in the matter : and that fear, which is said to have sometimes disconcerted him before an action, might probably be more for his army than for himself." — Four last Years of Queen Anne, 298 LIFE OF MAULBOROUGH. [cil. XXXVTL soldier. I hope your lordship's unwearied care and unparalleled merit will ill due time procure a lastint; and sure peace for Europe, with repose and eternal renown to your grace. 1 am afraid there are some on this side who have with great industry given encouragement to their friends in Holland to expect and promote tlie old partition treaty. This suc- cess of your grace will destroy that and some other projects of those magicians. * Chap. XXXVII. — Opposition of the Dutch. — 1705. The factious adherents of the generals who had checked the advance of the duke seized the opportunity to reproach him with the delay of which they were the cause. They accused him of negligence in not intercepting the retreat of the enemy, and in not anticipating them in the strong camp of Pare, under the walls of Louvain, which would have en- sured the conquest of Brabant. But these malicious detrac- tions were silenced by the general exultation. General Over- kix'k, in his official letter, observes : — "It is a justice I owe to the Duke of Marlborough to state that the whole honour of the enterprise, executed with so much skill and courage, is solely due to him." The States also in their letter of thanks to his Grace declare, " our generals agree that this victory is entirely due to your excellency's care, prudence, and valour, who have overcome obstacles and difficulties hitherto deemed insurmountable and invincible." A congratulatory letter from the king of Prussia testified • The character and conduct of Harley will fidly appear in the course of these Memoirs. He was descended from an old Whig family of Here- fordshire, and began his public life as a very decided Whig. After several perplexing vacillations he went fairly over to the Tory party, and soon became one of its most ardent and able defenders in the House of Com- mons. For several years he professed great submission and devotion to Marlborough and Godolphin, but, aided by St. John and Mrs. Masham, finally destroyed their administration. He is well known in history by his connexions with literature ; but as a statesman he was mean, intri- guing, deceitful, and treacherous. The discoveries made by the late Sir James Macintosh in the archives of the Foreign Office at Paris no longer leave any doubt that both he and Bolingbroke carried on a treasonable correspondence with the French court several years before the treaty of Utrecht. (^Marlborough's Despatches, \o\.\. p. 617.) — Ed. 1705.] POSITION OF THE BELLIGERENTS. 299 in Stronger terms the satisfaction with which he had witnessed his success in forcing the lines behind which the French had taken refuge at the mere news of his march.* But it was from the court of Vienna, and from the new emperor, that lie received the most flattering marks of satisfixction and regard. To his adjutant, Colonel Richards, who conveyed the news of the victory, Joseph publicly testified his grati- tude for the services of the duke to the common cause in general, and to his family in particular, declaring that they were such as should never be forgotten by himself or his posterity. On the ensuing day an official letter of congratu- lation issued from the chancery, to which Joseph added a postscript in his usual style of cordiality and attachment. " I cannot refrain from testifying to you myself the joy I felt at the fortunate success of your arms, not doubting its good effects fcr the common cause. I am much concerned that I am not able to place myself at the head of the army, to show in person the particular esteem I have for you, and the confidence which I repose in you."f In England the news of this almost bloodless success excited the most lively satisfaction. It was celebrated by a public Te Deum, like the battle of Blenheim, and the queen herself went in person to St. Paul's, to return thanksgiving for the victory. Since the passage of the lines, no material change had taken place in the respective positions of the contending armies. The troops of Marlborough remained between Vlierbeck and Corbeck Overloo, and the Dutch, who formed the left, extending from Corbeck to the skii'ts of the wood of Murdael. On the other hand, the enemy distributed their force along the Dyle, from the Ische to Rosslaer, near the Demer, retaining Louvain as a central point, from whence they might succour either wing wOiich might be threatened with an attack. Marlborough burned with impatience tc follow up his success by an immediate attempt against the French position ; but his design was retarded by a succession of heavy rains, w'hich fell for eight or nine days, and not only broke up the roads, but swelled into torrents the nu- merous streams with which the country is intersected. * King of Prussia to the Duke, July 27. 1705. f From the original in the Marlborough Papers. 300 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cn. XXXVIT. To Lord Godolphin lie observes on this occasion : — "July 12-2S. — The great rains we have had all Tuesday and Wed- nesday night have drowned all the meadows, by which we were to have marched to have gone over the Dyle. The French were then in such » consternation that if we could have marched yesterday morning, as was intended, I believe they would not have opposed our passage, nor do I think they really intend it. But most of our Dutch generals are of another opinion upon the French camping this day part of their troops over-against the place where we should pass, when the waters will give us leave, though I think they are only come there to try if that may hinder us." This suspense was attended with the most mischievous effects ; for it gave the French time to recover from their panic, and to fortify the points which were most exposed, while it allowed the enthusiasm of the Dutch to cool, and damped the ardour with which the troops were inspired by their recent success against the lines. It also again exposed the duke to unmerited obloquy, although his active mind was employed night and day in devising plans of offensive operation, to regain the advantage which he had been con- strained to forego, and to drive the enemy from the Dyle. This unfortunate inactivity again called into action the malicious spirit of the discontented generals, and enabled Slangenberg to use, with a sinister effect, his influence over the field deputies. But notwithstanding these machinations, and the multiplied obstacles which Marlborough had already encountered, he still persisted in his project, and hoped to accomplish it by the same secrecy and the same combinations which he had employed in the passage of the lines. He accordingly again sent Baron Hompesch to the Hague, and obtained the acquiescence of the States, provided the design was approved by the generals and deputies. By this impo- litic restriction he was compelled to recur to several councils of war, and to communicate a part of his plan to those by whom he had been constantly thwarted. The disclosure not only occasioned an injurious delay ; but, according to the opinion of Hare, and even of Marlborough himself, his design was betrayed to the enemy ; for notwithstanding the feints which he repeatedly made, to call the attention of Villeroy to the north of Louvain, the French commander was so far from being deceived, that he actually drew his troops from 1705.] PASSAGE OF THE DYLE. 301 that quarter, to strengthen his right, which he well knew to be the real point of attack. After a suspense of several days, Marlborough extorted the acquiescence of the Dutch deputies and generals in the attempt to pass the river, though it was clogged with the absurd proviso that no risk should be incurred. He hoped, however, as before, "to cheat them into success;" though unfortunately the troops who formed his left, and on whom he was principally forced to rely, were Dutch, and conse- quently subject to the immediate control of their own officers. He therefore selected, for the leading detachment, a body of five battalions and nine squadrons of Dutch, under General Heukelom, and another, from his own army, of twelve batta- lions and thirty-seven squadrons, under the duke of Wirtem- berg and Count Oxenstiern.* The first was to pass the Dyle at Neer Ische, and the last at Corbeck ; and the two armies were to march to their support, as soon as night should con- ceal the movement from the knowledge of the enemy. These corps assembled in front of the lines, with the necessary implements and train of pontoons ; and, as in the passage of the lines, each horseman was provided with a truss of forage, instead of a fascine. At five in the afternoon they moved in silence, reached their destined points at ten, and remained during the night under arms, to commence their operations before the dawn, which was considered as the most favourable moment for a surprise. About midnight the two armies also broke up and followed, marching without fires, and with the utmost precaution. Two of the columns were bewildered in the darkness ; but notwithstanding the accident, the Dutch, at three in the morning, were suffi- ciently near to sustain the detachments, and the English were rapidly advancing. The detachments now received notice to commence the passage. At Coi'beck 500 grenadiers, forming the advance of the duke of Wirtemberg's corps, constructed a tempo- rary bridge, and traversed the Dyle with little opposition ; and at Neer Ische, Heukelom not only led over the whole of his foot, but drove three brigades of the enemy from the village. The point was now gained, had the detachments * According to Milner, this detachment was commanded by Lord Orkney. 302 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [ciL XXXVH. been promptly and effectually supported ; for, although the enemy had moved the moment they discovered the march of the allies, they were yet at too great a distance to obstruct the passage of the main army. At this crisis, however, a sudden suspense took place : for the Dutch, though on the spot, not only refused to sustain the detachment at Corbeck, but even hesitated in maintaining the advantage which Heukelom had bravely obtained. As Marlborough Avas advancing at the head of his own troops, he was apprised of the unexpected demur on the left. He instantly despatched an aide-de-camp, urging the necessity of immediately succouring or recalling Heukelom, and soon followed himself, with all speed, in the hope that his presence would vanquish the indecision of the Dutch commanders. Riding up to the spot where they were hold- ing a species of council, he was about to exhort them to support their detachment, when Slangenberg exclaiming " For God's sake, my lord duke, don't — " took him aside, and continued for some time to address him with much gesti- culation, as if dissuading him from so hazardous an enter- prise. During this colloquy, the Dutch generals sent orders to Heukelom to retire without delay ; and the duke had the mortification to see his plan frustrated, at the moment when, in his opinion, promptitude and vigour would have ensured success. For the French, instead of advancing with intre- pidity and order, suffered severely from the artillery of the detachments, and kept at a cautious distance ; and Heukelom was so little pressed, that he withdrew without the loss of a single man, or even of a single pontoon. The other detach- ment was consequently recalled, and the army resumed its camp with a loss not exceeding fifty men.* We have been thus minute in giving an account of this attempt, because it had been falsely or partially related, and because the true cause of the failure was never divulged. No letter from the duke appeared in the Gazette ; while * Hare's Narrative of the Campaign — Milner. It is remarkable that in the Gazette no mention is made of the Dutch, from a delicacy not to offend the States. The only public document which traces the true cause of the failure is an anonymous letter from an English artillery officer, who was engaged in laying the bridges. — History of Europe, p. 258. 1705.] CALUMNIES OF THE DUTCH. 303 one which he wrote to the States, with a view of sparing the feelings of the Dutch, ascribed the failure to the sudden advance of the enemy in force. This account was confirmed by a letter from Overkirk, as well as by the brief narrative, which was given under the authority of the English govern- ment. The deputies also still farther exonerated themselves, and cast an indirect censure on the conduct of the com- mander-in-chief, by attributing the failure to the advantage of the enemy, in point of strength and position, and to the impossibility of combining the eftbrts of the troops employed in the enterprise. As the silence of Marlborough gave countenance to these erroneous statements, the enemy exulted in the skill of their generals, and the courage of their troops, and claimed the merit of foiling the designs of the great commander who had repeatedly humbled their pride. The same tone was adopted by the envious and disaffected, both in England and abroad : the military character of Marlborough was bitterly arraigned and his disappointment attributed to a want of skill, and presumptuous confidence in his past success. After a short halt the army again moved, and took up a position with the right at Meldert, and the left at Bossut. Here they remained several days. Although, in his official correspondence, Marlborough dwells on this unfortunate failure in terms of the keenest regret, yet he gives no particulars, but in two of his private letters to Godolphin, he is more circumstantial, and ascribes the failure to its real cause. " Near Louvain, July 29. 1705. — You will have here inclosed htr majesty's letter, which by mistake was forgot in my last. I am now almost in despair of having that advantage we ought to expect from our last success ; for we have now been here nine days in sight of the enemy, the river Dyle only between us. On Wednesday last it was unanimously resolved we should pass it the next morning ; but that afternoon there fell so much rain that made it impracticable ; but the fair weather has made it as it was, so that I resolved to have passed it this morning. Upon which the deputies held a council with all the generals of Monsieur Overkirk's army, who have unanimously retracted their opinion, and declared the passage of the river to be of too dangerous a consequence, which resolution, in my opinion, will spoil the whole campaign. They have, at the same time, proposed to me to attack the French on their left, but I know they will let that fall also as soon as they shall see the ground ; far that has much more difficulties in it than what I was desirou; they 304 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXVII. should do. In short, these generals are so cautious that we shall be able to do nothing, unless an occasion offers, which must be put in execution before they can have a council of war. It is very mortifying to find much more obstructions from friends than from enemies ; but that is now the case with me, and yet I dare not show my resentment for fear of too much alarming the Dutch, and indeed encouraging the enemy." The ministry in England, and the friends of the Duke of Marlborough in particular, took a warm interest in the dis- appointments which he experienced. No one appeared more deeply affected than his dependent and friend, Mr. St. John, secretary at war, who owed his post to the confidence and esteem of the duke. We introduce a letter from his corre- spondence of this year, less for its real importance, than for its singular contrast to the subsequent conduct and principles of the writer. In perusing this letter, which appears to be dictated by feelings of gratitude and patriotism, no one could imagine that it proceeded from the hand of one who hastened the fall of Marlborough, and hurried the nation into that ill peace, which he so earnestly deprecates. " fVhitehall, August 18. 1705. — My lord, I acknowledge the favour of your grace's letter from the camp at Meldert of the 6th instant, and return you my humble thanks for thinking me so zealous for the public, and so faithful a servant to you. Whatever situation of life I am in, your grace will never be deceived in this opinion. I have all the force of inclination, as well as the strongest ties of gratitude, to bind me to you. It was very melancholy to find the malice of Slangenberg, the fears of Dopf, and the ignorance of the deputies, to mention no more, prevail so as to disappoint your grace to their prejudice as well as ours. We hope the Dutch have agreed to what your grace desires of them, without which the war becomes a jest to our enemies, and can end in nothing but an ill peace, which is certain ruin to us. I attribute the quelling of that spirit of faction which appeared at Nimeguen, and is in other parts of Holland, to nothing so much as your grace's return and glorious success, and hope this will keep down the ferment here which rises apace, and promises a stormy winter. I am, my lord, with all imaginable respect and truth," &c. • * The writer of this adulatory condolence became the celebrated Viscount Bolingbroke, and the St. John of Pope's " Essay on Man." At a later period he was the rival and bitter political enemy of Mr. Harley, who had introduced him to the notice of Marlborough. In subtle craft he outdid his first patron, and in concert with Mrs. Masham, supplanted him in the favour of Queen Anne. For a few days he exercised the func- tions of prime minister, but the unexpected death of the queen frustrated all his ambitious schemes. He next joined the Pretender, but soon 1705.] FRENCH INTHIGUES AND DUTCH CAUTION. 30c» Though depressed by chagrin, and shackled by the per- verseness of those who acted under him, Marlborough did not yield to despair, but formed the resolution of forcing the enemy to an engagement, in the hope of distinguishing the close of this campaign by a victory no less splendid than that of Rarailies. He sent Hompesch to the Hague, with a letter reprobating the conduct of Slangenberg and his adhe- rents, and expatiating on the folly of subjecting all military operations to the decision of councils of war. But notwithstanding his eminent services, and the just estimation in which he was held by the Dutch, it was no easy task to supersede the formalities of a weak and captious government, influenced by French intrigue. The only effect of his representations was a species of compromise, which he himself in letters to Godolphin considers as little better than nugatory. " Meldert, August 3. 1 705. — I have sent Lieutenant-general Hompesel) once more to the Hague. The inclosed is a copy of my letter I sent by liira to the pensioner. By it you will see that I have a mind to serve them if they please; but if they should not allow of what I propose it is Impossible to act offensively ; for besides the danger of resolving every thing that is to be done in a council of war, which cannot be kept so secret, but that the enemy must know it time enough to prevent it, as we had the experience of in our last undertaking, so Monsieur Slangenberg, though he is a brave man, his temper is such that there is no taking measures with him. I am so tired that I cannot answer yours at this time." " Meldert, August 13. 1705. — Lieutenant-general Hompesch is come back with the resolution of the States, in which they desire their de- puties not to call a council of war but when they shall think it abso- lutely necessary. At the same time it is expected that I should not only communicate to the deputies and Monsieur Overkirk, but that 1 must have their concurrence, so that I am afraid the matter is not at all mended by this resolution ; for whatever 1 shall propose of consequence, the deputies, that have no knowledge of the matter, can abandoned the Jacobite court, either from jealousy of the ascendency of the duke of Ormond, or from his better sense and education making him ashamed of the mean qualities of his new master, and the folly of bis adherents. His character and history were remarkable and eventful, and would far exceed the limits of a note to delineate. He was a fine speaker and highly accomplislied man ; of great energy and decision of character ; but unscrupulous, and lacked the integrity of principle and singleness of purpose that inspire confidence and lead to unquestioned excellence. 4e lived till 1751, and died at Battersea, where he was born. — Ed. VOL. I. X 306 MKE OF .MAHl-I{()ilOU«H. [cil. XXXVII. have no opinion till they havo advised with somebody, wiiich must be with their generals. " 'Ilie wagjTons loaded with six days' bread, I am assured, shall be here to-morrow, so that on Saturday I shall begin to march. I wish, with all my heart, this march may {rive an opportunity for action, for our men arc- very desirous of engaging the enemy." With even this modified permission, Marlborough did nut hesitate to resume offen.^ivc operations. Sensible, how- ever, that he could not induce the Dutch again to attempt the passage of the Dyle, or baffle the vigilance of the enemy, who had considerably strengthened their position, he formed the plan of an expedition which would render their natural and artificial defences unavailing, by moving round the sources of the river. As this movement would deprive him of all direct communication with his magazines, he remained at Meldert to procure a sufficient supply of bread and provisions, for the time wiiich it was likely to last. The interval was employed in commencing the demo- lition of the lines. On the 13th of August the bread arrived ; and as this day was the annivei'sary of the battle of Blenheim, it was spent in acts of thanksgiving, and in those elevated hopes, which the recollection of past success, and the actual preparations, were calculated to inspire. At this juncture Baron S!)arre, who commanded a detached force on the side of Bergen-op-zoom, broke through the lines between Ghent and Bruges, and made an irruption into Brabant ; and though compelled to retire before superior numbers, he fully succeeded in his object, which was, to dis- tract the attention of the enemy. At the moment wlien this irruption had produced its eflfect, Marlborough left detachments to secure Diestand Tirlemont, and broke up his camp. On the 15th of August he directed his march from Meldert to the abbey of Corbais, while Over- kirk made a pai'allel movement to Nill St. Martin. Being apprised that a strong detachment from tlie French army in Alsace would reach Philippeville on the 18th, the British commander accelerated his march, with the hope of reaching the enemy before the junction could take place. The next day the confederates continued their progress, and arriving at Genappe, near the sources of the Dyle, were united in one line of battle, and under one command. On the 17th they 1705.] ENDEAVOURS TO FORCE THE ISCIIE, 307 again moved, and approaching the borders of the forest of Soignies, encamped between Hulpen and Braine rAUieu, the liead-quarters being at Fischermont. In the interim the enemy took the alarm, and withdrawing from the Dyle, established themselves behind the Ische, their front being protected by the stream, and their right and rear by a part of the forest. In this situation they hoped to cover Brussels, without I'elinquishing their advantageous position on the Dyle. Anxious to attack the enemy, at the moment of changing their camp, Marlborough resolved to force the passage of the Ische. With this view he made a particular inquiry, from the j)eople of the country, into the nature of the ground bordering the stream ; and procured guides, who were inti- mately acquainted with the situation of the fords, and the condition of the banks. The same evening he selected a detachment of twenty battalions and as many squadrons, •which were placed under the command of his brother, General Churchill, and posted in front of the lines, to com- mence the attack, by skirting the borders of the forest, and turning the right flank of the enemy. A report being now brought that a Fi'ench' detachment had occupied Waterloo, a post on the high road between Nivelle and Brussels, at the entrance of the forest, the pickets were called out, and forced the enemy to retire into the wood. They, however, re-appeared in the evening, and an alarm was suddenly spread that their whole army was advancing in that direction. The duke was thus called from his quarters, where he had retired to repose, after his great exertions both of body and mind. On riding to the spot, he found the alarm to be false, but it deprived him of three hours' rest, at a time when rest was doubly necessary. As the next movement would bring the army in presence of the enemy, preparations were made for action. At day- break the heavy baggage was sent to Lower Wavre, and the army marched by the right in two columns, the artillery forming a third. The first column traversed the river Lam^ above Hulpen, and defiled to the left, through a long and narrow pass, leading by an ascent into the forest. On ap- proaching, the troops were delighted to observe that this vast mass of wood, which appeared almost impervious at a X 2 308 LTFK OF MAKLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXATT. distance, consisted of open plantcations, intersected by good roada, and unencumbered with thickets. They also found the soil firm and dry ; and having traversed half a league of forest, emerged into the plain between the Ische and the Lane. The second column, which crossed the plain farther to the right, found a passage still more easy. During the inarch, a sudden shower seemed to portend a rainy day; but the atmosphere speedily cleared up, and at nine the troops first descried the enemy. Meanwhile the commander in chief was actively employed in examining the hostile position. He discovered four prac- ticable points of attack, at Over-Ische, between that village and Holberg, near Holberg, and at Neer-Ische. In his survey he advanced so closely to the enemy, that he was exposed to the fire of their artillery, and being saluted with several cannon shot, from a point which was peculiarly w^eak, he smilingly observed to his attendants, " These gentlemen do not choose to have this spot too narrowly inspected." While the army was in march, the detachment, under General Churchill, took the route towards the left, and traversed a causeway leading to the convent of Groenendale. But on approaching the convent, their march was interrupted by an abbatis, and they learnt that a corps of twenty French battalions was strongly posted at the opposite opening of the wood. In consequence of this unexpected obstacle, they were unable to fulfil their instructions, and made a short halt, to wait for new orders from the commander-in-chief. The main body was now completing its formation, as fast as the troops arrived, and Marlborough anxiously expected the appearance of the artillery, which he had ordered to march with the utmost expedition. But its progress was obstructed by the insolence, if not the malice, of Slangen- berg, who, notwithstanding the strictest injunctions, that the baggage should not be suffered to intermingle with the column, overbore the commanding oflicer, and compelled him to admit his own baggage into the train. As the duke returned from his survey, lull of hope and confidence, he met Overkirk, and immediately went back with him to show the peculiarities of the ground at Over- Ische, which was selected as his point of attack. The Dutch commander perfectly coincided in his opinion, and approved 1705.J PROPOSES AN IMMEDIATE ATTACK. 309 his intended dispositions. As they proceeded towards Hol- berg, Malborough observed the opposite point of the hostile position to be slenderly guarded. He considered the junc- ture as too favourable to be lost, and immediately ordered the nearest troops to advance and occupy it without delay, while the cavalry moved to Neer-Ische ; but he was obliged to countermand these orders, by the information that the artil- lery was still in the rear, and the whole army not yet arrived. The design was soon perceived by the enemy, who hurried to the point several pieces of artillery. At mid-day, intelligence being brought that the troops were in line, and the artillery arrived, the duke again rode along the front of the hostile position, to issue his final instructions. Meeting the deputies in liis way, he cheerfully congratulated them on the prospect of success, and pressed them to give orders for the advance of the troops. Far from receiving t\w proposal with the same alacrity, they replied, " Your highness will doubtless allow us to request the opinion of our generals." Accoi'dingly the superior officers were collected, about three, on the height of Over-Ische, and Marlborough, impatient of delay, thus addressed them : " Gentlemen, I have reconnoitred the ground, and made dis- positions for an attack. I am convinced, that conscientiously, and as men of honour, we cannot now retire without an action. Should we neglect this opportunity, we must be responsible before God and man. You see the confusion which pervades the ranks of the enemy, and their embarrass- ment at our manoeuvres. I leave you to judge whether we should attack to-day, or wait till to-morrow. It is indeed late, but you must consider that by throwing up intrench - ments during the night, the enemy will render their position far more difiicult to force." A murmur of disapprobation was heard in the circle ; but Slangenberg, without waiting for the decision of his col- leagues, abruptly exclaimed, " Since I have been led to this place without any previous communication of the design, I will give no other opinion than that the passage at Over- Ische is impracticable. However, I am ready to obey the orders which I may receive." The duke, affecting not to notice this insulting speech, turned to him, and mildly observed, " I am happy to have under my command an officer X 3 ;ilO L/FE OK MAULBOROCGII. [CH. XXXVn, of your courage and skill, and I flatter myself, that in a situ- ation which requires instant decision, you will start no diffi- culties." He concluded with proposing to him the direction of the attack at Over-Ische ; but Slangenberg made no other reply than " Murder and massacre ! " To remove objections supposed to be derived irom an unwillingness to risk the Dutch troops, Marlborough then offered him two English for every Dutch battalion ; and on his sneering rejoinder, that he did not understand English, proposed to consign to him the German regiments. But this offer was also rejected, on the plea that the attack was impracticable. Marlborough was roused by these cavils, and observed with warmth, " I disdain to send troops to dangers which 1 will not myself encounter ; and therefore I will lead them where the peril is most imminent." He then apostrophised the deputies, adjuring them by God and their country not to neglect so favourable an opportunity. Of this exhortation they took no notice, but resumed their deliberation, forming a circle where they stood. The consultation continued two hours, new difficulties being perpetually started, while Marl- borough was observed standing by in an agony of impa- tience. At this moment the news being brought that his brother, General Churchill, was prevented from advancing, he querulously exclaimed, " Let him then retire. His retreat will not be far, and if the attack is made, he may return." After another hour's deliberation, the opinion of Slangen- berg prevailed, and it was unanimously decided that the enemy wtTe too advantageously posted to be attacked, par- ticularly at Over-Jsche. Some, however, candidly owned that they could form no judgment on the other points, which they had not examined. To remove this objection, three generals, Tilly, Slangenberg, and Salisch, were sent to recon- noitre ; and were accompanied by brigadier Bothmar and quarter-master general Stark, who, at the desire of the duke, attended to show the ground. This survey proved a new source of cavils and objections. Every post occupied by the enemy was deemed too strong to be forced ; the river was declared not fordable ; and the most trifling elevation was considered as inaccessible to cavalry. All the arguments of Bothmar and Stark were unavailing. Salisch demanded of Bothmar, who was present at Blenheim, whether the position 1705.] FAILURE OF THE ATTACK. 311 of the Ische was not the most formidable. Instead of listen- ing to the reply, he indulged himself in a long digression, and concluded with censuring that engagement as a rash and imprudent attempt. Some dispute next arising on the force of the enemy, Slangenberg drew from his pocket an order of battle, and computed the number of their battalions and squadrons to be far greater than those of the confederates. The time was thus spent till the approach ol' darkness coiri- pelled them to return to their respective quarters. Without waiting for the result of this survey, Marlborough had indignantly retired to Lane, where he was apprised by Bothmar that tlie tln-ee generals had seen nothing but ob- structions and impossibilities. Mortified with this informa- tion, even though it was not unexpected, he exclaimed, in a tone which marked his feelings, " I am at this moment ten years older than I was four days ago." On the following morning Overkii-k sent him an official report, stating the opinion of the three generals, and adding, that the attack was still more hopeless than on the preceding day, because the enemy had profited by the night to increase their means of defence.* Convinced that the case was now irremediable, Marlborough quitted a spot Avhich he had con- fidently hoped to illustrate by a victory no less splendid than that of Blenheim ; and withdrawing to Lower Wavre, where he rejoined his baggage, concluded with a brief, though pathetic, postscript, a letter which he had written two days before to the duchess, in the full expectation of success. " August 1 7. — We shall march again to-morrow, for we cannot stay longer in this country than the bread we bring with us will give us leave. I hope in a week or ten days I shall have more leisure than I have now, * The account of this transaction is drawn from Hare's Narrative, from tlie letter of an officer who received his information from Slangen- berg himself, and from a curious and minute relation, written by Bothmar, in the Marlborough Papers. W^e have also consulted all the printed authorities, particularly Slangenberg's Apologetic Letter to the States, piinted in Lamberti. It is impossible to close our remarks without reminding the reader that this spot has been recently distinguished by an event of a far different character, in which our second Marlborough vindicated the honour of his country, and reaped those laurels which the hero of Blen- l)eim was prevented from gathering by malice, timidity, ignorance, and treacherv. X 4 312 I.IKE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cil. XXXVIII. and tlien I am rcsolvod to drink the Spa waters. I wish with all iny Heart those of Tunbridge may do you good ; and then I am sure the first summer I am with you I shall desire to go thither with you, and then I believe the waters will do me good ; for till I am pleased and at ease with you no wafers nor any tiling else will do me good." " August 19. — When I had writ this far I took the resolution of not letting the post go, believing I should have engaged the enemy as yester- day, which I certainly had done if it had been in my power. But all the Dutch generals, except M. Overkirk, were against it, so that the deputies would not consent to our engaging, notwithstanding we were in battle, within cannon shot of the enemy ; and I do assure you that our army were at least one third stronger than theirs. We are now returning, for we cannot stay longer than the bread we have brought with us will give us leave. It is impossible to make the war with advantage at this rate. I have sent a copy of my letter to the States to lord treasurer. I should have writ in a very angry style, but I was afraid it might have given the French an advantage." To give additional poignancy to the grief which Marl- borough felt at this unfortunate failure, he had soon after- wards the mortification to learn that the enemy, instead of risking an engagement, would have fallen back on Brussels, had he advanced against them with his whole force. On his arrival at Corbais, he strongly expresses to Go- dolphin his feelings of regret and indignation. " August 24. — 1 did in my last send you a copy of my letter to the States, in which I was careful not to use any expression that might give advantage to the French. Several prisoners whom we have taken since, as well as the deserters, assure us that they should have made no other defence but such as might have given them time to have drawn the army towards Brussels, where all their baggage was already gone. By this you may imagine how I am vexed, seeing very plainly that the people I am joined with will never do any thing." Chap. XXXVIII. — Counter Representations and Intrigues. — 1705. On retiring to his quarters at Lower Wavre, the duke wrote an official letter to the States, which displays the struggle in his mind, between his fear of injuring the common cause, by an incautious remonstrance, and his indignation at the disappointment he had undergone. After observing, that from the goodness of the troops he had flattered himself Avith the prospect of a glorious victory, and confident that the deputies would impart the arguments on both sides of the 1705.] HIS CIIAGUIN AND VEXATION 313 question, he added, " they will at tlie same time do M. Over- kirk justice, by informing you that he coincided with me in opinion, and thought the opportunity too fair to be lost. However I submitted, though with extreme reluctance." In a postscript, giving iarther scope to his feelings, he observes, " My heart is so full, that I cannot forbear representing to your high mightinesses on this occasion, that I find my autho- rity here to be much less than when I had tlie honour to command your troops in Germany." On the same evening in which he wrote his letter to the States-general, and from the same place, the deputies issued what may be called a counter manifesto. In this document they justified their opposition to the proposed attack, by declaring that, according to the unanimous opinion of all the Dutch generals, except Overkirk, the nature of the ground and the superior force of the enemy, presented insurmount- able obstacles to so desperate an enterprise as the attempt to force the passage of the Ische. They even extended their objections to such petty cavils, as the diiRculty of establish- ing hospitals, or forwarding convoys of bread ; and concluded their justification by an indirect censure on the commander- in-chief, for concealing from them the real object of his movements. "And we hoping that we have fully satisfied the intentions of your high mightinesses, contained in your resolution of the 5th instant, to permit the Duke of Marlborough, without holding a council of war, to make two or three marches, for the execution of some design formed by his grace ; we therefore, for the future, shall regulate our conduct accord- ing to our instructions and your high mightinesses' resolution of the 26th of June last, except your high mightinesses should be pleased to send us farther orders. And we cannot conceal from your high mightinesses that all the generals of our army thi7ik it vfiy strange that they should not have the least notice of the said marches." As on the former occasion, the French also naturally availed themselves of this official report, to laud the skill of their own generals, to magnify the valour of their own troops, and to reflect on the military talents of the British com- mander, as if he had been hurried by presumption into an enterprise which was impracticable, or had been baffled by the superior tactics and activity of his opponents. In Eng- land, the enemies of Marlborough, as well as the advocates for peace, adopted the language and sentiments of this docu- ment, although it was known to be botli partial and false ; and 314 LIFK 01-" MARLB0R0DG7I. [cH. XXXVIII. bitter censures were again lavished on the miHtary conduct 1)1' the illustrious chief The letter of" Marlborougli being surreptitiously printed before it was communicated to the States, produced a deep sensation in Holland. Tlie English partisans, who had long deplored the timid jwlicy of their government, were roused to indignation ; and at tlie Hague, in particular, the burghers held an assembly to remonstrate against the mis- (!onduct of their deputies and generals. From Holland, the same feeling spread into England: a deep sentiment of indignation was diffused through all ranks; tiie people warmly espoused the cause of their general ; and, in numerous publications hawked about the streets, the severest reflections were cast on the Dutch nation, and in particular on the deputies of the States, for not suffering the duke to engage the enemy. In the British cabinet the im- pulse derived from public opinion was strengthened by the indignant complaints of the commander himself, in his cor- respondence with Godolphin and Harley. To Lord Godolphin. " August 19. — Yon will see by tlie inclosed to the States, that after four (lnys' march, I found the enemy encamped as I expected, so that I thought we should have hud a very glorious day. But as the deputies would not consent without first consulting the generals, who were all against it, except M. Overkirk, we have been obliged to retire from the enemy, notwithstanding we were at least one-third stronger than they, which I take to be very prejudicial to the common cause, and scandalous for the army. I think this will show very plainly, that it is next to impossible to act offensively with this army, so governed as they are ; for when their general and I agree, as we did in this, that it shall be in the power of subaltern generals to hinder the execution, is against all discipline. This last action of the Dutch generals has given us great mortification ; for the enemy will see very plainly that they have nothing to fear on this side, nor can I ever serve with them without losing the little reputation I have ; for in iinost countries they think I have power in this army to do what J please. I beg you will give my duty to the queen, and assure her, that if 1 had had the same power 1 had the last year, 1 should have had a greater victory than that of Blenheim, in my opinion, for the French were so posted, that if we had beat them, they could not have got to Brussels." Convinced, indeed, from bitter experience, that the evil was irremediable, Marlborough seems to have formed the resolution of suffering the Dutch to remain on the defensive, as more congenial to their character and constitution, and 1705.] LORD Pembroke's mission, 315 renewing offensive operations in Germany and Italy. This design he communicated to Godolphin, in a letter dated Ilamey, August 27. " By yours of tlie 10th, from Windsor, I see you thought I should find much less difficully in the execution of what I projected, than you will find by mine of the 19tli. Since that I have reason to believe that Slangenberg has resolved to give all the hindrance he could to what- ever should be proposed, so that you may see how the common cause is like to thrive, when it is in the power of a Roman Catholic of his temper to hinder whatever may be designed. This makes it impos- sible for me to serve with these people ; for I take it for granted, their constitution will not allow tliem to give us such power as for the good of the service I ought to have ; so that the next year's project ought to be so made, as that the Dutch army in this country may be on the defensive, by which all the other armies may be put in a condition to act offensively. "' These appeals drew from the British cabinet a resolution of despatching lord Pembroke, president of the council, to the Hague, to remonstrate against the misconduct of Slan- genberg and the deputies, and to insist on a more efficient arrangement with regard to the comiTiand of tlie army. Ilarley, as secretary, imparted the decision to the duke, in a tone of devoted attachment to his patron and benefactor.* '•August 18-29. — .My lord, this day we received two mails from Holland, and about four hours after a third packet arrived ; and I had the honour, by these three posts, to receive two letters from your grace, one of August 19., the other of August 24. : your grace's expression in your postscript to the States is so just, it sets every honest man's heart higher ; for 1 must own my heart is too full to speak vipon this subject ; and Mr. Vryberge, after all his artifice to colour the misbehaviour at the Dyle, now is struck dumb, and hangs his head. What shall one say? Your grace's superior talents prepared a glorious victory for them, and they dared not, or would not, take hold of it. I know not what name to call this by ; I cannot trust myself to reason upon it. The root it springs from, I fear, will produce, worse fruit it cannot, but more I doubt of the saire kind, unless a speedy remedy can be applied. The queen, upon reading your grace's letter, ordered the lords immediately to be summoned ; they were all of opinion to advise the queen to take notice of this to the States, in regard not only to the public service, but also what is due to your grace's great merit, to which such usage is very inconsistent. Be- :iides, this sort of conduct will put vast difficulties upon the queen, in sbtaining supplies for another year ; and it is a very great hardship that hose who set themselves at home to oppose the queen's measures and • State Paper Office. 316 I.IKE OF MARLBOROUGH. [OH. XXXVIII. every tiling slie sliail do for the public good, should be furnished with such plausible, f;ital arguments, by our friends in Holland. " The queen being advised to represent this to the States, from many other reasons which would be needless to suggest to your grace, the next consideration was, t!ie method of doing it ; and it seemed to be agreed that some person of figure and activity should be sent over to the States, upon this and any other particular which may occur. This went no fartiier than a proposal, it being determined first to send to your grace an express messenger for your opinion upon this subject. To that purpose I send Nicholas Hill, who iiath been formerly in Flanders. He is commanded, if possible, to bring your grace's answer to Windsor by to-morrow se'nnight, or as soon as you can despatch him. " The knowledge your grace has of the government of that country, of their humours, their factions, and the particular inclinations and disposi- tions of the several great men there, with their respective interests and attachments ; with that clearness of understanding and penetration, of which your grace is so great a master, makes every body here justly ilepend upon your direction in this critical affair. I\Iy lord treasurer writes largely to your grace upon this and other heads, and therefore I will say no more, but desire your grace to be assured I will take any part you shall think proper for me. I am, with the greatest duty," &c. Thi.s proposal was congenial to the duke's own sentiments, for in the iirst transport of resentment, he had imparted to his friends in Holland a resolution of quitting the army and returning to England. Fortunately however for the public, his irritated leelings were soothed by the earl of Portland and his friends in Holland, who not only deprecated a step so fatal to the confederacy, but made an earnest appeal to Godolphin against the mission of Lord Pembroke, as likely to increase the general ferment, and produce an alienation, if not a breach, between the two countries.* Mature reflec- tion, and the arguments of this nobleman, produced their due effect on the mind of the commander, and we soon find him seconding the remonstrance against the intended mis- sion, in his reply to the secretary. " Tirlemont, Sept. 2. f — I received last night the favour of a letter from you of the 18th. I could not refuse giving you my humble opinion, as you desire, upon what has been proposed to her majesty in council, of sending some person of distinction to the Hague, with rela- tion to our late disappointment, and the more absolute command of the • Letter from Lord Portland to the Lord Treasurer, Hague, 18th Sept. 1705. f The Duke of Marlborough to Secretary Harley. — State Paper Office. 170o.] HIS HEALTH AGAIN AFFECTED. 317 army, whereupon I sliall venture to tell you my thoughts ficely. Fr')ui the knowledge and experience I have of these people, that while they are in sucli a ferment on this very occasion, and that there are such divisions reigning ampngst thein, I can in no wnys think it for tiie public good or her majesty's service, as believing it might rather give an advantage to the French, as those that wish them well, or at least that are over-forward for a peace, of which I must own there are many amongst the States themselves, than effect the end you propose ; and, therefore, I would humbly offer that it might be deferred till I had ad- vised with such of our friends as, I am sure, are in the true interest, and by that means will be obliged to pursue such methods as are, or may be thought more proper for the public good. One chief reason that makes me to be of this opinion is, that 1 am persuaded, if an opportunity should now offer before our leaving the field, the greatest part of the generals w!io were against engaging the enemy, are so sensible of their error that they would not obstruct any thing that might be for our advantage. .■\nother reason is, that the sending such a person at this time would undoubtedly create great jealousies at the court of Vienna, and with our other allies, whatever we might allege to the contrary, that it had some tendency towards peace, many of them being too ready to receive such impressions, which might prove of dangerous consequence. " You will please to lay this with submission before her majesty, and believe me to be with truth," &c. Meanwhile the army of jNIarlborough retraced their steps by retrograde marches to Corbais, and afterwards proceeding in two bodies by Ramey and Pervez-le-marche, took up their former position between Bossut and Meldert. in which latter place the head-quarters were fixed on the 30th of August. During this march, Marlborough sent General Demer to in- vest Leuwe, the only fortress on the southern part of the lines which was yet held by the French. On the 2d he advanced to Tirlemont, and having received the surrender of Leuwe, ordered the demolition of the lines from that place to the Mehaigne. He beheld with exulting satisfaction the rasure of this formidable barrier, which opened a wtiy to his future progress. While he directed these operations, he profited by the vicinity of the Spa, to drink the Avaters, with the hope of recovering his health. During his short residence at Tirle- mont, he also retired from the bustle of company, and as much as possible avoided the transaction of business. But when the mind is deeply affected, neither the skill of the physician nor the salutary powers of nature can restore health and serenity ; and we again trace in his letters that 818 UKli OK MARLUOROUGH. [OII. XXXVIII. tone of dejection and irritability which had reigned in his correspondence since his disappointment on the Moselle, though we observe his active genius still conceiving grand projects, and anticipating future victories. To the Duchess. " Tirlcmont, Aug. 31. 170.3. — I liave so many tliin<;s that vex me. that I am afraid the waters, which I think to begin to-morrow, will not (io me much good. That I may be the more (juiet during the siege of Leuwe, I have taken my quarters in tliis town, and will trouble my- self with bt'.siness as little as possible. My letters from the Hague tell me that the factious there are divided concerning tlie last disappoint- ment 1 bad. Those that are for a peace think their genends acted pru- . — I have had the favour of yours of the 6th and 7th, from Winchester, by which I find you think my Lord Pembroke's not coming may make some noise in England. I think it is much wiser and honester to let such as do not mean well be angry, than to do v/hat must prejudice the public, as this journey of Lord Pembroke's would certainly do ; for Pensioner Huys has confirmed me in my opi- nion, tliat the constitution of the States is such that they caimol take away the power the deputies have had at all times in the army ; for in the king's time they had the same authority, but he took care to choose such men as always agreed to whatever he had a mind to. Now this may, if they please, be put in practice. I have also underhand assur- ances that they will never employ Slangenberg in the army where I may be. By the whole I find they would be very glad to content one, but 1 T 2 324 LIFK OF MARLBOHOUGH. [CH. XXXVIU. ain afraid would be glad also to have it in their power to hinder a battle, for they do seem to apprehend very much the consequences ot" such a vi'nture." Slangeiiberg was not only removed from tlie ai'my, but all his attempts to obtain an official situation were frustrated ; ;uid we shall find in the succeeding campaign the most gra- tifying proofs that the Dutch government were not insincere in their professions, as well ns that their confidence in the commander was not ill bestowed. While the mind of Marlborough was distracted by these contending feelings, and he was striving to adopt measures which uiiglit vindicate his military character, without offend- ing the friends of the grand alliance in Holland, he was at the same time embarrassed with an event which called into acrtion all his discretion and address. This was no less than an offer of peace, secretly made by Fiance to the Dutch government, which the partisans of the war could not venture openly to oppose, and which those who were the advocates of an immediate reconciliation warmly applauded and se- conded. The terms were imparted to him confidentially by Pension- ary Heinsius, as he was marching from the Ische. Though highly captious, and subversive of the principles which formed the basis of the grand alliance, the proffered condi- tions were admirably calculated to sway the timid character, and gratify the interested views of the Dutch. The republic was lured by the prospect of commercial advantages, and the erection of the Netherlands into an independent state, under such conditions as seemed to afford a barrier against future aggression. In return, the pretensions of Austria to Spain were to be sacrificed for the cession of Naples and Sicily to the archduke Charles; and the duke of Anjou was to be left in tranquil possession of Spain and the Indies, together with the Milanese. England was to be gratified by the ac- knowledgment of Anne, and the guaranty of the Protestant succession ; and an indemnity was promisetl in general terms to the duke of Savoy and the king of Portugal.* This artful overture impressed the timid mind of Godol- phin with the deepest alarm, and excited the dissatisfaction of the confederates in general, and the court of Vienna iu * Letter from the Pensionary, August 15. 1706.] HIS LETTERS ON PUBLIC AFFAIRS. 32 '> particular. Marlborough, however, on this as on other occasions, acted with equal magnanimity and discretion. On one side he allayed unreasonable jealousies and fears, and on the other, by a generous confidence, conciliated the leading members of the republic, and inspired even the opposite party with a warmer sense of public spirit, and a higher regard for their- national honour. Some extracts from his letters will show the empire which he maintained over his own feelings us well as over those of others. To Lord Godolphin. '• Ramey, August 27. 1705. — I send you a letter I have received since my last to you. You will observe that he * reasons much more than formerly. The business itself is so very difficult, that let them have never so much mind, they will not be able to bring it to per- fection, for the people will never consent to what the Frencli desire; so that I believe neither side dares speak plainly ; for should the French offer what they have a mind to give, it might disgust the Spaniards, and the Dutch cannot make proposals, but they will inevitably disoblige their allies ; so that I think we may depend upon another year's war. '' I see you have a mind I should be in England, if possible, before the meeting of the parliament. It will be uneasy to me as things are to be here ; but some of my officers, already fearing I would take mea- sures to leave the army as soon as possible, have represented to me, that they fear, when ' am gone, the French, knowing how little respect would be paid to any officer that shall be left to command, may not only attempt but succeed. However, be assured I shall turn my thoughts to be able to do what may be an ease to you. I am very sorry for what you tell me of 79 (the (lueen) ; but I am confident she esteems you more than all the rest that talk to her, and you may imagine she is pressed by people that do not judge so well as you; so that I pity her extremely. However, I hope and am sure she will always be directed by you in every thing that is good for her service." After repeating his objections to the mission of Lord Pem- broke, he adds : — " Tirlemont, Sept. 2. 1705. — I shall proceed to give you my fartlier thoughts on what I lately sent you from the pensioner. It is true he seems, by his letter, to lean too much to the proposals or preliminaries for a peace ; but I dare answer for him that he is as averse from having it on those terms as we can wish, and that he is entirely in the interest of England, being persuaded that he barely relates to me in secret what he has from M. Wellandt and the pensioner of Amsterdam, who are at the head of the faction, and would willingly draw him in, without any other design than to prepare and arm me, against my coming to the Hague, to join with liim and our other friends in opposing what they * The pensionary, t 3 32o LIFE OF MARM'-OFtOUGII. [cH. XXXIX. may offer on this subject. Now, if any person should be sent to Hol- land, besides the jealousy it would give abroad, and which many would be glad to improve upon the first mention he makes of this matter, he would no longer trust nie with the secret ; and as soon as the party come to know that it is got into England, which cannot in that case be long concealed from them, they would most certainly ruin him, as being well assured it could come from no other hand but his. This would be such a blow as might go near to stjigger most of our friends. Therefore I am of opinion that we take no manner of notice of it, till we have dis- covered more of the secret; and then, wlien I come to the Hague, I hope, with the assistance of our friends, I may be able entirely to break their measures, or at least so far to weaken their interest, as that it may !iot be in their power to carry on their designs. I shall send your letter fo-inorrow to the pensioner, and press him to be very exact in letting me know what farther steps these gentlemen are taking, of which I will give you an account by the soonest ; but must beg none may know it but her majesty, the prince, and Mr. Harley." ^^ Frankfort, Nov. 1. 1705. — At my arrival here yesterday 1 had the happiness of yours of the 12th What you mention to be in the speech may do good, but at the same time I hope Mr. Secretary Harley will use such arguments to the pensioner of Amsterdam, as may convince him that this is a very improper time, as well as that England can never con- sent that the Indies and Spain should remain in the hands of the duke of Anjou." Chap. XXXIX. — War in Spain akd Portugal. — 1705. In the midst of these negotiations Marlborough had moved from Tirlemont, as soon as it was dismantled, and crossing the Demer, advanced to Aerschot. Here he remained about ten days, continuing the demolition of the lines, and giving orders for perfecting the works of Diest, Hasselt and Tongres, which were intended to cover the winter quarters. He then marched to Herenthals, where he pitched his camp on the 28th of September. It was not only in the operations of the field that the genius of Marlborough shone with peculiar lustre : his coun- sels were as successful in the cabinet ; and the confederates looked, with that confidence which superior abilities inspire, to his influence or advice. From the numerous failures of the hist campaign, and the dangers which were apprehended iu the ensuing year, the diiferent members of the grand 1705. J NEGOTIATIONS AND ARRANGEMENTS. 327 alliance felt that no other hand could govern the jarring motions of this extensive and complicated machinery, or direct its future operations with harmony and effect. Accord- ingly the camp of Herenthals became the scene of those diplomatic negotiations which influenced the fortune of the war and ;!:« late :/ Europe. Of all the cabinets with which he maintained an intercourse, that of Vienna was the most difiicult to be directed or controlled, as well from the danger which threatened on the side of Hungary, as from its inability to maintain at once the war in the liOw Countries, Germany, Italy, and Spain. The great services of Marlborough in forcing the lines awakened a proper feeling in the breast of the sovereign, by M'hom their effects were particularly felt. But this satisfac- tion was not unmixed with jealousy, lest the duke should be induced by the Dutch to pursue his success in the Nether- lands, instead of resuming the attack on the Moselle, recover- ing the Austrian possessions on the Rhine, and liberating Loraine. Numerous applications from the imperial court were therefore made, both to Marlborough and the queen, pressing his return to the Moselle, promising their zealous assistance, and announcing that positive orders had been issued, both to the margrave of Baden and the German princes, to co-operate in his military plans. In several of the letters which Marlborough wrote during his retrograde march fi-om Treves, he had indeed evinced a resolution of returning to the Moselle as soon as he had re- stored the affairs in the Netherlands ; but his short though bitter experience of the little dependence to be placed on the aid of the German princes and the promises of the Austrian cabinet suflSced to convince him that any further attempt in tliat quarter would prove hopeless. In fact, the captious conduct of the margrave of Baden was alone sufficient to discourage a more sanguine general from relying on his co-operation. We spare the reader the long correspondence which passed on this subject between t he margrave, the duke, and the imperial ministers, because two letters from the agents who were employed at the court of Rastadt will place the character of the German com- mander in its true light. Y 4 S28 LIFE OF MAULBOROLGH. [CH. XXXIX. Colonel Browne to the Duke of Marlborough. '■ Creutznach, June 23. — I would have taken the liberty to write to your highness before I left llastadt, but for the apprehension I was in of my letter's miscarriage. I well saw by the discourses of those that havi- most access near this prince (Louis of Baden), that the eagle would not clap but with one wing upon tl)e Moselle. They said publi-cly that all the glory of any success was for your highness, but that if any miscarriage should happen it would be for their master, 'i'hough all, even liere itself, believe his distemper a bespoken sickness, yet 1 can assure your grace he is very ill ; for I did contrive it so that I was by at his dressing the day he turned back, saw liis wound or hurt, and tiie inflammation of his leg, and it is very bad. The courier that brought his orders here last night says he is worse at the waters near Mentz, and that his princess and son are come to him there, but he will mend sooner by being upon the Rhine than had we stayed upon the Moselle; at least it is my belief." The second letter is from Colonel Durel, who had been despatched to Vienna to complain of the lukewarmness mani- fested by tlie German commander, and on his return wiis charged with orders enjoining that prince to co-operate in the plans of Marlborough with all his disposable force. " Frankfort, June 22. 1705. — Yesterday, at three o'clock, I waited on the prince of Baden with your grace's letter. I stayed almost three hours, bv my watch, before I could be admitted, which delay lost me the whole night's riding, being obliged to wait the opening of the gates of this place. I acquainted the prince witli all the particulars your grace commanded me, namely, with the disposition of the troops you left. I desired him to correspond often with you, and to give your grace from time to time an account of matters. He did already know his troops had received bread and oats at Traerbach. He says he has very great pains in his leg ; I believe it, because he tells me so. I desired, after having assured him of your grace's services, that he would, as much as in him lay, pre- pare all things, to be in readiness to act within four or five weeks to- wards Saar Louis, in case the principles of war would so allow it. He ^aid he would. I pressed him farther to acquaint your grace, as I was commanded to let you know exactly what number of troops he should be able to act with, and by what time they might be depended upon ; also what number of them he would leave behind. He gave me a general answer, that he would always act for the best, and lioped you would always believe he was your friend and servant ; and that when things were once again settled, and a new disposition made, he would be wanting in nothing. I desired him, when that disposition should be made, that then, if the case required it, he would march directly from where he then should be, towards Homburg and St. Wendel, to which he said neither yes nor no; for he pretends that if he had done it sixteen days ago the enemy was so posted as to liave cut him off Your grace is judge of this matter. As for the rest, be is resolved to facilitate ail things relating t'l the common good. God send it !" 1705.] THE WAR IN SPAIN AND PORTUGAL. 329 As it was evident that the margrave of Baden would never submit to associate witli a colleague whose merit was likely to eclipse liis own, attemjits were privately made by the British cabinet to supersede him in the command. Lord iSunderland was accordingly ordered, on his arrival at Vienna, to insist on his immediate dismission, as the only measure which could afford the prospect of success in Germany. But in this attempt they had ill calculated on the situation and views of the German court, the protection which the mar- grave derived from his relative, the prince of Salrae, the )>rime minister, and the countenance of the Jesuits. Much justification and recrimination passed on both sides ; but in the midst of this cabinet intrigue he vindicated his reputa- tion by his operations in Alsace. After suffering the French to seize Homburg, and evading every proposal of co-opera- tion with the duke in any quarter, or for any object, he suddenly roused himself from liis apathy in the beginning of September, and displayed his wonted skill and enterprise by surprising Drusenlieim, forcing the lines of Haguenau, and blockading Fort Louis. This exploit, as brilliant as it was unexpected, was instantly made the theme of applause by liis adherents at Vienna, and removed the prejudice which his past misconduct had inspired. Marlboi-ough saw the consequence of this change of sentiment in the court, and not only desisted from his representations, but also prevailed on the British cabinet to relinquish a hopeless attempt ; and, concentrating his principal attention on the Netherlands, left the management of the military affairs in Germany to the court of Vienna, the empire, and its generals. He found, indeed, sufficient occupation in directing his own military arrangements, and superintending the conduct of the war and the political business in other parts of Europe. In Spain and Portugal the confederate arms were eminently successful. Gibraltar, after a lona; and arduous siesre, had l)een relieved by an English fleet, and the Spanish troops under Marshal Tesse disgracefully retired from the blockade.* In Portugal the campaign had opened with more than usual activity, arising chiefly from Lord Galway, whose spirit seemed to infuse energy into the Portuguese. Towards the beginning of May a combined army of 24,000 men, under • Memoirs of the Kings of Spain of the House of Bourbon, chap. xii. 330 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX the nominal command of the Portu{2;uese general, Don Miguel de Cardona, but under the real direction ofGalway, assembled in the vicinity of Estremos, burst over the frontier of Alem- tojo, and meeting with no enemy in the field, carried Valencia de Alcantara by storm, and forced Albuquerque to surrender. During this successful irruption, Das Minas, the Portuguese cominander in Beira, took Salvaterra and plundered Secca ; but being awed by the advance of a superior force, retired to Penarnacos. The approach of the summer heats, however, soon reduced the troops of both provinces to their wonted inactivity ; and a letter from Lord Galway, which was transmitted by Godolphin to Marlborough, convinced both the general and treasurer that no fartlier efforts were to be expected in Por- tugal, till the return of a more temperate season. " My lord, Lisbon, July 13. 1705. " I ought to apprise you, that in the last conference they warmly maintained that it was not possible to take the field in this country, either this summer or autumn, lliis was openly the advice of the duke of Cadaval ; the count of Alvar spoke in the same manner, but in general M. Fagell supported the opinion, by finding difficulties in all the pro- jects which could he proposed. The marquis of Alagrete himself appeared uncertain. They have deferred examining any proposition till the Mar- tinis diis Minas and the Count d'Atalaya are here. Tliey have been ordered to come. I see very well that they expressly delay entering on business, in order that when it shall be time to take the field nothing shall be ready, and that the rains may serve as an excuse to prevent the troops from marching. However, I will lose no time ; I will press so much that I will force them to do something, or to declare that they will not do it. I send you a copy of the memorial, which I am resolved to send to-morrow to the king, if 1 cannot deliver it to him myself Tlie departure of the king of Spain disturbs them. The illness of the king of Portugal augments, and gives occasion to many intrigues. If this misfortune (meaning his death) arrives, there is great appearance that the duke of Cadaval will be master; then nothing will keep the Portu- guese in our interests but fear, and nothing terrifies them so much as our fleet. Besides the other reasons which I have taken the liberty to allege to you to have it winter, at least the greater part, this last is not to be despised." In these circumstances Marlborough strongly recommended that an expedition, composed of the troops which remained useless in Portugal, should sail from Lisbon and assist the duke of Savoy by a diversion in the vicinity of Nice, carry the war into Andalusia by an attack on Cadiz, or effect a 1705.] SIEGE OF BARCELONA, 331 debarkation on the eastern coast of the Peninsuhi, Avhere the natives were ripe for a revolution. During this season of inactivity, the Dutch and English fleets had arrived at Lisbon with considerable reinforcements. 'J'hat of England conveyed 5000 men, under the eccentric, but gallant, earl of Peterborough, who had been recommended by Marlborough. By a singular mark of confidence in the government, he was associated in the command of the fleet with the admiral. Sir Cloudesley Shovel, and thus was enabled to infuse his undaunted spirit into the sailors as well as sol- diers, and to excite both to deeds of chivalrous warfare. After several councils of war and numerous consultations, private intelligence from Catalonia induced the Austrian prince, who was anxious to realise his pretensions to the crown of Spain, to make an attempt against Barcelona, in which city he was apprised that his partisans were bold and numerous. To the 5000 troops recently arrived. Lord Gal- way added two regiments from his own force, and the fleet sailed from Lisbon with Charles on board. Touching at Gibraltar, three more regiments were em- barked, together Avith the guards, who had recently distin- guished themselves in the defence of the place ; and the prince of Hesse d'Armstadt, who possessed extensive con- nexions in Catalonia, joined the expedition as a volunteer. While the squadron lay off Valencia, the inhabitants ot Altea raised the Austrian standard. The neighbouring town of Denia followed the example ; nnd the royal garrison, sur- rendering without opposition, Charles was acknowledged king of Spain with the usual formalities. Emboldened by this success, the fleet sailed onwards, and on the 22d the armament disembarked in the bay of Barcelona, and set down before the capital, though without the smallest hopes of sur- prising or taking a city strongly fortified, and defended by a garrison more numerous than the assailants. But what could not be effected by regular approaches was accomplished by the chivalrous spirit of the earl of Peterborough. With un- paralleled address and secrecy he arranged a plan of attack. Affecting to be discouraged by insurmountable difficultieSj he began to re-embark his troops ; but having lulled the enemy into security, he, in the middle of the night, with a chosen band of 800 men, assaulted the fort of Montjuicb, which 332 MFE OF MAULBOROUGU. [CH. XXXIX. commanded Barcelona, and carried it by storm, to tlie t^ur- j)rise both of those who attacked and of those who defended the place. We give the account of this singuhir exploit in the characteristic language of the hero himself, in two letters, one to his wife, and the other to the duchess of Marlborougli, Lord Peterhoroiigli to his Lady, " Oct. 6. — I can now give you joy upon taking Barcelona, which is effected. I can modestly say such an attempt was never made by sucli a handful of men. We have taken, in three days, the castle of Montjuich, sword in hand, that resisted 30,000 men three months Tiicre were five hundred men in it. We marched with a thousand men thirteen hours, and with scaling ladders took a place upon a rock, much stronger tlian Portsmouth, and had l)ut eight hundred men, two having lost us in the nijiht. This enterprise, which some people would reckon impossible or rash, will save many thousand lives. I was forced to lead them on wltli the Prince of Hesse, who was killed ; I escaped without hurt, thougli both my aide-de-camps were much wounded. 1 would raiher you should hear of this earlier from others than myself" Lord Peterborough to the Duchess of Marlborough. " Oct. 29. — If some few I esteem and respect are as much pleased as our enemies are surprised and made uneasy, 1 would desire no more. I know the good nature of England, especially towards the month of No- vember; but I liope at least they will find no fault. " The ceremony is now over, and we have two kings acknowledged in Spain. Give me leave to say, if I had now two hundred thousand pounds I would be answerable for our being, madam, possessed, in a month's time, of the better part of all Catalonia, Valencia, and Aragon ; but our coarse English proverb is too true — 'there is no making brick without straw.' " Had it not been for the impatience I am under to justify to tiie world the countenance and good opinion you were pleased to honour me with, I never durst have entered into those measures which brought the king hither. But knowing the ill state of things in Portugal, and the l)rospect not answering elsewhere, I thought a retrieve was necessary for lesolutions out of the common road. I have met with great difficulties, but expect greater. This letter goes by Italy, only to assure your grace of my eternal gratitude and respect, and to recommend the whole to your care and protection. I lay this enterprise at your door, my lady duchess : if we are sustained in time, and as we ought, I hope you will not be ashamed to own it. But, madam, we are far off (though I hope not forgotten). I can now assure your grace I am of the side of the church : no doubt Sir Edward Seymour will make haste to help me, and I think we liave met with miracles in our favour. But we are poorer than church rats ; and miracles cannot save us long, without money, and a quick and viaorous assistance." 1705.] SURKKNDER OF IJARCKI.ONA. 333 The capture of Montjuicli was the prelude to tlie surrender of" Barcelona itself. On the 9th of October King Charles entered the city in triumph, and was hailed by the inhabi- tants as their legitimate sovereign, and as their deliverer from the detested yoke of tlie Bourbons. Every measure was adopted to maintain this conquest, and spread the revo- lution through the neighbouring kingdoms of Murcia, Valen - cia, and Aragon. Barcelona was placed in a state of defence; the inhabitants enrolled and disciplined ; six native regiments were embodied ; and numerous fl^'ing corps, composed of the enterprising mountaineers, at once maintained the tranquillity of the conquered district, and contributed to foment the spirit of insurrection in the adjoining countries. Thus the war was, at length, established on Spanish ground, and the example of one of those kingdoms into which the Peninsula was divided, portended a new and successful revolution in favour of the Austrian dynasty, under which Spain had attained such a height of glory. This success, though as brilliant as unexpected, seemed to create new sources of difficulty and want. The maritime powers, who had strained their efforts to an unusual pitch in the attempt, could not supply resources to prosecute it with the same spirit ; while the emperor, whose zealous co-opera- tion all parties expected, was too much exhausted by his own struggles on one hand against the Hungarian insurgents, and on the other against the common enemy, to make those exertions and furnish those supplies which the urgency of the case required. Thus auotlier burden was thrown upon the maritime powers ; Marlborough was involved in new embarrassments, and beheld with regret fresh causes of inces- sant disputes with the cabinet of Vienna. But it was in Italy that the foresight of Marlborough had to encounter the greatest and most complicated difficulties. Perpetual contests subsisted between the courts of Vienna and Turin. The new emperor, Joseph, was no less averse than his predecessor to increase the power of the duke of Savoy by any promise, even of eventual dismemberments from the Milanese ; while Victor Amadeus was equally watchful to enlarge his territorial possessions, and to extort from the fears of the house of Austria what he could not obtain from their gratitude. SS-i MKK OF MAULBOnOUOH. CH. XXXIX. The emperor, occupied in quelling the rebellion in Hun- gary, could not easily find sufficient resources to conduct tin; war in Italy on that scale wiiicli Marlborough thought ne- cessary to ensure success, and consequently the duke of Savoy was almost left to liis own means to struggle against the attacks of the Bourbon armies. lie indeed liad been iissisted by a force of 13,000 men, but these were gradually diminished to half tlieir number ; and though harmony and unanimity were doubly requisite in this trying crisis, per- petual disputes arose between the duke and the imperial general. Their contentions even spread with a disastrous effect among their respective troops. During the winter of 1704 tlie brave defence of Verrua had checked the progress of the French, and delayed the meditated attack on Turin, the reduction of which would have ensured the subjugation of Italy, and left the duke of Savoy nothing but an empty title. The important interval had been employed by Marlborough in endeavouring to draw from other quarters that aid which the court of Vienna couM not supply. With this view he had obtained from Prussia an auxiliary force of 8000 men, whose junction had enabled Eugene to maintain his advantages. But as the treaty was now on the point of expiring, and as the king of Prussia, from resentment against the court of Vienna for repelling his claims, had declared his resolution of withdrawing his troops, the afl^airs of Italy seemed likely to relapse into the same dangerous state as at the termination of the last campaign. At length the manly defence of Verrua drew to a close, after an investment of eight months. On the 10th of April the garrison blew up the fortifications and surrendered to the French. The duke of Savoy fell back to Chivasso, to retard as long as possible the advance of the enemy ; but could not long defend that small yet important post with a discouraged and diminished army. The peril of his situation is well depicted by Mr. Hill in one of his letters to the Duk ■ if Marlborough. '• His royal hignness and Count Stahremberg are uneasy to eacli other ill tliL-ir present condition. I do not reckon tliat Stahremberg hath above 1500 foot, and as many horse left; the duke has not many more of his own men fit for service. Count Staliremberg is contriving to be gone to Vienna : they are not more satisfied with Prince Eugene, who makes 1705.] WAR IN ITALY. 335 war in liis own way, and communicates nothing here, as we see, for thr defence of Piedmont, where we are at the mercy of forty French battalion*; and fifty squadrons. When Chivasso falls, if La Feuillade is not obliged. •>y Prince Eugene's successes in Lombardy, to send a detachment to the duke of Vendome, we arc capable here of taking some desperato resolu- tion; for we cannot garrison Turin." Amidst these accumulated misfortunes the duke of Savoy had placed his last hope on the co-operation of the British armament under the command of Lord Peterborough, which he was led to believe was now on its way towards the coast of the Mediterranean. This descent he contemplated as the only chance of salvation, as it would compel the French to . " Most illustrious cousin and dearcKt prince, " Although I do not doubt but you have fully understood from my last letter, the desire I had to deliberate with you here in ])erson, and parti- cularly to confer witli you on the operations of the next campaign ; yet such is the weight and consequence of this affair, that I cannot conceal from you, that as your presence is the chief hinge on which the main stress of the war now turns, so the greatest part of my consolation, as well as the life and hopes of the confederates, depend thereon. I cannot deny that your most serene queen will very soon have occasion for the presence of so great a man ; yet I have no reason to doubt that her generosity will readily spare so little a time as this journey will take up, to me and the common cause. The delay will be amply recompensed by the advantage of the counsels, which, from your great prudence and ex- perience, you will be able to give. I do therefore again kindly entreat you to undertake this journey, notwithstanding it may seem somewhat troublesome ; and to embrace this opportunity of adding new lustre to your name, already so renowned through the world, and augmenting the many and great obligations you have laid on my august family and the common cause of the allies. " I conclude with constant assurances of my most kind affection. " P. S. — I refer you, for the rest, to what Count Wratislaw will com- municate to you on my part, not deeming it expedient to insert it in this letter. I merely intend by these lines to renew my sentiinents of friend- ship and esteem, and to notify to you the great obligation you will confer on me, if you will repair to this place ; as without your presence, no- thing that may be concerted for the approaching campaign can l)e good. " f The letter from Count Wratislaw, to which the empei-or alludes, stated that the Duke of Marlborough was invited to Vienna to settle the arrangements for the ensuing campaign, as for want of proper concert the fruits of the preceding ope- * Official translation in the Marlborough Papers. + Translation from the original document in the Marlborough Papers, Iq Latin, and the postscript in French. 170d.] Ills MISSION TO VIENNA. ?,?Ai rations had been lost. He added that application had beeu made to the queen and the States-general, nut only for per- mission to undertake the journey, but to confide to him such powers as would suffice for the conclusion and execution of whatever should be arninged. Another motive for his journey was derived from the cap- tious spirit of the king of Prussia, and his dissatisfaction with the court of Vienna, which he accused of treating him witii contempt, and not paying due attention to his claims. (^n this account he had already notified his intention of re- calling the 8000 troops, whom he had sent to the confederate army in Italy. His Prussian majesty likewise complained of the Dutch, for not paying the arrears, due as tlieir share in the subsidies, for the service of the Prussian auxiliaries. Indeed he had already earnestly pressed the duke to revisit Berlin, with the hope of profiting by his advice, and had testified to Lord Raby his anxiety to receive again as his guest the illustrious general, whom he declared to be the most agreeable man he ever knew. A letter written to Godolphin during his journey will spare any farther ex- planation. " Frankfort, Xoi\ '2(1. " Since my last I have received the inclosed paper from Berlin, as also .1 groat many more demands which that court makes at tlie Hague, an account of which I do not doubt but you have from Mr. Stan- hope. The king has desired me to press the emperor, that he might have satisfaction on his last demands. 1 know the emperor is not in a condi- tion to give him satisfaction, nor do I think his demands reasonable ; but I shall endeavour that they may give him a great many good words. On the other side, I do not think the Dutch are willing to pay those arrears he insists upon from them, so that I am jealous of his making these de- mands to give him some colour for not signing the treaty, as he promised me ; for tliey have at this time great projects of private advantage, bv the disorders that may happen in the North. However, i have writ to Mr. Stanhope, to press all he can the signature of the treaty at the Hague. But for fear that I should not succeed, I should be glad the queen wouM write an obliging letter to him, in which she will ac(juaiiit him that she has ordered me to return by Berlin, to give him assurances of her t'riendship, and to sign the treaty for the 8000 men in Italy. I desire this letter, by the next post, may be sent to Lord Raby, to give nie at my arrival there ; for the king writes me word that he had ordered his^ ambassador to ask of her majesty, that I may return by Berlin, as also I am sure the emperor will be very anxious I should return thai way, he having many disputes with that court." t 'J 340 LIKK OK MARI.BOUOUGH. [CH. XXXIX. Marlborough was likewise earnestly solicited by Pensionary Heinsius and his friends in Holland to visit the two courts, lor the purpose of allaying the subsisting feuds and justifying the proceedings of the Dutch government. Several minor considerations also rendered his presence necessary at Vienna. VV^e have already noticed the jealousy of the imperial court at the interfi rence of the British cabi- net in the affairs of Hungary, notwithstanding an appeal had been made to their mediation. This jealousy was increased by the avowed attachment of Lord Sunderland to the princi- f>les of freedom, which excited a strong suspicion lest he .sliould favour the re{)ublican spirit of the Hungarian insur- gents, and press the guarantee of the maritime powers to such an accommodation as was inconsistent witli the honour of the crown and the tranquillity of the country. On these subjects Count Wratislaw feelingly describes the apprehensions of the imperial cabinet, and at the same time avows his own pei'sonal and political antipathy to Mr. Stepney. •■ Vienna. July 19. — We daily expect the arrival of Lord Sunderland, and I flatter inyself that as he is gone to your army, you will give liim the necessary information on the affairs of Hungary. I will render him all the service in my power, as well from the friendship I feel for him, as from his connexions with jou. But I cannot conceal my apprehensions from your lii^^hness: for when you compare the language of Mr. Stepney at the army last year, with the principles and character of Lord Sunderland, I must dread his inclinations to establish a species of rcpuhlic in Hungary. You know that sucii an arrangement would not accord with the government Ijere, still less with the temper of our master ; and since we must consider H ungary as one of our most valuable possessions, we shall never be inclined t-o accept conditions of a nature more calculated to breed new troubles than to restore the tranquillity o{ the kingdom. The acceptance of the mediation of the two powers plainly proves our sincerity, and the con- clusion of the treaty will display our moderation. But, in truth, it is r> matter of the utmost alarm, should our allies force us to accept a gua- rantee, which, considered merely as a point of honour, is an affair of the greatest consequence, though not sufficiently appreciated in England ; since no sovereign has ever admitted the guarantee of a foreign power iK'tween him and his subjects. As it is likewise to be feared that this re- \(>lt will not be the last among a people so volatile as the Hungarians, and a ij-uaranlee being once established, is it not possible that on some futuro I'.tcasion, that of the Ottoman Porte, or some other dangerous neighbour, iDay bere(jujred? I entreat you then, my lord, to refleet on this, and t>12 1,IFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [cir. XXXIX. and WO find even Lord Sunderland himself joining in the common request for his immediate presence at Vienna. " I hope her majesty has by this time given her leave tliat Lord Marl- borou<»li may come hither ; for if we are to continue the war (as every honest man that is in liis wits in Engkntl and Holland, 1 believe thinks we must), I am sure liis coming is absolutely necessary ; for without it, every thing will he in greater confusion than this year. And I am con- fident that if he does come, there is nothing in the power of this court th-it he will not persuade them to."* Though anxious to terminate his laborious pilgrimage on the Continent, and to return to England, he could not resist tliese pressing instances, and he transmitted the emperor's letters to the queen and Godolphin, frankly stating his doubts and reluctance, yet testifying his acquiescence in their deci- sion. He at the same time declared his resolution not to undertake tlie journey unless he could obtain, as well from the States as from England, full powers to conclude the arrangements which he might deem advantageous to the common cause. " At my arrival here, I found the inclosed letters from Vienna. Her majesty's pleasure is what shall govern me in this as well as in every thing else. My opinion is, that if I should go, and I have not power from the States that what I concert shall be performed, the journey would only be troublesome to me, and of no use to the public. If it should be thought necessary for me to go, you must reckon that I cannot go in le.ss than eleven days, and I must have as many to come back, and I believe three days there, so that the whole will bring me one month later into England. Besides, I do really think I shall not have resolution enough to serve the next year. " This request of the emperor's is very opposite to your kind desire of having me early in England this year. Whilst I am fit for any thing, the queen and you shall dispose of me, in ho))es that when you shall see that I am worn to nothing, you will allow of my being quiet; for at this time I am so extremely lean, that it is uneasy to me when I am in bed." On mature reflection the British cabinet saw the pi'essing necessity of the case, and the treasurer, though with reluct- ance, conveyed to Marlborough the sanction of the queen and t!>e approbation of the cabinet. He had yet, however, to obviate many difficulties arising from the cold calculations of the minister of finance and the no less parsimonious spirit of the Dutch republic. The primary object which it was * Lord Sunderland to Lord Godolphin, Vienna, Sept. 26. -Oct. 7. •.705. 170o ] G0I>OLI'HIN OBJECTS TO HIS PLANS. 343 necessary to attain, preparatory to his journey, was a positive assurance that the court of Vienna should be promptly grati- fied with the loan required for the equipment of the Italian army. Godolphin. however, regarded this point with the scruples of a financier ratiier than with the eye of a statesman ; and, instead of meeting the difficulty, employed himself in starting objections to the mode of obtaining the su})ply, and required the imperial court, which was evidently impractic- able, to send forward their troops before the money was advanced. " Ifiitd-ior, Sept. 11-20. — I find by tlie It-ttur of the States to you. tliey think it necessary something should be dune to set them right again in the opinion of their people ; and the vigour they have lately shown in their letters and resolution upon the duke of Savoy's instances, seems, to be a great confirmation of this reflection. I hope, however, that Savoy will be relieved entirely by Prince Eugene's efforts, or by the diversion, which I think the enterprise upon Barcelona must give the enemy, with- out tlie troops from our fleet, wliich can neither possibly be spared from their other affairs, nor come so soon to their relief as the succour ex- pected even from the emperor. But this consideration makes it still mere necessary tliat all possible endeavours should be used to hasten that succour ; yet if the troops designed for that service cannot march till they have money from England and Holland, upon the loan propo^^ed from Germany, it is not possible to think such a loan can be adjusted without sending backwards and forwards between us and Holland; and yet it is certain if the troops do not march incessamment, they can never come ii. time. The most effectual way, therefore, to compiss this loan, would be to send away the troops which are to be supported by it immediately: and the hearing they were actually upon their march might perhaps prevail for this loan ; whereas otherwise, both Engla.id and Holland will be under the discouragement of thinking that if thty should lend their money, it will come too late to give effectual assistance to the duke of Savoy." " St. James's, 1 3th Sept. 1 705. — As to the loan desired by the court of Vienna for enabling the emperor to send more troops to Prince Eugene, I believe the queen will not decline to bear her part in it, for so necessarv a service, in case the States ajiprove and are desirous ; though, consider- ing what was done last year for tli* empire, and how great her majesty's expense has been this year for the interests of the House of Austria, it does not seem extremely reasonable to expect it from her, espeeiiillv when Count Wratislaw knows as well as we that all the funds given by tlit parliament are appropriated to particular uses, and if thev were not, these are always all assigned away before this time of year." Nor did the minister of finance content himself with start- ing objections to the proposal. Habitually prejudiced against the house of Austria, he was highly indignant at the delays z 4 344 UFE OF MAKLBOROUGH. [CH. XXXIX. nnd negligence which, in his opinion, the cabinet of Vienna liad manifested in the course of the campaign. In tiiis spirit lie received the formal application of the imperial court ibr ,su('C0urs in men and money vvitii studied coldne.-s, and when at length a reply was extorted, it was written in terms of unusual acrimony. This irritating document roused the re- sentment of the emperor; and Count Wratislaw complained to Marlborough that the minister of finance appeared to con- (!eive the rescue of tlie duke of Savoy might be effected by invectives against the court of Vienna. The emperor him- self did not condescend to give a written reply, but stated, through his ministers, that his care and attention had rather deserved praise than reproach from the allies ; and requested tliat in future such replies should not be given in writing, because they would remain as public documents in the archives. Marlborough felt that decision was as necessary in this political arrangement as in the operations of the field. Instead of listening to the petty scruples of his friend the treasurer, or contemplating the more serious obstacles which arose in his way, he steadily persisted in his pui-pose, and not only extorted from the British cabinet such powers as were necessary for the perfect accomplishment of his project, but exacted a promise that they would consent to the loan, and advance the first payment in October.* He Avas equally pressing for a similar engagement from the States. " If 1 have not assurances from the Dutch," he writes to the duchess, " that what I promise shall be made good, my jour- ney can only be a trouble to myself, and of no use to the public. But if they would trust me, I think I could then take such measures with the emperor that the next year's campaign might be much the better for my going. I will, however, have no opinion in this matter, but pay obedience to what is directed." « To attain this object he did not rely on distant negotiation, which he was conscious could only produce delay ; but re- paired to the Hague, that, by his personal exertions, he might overrule the formalities of the Dutch government. He im- mediately held conferences with the pensionary, the presi- dent of the week, and other leading members of tlie republic, • Secretary Harky to the Duke of Marlborough, September. 1705.] HIS ABSENCE FROM THE ARMY. 345 and obtained their consent to extend his powers, as fiir as their constitution would permit, without the usual tedious appeal to the decision of the different provinces. He also extorted a similar acquiescence in the proposed loan, of which the Dutch were to guaranty one third. He was equally successful in combating the fallacious overtures of France, and appealed with effect to the feelings of shame and disappointment which the patriotic party felt for the late misconduct of their deputies and generals, and their anxiety to make amends for the former failures. By his skilful management of the passions of those with whom he had to negotiate, he thus attained all his objects, and de- parted with the full assurance that he should be supported by all the energy of the Dutch government. During this short interval of his stay, his departure fi'om the ai'ray was no less deeply felt than his appearance at the Hague. '• In his absence," says an eye-witness, " we were a body without a soul. The French having thrown down a little of their line, and laid bridges over the Nethe for con- venience of foragi', we were in perpetual alarms, as if an in- ferior dispirited army would leave their lines, because the duke had left us." Returning to the camp, he again moved on the 20th of October, and marched through Vliramen to Campthout, where the army took up a position to cover the siege ot' Sandvliet, a fort on the Scheldt, the garrison of which liad harassed the inhabitants of Zealand with frequent incursions. From hence the duke repaired to examine the preparations, and give directions for the attack ; and at the same time the place was invested by a detachment under the Count de Noyelles. Campthout was the last camp which he occupied, this campaign ; for on the 22d of October he finally quitted the army, leaving the command to Overkirk, to finish tlu- siege and distribute the troops into quarters. CuAP. XL. — English Politics. — 1705. Having closed the military operations, settled his journey to Vienna, and finished his negotiations at the Hague, t)ie duke 346 LIFE OK MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XL. was employed, during his continuance at Ilerenthals, in completing the new arrangements in tlie British cabinet, and in giving consistency to that system which he and Godolphin had adopted. On liis departure from England, the intention of Godol- phin and himself was, to suffer the two parties to struggle for the new elections, without any interference from the court, concluding that when thus left to their own strength, tliey would be nearly balanced, and the queen would be enabled to turn the scale to either side. In reply to one of the importunate letters from the duchess, pressing him to support the Whigs, he observes: — "Hague, ytpril. — You nor any body living can wish more for the having a good parliament than I do ; but we may differ in our notions. I will own to you very freely mine, which is, that I think at this time it is for the queen's service, and the good of England, tliat the choice miglit be such ;ts that neither party might have a great majority, so that her majesty miglit be able to influfnce what might be good for the common interest." He gives the same advice, and employs the same argu- ments, in a letter to Godolphin, and appears to calculate confidently on the success of this scheme. '■'July 6-17. — The composition of the parliament seems to be such, that neither party can carry any point against the other by their own strength. One sort of gentlemen have behaved themselves so, that there remains very little room for debate which the queen should make hers. The care seems to he only, that she may not be in the power of a party ; for there are indifferent and unlisted men enough, who will be content and zealous to promote the queen's affairs, though they see persons of a different party from tiiemselves employed; but though they will be con- tent to see the queen govern, it will be uneasy to them to see a party govern. But 1 doubt not care wll be taken to satisfy every person that deserves it." He found, however, to his surprise, that he had been mis- taken in his calculations, and that the unpopularity of the Tories enabled the Whigs to gain a considerable superiority. Thus circumstanced, he and Godolphin were compelled to incline still more to that i)arty, whose ascendency they had hitherto promoted, less from inclination, than from necessity. The struggle for the removal of Sir Nathan Wright, which had continued in suspense since the spring, was now 1705.] STRUGGLE FOR THE GUKAT SEAL. S-K renewed with redoubled warmth, and Lord Godolphin pro- moted it with a degree of zeal, which could only have been prompted by the embai'rassments of his situation. Continued difficulties, however, arose, from the aversion of the queen to confide to a zealous Whig an office which exercised such patronage in tiie church, and such extensive influence over the civil administration. All the representations of Godol- phin proving fruitless, the Duchess of Marlborough was next induced to interfere. With persuasion and argument, she blended the most bitter invectives and reproaches for the queen's aversion to the Whigs, and her infatuation in favour of the Tories. These letters, many of which are printed in tlie "Conduct," showthe vehement tone of remonstrance which the favourite assumed ; and we shall scarcely be surprised to find that this dispute increased the alienation which had already taken place in the mind of her royal mistress. Indeed the duchess herself, in one of her manuscript narra- tives, remarked that the first peevish letter slie ever received from the queen was on this occasion. Marlborough could not remain an indifferent spectator of the struggle. Though convinced that the meditated change was indispensable, he knew the difficulty of conquering pre- judices which education and habit had inspired, and sincerely sj'mpathised in the anxiety of his royal mistress. To Godolphin he writes on this occasion : — " Aug. 27. — I am very sorry for what you tell me of the queen ; but I am confident she esteems you more than all the rest that talk to her, and you may imagine she is pressed by people that do not judge so well as you, and I pity her extremely. However, I hope, and am sure she will always be directed by you in every thing tliat is good for lier service." Still, however, the objections of the queen were rather silenced than overcome ; and as a last resource she appealed to Marlborough, without the knowledge of the treasurer or the duchess, hoping from his congenial sentiments and attachment, tliat he would save her from so heartfelt a mortification. Her letter has not been preserved ; but his answer will show the strength and nature of her appeal, and will prove that he himself now found it necessary to combat her sentiments, and to resist the views of the Tories, as the only expedient for continuing the contest against 348 MKE 01-" MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XL. France, and rescuing England and the Continent t'roni dependence. " Madam, Sept. 29. o. s. " Your majesty has too much goodness for your servant, in but think- ing of an excuse for your not writing. My obligations, as well as zealou<; inclinations for your service, are such, as that you have but to command, and your majesty shall always find in me obedience." » • ♦ After adverting to his intended journey to Vienna, he proceeds : — " Not knowins; when I may have the honour of seeing your majesty. I cannot end this letter without lamenting your condition ; for 1 am afraid I see too plainly that you will be obligeil, by the heat and malice of some that would not stay in your service, to do more than otherwise would be necessary. Wiiat I say is from my heart and soul for your ser- vice; and if I had the honour of being with you, I should beg on my knees that you would lose no time in knowing of my lord treasurer what is fit to be done, that you might be in a condition of carrying on the war, and of opposing the extravagances of these mad people. If your majesty should have difficulty of doing this, I s^e no remedy under heaven, but that of sending for Lord Rochester and Lord Nottingham, and let them take your business into their hands, the consequences of which are very much to be feared ; for I think they have neither courage nor temper enough to serve your majesty and the nation in this difficult time, nor have they any support in England, but what they have from being thought violently at the head of a party, which will have the consequence of the other party's opposing them with all their strength. As I am sure your majesty has no thoughts but what are for the good of England, so I have no doubt but God will bless and direct you to do what may be best for yourself and for Europe." This letter produced its due effect. The queen made no farther objection ; and as the new parliament was on the point of meeting, the "Whigs were at length gratified with the removal of Sir Nathan Wright, and the transfer of the seaKs to Mr. Cowper, which took place on the 11th of October. Soon after this change, the new parliament assembled. The primary question on the choice of a Speaker evinced the decreasing strength of the Tories. Mr. Smith, one of the most able, zealous, and honest of the other party, who was assisted by the influence of the crown, the interest of Marlborough, and the warm support of Harley, was elected by a majority of 43 votes, in preference to Mr. Bromley, to the great mortification of the moderate Tories; who, though, in concurrence with the crown, they opposed Bromley, ye: 1705.] LETTERS ON THE NEW SPEAKl.iJ. 349 wished for a more moderate party-man than Smith, as we find fi'om a letter of St. John to the duke. " My lord, Whitehall, July '27. o. s., 1705. " It is a sin to give your grace any trouble in this manner, when you have so many of all kinds to torment you abroad ; but your grace is so indulgent a master, that your servants are apt to presume. Her majesty liaving been pleased to direct her servants to promote all they can Mr. Smith's advancement to the chair of the House of (ronnnons makes it too late to wisli for another. It had been happy if that man could have been foimd, whom the Whigs would liave voted for, and who might have reconciled a great many of those people to him. that may cease to be Tories, but can never become Whigs. I am afraid there is a prospect of much struggle in the winter ; and I should be infinitely more so, if I did not live by faith in your grace. I depend upon your working some more miracles, to save us abroad and help support us at home." Harley, however, did not participate, or, at least, did not appear to participate, in the sentiments of liis adherents ; and he acquired fresh confidence by the zeal with which he espoused the new system of his patron. " My lord, October 6. " Yesterday the parliament met, and a very full House of Common*. Mr. Smith and Mr. Bromley candidates, the former carried it by 4:i; viz. 248 to 205 : the zeal of gentlemen was greater than their knowledge which brought them up with so much heat, and to be headed by people whose chief excellence was Billingsgate language, which had no other effect than to expose them to the scorn of the rest of mankind. I do net question but with care and application several of the misled gentlemen, who acted not out of malice l)ut ignorance, will be reduced to a better sense and opinion of the queen's government." On this choice Marlborough makes a few observations to Ivord Godolphin. " Vienna, Nov. 14. — I ain sorry to see that there is so great a struggle for the Speaker ; I hope it will be carried to your heart's desire, by sucli a superiority as may for the rest of this session make the queen's busines.s easy ; for I think I^urope must be saved by England, and her majesty's steady resolution of carrying on the war against France " The speech of the queen expressed the sentiments of the Whigs, and reprobated in the strongest terms the principles and conduct of the opposite party. After urging the neces- sity of timely preparations, for prosecuting the just war, in which the nation was engaged, she added, " if tlie French king continues master of the Spanish monareliy, tlie balance of power is destroyed, and he will engross the trade and wealth of the world." G.'O IJKE OF MAULBOROUGII. [cH. XL Adverting to malicious rumours raised by the Tories, particulai'ly that tlie church was in danger, the queen in- veighed against the propagators of such reports, as enemies to lierself and the Icingdoin, and observed, " that they wouUl best show their zeal for the cliurcli, by prosecuting the war against an enemy, whose object was tlie destruction of the national establishment, both in church and state." After exhorting tliem to lay aside divisions, she announced her resolution to favour those only who should zealously concur in carrying on her good designs. The addresses of both houses echoed these sentiments, announced tlieir readiness to grant the necessary supplies, and testified their conviction that no peace could be solid and permanent, till the Spanish monarchy was fixed in the house of Austria, and France reduced to such a degree, that the balance of Europe should be again restored. The news of these events gave Marlborough the highest satisfaction, and he announces with great exultation the eftect whicii he expected the queen's speech would produce abroad. Notwithstanding the sentiments contained in the speech from the throne, and the preponderance of the Whigs, the Tories were not abashed. During the short recess of Par- liament, they had laboured to raise a cry that the Protestant succession was in danger, and on the resumption of the session, a memorable question was brought forward, which was calculated to embarrass the Whigs as well as the two ministers. This was a motion made by Lord Haversham, on the 15th of November, to consider the state of the nation. Jn the course of his speed), he first adverted to the events of the campaign, and, after speaking with affected slight of the passage of the lines, as a mixture of victory and misibrtune, he magnified the subsequent conduct of the duke, with a view to throw odium on the Dutch by the contrast. But the prominent object of his speech was the danger which threat- ened the Protestant succession. After expatiating on this topic, he concluded his harangue by a motion for an addi'oss to invite the electress Sophia, the presumptive heir to the crown, to England. In his illustrations, he introduced a remark, which must have been deeply offensive to the queen, who was present at the debate, by recalling recollections which were calculated to excite the most poignant regret. 1705.] PROTESTANT SUCCESSION SECURED. 3.51 " Is there any man," he unfeelingly observed. " who doubts that if the Duke of Gloucester had been now alive, the queen had been more secure than she now is ? We cannot think of that misfortune without the greatest grief; but yet we are not to neglect our own safety ; and a successor, though not a child of the prince, is the child of the queen and the people." Buckingham, wlio took a share in the debate, did not hesitate to adopt the insulting remark, that the queen might survive her faculties, and become a child in tlie hands of others. This question reduced the Whigs to a delicate predica- ment. If they gave it their support, they would wound the I'eelings of the queen, and increase her antipathy ; if they opposed it, they might not only offend the house of Hanover, but proclaim to the nation a departure from their own prin- ciples. They, howevei*, met the question with manly tirm- ness, and, after an animated debate, it was rejected by a powerful majority. But the Tories were not deceived in the effect which they expected the discussion to produce. It created a deep sensa- tion ; and the electress Sophia not only complained to the archbishop of Canterbury of the lukewarmness of his party, but indirectly announced her readiness to accept an invi- tation to England. To counteract the effects of this insidious proposal, and to allay the displeasure of the Hanover family, the ministers and the Whigs felt themselves bound to give a substantial }iroof of their attachment to the Protestant succession. On the motion of Bishop Burnet, which was seconded by Lord Godolphin, bills were brought into the House of Peers, to naturalise such members of the Hanover family as professed the Protestant religion, and to appoint a commission of regency, to act in case of the queen's death, for the security of their succession. The queen readily sanctioned a measure which was calculated to spare her feelings. The regency was to consist of the archbishop of Canter- bury, the lord treasurer, the chancellor, the high admiral, the president, the privy seal, and the chief justice of the (Queen's Bench. The successor was to be proclaimed with- out delay, on the vacancy of the throne, and other members were to be added to the commission, by the nomination of 352 LIFE OF MAULBOROUGH. [CII. XL. the successor, according to a sealed list, wliich was to be deposited with the archbishop of Canterbury, the chancellor, and the resident minister of Hanover. The regency was empowered to conduct the administration till the arrival of the new sovereign ; and the last parliament was to re- assemble for six montlis. As this measure was really and effectually calculated to secure the succession of the house (jf Hanover, those who are ill acquainted with party fends may perhaps be sur- prised to find it opposed by such as, a few days before, had displayed unusual zeal for the Protestant establishment. It was, however, carried in the House of Peers, though not without a protest, signed by the violent Tories. In the House of Commons also, a captious objection was started against the meeting of the last parliament, on the ground that the act of succession disqualified certain persons, who then held offices, from sitting after the accession of the new sovereign. This objection was supported, not only by the whole disaffected party, but even by many among the Whigs, from a conscientious apprehension, that a connivance in such a measure would be considered as a dereliction of their principles. Several conferences were accordingly held be- tween the two houses, and the bill did not finally pass without some disqualifying clauses.* Three letters from Secretary Harley will indicate the effect produced by this discussion in the cabinet, and the zeal with which the Whigs supported the treasurer, by com- mitting to the Tower a member who reflected on his sup- posed correspondence with the exiled family. "My lord, ' iVof. 16-27. 1705. " I will not pretend to give your grace an account of what passed yes- terday in the House of Lords, nor of the great storm raised by fifteen against the whole house, for sending for the next successor. I suppose we shall have the same attempt in our house, by gentlemen who would wash themselves clean by so impracticable a proposition. I doubt not but it will meet with the like fate in our house." "My lord, Dec. 22. -Jan. 1. " Tho' we want your grace to a great degree here, yet this last week liath been so great a week of storms, that nobody who loves England could be easy under the thoughts of your grace's being within the danger ' Journals, and Chandler Burnet. — History of Europe for 1705. — 'rindal. 1705. J STORMY PARLIAMENT, 353 of the tempest. At last we hope for fair weather and your safe arrival. I do not believe enoiigli in astrology to think the stars create hurricanes in men's minds; but this is certain, that we have had much blustering in the House of Commons, attended with the foulest Billingsgate lan- guage I ever heard. It was grown so common and so frequent, that it was necessary to put an end to it by a just animadversion, and this fell to the lot of Mr. Cesar, who in a long tedious speech of railing, had the words your grace sees in the printed votes* taken notice of, and he com- mitted to the Tower, where he is like to keep his Christmas, the house having adjourned this day to Monday fortnight, after the queen had passed the bill oi four shillings in the pound, and the repeal of the Scotch prohibitory clauses. The queen made a speech, which your grace will see." " My lord, December 4-1 5. " When I consider the great services your grace hath performed to tlie queen and to the nation, the vast hazards you have run of your own pur- son, and the prodigious fatigues you continually undergo, to serve the queen, to secure every particular man in the nation, and to exalt the name of Englishmen, and carry that higher than ever it was before ; these thoughts fill me with amazement at the great things your grace hath done, and at the same time give me the utmost pleasure, when I think how much I am honoured in being your servant. The long sitting we had this day quickens my sense of the much vaster fatigues wherewith your grace's journey hath exercised you ; ar.d yet I find myself scarce capable of writing a letter, or to tell your grace that this day a proposition was made in a committee of the whole house (tho' it was designed for the house, in order to have the vote printed), to address the queen to bring over the next successor. It was suffered to pass off without a negative, and only leaving the chair. God forgive those who would not take a negative when there would not have been 90 affirmatives. * * " But these are common incidents ; we must make the most of every body, even of those who think themselves cunning enough to drive a bargain. " I hear the ill-intentioned in those parts (Holland) give a very wrong turn to the part of the queen's speech which relates to the monarchy of Spain, as if that was to eternise the war ; when there cannot be a clearer proposition, than that it is the only way to a secure peace. If the honest people of Holland will not give way, they may have it quickly, instead of a rotten, whimsical barrier ; and they ought to know that England has a way of being secure, without giving so much attention to those projects. Your grace will forgive me this impertinence, and permit me to assure you tliat I am with the greatest duty," &c. Althoiigh the attacks of the Tories were thus turned on themselves, they soon renewed their attempts. On the 22d *■ " There is a noble lord, without whose advice the queen does no- thing, who in the late reign was known to keep a constant correspondence with the court of St. Germain's." — Chandler's Debates, v. iii. p. 449.. VOL. I. A A 354 LIFE OF MAULBOUOUGir. [CII. XLI. of November, Lord Ilaversham proposed an inquiry into the causes of the miscarriap^es during the last campaign, with the liope of casting an indirect censure on tlic Duke of Marlborougli, or of provoking divisions among the allies. But this insidious attack was repelled with becoming energy, and advantage was taken of the discussion to vote an address to the queen, requesting her to employ her influence in pro- moting a good correspondence among the allies, and exciting the confederates to use their utmost exertions in prosecuting the war against France. This timely address produced a beneficial effect in Holland, where the partisans of France were active in disseminating reports calculated to inspire jealousy between the two maritime powers, as if each was anxious to sacrifice the other, by concluding a separate peace. Not to interrupt the thread of the narrative, we have carried our account of the parliamentary transactions, to the period immediately preceding the arrival of Marlborough, who, while these discussions agitated the public mind in England, was employed in giving an impulse to the negoti- ations, for the support of the Grand Alliance, at Berlin, Vienna, and the Hague. Chap. XLI. — Visits the German Courts 1705. Taking his departure from the army on the 26th of October, Marlborough passed through Dusseldorf, Frankfort, and Ratisbon. He was hailed by all ranks, with the admiration due to his talents and services ; and his journey, as in the preceding year, resembled the triumphal cavalcade of a hero, whose path was strewed with laurels. But ceremonies and honours did not retard his progress, anxious as he was to fulfil the objects of his mission, and to return to England, where his presence was ardently desired. Passing from Dusseldorf he and his suite were splendidly entertained at Bernsberg, by the elector palatine. This repast, however, was not a mere matter of ceremony ; for during the visit of A few hours, Marlborough privately negotiated with his 1705.] ARRIVES AT VIENNA. 355 illustrious host, for the augmentation of his subsidiary troops, and obtained his consent that they should march into Italy, to reinforce Eugene, leaving the treaty to be concluded on his arrival at the Hague. At Frankfort he had a delicate part to perform, in a meeting with the margrave of Baden, who came from Rastadt to arrange the measures for the ensuing campaign. When we consider the jealous spirit of the veteran general, who had seen his fame eclipsed by the exploits of a younger and foreign commander, and the keen sensibility of Marlborough at his recent disappointment on the Moselle, it might have been expected that some symptom of dissatisfaction would have marked their interview. Two meetings, however, took place in the presence of Gueldermassen ; and the vigi- lant deputy, Avho watched them narrowly, could not discover in either any sign of displeasure, or even the slightest differ- ence of opinion. The margrave was gracious and conde- scending, and Marlboi-ough too prudent to give even the most remote plea of oiFence to a prince who bore so high a character as general of the empire. But a more intimate acquaintance did not inspire him with greater confidence in the promises of the German commander, whom, in his corre- spondence, he designates as one who is never true to his engagements, but always postponing his co-operation to " la semaine avenir;" and of whom he says, in still stronger language, " I do not intend to oppose his project, but I cannot rely on what he says." At Ratisbon he embarked on the Danube, and was con- veyed in a splendid yacht to Vienna, admiring, as he passed, the picturesque scenery w^hich enlivens the banks of that noble river, and frequently calling to mind the milder beau- ties of his own country, which he again longed to enjoy. On the 12th of November, he reached Vienna, and was com- plimented with the offer of a magnificent palace for his residence ; but declining the honour, he repaired to the hotel of the British embassy, and took up his abode with his son- in-law. Lord Sunderland. At the Austrian capital he expected to meet his friend and colleague, who had shared with him the glories of Blen- heim ; but to his regret, Eugene was detained at the army by the critical situation of affairs in Italy. He, however, A A 2 356 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH, [CH. XH. imparted his opinions and views, in a letter which contains much interesting information.* " I am delighted ttiat you have undertaken a journey to Vienna, how- ever inconvenient at this season. Your highness proves your zeal, and I doubt not but your presence will be very serviceable for the projects of the ensuing cain])aign. It is nuicli to be wished that Prince Louis could meet you there ; but Count Frise informs me that he is afraid his health will not permit him. I believe that he is inclined to act on the Upper Rhine. Whatever is resolved should be kept secret, and it is necessary now to arrange the operations, and to decide on the strength of the respec- tive armies, the time of their taking the field, the recruits and reinforce- ments, and the establishment of magazines. The chief point is to settle, that none should proceed according to their own whim, l)ut to resolve which army shall act offensively, and wliich continue on the defensive. These remarks relate to the empire and the Netherlands ; as to this country, the measures which your highness has adopted with the king of Prussia, and tho'^e which you will take in your journey, with the elector palatine, are highly advantageous. '■ The first object is money, so necessary to carry on the war with vigour and effect. You will, my lord duke, judge on your arrival at Vienna, from your own experience, that a sovereign who is troubled with an intestine war, and has large armies to maintain, cannot supply all without extreme difficulty The loan, therefore, is of the greatest con- ■ sequence; and to compel by the fleet Genoa and Florence to advance large sums, is what I have repeatedly recommended. It only requires positive orders to the admiral. In this country it is absolutely necessary to form two corps, without which we can do nothing, and to use the utmost eflTorts in assisting his royal highness the duke of Savoy, and extricating him from his imminent peril. The general who commands in Lombardy should be able to act according to circumstances ; for had I not been so warmly pressed to forward succours on the side of Piedmont, I should have profited by my success, to secure the necessary posts for maintaining my footing in Italy. The troops would thus have suffered less, and at this moment I should have been in a situation to do what 1 deemed most eligible. But when we receive daily letters on letters, stating that all is lost if succours do not arrive, and that Italy resounds with clamours for peace, we must hazard much to effect a junction, or draw the enemy to an engagement. The latter expedient succeeded. At this advanced season, however, my army is ruined, the horses worn out with past fatigues, no sure footing in the country, and the enemy re- assembling their forces in my front. Besides, the Venetians threaten to declare against us, if we do not quit their territory ; the princes of Italy join in this declaration, and are inclined to form a league for their com- mon defence. The remedy is difl^cult, but must be found. If Barcelona is taken, surely the fleet with a corps of troops for disembarkation, may • This letter is without date, but was evidently written in October, during the journey of the duke to Vienna, 1705.] LETTER FROM THE KING OF PRUSSIA. 357 support the duke of Savoy, draw contributions from Genoa and Tuscany, and keep Italy in check, while the ministers of England and Holland strongly remonstrate with Venice, for the other princes of Ttaly are not worthy of a moment's consideration. At the same time, succours of men and money should be prepared for this army, so that it be enabled to take the field, at the latest, towards the end of ^larch ; for which pur- pose the magazines should be established, the recruits and horses for re- mounting tlie cavalry at hand, and the fleet ready to co-operate in the spring, either on the coast of Spain, or to invade Naples, which is with- out troops. I am much concerned that I cannot have the lionour of joining your highness at Vienna." About this period Marlborough received a querulous letter from the king of Prussia, urging his pretensions, complaining of the imperial court, and throwing out threats of his inten- tion to secede from the Grand Alliance. '• My cousin, Berlin, Oct. 27. 1705. " I hope this will find you safely arrived at Vienna, and that you are apprised from my minister of state. Baron de Bartholde, of the condi- tions on which I am willing to leave my troops in Italy another year. But since the ministers of the emperor do not seem inclined to accede to my demands, I must frankly declare, that however well disposed to con- tinue the assistance which I have given to the allies in Italy, and to give that proof of my zeal and attachment to the good cause, it will be im- possible to do it, unless the emperor will satisfy my pretensions, which are so just and reasonable that they cannot be rejected without great in- justice. .\nd as without that satisfaction I am resolved to recall my troops, whatever may be the consequence, I thought it right to give you this notice, that you may take your measures accordingly ; for I should be much concerned that as you propose to pass this way, for the purpose of concluding a new treaty, you should take an useless journey. Although it is well known to all, that I have to the present moment showed an evident zeal for the interests of the house of Austria, and that the late emperor testified his gratitude to me on many occasions ; yet I do not know whether since his death the court of Vienna continues in the same sentiments, but true it is, that I have been treated by that court with great harshness in all my transactions. " I hope, however, that your influence and representations will enable me, not only to carry into effect my resolution of continuing my troops in Italy, but also that the union and good intelligence which have always subsisted between the house of Austria and my family will be renewed. " In referring you for farther information to Baron de Bartholde, I pray God, my cousin, to have you always in his good keeping." At the same time the king artfully availed himself of the troubles in the North, occasioned by the disputes of Sweden, with Poland and Russia on one side, and with Denmark on the other. By his order, Baron Schmettau represented the A A 3 358 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CU. XLL injuries which the Prussian states suffered by the excesses of the irregular troo[)S and predatory hordes from Poland, and appealed to the allies, in virtue of the secret article of the treaty of 1704, to interpose in preventing sucli disorders. He was ordered to declare, that if these grievances were not speedily remedied, the king would recall the greater part of his troops from the service of the confederates. To obviate these and other difficulties, was the object of Marlborough's strenuous exertions, and he succeeded beyond his most sanguine hopes. Marlborough was received with all the honours and dis- tinctions which could be conferred on a subject. The em- peror sent him his portrait richly set in precious stones, and with his own hands presented him a diamond ring of consi- derable value : but the homage which he paid to his merit and services was more flattering and honourable. Besides his public audiences, Joseph condescended to meet him, when he went to view the cabinet of rarities, and profited by that opportunity to express his sentiments with greater cordiality and warmth than the etiquette of court ceremony permitted. " Heii'," he said, " of my fathei-'s throne, I inherit also his gratitude towards the conqueror of Blenheim. Your highness's services to the common cause in general, and to my family in particulai", can never be erased from my memory, nor ever be forgotten by my family or my posterity.''* Joseph proved the sincerity of his professions, by creating him a prince of the Roman empire, and conferring on him the lordship of Mindelheim, which he had recently erected into a principality, for the express purpose of fulfilling the formalities required by the Germanic constitution. j" During the short stay of Marlborough at Vienna, where he was detained a few days by a slight fit of the gout, he arranged the conditions of a new alliance between the Mari- time Powers and the house of Austria, which had ceased on the death of Leopold ; he likewise obtained assurances from the emperor, that he would grant fair and honourable terms to the Hungarian insurgents, and omit no concession in his power to extinguish a civil war, which had hitherto crippled * Lediard, v. i. p. 525. J For the account of Mindelheim and his investiture, see chap, xliii. 1705.] HIS SUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS. 359 his efforts, to the detriment of the common cause. He allayed the bickerings which had arisen with the court of Berlin, and persuaded the emperor to offer such terms as were likely to satisfy the interested and punctilious monarch. He was equally fortunate in soothing the jealousy which had arisen between the States-general and the court of Vienna. He convinced the emperor that they would nov listen to the fallacious overtures of France ; and as a proof of their zeal, he announced their ready concurrence with England, in the promised loan, and the intended reinforcements for Italy. He briefly, but exultingly, announces his success, in a letter to Godolphin, dated Vienna, November 14. " Their only hopes are solely on the queen, they being very much dis- satisfied with the negotiations this summer in Holland. My journey hither has been of some use, in letting the emperor see that his affairs will not allow of his quarrelling with Holland, for that would only end in giving advantage to France." He also listened to the insinuations of Count Wratislaw, and privately engaged to remove Mr. Stepney from the embassy. He afterwards effected this change in such a manner as to conciliate the imperial ministers, and at the same time not to wound the feelings of the British envoy, who was removed to the Hague, in the room of Mr. Stanhope. Conscious that an immediate supply was necessary, to equip and forward the troops destined for Italy, Marlborough did not suffer himself to be shackled by financial consider- ations. In virtue of the authority with which he was in- vested, he not only pledged himself for the loan, but on his own credit, and in the name of Holland and England, he induced the bankers of Vienna to make an immediate advance of 100,000 crowns for the more pressing exigencies of the service. He likewise promised to exert his influence in providing another loan of 250,000/. at 7 per cent, on the mortgage of the mines in Silesia, which, on his arrival in England, he accomplished.* * The French biographer of Marlborough has made a ludicrous mis- take in speaking of this loan. He says that it amounted to three mil- lions sterling, and that the duke subscribed 16,000/. even after he had given 100,000/. as a portion to one of his daughters, v. ii. \\ 135. The list of the subscribers to this loan has been printed, and may be A A 4 360 LIKE OF MARLBOUOUGH. [cil. XLI. During tliis visit, jNIarlboroiigh secured the friendship of Counts Wratislaw and Zinzendorf, the active ministers of the emperor, Avhose good-will he had previously gained ; he also conciliated the confidence of the prime minister, the prince of Salm, with whom he subsequently maintained a frequent and interesting correspondence. Having fulfilled his mission at Vienna, he departed, in company with his son-in-law, Lord Sunderland, and hastened to Berlin, where his diplomatic skill and persuasive powers were equally necessary. In his way, an appeal reached him from the States, complaining that the king of Prussia had recalled three of his regiments from the Upper Rhine, on the plea that the arrears due for their service were not liqui- dated. They acknowledged the cause, but alleged their multiplied expenses, in excuse for the failure. As it might prove an injurious example to the German princes, and had already produced a serious disappointment, in preventing an attack on Homburg, they besought him to interpose his good offices ; and if he could not prevail on the king to revoke his orders, at least to induce him to let his troops return in the spring. On the very evening of his arrival at Berlin, Marlborough held a private conference with the king ; and so completely accommodated himself to his capricious temper, that he en- tirely conciliated his esteem. He availed himself of the concessions which he had obtained from the emperor, to soothe the interested monarch, and persuaded him to renew the treaty for the continuance of the 8000 men in Italy, and to replace the losses which they had incurred by the casual- ties of the preceding campaign. This concession, to use the words of the prime minister himself, was granted " as a mark of respect to the queen, and of particular friendship to the duke." He was welcomed with the same ceremonies and compli- ments as on the former occasion. The king, who was far from prodigal of gifts, presented him with a sword enriched with diamonds, and Lord Sunderland with a diamond ring of considerable value. Marlborough found the Prussian monarch so displeased found in all our histories and the periodical publications of the time, which a biographer of Marlborough ought to have consulted. 1705.] HIS SUCCESS AS A DIPLOMATIST. 361 with the States for the nonpayment of his arrears, and so averse to sutler his troops to remain under the command of the margrave of Baden, that no arrangement could be con- chided, witli regard to the regiments which had been recalled fi"om the Upper Rhine. But though he could not soothe the indignation of the king, he at least suspended its effects, and did not quit Berlin without sanguine hopes that he should accomplish by letters, what he had failed to effect in person. This expectation Avas afterwards realised, though not with- out great dithculty. His next visit was to Hanover, where he had to encounter new obstacles and new difficulties, and to struggle with pre- judices of a different kind. The house of Hanover, as presumptive successors to the throne, were naturally courted by the contending parties in England, and both sides strove to conciliate their favour, by mutual accusations and suggestions of lukewarmness in the cause of the Pi'otestant succession. These party machina- tions produced great effect at the court of Hanover ; for the electress Sophia became a partisan of the Tories, and ttie elector a friend to the Whigs. In this temper of the court, Marlborough reached Hanover, at the moment when intelli- gence arrived of the discussion on the proposal made by Lord Haversham, for inviting the electress to England. As might have been expected, he found the court indignant against the members of administration who had joined the Whigs in their opposition. It was therefore among the first and most essential olyects of his care to soothe this irrita- tion, and his zeal was quickened by a feeling letter from the queen, which reached him on his arrival. "A^bu. 13-24. — The disagreeable proposal of bringing some of the house of Hanover into England, which I have been afraid of so long, is now very near being brought into both Houses of Parliament, which gives me a great deal of uneasiness, for I am of a temper always to fear the worst. There has been assurance given, that Mr. Schultz should have instructions to discourage the propositions ; but as yet he has said no- thing of them, which makes me fear there may be some alterations in this resolution at the court of Hanover. I shall depend upon your kindness and friendship to set them right, in notions of things here, and if they will be quiet I may be so too ; or else I must expect to meet with a great many mortifications." Besides the prejudices entertained by the electoral court 362 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [ciL XLL against the English administration, Marlborougli had to remove a personal jealousy against himself, occasioned by the cautious reserve which, irora delicacy to the queen, he had hitherto maintained. To give effect to his negotiations, and to conquer the pre- judice which the Tories liad inspired, the first care of the British cabinet was, to transmit to Marlborough an official notice of the intended bill for the naturalisation of the elec- toral family, and the regulations for securing their succession. The importance of this regulation was duly appreciated, and the notice itself essentially contributed to restore the members of administration and the Wiiigs to the confidence of the electoral family. The rest was accomplished by the address and fascinating manners of the commander, wlio as seldom negotiated as fought in vain. Knowing the discordant principles of the electress and her son, Marlborough directed his principal efibrts to conciliate the elector, not only for the sake of restoring harmony, but for the advantage which was expected from his influence in the empire. His representations were so far attended with effect, that he soon after announced his success in a letter to Godolphin. "Hanover, Dec. 8. 1705. — The day after I came, I had a very long conversation with this elector, who did not want many arguments to con- vince him that his and the queen's interest were the same. He has com- manded me to assure her majesty that he will never have any thoughts but what may be agreeable to hers." Even the prejudice of the electress herself seems to have been weakened if not conquered ; for we find proofs of an epistolary cori'espondence, and an interchange of presents between her and the duchess. The warm terms in which she speaks of the duke, though savouring of the courtly style, yet show that at least the appearance of cordiality was restored. " I think that after all the kindness you have had the goodness to show me, you will be pleased with my acquainting you with the joy we felt in having had ray lord duke here in person, and in having known that his manners are as obliging and polished as his actions are glorious and ad- mirable. I have testified to him the esteem I feel for the present you have made me of the queen's portrait, which I prize much more than it is possible to prize that of the whole universe, which I send you in tapestry , 1705.] REMONSTRANCE OF EUGENE. 363 and for that reason I desire other opportunities of giving proofs of my gratitude and the passion witli which I am," &c. * Indeed soon afterwards we find the purpose of the British cabinet accomplished ; for the electress herself not only dis- avowed an impolitic complaint, which had been made by Sir Rowland Gwynne f against the lukewarmness of the Whigs, but testified her perfect confidence in the sincerity ot the queen, and her grateful acknowledgments for the care which had been taken to secure her succession. After these successful negotiations, Marlborough flattered himself with sanguine hopes that he should meet with no obstructions at the Hague, where he ari'ived on the 11th of December. Notwithstanding, however, the great and successful exer- tions of the duke in healing the disputes between the cabinets of Vienna and the Hague ; notwithstanding his precautions to ensure the advance of the loan, and to obtain the fulfil- ment of the promises made by the cabinets of London and the Hague, for the proposed augmentation of troops ; yet their lukewarmness, tardiness, and jealousy suspended the execution of these arrangements, and he was assailed with messages of disappointment from the emperor, and reproaches from Eugene and Wratislaw.J Prince Eugene to the Dttke of Marlborough. " Dec. 2. — I received your highness's letter of the 20th from Vienna, and I hope that you are recovered from your indisposition, and that this will find you at the Hague. His imperial majesty has, through Count Wratislaw, communicated to me what passed during your continuance at Vienna, and has ordered me to send this courier to your highness with my sentiments on the war in Italy. All Europe knows its great im- portance, as well from the diversion it occasions to the French, as from the prodigious expenses it requires, without reckoning the 12,000 men which they have already lost in that country, since the commencement * Translation from the French original in the Marlborough Papers. + Sir Rowland Gwynne, who was resident at Hanover, wrote on tlie 1st of January an imprudent letter to the earl of Stamford, in which he bitterly inveiiihed against the Whigs for opposing the invitation, and not only justified the proposition itself, but conveyed a strong hint that the electress was desirous to repair to England. This letter being pub- lished, was declared a libel by the two houses, and the printer fined. — Tindal, v. xvi. p. 200. ^ A principal minister of the emperor, and formerly envoy extraor- dinary at the British court Ed. 364 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLI. of hostilities. It is evident France maintains 112 battalions and 118 squadrons, in the territory hetwecii I'icdinont and Lonihardy, without including the Spanish troo])s, and those tliat are stationed in Provence, Daui)hin(^', and the neighbouring provinces. " It is an axiom that no breach can be made in France, except through Italy. This fact is evident, from the efibrts of the king of France to support this war, and iiis coin|)arative indilference in other quarters ; for this army has never been diminished ; but on the contrary, this moment is increasing witli considerable reinforcements. The conduct of the French is sufficient to induce the emi)eror and the allies to follow their example, for the purpose of obtaining a solid and permanent peace, which may secure the repose of Europe ; because France will never offer any reasonable coiiditions as long as she is in possession of Italy. Your highness will not, I trust, ascribe these arguments entirely to a zeal for the interest of the emperor, and of the duke of Savoy, as the head of my family ; but rather to my anxiety for the advantage of all the con- federates, and the safety of Europe, for which so much l)lood has been shed during thirty years in general, and during this war in particular. " What, however, grieves me is, that in my opinion his imperial ma- jesty is incapable of alone supporting this war any longer, as he has hitherto done, by exhausting his territories of men and money ; althougii all these sacrifices have not been sufficient to attain that superiority, without which, war must be unsuccessful in a country wherein the enemies are in possession of all the fortified places, rivers, and magazines. " It is only then by a superiority of force that we can take sure posts, necessary for establishing magazines, and afterwards by pushing into the interior, act offensively with less expense, and form a junction with the duke of Savoy, to gain that superiority which will be the ruin of the French arms in Italy, because France cannot without that advantage maintain a communication with her own territories. Nevertheless, should not the maritime powers act in concert with his imperial majesty, I must advise the emperor not to lose a moment in withdrawing his troops, before they are quite ruined, and in recommending his royal highness to make the best accommodation in his power. I candidly allow that this advice seems extraordinary, but on considering the state of affairs, it ap- pears the only means not to lose the whole. As to myself, I trust that on many occasions I have proved my zeal for the service of my master ; yet I must declare, that no consideration shall induce me to make another campaign like the last, in which I wanted every thing. I know at the same time that the emperor employs every exertion in his power to pre- serve his army ; but your highness cannot have failed to judge during your stay at Vienna, whether it be possible for a sovereign, who is em- barrassed with a war in every part of his dominions, to supply the neces- sary expenses, here and elsewhere, and furnish the requisite number of troops, without which hostilities cannot be carried on with any prospect of advantage. I therefore repeat my opinion, that as the only means of supporting this war, the maritime powers must grant a loan of -250,0001. on some secure funds, and reinforce this army with 10,000 men ; his im- 1705.] LETTER FROM COUNT AVRATISLAW. S6G perial majesty binding himself to recruit his infantry, and remount his cavalry. '' As I trust the business of Catalonia is now completed, it is also ne- cessary that a squadron and troops should threaten the coast of Nice or those of Italy, as well to save Nice as to cover Naples, and keep open the communications with Catalonia, as opportunity may serve, and also to exact contributions from Genoa, Florence, and other states. By this method, I trust this war may be finished promptly and successfullv, otherwise the emperor ought not to lose a moment in withdrawing his troops, and concerting with his allies where he may employ them to the best advantage. These are my sentiments relating to the war of Italy ; but a prompt resolution must be taken to enable me to form my plans, and save the remains of an army which has for five years main- tained, with so much courage and firmness, sucli an arduous war, and which has infused terror into the enemy, notwithstanding their superiority and other advantages. " In regard to the Rhine, Prince Louis cannot act more successfully for the allies than by besieging Saar Louis, and advancing on the side of the Moselle ; but his army is not sufficiently strong to cover the lines of Biel and Haguenau, and to make that siege. " Here the campaign is as warm as in the month of June; the troops from the two camps not only cannonade each other, but even the infantry maintain a mutual fire from one camp to the other. The enemy at- tempted three days ago to force this fort; but I saved it by rapidly ad- vancing with my dragoons, followed by the infantry. On dismounting, the enemy suspended their attack, and are now only parted from us the distance of half a musket shot, while we are encamped as we were. " I entreat your highness to continue your friendship, and to accept the sentiments of veneration with which I am," &c. Count Wratislaw to the Duke of Marlborough. " Vienna, Dec. 12. — I learned from yours of the 3d, that the treaty with the king of Prussia for the troops of Italy was concluded, and that they will be in Bavaria at the end of February; but I am much dis- pleased in hearing at the same time, that no arrangement has been made for those of the empire, which will not only retard our intended project towards the Saar, but will likewise alarm the powers of the North : and who can tell whether the king of Prussia may not take a fancy to inter- fere in the war of Poland, as we have certain information that he has opened a negotiation with Sweden, as well as with the czar and the king of Poland? " This messenger is despatched to Holland to quicken the resolution of the maritime powers, in forwarding the succours of money and troops for Italy. Prince Eugene, I know, has notified to your highness the state of his troops, their sufferings, and the absolute necessity of succour- ing him, or withdrawing from Italy. This being done by Prince Eugene, his imperial majesty ordered me to refer you to his statement, and to conjure you to write to him without delay, as a man of honour, and in virtue of your promise, on which we confidently rely. For after the 366 LIFE OF MAllLBOROUGII. [ciI. XLI. relation given by Count Guido Stahremberg, who is just arrived here, it is true that we require realities, and not merely hopes, without which, in conformity with tlie oi)inion of all tiie generals, we must recall the troops, to ])revent their future (iesfniction. " You cannot iniafiine the concern of his imperial n)ajesty at finding that the first :i()0,(X)0 crowns are not yet supplied either by B^ngland or Holland, on the confidence of whicii payment we wholly relied. We marched our troops from the empire during winter, when they could not l)e sujjported without magazines. This delay alarms us much, and fills us with apprehensions, that the negotiations for peace are in forwardness, and proves what little reliance we can place on the succours promised by the two powers, when the advance of such a trifling sum, which has been so often promised, and which ought to have been already transmitted ta Frankfort, is not made. " These alarms so well founded, and the absolute impossibility of main- taining the war in Italy witliout your aid, compel the emperor and Prince Eugene to draw the army towards the Tyrol, and to suspend, till we re- ceive your answer, the march of the recruits ; for to speak frankly to you, we foresee that we shall be obliged by misery to recall our troops. I well know the inconveniences which must result from such a measure; but what can we do, when we have no other resource than to trust to Provi- dence, and to hear the cruel fate, to which our own inability, and the negligence of our friends condemn us. " The conduct of the Hungarian chiefs in pillaging Austria, and de- laying to give an answer to the proposal of either an armistice or of peace, sufficiently proves that they have no thoughts of peace ; but are only intent to unite themselves by continuing the war, and to retire from that country as soon as they can no longer pillage. We have positive assur- ances that our troops have defeated them on the frontiers of Transylvaniay and have effected a junction with Rabutin ; and in my opinion, in the ensuing campaign, either by force or by an accommodation, we shall pacify the troubles if we can but hold out till the spring ; for as soon as the troops arrive from Transylvania, and the fortresses, particularly Great Waradin, are supplied with provisions, we shall direct our attacks against them in a more vulnerable point. " Do not judge by what I have said that we are not inclined to peace ; for I pledge my honour, that we are sincerely desirous of it, and on con- ditions highly advantageous to the Hungarians ; and 1 would only infer from what I have said, that if we are supported one year longer in Italy, we shall be in a situation to support ourselves. To return to the negotiation in Holland, I canni)t sufficiently express our concern and surprise in observing, that the emissaries of France are freely permitted to appear at the Hague. Your highness will recollect that you assured us they would be dismissed, and we gave full credit to your assertion, on which account we have not made any pressing remonstrances. But now, when we see them appearing in public, and that they no longer are con- cealed as before, what other opinion can we form, except that the negoti- ations are far advanced ? We are not surprised at the silence of England ; and what the queen said to her parliament may be as much intended ta 1705.] LETTER FROM COUNT WRATISLAW. 367 press France to finish the treaty, as to induce the States-general to con- tinue the war, and terminate the unfortunate negotiation which alarms the prince's allies, because each of them deems himself in a situation to imitate Holland in opening the door to ne2;otiation ; and we already are acquainted with various intrigues of the German princes, who have fol- lowed the example of the Dutch. Permit me then to observe, that if England is not admitted into the secret, and does not connive at the ne- gotiation, I must hope that the queen will take some public steps against those measures which will be so injurious to us, will alienate all the minor princes of the empire, and will be followed by repentance when too late. " Our alliances declare, and our reciprocal interests require, that we should do nothing without general participation ; nevertheless nothing is communicated to us. Certainly this period is not fit for negotiation ; but if it must be entered into right or wrong, why are we not permitted to bring forward our own interests, as each person is better acquainted with his own particular interest, than with those of others ? and if we do not combine particular interests with the general system of Europe, the great power of France will swallow us up one after the other. " The abominable Treaty of Partition has sufficiently proved how- much the Dutch politicians were deceived, and how dearly Europe has suffered for their false principles That private negotiation is the cause of all our present inconveniences. The house of Austria was thrown into a fatal despondency, and she will fall into a still greater, if the same conduct is pursued. I will say no more on this subject, because your highness is fully sensible of its injurious consequences. " I will only add, that his imperial majesty has enjoined me to assure you of his esteem and friendship, solely relying on you to relieve us, by your communications, from this state of doubt and uncertainty." After mentioning the refusal of the margrave of Baden to repair to Vienna, at the emperor's request, and expressing the concern of his imperial majesty and the prince of vSalm at this disrespectful conduct, he adds in a postscript : — " 1 cannot conclude without frankly observing to your highness, that a prompt succour in men and money is necessary for Italy, or at least we must entreat you to be so kind as to tell us plainly that it cannot be granted ; for we are in that case reduced to the necessity of withdrawing our troops from Italy." These letters from Eugene and Wratislaw deeply affected the honour and verity of the Duke of Marlborough, because they contained reflections on the conduct of the maritime powers, as if they had failed in the performance of what he had solemnly pledged himself to obtain, and as if the Dutch were .still engaged in open negotiations with France. Marlborough accordingly exerted himself with more than 868 LIFF, OF MARLBOnOUGH. [CH. XLL his usual energy, in carrying into effect the arrangements which he had concluded at Vienna and Berlin, and in coun- teracting the insidious overtures of" France. Fortunately for the honour of England, and the credit of the duke, the queen and i)arliament had given evident proofs of their zeal and sincerity in the cause of the emperor. Be- sides liberal grants for the war in the Low Countries, supplies were voted for the augmentation of 10,000 men to be era- ployed in Italy ; for the same number in Portugal, and for 5000 in Catalonia. In the course of a few days, additional succours in men and money were also voted, as the propor- tion of England for prosecuting the successes of King Charles in the eastern parts of Spain. The addresses of both houses also breathed the most ardent zeal for the prosecution of the war, and expressed a hope that the allies would follow the great and noble example set by the queen. Notwithstanding the animating effect of this example, the British negotiator had, as usual, to struggle against numer- ous obstacles, arising from the tardiness and complicated forms of the Dutch government, as well as from the machi- nations of the French party. He had also experienced great difficulty in arranging with the States the measures for aug- menting the confederate army, in obtaining the payment of the loan to the court of Vienna, and in raising funds for the troops in Catalonia. We refer to his correspondence for an account of his embarrassments, and the means by which they were overcome. To Lord Godolphin. " Hague, Dec. 15. 1705. — I came here last night, and do assure you that I have not been idle one minute, so that I might be ready to take the first opportunity of a fair wind, which makes me very much wish for the convoy. It is a great pleasure to me to see by your letters the good resolutions the parliament takes for carrying on the war with vigour. But I am sorry at the same time to tell you, that these people are so far from advancing their proportion of the 250, 000 crowns for Catalonia, that they say it will be impossible for them to comply with what they are already engaged for. I have very much of the spleen upon this subject, so that I could say a great deal, but shall not trouble you till I have the happiness of seeing you, which I hope will be by the middle of next week. " I send you the inclosed letter, that you may see Prince Eugene's opinion as to the war in Italy. If we cannot help them, that army will certainly return, which I think would be a very fatal thing." 1705.] EXTRACTS FROM HIS LETTERS. 36^ " Hague, Dec, 22. — You will see by the letters from Vienna, that the Hungarians are far from being inclined to a peace ; and I am assured that the elector of Bavaria has received a letter from Ragotski that as- sures him they will never make peace, but at the same time he shall have his country restored to him. I am also very much afraid of ill news from Prince Eugene ; so that if we should not be able to support the success in Catalonia, the hearts of the people in this country would be broke. At this time I think they are convinced they have been abused, and that France had no intentions of giving them such a peace as they thought themselves masters of, so that this year 1 reckon we may depend on their going on with the war." " Dec. 25 The States of Holland, seeing that there was no likelihood of my having the convoy before the next week at soonest, the wind being at east, they are separated till Tuesday, without coming to such resolu- tions as are absolutely necessary to he done before I leave this place, among which is that of the state of the war, which for the good of the ser- vice should have been done above a month ago. But the truth is, that every thing here is in that distraction, that there is no government. How- ever, you may be assured they will go on with the war for this year ; but as they pretend to want every thing, it will not be with that vigour it ought. I am assured that at their meeting on Tuesday they will adopt a resolution of taking some pretext for the sending one of their members to the queen ; but the true business of his embassy will be, to represent to her majesty their sad condition. If I should have no news of the convoy by this day se'nnight, I shall be obliged to come m the packet- boat, or be frozen up in this country, for at this time it freezes very hard ; but of this I say nothing, fearing they might hear it at Dunkirk." " Hague, Dec. 25. — I have received yours of the 4th and 7th, and you may believe 'tis the only satisfaction I have in my confinement here, for want of the convoy, to hear that her majesty's affairs go on well in parliament. " The States will pay their quota of the :iOO,000 crowns, which is very seasonable, as Prince Eugene's army are much in want of every necessary. " " Jan. 4. 1706. — They have at last agreed to my proposal, for sending 10,000 men to Prinpe Eugene into Italy, so that there remains now only the consent of the elector palatine, they having found money for their part of the augmentation; so that I sent last night Count Lech- teraine to Dusseldorp. A copy of his instructions I have sent for Mr. Secretary Harley ; I have also acijuainted the emperor of it, by expres-,, that he might lose no time in sending the news to Italy. " Count Lechteraine is this minute come from Dusseldorp. I send you enclosed a copy of the elector's letter to me, by which you may ste that I am in hopes to finish the treaty by Thursday ; for on Friday I will embark if the wind be fair, and leave instructions with Mr. Stanhope for finishing what I may leave undone." Marlborough then prevailed on the States to advance their share of the funds furnished for the service in Catalonia, and VOL. I. B B 370 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLI. to augment the forces in Portugal, that Lord Galway might detach 5000 or 6000 men into that country. " I am of your opinion," lie writes to Godolphin, " that our first trouble must be for supplying King Charles in Cataloiiia, and Prince Eugene in Italy, for which I am i)ressing the States to send more than 4000 men into Italy, which 1 do not desjjair of obtaining. I am afraid it will be impossible to get the Prussian troops to march back for Germany this winter. I have written to Vienna, that they would lose no time in sending some person of consideration to settle what may be necessary with the king, so that those troops may be sure to return in time." He arranged the treaty with the elector palatine with his usual address and secrecy. Convinced that if he demanded the 10,000 men promised for the augmentation of the Italian army, he should not succeed, he first prevailed on the Dutch to consent to the march of 3000 Palatines, in the joint pay of the maritime powers. He next obtained from the elector an engagement for the service of 7000 men then employed in Germany and the Netherlands. To these were to be joined 3000 troops of Saxe Gotha, in the pay of the maritime powers, making a total of 10,000 men, of whom 4000 were to march without delay. At the same time, however, to pre- vent a diminution of the army in the Netherlands, he secretly prevailed on the elector to supply an additional body of 3000 men ; and the arrangement was embodied in a treaty concluded on the 6th of May. These forces were to be paid by the maritime powers, in the same proportion as the other auxiliaries ; namely, two thirds by England and one by Holland. Marlborough also not only parried the pressing instances of Buys for peace, but induced the Dutch government to depute him to England, for the purpose of disavowing the acceptance of any overture from France, and for maturing the preparations and arrangements which were necessary before the opening of the campaign. * * Lamberti, t. iii. p. 7t>2. 767. ; and t. iv. p. 60. 62. 1705, 1706.] LIBELLED BY THE TORIE!-. 371 Chap. XLII, — Returns to England. — 1705, 1706. While Marlborough continued at the Hague, maturing the preparations for the ensuing campaign, he, Avith his friend Godolphin, was exposed to the most malicious invectives, in consequence of the inclination which they had recently mani- fested to coalesce with the Whigs. This coalition was regarded by the Tories as a dereliction of their principles ; and with a view to operate equally on the fears of the queen, and of a large body among the people, who considered the Whigs as enemies to the religious establishment, a clamour was raised that the church was in danger. This plea was advanced in numerous libels of the most virulent kind, in which Marlborough and Godolphin were severely arraigned, for deserting their former friends, for combining with tlie enemies of the church, and for assisting to defeat the bill against occasional conformity. Among the rest, " The Memorial of the Church of Eng- land" attracted particular notice, and made a deep impres- sion. A single extract will suffice to display the tone assumed in this inflammatory production. " All attempts," observes the author, " to settle the church on a perpetual foundation have been opposed and rendered ineffectual, by ministers who owe their present grandeur to its protection, and who, witli a prevarication as shameful as their ingratitude, pretend to vote and speak for it themselves, and bribe others with pen- sions and places to vote against it." Nor was this accusation confined to the ministei'S : less pointed though not less in- jurious reflections were cast on the queen herself, for con- senting to the removal of the Tory chiefs, from the disgrace of Rochester, to the recent dismission of Buckingham, who were held forth as the patrons and assertors of the church. This libel was transmitted to Marlborough, in the midst of his operations on the Ische, but was laid aside till he reached the camp of Corbais. Notwithstanding the heavy chagrin which weighed on his mind, the perusal drew from him some remarks, in a more jocund style than his corre- spondence generally assumes. To Lord Godolphin. " August 24. — In this camp I have had time to read the pamphlet called ' The Memorial of the Church of England.' I think it the most 372 LIFE OF MAKLBOROUGH. ^^CH. XLTl. impudent and scurrilous thing I ever read. If the author can be found I do not doubt but he will be punished ; for if such liberties may be taken, of writing scandalous lies without being punished, no government can stand long. Notwithstanding what I have said, I cannot forbear laughing, when I think they would have you and I pass for fanatics, and the duke of Buckingham and Lord Jersey for pillars of tlie church ; the one being a Roman Catholic in King James's reign, and the other would have been a Quaker, or any other religion that would have pleased the late king. All these proceedings make me weary of being in this world ; but as long as I can be of any U'ie to her majesty, I will undergo any difficulties to show her my duty and gratitude ; and as I am sure you will never let any of these violent proceedings make you weary of serving the queen, be assured that I will not only venture my life, but my quiet, which is far dearer to me, to show the world the esteem and friendship I have for you." To the duchess, whose irritable temper could ill brook the lash of public censure, and who on this, as on other occa- sions, importuned him with her complaints, he gave advice no less judicious than manly. ■' Tirlemont, Sept. 7. — I received last night a letter from you without a date, by which I see there is another scurrilous pamphlet come out. The best way of putting an end to that villany is not to apjDear con- cerned. The best of men and women in all ages have been ill used. If we can be so happy as to behave ourselves, so as to have no reason to re- proach ourselves, we may then despise what rage and faction do." The cabinet at length found it necessary to check the licentiousness of the press. David Evans, the printer of the Memorial, was brought to trial, and being convicted of the oifence, was lined and sentenced to the pillory, but fled from the hands of justice. By the same motive which suggested this prosecution, the Whigs wei-e prompted to submit the question, which created such clamour, to the decision of parliament ; and they found a ready acquiescence on the part of the queen, who was offended at the disrespectful reproaches with which she had been assailed by the Tories. AVith the concurrence of the ministers. Lord Halifax made a motion in the House of Peers, to appoint a day for inquiring into the dangers of the church " about which so many ter- rible stories had been recently published ;" and the 6th of January was fixed for the discussion of the momentous question. Lord Rochester opened the debate, and marshalled the charges advanced by his party under three heads. He 1705, 1706.] THE CHURCH IN DANGEK, 373 argued that the church was exposed to danger, from the act of security passed in Scotland, from the failure of the bill against occasional conformity, and finally from the rejection of the motion to invite the presumptive lieir of the crown to England. He was supported by others of congenial senti- ments, in the same strain of argument. On the opposite side, Halifax and Wharton as bitterly reprobated the un- founded alarms which had been propagated ; and Somers, the great orator of the Whigs, after censuring the authors of such reports, as actuated by the basest motives, to embroil the nation at home, and defeat the glorious designs of the queen abroad, concluded a manly and impressive speech, with an animated eulogium on the conduct of the existing administration. The motion was not only negatived by a large majority, but a vote was passed that the church had been rescued from extreme danger by William III., and was safe and flourishing under the happy government of the queen. It was farther declared, that such as should insinuate to the contrary were enemies to the queen, the church, and the country. On the ensuing day the Lords acquainted the Commons with these proceedings, desiring their concurrence ; and both houses joined in an address to the queen, soliciting her ma- jesty to punish the authors and disseminators of the malicious reports wliich had agitated the public mind. A letter from Harley to Marlborough proves tiiat the mo- derate Tories on this occasion entered with zeal into the views of the Whigs. " Dec. 11-22. — On Saturday the Commons entered upon the consi- deration of the Lords' vote, that the church was in danger. The debate was very long, managed with as nmch impotent impertinent malice as ever I saw. They were not spared by the other side, but were dared and defied to produce an instance, in any of her majesty's ministers, which was contrary to the jjublic good and interest of the kingdom. They did not dare to divide, but upon the latter clause, of declaring the reporters of such things enemies to her majesty, &c., and that was carried against them by above fifty votes." The reply from the throne was in perfect unison with the voice of parliament, and a proclamation was immediately issued for discovering the author of the Memorial, and the apprehension of Evans the printer. The proceedings which 374 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH, XLU. followed, it would be tedious to recapitulate. We shall only observe, that this celebrated production was traced to the hand of the Rev. Doctor Drake, and the prosecution insti- tuted against him tailed for want of attention to legal form- alities. The victory thus gained over the Tories was rendered doubly gratifying by the arrival of Marlborough. He made his first appearance in the House of Peers on the 7tli of January, and the same day received in person tlie thanks of the Commons for his great services in the last campaign, and for his prudent negotiations with her majesty's allies. To the committee appointed to convey these thanks, the duke replied : " I am so sensible of this honour, that I cannot have the least concern at the reflection of any private malice, while I enjoy the satisfaction of finding my faithful endea- vours to serve the queen and the kingdom so favourably accepted by the House of Commons." He alludes in these -words to a libel, published by Mr. Stephens, rector of Sutton, under the title of " A Letter to the Author of the Memorial of the Church of England," severely ari-aigning his conduct during the last campaign. Although the author of the Memorial was not visited with the punishment due to his offence, the writer of this letter was not suffered to escape with the same impunity. He was arrested by order of the secretary of state, and after convic- tion in the Queen's Bench, was sentenced to a fine of 100 marks, and to stand twice in the pillory. The prospect of this degrading punishment overcame his zeal ; and besides a public recantation, -vvhicli has been already printed *, lie appealed to the compassion of the Duchess of Marlborough, tiirough the agency of a friend. " Pardon me that I am troublesome to solicit your assistance in my afflicted condition, which I should make a shift to go through well enough, if the corporal punishment did affect nobody besides mj'self. But I have a wife, who loves me with a most hearty affection, and is as well beloved by me, and she told me when I was coming last from home to London, that if she should hear that I were pillored, she was sure it would kill her. And if that should so fall out, I know not how I could possibly bear it ; and God knows what would become of six poor children. " Methinks if you could prevail upon the archbishop of Canterbury * History of Europe for 1 706. 1705, 1706. J HIS CLEMENuv. 375 to intercede witli the queen, to remit the standing in the pillory, for the sake of the character which I bear (that is of a clergyman), it would be an argument of that nature which would not be opposed by any oue about the court. Though the libel which I published was judged to be malicious in the construction and eye of the law, and therefore my pu- nishment is so great; yet, God knows my heart, that I never bore the least ill will to the queen or the Duke of Marlborough in all my life. I am confined to the Horn alehouse, over against the Queen's Bench pri- son in Southwark, where I should be glad to hear from you, in my un- comfortable condition, being your afflicted obliged servant, " Friday noon. Wm. Stepheks." The duchess was moved by this appeal, and earnestly interceded with the queen for a remission of the degrading part of his punishment. The answer of Anne proves how warm an interest she took in the reputation of the duke, and the reluctance with which she exercised the royal mercy. " Wednesday noon. — I have, upon my dear Mrs. Freeman's pressing letter about Mr. Stephens, ordered Mr. Secretary Harley to put a stop to his standing in the pillory till farther orders, which is in effect the same thing as if he was pardoned. Nothing but your desire could have inclined me to it, for in my poor opinion it is not right. My reason I will tell you when I have the happiness of seeing you ; till then, my dear Mrs. Freeman, farewell." The duke, though so deeply wounded by the scurrilous attack, was too magnanimous to cherisli feelings of vengeance against the author ; and left the vindication of his character to the offended laws of his country. Before the conviction, he observes to his wife : — ' Borchloen, May 9-20. 1706. — It is impossible for my dearest soul to imagine the uneasy thoughts T have every day, in tliinking that I have the curse at my age of being in a foreign country from you, and at the same time very little prospect of being able to do any considerable service for my country or the common cause. * * * * " I agree entirely with you, that Stephens ought not to be forgiven before sentence. But after he is in the queen's power, if her majesty has no objection to it, I should be glad he were forgiven : but I submit it to her majesty's pleasure and the opinion of my friends. I do not know who the author of the review is, but I do not love to see my name in print ; for I am persuaded that an honest man must be justified by his own actions, and not by the pen of a writer, though he should be a zea- lous friend." On the remission of the corporal punishment, he thus ex- presses his satisfaction : — " May 20. — I am very glad you have prevailed with the queen for B B 4 376 MFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. XLII. pardoning Steplicns. I sliould have been very uneasy it the law had not found him guilty, but much more uneasy if lie hafl sufTercd the punish- ment on my account." From his arrival in London to his departure, I\Iarlborough was, as usual, employed in making the military preparations for the ensuing campaign. On this occasion, he found him- self far differently situated than in the preceding session, when he was exposed to the factious opposition of both parties. The high Tories had wholly lost their political con- sequence ; the moderate of the party cordially joined in sup- porting the measures of government ; while the Whigs seemed to possess the favour of the queen, the friendship of Godol- phin, and the confidence of the nation, and had obtained a considerable ascendency in the new parliament. Already had Godolphin expressed his satisfaction at the conduct of the Whigs, both in his public and private capacity, and he earnestly requested his friend to overcome his poli- tical bias, and coalesce with those who so justly merited his confidence. Marlborough accordingly announced his willing- ness to accede to this request. In reply he observes : — " Hague, Dec. 25. — 1 have had the happiness of two of yours since my last, and I beg that you will do me the justice to believe that at my arrival you shall govern me entirely as to my behaviour ; for I shall with all my heart live friendly with those that have shown so much friendship to you and service to the queen." The queen was highly gratified with the conduct of the Whigs during this stoi'my session, and in particular with their manly opposition to the proposal of inviting the electress Sophia, at which she was greatly offended. Her gratitude for their support produced a temporary suspension of her political antipathy, and she expressed this change of senti- ment in terms of unusual cordiality to the duchess. " I believe, dear Mrs. Freeman, we shall not disagree ext campaign, whilst they are doing their utmost. Another is, to let the world see that they have been managing a treaty these last twelve months. If it were possible to have their proposals without entering into a treaty, I should think that were best ; for I am very sure they would not be liked by the confederates ; and if they have not an opportunity given them to make a proposal, they will endeavour to induce every country to believe that they should have ottered what would have been most agreeable to them. " I beg I may not be employed in this first step : Mr. Stepney will be very proper. The deputies are very desirous of having my opinion, that they might have sent it to the Hague ; but I desired to be excused, by telling them that my opinion in this matter must be governed by her majesty's commands, and that I was sure the States would give no answer, till they had consulted with her. I shall go to Brussels on Wednesday next, being the 27th, and begin my journey to the Hague on the 2d of the next month. By the inclosed letter from the pensionary you will see what he desires of me. Whatever the queen would have me do at the Hague, I beg I may have her commands by the next post ; for I shall be very uneasy till I come to England ; for I have never been so uneasy as I am at this time, since her majesty's coming to the crown. I thought to have sent this last night, but was disappointed, so that you will have no other by this night's post. Being to march to-morrow, I have chose this day for seeing the army under their arms, which is a sort of taking leave, though I do not intend to quit them till the second of the next month, at which time I design to send them to their several garrisons." " Brussels, Oct. 29. — I have been in such a hurry since I came to this town, that I have but just time to tell you I have had the favour of two of yours, and I beg you will make my excuse to Lord Halifax, for my not having time by this post to acknowledge the favour of his, and thank him for the copy of his letter to the pensioner, which will be of use to me when I come to the Hague. This will be about the end of the next week, for I shall leave this place on Sunday, and separate the army on the 3d of the next month, and the same day begin my journey to the Hague, where my inclinations will lead me to make as little stay as possible, though the pensionary tells me I must stay to finish the treaty of succession and their barrier, which, should I stay the whole winter, 1 am very confident would not be brought to perfection. For they are of so many minds, and all so very extravagant concerning their barrier, that I despair of doing any good till they are more reasonable, which they will not be till they see that they have it not in their power to dispose of the Low Countries at their will and pleasure, in which the French flatter them. Mr. Stepney has his powers for Holland, but not for this country ; but I hope he will meet them at the Hague, where I think it is for the queen's service he should be, till 1 come for England ; so that I may be the better able to inform him of all that shall pass." 1706.] PROPOSALS OF PEACE. 493 A matter of such importance was taken into immediate consideration, and the decision of the queen was imparted to the duke by Secretary Hedges, and inclosed in a letter from Lord Godolphin, dated October 21. o. s. " I can never thank you enough for all your kind letters which I have received, particularly those by this messenger, who goes back to you with her majesty's opinion and orders upon the letters you sent by him, from the elector of Bavaria. I shall add nothing to the particulars which you will receive by Mr. Secretary Hedges, but that they have been con- sidered by all our friends here, as the shortness of the time would allow, and upon the whole we think them so reasonable and so fair, as that you will do yourself but right in insisting upon them there And I think you may depend upon being supported in it here. Besides what is mentioned in Mr. Secretary's letter, the conferences proposed, if they should be admitted, could not fail of giving an immediate ease and support to all France, which lies almost gasping at this time, under an excessive want both of money and credit. I shall long, therefore, very impatiently, for the return of this messenger, and to hear that this blow has been avoided. " There needs not, I think, any other answer to the letters you have sent me from the pensioner, than what you will find in my Lord Halifax's letters to him, and to yourself, concerning our remarks upon the treaty for the barrier and the succession, which is, in one word, that it is too general ; and when they please to particularise the plans they propose for their barrier, and the troops necessary to maintain them, we shall agree. " As to the preliminary treaty for the guarantee of the future peace, which the pensioner mentions in his letter to you, I think that must, for the present, be only in general terms, except this treaty for the barrier and succession should be first concluded, in which case it might be parti- cularly warranted in the preliminary treaty." From Sir Charles Hedges. " Whitehall, Oct. '21. -Nov. 1. — Having laid before the queen copies of the letters sent by your grace from the elector of Bavaria, to yourself and the deputies of the States, relating to a peace, her majesty has judged it for her service that your grace should, upon this occasion, explain very particularly to the States-general her majesty's thoughts concerning that matter. " The queen did find herself obliged last winter to express her sense of a peace in general, in a very public and solemn manner. Her majesty is now pleased farther to declare, that she entered at first into this war, in conjunction with her allies, and for their support, and has ever since con- tinued it at an extraordinary expense to her subjects, with no other view or design, than to procure for herself and her allies an honourable and durable peace. " Her majesty hopes it must be evident to all the world, that the great successes with which it has pleased God to bless the arms of the allies, 494 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGn. [CH. L. have given them a fair and reasonable j)rospect of obtaining such a peace. In order, therefore, to adjust the particular terms of it, so as that the same good friendship and correspondence in wiiich her majesty has lived with the States-general, ever since her accession to the crown, and which she desires to cultivate and inijjrove with the greatest care, inay continue as firm and immovable after the peace as it has been during the war; her majesty is of opinion, that the fiist jiroper step would be, for herself and the States-general to concert and agree, betwixt themselves, upon such a scheme of a peace as may be honourable and safe both for themselves and for the rest of the allies. And her majesty cannot but look upon this method as more honourable for the allies, and more effectual for the end desired, than the conferences proposed by the elector of Bavaria in the name of France, for the foundation of a treaty, without so much as knowing what particulars arc to be considered in that treaty. Of which conferences, therefo^re, her majesty cannot see any other use than to dis- tract the allies wifti jealousy, and to divert them from making in time their necessary pre))arations for continuing the war. These are her majesty's thoughts and apprehensions of this matter; and incase they meet with the approbation of the States, as her majesty hopes they will, she thinks it proper to add, that she is willing to enter upon the adjust- ment of particulars betwixt herself and the States, in such manner, and at such time, as they shall think fit. In which case also, her majesty thinks it proper that your answer to the elector of Bavaria should be concerted with the States, and agree with the answer from their deputies, that so England and Holland may appear to France to be uniform and of one mind in the transaction of this great affair, by which means it cannot fail of having a happy conclusion."* The decisive opinion manifested by the British govern- ment, and the judicious reasons on which it w^as founded, weighed with the more patriotic members of the States, and silenced the clamours of the rest. To prevent the repeti- tion of a similar artifice, a resolution was taken to form a series of preliminaries, which were not merely to be offered to France as the common claims of the confederates, but were to be understood as a mutual pledge among themselves, to sup- port the terms on which the future peace was to be founded. This important document was drawn up by Marlborough, in conjunction with the members of the States ; and being transmitted to England for consideration, was returned with the sanction of the queen, accompanied by some remarks of the treasurer. From Lord Godolphin. " Oct. 22. - Nov. 2. — The messenger arrived this morning, and brought me the favour of yours of the 12th and 14th, with the papers inclosed. * Draught in the Marlborough Papers. 1706.] PRELIMINARIES OF PEACE. 495 I have also seen your letter to Mr. Secretary Hedges, with the paper of preliminaries, of which he sends you, by this post, the queen's appro- bation, provided we keep strictly to every one of them. " I observe the form of these preliminary articles, which you have sent over, is a little different from what was proposed by the queen. Her majesty's proposal was, that we should concert and agree to the preliminary articles of a peace to be offered to France, whereas the title of this paper runs thus: ' Preliminaries for a treaty of peace, in case France can be induced to make the offers in the name both of the king of France, and the duke of Anjou.' I don't know that there is any thing essential in this observation ; but I had a mind to take notice of it to you, that you might judge whether this difference in the form were only casual, or whether it were affected. " I find my letter of the 25th of October has been thrown into the sea. You have escaped a good deal of trouble by it, for it was very long, and full of complaints of the emperor's taking possession of the duchy of Milan in his own name, though obtained by our money ; but if these preliminaries take place, that complaint will be pretty well cured. Now if Holland will hold firm to them, I am of opinion, that first or last they will take place ; for, besides all the successes of France, they will have a ruin increasing every day upon them in the point of their money, which they are not sensible of themselves, nor cannot be able to have a right notion of it, from any thing that has happened of that kind within the memory of man in that kingdom. I agree with you that France will not at first receive these proposals ; but I incline to think they will not absolutely reject them, but endeavour to moderate some articles, and graft something upon others ; so as to keep on foot a negotiation upon them, and by that means hope to slacken the preparations of the allies, and gain time to hearten and encourage their friends in Holland. " It may, therefore, deserve your consideration, whether there should not be a time prefixed and limited to them, within which they should be obliged to declare their final resolution of accepting or refusing them. " I don't trouble you with one word about the barrier ; because having communicated the whole to Lord Somers and Lord Sunderland, I send you a letter unsealed from my Lord Halifax, with whose thoughts upon that subject I entirely concur ; and if they can agree to their own demands, I don't see why any scruples on our part should take up two hours' time. " The powers are sent as you desired for Mr. Stepney, so I hope you will have notliing to hinder you from leaving the Hague soon after you have received these letters." The intended answer to the elector of Bavaria was then taken into consideration, in an assembly of the States, which was held on the 10th of November, and a reply, conforma- ble to the opinion of the British government, received a public sanction. An answer was accordingly transmitted to the elector by Marlborough, in the name of the queen, and 496 LIFE OF MARLBOROUGH. [CH. L. by the deputies in behalf of the States. This letter will display the motives which actuated the allies. " Sir ; — Having communicated to the queen, my mistress, what your electoral highness did me the honour to write to me in your letter of the 21st of last month, of the intentions of the most christian king to endeavour to re-estahlish the tranquillity of Europe, by conferences to be held for that purpose, between deputies on both sides, her majesty has commanded me to answer your electoral highness, that as she has re- ceived with pleasure this notice of the king's inclination to agree to making a solid and lasting peace with all the allies, being the sole end that obliged her majesty to continue this war till now, so she will be very glad to conclude it, in concert with all her allies, on such conditions as may secure them from all apprehensions of being forced to take up arms again after a short interval, as has so lately happened. Her ma- jesty is also willing I should declare, that she is ready to enter, jointly with all the high allies, into just and necessary measures for attaining such a peace, her majesty being resolved not to enter upon any nego- tiation without the participation of her said allies. But the way of con- ferences that is proposed, without more particular declarations on the ))art of his most christian majesty, does not seem to her to be proper for obtaining a truly solid and lasting peace. The States-general are of the same opinion. Wherefore your electoral highness will rightly judge, that other more solid means must be thought of to obtain so great an end, to which her majesty will contribute, with all the sincerity that can be wished, having nothing so much at heart as the relief of her subjects, and the tranquillity of Europe."* To give publicity to these proceedings, and to obviate all jealousy on the part of the confederates, an extraordinary congress was held at the desire of the States, to which the foreign ministers were invited. The deputies for foreign affairs then detailed the different overtures, both private and public, which had been made by France, to open a negotia- tion for peace, communicating the proposals from the elector of Bavaria, and the answers of the maritime powers. They concluded by professing the determination of the republic to abide by their engagements with their allies, and to accept no overtures for peace without their concurrence and appro- bation. This declaration seemed to give great satisfaction to the foreign ministers, and was approved with apparent cordiality. Marlborough was no less gratified with this resolution than with the spirit which it seemed to infuse ; and in his final letter to Lord Godolphin, from the Hague, he expresses * Hague, Nov. 20. — Printed in Lediard, torn. ii. p. 123. 1706.] ms OPINION ON peace. 497 his hope that the allies will continue to prosecute their suc- cess, till France was reduced to more reasonable terms. " Hague, Nov. 16. — This country, like others, is vexed with different Opinions, of which the French must take advaatage. I shall not now trouble you with particulars, but I hope all will agree that the war must be carried on till the French be more reasonable; for as yet nothing has been proposed but a partition treaty, which is not more dishonourable to tlie allies, but in length of time destruction, as I have fully declared to be her majesty's opinion." During his continuance at the Hague, lie also employed his mediation in allaying the disputes which had arisen be- tween the emperor and the States, relative to the bishopric of Munster, and the delicate negotiation for the barrier. An arrangement was, indeed, considerably facilitated by the condescension of the emperor, who ordered his minister. Count Zinzendorf, to conform himself to the directions of Marlborough ; but the views of the respective parties were yet too much at variance to permit a perfect accommodation. The question of the barrier also partook of the same diffi- culties as before ; and, therefore, though with unfeigned re- luctance, Marlborough referred it to a future negotiation. VOL. I. K K APPENDIX OF NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. By the Editor. (A. p. 32.) Alleged Duplicity op Marlborough. The reputation of the Duke of Marlborough has suffered very con- Mderably from the duplicity associated with his name, in connexion with the ejected Stuart, and the Prince of Orange. A hero and a doul)le dealer exhibit inconsistencies at which the mind recoils ; yet it rests on undeniable proofs, that the duke enacted these confiictlve parts — that lie first deported himself treaclierously towards King James, and next towards his son-in-law and successor, King William, whom he had eRc-c- tively assisted in ascending theEnglish throne. But Mr. Coxehas failed to present this portion of his subject with the force and distinctness whidi its great importance demands : he has neither brought out in strong relief those circumstances which undoubtedly extenuate the infamy of thi.- duke's conduct ; nor, on the other hand, those which as unquestionably increase its ignominy. The Duke of York had been the early and steady patron botli of Marlborough and his sister Arabella ; and it was natural and grateful in him that he sliould cherish kindly feelings towards their benefactor. But these feelings did not impose on Marlborough any obligation to sacrifice his religious and political predilections to the weak and mistaken course which King James was obviously bent on pursuing. Personally he might feel grateful and pity the king, but he was not bound to sacrifice both his conscientious impressions and public duties to his fatal errors. He freely remonstrated with the misguided prince, and this proving un- availing, and destructive to their previous confidential intercourse, Marl- borough opened a private communication with the Prince of Orange. Iti this proceeding we think he was justifiable; also in concealing this new connexion from his former friend and master. King James was insidiously trying his utmost to deceive botli Marlborough and the English nation; and under the guise of establishing universal toleration and other dis- sembling pretexts, doing all he could to supplant tlie church of England by the clandestine introduction of popery. In dealing with a detected dissembler, dissimulation is allowable: and this was precisely the posiiion APPENDIX. 499 in -which the duke was placed by the underhand practices of James. Therefore, up to the time of the king's abdication, Marlborough's rela- tions with him appear to have been entirely free from blame. When he tould not stop the king in his mad career, he was justified in seeking aid elsewhere, in opening an intercourse with the Prince of Orange, in con- cealing that intercourse from tlie king, in deserting him in the way he did, and in joining King William with the troops under his command at Salisbury. He sought only, by timely precautions and in his own defence, to counteract by treachery that treachery which had been manifestly intended to be practised by the Stuart, both towards himself and all England, But enough on the first period of the duke's alleged duplicity, in which he appears to be fairly entitled to an honourable acquittal. We come next to the second charge of duplicity, namely, that practised towards King William, in which we have arrived at a very different conclusion. It was natural, for the reasons already assigned, that INIarlborough sliould resume a friendly correspondence with the abdicated monarch, though he had become the liege subject of his successor ; for the duke was capable of affection, and so far as personal feeling, and a sense of right was concerned, he was undout)tedly inclined to the cause of King James. Upon this point we have the testimony of his Whig duchess, in her last will made twenty-three years after the death of her husband, who she says "left King James with great regret." Consequently there was nothing unnatural or very reprehensible in this Unison; it was even creditable to jNIarlborough's character, had it continued restricted to past personal recollections. But when it went beyond this — when to these private reminiscences, or other personal or selfish motive, public duties were offered to be sacrificed — when ^larlborough began clandestinely to form plans for the restoration of the prince by the betrayal of his present sovereign, to whom he had sworn allegiance — by whom he had been honoured, promoted to high offices, and implicitly trusted ; then we can- not hesitate to brand his conduct as basely false and treasonable. This is what Marlborough did, and it is an ineffaceable blot on his public repu- tation. King William had not, like his predecessor, given to the duke just cause of umbrage and fair pretexts for duplicity. All that the king can be accused of, or alleged in Marlborough's defence, is, that he had shown an undue, though natural, preference for his Dutch followers; and the duke had not obtained so large a share as they had in royal gifts, titles, tru.st, and promotion. Even the defence which Mr. Coxe has offered for his hero only heightens the infamy of his proceeding. It is said or implied, forsooth, that the duke, by his clandestine intercourse with James, sought not directly to betray his present master, but only to provide beforehand impunity and security for himself and possessions, in the event of the prince's restoration — a contingency at one juncture not unlikely to happen. But this kind of defence makes matters worse. For merely selfish considerations no person can be justified in violating his sworn fidelity to another party, but this was certainly what the duke attempted with King William. We think, indeed, that the duke sought more ; that by a very reprehensible species of double-dealing, he K K 2 .500 A.J PENDIX sou{»ht to deceive both princes, Vrilliam and Ja'nes, at the same time ; and this from no higher motive than that excess ofself-prudenee which, in truth, was tiie chief and ahnost only blemish of an otherwise unspotted and illustrious name. (B. p. .51.) Sidney, Earl of Godolphin. A leading public character, during the brilliant period of the duke's history, and whose name most frequently occurs in the Memoirs, is the minister Godolphin. He was an eminent statesman, remarkable for his love of truth, amiability of disposition, and disinterestedness of con- duct. Like Marlborough, he had been bred in courts, but had not iti an equal degree been corrupted by them. His financial government was subjected to a severe parliamentary scrutiny, after the accession of Harley to the premiershii* ; but nothing could be established against him, tending to impeach the integrity of his administration. After an anxious and toilsome official life he died poor, leaving hardly enough money to defray the expenses of his funeral. Godolphin was descended from a Cornish family of repute, distin- guished for its valour in the civil war, and which, it is likely, had recoin- niended him to his first promotion, as a page in the court of Charles II. From this humble position he rose rapidly into political consequence ; for he sat in the first parliament after the Restoration, was shortly after- wards employed in various high offices, until appointed to the commis- sionership of the Treasury, at the same time that he «as called to the House of Lords. During the reign of King James Godolphin engaged the favour of queen IMary, to whom he was chamberlain, and of James, who re-appointed him one of the lords of the Treasury. A Tory and high churchman by education, like his illustrious friend he became a Whig when the Protestant succession was in danger On the flight of the Stuart he voted for a regency; and in the perplexing juncture of affairs that ensued, he evinced such a spirit of moderation and wisdom as to retain the favourable opinions both of the outgoing and incoming sove- reign. Personally attached to James II., he was amongst tlie few cour- tiers who never deserted him while he remained in the kingdom ; and this proof of affection so little compromised him with his successor, that the Prince of Orange continued him in his office of treasury lord. He accompanied the abdicated monarch to the sea-side when he quitted England, and maintained a correspondence with him till his death. On the accession of queen Anne and the ascendency of the Marlbo- roughs. Godolphin rose to the head of his department as lord high trea- surer. During the first six years of the queen's reign the government was virtually a triumvirate ; the Duchess of Marlborough ruling the court and the queen, her husband controlling foreign affairs, and Godol- phin the sovereign's councils and parliament. The last was an intelligent and prudent councillor, but his extreme caution often bordered on waver- OF NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 501 ing or timidity. Marlborough was hardly less wise and circumspect in council than his friend ; but he had more energy of will, and tlie minis- ter frequently resorted to his aid to' crush factions at home, as he had external enemies abroad. The greatest characters are never wholly free from vice or weakness ; or, at least, the imputation of them. Vanity and a love of play have been im- puted to the minister by an unscrupulous contemporary accuser. " Phy- siognomists," says Dean Swift, "would hardly discover by consulting the aspect of this lord that his predominant passions were love and play ; that he could sometimes scratch out a song in praise of his mistress with his pencil and card ; or that he hath tears at command, like a woman, to be used either in an intrigue of gallantry or politics." — {Four Last Years of Queen Anne.') Despite of the infallibility of his judgment, gravity of demeanour, and of personal drawbacks — for he was much disfigured by the small-pox — Godolphin's idolatry of women was undoubted, con- stant, and almost romantic and sentimental. Conformably to this devo- tion was his lordsliip's admiration of the beautiful exiled queen, Mary of Modena, whom he used to address in letters in which love was ambi- guously mingled with respect ; " whilst little presents," according to Swift, "of such things as ladies like," accompanied these epistles. Amidst such follies and demonstrations, one can hardly wonder at the scandalous rumours abroad on the nature of his intercourse with the Duchess of Marlborough. The minister was not only the confidential adviser of the crown and the duke, but also of the duchess during the absence of her husband in the wars. There is, however, not a particle of proof that the gallantries of the lord treasurer extended to the wife of his friend, and all circumstantial evidence is against the presumption. Amo- rous intrigues were not tlie foible of the haughty Sarah ; if she loved any bodv it «as the duke, though he was ten years older. Marlborough had implicit reliance on the honour of his spouse ; he never appears for a moment to iiave suspected such a liaison, and the best proof of its non-ex- istence is that the confidential friendship of all three continued undimi- nished to the last. However, we leave the matter to be disposed of Iiy Mrs. Thomson, in her own spirited manner : — " It would be a libel on human nature to imagine that the cherished wife of John Duke of Marlborough could be fascinated by the lesser constellation of virtues displayed in the character of the minister Godol- pliin. The impure and, consequently, illiberal judges of conduct, who pride themselves in what is called a knowledge of the world, may decree that a cordial and confidential friendship, in the simple acceptation of the word, cannot exist between the two sexes, where similarity of age is joined to congeniality of temper and taste. But, happily for society, some men are honourable, some men high-minded : actions may gratify one party, and approbation and esteem secure the kindly feelings of the other. A friendship firm, generous, and delicate may exist between par- ties of diflTerent sexes ; and when it has this pure source, it will ever be found beneficial, permanent, and delightful." (^Memoirs of the Duchess of Marlborough, p. 162.) 502 APPENDIX. (C. p. 213.) Prince Eugene and IVIarlborouge. Mr. Coxe has done no more than justice to the merits of the two famous warriors. One of the noblest traits in the character of Marl- borough is the generous friendsliip that subsisted between him and Eugene The prince was worthy of his love. Brave as a lion, frank, candid, and conciliatory, he vvas above all disguise, ineanness, or circuity. They were both as eminent in civil affairs as in war, and the same ascendency which the duke held in the government of England, Eugene maintained in that of Austria. Between them, apart from the sway of the grand monarcjue, they directed the destinies of Europe. Despite of these correspondences, in temperament and martial gifts the two generals exhibited marked points of contrast and dissimilarity. Carried away by the heat of battle, or doubtful concerning its issue, Eugene would rush into the thickest of the melee; but Marlborough, though a leader of undoubted courage, was always too self-possessed to be guilty of such imprudences. In planning promptly, and energetically directing the grand movements of armies Marlborough was superior to the prince of Savoy. None of the cam- paigns of Eugene present such a wide grasp of conceptive design and strategic combinations as that of Marlborough in 1704. Had the duke been left to the impulse of his own enterprising genius, unchecked by Dutch field-deputies, or the more cautious spirit of Eugene, he would have certainly conquered France either in that memorable year of his glory or the next, or at a later period in 1 708, when he proposed to mask the strong towns of Flanders and march direct to Paris, but which the prince opposed as too hazardous an enterprise. But if not so enterprising, and less of a tactician, Eugene was superior to the duke in partisan war- fare. The history of Marlborough presents nothing equal in subtlety of contrivance and dexterity of execution to the surprise of Cremona by the prince — the ambuscade he laid for the French behind the Adige — and his artifice in directing the French retreat to be beat amidst the con- fusion and darkness that followed the battle of Oudenarde. In the Jinesse and stratagems of war Eugene was as fertile in resource as Hannibal himself. He made splendid campaigns too, especially against the Turks and against the French in Italy. They were both remarkable men, as well in camps as in civil affairs, but in nothing more admirable than in their mutual respect and confidence in each other, and in the art of govern- ing men, and advantageously using them. (D. p. 246.) Campaign and Victory of Blenheim. The year 1704 forms the most memorable in the duke's memoirs. Mr. Coxe has detailed in the preceding chapters, with elaborate com- peteness, its many and diversified incidents, and has been eminently OF NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 503 successful, aided by the explanations of Major Smith, in his descriptions of military occurrences ; but he has concluded this portion of his work without any distinct resume or forcible grouping of that wonderful com- bination of action and events which signalised this animated period of European history. In consequence the reader is left without that vivid and concentrated impression, essential to a full appreciation of the vast toils and heroic exploits which Marlborough compressed into this eventful year of his life. Excepting during the Crusades, Europe had never before been so generally excited, so expanded in force and movement ; and the omnipresent soul and arm of the British general was felt and acknowledged in every vibration. Where Marlborough was net, the machine stopped or went wrong — whether it was among the jealous cabals of the court of St. James's — among the wavering and calculating Dutch states — among the sluggish and mercenary princes of Germany, or among his own generals — for even in his own camp Marlborough had those who felt oppressed by the lustre of his renown, and reluctantly yielded to the superiority of his genius. Over all these jarring or counteracting interests the duke triumphed with marvellous address ; he harmonised them into energetic action for the accomplishment of the one great object of thwarting the restless ambition of Louis le Grand, and humbling his pride by the overthrow of his legions, and the propelling them in confusion and dismay from the Danube to the Rhine, and from the Rhine almost to the gates ot Antwerp. Marlborough was past the middle life when he entered on this eventful year of his history. He was still robust and indefatigable, but the martyr to painful, distracting, and exhausting diseases. From dimness of sight, head-ache, fever, or ague, he was hardly ever free ; and these disorders were doubtless aggravated, if not produced, from extreme fatigue and want of rest, and the anxious spirit that had to keep watch over the vast and complicated machinery he had in motion. Despite of these afflictive and disturbing physical ills, how much he did and en- dured ! What clouds of letters he despatched to every court in Europe — what treaties he signed or negotiated — what toilsome overland journeys he performed in the frozen month of January, or no less cold and cheer- less November — what forced marches he accom))lished amidst the heats of summer — what splendid victories he won — and what grand schemes of military combination he organised and successfully executed ! Contem- porary with these open and more active services, must be borne in mind the many private and domestic transactions that incessantly demanded his attention. He was at the head of the moderate Tory party in England ; upon his fiat, support, and organisation mainly depended its direction and ascendency. At home as abroad, almost every thing rested on his own Atlantean shoulders. His private friend and public colleague, the lord treasurer Godolphin, formed only a feeble and precarious confederate ; his son-in-law Sunderland, with the fickleness or ])erfidy natural to his character, was openly or covertly against him ; while his ever restless, intriguing, and opinionated countess, with the best intentions to serve her lord, was constantly sowing for him a fresh crop of vexations and perplexities. 504 APPENDIX. T)-.ose who contemplate the immortals of the earth — who admire, perhaps sometimes begrudge, the vast honours and rewards that have been heaped on their memories, — would do well to bear in mind the hard and weary life of danger, toil, anxiety, and self-sacrifice by which they have been won. The only year of military achievements that can be fitly compared with the famous one of Marlborough, is the first glorious campaign of General Buonaparte in Italy. In both were displayed the same untiring activity, — the same varied and masterly abilities in the field, the council, and the cabinet, — and both were distinguished by almost equally splen- did military triumphs. The attack on the Schellenberg by the Con- federates was as daring an exploit as the storming of the bridge of Lodi by the Republicans. Both enterprises savoured of recklessness of human life, if not rashness. Had they failed, mankind would have condemned them for temerity ; but they succeeded, the audacity of the generals being seconded by good fortune and the excited and resistless valour of their troops. But it may be doubted whether Napoleon, in this his first burst on the world, gained any victory so complete and overwhelming ay that of Blenheim. He destroyed five armies, it is true in this one cam- paign, with a single band of followers, whom he had found shoeless and des- titute on the rocks of Genoa. But every soldier was a hero, all animated by one soul, enthusiastic in the cause, and each bearing on his rrest Liberty or Death. Comparatively with these, Marlborough had only a cold and miscellaneous host. His British troops were invincible ; but their prowess was partly neutralised by phlegmatic Dutchmen. Hanoverians, and the mercenary contingents of Germany. Prince Eu- gene was undoubtedly a tower of strength ; but as a set off to this fear- less and able leader, Buonaparte had devoted and obedient to his will Massena, Angereau, Victor, Junot, and other rising chiefs, each a god in war. Besides, Napoleon, if he gained a battle, he could follow it up without check, and reap the full fruits of success. In this consisted the great advantage he possessed over the English commander. Marlborough was not inferior to him in daring and boldness of enterprise ; in the proujp- titude and energy with which he would plan and achieve a victory ; nor in the scientific conception and masterly direction of a campaign. All these great gifts of a successful general are fully displayed in the events of 1704 — in the consummate skill and originality of intellect with which he formed his scheme for carrying the war into Germany — in the prudent reserve with which he revealed his daring undertaking — in the admirable and secret manner that he directed his march to the Rhine — his dexterity in confounding the French generals, and concealing from them his real purpose — and then the able preliminary tactics, by which he opened the way to victory, ere he winged the thunderbolt on the heights of the Schellenberg, and the iiattlements of Blenheim. After winning a battle like that of Blenheim in August, Napoleon would doubtless have spent his Christmas at Brussels. So would Marl- borough had he been left to the bent and ardour of his genius. But though Buonaparte had the Directory to manage, the duke had a much more heterogeneous and intractable mass of materials to humour and OF NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 505 harmonise — Dutch deputies, German princes, and British ministers, — whose impotent misgivings and disagreements often clogged and impeded the march of victory. (E. p. 474.) Eakl OP Peterborough. The earl of Peterborough's reputation, as a Marplot, was European. At home or abroad he was in constant motion, and it is manifest from the narrative, that it required the utmost vigilance of Marlborough and Godolphin to counteract his unceasing wiles and restlessness. The character of so singular a man merits a more specific illustration than Mr. Coxe has given. Peterborough possessed uncommon gifts, any one of which, if steadily directed, would have been sutficient to distinguish an ordinary person. But this was the capital defect of his organisation ; he was incapai)le of concentration of purpose, not only individually, but in co-operation. He must move alone and originally, without sharing with others, either in effort or celebrity. This, however, is not always the mode in which great affairs can be consummated ; hence ievi traces sui- vive of Lord Peterborough's existence, and his life forms only a brilliant episode in the general history of the country. He was a kind of Admi- rable Crichton, that dazzled for a time by the variety of bis accomplish- ments and exploits, but his fame was theatrical, and hardly outlived the actor. Peterborough was of high ancestry ; an earl by birth, and afterwards by creation. At the age of eighteen he distinguished himself in tlie cause of patriotism, by attending Algernon Sidney to the scaffold. He began his warlike career in the naval service ; and whilst cultivating the Muses, appeared emulous only to mix with the "rougli and untutored tars of the ocean." Disgusted with a maritime life, he became a land officer; yet alternately assisted in the council, or dazzled the senate witli liis oratory. Tiie astonishment he excited was heightened l)y those per- sonal advantages, which the imagination is often disposed to associate with heroism, wit, and eloquence. His early deeds in Spain were of the most cliivalrous description, and the result of masterly skill, aided by romantic daring. His success at one period seemed to have ensured the great object of the Grand Alliance, by transferring the throne of Spain from the Bourbon to the Austrian family. His subsequent waywardness embroiled every thing, and more than neutralised the benefits of his gallant enterprise in raising the siege of Barcelona. From being an object of general admiration, he became, from his arrogance and caprice, one of general dislike and suspicion. Disunion and insubordination were the consequences in the Peninsula, and the recal of his Lordship became indispensable to save the affairs of King Charles, whom it was thought he had saved, from irretrievable ruin. His lordship appears next to have occupied himself in visiting the VOL. I. L L 506 APPENDIX OF NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. courts of Germany, and the head-quarters of Prince Eugene, and at last of Charles XII. of Sweden. Ever on the wing, he excelled even Lord Sunderland in the rapidity of his flights ; and is said " to have seen more kings and postilions than any man in Europe." Wherever he went, he gave his own version of the state of affairs both in Spain and England ; and this, with the resources afforded by his varied descriptive powers, made his representations a matter of no small importance. Hence the anxiety felt about his continental movements, and the activity with which Marlborough sought to track, him in his gossiping peregrinations. Pope observes of Peterborough, that he was " resolved neither to live nor die like other men." The great weaknesses of his character were fickleness, vanity, and inordinate thirst of notoriety, no matter of what quality or origin. The " observed of all observers," the friend of Swift and Pope, and the associate of Marlborough, delighted to de- claim in a cofiee-house, and be the centre of any admiring throng, how- ever mean or disreputable. Horace Walpole said that " he lived a romance, and was capable of making it a history." Lord Peterborough, though at first an enthusiastic admirer of Marl- borough, became, in the sequel, conspicuous for his enmity towards him. This alienation is supposed to have had its origin in the duke declining a family alliance with the eccentric peer, and refusing to affi- ance his youngest daughter. 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